MAKING CRIME COUNT: A STUDY OF THE INSTITUTIONAL PRODUCTION OF CRIMINAL JUSTICE STATISTICS by KEVIN DANIEL HAGGERTY B.A., C a r l e t o n U n i v e r s i t y 1990 M.A. Centre of Criminology, U n i v e r s i t y of Toronto, 1992 A THESIS SUBMITTED IN THE REQUIREMENTS DOCTOR OF PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF FOR THE DEGREE OF PHILOSOPHY i n THE FACULTY OF GRADUATE STUDIES Department of Anthropology and Sociology We accept t h i s t h e s i s as conforming to the r e q u i r e d standard THE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA J u l y 1998 © Kevin Daniel Haggerty, 1998 In presenting this thesis in partial fulfilment of the requirements for an advanced degree at the University of British Columbia, I agree that the Library shall make it freely available for reference and study. I further agree that permission for extensive copying of this thesis for scholarly purposes may be granted by the head of my department or by his or her representatives. It is understood that copying or publication of this thesis for financial gain shall not be allowed without my written permission. Department The University of British Columbia Vancouver, Canada DE-6 (2/88) A b s t r a c t O f f i c i a l s t a t i s t i c s provide us w i t h some of our most important i n s i g h t s i n t o crime and the c r i m i n a l j u s t i c e system. S o c i o l o g i s t s , however, have g e n e r a l l y not examined the i n s t i t u t i o n s which produce these s t a t i s t i c s . ^Making Crime Count' addresses t h i s lacuna through a study of the Canadian Centre f o r J u s t i c e S t a t i s t i c s (CCJS), which i s Canada's sole source f o r n a t i o n a l c r i m i n a l j u s t i c e s t a t i s t i c s . To do so i t employs a methodological combination of focused i n t e r v i e w s , p a r t i c i p a n t observation and documentary a n a l y s i s . The a v a i l a b i l i t y of c r i m i n a l j u s t i c e s t a t i s t i c s has f o s t e r e d a d i s t i n c t i v e approach to the governance of crime and c r i m i n a l j u s t i c e . A form of ^ a c t u a r i a l j u s t i c e ' has emerged whereby crime i s i n c r e a s i n g l y understood as a s t a t i s t i c a l p r o b a b i l i t y r a t h e r than a moral f a i l i n g . At the same time, c r i m i n a l j u s t i c e s t a t i s t i c s render c r i m i n a l j u s t i c e o r g a n i z a t i o n s amenable to governmental s t r a t e g i e s that aim to manage the system. To examine the means by which the Centre has been able to produce i t s s t a t i s t i c s , I draw from contemporary work i n the s o c i o l o g y of science which emphasizes the r o l e of complex knowledge networks i n the production of s c i e n t i f i c f a c t s . Within the Centre's xknowledge network' assorted elements and i n s t i t u t i o n s must be a l i g n e d . We document the ways i n which the CCJS i s i n c o n t i n u a l n e g o t i a t i o n w i t h the p o l i c e i n order to secure data f o r the ^uniform crime report' survey. The Centre's c o n t r o v e r s i a l 1990 proposal to c o l l e c t race/crime data i s a l s o explored as an example of the power and p o l i t i c s of o f f i c i a l c l a s s i f i c a t i o n s . Although the Centre must maintain the appearance of being a p o l i t i c a l , they are o c c a s i o n a l l y engaged i n micro-p o l i t i c a l n e g o t i a t i o n s i n order to produce t h e i r s t a t i s t i c s . We document the r o l e that d i f f e r e n t j u r i s d i c t i o n s p l a y i n shaping the Centre's knowledge production regime. Once t h e i r s t a t i s t i c s are c o l l e c t e d , there can be n e g o t i a t i o n s over how they should be p u b l i c i z e d . The s t y l e of p r e s e n t a t i o n employed by the CCJS i s u l t i m a t e l y i n f l u e n c e d by o r g a n i z a t i o n a l c o n s t r a i n t s , audience c o n s i d e r a t i o n s and epistemic concerns. The o v e r a l l r e s u l t s of t h i s research u n d e r l i n e the importance f o r authors w r i t i n g on ^governmentality' to consider the means through which governmental knowledge i s produced. iii TABLE OF CONTENTS Ab s t r a c t i i Table of Contents i i i L i s t of Tables v L i s t of Figures v i Acknowledgments v i i I n t r o d u c t i o n 1 The Study 8 Chapter O u t l i n e 14 Chapter One The CCJS and Governmentality 20 The Canadian Centre f o r J u s t i c e S t a t i s t i c s 22 Governance 32 C l a s s i f i c a t i o n and Governance 45 Governing C r i m i n a l J u s t i c e 53 Di s c u s s i o n 61 Chapter Two Networks and Numbers 65 I n t r o d u c t i o n 65 Actor Networks 7 6 Networks of C r i m i n a l Knowledge 85 C r i t i q u e s of O f f i c i a l Crime S t a t i s t i c s 95 P o l i c e Organizations 111 P o l i c e O f f i c e r s 125 Center of C a l c u l a t i o n 140 Black Boxes 150 Summary 154 Chapter Three Counting Race 157 R a c i a l Numbers 160 Objections and J u s t i f i c a t i o n s 166 Background 168 C r i t i q u e s of Race/Crime Data 174 A Pragmatic Retreat from Pragmatism 189 A b o r i g i n a l Data 199 The Return of Race? 218 Di s c u s s i o n 220 iv Chapter Four P o l i t i c s and Numbers 225 In t r o d u c t i o n 225 P o l i t i c s 228 Trustworthy Knowledge 231 Agenda S e t t i n g 248 J u r i s d i c t i o n a l P o l i t i c s 252 J u s t i c e Index 290 Conclusion 300 Chapter Five Disseminating Knowledge 302 Juristats 303 W r i t i n g Science 314 The Media 331 P u b l i c Discourse 347 Summary 352 Summary and Conclusion 355 Making Crime Count 355 Conclusion 373 B i b l i o g r a p h y 378 V L i s t of Tables Table Page 1 I n d i v i d u a l s Interviewed by Occupation 10 L i s t of Figures Figure 1 J u s t i c e I n i t i a t i v e and the CCJS vi Page 2 6 Acknowledgments This study has r e l i e d upon i t s own ^knowledge network.' My only regret i s that I am r e s t r i c t e d to a s i n g l e page i n which to acknowledge the many people that made my work p o s s i b l e . I would immediately l i k e to thank the s t a f f at the Canadian Centre f o r J u s t i c e S t a t i s t i c s . I n d i v i d u a l s a f f i l i a t e d w i t h the Centre went out of t h e i r way to make my research both productive and enjoyable. The i n d i v i d u a l s I interviewed were generous w i t h t h e i r time and per c e p t i v e i n t h e i r i n s i g h t s . I owe a deep debt of g r a t i t u d e to Brenda Began, M i r e l l e Cohen, Sara E l i e s e n , Joy Horan, Chantelle Marlor, C e l i n e Q. Mauboules and L i l i Yee who commented on chapters d r a f t s or provided other forms of a s s i s t a n c e . Others i n d i v i d u a l s deserve s p e c i a l mention. Aaron Doyle's quiet confidence i n my a b i l i t i e s as a scholar has been tremendously empowering and r e a s s u r i n g . I have been both enlightened and refreshed by the many hours I have spent w i t h Mike P o l l e x t a l k i n g about the power and importance of ideas. Dean Barry has been un b e l i e v a b l y generous and p a t i e n t with h i s a s s i s t a n c e , p a r t i c u l a r l y i n matters r e l a t e d to computers. Margaret Baskette has been a good f r i e n d and of tremendous a s s i s t a n c e as a guide through UBCs a d m i n i s t r a t i v e c o m p l e x i t i e s . The s t a f f at UBC's i n t e r -l i b r a r y loans were i n v a l u a b l e and deserve to be recognized as the most e f f i c i e n t component of UBC's l i b r a r y system. Paul Champ was a wonderful last-minute copy-editor. The comments, c r i t i c i s m s and encouragement from Tom Kemple and N e i l Guppy have made my arguments t i g h t e r and more comprehensible. My r e l a t i o n s h i p w i t h Richard E r i c s o n goes w e l l beyond h i s r o l e as a wonderful s u p e r v i s o r . He has proved to be a great f r i e n d , and mentor. I f there i s any merit to the arguments i n t h i s study, they can be a t t r i b u t e d to h i s i n f l u e n c e on my l i f e and my work. This research was f i n a n c i a l l y a s s i s t e d by the S o c i a l Sciences and Humanities Research Council of Canada, Award #752-94-1861, and from a U n i v e r s i t y of B r i t i s h Columbia Graduate Sch o l a r s h i p . When funds were t i g h t , the ^Bank of Haggerty' generously a s s i s t e d w i t h my finances and, as always, provided me w i t h t h e i r the love and support. F i n a l l y , the part that Karen Lavoie plays i n my i n t e l l e c t u a l and personal l i f e cannot be confined to a few sentences. I t i s to her that t h i s work i s dedicated. 1 I n t r o d u c t i o n When you can measure what you are speaking about and express i t i n numbers you know something about i t , but when you cannot measure i t , when you cannot express i t i n numbers, your knowledge i s of a meagre and u n s a t i s f a c t o r y k i n d ; i t may be the beginning of knowledge, but you have s c a r c e l y i n your thoughts, advanced to the s t a t e of science, whatever the matter may be. ( S i r W i l l i a m Thomson, Lord K e l v i n 1889: 73) To Amake crime count' r e f e r s to the myriad processes i n v o l v e d i n the transformation of crime and the c r i m i n a l j u s t i c e system i n t o something amenable to being counted. Contemporary d i s c u s s i o n s of c r i m i n a l j u s t i c e f r e q u e n t l y i n v o l v e an exchange of s t a t i s t i c a l trends, r a t e s and i n d i c e s which o f t e n draw us i n t o apparently i r r e s o l v a b l e debates over the meaning of these i n d i c a t o r s . Neglected i n t h i s crush of numbers i s the f a c t that the s t a t i s t i c s themselves are a s o c i a l accomplishment, a product of i n s t i t u t i o n a l regimes and processes. To date however, the o r g a n i z a t i o n s r e s p o n s i b l e f o r making crime count have r e c e i v e d l i t t l e c r i t i c a l s o c i o l o g i c a l or c r i m i n o l o g i c a l s c r u t i n y . Such neglect i s e s p e c i a l l y curious given the monumental importance of such s t a t i s t i c s to p u b l i c discourse, academic i n q u i r y and p r a c t i c e s of governance. C e r t a i n l y o f f i c i a l c r i m i n a l j u s t i c e s t a t i s t i c s have no been completely ignored by the academy. In f a c t , nothing could be f u r t h e r from the t r u t h : o f f i c i a l crime s t a t i s t i c s , e x e m p l i f i e d by those i n d i c a t o r s on crime and j u s t i c e produced by S t a t i s t i c s Canada, the B r i t i s h Home O f f i c e and the U.S. Department of J u s t i c e , are a mainstay of s e v e r a l s o c i o l o g i c a l and c r i m i n o l o g i c a l e n t e r p r i s e s . A n a l y s t s r o u t i n e l y examine and d i s s e c t the s t a t i s t i c a l trends documented by these agencies. For them, the numbers are approximations of events i n the r e a l world. The e p i s t e m o l o g i c a l stance of such authors i s p o s i t i v i s t , t r u s t i n g i n the r e l a t i v e v e r a c i t y of the numbers. A second approach to such s t a t i s t i c s has been to c a l l the representativeness of o f f i c i a l s t a t i s t i c s i n t o question, emphasizing the di v e r s e methodological reasons why the p o s i t i v i s t t r u s t i n the v e r a c i t y of o f f i c i a l s t a t i s t i c s i s unwarranted. A t h i r d approach to the study of o f f i c i a l crime s t a t i s t i c s f o l l o w s from S i r Leon Radzinowicz's p i t h y observation that ^crime s t a t i s t i c s are l i k e French bathing s u i t s : what they r e v e a l i s h i g h l y suggestive but what they hide i s v i t a l . ' Concealed from both the p o s i t i v i s t and c r i t i c a l approaches to o f f i c i a l s t a t i s t i c s i s an a p p r e c i a t i o n f o r the o r g a n i z a t i o n a l r o u t i n e s i n v o l v e d i n 3 t h e i r p r o d u c t i o n . The c o n s t r u c t i o n i s t approach employed i n t h i s s t u d y f o c u s e s on the e x t r a - s c i e n t i f i c means by whi c h o f f i c i a l c r i m i n a l j u s t i c e s t a t i s t i c s a r e produced and the t e c h n i q u e s employed t o have them a c c e p t e d as b e i n g t r u e o r a c c u r a t e . What f o l l o w s i s an i n q u i r y i n t o some o f the background p r o c e s s e s i n v o l v e d i n the p r o d u c t i o n o f o f f i c i a l numbers on crime and d e v i a n c e . I t i s an e x a m i n a t i o n o f the s o c i a l c o n s t r u c t i o n o f c r i m i n a l j u s t i c e s t a t i s t i c s . W h i l e one w i l l u n d o u b t e d l y e n c o u n t e r p e o p l e who p r o c l a i m t h a t o f f i c i a l c r i m i n a l j u s t i c e s t a t i s t i c s a r e ^ s o c i a l c o n s t r u c t i o n s , ' t h i s o f t e n t a k e s the form o f a s h o r t h a n d d i s m i s s a l o f the v a l u e o f a p a r t i c u l a r s e t o f numbers w i t h which an i n d i v i d u a l d i s a g r e e s . I n c o n t r a s t , I t a k e i t t o be the p o i n t o f s o c i a l c o n s t r u c t i o n i s t a n a l y s i s t o e x p l o r e i n d e t a i l t h e s o c i a l and h i s t o r i c a l l y s p e c i f i c means by which t r u t h s a re produced, r a t h e r t h a n a s i m p l e r h e t o r i c a l d e v i c e t o s l i g h t t he v a l u e o r u t i l i t y o f a p a r t i c u l a r form o f knowledge. To a c c o m p l i s h t h i s g o a l i n r e l a t i o n t o how s t a t i s t i c a l knowledge about c r i m i n a l j u s t i c e i s produced, I conducted a s t u d y o f t h e Canadian C e n t r e f o r J u s t i c e S t a t i s t i c s (CCJS), as i t i s w i t h i n t h i s sub-component o f S t a t i s t i c s Canada where n a t i o n a l numbers on crime and c r i m i n a l j u s t i c e a r e accumulated. 4 Philosopher Ian Hacking has estimated that h i s h i s t o r i c a l s t u d i e s of nineteenth century European p o p u l a t i o n s t a t i s t i c s c o n s t i t u t e the ^ d u l l e s t of subjects' (1986: 222) . I f we are to grant them t h i s dubious d i s t i n c t i o n , s u r e l y a study of a contemporary s t a t i s t i c a l i n s t i t u t i o n would come a clo s e second. For readers accustomed to the Anuts, s l u t s and p e r v e r t s ' of t r a d i t i o n a l c riminology and s o c i o l o g y of deviance, there i s apt to be l i t t l e immediate appeal to a study of s t a t i s t i c a l i n s t i t u t i o n s . However, such an aversion ignores both the s o c i o l o g i c a l s i g n i f i c a n c e and p e c u l i a r a t t r a c t i o n s of such i n s t i t u t i o n s . Much of what we know about the p o l i c e , courts and c o r r e c t i o n s i s a r e s u l t of the work of o f f i c i a l s t a t i s t i c a l agencies. Any e f f o r t which can shed l i g h t on how o f f i c i a l c r i m i n a l j u s t i c e s t a t i s t i c s are produced w i l l i n e v i t a b l y have repercussions on how we understand these more conventional components of the c r i m i n a l j u s t i c e system. The CCJS and comparable o r g a n i z a t i o n s are a l s o engaging objects of study i n t h e i r own r i g h t . S t a t i s t i c a l i n s t i t u t i o n s are o c c a s i o n a l l y embroiled i n p u b l i c c o n t r o v e r s i e s and are permeated by t h e i r own p o l i t i c s of t r u t h . Studying them o f f e r s o p p o r t u n i t i e s to r e f l e c t upon a c o n s t e l l a t i o n of t h e o r e t i c a l concerns, i n c l u d i n g the nature of power, the production of auth o r i z e d 5 t r u t h s , the c r e a t i o n of s u b j e c t i v i t i e s , the a u t h o r i t y of o f f i c i a l c l a s s i f i c a t i o n s , and techniques of governance. This study i s a l s o informed by the burgeoning l i t e r a t u r e prompted by Mic h e l Foucault's (1991) suggestive observations on 'governmentality'(see, Rose and M i l l e r 1992; B u r c h e l l , Gordon and M i l l e r 1991; Barry, Osborne and Rose 1996). What d i s t i n g u i s h e s these works from more t r a d i t i o n a l s t u d i e s of government i s that 'governance' i s approached as a p r a c t i c a l problem-solving a c t i v i t y conducted by both s t a t e and e x t r a - s t a t e agencies. Alan Hunt (1996: 411) s u c c i n c t l y c h a r a c t e r i z e s governance as being 'exercised where a r e l a t i v e l y p e r s i s t e n t set of p r a c t i c e s s e l e c t and construct some s o c i a l object that i s acted on i n such a way as to r e s t r a i n , l i m i t and d i r e c t the a c t i v i t i e s of the s e l e c t e d objects of governance.' A host of d i f f e r e n t techniques i s employed i n such attempts to manage the p o p u l a t i o n and f o s t e r p r a c t i c e s of self-management among the c i t i z e n r y . S t a t i s t i c a l forms of knowledge p l a y a prominent r o l e i n p r a c t i c e s of l i b e r a l governance. Before any p a r t i c u l a r object can be governed, i t s d i s t i n c t i v e form, i n c l i n a t i o n s and tendencies must f i r s t be known. Aggregate s t a t i s t i c s of the p o p u l a t i o n are one of the most u s e f u l ways to garner an a p p r e c i a t i o n of the p o p u l a t i o n , and, as a r e s u l t , s t a t i s t i c a l knowledges have become a key ''condition of 6 p o s s i b i l i t y ' f o r governmentality. While the u l t i m a t e aim of any p a r t i c u l a r governmental i n t e r v e n t i o n might be to modify l e v e l s of wealth, h e a l t h , happiness or s e c u r i t y , the extent and d i r e c t i o n of such transformation are e s s e n t i a l l y unknowable without s t a t i s t i c a l i n d i c a t o r s . Governance t h e r e f o r e r e l i e s upon a massive s t a t i s t i c a l e n t e r p r i s e to monitor s o c i a l change and to chart transformations brought about through r e f o r m i s t i n t e r v e n t i o n s . Such s t a t i s t i c s are produced i n myriad ^centers of c a l c u l a t i o n ' where the development of common c l a s s i f i c a t i o n s allows f o r the production of standardized forms of knowledge and techniques of c o n t r o l at a di s t a n c e . Despite the f a c t that many authors have acknowledged the importance of s t a t i s t i c s to p r a c t i c e s of governance (Rose 1991; Hunt and Wickham 1994; Rose and M i l l e r 1992), l i t t l e a t t e n t i o n has been d i r e c t e d at the i n s t i t u t i o n a l p roduction of such knowledge. This i s unfortunate, as attempts to understand how governance i s e x e r c i s e d must have an a p p r e c i a t i o n f o r the knowledge upon which governmental s t r a t e g i e s are based. This study of the Canadian Centre f o r J u s t i c e S t a t i s t i c s addresses the r e l a t i o n s h i p between governance and knowledge by focusing on the CCJS as a center of c a l c u l a t i o n which produces s t a t i s t i c a l i n d i c a t o r s 7 conducive to s t r a t e g i e s f o r governing both i n d i v i d u a l s and systems. N a t i o n a l s t a t i s t i c s are the c l o s e s t t h i n g to a set of o f f i c i a l f a c t s i n Canadian c r i m i n a l j u s t i c e . As the author of these f a c t s , the Centre i m p l i c i t l y assumes the mantle of science. I t i s a c u r i o s i t y about t h i s s c i e n t i f i c s t a t u s which i s p a r t i a l l y the impetus f o r t h i s study. The CCJS i s a k i n to a s c i e n t i f i c i n s t i t u t i o n or l a b o r a t o r y i n v o l v e d i n the production of s t a t i s t i c a l t r u t h s . Acknowledging t h i s 'family resemblance' allows us to examine the Centre through the lens(ses) o f f e r e d by the s o c i o l o g y of science. Authors w r i t i n g i n the l a t t e r t r a d i t i o n have argued that the u n i v e r s a l t r u t h s of science are a c t u a l l y h i g h l y l o c a l i z e d accomplishments, a r r i v e d at through the use of a host of s t e r e o t y p i c a l l y s c i e n t i f i c as w e l l as ' e x t r a - s c i e n t i f i c ' resources and procedures. The ensuing pages concentrate on e x t r a - s c i e n t i f i c f a c e t s i n v o l v e d i n the production of s t a t i s t i c a l knowledge. In p a r t i c u l a r , I draw from a c t o r -network theory as e x e m p l i f i e d by the work of Latour (1987), C a l l o n (1986) and Law (1987), to argue that the Centre's a b i l i t y to produce s t a t i s t i c a l t r u t h s i s r e l a t e d to how i t has been able to f a s h i o n a complex knowledge network comprised of a heterogeneous mixture of component p a r t s . A s e r i e s of contingent a l l i a n c e s between i n d i v i d u a l s , 8 technologies and i n s t i t u t i o n s have been e s t a b l i s h e d i n and around the Centre, and i t i s these li n k a g e s which all o w numbers on crime and c r i m i n a l j u s t i c e to be c o l l e c t e d and disseminated. This study i s o l a t e s s e v e r a l s p e c i f i c p r a c t i c e s f o r examination from w i t h i n the Centre's broader knowledge network. These inc l u d e the development of c l a s s i f i c a t i o n s of people, events and processes, ongoing p o l i t i c a l n e g o t i a t i o n s , s t a n d a r d i z a t i o n and r h e t o r i c , a l l of which p l a y a p a r t i n the c o n s t r u c t i o n of the Centre's t r u t h s . The Study The quote from Lord K e l v i n which heads t h i s chapter i s one of the most famous statements on the r o l e of q u a n t i f i c a t i o n i n science, and h i s admonition to q u a n t i f y has a p e c u l i a r r e l a t i o n s h i p to t h i s study. On the one hand, the importance of q u a n t i f i c a t i o n to both the p h y s i c a l and s o c i a l sciences i s undeniable. Numbers are a powerful o b j e c t i f y i n g technology that provide a common language to communicate about v a s t l y d i f f e r e n t phenomena. I t i s t h i s power which makes r e f l e c t i o n on the way that s t a t i s t i c s are produced a l l the more e s s e n t i a l . That s a i d , I do not f o l l o w h i s admonition to q u a n t i f y , o p t i n g i n s t e a d to employ a methodological mix that combines focused i n t e r v i e w s , p a r t i c i p a n t observation and document a n a l y s i s to garner an 9 a p p r e c i a t i o n f o r the operations of the CCJS. Consequently, i f we are to apply Lord K e l v i n ' s r e s t r i c t e d v i s i o n of knowledge production to the study at hand, we can only conclude that the knowledge produced i s of a 'meagre and u n s a t i s f a c t o r y kind.' I t i s a 'beginning of knowledge,' and a beginning which features curious paradoxes. Q u a l i t a t i v e methods are used to explore how crime and c r i m i n a l j u s t i c e are rendered q u a n t i t a t i v e . As a study of a sub-component of an i n t e r n a t i o n a l l y renowned s t a t i s t i c a l i n s t i t u t i o n , the f o l l o w i n g pages are s t r i k i n g l y devoid of s t a t i s t i c s . F i n a l l y , t h i s study i s curious by v i r t u e of the f a c t that i t i s subject to a l l of the i r o n i c and r e f l e x i v e paradoxes inherent i n an e n t e r p r i s e that purports to produce knowledge about the production of knowledge. In t h i s t e x t the most immediately apparent data source i s the verbatim quotes taken from taped i n t e r v i e w s w i t h people a s s o c i a t e d w i t h the Centre. Seventy-nine i n t e r v i e w s were conducted w i t h a t o t a l of s i x t y - t h r e e i n d i v i d u a l s . As Table 1 i n d i c a t e s , the m a j o r i t y of those interviewed were employees of the CCJS, wi t h the l a r g e s t grouping of 'analysts and other personnel' c o n s i s t i n g of an array of program managers, s t a t i s t i c a l o f f i c e r s , heads of operations, program c h i e f s , t e c h n i c a l o f f i c e r s , survey managers, and systems a n a l y s t s , to name a few job designations. 10 Respondents were assured of t h e i r c o n f i d e n t i a l i t y and are not p e r s o n a l l y i d e n t i f i e d i n the t e x t . Some respondents a l s o requested that p a r t i c u l a r o r g a n i z a t i o n s or j u r i s d i c t i o n s not be s p e c i f i c a l l y named and these requests have been honored. TABLE 1.1 I n d i v i d u a l s Interviewed by Occupation N J L _ Canadian Centre for Justice Statistics Executive D i r e c t o r 1 1.6 Chiefs of Program Areas 4 6.3 Senior A n a l y s t s 7 11.1 Ana l y s t s & other Personnel 19 30.2 Information O f f i c e r s 3 4.8 Marketing O f f i c e r 1 1.6 Technical A s s i s t a n c e 4 6.3 Personnel Statistics Canada Senior A d m i n i s t r a t o r Senior Methodologist Program Evaluator Justice Initiative Deputy M i n i s t e r s L i a i s o n O f f i c e r s Federal Department of J u s t i c e P o l i c e S t a t i s t i c a l Personnel Journalists Academics 1 1.6 1 1.6 1 1.6 3 4.8 4 6.3 4 6.3 3 4.8 2 3.2 3 4.8 Private Software Developers 2 3.2 Total 63 100 Interviews were conducted from June to October of 1996. During that time I worked f u l l - t i m e out of an o f f i c e at the CCJS. Many of the events, c l a s s i f i c a t i o n s and surveys mentioned i n t h i s manuscript are s p e c i f i c to that p e r i o d or occurred i n the Centre's recent past. As a r e s u l t , respondents at times d i s c u s s surveys which may have subsequently been abandoned, c l a s s i f i c a t i o n s that have been s i g n i f i c a n t l y r e v i s e d , and o r g a n i z a t i o n a l s t r u c t u r e s which have mutated. While the s p e c i f i c s of such changes are important to understanding the Centre and the knowledge i t produces, I do not b e l i e v e that they d e t r a c t from the l a r g e r p i c t u r e being p a i n t e d by t h i s study, as the emphasis here i s on the general processes at work i n the production of c r i m i n a l j u s t i c e s t a t i s t i c s . While some of the s p e c i f i c s may change, the processes discussed i n t h i s study remain c o n s i s t e n t . Working at the Centre allowed me to augment i n t e r v i e w s w i t h i n f o r m a l conversations. I t al s o provided the opportunity to engage i n p a r t i c i p a n t observation, garnering an a p p r e c i a t i o n f o r the formal and in f o r m a l h i e r a r c h y w i t h i n the Centre, i t s work r o u t i n e s and the p e r s o n a l i t i e s of many of i t s s t a f f . However, the s p e c i f i c s of some of the tasks accomplished by Centre personnel o c c a s i o n a l l y made t r a d i t i o n a l approaches to p a r t i c i p a n t observation d i f f i c u l t . 12 As a s t a t i s t i c a l agency, much of t h e i r work i s not conducive to p a r t i c i p a n t observation, i n v o l v i n g , as i t o f t e n does, telephone conversations or s o l i t a r y work i n f r o n t of a computer screen. The t h i r d methodological prong of t h i s a n a l y s i s i n v o l v e d the accumulation and a n a l y s i s of an abundance of Centre documents. These in c l u d e d o f f i c i a l p u b l i c a t i o n s as w e l l as various manuals, reviews, o r g a n i z a t i o n a l . c h a r t s , i n t e r n a l e v a l u a t i o n s , minutes of meetings, newspaper c l i p p i n g f i l e s , and formal and in f o r m a l correspondence. Some of the most b e n e f i c i a l of these resources came from the d e t a i l e d summaries of the meetings of the two committees which oversee the Centre: the J u s t i c e Information C o u n c i l and the L i a i s o n O f f i c e r s Committee. Recognizing that a l l such documents are o r g a n i z a t i o n a l accomplishments, and as such can mask as much as they r e v e a l , respondents were f r e q u e n t l y asked to provide a d d i t i o n a l comment on, and background t o , these p u b l i c a t i o n s . Any ethnography of a s i n g l e o r g a n i z a t i o n w i l l undoubtedly face questions about the degree to which i t s f i n d i n g s can be g e n e r a l i z e d to other s e t t i n g s . Given that there has been somewhat of a s o c i o l o g i c a l neglect of the operations of such s t a t i s t i c a l centers of c a l c u l a t i o n , t h i s w i l l remain an e m p i r i c a l question to be addressed i n the due 13 course of time. However, I a n t i c i p a t e that the more general processes I document i n t h i s research w i l l be common to other comparable i n s t i t u t i o n s . Organizations which employ a s i m i l a r ^hunting and gathering' methodology which i n v o l v e s the accumulation of data from the o p e r a t i o n a l systems of other o r g a n i z a t i o n s w i l l employ many of the same processes of s t a n d a r d i z i n g c l a s s i f i c a t i o n s , b u i l d i n g networks, m o b i l i z i n g i n s c r i p t i o n s and d e a l i n g w i t h m i c r o - p o l i t i c s which are documented i n the f o l l o w i n g pages i n r e l a t i o n to the CCJS. Such processes are apt to be apparent i r r e s p e c t i v e of whether the o r g a n i z a t i o n i n question i s another component of S t a t i s t i c s Canada, the United Nations, or the R e g i s t r a r ' s O f f i c e of your l o c a l u n i v e r s i t y . The focus of t h i s research i s on the Centre's knowledge production regime, and consequently, the image which emerges i s one that i s b i a s e d towards how Centre s t a f f conceive of the tasks i n v o l v e d i n the production of s t a t i s t i c a l knowledge. In t h e i r comments they a s c r i b e i n t e r e s t s and agendas to various i n d i v i d u a l s and i n s t i t u t i o n s who might question or resent these imputations. However, f o r the purposes of t h i s study, the question of whether such groups were ^ r e a l l y ' t r y i n g to accomplish X, or were x t r u l y ' motivated by Y, i s of no great methodological s i g n i f i c a n c e . As an e x p l o r a t i o n i n how the Centre produces i t s knowledge, 14 i t w i l l become apparent that such b e l i e f s become r e a l by v i r t u e of t h e i r consequences, as Centre s t a f f work to negate or c a p i t a l i z e on how they understand the d e s i r e s , tendencies and agendas of others. As a f i n a l c l a r i f i c a t i o n , i t should be pointed out that the Centre produces numerous surveys and s t u d i e s . Although many of these stud i e s are mentioned i n t h i s i n q u i r y , reference i s most f r e q u e n t l y made to t h e i r 'uniform crime r e p o r t i n g ' (UCR). Accentuating t h i s survey was perhaps unavoidable given the f a c t that i t i s the Centre's f l a g s h i p . Consequently, many of the examples and anecdotes provided by respondents working i n a v a r i e t y of d i f f e r e n t program areas tended to r e v e r t to a d i s c u s s i o n of the uniform crime r e p o r t s . Again, while the s p e c i f i c s may d i f f e r , many of the same processes documented i n r e l a t i o n to the UCR p e r t a i n to the Centre's other surveys. Chapter O u t l i n e The reader i s introduced to the Canadian Centre f o r J u s t i c e S t a t i s t i c s i n chapter one, which commences w i t h a d i s c u s s i o n of some of i t s e a r l y h i s t o r y and current o r g a n i z a t i o n a l s t r u c t u r e . As the f o l l o w i n g chapters demonstrate, to understand the Centre's knowledge production e n t e r p r i s e we must appreciate the way i n which i t i n t e r s e c t s w i t h other 15 o r g a n i z a t i o n s . The second h a l f of t h i s chapter s i t u a t e s the Centre i n the context of Foucault's work on governmentality. In so doing, i t h i g h l i g h t s the importance of aggregate forms of knowledge i n r e l a t i o n to l i b e r a l and n e o - l i b e r a l r a t i o n a l i t i e s of governance. This i n c l u d e s a d i s c u s s i o n of the r o l e that o f f i c i a l c l a s s i f i c a t i o n s p l a y i n the production of s t a t i s t i c a l knowledge. The f i n a l s e c t i o n of t h i s chapter brings these r e f l e c t i o n s on governance and c l a s s i f i c a t i o n to contemporary developments i n c r i m i n a l j u s t i c e . I t examines how s t a t i s t i c a l knowledge has f o s t e r e d d i s t i n c t i v e r a t i o n a l i t i e s and technologies of governance that have i n c r e a s i n g l y employed a c t u a r i a l r i s k - b a s e d techniques to manage both i n d i v i d u a l s and systems. Chapter two provides a broad map of some of the means by which the Centre produces i t s s t a t i s t i c a l knowledge. I t does so by examining the CCJS i n l i g h t of a s o c i a l understanding of t r u t h , which approaches t r u t h as a s o c i a l accomplishment. The chapter then draws from actor-network theory to h i g h l i g h t how s c i e n t i f i c claims are made stronger (and hence more ^ t r u t h f u l ' ) to the degree which they s u c c e s s f u l l y weave together a host of ^actants' i n t o a l a r g e r whole. Operating from a center of c a l c u l a t i o n , s c i e n t i s t s impute i d e n t i t i e s to various actants, i d e n t i t i e s which must i n t u r n be c o n t r o l l e d to ensure the r o u t i n e 16 operation of s c i e n t i f i c knowledge production. We explore some of the ways i n which the Centre accomplishes t h i s through an examination of t h e i r uniform crime r e p o r t s , focusing on the complex means through which Centre s t a f f work to both ' i n t e r e s t ' and ' c o n t r o l ' the behavior of p o l i c e o f f i c e r s and o r g a n i z a t i o n s . Chapter three i s a study of c l a s s i f i c a t o r y p o l i t i c s i n a c t i o n . I t concentrates on one of the most pervasive but nonetheless contentious ways of c l a s s i f y i n g people: by t h e i r race or e t h n i c i t y . The e v o l u t i o n of the Centre's c o n t r o v e r s i a l 1990 proposal to c o l l e c t crime data by race or e t h n i c i t y i s charted. In so doing, the chapter accentuates the arguments f o r and against such an endeavor and emphasizes how the d e c i s i o n concerning whether or not to c o l l e c t t h i s data was u l t i m a t e l y p o l i t i c a l , r e l a t e d to how d i f f e r e n t groups conceived of the pragmatic u t i l i t y or dangers represented by r a c i a l i z e d numbers. Such c l a s s i f i c a t o r y systems are connected to r a c i a l i z e d forms of governance, as i t i s on the b a s i s of the i d e n t i t y c a t e g o r i e s e s t a b l i s h e d i n myriad surveys and studi e s that governmental s t r a t e g i e s w i l l u l t i m a t e l y operate. P o l i t i c s i s a recurrent theme i n t h i s study, from the m i c r o - p o l i t i c s of network b u i l d i n g to the p u b l i c c o n t r o v e r s i e s over race/crime c l a s s i f i c a t i o n s . In chapter 17 four t h i s t o p i c i s taken up i n greater d e t a i l i n order to document how, despite the Centre's well-founded d e s i r e to f o s t e r p u b l i c t r u s t by remaining a p o l i t i c a l , t h e i r e n t e r p r i s e i s i n e v i t a b l y imbued w i t h p o l i t i c a l consequences and c o n s i d e r a t i o n s . In the Centre's day-to-day r o u t i n e s , p o l i t i c s o f t e n assumes the form of s u b t l e (and o c c a s i o n a l l y not so subtle) attempts to f u r t h e r the i n t e r e s t s of p a r t i c u l a r o r g a n i z a t i o n s and j u r i s d i c t i o n s . This has i n v o l v e d e f f o r t s to suppress some of the Centre's s t u d i e s as w e l l as s t r u g g l e s over who ^owns' the Centre's data. However, i f the Centre's data are to be of value f o r governmental purposes, Centre s t a f f must navigate t h e i r way through such m i c r o - p o l i t i c a l i n f l u e n c e s while maintaining the impression that they stand above p a r t i s a n p o l i t i c s . Chapter f i v e moves from studying how the Centre's knowledge i s produced to how i t i s disseminated. By concentrating on t h e i r main p u b l i c a t i o n , the Juristat, i t documents how i n s t i t u t i o n a l r o u t i n e s and i n t e r e s t s can shape the form and content of Centre p u b l i c a t i o n s . The f i n a l form assumed by these p u b l i c a t i o n s i s i n f l u e n c e d by a d e s i r e not j u s t to communicate knowledge, but to do so i n a manner that ensures the claims w i l l be accepted, an aim which i n v e s t s the s t y l e of p r e s e n t a t i o n w i t h epistemic importance. One of the main audiences f o r t h i s knowledge, and a c r u c i a l conduit 18 to wider p u b l i c audiences, i s the media. The second major s e c t i o n i n t h i s chapter discusses the r e l a t i o n s between the Centre and the media, e x p l o r i n g the extent to which we can say that the Centre has been able to p r o s p e c t i v e l y c o n t r o l the media, t y i n g them i n t o the Centre's extended knowledge network and making them the passive reproducers of the Centre's t r u t h s . F i n a l l y , we examine some of the broader s o c i a l consequences of the f a c t that agencies such as the Centre p u b l i c i z e t h e i r data. In p a r t i c u l a r , we explore how the p u b l i c a v a i l a b i l i t y of aggregate crime data has been instrumental i n the production of the c h a r a c t e r i s t i c form of c r i m i n a l j u s t i c e discourse which we see today. A b r i e f c o n c l u s i o n c o n c i s e l y summarizes the main f i n d i n g s of t h i s study. I t concludes by s i t u a t i n g the a n a l y s i s i n r e l a t i o n to e x i s t i n g approaches to governmentality and encourages a more e m p i r i c a l approach to the examination of governance i n a c t i o n . In summary, t h i s study explores the processes i n v o l v e d i n the production and l e g i t i m i z a t i o n of o f f i c i a l c r i m i n a l j u s t i c e s t a t i s t i c s . While o f f i c i a l s t a t i s t i c s about crime and c r i m i n a l j u s t i c e have long been a mainstay of both s o c i o l o g y and criminology, Dorothy Smith (1990: 54) c o r r e c t l y emphasizes that 'the s o c i a l f a c t s w i t h which we work are c o n s t i t u t e d p r i o r to our examination by processes 19 of which we know l i t t l e . ' Consequently, t h i s i n q u i r y i s p a r t i a l l y intended to prompt r e f l e c t i o n on the e x t r a -s c i e n t i f i c means by which some of our most rudimentary s o c i o l o g i c a l and c r i m i n o l o g i c a l f a c t s a r r i v e on our desks pre-constructed. In so doing, i t a l s o accentuates that such f a c t s e x i s t not because of t h e i r academic importance, but because they hold out the promise of more r a t i o n a l and e f f e c t i v e governmental programming. To date, authors w r i t i n g on governmentality have accentuated the d i s t i n c t ways i n which the a r t of governance has been conceived across d i f f e r e n t h i s t o r i c a l p e r i o d s . This i n v e s t i g a t i o n i s an attempt to explore the processes i n v o l v e d i n the production and l e g i t i m i z a t i o n of the knowledges that make governance p o s s i b l e . 20 Chapter 1 The CCJS and Governmentality This chapter introduces the Canadian Centre f o r J u s t i c e S t a t i s t i c s and demonstrates i t s importance to the governance of c r i m i n a l j u s t i c e . Included i n the overview of the CCJS i s a d i s c u s s i o n of i t s o r g a n i z a t i o n a l s t r u c t u r e , personnel and e a r l y h i s t o r y . The second h a l f of the chapter s i t u a t e s the Centre i n the context of a burgeoning l i t e r a t u r e i n s p i r e d by Michel Foucault's work on governmentality, i n order to accentuate the r o l e that aggregate knowledges p l a y i n contemporary p r a c t i c e s of governance. Both the form and content of the knowledge produced by s t a t i s t i c a l agencies i n f l u e n c e governmental s t r a t e g i e s aimed at the management of pop u l a t i o n s . This i s because aggregate s t a t i s t i c s f o s t e r a d i s t i n c t i v e understanding of how governance i s conceived and accomplished. Both aggregate s t a t i s t i c s and the governmental s t r a t e g i e s which employ these s t a t i s t i c s r e l y on a massive e n t e r p r i s e of o f f i c i a l c l a s s i f i c a t i o n s . Whether they d i s t i n g u i s h amongst people, places or events, such c l a s s i f i c a t i o n s e s t a b l i s h the objects towards which governmental s t r a t e g i e s are d i r e c t e d and upon 21 which' s t a t i s t i c a l knowledge i s based. Our general overview of governmentality concludes by emphasizing the importance of o f f i c i a l c l a s s i f i c a t i o n s to l i b e r a l governance and the r o l e they p l a y i n shaping popular understandings of the world and ourselves. The f i n a l s e c t i o n explores the r o l e the Canadian Centre f o r J u s t i c e S t a t i s t i c s plays i n the governance of the c r i m i n a l j u s t i c e system. The past few decades have seen transformations i n r a t i o n a l i t i e s and techniques f o r governing c r i m i n a l j u s t i c e . The s t a t i s t i c a l knowledges about crime trends and c r i m i n a l j u s t i c e processes produced by agencies such as the CCJS are important c o n t r i b u t o r s to these changes. S t a t i s t i c a l knowledge about aggregate crime trends f o s t e r s a d i s t i n c t i v e approach towards crime and c r i m i n a l s , one that has been c h a r a c t e r i z e d as ' a c t u a r i a l j u s t i c e ' (Feeley and Simon 1994). At the same time, the a v a i l a b i l i t y of s t a t i s t i c a l i n d i c a t o r s about the operations of v a rious c r i m i n a l j u s t i c e i n s t i t u t i o n s has encouraged an a p p r e c i a t i o n that these tenuously connected o r g a n i z a t i o n s a c t u a l l y comprise an interconnected and p o t e n t i a l l y manageable system. 22 The Canadian Centre f o r J u s t i c e S t a t i s t i c s The CCJS came i n t o existence i n response to complaints by c r i m i n a l j u s t i c e p r a c t i t i o n e r s and p o l i t i c i a n s i n the 1970s that more r e l i a b l e and comprehensive c r i m i n a l j u s t i c e s t a t i s t i c s were required. Although p r i o r to the Centre's formation i n 1981 some c r i m i n a l j u s t i c e s t a t i s t i c s were c o l l e c t e d out of the J u s t i c e S t a t i s t i c s D i v i s i o n of the Dominion Bureau of S t a t i s t i c s (now S t a t i s t i c s Canada), these were by no means comprehensive and often employed terminology and d e f i n i t i o n s that were incompatible across d i f f e r e n t j u r i s d i c t i o n s . In 1971 the f e d e r a l departments responsible for j u s t i c e p o l i c y and administration met to discuss p o s s i b l e ways to improve t h i s data. While the i n i t i a l impetus f o r t h i s endeavor was to meet a federal need f o r s t a t i s t i c s , i t q u i c k l y became apparent that the provinces had comparable needs and that p r o v i n c i a l c r i m i n a l j u s t i c e organizations would be the main data source f o r any n a t i o n a l numbers. In 1974 a F e d e r a l / P r o v i n c i a l Advisory Committee on J u s t i c e Information and S t a t i s t i c s was formed to i d e n t i f y and develop mechanisms to help resolve common s t a t i s t i c a l problems i n c r i m i n a l j u s t i c e . While i t was widely believed that a new o r g a n i z a t i o n a l framework was necessary f o r the c o l l e c t i o n of such s t a t i s t i c s , i t proved to be d i f f i c u l t to reach agreement on the precise composition and structure of such an agency. 23 These disagreements prompted eight years of meetings, wrangling and p o l i t i c a l d i s c u s sion before a consensus was reached. The National Project on Resource Co-ordination (NPRC 1980) u l t i m a t e l y recommended that the CCJS be e s t a b l i s h e d as a ' s a t e l l i t e ' of S t a t i s t i c s Canada. The s p e c i f i c s of how t h i s would work i n p r a c t i c e were set out by the Implementation Work Group (IWG 1981) which defined the Centre's s t r u c t u r e , mandate and funding arrangements. Many saw t h i s proposal as a compromise s o l u t i o n that struck a middle ground between those who wanted a completely independent agency and those who thought i t would be best to have the CCJS e n t i r e l y under the mantle of S t a t i s t i c s Canada. The Centre began operations i n 1981 as the primary operational component of the broader 'Justice I n i t i a t i v e ' which i s comprised of federal and p r o v i n c i a l departments with j u s t i c e r e s p o n s i b i l i t y . The r e s p o n s i b i l i t y f o r Canada's system of j u s t i c e s t a t i s t i c s i s shared between twenty-four f e d e r a l , p r o v i n c i a l and t e r r i t o r i a l government departments, wi t h the lead r e s p o n s i b i l i t y f o r the development of t h i s system r e s t i n g w i t h S t a t i s t i c s Canada. The governing body of the I n i t i a t i v e i s the J u s t i c e Information Council (JIC) which i s c h a i r e d by Canada's Deputy M i n i s t e r of J u s t i c e , and c o n s i s t s of a l l f e d e r a l , p r o v i n c i a l and t e r r i t o r i a l deputy m i n i s t e r s w i t h j u s t i c e r e s p o n s i b i l i t i e s plus the Chief 24 S t a t i s t i c i a n of Canada. The JIC i s the senior p o l i c y body f o r the Centre and i s re s p o n s i b l e f o r budget reviews, work plan approval, and f o r e s t a b l i s h i n g programs and p r i o r i t i e s . The Centre's other major governing body i s the L i a i s o n O f f i c e r s Committee (LOC), which i s ch a i r e d by a member of the JIC and comprised of one departmental o f f i c i a l appointed by each member from the JIC and a r e p r e s e n t a t i v e of the Canadian A s s o c i a t i o n of Chiefs of P o l i c e . This group monitors the Centre's operations, approves i t s plans and i d e n t i f i e s problem areas, and i t has tended to have a more hands-on r e l a t i o n s h i p w i t h the Centre than the JIC. The Centre i s funded by S t a t i s t i c s Canada, the Department of J u s t i c e and the federal S o l i c i t o r General. In 1997/98, i t had a budget of $5.7 m i l l i o n . Although i t i s funded from federal sources, i t s p o l i c y d i r e c t i o n and supervision come from the j u r i s d i c t i o n a l partners. Being a f f i l i a t e d with S t a t i s t i c s Canada not only provides the Centre with f i n a n c i a l resources, but also allows i t to draw from S t a t i s t i c s Canada's i n f r a s t r u c t u r e , t r a i n i n g and i n t e r n a t i o n a l l y renowned reputation. I t also means that the CCJS i s subject to many of the rule s and procedures concerning privacy and data handling i n s t i t u t e d by the parent organization. While i t occupies an e n t i r e f l o o r of a 25 S t a t i s t i c s Canada b u i l d i n g i n Ottawa, the Centre has tentacles that run throughout the e n t i r e j u s t i c e system. Organizational charts are n o t o r i o u s l y dry fare, schematically d e p i c t i n g r e l a t i o n s between people and i n s t i t u t i o n s which i n v a r i a b l y have a much more informal and ad hoc q u a l i t y i n p r a c t i c e . The f o l l o w i n g chapters attach f l e s h to the s k e l e t a l connections depicted i n Figure 1, but at t h i s juncture i t i s worth taking a moment to r e f l e c t on the broad contours of the J u s t i c e I n i t i a t i v e and the Centre as displayed i n t h i s diagram. P a r t i c u l a r l y worth r e i t e r a t i n g i s the f a c t that the Centre i s operated out of a federal i n s t i t u t i o n but i s overseen by representatives from the provinces and r e l i e s upon the p r o v i n c i a l j u r i s d i c t i o n s f o r much of i t s data. The fo l l o w i n g chapters accentuate the i m p l i c a t i o n s of these r e l a t i o n s f o r the types of knowledge the Centre can and cannot produce. I t i s also worth p o i n t i n g out that S t a t i s t i c s Canada i s now i n a s i m i l a r f e d e r a l / p r o v i n c i a l partnership to c o l l e c t education s t a t i s t i c s and has contemplated doing the same f o r health s t a t i s t i c s . The CCJS i s managed by an executive d i r e c t o r who i s responsible to ensure that the Centre meets i t s mandate to: 1. c o l l e c t and present n a t i o n a l j u s t i c e s t a t i s t i c s ; 2. conduct s p e c i a l in-depth studies to inform the p u b l i c on high p r i o r i t y n a t i o n a l j u s t i c e issues; and 3. a s s i s t l o c a l j u r i s d i c t i o n s i n 26 >^ U U o cd t/3 cu o 3 <2 CD t-i la o c Cd * T3 e O T3 S3 cd 1) > td o 3 CD u 3 o o o o cu u "5 CL o cu SZ o 0) C 1 £ o U £ o (A > to o OB ^_ -*—1 CO ' £ < ZJ o o c (0 T > CO CO c s s CD s g X ) 'SZ O W CD CJ i — O t o CD i— t o o o co o CD CO o •S E o o j - i ; o co to o o T J CO CD •a CC o o CO cu £ to 03 t " o -e o o Q - U £ t o a c 5 5 . 2 - S «D CO CO 27 implementing information systems that contribute to the development of n a t i o n a l j u s t i c e s t a t i s t i c s and the administration of Canadian j u s t i c e . The Centre i s d i v i d e d i n t o three program branches, all, of which have a bearing on these goals. The Technical Assistance Directorate (TAD) encourages the development of information systems at the l o c a l l e v e l through the p r o v i s i o n of f i n a n c i a l resources and t e c h n i c a l expertise. Integration and A n a l y s i s i s responsible f o r s p e c i a l in-depth studies, and S t a t i s t i c s and Information i s p r i m a r i l y involved i n the development and maintenance of a number of programs of core n a t i o n a l s t a t i s t i c s . The S t a t i s t i c s and Information Directorate i s f u r t h e r d i v i d e d i n t o focused program areas f o r law enforcement, courts, c o r r e c t i o n s , l e g a l a i d and j u v e n i l e j u s t i c e . Each area i s responsible f o r a s p e c i a l set of s t a t i s t i c a l products. At the time of my research, the Centre was conducting the f o l l o w i n g surveys: uniform crime r e p o r t i n g (UCR survey); r e v i s e d uniform crime r e p o r t i n g (UCRII survey); homicide survey; prosecutions survey; l e g a l a i d survey; adult c r i m i n a l court survey (ACCS); youth court survey (YCS); courts resources, expenditures, and personnel survey (REP); adult c o r r e c t i o n s survey (ACS); adult and youth c o r r e c t i o n s key i n d i c a t o r report survey (A-KIR); youth custody and community s e r v i c e s survey (YCCS); adult c o r r e c t i o n s 28 resources, expenditures, and personnel survey (REP). These surveys are augmented by s p e c i a l s t u d i e s conducted by the Centre's I n t e g r a t i o n and A n a l y s i s branch. The types of data c o l l e c t e d from these d i f f e r e n t sources can be roughly d i v i d e d i n t o 1. data on the number of cases processed, 2. personal and c a s e - r e l a t e d data, 3. resource, expenditure and personnel data, and 4. q u a l i t a t i v e d e s c r i p t i o n s of p o l i c i e s and program d e l i v e r y . While the Centre's mandate includes the c o l l e c t i o n of data on matters of c i v i l law as w e l l as the production of q u a l i t a t i v e s t u d i e s , to date t h e i r main focus has been on the production of q u a n t i t a t i v e s t u d i e s on matters r e l a t e d to c r i m i n a l j u s t i c e . Two important t e r m i n o l o g i c a l c l a r i f i c a t i o n s are i n order at t h i s point. F i r s t , the Centre i s a ' s t a t i s t i c a l ' o rganization, but the types of s t a t i s t i c a l operations i t performs are quite d i s t i n c t i v e . For s t a t i s t i c i a n s , the term ' s t a t i s t i c s ' tends to r e f e r to a numerical d e s c r i p t i o n of a d i s t r i b u t i o n of numbers such as a Chi Squared or Pearson C o r r e l a t i o n C o e f f i c i e n t . The numbers on which such operations are performed are frequently derived from a sample of a l a r g e r population. The Centre, i n contrast, does not employ a t r a d i t i o n a l sampling methodology, working instead to acquire t o t a l coverage f o r i t s d i f f e r e n t surveys. I t also does not perform s t a t i s t i c a l a n a l y s i s of t h e i r data, but sums and 29 reports changes p e r t a i n i n g to various c r i m i n a l j u s t i c e processes. The second t e r m i n o l o g i c a l c l a r i f i c a t i o n concerns the fac t that the Centre r e f e r s to i t s products as 'surveys,' which might cause some confusion given that 'surveys' are popularly associated with questionnaires aimed at i n d i v i d u a l s and conducted v i a mail or telephone. Instead, the Centre's surveys draw t h e i r data from d i f f e r e n t operational systems i n the j u r i s d i c t i o n s . The means by which the j u r i s d i c t i o n s provide t h i s data v a r i e s across d i f f e r e n t program areas and provinces. For example, many p o l i c e forces send t h e i r s t a t i s t i c s d i r e c t l y to the Centre while i n other provinces a l l of the l o c a l j u r i s d i c t i o n s send t h e i r numbers to a p r o v i n c i a l s t a t i s t i c a l c l e a r i n g house where they are combined and then forwarded to the Centre. The close r e l a t i o n s h i p with the j u r i s d i c t i o n s i s also apparent i n the fa c t that the Centre's program areas have advisory committees comprised of j u r i s d i c t i o n a l representatives who provide operational advice to the Centre's program managers. These groups c o n s i s t of representatives from the A s s o c i a t i o n of Canadian Court A d m i n i s t r a t o r s , the Canadian A s s o c i a t i o n of Chiefs of P o l i c e , the Heads of Corr e c t i o n s and the D i r e c t o r s of Legal A i d . 30 Approximately 7 0 people work out of the Centre and at times t h i s number has been as high as 130. While these i n d i v i d u a l s have assorted educational backgrounds, most have u n i v e r s i t y degrees i n the s o c i a l sciences or, i n the Technical A s s i s t a n c e D i r e c t o r a t e , computer sciences. One of the immediately s t r i k i n g things about the s t a f f i s that although many are we l l - v e r s e d i n procedures f o r handling and manipulating data, they are not s t a t i s t i c i a n s . Rather than employ in-house s t a t i s t i c a l experts, the Centre draws from the methodological and s t a t i s t i c a l e x p e r t i s e a v a i l a b l e through S t a t i s t i c s Canada. Centre s t a f f o f t e n have an academic understanding of the operation of the c r i m i n a l j u s t i c e system but u s u a l l y have had l i t t l e experience 'on the ground' w i t h p o l i c e , courts or c o r r e c t i o n s . While the Centre has o c c a s i o n a l l y seconded s t a f f from the j u r i s d i c t i o n s , t h e i r a b i l i t y to do so i s complicated by s e v e r a l f a c t o r s . There are f i n a n c i a l d i s i n c e n t i v e s to seconding i n d i v i d u a l s from other i n s t i t u t i o n s , and i n d i v i d u a l s who the Centre might be i n t e r e s t e d i n a c q u i r i n g through such a procedure have not always been eager at the prospect of uprooting and r e l o c a t i n g to Ottawa. Most imp o r t a n t l y perhaps, i s the f a c t that h i r i n g s f o r the Centre come through the general S t a t i s t i c s Canada recruitment program. The crux of the 31 S t a t i s t i c s Canada h i r i n g philosophy has been to r e c r u i t people who are s u i t e d to moving through the d i f f e r e n t t o p i c areas w i t h i n S t a t i s t i c s Canada as opposed to seeking out people wi t h a s p e c i f i c subject-matter e x p e r t i s e . Having o u t l i n e d the broad contours of the Centre and the J u s t i c e I n i t i a t i v e , i t i s now worth considering some reasons why t h i s i n s t i t u t i o n warrants d e t a i l e d study. The f o l l o w i n g s e c t i o n does so by employing Michel Foucault's work on ^governmentality' to emphasize the r o l e that s t a t i s t i c a l i n s t i t u t i o n s have played i n f o s t e r i n g a p a r t i c u l a r s t y l e of l i b e r a l governance. Knowledge of crime and c r i m i n a l j u s t i c e i s a c r u c i a l a t t r i b u t e i n the development of s t r a t e g i e s f o r governing populations. S t a t i s t i c s e f f e c t i v e l y b r i n g the objects of governance i n t o existence and allow i n d i v i d u a l s to monitor and evaluate governmental s t r a t e g i e s . Criminal j u s t i c e s t a t i s t i c s have contributed to recent changes i n the way o f f i c i a l s approach crime and c r i m i n a l j u s t i c e . They f o s t e r a form of ^ a c t u a r i a l j u s t i c e , ' whereby c i t i z e n s are encouraged to manage t h e i r own c r i m i n a l r i s k p r o f i l e through the expertise and commodities o f f e r e d by various state and ex t r a -state i n s t i t u t i o n s . 32 Governance The f o l l o w i n g should not be seen as a comprehensive review of the l i t e r a t u r e on governmentality (see i n s t e a d , B u r c h e l l , Gordon and M i l l e r 1991; Rose and M i l l e r 1992; Barry, Osborne and Rose 1996). Instead, i t concentrates on d e t a i l i n g the r e l a t i o n s h i p between l i b e r a l and n e o - l i b e r a l forms of governance and s t a t i s t i c a l knowledge. Foucault's (1991) l a t e r works o f f e r e d a d i s t i n c t i v e approach to the t o p i c of 'government.' In these w r i t i n g s , government i s not confined to the formal trappings of the s t a t e . Instead h i s account of 'government r a t i o n a l i t y , ' or 'governmentality,' amounts to an i n t e r r o g a t i o n of how the p r a c t i c a l a r t of government i s envisioned. Here the concepts of ' r a t i o n a l i t i e s ' and 'technologies' stand out. A ' r a t i o n a l i t y ' of government r e f e r s to 'a way or system of t h i n k i n g about the nature of the p r a c t i c e of government' (Gordon 1991: 3). Thus, r a t i o n a l i t i e s are the changing ways i n which the e x e r c i s e of p o l i t i c a l power i s conceived. P a r t i c u l a r l y important to Foucault was how contemporary governmental r a t i o n a l i t i e s seek to combine processes of i n d i v i d u a l i z a t i o n w i t h processes of t o t a l i z a t i o n . 'Technologies' c o n s i s t of those d i v e r s e sets of programs and techniques which are the b a s i s f o r how governments e x e r c i s e power over populations. Foucault provides a set of 33 h i s t o r i c a l p e r i o d i z a t i o n s to demonstrate some of the d i f f e r e n t ways i n which these r a t i o n a l i t i e s and technologies have been conceived. Commencing i n the s i x t e e n t h century there was a Agenesis of a p o l i t i c a l knowledge that was to place at the centre of i t s concerns the n o t i o n of p o p u l a t i o n and the mechanisms capable of ensuring i t s r e g u l a t i o n ' (Foucault 1997a: 67). This emphasis on populations as the focus of governance continues through h i s genealogy of l i b e r a l i s m and n e o - l i b e r a l i s m . State Reason and P o l i c e Science Foucault's genealogy of governmentality s t a r t s w i t h the concept of raison d'etat,.' or ^state reason,' which arose i n the l a t e 16 t h and e a r l y 17 t h c e n t u r i e s , and i t was around t h i s r a t i o n a l i t y which the a r t of government f i r s t c r y s t a l l i z e d . State reason i s the i n i t i a t i o n p o i n t f o r modern governmentality as an autonomous r a t i o n a l i t y . For the f i r s t time, governance was understood to be r e l a t e d to r a t i o n a l p r i n c i p l e s which were i n t r i n s i c and immanent to the s t a t e and were no longer subordinate to the M i v i n e , cosmo-t h e o l o g i c a l order of the world' (Gordon 1991: 9). Foucault c o n t r a s t s t h i s w i t h the form of government e x e m p l i f i e d by M a c h i a v e l l i ' s advice to The Prince. The form of governance a r t i c u l a t e d by M a c h i a v e l l i sought to maintain the 34 p r i n c i p a l i t y of the r u l e r , which was conceived of i n terms of the s i z e of the Prince's t e r r i t o r y and number of c i t i z e n s under h i s command. While such forms of governance produced periods of r e l a t i v e s t a b i l i t y , the f a c t that i t was embodied i n an i n d i v i d u a l sovereign meant that there was the constant prospect of a dramatic end to any one system of governance. I n v e s t i n g the s t a t e w i t h the governmental r o l e t h e r e f o r e o f f e r e d the advantage that governance became more s t a b l e and f u t u r e - o r i e n t e d , as i t was a task that was now recognized as extending beyond the l i f e - s p a n of any one r u l e r . State reason was l i n k e d to the development of an a d m i n i s t r a t i v e apparatus and the corresponding emergence of d e t a i l e d knowledges about the s t a t e . One form of knowledge i n p a r t i c u l a r stood out: the 'science of p o l i c e . ' I t s genesis can be tr a c e d to the German s t a t e s f o l l o w i n g the T h i r t y Years War (Pasquino 1991). In t h i s context, ' p o l i c e ' does not r e f e r to our contemporary i n s t i t u t i o n , but has a c l o s e r a f f i n i t y to our no t i o n of ' p o l i c y . ' P o l i c e science c o n s t i t u t e d government as an a r t w i t h i t s own d i s t i n c t i v e and i r r e d u c i b l e r a t i o n a l i t y , one that aimed at the p r a c t i c a l governance of the l i v e s of the c i t i z e n r y f o r the purpose of f o s t e r i n g s e c u l a r s e c u r i t y and p r o s p e r i t y . I t was a r a d i c a l departure from the r a t i o n a l i t y of the Pr i n c e , which was 35 concerned w i t h 'holding out' and r e t a i n i n g the Prince's sovereignty. The d e f i n i n g a t t r i b u t e of the science of p o l i c e was i t s ambition and e f f o r t s to produce t o t a l knowledge of the f u n c t i o n i n g of the s t a t e f o r purposes of r e g u l a t i o n . The realm of concerns s p e c i f i c to the s t a t e was so broadly conceived that they extended i n t o every conceivable domain. State knowledge was concerned w i t h an i n f i n i t e number of unforeseeable and contingent circumstances. This p e r i o d saw the b i r t h of the term ' s t a t i s t i c s , ' which had yet to acquire the d i s t i n c t i v e q u a n t i t a t i v e meaning we have of that term today. Instead, i t r e f e r r e d to the 'science of the s t a t e , ' which i n v o l v e d d e s c r i p t i v e a d m i n i s t r a t i v e e f f o r t s focused on almost anything r e l a t e d to the s t a t e (Desrosieres 1990: 200). P o l i c e science t h e r e f o r e amounted to a s e r i e s of 'endless l i s t s and c l a s s i f i c a t i o n s ' (Gordon 1991: 10) which a r t i c u l a t e d myriad decrees about the proper way to conduct one's l i f e . Rather than being a t o t a l i t a r i a n form of c o n t r o l , i t attempted to f o s t e r the utmost happiness i n l i f e , which i n v o l v e d a productive m u l t i p l i c a t i o n of the s t a t e ' s wealth and power - a power which i s now recognized as l y i n g i n i t s p o p u l a t i o n . Pasquino's (1991: 110) account of some of p o l i c e science's s p e c i f i c areas of concern provides a f e e l f o r the breadth of such r e g u l a t i o n s , 36 p e r t a i n i n g as they d i d to the proper conduct and r e g u l a t i o n of r e l i g i o n , customs, h e a l t h , f o o d s t u f f s , highways, t r a n q u i l l i t y and p u b l i c order, science and l i b e r a l a r t s , commerce, manufacture and mechanical a r t s , servants, domestics and nurses, and the poor. T h e o r e t i c a l l y nothing was too mundane to be l e f t beyond the r e g u l a t o r y aims of p o l i c e science, which went so f a r as to p r e s c r i b e the dimensions of saddles and horsecloths as w e l l as provide i n s t r u c t i o n s on what should be eaten and drunk during a wedding f e a s t . State reason i s i n t i m a t e l y r e l a t e d to the a v a i l a b i l i t y and use of knowledge about the s t a t e . However, these ' s t a t i s t i c s ' had yet to become q u a n t i t a t i v e , and i n t h i s respect governance lagged behind the q u a n t i t a t i v e r e v o l u t i o n that was transforming so many other aspects of European l i f e . In The Measure of Reality, Crosby (1997) discusses an epochal s h i f t from a q u a l i t a t i v e to a q u a n t i t a t i v e form of perception i n Western Europe between the l a t e Middle Ages and the Renaissance. I t was t h i s transformation which c o n t r i b u t e d to our contemporary mani f e s t a t i o n s of science, business and bureaucracy. While numbers had been used p r i o r to t h i s p e r i o d , they were o f t e n invoked f o r t h e i r m y s t i c a l q u a l i t y and were decidedly l a c k i n g i n p r e c i s i o n . Commencing i n 1250 there was an a c c e l e r a t i o n i n forms of q u a n t i t a t i v e 37 perception of time ( c l o c k s ) , space (maps), mathematics (decline of Roman numerals and use of A r a b i c numbers), music ( i n t r o d u c t i o n of recorded music), p a i n t i n g ( q u a n t i t a t i v e r e l a t i o n s h i p to space and perception) and bookkeeping (double-entry). Some of the s t a t e ' s e a r l i e s t attempts to f o s t e r q u a n t i f i c a t i o n i n v o l v e d the development of standardized weights and measures, an aim they shared w i t h the commercial i n t e r e s t s of the time. Kula (1986) documents how the s t a t e promoted standardized measures f o r bread, land and distance that s l o w l y supplanted the p r e v i o u s l y l o c a l , q u a l i t a t i v e and negotiated measurements. These f i r s t steps l a y the groundwork f o r a new q u a n t i t a t i v e problematic of governance. L i b e r a l i s m and S t a t i s t i c s From i t s i n c e p t i o n , s t a t e reason was subject to c r i t i c i s m s that i t was u n r e a l i z a b l e , that i t s dream of t o t a l knowledge was j u s t t h a t , a dream. Out of such c r i t i q u e s emerged a new ' l i b e r a l ' r a t i o n a l i t y of governance which counseled a do c t r i n e of governance through wise l i m i t s and r e s t r a i n t , arguing that there were boundaries to the s t a t e ' s power to know and intervene. In l i e u of obsessive e f f o r t s to know everything about the popul a t i o n , l i b e r a l governance conceives of subjects as having p r i v a t e r i g h t s and the 38 s o c i a l realm i s seen to be d i v i d e d i n t o a s e r i e s of s e l f -r e g u l a t i n g and r e l a t i v e l y autonomous domains. L i b e r a l i s m conceives of such object-domains as having a kind of qu a s i -nature w i t h t h e i r own s p e c i f i c s e l f - r e g u l a t i n g p r i n c i p l e s and dynamics, e x e m p l i f i e d by the ' i n v i s i b l e hand' of the marketplace. Such domains were seen to be beyond the s t a t e ' s l e g i t i m a t e scope- of d i r e c t i n t e r v e n t i o n . Hence the problematic of l i b e r a l governance i s to develop techniques to continue the r e g u l a t i o n of these ' p r i v a t e ' spheres when minute forms of s t a t e r e g u l a t i o n are i m p r a c t i c a l or impossible. L i b e r a l government th e r e f o r e does not set out what government p o l i c y should be. Instead, i t o u t l i n e s a d i f f e r e n t approach to the p r a c t i c e of governing, an approach wit h an increased r o l e f o r q u a n t i t a t i v e s t a t i s t i c a l knowledge. The d i s t i n c t i v e n e s s of l i b e r a l i s m l i e s i n i t s attempt to r e s o l v e the dilemma of how to govern autonomous domains through a unique combination of knowledge, e x p e r t i s e and the a c t i v e p a r t i c i p a t i o n of subjects i n t h e i r own government (Rose 1993: 290-91). To do t h i s , l i b e r a l i s m focuses on pop u l a t i o n as the 'ultimate end of government' (Foucault 1991: 100) and r e l i e s on a s e r i e s of knowledges of human conduct deri v e d from the s o c i a l and human sciences. -Governance i s no longer the e x c l u s i v e domain of the s t a t e , 39 but i n v o l v e s a host of e x t r a - s t a t e p r o f e s s i o n a l , e n t r e p r e n e u r i a l and r e f o r m i s t agencies who aim to shape the • behavior of c i t i z e n s i n a d e s i r e d d i r e c t i o n (Donzelot 1979). Foucault's h i s t o r i c a l analyses a l t e r n a t e between e x p l o r i n g two poles of power: the i n d i v i d u a l i z i n g and the aggregating. He i s able to subsume both of these p r a c t i c e s under the r u b r i c of governmentality as both are concerned wi t h attempts to govern the pop u l a t i o n . The micro-physics of power he d e t a i l s i n Discipline and Punish (1977) are the c l e a r e s t examples of the i n d i v i d u a l i z i n g , d i s c i p l i n a r y form of power, while h i s work i n The History of Sexuality, Vol 1 (1978) explores how aggregating forms of bio-power t a r g e t the 'species body.' For Foucault, the i n d i v i d u a l i z i n g moment centered on the body as a machine: i t s d i s c i p l i n i n g , the o p t i m i z a t i o n of i t s c a p a b i l i t i e s , the e x t o r t i o n of i t s f o r c e s , the p a r a l l e l increase of i t s usefulness and i t s d o c i l i t y , i t s i n t e g r a t i o n i n t o systems of e f f i c i e n t and economic c o n t r o l s , a l l t h i s was ensured by the procedures of power that c h a r a c t e r i z e d the d i s c i p l i n e s : an anatomo-politics of the human body. The second, formed somewhat l a t e r , focused on the species body, the body imbued wi t h the mechanisms of l i f e and se r v i n g as the b a s i s of the b i o l o g i c a l processes: propagation, b i r t h s and m o r t a l i t y , the l e v e l of h e a l t h , l i f e expectancy and l o n g e v i t y , w i t h a l l the c o n d i t i o n s that can cause these to vary. Their s u p e r v i s i o n was e f f e c t e d through an e n t i r e s e r i e s of i n t e r v e n t i o n s and re g u l a t o r y c o n t r o l s : a b i o - p o l i t i c s of the pop u l a t i o n . The d i s c i p l i n e s of the body and the r e g u l a t i o n s of the popu l a t i o n c o n s t i t u t e d the two poles around which the o r g a n i z a t i o n of power over l i f e was deployed. (Foucault 1978: 139) 40 I f the s o l i t a r y c r i m i n a l , l o c a t e d i n h i s p r i s o n c e l l and subject to an i n v i s i b l e and p o t e n t i a l l y constant s u r v e i l l a n c e , i s the archetype f o r d i s c i p l i n a r y forms of power, then aggregate s t a t i s t i c s of the po p u l a t i o n are the exemplar f o r bio-power. However, commentators on Foucault's work have had much l e s s to say about bio-power than d i s c i p l i n e . This i s unfortunate given the way i n which aggregate s t a t i s t i c s promote our contemporary approaches to governance. S t a t i s t i c s are c r u c i a l to the p r a c t i c e and p o s s i b i l i t y of governance, and to the c h a r a c t e r i s t i c a l l y l i b e r a l idea that there are autonomous realms which obey t h e i r own i n t e r n a l laws and i n c l i n a t i o n s . As Foucault (1991: 99) observes, the h i s t o r i c a l emergence of s t a t i s t i c s 'gradually reveals that p o p u l a t i o n has i t s own r e g u l a r i t i e s , i t s own rat e of deaths and diseases, i t s c y c l e s of s c a r c i t y , e t c . ; s t a t i s t i c s shows al s o that the domain of po p u l a t i o n i n v o l v e s a range of i n t r i n s i c , aggregate effects... such as epidemics, endemic l e v e l s of m o r t a l i t y , ascending s p i r a l s of labour and wealth.' We can add many things to t h i s l i s t , i n c l u d i n g the aggregate l e v e l s of crime and deviance i n a popu l a t i o n . E a r l y s o c i o l o g i s t s such as Durkheim, Quetelet and Spencer invoked the r e g u l a r i t i e s of s t a t i s t i c s on crime, 41 s u i c i d e and marriage to propose that s o c i e t y could be an object of study i n i t s own r i g h t (Gigerenzer e t . a l 1989: 39; Hacking 1990). This genesis of the s o c i a l sciences i s r e l a t e d to the r i s e of l i b e r a l p r a c t i c e s of governance, as l i b e r a l i s m i s i n t i m a t e l y t i e d to the a u t h o r i t y of such experts. New forms of s t a t i s t i c a l knowledge f o s t e r e d new forms of e x p e r t i s e i n the conduct of conduct upon which l i b e r a l governance r e l i e s . For s o c i a l s c i e n t i s t s , l i b e r a l i s m marked the beginning of what Bauman (1992: 11) r e f e r s to as the i n t e l l e c t u a l ' s ' l e g i s l a t i v e ' r o l e , a c a p a c i t y which 'involved the r i g h t to command the r u l e s the s o c i a l world was to obey,' and whose a u t h o r i t y 'was l e g i t i m i z e d i n terms of a b e t t e r judgment, a sup e r i o r knowledge guaranteed by the proper method of i t s production.' Rather than t a r g e t the minutia of i n d i v i d u a l l i f e , these experts counseled shaping behavior by operating on s t a t i s t i c a l norms and i n t e r v e n t i o n s that worked at the s o c i e t a l l e v e l . Hacking (1990: 119) provides a concise statement of the r o l e of s t a t i s t i c s i n r e l a t i o n to the p r a c t i c e s of l i b e r a l governance: We o b t a i n data about a governed c l a s s whose deportment i s o f f e n s i v e , and then attempt to a l t e r what we guess are r e l e v a n t c o n d i t i o n s of that c l a s s i n order to change the laws of s t a t i s t i c s that the c l a s s obeys. This i s the essence of the s t y l e of government that i n the United States i s c a l l e d ' l i b e r a l . ' As i n the nineteenth century, the i n t e n t i o n s of such l e g i s l a t i o n are benevolent. The we who know best change the s t a t i s t i c a l laws that a f f e c t them. 42 One of the d i s t i n c t i v e a t t r i b u t e s of s t a t i s t i c a l knowledge about the p o p u l a t i o n i s that i t f o s t e r s an approach to governance conceived of i n terms of r i s k management. This i n v o l v e s a form of decision-making based on s t a t i s t i c a l knowledge of the p r o b a b i l i t i e s of fu t u r e dangers and i t attempts to modify the current c o n d i t i o n s to reduce these r i s k s (Ewald 1991). Risk knowledge attempts to c o l o n i z e the future through a p r o b a b i l i s t i c understanding of contemporary s t a t i s t i c a l trends and p r o f i l e s , i t makes p r e d i c t i o n and prevention the operative s t r a t e g i e s of governance. P r e v i o u s l y understood as acts of God, accidents are now recognized as having t h e i r own s t a t i s t i c a l r e g u l a r i t i e s . In the process, accidents and harmful events are transformed i n t o something that i s amenable to a c t u a r i a l techniques of i n t e r v e n t i o n that operate at the l e v e l of the p o p u l a t i o n . Neo-Liberalism The f i n a l moment i n t h i s genealogy of governmental r a t i o n a l i t i e s concerns the development of ' n e o - l i b e r a l i s m ' or 'advanced l i b e r a l i s m ' (Rose 1993, 1996; Rose and M i l l e r 1992). Changes to l i b e r a l governmentality have been t r a c e d to the 1970s and the emergence of a host of e x t r a - s t a t e 43 i n s t i t u t i o n s and o r g a n i z a t i o n s which gained greater prominence i n t h e i r e f f o r t s to govern i n d i v i d u a l behavior. These experts employed f i n a n c i a l and accounting techniques that o v e r l a y s t a t i s t i c a l knowledge wi t h c o n s i d e r a t i o n s about cost and e f f i c i e n c y . S i t u a t e d i n dispersed 'centers of c a l c u l a t i o n ' these experts e x e r c i s e c o n t r o l at a distance (Latour 1987) through c a l c u l a t i v e regimes such as accounting, c o s t - b e n e f i t a n a l y s i s and a u d i t i n g (Power 1996). In order to do so, common forms of communication, s t a t i s t i c a l measures, u n i t s of count, e t c . , had to be fashioned (Rose and M i l l e r 1992). The o v e r a l l e f f e c t of such changes was t h a t more e n t r e p r e n e u r i a l and consumerist forms of s o c i a l o r g a n i z a t i o n were f o s t e r e d as n e o - l i b e r a l i s m forged a v i t a l l i n k between r u l e r s and the p r i v a t e d e c i s i o n -making c a p a c i t y of i n d i v i d u a l s . One of the d e f i n i n g a t t r i b u t e s of n e o - l i b e r a l i s m i s that c i t i z e n s are understood as a c t i v e p a r t i c i p a n t s i n t h e i r own governance. I n d i v i d u a l s e x i s t w i t h i n a realm of circumscribed freedom. For the i n d i v i d u a l , l i f e i s to be approached as a.project where they are o s t e n s i b l y free to choose from a s e r i e s of e x p e r t l y mediated options that aim to enhance t h e i r h e a l t h , wealth, happiness and s e c u r i t y . As Rose and M i l l e r (1992: 174) a s s e r t , when i t comes to governing populations 'personal autonomy i s not the 44 a n t i t h e s i s of p o l i t i c a l power, but a key term i n i t s e x e r c i s e , the more so because most i n d i v i d u a l s are not merely the subjects of power but p l a y a p a r t i n i t s operations.' To govern i s t h e r e f o r e to s t r u c t u r e , c o n t a i n and define the p o s s i b l e f i e l d of a c t i o n f o r i n d i v i d u a l s , while maximizing the r a t i o n a l c a l c u l a t i n g c a p a b i l i t i e s of the s e l f . I t i s an attempt to manage the c o n d i t i o n s and d e c i s i o n s of a c t i v e i n d i v i d u a l s who transform themselves and t h e i r l i f e choices i n l i g h t of these changed c o n d i t i o n s . N e o - l i b e r a l i s m f o s t e r s a process of 'prudentialism' (O'Malley 1996) whereby i n d i v i d u a l s are expected and encouraged to adopt a c a l c u l a t i v e a t t i t u d e towards the management of t h e i r own personal r i s k p r o f i l e , as governance becomes manifest through the 'regulated choices of i n d i v i d u a l c i t i z e n s ' (Rose 1993: 285). These schematic r e f l e c t i o n s on Foucault's view of governmentality are meant to accentuate the d i f f e r e n t ways i n which the a r t and p r a c t i c e of government has been conceived. I have underscored the way i n which d i s t i n c t i v e governmental r a t i o n a l i t i e s are i n t i m a t e l y connected to the use of d i f f e r e n t forms of knowledge about the p o p u l a t i o n . In p a r t i c u l a r , i t has s t r e s s e d the degree to which aggregate s t a t i s t i c s f o s t e r p r a c t i c e s of l i b e r a l governance conceived as a form of a c t u a r i a l risk-management. Although the above 45 n a r r a t i v e has an e v o l u t i o n a r y q u a l i t y to i t , where one form of governance supplants another, t h i s i s not n e c e s s a r i l y the case. Governance i s a problem-solving a c t i v i t y , and d i f f e r e n t s t r a t e g i e s to manage the po p u l a t i o n can e x i s t alongside of one another as, f o r example, both l i b e r a l and n e o - l i b e r a l s t r a t e g i e s are brought to bear on a s p e c i f i c problem. C l a s s i f i c a t i o n and Governance A d e f i n i n g feature of Foucault's d i v e r s e oeuvre i s h i s c o n t i n u a l r e t u r n to the r e l a t i o n s h i p between power and knowledge. His work on governance i s no exception, as the above r e f l e c t i o n s make i t c l e a r that d i f f e r e n t s t r a t e g i e s f o r governance are based on s p e c i f i c knowledges about the popu l a t i o n to be governed. Such knowledges, and the experts who speak on t h e i r behalf, promise to 'render d o c i l e the unruly domains over which government i s to be exer c i s e d , to make government p o s s i b l e and to make government b e t t e r ' (Rose 1996: 45). At t h i s juncture I want to t u r n our a t t e n t i o n to the importance of c l a s s i f i c a t i o n s as the of t e n i n v i s i b l e backbone which supports the production of s t a t i s t i c a l knowledge. The production and reproduction of o f f i c i a l c l a s s i f i c a t i o n s e s t a b l i s h e s the contours of the objects of governmental s t r a t e g i e s , rendering them knowable 46 and subject to p o l i t i c a l i n t e r v e n t i o n . D i f f e r e n t processes, people and things are opened up to governance by v i r t u e of the terms e s t a b l i s h e d on myriad surveys, censuses and r e p o r t s . While they o f t e n operate unseen as a background process to the production of knowledge, c l a s s i f i c a t i o n s have t h e i r own d i s t i n c t i v e s o c i a l powers and p o l i t i c s . C l a s s i f i c a t i o n i s a common p r a c t i c e across d i f f e r e n t sciences and i s c r u c i a l to human c o g n i t i o n more g e n e r a l l y . This does not mean, however, that questions about how the world and i t s component pa r t s should be o f f i c i a l l y d i v i d e d are s t r a i g h t f o r w a r d and u n c o n t r o v e r s i a l . C l a s s i f i c a t i o n s o f t e n r e v e a l as much, or more, about the assumptions, p r e j u d i c e s , dreams and a s p i r a t i o n s of the c l a s s i f i e r s as they do about the objects of which they speak. The h i s t o r i c a l v a r i a b i l i t y i n how our s c i e n t i f i c models have d i v i d e d up nature and her i n h a b i t a n t s reveals that such d i v i s i o n s are conventions, informed by the theory being employed ra t h e r than the way that the world spontaneously d i v i d e s i t s e l f (Gould 1983). However, the f a c t that we l i v e w i t h i n the c l a s s i f i c a t o r y schemes of our own s o c i e t y o f t e n makes i t d i f f i c u l t f o r us to acknowledge t h e i r conventional s t a t u s . I t i s o f t e n only when confronted w i t h r a d i c a l l y d i f f e r e n t taxonomies that we recognize the c u l t u r a l s p e c i f i c i t y of our c l a s s i f i c a t i o n s . Consider Foucault's 47 i n t r o d u c t i o n to The Order of Things where he quotes Borges' s e l e c t i o n from a Chinese encyclopedia where animals are d i v i d e d i n t o those (a) belonging to the Emperor, (b) embalmed, (c) tame, (d) sucking p i g s , (e) s i r e n s , (f) fabulous, (g) s t r a y dogs, (h) inc l u d e d i n the present c l a s s i f i c a t i o n , (i) f r e n z i e d , (j) innumerable, (k) drawn w i t h a very f i n e camelhair brush, (1) et cet e r a , (m) having j u s t broken the water p i t c h e r , (n) that from a long way o f f look l i k e f l i e s . (Foucault 1970: xv) To our eyes t h i s i s an absurd and laughable way of d i v i d i n g up those e n t i t i e s that f a l l under the heading of 'animal.' The po i n t being, however, that t h i s sense of the absurd deri v e s from our adoption and use of the c l a s s i f i c a t o r y schemes which have been i n s t i t u t i o n a l i z e d and l e g i t i m a t e d by western b i o l o g i s t s . Some of the cate g o r i e s which we take f o r granted, that we o f t e n seen as found a t i o n a l , t u r n out to be ambiguous or c o n t r o v e r s i a l when subjected to c l o s e r s c r u t i n y . Take, f o r example, that apparently most primary of a l l d i v i s i o n s - the b i n a r y which separates man from woman, male from female. Feminists along wi t h queer t h e o r i s t s and a c t i v i s t s have t r o u b l e d t h i s dualism, r a i s i n g questions about what, e x a c t l y , we mean when we t a l k about 'sex' or 'gender.' Such questions extend beyond the domain of s o c i a l theory. Paul S t a r r (1992: 283) recounts how at l e a s t one San Francisco health-care 48 o r g a n i z a t i o n 'requires s i x categories f o r i t s c l a s s i f i c a t i o n of sex, depending on the p a t i e n t ' s genetic type, b o d i l y type (which may be s u r g i c a l l y a l t e r e d ) , and p r e s e n t a t i o n of s e l f . ' The s t a t e has a c r u c i a l r o l e to p l a y i n the production and reproduction of c l a s s i f i c a t i o n s . State i n s t i t u t i o n s r e l y upon a massive c l a s s i f i c a t o r y e n t e r p r i s e which serves as the b a s i s f o r our knowledge about various populations and, u l t i m a t e l y , as the b a s i s f o r governance. Unfortunately, authors w r i t i n g i n the governmentality t r a d i t i o n have tended to s l i g h t or ignore the c o n t i n u i n g importance of the s t a t e , p r e f e r r i n g i n s t e a d to concentrate on the various e x t r a - s t a t e agencies which f o s t e r s t r a t e g i e s f o r governing the s e l f . In so doing they ignore how u n t o l d numbers of s t a t e bureaucrats, demographers and s t a t i s t i c i a n s enact o f f i c i a l ways to view and c a t e g o r i z e the world. How i t i s that 'the s t a t e e s t a b l i s h e s and i n c u l c a t e s common forms and c a t e g o r i e s of perception and a p p r e c i a t i o n , s o c i a l frameworks of perc e p t i o n , of understanding or of memory, i n short s t a t e forms of c l a s s i f i c a t i o n ' (Bourdieu 1994: 13). The s t a t e i s c r u c i a l l y important to such processes because of the way that i t l e g i t i m a t e s c l a s s i f i c a t o r y options and finances the agencies who produce o f f i c i a l c l a s s i f i c a t o r y systems. 49 In any d i s c u s s i o n about c l a s s i f i c a t i o n , an important t h e o r e t i c a l l i n e must be drawn between c l a s s i f i c a t i o n s of humans and non-humans. This d i f f e r e n c e must be accentuated because of the f a c t that i r r e s p e c t i v e of the words we use to describe i t , the n a t u r a l world i s l a r g e l y i n d i f f e r e n t to the way i n which i t i s l a b e l e d (Hacking 1997: 15). From one c l a s s i f i c a t o r y system to the next, the t h i n g that we c a l l a goat or an igneous rock remains the same, although a q u a l i f i c a t i o n i s i n order here. While the n a t u r a l world does not transform i t s e l f i n l i g h t of the names assigned to i t by humans, t h i s i s not to say that how humans c l a s s i f y the n a t u r a l world has no bearing on i t s f u t u r e . The terms, metaphors and discourses we employ to d e l i n e a t e 'nature' -which i s i t s e l f an ambiguous and contested c l a s s i f i c a t i o n (Soule and Lease 1995) - f r e q u e n t l y have dramatic consequences. For example, the f a c t that some species of animals have been assigned to that category of e n t i t i e s which, i f consumed i n various ways, provides a boost to human l o n g e v i t y , v i r i l i t y or sexual prowess, has had d i s a s t r o u s i m p l i c a t i o n s f o r t h e i r continued s u r v i v a l . The same i s true f o r animals c l a s s i f i e d as being 'pests' or 'vermin.' The c l a s s i f i c a t i o n s we employ to d e l i n e a t e the n a t u r a l world can have dev a s t a t i n g and i r r e v e r s i b l e consequences. 50 C l a s s i f i c a t o r y i n d i f f e r e n c e i s decidedly not the case when i t comes to d e l i m i t i n g types of people. Whether we d i s c r i m i n a t e among peoples by v i r t u e of t h e i r n a t i o n a l i t y , p r o f e s s i o n , c l a s s , race, e t h n i c i t y or sex, such t y p o l o g i e s can be both c o n t r o v e r s i a l and monumental i n t h e i r long-term i m p l i c a t i o n s . C l a s s i f i c a t i o n s of types of people can be a l i g h t n i n g -rod f o r p o l i t i c a l t e n s i o n due to the way i n which aggregate numbers e l i d e i n d i v i d u a l d i f f e r e n c e s . Governmental s t r a t e g i e s which attempt to ameliorate entrenched i n e q u a l i t i e s r e l a t e d to group membership o f t e n neglect other forms of d i f f e r e n c e i n the process. Such tensions between the i n d i v i d u a l qua i n d i v i d u a l and i n d i v i d u a l as member of a l a r g e r assemblage has introduced a degree of r e f l e x i v i t y i n t o o f f i c i a l c l a s s i f i c a t o r y p r a c t i c e s . As a r e s u l t , some c l a s s i f i c a t i o n s of people are encouraged, others t o l e r a t e d as a necessary e v i l , w hile s t i l l others are ex p r e s s l y p r o h i b i t e d . Such d i s t i n c t i o n s have a h i s t o r i c a l component to them, as d i f f e r e n t periods have a l t e r n a t i v e l y f o s t e r e d or r e s t r i c t e d c e r t a i n terms of c l a s s i f i c a t i o n . The terms employed by s t a t e and non-state agencies to d e l i m i t types of people can al s o p l a y an important r o l e i n the production of s u b j e c t i v i t i e s . Our sense of selves - our p o t e n t i a l i t i e s and p o s s i b i l i t i e s - i s informed by the terms 51 a u t h o r i z e d by s t a t i s t i c a l agencies. D i v i s i o n s sanctioned by the s t a t e can s l o w l y be adopted by i n d i v i d u a l s such that they l i v e t h e i r l i v e s and conceive of others according to these authorized d i v i s i o n s . However, s t a t i s t i c a l agencies g e n e r a l l y do not have free r e i g n to employ any set of c l a s s i f i c a t i o n s that they want. Although s t a t i s t i c a l agencies have o c c a s i o n a l l y been able to o v e r l a y d i f f e r e n t populations w i t h e n t i r e l y novel sets of c l a s s i f i c a t i o n s (Anderson 1991, chap. 10), more o f t e n the s o c i a l world sets l i m i t s on which c l a s s i f i c a t i o n s w i l l be acceptable. The ways i n which the s o c i a l world i s c u r r e n t l y ordered, and how people view themselves and t h e i r i d e n t i t i e s , serve to l i m i t the types of c l a s s i f i c a t i o n s which w i l l be accepted as being accurate. Consequently, the most e f f e c t i v e c l a s s i f i c a t o r y systems are those that connect w i t h the p r o p e r t i e s w i t h which a d i s t i n c t group already i d e n t i f i e s i t s e l f (Bourdieu 1991: 135). Ian Hacking (1995, 1997) employs the concept of 'dynamic nominalism' to accentuate the i n t e r p l a y between experience and c l a s s i f i c a t i o n . He emphasizes that the c a t e g o r i e s we use to l a b e l and organize people can merge wit h the ' r e a l ' features of i n d i v i d u a l s to the p o i n t that we come to i d e n t i f y w i t h and l i v e our l i v e s through such c l a s s i f i c a t i o n s . Such mergings can evolve s l o w l y over time 52 or proceed at an a s t o n i s h i n g l y r a p i d pace. His (1995) study of the h i s t o r y of what we now c a l l ' multiple p e r s o n a l i t y d i s o r d e r ' i s a t e l l i n g demonstration of how eagerly people can embrace and re-make themselves i n l i g h t of new p s y c h o l o g i c a l d i a g n o s t i c c a t e g o r i e s . C r u c i a l l y , he emphasizes the f a c t that such categories are r e c i p r o c a l l y informed by the ways that people behave and view themselves: The c l a i m of dynamic nominalism i s not that there was a kin d of person who came i n c r e a s i n g l y -to be recognized by bureaucrats or by students of human nature but rath e r that a kind of person came i n t o being at the same time as the kind i t s e l f was being invented. In some cases, that i s , our c l a s s i f i c a t i o n s and our cl a s s e s conspire to emerge hand i n hand, each egging the other on. (Hacking 1986: 228) We a r r i v e at an understanding of o f f i c i a l c l a s s i f i c a t i o n s as being informed by e x i s t i n g s o c i a l d i v i s i o n s while simultaneously being p a r t i a l l y c o n s t i t u t i v e of the types of people i n the world. While one of the most i n t e r e s t i n g a t t r i b u t e s of o f f i c i a l c l a s s i f i c a t i o n i n v o l v e s those instances where s u b j e c t i v i t i e s and categories become i n t e g r a t e d , i t does not comprise the e n t i r e p i c t u r e . C l a s s i f i c a t i o n can i n v o l v e a process of both a t t r a c t i o n s and r e p u l s i o n s . In some contexts, people and the terms by which they are c l a s s i f i e d do not coalesce. Groups and i n d i v i d u a l s have on occasion s t r i d e n t l y r e s i s t e d and r e j e c t e d new c l a s s i f i c a t o r y o p tions. P o l i t i c a l s t r u g g l e s have revolved around attempts to r e v i s e e x i s t i n g c l a s s i f i c a t i o n s i n hopes of having them b e t t e r correspond w i t h people's l i v e d r e a l i t y . Again, s t a t e agencies p l a y an important r o l e i n such processes due to t h e i r a b i l i t y to normalize d i v i s i o n s which are, at root, a r b i t r a r y . As Bourdieu (1991: 133) observes, ' I t i s i n the stru g g l e s which shape the h i s t o r y of the s o c i a l world that the c a t e g o r i e s of per c e p t i o n of the s o c i a l world, and the groups produced according to these c a t e g o r i e s , are simultaneously constructed.' Such c o n f l i c t s b r i n g the p o l i t i c s of c l a s s i f i c a t i o n i n t o the p u b l i c s p o t l i g h t . Chapter 3 provides a d e t a i l e d study of the Centre's involvement i n one m a n i f e s t a t i o n of such c l a s s i f i c a t o r y p o l i t i c s . Governing C r i m i n a l J u s t i c e At t h i s juncture I would l i k e to move from these broad r e f l e c t i o n s on the r e l a t i o n s h i p between governmentality, s t a t i s t i c s and o f f i c i a l c l a s s i f i c a t i o n s i n order to examine some of the changes that have taken place i n the governance of crime and c r i m i n a l j u s t i c e . In p a r t i c u l a r , I am i n t e r e s t e d i n how s t a t i s t i c a l knowledge about the po p u l a t i o n and the c r i m i n a l j u s t i c e system have played an important r o l e i n f o s t e r i n g a move away from an i n d i v i d u a l i z e d 54 c r i m i n a l j u s t i c e system to one that i s concerned w i t h the management of populations and r e d u c t i o n of r i s k s . One of the dominant p r o j e c t s i n criminology and the so c i o l o g y of deviance has i n v o l v e d the attempt to understand the causes of i n d i v i d u a l c r i m i n a l behavior i n the hopes of e l i m i n a t i n g or reducing crime. An almost i n f i n i t e number of f a c t o r s have been i m p l i c a t e d i n t h i s search f o r causes, but the focus of i n q u i r y has r e g u l a r l y returned to the i n d i v i d u a l c r i m i n a l . Recent m o d i f i c a t i o n s i n c r i m i n a l j u s t i c e p o l i c y and discourse mark, i f not the end, c e r t a i n l y a r a d i c a l transformation i n t h i s i n d i v i d u a l i z e d approach to crime. In f a c t , C o l i n Sumner (1994) has gone so f a r as to w r i t e an extended o b i t u a r y f o r s o c i o l o g i c a l attempts to discover and e l i m i n a t e the causes of c r i m i n a l behavior. The emphasis i s now on crime understood as a r o u t i n e s t a t i s t i c a l event w i t h i t s own r e g u l a r i t i e s and p r o b a b i l i t i e s . Outside of those pedophiles and p a t h o l o g i c a l k i l l e r s who continue to be subject to h i g h l y p u b l i c processes of demonization, most crimes are now approached as a 'normal accident.' As accidents, they are seen to be amenable to i n t e r v e n t i o n s aimed at the l e v e l of the aggregate ra t h e r than the i n d i v i d u a l . Garland (1997: 186) has observed how 'viewed en masse, c r i m i n a l events are r e g u l a r , p r e d i c t a b l e , systematic, i n the way that road t r a f f i c accidents are. I t f o l l o w s that 55 a c t i o n upon crime should cease to be p r i m a r i l y a c t i o n upon deviant i n d i v i d u a l s and become i n s t e a d a c t i o n designed to govern s o c i a l and economic r o u t i n e s . ' While the s t a t i s t i c a l r i s k management of crime has i n t e n s i f i e d i n recent decades, t h i s p r o j e c t was inherent i n the e a r l i e s t beginnings of c r i m i n a l j u s t i c e s t a t i s t i c s (Beirne 1993). From t h e i r i n c e p t i o n , the c o l l e c t i o n of c r i m i n a l j u s t i c e s t a t i s t i c s i n v o l v e d an attempt to manage crime r i s k s through assessing the p r o b a b i l i t i e s of crimes f o r c l a s s e s of people and s o c i a l and p h y s i c a l environments. As Deflem (1997: 169) observes, since t h e i r development i n eighteenth century Europe, ' c r i m i n a l s t a t i s t i c s was e s s e n t i a l l y d e s c r i p t i o n w i t h a purpose: as r i s k assessment i t c o l l e c t e d i n f o r m a t i o n , and as r i s k management i t p r e d i c t e d the crimes to be expected and prevented. Thus the transformation of crime from danger to r i s k was a c r u c i a l component of c r i m i n a l s t a t i s t i c s . ' In the move towards c r i m i n a l r i s k assessment, our comprehension of the i n d i v i d u a l c r i m i n a l has al s o been transformed. Our approach to c r i m i n a l s has undergone a move from the p a t h o l o g i c a l to the normal. P r e v i o u s l y understood to be somehow d i f f e r e n t from the r e s t of the popul a t i o n , c r i m i n a l s are now viewed as o p p o r t u n i s t i c but r a t i o n a l a c t o r s , i n v o l v e d i n a sober c a l c u l u s of the p o t e n t i a l costs 56 and b e n e f i t s of c r i m i n a l behavior. As a r e s u l t , the c r i m i n a l 'becomes a s t a t i s t i c a l i n d i v i d u a l , understood through h i s or her r e l a t i o n to a p o p u l a t i o n w i t h a recorded stock of experience and an emergent p a t t e r n of b e h a v i o r a l r e g u l a r i t i e s ' (Garland 1997: 182). Although there i s s t i l l a f l o u r i s h i n g i n d u s t r y searching f o r the root i n d i v i d u a l causes of crime, i t appears that the bloom i s w e l l o f f the rose f o r t h i s e n t e r p r i s e , as we move from a concern w i t h i n d i v i d u a l dangerousness to the management of c r i m i n a l r i s k s (Castel 1991). The p o l i c y aim now i s l e s s the n o r m a l i z a t i o n of the deviant than the transformation of the immediate p h y s i c a l environment, so that c o n d i t i o n s which are h i g h l y s t a t i s t i c a l l y c o r r e l a t e d w i t h crime are modified or e l i m i n a t e d (Cohen 1985). This i s most apparent i n the i n c r e a s i n g l y popular c r i m i n o l o g i c a l e n t e r p r i s e s of 'crime prevention through environmental design' (Taylor and Gottfredson 1986; South 1987). Under t h i s r u b r i c , a host of amoral techniques are advocated to 'design out' the p o s s i b i l i t y of crime or reduce i t s s t a t i s t i c a l p r o b a b i l i t y . These inc l u d e the use of environmental design s t r a t e g i e s which emphasize t e c h n o l o g i c a l and i n f o r m a l s u r v e i l l a n c e as w e l l as target-hardening. Such techniques range from the p r a c t i c a l to the comical to the deeply d i s q u i e t i n g (see Davis 1990, chap. 4). 57 N e o - l i b e r a l i s m i n v o l v e s s t r a t e g i e s of governance that become manifest i n the v o l u n t a r y a c t i o n s of i n d i v i d u a l s who are free to choose from assorted forms of e x p e r t i s e and techniques provided by s t a t e and e x t r a - s t a t e agencies. In the context of c r i m i n a l j u s t i c e , there has been the r a p i d emergence of a range of p r i v a t e s e c u r i t y experts and companies who o f f e r advice and commodities f o r i n d i v i d u a l s to consume i n t h e i r attempts to avoid c r i m i n a l v i c t i m i z a t i o n (Shearing and Stenning 1983; South 1988). A p l e t h o r a of e x t r a - s t a t e experts now advocate on behalf of the c r i m i n a l r i s k p r o f i l e of d i f f e r e n t groups (Rock 1986), while s t i l l others concentrate on the r i s k s posed by the c r i m i n a l j u s t i c e system i t s e l f , accentuating the s t a t i s t i c a l over-r e p r e s e n t a t i o n of d i f f e r e n t groups i n terms of t h e i r a r r e s t , c o n v i c t i o n and i n c a r c e r a t i o n r a t e s . Feeley and Simon (1994) have proposed that these broad changes amount to the emergence of a form of ' a c t u a r i a l ' c r i m i n a l j u s t i c e , c h a r a c t e r i z e d by three f a c t o r s : 1) the p o p u l a t i o n i s taken as the appropriate t a r g e t f o r power and i n t e r v e n t i o n ; 2) power i s aimed at prevention and r i s k management; and 3) j u s t i c e i s i n c r e a s i n g l y understood through the r a t i o n a l i t y of the system. One of the most important e x t r a - s t a t e agencies i n v o l v e d i n such p r a c t i c e s i s the insurance i n d u s t r y . As O'Malley 58 (1992) and Reichman (1986) emphasize, the insurance i n d u s t r y i s able to s u b t l y coerce p o l i c y holders i n t o adopting techniques and technologies to improve the s t a t i s t i c a l r i s k p r o f i l e of t h e i r homes and l i f e s t y l e . I t a l s o prompts a form of ' r e s p o n s i b i l i z a t i o n ' (O'Malley 1992) whereby i n d i v i d u a l s are encouraged to adopt a r e f l e x i v e a t t i t u d e about the c r i m i n a l r i s k s they assume i n t h e i r d a i l y l i v e s , r i s k s that can be reduced by the consumption of various forms of s e c u r i t y commodities and e x p e r t i s e . The knowledge developed by the CCJS and comparable i n s t i t u t i o n s i s fundamental to processes of a c t u a r i a l j u s t i c e . The aggregate s t a t i s t i c s they produce on trends i n crime and i n c a r c e r a t i o n rates are h i g h l y amenable to governmental s t r a t e g i e s that attempt to modify the c r i m i n a l r i s k p r o f i l e of d i f f e r e n t groups and p h y s i c a l l o c a t i o n s . On occasion, the Centre has a l s o a c t i v e l y encouraged the use of t h e i r data as a t o o l to r e s p o n s i b i l i z e the c i t i z e n r y . For example, i n r e l a t i o n to t h e i r UCR v a r i a b l e f o r 'point of entry' on r e s i d e n t i a l break-ins, the Centre proposed that t h i s knowledge 'could p o s s i b l y i n i t i a t e a p u b l i c awareness campaign by l o c a l law enforcement a u t h o r i t i e s to encourage r e s i d e n t s to secure doors, windows, e t c . when they leave t h e i r homes' (CCJS 1990a: 10). Several n e o - l i b e r a l themes are a l s o a r t i c u l a t e d i n the Centre's c l a i m that the 59 i n t r o d u c t i o n of d e t a i l e d 'property crime' data elements on t h e i r uniform crime rep o r t s can be used f o r 'improving crime prevention programs, developing marketing ideas f o r s e c u r i t y f i r m s , or e v a l u a t i n g the seriousness of s p e c i f i c types of property crime and t h e i r economic costs i n terms of d o l l a r s and property l o s s ' (CCJS 1990a: 13). In t h i s one sentence we see an emphasis on crime prevention as an a c t u a r i a l attempt to r e s p o n s i b i l i z e the p u b l i c , combined wi t h the prospect of c i t i z e n s i n s u r i n g against t h e i r r i s k s of v i c t i m i z a t i o n by employing p r i v a t e s e c u r i t y f i r m s . F i n a l l y , the n e o - l i b e r a l emphasis on an economic r a t i o n a l i t y i s c l e a r i n the concern f o r the f i n a n c i a l costs of crime. S t i l l another way i n which c r i m i n a l j u s t i c e s t a t i s t i c s are connected w i t h p a r t i c u l a r e f f o r t s to govern c r i m i n a l j u s t i c e i s the manner i n which they f o s t e r the n o t i o n that c r i m i n a l j u s t i c e can i t s e l f be understood as a system. This i s p a r t i c u l a r l y r e l e v a n t to the Centre's knowledge, as many of t h e i r i n d i c a t o r s concern the performance of c r i m i n a l j u s t i c e components and sub-components. S t a r t i n g i n the 1970s, the managers of c r i m i n a l j u s t i c e i n s t i t u t i o n s i n c r e a s i n g l y recognized, and were o c c a s i o n a l l y coerced i n t o , the need to employ s t a t i s t i c a l r e p resentations of system performance as a t o o l of governance as w e l l as a j u s t i f i c a t i o n f o r resource a l l o c a t i o n . New managerial 60 discourses, increased c a l l s f o r f i s c a l a c c o u n t a b i l i t y and exponential increases i n computerized computational a b i l i t i e s a l l combined to accentuate the importance of s t a t i s t i c a l knowledge as the b a s i s or j u s t i f i c a t i o n f o r decision-making. I n d i v i d u a l s w i t h a long h i s t o r y i n managing Canadian c r i m i n a l j u s t i c e programs could not help but n o t i c e these transformations i n management s t y l e s . Here a r e c e n t l y r e t i r e d i n d i v i d u a l w i t h more than 40 years experience d e a l i n g w i t h crime s t a t i s t i c s r e f l e c t s on t h i s heightened importance of s t a t i s t i c s i n c r i m i n a l j u s t i c e : So you can look during the 70's at an i n c r e a s i n g awareness of the need f o r s t a t i s t i c s w i t h i n the c r i m i n a l j u s t i c e community. And r e c o g n i z i n g that t h e i r r e l a t i o n s h i p w i t h the n a t i o n a l s t a t i s t i c a l agency... was becoming much more s i g n i f i c a n t i n terms of the manager's welfare. That the manager was becoming much more dependent on having the r i g h t data at the r i g h t time... What we had at the beginning of the 70's was an emerging area of where there were i n c r e a s i n g requirements by the c e n t r a l agencies f o r q u a n t i t a t i v e data; Operational Performance Management Systems... these were b a s i c a l l y c o s t - e f f e c t i v e n e s s t o o l s encouraging the manager to look at r e s u l t s and to q u a n t i t a t i v e l y measure i n order to achieve those r e s u l t s . And to measure those r e s u l t s the emphasis was i n c r e a s i n g l y on measurement. Aggregate s t a t i s t i c s that document the processes i n v o l v e d i n the operation of various c r i m i n a l j u s t i c e components, such as t h e i r caseload, p o p u l a t i o n flows and cost-per-case, f o s t e r the impression that the c r i m i n a l j u s t i c e system can i t s e l f be an object of governance. 61 P o s s i b i l i t i e s are opened up f o r i n t e r v e n i n g i n the operation of these i n s t i t u t i o n s at the system l e v e l . In f a c t , c r i m i n a l j u s t i c e s t a t i s t i c s are a fundamental f a c t o r i n promoting the impression that the r e l a t i v e l y independent c r i m i n a l j u s t i c e i n s t i t u t i o n s c o n s t i t u t e a coherent and manageable system. D i s c u s s i o n In summary, t h i s chapter has accentuated the importance of s t a t i s t i c a l knowledge about crime and c r i m i n a l j u s t i c e to l i b e r a l r a t i o n a l i t i e s of governance. Aggregate crime s t a t i s t i c s both all o w f o r and encourage a c t u a r i a l techniques to confront crime, which i s now conceived of as a p r o b a b i l i s t i c 'normal accident.' Crime becomes a r i s k which c i t i z e n s , i n the management of t h e i r own l i v e s , are encouraged to t r y to counter through the e x p e r t i s e o f f e r e d by the p o l i c e , the insurance i n d u s t r y , academics and p r i v a t e s e c u r i t y . Rather than a moral f a i l i n g , crime becomes a common but unpalatable event to be planned away. At the same time, aggregate knowledges transform the myriad dispersed and disconnected c r i m i n a l j u s t i c e i n s t i t u t i o n s i n t o a system whose flows, e f f i c i e n c y and costs can be governed from d i s t a n t centers of c a l c u l a t i o n . However, t h i s r e l a t i o n s h i p between s t a t i s t i c s and forms of governmental r a t i o n a l i t y should not be read d e t e r m i n i s t i c a l l y . S t a t i s t i c s do not cause the current e x p l o s i o n of a c t u a r i a l forms of 62 governance; r a t h e r , the presence of c r i m i n a l j u s t i c e s t a t i s t i c s i s both a m a n i f e s t a t i o n of the r e c o g n i t i o n of the importance of t h i s s t y l e of governance as w e l l as a t o o l which makes l i b e r a l governance p o s s i b l e . In these b r i e f concluding comments I would l i k e to take the opportunity to step back from t h i s account of how the CCJS can be r e l a t e d to governmental forms of a n a l y s i s i n order to h i g h l i g h t two ways i n which t h i s study departs from the p r e s c r i p t i o n s of some authors w r i t i n g on n e o - l i b e r a l i s m . The f i r s t departure from a p u r e l y governmental a n a l y s i s concerns the r o l e of the s t a t e . Authors w r i t i n g on neo-l i b e r a l i s m have been decidedly n o m i n a l i s t about the s t a t e , approaching i t as one m a n i f e s t a t i o n of broader p r a c t i c e s of governmental s t r a t e g i e s . Instead of accentuating the ongoing importance of the s t a t e i n p r a c t i c e s of governance, these w r i t e r s have emphasized the ways i n which myriad e x t r a - s t a t e ' s o c i a l ' (Donzelot 1979) agencies intervene i n e f f o r t s to shape an i n d i v i d u a l ' s s e l f - g o v e r n i n g c a p a c i t y i n d i r e c t i o n s that accord w i t h the d e s i r e s of a u t h o r i t i e s . While I agree that the s t a t e should not be e s s e n t i a l i z e d , I a l s o b e l i e v e that i t i s important to continue to explore the operations of s t a t e agencies, s p e c i f i c a l l y the way i n which the s t a t e i s p a r t i c u l a r l y w e l l s u i t e d to c r e a t i n g centers of c a l c u l a t i o n that can e x e r c i s e c o n t r o l from a d i s t a n c e . For 63 example, while the knowledge produced by the CCJS i s used by e x t r a - s t a t e agencies to develop s t r a t e g i e s and technologies to counter crime and enhance s e c u r i t y , we must recognize that t h i s knowledge i s f i r s t and foremost generated f o r use by s t a t e o f f i c i a l s . The CCJS i s funded by the s t a t e to f u l f i l l i t s c r i m i n a l j u s t i c e knowledge requirements. One reason why the Centre's numbers and c l a s s i f i c a t i o n s of people, places and events have been able to acquire a degree of a u t h o r i t y i s because of t h i s s t a t e a f f i l i a t i o n . I t i s a l s o important to recognize that given the complex p o l i t i c a l j u r i s d i c t i o n a l issues i n c r i m i n a l j u s t i c e , i t i s u n l i k e l y that anything but a s t a t e - a f f i l i a t e d o r g a n i z a t i o n would be able to c o l l e c t n a t i o n a l numbers on c r i m i n a l j u s t i c e . The second way that t h i s study d i f f e r s from a p u r e l y governmental approach concerns the aims of the a n a l y s i s . The focus of s t u d i e s of l i b e r a l i s m or n e o - l i b e r a l i s m have tended to take the form of ' h i s t o r i e s of the present,' that chart the changed r a t i o n a l i t i e s that have l e d up to our contemporary understandings of the s e l f and the aims and p r a c t i c e s of governance. Some an a l y s t s have a r t i c u l a t e d an antipathy towards s o c i o l o g i c a l accounts that attempt to e x p l a i n how d i f f e r e n t systems of governance operate i n p r a c t i c e . N i k o l a s Rose (1993: 288) has suggested that s t u d i e s of government eschew s o c i o l o g i c a l r e a l i s m i n l i e u of 64 a concern to examine how a u t h o r i t i e s have conceived of what i t means to govern and how governance i s made p o s s i b l e . In c o n t r a s t , the approach adopted i n t h i s study i s more s o c i o l o g i c a l , i n that I provide an ethnography of how a p a r t i c u l a r form of knowledge that has become indispensable to l i b e r a l and n e o - l i b e r a l forms of governance of crime and c r i m i n a l j u s t i c e i s created. I t amounts to a concern f o r how the objects of governmental r a t i o n a l i t y i n c r i m i n a l j u s t i c e are brought i n t o being and rendered v i s i b l e , knowable and ac t i o n a b l e . In so doing, I f o l l o w the admonition by Rose and M i l l e r (1992: 183) that we need to focus our a t t e n t i o n on 'the humble and mundane mechanisms by which a u t h o r i t i e s seek to i n s t a n t i a t e government: techniques of n o t a t i o n , computation and c a l c u l a t i o n ; procedures of examination and. assessment; the i n v e n t i o n of devices such as surveys and p r e s e n t a t i o n a l forms such as t a b l e s . ' The next chapter turns our a t t e n t i o n to some of these humble and mundane components through which governance i s made p o s s i b l e . 65 Chapter 2 Networks And Numbers There i s l i t t l e awareness, except on the p a r t of those d i r e c t l y i n v o l v e d , of the ways i n which o f f i c i a l s t a t i s t i c s are produced. (Government S t a t i s t i c i a n s ' C o l l e c t i v e 1979: 130) I n t r o d u c t i o n The Canadian Centre f o r J u s t i c e S t a t i s t i c s i s an intermediary, a s t a t i s t i c a l clearing-house that works to produce numbers that serve the p o l i t i c a l and managerial needs of a host of i n s t i t u t i o n s . The knowledge i t generates i s an important component i n the governance of populations and the c r i m i n a l j u s t i c e system. Authors working i n the governmental t r a d i t i o n have acknowledged the l i n k between p r a c t i c e s of governance and the i n s t i t u t i o n a l s i t e s where governmental knowledge i s produced. Frequent mention i s made of d i v e r s e 'centers of c a l c u l a t i o n ' i n important works on l i b e r a l governance by N i k o l a s Rose and Peter M i l l e r (Rose and M i l l e r 1992; M i l l e r 1994; Rose 1996). These pieces accentuate the important r o l e that such centers p l a y i n the c r e a t i o n and r e p r e s e n t a t i o n of the objects towards which governmental p r a c t i c e s are d i r e c t e d . The authors p o i n t out 66 that i n order f o r governmental knowledge to be developed, people working i n such centers must a l i g n a di v e r s e assemblage of humans, o r g a n i z a t i o n s and technologies. I t i s through such networks that forms of 'action at a distan c e ' are made p o s s i b l e and, as Ni k o l a s Rose (1996: 43) has argued, ' i t i s only to the extent that such alignments of div e r s e forces can be e s t a b l i s h e d that c a l c u l a t e d a c t i o n upon conduct across space and time can occur at a l l . ' Despite the r e c o g n i t i o n that centers of c a l c u l a t i o n p l a y an important r o l e i n r e l a t i o n to p r a c t i c e s of governance, there has been l i t t l e e m p i r i c a l research i n t o how such centers operate. This chapter addresses t h i s lacunae by e x p l o r i n g the means by which the CCJS produces i t s numbers on crime. Drawing from the s o c i o l o g y of science, I explore how the Centre employs d i v e r s e resources to a l i g n v a r ious a r t i f a c t s and elements i n t o a complex network. In p a r t i c u l a r , t h i s chapter i s t h e o r e t i c a l l y informed by a c t o r -network theory's (ANT) emphasis on how the production and maintenance of 'knowledge networks' undergirds s c i e n t i f i c t r u t h . Approximately twenty years have passed since the Government S t a t i s t i c i a n s ' C o l l e c t i v e made the statement that heads t h i s chapter, and i t remains e s s e n t i a l l y as true today as when i t was f i r s t pronounced. Despite the f a c t that guidebooks f o r how to produce s t a t i s t i c s abound, we have yet 67 to develop an a p p r e c i a t i o n f o r the i n s t i t u t i o n a l production of s t a t i s t i c a l knowledge. Any randomly s e l e c t e d s o c i a l science methods textbook w i l l o u t l i n e the stock and trade of q u a n t i t a t i v e methodology: procedural d i c t a t e s and cautions f o r how best to produce, j u s t i f y and l e g i t i m a t e surveys, experiments and p o l l s . I f we remain w i t h i n t h i s a r t i f i c i a l l y bounded methodological realm we might be excused f o r conceiving of the processes of survey design, data c o l l e c t i o n , o r g a n i z a t i o n , and maintenance as r e l a t i v e l y s t r a i g h t f o r w a r d a f f a i r s , and f o r b e l i e v i n g that knowledge can be produced, and produced c o r r e c t l y , by f o l l o w i n g the r u l e s . Paul Feyerabend, i n h i s a n a r c h i s t i c approach to s c i e n t i f i c methodology, challenges t h i s image of science by famously p r o c l a i m i n g that the only v a l i d methodological d i c t a t e i s 'anything goes' (1993: 19). A l l other attempts to define the r u l e s and procedures f o r producing s c i e n t i f i c t r u t h unduly r e s t r i c t what i s at heart a c h a o t i c e n t e r p r i s e . A 'method' i s simply the means by which something i s accomplished, and when i t comes to the production of o f f i c i a l numbers about crime and c r i m i n a l j u s t i c e , an in f o r m a l set of methods are employed that extend w e l l beyond the techniques enshrined i n methodology t e x t s . The CCJS's methodology i s a human and o r g a n i z a t i o n a l a f f a i r i n v o l v i n g complex i n t e r - i n s t i t u t i o n a l n e g o t i a t i o n s , p o l i t i c a l acumen and t e c h n i c a l s k i l l . In reading the 68 production of o f f i c i a l c r i m i n a l j u s t i c e knowledge through the ANT len s , I conceive of the CCJS as a s t a t i s t i c a l l a b o r a t o r y , working to produce authorized f a c t s about crime and c r i m i n a l j u s t i c e . Although i t d i f f e r s i n s e v e r a l respects from the i d e a l i z e d image of an experimental l a b o r a t o r y , we can l e a r n a great deal about the Centre by s c r u t i n i z i n g i t i n l i g h t of approximately twenty years of s o c i o l o g i c a l s t u d i e s of l a b o r a t o r i e s . This s t r a t e g y i s a l s o i n keeping w i t h the admonitions from authors such as K a r i n Knorr Cetina (1995, 1992) that we expand our conception of the types of p h y s i c a l l o c a t i o n s which are to count as l a b o r a t o r i e s . M i l l e r and 0'Leary (1994: 470) al s o entreat a n a l y s t s to 'address those p r a c t i c e s that seek to act upon and transform the world i n s p e c i f i c and r e l a t i v e l y bounded l o c a l e s , even i f t h i s takes place outside the l a b o r a t o r y populated by p h y s i c i s t s , chemists, and the l i k e . ' At f i r s t glance i t might appear that the analogy between the Centre and l a b o r a t o r y science i s s t r a i n e d . Some might object that the s t a f f at the CCJS are not s c i e n t i s t s due to the f a c t that they are considerably removed from the d i r e c t observation of the objects of which they speak. However, t h i s d i s t i n c t i o n breaks down when we recognize how s o c i o l o g i c a l s t u d i e s of l a b o r a t o r i e s have accentuated t h a t , l i k e the Centre, l a b o r a t o r y s c i e n t i s t s r o u t i n e l y operate on r e p r e s e n t a t i o n a l forms, assays and i n s c r i p t i o n s that a r r i v e 69 at the door of the l a b o r a t o r y p r e - s t r u c t u r e d and standardized (Latour and Woolgar 1979). A l s o , l i k e the Centre, much s c i e n t i f i c l a b o r a t o r y work i s r o u t i n e , l a c k i n g the famous 'Eureka' moment of discovery. In f a c t , the d i v e r s i t y of endeavors which we c a t e g o r i z e as science c r o s s -c u l t u r a l l y and h i s t o r i c a l l y i s t r u l y astounding. Questions about where the l i n e w i l l be drawn between science and non-science are f r e q u e n t l y contentious and p o l i t i c a l (see, Taylor 1996). For the purposes of t h i s study, I am not concerned whether what goes on w i t h i n the Centre i s ' r e a l l y ' science. Instead, I am proposing that the s i m i l a r i t i e s between s c i e n t i f i c l a b o r a t o r i e s and the p r a c t i c e s of the CCJS are such that i t i s f r u i t f u l to t h i n k about the Centre i n l i g h t of s o c i o l o g i c a l r e f l e c t i o n s on l a b o r a t o r y science. The p a r a l l e l s between l a b o r a t o r y p r a c t i c e s and the Centre's ro u t i n e s w i l l become more apparent i n the f o l l o w i n g pages. However, at t h i s p o i n t i t i s worth accentuating that both e n t e r p r i s e s are i n v o l v e d i n attempts to produce acknowledged f a c t s . In order to accomplish t h i s , a l a b o r a t o r y serves as a center of c a l c u l a t i o n from which e f f o r t s to m o b i l i z e d i s t a n t p l a c e s , people and things are coordinated. L i k e a l a b o r a t o r y , the Centre i s a p h y s i c a l l o c a t i o n embedded i n complex webs of technologies, i n t e r - i n s t i t u t i o n a l 70 a f f i l i a t i o n s and knowledge flows, a l l of which must be a l i g n e d i n the hopes of producing knowledge. This chapter examines the c o n s t r u c t i o n of the Centre's knowledge network by focusing on Canada's two v a r i a n t s of uniform crime r e p o r t i n g : the UCR and UCRII. While the Centre produces numerous surveys and s p e c i a l s t u d i e s , the UCR i s t h e i r f l a g s h i p ; i t i s what people g e n e r a l l y r e f e r to when they t a l k about crime s t a t i s t i c s . The chapter commences w i t h an overview of the s o c i a l understanding of t r u t h which informs t h i s study and then moves on to o u t l i n e the contours of actor-network theory. A f t e r l a y i n g t h i s t h e o r e t i c a l groundwork, we then d e t a i l some of the s p e c i f i c s of the UCR and the c r i t i q u e s which have been l e v e l e d against i t . This i s done i n order to emphasize the extent to which the Centre's knowledge i s open to challenge and how Centre s t a f f c o n t i n u a l l y work to s o l i d i f y t h e i r knowledge i n an e p i s t e m o l o g i c a l l y h o s t i l e environment. The r e l a t i o n s h i p between the CCJS and the p o l i c e serves as the focus f o r t h i s examination of the Centre's processes of network c o n s t r u c t i o n and maintenance. I t in c l u d e s c o n s i d e r a t i o n of the way i n which the CCJS has been able to make i t s e l f an indispensable center of c a l c u l a t i o n and the r o l e that other forms of 'black boxed' knowledges p l a y i n t h e i r network. 71 Contested Knowledge One of the agendas of the s o c i o l o g y of science has been to study the processes i n v o l v e d i n producing authorized t r u t h s . The p r e f e r r e d way i n which s c i e n t i s t s account f o r the t r u t h of t h e i r claims has been to invoke some v a r i a n t of a correspondence theory of t r u t h . Such t h e o r i e s operate on the assumption that our observations, i n d i c a t o r s and knowledges are true by v i r t u e of the way that they accord w i t h the s t r u c t u r e and f u n c t i o n i n g of the world - a c h a r a c t e r i s t i c demonstrated most f o r c e f u l l y i n the n a t u r a l sciences through l a b o r a t o r y experiments. Since Thomas Kuhn's S t r u c t u r e of Scientific Revolutions (1962) and K a r l -Popper's (1963) championing of the n o t i o n that s c i e n t i f i c t r u t h s are r e l a t e d to the c o n s t r u c t i o n of A f a l s i f i a b l e ' statements, however, correspondence t h e o r i e s have been i n c r e a s i n g l y s i n g l e d out f o r c r i t i c i s m . One of the most u n r e l e n t i n g of these c r i t i c s has been philosopher Richard Rorty. Taking h i s lead from Wi t t g e n s t e i n , Rorty (1989) argues that our ideas are not true or f a l s e by v i r t u e of t h e i r r e l a t i o n to the world, but because of how they accord to the r u l e s f o r producing t r u t h w i t h i n p a r t i c u l a r h i s t o r i c a l l y s p e c i f i c v o c a b u l a r i e s or language games. As c r i t e r i o n - g o v e r n e d discourses, language games provide the r u l e s f o r e s t a b l i s h i n g t r u t h and the types of people authorized to speak the t r u t h (Foucault 1972). As a product of language, t r u t h i s u l t i m a t e l y a human c r e a t i o n . 72 One of the i m p l i c a t i o n s of adopting such a p o s i t i o n i s that s o c i o l o g i c a l accounts Of the i n s t i t u t i o n a l i z a t i o n of s c i e n t i f i c t r u t h s must proceed without easy recourse to claims about how science has managed to get nature ' r i g h t . ' S o c i o l o g i c a l and p h i l o s o p h i c a l commentators have continued these c r i t i q u e s of correspondence t h e o r i e s by arguing that s c i e n t i f i c observations are i n h e r e n t l y theory-laden, that the t h e o r i e s we employ shape and c o n s t r a i n our observations. In a s i m i l a r v e i n , others have advanced what has become known as the 'underdetermination t h e s i s , ' which holds that d i f f e r e n t explanatory accounts are p o s s i b l e f o r the same sensory experience, a l l o w i n g s c i e n t i s t s to maintain a core theory i n the face of c o n t r a d i c t o r y observations. Evidence does not compel s c i e n t i s t s to adopt a s i n g u l a r and e x c l u s i v e account of what they have witnessed. Rather, the way that s c i e n t i s t s make sense of t h e i r observations and the type of research they conduct can be r e l a t e d to t h e i r hopes, expectations and i n t e r e s t s . This i s a p o i n t that i s r e l a t i v e l y easy to concede i n r e l a t i o n to h i s t o r i c a l s c i e n t i f i c f a c t s which have since been superseded, but i s more d i f f i c u l t to recognize when d i s c u s s i n g c u r r e n t l y a u t h o r i t a t i v e s c i e n t i f i c t r u t h s . This study employs a s o c i o l o g i c a l understanding of t r u t h , one which emphasizes the r o l e that s o c i a l r e a c t i o n s p l a y i n the production of t r u t h . Truth i s a consequence of 73 the way that humans r e l a t e to d i f f e r e n t claims. W r i t i n g i n 1907, pragmatist W i l l i a m James (1997: 114) argued that ' t r u t h happens to an idea. I t becomes t r u e , i s made true by events.' Bruno Latour (1987) has advanced a comparable argument f o r how s c i e n t i f i c claims acquire a degree of f a c t i c i t y , emphasizing how the f a t e of a c l a i m depends on how i t i s a l t e r n a t i v e l y adopted or neglected by d i f f e r e n t audiences. Truth i t s e l f i s an end-state, achieved when a c l a i m i s adopted by other groups and agencies and i s no longer subject to attack. This means that science i n v o l v e s attempts to persuade others to adopt various claims, and as claims s t a r t to be accepted as t r u e , the s o c i a l , o r g a n i z a t i o n a l , i n s t i t u t i o n a l and t e c h n o l o g i c a l antecedents to the production of a p a r t i c u l a r f a c t d i s s o l v e and the world seems to simply speak f o r i t s e l f . While t h i s approach has the a i r of a r e l a t i v i s t p o s i t i o n , Latour sees i t as a step away from r e l a t i v i s m . Truth i s not r e l a t i v e to anything e l s e , as f a c t s c l e a r l y e x i s t i n the world and there are things upon which there i s general agreement: ' I f there i s no controversy among s c i e n t i s t s as to the status of f a c t , then i t i s useless to go on t a l k i n g about i n t e r p r e t a t i o n , r e p r e s e n t a t i o n , a b i a s e d or d i s t o r t e d worldview, weak and f r a g i l e p i c t u r e s of the world, u n f a i t h f u l spokesmen' (Latour 1987: 100). In the absence of c o n f l i c t s about a claim's s t a t u s , i t i s 74 undeniably t r u e . Truth i s a r r i v e d at as a consequence of the s e t t l i n g of disputes and as a r e s u l t we cannot appeal to ' t r u t h as the reason why the dispute was s e t t l e d : Knowledge, t r u t h , and r e a l i t y do e x i s t , but not as pure i d e a t i o n a l i t y or p h i l o s o p h i c a l l y d i s t i n g u i s h a b l e e n t i t i e s . Truth and r e a l i t y are the c r i e s of a strong c o a l i t i o n and a p r a c t i c a l l y s u c c e s s f u l actor network. Truth and r e a l i t y are (and have been) a c o n d i t i o n that must be produced and c o n t i n u a l l y maintained (Ward 1996: 137) . Once e s t a b l i s h e d , p a r t i c u l a r t r u t h s are by no means permanent. Long e s t a b l i s h e d s c i e n t i f i c f a c t s can, sometimes wit h b r e a t h t a k i n g speed, d i s s o l v e i n the face of new claims or magnified c r i t i q u e s . As t h i s happens, what were p r e v i o u s l y u n i v e r s a l , impersonal f a c t s again become ass o c i a t e d w i t h the a c t i o n s and claims of p a r t i c u l a r people working i n s p e c i f i c p l a c e s . One of the most important moments i n the e v o l u t i o n of t h i s approach to s c i e n t i f i c t r u t h was Bloor's (1976) c a l l f o r a 'strong program' i n the s o c i o l o g y of knowledge. Bloor implored s o c i o l o g i s t s to go beyond t h e i r t r a d i t i o n a l focus on how s o c i a l f a c t o r s have produced f a u l t y , biased or i n c o r r e c t knowledge. Instead, s o c i o l o g i s t s should t u r n t h e i r a t t e n t i o n to the more p e r p l e x i n g matter of t r u t h . To p r a c t i c i n g s c i e n t i s t s , the strong program o f t e n has the a i r of the h e r e t i c a l i n that i t seeks to unearth the broader s o c i a l f a c t o r s that shape, i n f l u e n c e or determine whether a c l a i m becomes t r u e . I f i t i s not e x c l u s i v e l y the nature of the world as it is, which makes science t r u e , other e x t r a -s c i e n t i f i c f a c t o r s must account f o r why claims acquire the mantle of t r u t h . Although s t a t i s t i c s has not been a major e m p i r i c a l focus of science s t u d i e s , one c l a s s i c study has used s t a t i s t i c a l knowledge to explore some of the s o c i a l f a c t o r s which can shape the development of true knowledge. Donald MacKenzie's (1981) a n a l y s i s of the development of s t a t i s t i c s i n B r i t a i n between 1865-1930 s t a r t s by documenting how the s t a t i s t i c a l l u m inaries of t h i s time, Galton, Pearson and F i s h e r , were a l l i n v o l v e d i n the eugenics movement. He argues that as p a r t of the emerging p r o f e s s i o n a l middle c l a s s , eugenics would have been p a r t i c u l a r l y a t t r a c t i v e to these i n d i v i d u a l s i n that i t emphasized the need f o r p r o f e s s i o n a l e x p e r t i s e i n p o l i t i c a l decision-making while a l s o p r o c l a i m i n g the b i o l o g i c a l s u p e r i o r i t y of t h i s segment of s o c i e t y . MacKenzie then goes on to suggest various ways i n which t h e i r common i n t e r e s t i n eugenics became manifest i n t h e i r s t a t i s t i c a l techniques. While i t i s impossible to f u l l y convey the nuances of h i s argument i n t h i s summary, one of h i s more i n t r i g u i n g i n s i g h t s i n v o l v e s the idea that the very n o t i o n of a s t a t i s t i c a l c o r r e l a t i o n was i n t i m a t e l y bound up w i t h Galton's i n t e r e s t i n eugenics. In p a r t i c u l a r , he d e t a i l s how one of the key questions f o r eugenics was 76 what r e l a t i o n s h i p there might be between the p h y s i c a l and mental a t t r i b u t e s of parents and s i b l i n g s . In e f f e c t , t h i s amounted to a concern f o r the s t a t i s t i c a l dependence of two v a r i a b l e s , and i t was t h i s eugenics concern that 'made the understanding and measurement of s t a t i s t i c a l dependence as a phenomenon in its own right a c e n t r a l goal of s t a t i s t i c a l theory' (MacKenzie 1981: 71). In e f f e c t , MacKenzie tr a c e s the emergence of a now indispensable s t a t i s t i c a l t o o l to the s o c i a l i n t e r e s t s of i t s c r e a t o r . Actor Networks - I d e n t i t y Adoption and Ambivalence More r e c e n t l y , a group of authors working under the r u b r i c of 'actor-network theory'(ANT) or the 'sociology of t r a n s l a t i o n ' (Latour 1987, C a l l o n 1986, Law 1987), have f u r t h e r r a d i c a l i z e d the s o c i o l o g y of science. These authors provide a v i s i o n of science as i n v o l v i n g the complex and contingent inter-weaving of human and non-human components. Adhering to the idea that t r u t h i s a status we confer upon ideas, they accentuate how t r u t h claims e x i s t w i t h i n ' a g o n i s t i c f i e l d s , ' by which they mean that claims are c o n t i n u a l l y subject to c r i t i q u e and o p p o s i t i o n . Opponents or sk e p t i c s of p a r t i c u l a r knowledges or technologies w i l l s i n g l e out any conceivable aspect of a c l a i m i n e f f o r t s to deconstruct i t s v e r a c i t y . Nothing i s excluded out of hand i n such a t t a c k s , i f i t serves to undermine or b r i n g i n t o 77 question the authorized status of a claim, i t i s f a i r game. Some of the things that can be subject to c r i t i q u e i n c l u d e a researcher's methodology, p u b l i c a t i o n v e h i c l e , r h e t o r i c a l s t y l e , r e l a t i o n s h i p w i t h the media, funding source, s c i e n t i f i c c r e d e n t i a l s , p o l i t i c a l a f f i l i a t i o n s , personal r e p u t a t i o n , use of technology, and so on. Producing s c i e n t i f i c knowledge i n v o l v e s e f f o r t s to a n t i c i p a t e such dec o n s t r u c t i v e s t r a t e g i e s i n order to circumvent and minimize t h e i r e f f i c a c y (Fuchs and Ward 1994). Science begins to take on the appearance of a b a t t l e between i n t e r e s t e d p a r t i e s more than an i m p a r t i a l quest f o r t r u t h . While ANT shares the strong program's d e s i r e to i n v e s t i g a t e the e x t r a - s c i e n t i f i c i n f l u e n c e s on determinations of t r u t h , i t d i f f e r s i n i t s r e l a t i o n s h i p to the explanatory force of broader s o c i a l and/or s t r u c t u r a l phenomena (Callon and Latour 1992; C o l l i n s and Yearley 1992). Appeals cannot be made to 'the economy,' ' c a p i t a l i s m , ' 'classes' or ' i n t e r e s t s , ' i n order to e x p l a i n why claims are accepted as t r u e , as our understandings of such phenomena are themselves contested and constructed, emerging out of each one's s p e c i f i c network (Latour 1993: 95). The s t a b i l i t y we a f f o r d to such e n t i t i e s must, i t s e l f be explained i n l i g h t of the concentration on the production and maintenance of knowledge networks. 78 The seminal t e x t i n t h i s t r a d i t i o n i s Latour and Woolgar's Laboratory Life (1979), which explores the r o l e of the m i c r o s o c i a l c r a f t work of s c i e n t i s t s i n the production of l a b o r a t o r y f a c t s . In t h i s study, an image emerges of science as an ongoing attempt to transform chaos i n t o order, a s t r u g g l e i n which s c i e n t i s t s employ a range of p o l i t i c a l , s o c i a l and economic resources that are t r a d i t i o n a l l y evacuated from mainstream accounts of science. Phenomena and techniques'are employed which extend w e l l beyond the t e s t tubes, s t a t i s t i c a l analyses and b i o l o g i c a l assays that are science's s t e r e o t y p i c a l stock and trade. As Rouse (1993: 155) observes, ' a l l of the small l o c a l d e c i s i o n s about research m a t e r i a l s , equipment, procedures, funding, personnel, s k i l l development, and the l i k e shape the a c t u a l development of the knowledges that i n v e s t and underwrite the s o r t s of knowledge claims that philosophers t y p i c a l l y i n v e s t i g a t e . ' The u l t i m a t e aim of s c i e n t i f i c p r a c t i c e i s to produce a form of knowledge that assumes the s t a t u s of a black box. Here 'black boxing' r e f e r s to the way i n which the various contingent, l o c a l , s e m i o t i c , personal and t e c h n o l o g i c a l elements o r i g i n a l l y a s s o c i a t e d w i t h the production of a f a c t or technology are made to disappear. S c i e n t i f i c claims, which s t a r t o f f as the work of a few i n d i v i d u a l s doing s p e c i f i c s t u d i e s i n p a r t i c u l a r l o c a t i o n s , s l o w l y lose 79 reference to these o r i g i n a t i n g c o n d i t i o n s and simply become tru e . This amounts to a p r o g r e s s i v e f o r g e t t i n g of the networks that make the f a c t s or technologies p o s s i b l e . For s c i e n t i s t s to extend t h e i r t r u t h s to new contexts i t becomes necessary f o r them to negotiate w i t h i n c r e a s i n g numbers of actants. These actants comprise the myriad component p a r t s of a knowledge network and can c o n s i s t of technologies, o r g a n i z a t i o n s , assays, i n s c r i p t i o n s , funding agencies, and so on. I f a c l a i m i s to gain strength and move beyond i t s o r i g i n a t i n g l o c a l contexts, these d i s p a r a t e human and non-human components must be patterned i n t o a l a r g e r complex whole. As Latour (1987: 108) observes, 'the spread i n space and time of black boxes i s p a i d f o r by a f a n t a s t i c increase i n the number of elements to be t i e d together.' John Law (1987) r e f e r s to these e f f o r t s to a l i g n an i n d e f i n i t e number and v a r i e t y of elements as 'heterogeneous engineering.' I t i s important to recognize that none of these d i v e r s e component p a r t s are viewed as being any more or l e s s important than any other. A l l actants must perform t h e i r assigned r o l e s f a i t h f u l l y i n order f o r claims to s t a b i l i z e i n t o t r u t h . Within an o r g a n i z a t i o n a l center such as a l a b o r a t o r y , s c i e n t i f i c actors work to draw together n a t u r a l phenomena, o r g a n i z a t i o n s , i n d i v i d u a l s and technologies i n t o an o p e r a t i o n a l whole. C a l l o n (1986) has summarized t h i s task as 80 c o n s i s t i n g of processes of 'interressement,' ' t r a n s l a t i o n , ' and 'enrollment.' When discussed i n the a b s t r a c t , these concepts can be confusing given the f a c t that the s p e c i f i c ways i n which they are accomplished are unique to any p a r t i c u l a r knowledge network. In succession, 'interressement' r e f e r s to the processes whereby s c i e n t i s t s d i s t i n g u i s h the types of i d e n t i t i e s that various actants must perform f o r a technology to work or f a c t to emerge. This i s followed by the process of ' t r a n s l a t i o n ' through which s c i e n t i s t s negotiate w i t h the d i f f e r e n t component p a r t s i n an attempt to transform e x i s t i n g i d e n t i t i e s such that new r o l e s are adopted. These t r a n s l a t e d i d e n t i t i e s c o n s i s t of 'the i n t e r p r e t a t i o n given by f a c t b u i l d e r s of t h e i r i n t e r e s t s and that of the people they e n r o l ' (Latour 1987: 108). In such n e g o t i a t i o n s , s c i e n t i s t s s t r i v e to s i t u a t e t h e i r research or technology as an o b l i g a t o r y p o i n t of passage f o r the f u l f i l l m e n t of the i n t e r e s t s imputed to these d i v e r s e a c t a n t s . S c i e n t i s t s can attempt to s a t i s f y an almost i n f i n i t e v a r i e t y of i n t e r e s t s : o r g a n i z a t i o n s might have an i n t e r e s t i n greater p r e s t i g e or funding, s c i e n t i s t s , might be i n t e r e s t e d i n a c q u i r i n g a new technology that w i l l f u r t h e r t h e i r e x i s t i n g research program, and b i o l o g i c a l e n t i t i e s can be c r e d i t e d w i t h having an i n t e r e s t i n propagating t h e i r species. In a l l of these 81 c o n s t r u c t i o n s , the researchers aim to make themselves indispensable to the f u l f i l l m e n t of these i n t e r e s t s . F i n a l l y , 'enrollment' i n v o l v e s s t a b i l i z i n g and r o u t i n i z i n g these r e l a t i o n s h i p s . I t in v o l v e s attempts to c o n t r o l r e l a t i o n s and i d e n t i t i e s , and i n t h i s respect e x e m p l i f i e s Foucault's (1980: 131) c l a i m that t r u t h i s 'produced only by v i r t u e of m u l t i p l e forms of c o n s t r a i n t . ' Having t r a n s l a t e d the i n t e r e s t s of e n t i t i e s such that they i d e n t i f y w i t h the knowledge to be produced, s c i e n t i s t s must ensure that they perform t h e i r r o l e s i n a r o u t i n e and p r e d i c t a b l e f a s h i o n . Using various technologies and t a c t i c s , s o c i a l r e l a t i o n s are made to assume a mechanical q u a l i t y -to the extant that what were o r i g i n a l l y unstable r e l a t i o n s h i p s s t a r t to behave l i k e machines. I f s c i e n t i s t s are unable to c o n t r o l and s t a b i l i z e these r o l e s , there i s always the r i s k that the component pa r t s w i l l revoke t h e i r w i l l i n g p a r t i c i p a t i o n and withdraw from the network. A s e r i e s of 'i n t e r m e d i a r i e s ' are th e r e f o r e employed i n attempts to r o u t i n i z e the i d e n t i t i e s of d i f f e r e n t a c t a n t s . Intermediaries c o n s i s t of anything that passes between actors which serve to define the r e l a t i o n s h i p between them and can in c l u d e such things as t e x t s , technologies, d i s c i p l i n e d human beings, and money. These serve to s t a b i l i z e the behavior of d i f f e r e n t actants and channel t h e i r f u n c t i o n i n g i n the d i r e c t i o n d e s i r e d by the 82 o r c h e s t r a t i n g a c t o r . As such, they give s o c i a l l i n k s shape, consistency and permanence over time. Murdoch (1995: 747) provides a concise summary of these processes of i d e n t i t y c o n s t r u c t i o n and s t a b i l i z a t i o n : In order f o r an actor s u c c e s s f u l l y to e n r o l e n t i t i e s (human and nonhuman) w i t h i n a network, t h e i r behaviour must be s t a b i l i s e d and channelled i n the d i r e c t i o n d e s i r e d by the e n r o l l i n g a c t o r . This w i l l e n t a i l r e d e f i n i n g the r o l e s of the actors and e n t i t i e s as they come i n t o alignment, such that they come to gain new i d e n t i t i e s or a t t r i b u t e s w i t h i n the network. I t i s the intermediaries... which act to bind actors together, 'cementing' the l i n k s . When there i s a p e r f e c t t r a n s l a t i o n , or r e d e f i n i t i o n , of a c t o r s ' i d e n t i t i e s and behaviours then these are s t a b i l i s e d w i t h i n the network. The stronger the network, the more t i g h t l y the various e n t i t i e s (human and nonhuman) are t i e d i n . One of the i n t r i g u i n g i n s i g h t s to emerge from ANT i s that the di v e r s e component p a r t s of a knowledge network are themselves comprised of t h e i r own networks. Anyone who has owned a s l i g h t l y temperamental v e h i c l e w i l l recognize that the assemblage we c a l l a car c o n s i s t s of a number of d i f f e r e n t black boxes that r e q u i r e t h e i r own process of network c o n s t r u c t i o n and maintenance. I g n i t i o n , s o l e n o i d and f u e l i n j e c t i o n a l l must perform t h e i r p r e s c r i b e d r o l e s i n order f o r the l a r g e r network to operate i n the d e s i r e d manner. The upshot of t h i s view of actor networks i s that i t i s e s s e n t i a l l y impossible to 'map' a l l of the component p a r t s of any p a r t i c u l a r network. Any apparently s o l i d e n t i t y , 83 i n s t i t u t i o n , person or phenomena, that one might p o i n t to as being part of any p a r t i c u l a r network i s i t s e l f the product of i t s own processes of network b u i l d i n g and maintenance. Law (1992: 385) makes the p o i n t n i c e l y when he s t a t e s that ' a l l phenomena are the e f f e c t or the product of heterogeneous networks.' Consequently, the job of the analyst i s not to dep i c t the t o t a l i t y of any p a r t i c u l a r network but to explore the s t r a t e g i e s and techniques by which s c i e n t i s t s t r y to i n t e r e s t and c o n t r o l p a r t i c u l a r l y r e c a l c i t r a n t actants. I t i s through such t r a n s l a t i o n s and ongoing e f f o r t s to c o n t r o l these p r e f e r r e d i d e n t i t i e s that the network coalesces i n t o a f u n c t i o n i n g whole. The 'actors' of which actor-network theory speaks are the people or i n s t i t u t i o n s who work to a l i g n these d i f f e r e n t i n t e r m e d i a r i e s . The r e c o g n i t i o n that actors a c t i v e l y construct and manipulate the p r e f e r r e d i d e n t i t i e s of d i f f e r e n t e n t i t i e s places the issue of power at the f o r e f r o n t of actor-network theory. As s e v e r a l authors have observed, the v i s i o n of power employed by ANT c l e a r l y resonates w i t h that advanced by Foucault (Law 1992; Michael 1996). For ANT, power i s not conceived to be something capable of being possessed by an acto r , but as the outcome of the a s s o c i a t i o n s between a c t o r s . 'Powerful actors speak f o r a l l the e n r o l l e d e n t i t i e s and a c t o r s , and c o n t r o l the means of re p r e s e n t a t i o n ' (Murdoch 1995: 748). Power i s 84 manifest when various e n t i t i e s have been s u c c e s s f u l l y e n r o l l e d i n t o a network. Actor-network theory employs a conception of s c i e n t i s t s c o n s c i o u s l y working to a l i g n d i f f e r e n t r e c a l c i t r a n t actants i n t o a f u n c t i o n i n g network. As such, i t works w i t h an understanding of human agency. In f a c t , the image of agency emerging out of ANT has at times almost appeared to reproduce e a r l i e r hagiographic accounts i n which monumental s c i e n t i f i c d i s c o v e r i e s were r e l a t e d to the s p e c i a l s k i l l s or p e r s o n a l i t i e s of t h e i r d i s c o v e r e r s . Latour's (1988, 1983) examinations of Pasteur's e f f o r t s to develop the anthrax vaccine are p a r t i c u l a r l y prone to such a reading. However, t h i s image of a sovereign i n d i v i d u a l working to produce f a c t s by a l i g n i n g d i f f e r e n t component pa r t s through sheer force of w i l l i s a misreading of the r o l e of agency i n ANT. Agency i s i t s e l f seen to be the r e s u l t of complex processes of network b u i l d i n g and maintenance. As Law (1992: 384) observes, 'an actor i s a patterned network of heterogeneous r e l a t i o n s , or an e f f e c t produced by such a network.' The a b i l i t i e s and p o s s i b i l i t i e s of agents are the r e s u l t of the networks of people, laws, technologies and a r t i f a c t s i n which they are embedded. Agency, and t h e r e f o r e power, i s precarious and contingent. I f technologies, nature, i n d i v i d u a l s and o r g a n i z a t i o n s do not adopt t h e i r a s c r i b e d r o l e s , the l a r g e r 85 network i s unstable and the s c i e n t i s t ' s a b i l i t y to produce f a c t s i s i n doubt. For example, Ca l l o n ' s (1986) study of an attempt to construct a s c i e n t i f i c network among s c a l l o p s , researchers and f i s h e r s i s already recognized as an exemplary ANT study of the processes of i d e n t i t y adoption and r e j e c t i o n . The researchers C a l l o n s t u d i e d sought to narrate the r o l e s f o r these d i f f e r e n t actors such that new forms of knowledge could be produced about the reproductive h a b i t s of the s c a l l o p s of St. Brieuc Bay. From the vantage p o i n t of the researchers, f i s h e r s were represented as being i n t e r e s t e d i n the long-term f i s c a l v i a b i l i t y of the stocks, and the s c a l l o p s were constructed as seeking to perpetuate t h e i r species. The broader s c i e n t i f i c community was represented as an assenting constituency who shared the researchers d e s i r e to increase the knowledge about these s p e c i f i c s c a l l o p s . The s c i e n t i s t s then set about e s t a b l i s h i n g t h e i r research as an o b l i g a t o r y p o i n t of passage f o r a l l of the concerned p a r t i e s . I f the d i f f e r e n t e n t i t i e s sought to secure the i d e n t i t i e s imputed to them, they would a l l have to acquiesce to the researcher's program. Networks of C r i m i n a l Knowledge An a p p r e c i a t i o n f o r the network b u i l d i n g e f f o r t s that make f a c t s p o s s i b l e i s necessary f o r any understanding of the knowledge s t r u c t u r e on which l i b e r a l governance r e s t s . Frequent reference i s made i n the governmentality l i t e r a t u r e to Latour's work on actor networks. N i k o l a s Rose and Peter M i l l e r i n p a r t i c u l a r have accentuated the degree to which dispersed centers of c a l c u l a t i o n are c r u c i a l to the development of governmental knowledges. This knowledge i s made p o s s i b l e through the production of networks that m o b i l i z e i n s c r i p t i o n s and s t a b i l i z e r e l a t i o n s by embedding them i n various m a t e r i a l forms such as machines, forms and c u r r i c u l a (Rose and M i l l e r 1992: 184; Rose 1996). Rose h i g h l i g h t s the importance of the s p e c i f i c operations of these centers of c a l c u l a t i o n to p r a c t i c e s of governance by observing how 'the composition of such networks i s the c o n d i t i o n of p o s s i b i l i t y f o r " a c t i o n at a dis t a n c e " ' (Rose 1996: 43). Despite acknowledging t h e i r importance, governmentality authors have expended l i t t l e e f f o r t i n unpacking the s p e c i f i c means by which such centers of c a l c u l a t i o n have been able to produce t h e i r r e s p e c t i v e knowledges. In t h e i r e f f o r t s to produce knowledge amenable to e f f o r t s aimed at governing conduct, the Centre imputes i d e n t i t i e s and r o l e s to d i f f e r e n t a c t o r s , a process of naming which i s accompanied by ongoing attempts to ensure that they conform to t h e i r i d e n t i t i e s . .The Centre's success or f a i l u r e i n such endeavors i s evident i n the extent to which i t has been able to render i t s e l f i ndispensable to the 87 d i f f e r e n t component p a r t s . What f o l l o w s , then, i s an examination of the power of the Centre - where power means 'desc r i b i n g the way i n which actors are defined, a s s o c i a t e d and simultaneously o b l i g e d to remain f a i t h f u l to t h e i r a l l i a n c e s ' (Callon 1986: 224). As w i l l become apparent, i d e n t i t y adoption and r e j e c t i o n are the extreme poles of a continuum of negotiated r o l e s and r e s p o n s i b i l i t i e s . Some actants assume t h e i r new r o l e s almost seamlessly while others are more r e l u c t a n t and s t i l l others f a l l away completely. C r i m i n a l Numbers The uniform crime report (UCR) i s the main r e p o r t i n g v e h i c l e f o r crime i n Canada. From t h i s survey comes the CCJS's most prominent s t a t i s t i c a l i n d i c a t o r - the annual crime r a t e . While other CCJS surveys may be of greater day-to-day u t i l i t y f o r some managers of the c r i m i n a l j u s t i c e system, the UCR i s unquestionably the Centre's f l a g s h i p survey, a status at l e a s t p a r t i a l l y r e l a t e d to the f a c t that i t has tended to re c e i v e considerable media a t t e n t i o n . The o r i g i n a l UCR became o p e r a t i o n a l i n Canada i n 1961 as the f r u i t s of a j o i n t venture between S t a t i s t i c s Canada and Canada's n a t i o n a l p o l i c e r e p r e s e n t a t i v e body, the Canadian A s s o c i a t i o n of Chiefs of P o l i c e (CACP). I t was intended to be a paper and p e n c i l data c o l l e c t i o n regime that would 88 produce n a t i o n a l crime s t a t i s t i c s as w e l l as common measures of p o l i c e workload. The p o l i c e are r e s p o n s i b l e f o r the UCR's c l a s s i f i c a t o r y e n t e r p r i s e . When an o f f i c e r attends an i n c i d e n t , she must f i r s t determine whether a crime has been committed. I f so, she f i l l s out an occurrence report which i s s p e c i f i c to her p a r t i c u l a r p o l i c e o r g a n i z a t i o n . The o f f i c e r , or, more r o u t i n e l y , an i n d i v i d u a l i n a s p e c i a l data entry s e c t i o n of the p o l i c e f o r c e , then uses the occurrence report as the ba s i s f o r c l a s s i f y i n g the crime according to the Centre's c r i t e r i a . This i n v o l v e s a l i s t of 108 c l a s s i f i c a t o r y options which are forwarded to the Centre. An important s t r u c t u r a l feature of t h i s survey derives from the f a c t that there i s not n e c e s s a r i l y a one-to-one correspondence between the Criminal Code v i o l a t i o n and the way the event i s coded f o r the UCR. Some events, such as homicide, have t h e i r own UCR v i o l a t i o n code while other v i o l a t i o n codes can in c l u d e a host of v a s t l y d i f f e r e n t crimes. For example, the v i o l a t i o n code f o r 'offenses against p u b l i c order' i n c l u d e s the crimes of treason, a s s i s t i n g a des e r t e r , d u e l i n g , unlawful d r i l l i n g , p i r a c y , and f o r c i b l e confinement. The maximum p e n a l t i e s f o r t h i s d i v e r s e amalgamation of crimes range from summary c o n v i c t i o n to l i f e imprisonment. Because the survey i s s t r u c t u r e d i n t h i s way, f o r some of the v i o l a t i o n codes which subsume a larg e number of Criminal Code offenses such 89 as those f o r 'offenses against p u b l i c order' and 'offenses against the person or r e p u t a t i o n , ' i t i s almost impossible f o r the Centre to disaggregate these numbers to s t a t i s t i c a l l y s c r u t i n i z e the s p e c i f i c crimes being committed. While l o c a l r e p o r t i n g u n i t s would g e n e r a l l y have the a b i l i t y to disaggregate t h e i r own data f o r such trends, the Centre must work w i t h the l a r g e r c a t c h - a l l c a t e g o r i e s . The b a s i c u n i t of count f o r the UCR i s the ' c r i m i n a l i n c i d e n t ' and the s p e c i f i c r u l e s f o r what counts as an i n c i d e n t i s a c l e a r demonstration of how the c l a s s i f i c a t o r y r u l e s employed by s t a t i s t i c a l agencies are c o n s t i t u t i v e of the objects they d e s c r i b e . For the purposes of the r e v i s e d UCR a s i n g l e i n c i d e n t may i n v o l v e s e v e r a l v i c t i m s , s e v e r a l accused and s e v e r a l v i o l a t i o n s of the law. The r u l e s d i c t a t e that such behaviors w i l l be grouped together as a s i n g l e i n c i d e n t i f 1) they are part of a simultaneous or s e q u e n t i a l a c t i o n that occur at the same pla c e , 2) are p a r t of i n t e r r e l a t e d a c t i o n s over a short p e r i o d of time, or 3) when the same v i o l e n t a c t i o n i s repeated over a long p e r i o d of time against the same v i c t i m ( s ) but only comes to the a t t e n t i o n of the p o l i c e at one p o i n t i n time (Revised UCR Documentation 1991: 5). What t h i s means, f o r example, i s that i f two people break i n t o an apartment and rob i t , t h i s i s counted as one i n c i d e n t , but i f they break i n t o three a d j o i n i n g apartments i t i s counted as three separate 90 i n c i d e n t s . However, i f a man i s a r r e s t e d f o r having committed m u l t i p l e acts of i n c e s t against h i s daughter during the past two years, i t counts as one i n c i d e n t . I w i l l not t r y any f u r t h e r to c l a r i f y the s p e c i f i c s of what types of c r i m i n a l behaviors w i l l count as an ' i n c i d e n t , ' as s p e c i f i c a p p l i c a t i o n s of these r u l e s can be confusing f o r even seasoned p o l i c e o f f i c e r s . S u f f i c e i t to say that the b a s i c u n i t of count f o r the UCR i s cons i d e r a b l y more p r e c i s e than what many people might t h i n k of when they t h i n k about measurements of crime. For each s i t u a t i o n deemed to be an i n c i d e n t , the p o l i c e record up to ten data elements, c o n s i s t i n g of the type of offense, clearance type (by charge or otherwise), and persons charged (adults and young o f f e n d e r s ) . These elements are then d i v i d e d i n t o three sets of v a r i a b l e s : number of i n c i d e n t s , number of i n c i d e n t s c l e a r e d (or solved ) , and number of persons charged i n r e l a t i o n to the c l e a r e d i n c i d e n t s . Another noteworthy a t t r i b u t e of t h i s survey i s that due to i t s aggregate nature, a n a l y s t s cannot s t a t i s t i c a l l y i s o l a t e a s i n g l e i n c i d e n t . The Centre receives monthly paper repo r t s c o n t a i n i n g aggregate t a l l i e s of the number of i n c i d e n t s , i n c i d e n t s c l e a r e d , e t c . , from the d i f f e r e n t r e p o r t i n g u n i t s . Consequently, they can only produce numbers r e l a t e d to the volume of cases processed by the p o l i c e and cannot develop a more d e t a i l e d a p p r e c i a t i o n 91 f o r the connections between the crime, the accused and the v i c t i m . The agencies who report UCR data c o n s i s t of Canada's various p o l i c e forces - municipal forces as w e l l as detachments from the Royal Canadian Mounted P o l i c e (RCMP), Ontario P r o v i n c i a l P o l i c e and Surete du Quebec. Reports are a l s o r e c e i v e d from the m i l i t a r y , customs, and r a i l w a y p o l i c e . With the exception of those crimes that occur w i t h i n Canada's armed forces and are processed by the Department of N a t i o n a l Defense, the UCR amounts to a f u l l census of a l l of the reported crime i n Canada. While the number of r e p o r t i n g u n i t s f l u c t u a t e s w i t h j u r i s d i c t i o n a l amalgamations and separations, as w e l l as w i t h the u n i t of count one employs, there are at l e a s t four hundred forces who send UCR data to the CCJS on a monthly b a s i s . Having such a la r g e number of respondents d i s t i n g u i s h e s the UCR from the other CCJS surveys which have considerably fewer r e p o r t i n g u n i t s , o f t e n r e c e i v i n g o n l y one monthly report from each p r o v i n c i a l and t e r r i t o r i a l r e p r e s e n t a t i v e . Other surveys have a l s o had con s i d e r a b l y l e s s success than the UCR i n g e t t i n g a l l of the p o t e n t i a l r e p o r t i n g u n i t s to submit t h e i r data. During the 1980s, Centre s t a f f , i n c o n s u l t a t i o n w i t h the p o l i c e community, began to i n v e s t i g a t e the prospect of r e v i s i n g and updating the UCR. Their o b j e c t i v e s were to 1) increase the u t i l i t y of the survey by expanding the number 92 of data elements, 2) improve data q u a l i t y , 3) improve the survey without i n c r e a s i n g respondent burden, and 4) maintain the h i s t o r i c a l c o n t i n u i t y of crime s t a t i s t i c s (CCJS 1990: 3). P r o t r a c t e d c o n s u l t a t i o n s and n e g o t i a t i o n s u l t i m a t e l y r e s u l t e d i n the development of the 'revised UCR' (UCRII) which r e l e a s e d i t s f i r s t p r e l i m i n a r y f i n d i n g s i n 1990. This new survey contains more d e t a i l about the v i c t i m , accused and circumstances of the i n c i d e n t than was p o s s i b l e under the o r i g i n a l UCR. T e r m i n o l o g i c a l l y , then, there are now two UCR surveys operating i n the Centre - the o r i g i n a l paper and p e n c i l survey of aggregate crimes, which remains the primary r e p o r t i n g v e h i c l e f o r many Canadian p o l i c e f o r c e s , and the new UCRII incident-based survey which has respondents supply data e n t i r e l y i n machine readable format. The i n t e n t i o n was to have both UCR systems operating c o n c u r r e n t l y f o r a number of years and s l o w l y phase-out the o r i g i n a l UCR as a l l the p o l i c e forces adopted the new UCRII system. The s i n g l e most important transformation i n the new survey i n v o l v e d the move from an aggregate approach to an incident-based s t r u c t u r e , which amounted to p r o v i d i n g each c r i m i n a l i n c i d e n t on the new survey w i t h i t s own s t a t i s t i c a l record. I s o l a t e d i n t h i s way, an analyst could manipulate s e v e r a l v a r i a b l e s p o t e n t i a l l y a s s o c i a t e d w i t h an i n c i d e n t . Along w i t h t h i s greater f l e x i b i l i t y came the a d d i t i o n of new data v a r i a b l e s . The s p e c i f i c s of what new inf o r m a t i o n should 93 be c o l l e c t e d were the t o p i c of considerable d i s c u s s i o n and n e g o t i a t i o n during lead-up c o n s u l t a t i o n s . U l t i m a t e l y the survey i n c l u d e d new v a r i a b l e s r e l a t e d to the accused's sex, age, alcohol/drug consumption and race, although some of these v a r i a b l e s have subsequently been r e v i s e d or abandoned (see chapter 3). V i c t i m s of v i o l e n t crimes were to have t h e i r age, sex, r e l a t i o n s h i p to the accused, alcohol/drug consumption and l e v e l of i n j u r y recorded, as w e l l as an i n d i c a t i o n of the type of weapon that caused the i n j u r y . Other new data elements i n c l u d e d an i n d i c a t i o n f o r the ' d o l l a r value of drugs s e i z e d , ' and ' v e h i c l e type' f o r t r a f f i c v i o l a t i o n s . Without the greater storage, computational and communications a b i l i t i e s provided by computers i t i s h i g h l y u n l i k e l y that the Centre would, or could, have embarked on these reforms. The volume of data that would now be coursing through the Centre f o r t h i s survey alone would be massive. In 1996 I was informed that w i t h i n a few years the UCRII would a c t u a l l y have a l a r g e r data h o l d i n g than even Canada's n a t i o n a l census. At that time, approximately one and a h a l f m i l l i o n UCRII t r a n s a c t i o n records were being processed annually. To t h i s t o t a l , roughly 1.5 m i l l i o n annual v i c t i m records and approximately 500,000 accused records can be added. A person i n v o l v e d i n the production of the UCR observed that ' r i g h t now the overall data s t o r e f o r UCRII i s 94 about s i x m i l l i o n records. That i s data going from 1988 to processing f o r 1996... when you have s i x m i l l i o n i n c i d e n t s w i t h 600,000 r e l a t e d v i c t i m s and 1.8 m i l l i o n r e l a t e d accused, i t i s a l o t a l l i n one chunk of space.' Even these dramatic numbers do not approach the eventual s i z e a n t i c i p a t e d f o r the UCRII data h o l d i n g s . In 1994 approximately e i g h t y p o l i c e departments from across the country were supplying data to the UCRII. These forces accounted f o r roughly 30% of the t o t a l reported crime i n Canada (Grainger 1996: 27) . As more forces adopt the UCRII conventions the data holdings w i l l increase d r a m a t i c a l l y . Before proceeding to a d i s c u s s i o n of the e p i s t e m o l o g i c a l environment i n which the Centre operates, a t e r m i n o l o g i c a l c l a r i f i c a t i o n i s i n order. The name 'uniform crime r e p o r t s ' i s used by both Canada and the United States f o r t h e i r o f f i c i a l crime s t a t i s t i c s . This s i m i l a r i t y i s due to the f a c t that Canada modeled e a r l y i t s e f f o r t s to produce a n a t i o n a l crime survey on the UCR i n the United States, which has been o p e r a t i o n a l since the e a r l y 1930s. Despite t h i s s i m i l a r i t y , there are s i g n i f i c a n t d i f f e r e n c e s i n the ways that the two c o u n t r i e s organize t h e i r c r i m i n a l s t a t i s t i c s systems. D i f f e r e n t laws, l e g i s l a t i v e r e s p o n s i b i l i t i e s , o r g a n i z a t i o n a l s t r u c t u r e s and s t a t i s t i c a l counting r u l e s render cross-border comparisons of crime trends immediately suspect. 95 C r i t i q u e s of O f f i c i a l Crime S t a t i s t i c s This s e c t i o n documents the degree to which the UCR e x i s t s w i t h i n a h o s t i l e e p i s t e m o l o g i c a l environment. The f a c t s on which governance r e s t s can themselves be q u i t e contentious. To the extent that such c r i t i q u e s threaten the l e g i t i m a c y of the knowledge upon which governance r e s t s , they must be addressed, countered or incorporated. In the 1960s and 70s, phenomenologists o f f e r e d some of the sharpest c r i t i q u e s of o f f i c i a l crime s t a t i s t i c s , arguments which are s t i l l invoked whenever crime s t a t i s t i c s are c r i t i c a l l y s c r u t i n i z e d . In a h i g h l y i n f l u e n t i a l a r t i c l e , K i t s u s e and C i c o u r e l (1963) claimed that crime rates are not r e l a t e d to crime per se, but are mediated through the ' o r g a n i z a t i o n a l contingencies which c o n d i t i o n the a p p l i c a t i o n of s p e c i f i c s t a t u t e s to a c t u a l conduct through the i n t e r p r e t a t i o n s , d e c i s i o n s and a c t i o n s of law enforcement personnel' (137) . They concluded that the r o l e played by p o l i c e o f f i c e r s as primary d e f i n e r s of c r i m i n a l scenarios and as d i f f e r e n t i a l enforcers of c r i m i n a l law serves to weaken the v a l i d i t y of crime data. O f f i c i a l crime rates should consequently be approached predominately as i n d i c a t o r s of the various p o l i c e ' o r g a n i z a t i o n a l processes' (137) that shape the crime r a t e . In the wake of such c r i t i q u e s the range of non-crime f a c t o r s that have been s i n g l e d out as p o t e n t i a l l y having a bearing on crime rates have expanded considerably. The dominant metaphor employed to exemplify such processes i s that of a 'crime f i l t e r ' which screens out c e r t a i n acts from the o f f i c i a l crime s t a t i s t i c s . The no t i o n of f i l t e r i n g out crime i s r e l a t e d to the f a c t that not everything i n the universe of harmful acts r e g i s t e r s i n the o f f i c i a l record. Many commentators have drawn a t t e n t i o n to the f a c t that the s o c i a l harms produced by the wealthy and powerful are d e a l t w i t h outside of the c r i m i n a l law i n various t r i b u n a l s or a d m i n i s t r a t i v e bodies, or e l s e are not d e a l t w i t h at a l l (Reiman 1990). Nor are a l l of those behaviors that could r e c e i v e the o f f i c i a l imprimatur of 'crime' reported to the p o l i c e . Despite Criminal Code d e f i n i t i o n s to the contrary, some v i c t i m s simply do not recognize t r i f l i n g matters or i n t e r - p e r s o n a l disputes as crimes. Indeed, there are a whole range of r o u t i n e c r i m i n a l behaviors i n which 'everyone' seems to be engaged (Gabor 1994), while other crimes are recognized as being outside of the p o l i c e ' s a b i l i t y to do anything about. A l t e r n a t i v e l y , some i n d i v i d u a l s , such as i l l e g a l immigrants or people who are themselves i n v o l v e d i n crime, fear the a u t h o r i t i e s and hence do not report t h e i r v i c t i m i z a t i o n and s t i l l others, such as abused spouses, fear r e p r i s a l s i f they contact the p o l i c e . 97 A c a l l to the p o l i c e i s a l s o no guarantee that an i n c i d e n t w i l l makes i t i n t o the o f f i c i a l record. P o l i c e dispatchers may not view the i n c i d e n t as a serious c r i m i n a l matter or may d i v e r t i t to another o r g a n i z a t i o n (Manning 1988). I f an o f f i c e r does attend the scene, she has considerable d i s c r e t i o n i n the f i r s t instance as to how to proceed with documenting the act (Ericson 1982: 135). For a p o l i c e o f f i c e r , the type and number of charges l a i d i s accomplished w i t h an eye towards the u l t i m a t e o r g a n i z a t i o n a l consequences of such d e c i s i o n s . Included i n such co n s i d e r a t i o n s are the aim of 'charging up' where many, or more s e r i o u s , charges are l a i d i n order to produce a p o s i t i o n of strength f o r the Crown f o r p o t e n t i a l p l e a n e g o t i a t i o n s (Ericson 1981). How a case i s documented can al s o be r e l a t e d to p o l i c e o r g a n i z a t i o n a l d i c t a t e s r e l a t e d to a d e s i r e to improve a force's s t a t i s t i c a l p r o f i l e p e r t a i n i n g to c e r t a i n types of crime. The act of l a y i n g a charge i s a l s o a key d e c i s i o n p o i n t where i n s t i t u t i o n a l racism can be manifest. A l l manner of b i a s and p r e j u d i c e can come i n t o p l a y i n r e l a t i o n to what types of people are s i n g l e d out f o r s c r u t i n y and a r r e s t , and the types of charges they face. Indeed, u n c e r t a i n t y about the r o l e of the p o l i c e as accurate, f a i t h f u l and d i s i n t e r e s t e d recorders of s t a t i s t i c a l data has long been 98 recognized as one of the major f a i l i n g s of o f f i c i a l crime s t a t i s t i c s . As S i r J o s i a h Stamp proclaimed i n 1929: The government are very keen on amassing s t a t i s t i c s . They c o l l e c t them, r a i s e them to the n t h power, take the cube root and prepare wonderful diagrams. But you must never forget that every one of t h e i r f i g u r e s comes i n the f i r s t instance from the v i l l a g e watchman, who j u s t puts down what he damn pleases, (quoted i n N e t t l e r 1974: 43) P o l i c e o r g a n i z a t i o n a l r o u t i n e s can d r a m a t i c a l l y i n f l u e n c e crime r a t e s . The geographic l o c a t i o n s and types of offenses that o f f i c e r s are d i r e c t e d to and focus t h e i r a t t e n t i o n on are r e f l e c t e d i n crime rates (Stoddart 1982). One of the few s t u d i e s by the CCJS to examine p o l i c e r e p o r t i n g p r a c t i c e s i n some d e t a i l documents how the formal and inf o r m a l o r g a n i z a t i o n a l r o u t i n e s f o r d e a l i n g w i t h crime can a l s o shape the crime r a t e . In a comparative study of the p o l i c e forces i n Calgary and Edmonton - two c i t i e s viewed as being comparable i n many ways f o r the purposes of crime data - d i f f e r e n t i a l l e v e l s of p o l i c e r e p o r t i n g were found across the two f o r c e s , p a r t i c u l a r l y i n r e l a t i o n to minor crimes. This v a r i a t i o n was p a r t i a l l y a t t r i b u t e d to Edmonton's p o l i c y of f u l l e r r e p o r t i n g , but even w i t h such a p o l i c y the authors c a u t i o n that i n Edmonton 'over 10%'of the data i s e i t h e r l o s t or i n e r r o r . This should be kept i n mind when examining UCR data' (CCJS 1990b: 50). 99 The s i t u a t i o n was even more t r o u b l i n g i n Calgary where a considerable number of cases went missing between the i n i t i a l c a l l f o r s e r v i c e and the f i n a l o f f i c i a l documentation, a l o s s that was a t t r i b u t e d to 'the f a i l u r e of p a t r o l o f f i c e r s to complete occurrence reports f o r i n c i d e n t s to which they have been dispatched'(49). A more recent S t a t i s t i c s Canada e v a l u a t i o n of the q u a l i t y of UCRII data r e i t e r a t e s such concerns. I t found that there was considerable v a r i a b i l i t y i n response patterns across d i f f e r e n t p o l i c e o r g a n i z a t i o n s . The author summarizes the f i n d i n g s by c a u t i o n i n g that t h i s 'lack of accurate and c o n s i s t e n t respondent data was very much a data q u a l i t y concern' (Cou l l 1995: 3). V i c t i m i z a t i o n s t u d i e s give us a glimpse of the 'dark f i g u r e ' of crime that does not make i t s way i n t o the o f f i c i a l s t a t i s t i c s (Mayhew et a l . 1994; V i o l e n c e Against Women Survey 1993). Such stud i e s ask groups of randomly sampled i n d i v i d u a l s to recount ways i n which they might have been r e c e n t l y c r i m i n a l l y v i c t i m i z e d , u s u a l l y during the past year. Respondents are encouraged to recount instances of c r i m i n a l v i c t i m i z a t i o n regardless of whether they reported i t to the p o l i c e or even i f they viewed the i n c i d e n t ( s ) as t r i v i a l . While such methodologies have been subject to c r i t i c i s m because they under-represent ' v i c t i m l e s s ' crimes such .as p r o s t i t u t i o n as w e l l as corporate and environmental 100 crimes, they do provide i n s i g h t i n t o the degree to which other types of crimes go unreported. For example, the 1993 S t a t i s t i c s Canada General S o c i a l Survey estimated that 90% of sexual a s s a u l t s , 68% of other a s s a u l t s , and 53% of robberies f o r that year were not reported to the p o l i c e (Johnson 1996: 3). F i l t e r s which serve to depress the l e v e l of o f f i c i a l crime e x i s t alongside other processes that can augment crime rates or introduce other u n c e r t a i n t i e s i n t o the crime data. For example, the media parade of new and r e s u s c i t a t e d s o c i a l problems can i n f l u e n c e crime rates ( G u s f i e l d 1989; H i l g a r t n e r and Bosk 1988). P u b l i c crusades against s p e c i f i c crimes encourage a c o l l e c t i v e v i g i l a n c e that can increase the l e v e l s of reported crime f o r these a c t i v i t i e s and prompt p o l i c e e f f o r t s to t a r g e t such behavior; a c t i o n s that can, i n t u r n , f u r t h e r increase the o f f i c i a l numbers. Laws against impaired d r i v i n g , p r o s t i t u t i o n and the s a l e and possession of n a r c o t i c s provide an apparently l i m i t l e s s resource f o r p o l i c e charging p r a c t i c e s . P o l i c e enforcement s t r a t e g i e s are a l s o r e l a t e d to changing s o c i a l a t t i t u d e s . For example, m o d i f i c a t i o n s i n p u b l i c a t t i t u d e s towards, and t o l e r a n c e of, v i o l e n c e can be r e f l e c t e d i n the o f f i c i a l numbers. L e g i s l a t i v e change a l s o has a r o l e to p l a y i n t h i s process. In Canada one of the most important recent l e g i s l a t i v e changes concerns the 1983 m o d i f i c a t i o n s to the rape and 101 indecent a s s a u l t l e g i s l a t i o n which introduced a t r i p a r t i t e d i v i s i o n of sexual a s s a u l t s . Increasing l e v e l s of p o l i c e -recorded v i o l e n c e i n Canada have been at l e a s t p a r t i a l l y -a t t r i b u t e d to t h i s change (Kingsley 1996). The above observations by no means c o n s t i t u t e a f u l l a rray of arguments l e v e l e d against o f f i c i a l crime r e p o r t s . Instead, they are intended to provide a sense of the ep i s t e m o l o g i c a l environment i n which Centre employees and t h e i r knowledge claims e x i s t , an atmosphere where t h e i r work i s c o n t i n u a l l y subject to di v e r s e d e c o n s t r u c t i v e s t r a t e g i e s . They are not even immune from c r i t i c i s m from t h e i r I n i t i a t i v e p a r t n e r s . One respondent r e c a l l e d how a former l i a i s o n o f f i c e r from the Department of J u s t i c e was p a r t i c u l a r l y aggressive i n h i s d e c o n s t r u c t i v e attempts: 'We used to say that he had more people i n J u s t i c e working to p u l l our reports apart than we had working on them. He had a s t a f f that seemed to work c o n s t a n t l y to c r i t i q u e our rep o r t s . ' Centre s t a f f are i n t i m a t e l y aware of the above c r i t i c i s m s of the UCR data, having h i g h l i g h t e d some of the l i m i t a t i o n s themselves. To p e r s o n a l l y deal w i t h t h i s s i t u a t i o n , some i n d i v i d u a l s narrowly concentrate on the production of crime numbers and set aside questions about the r e f e r e n t i a l i t y of t h e i r data. As a senior a n a l y s t at the Centre observed, 'A lar g e p a r t of our work i s not having to 102 do w i t h the r e a l i t y . We j u s t work w i t h our numbers.' Another member s a i d that f o r most s t a f f at the Centre the r e l a t i o n s h i p between the o f f i c i a l 'crime r a t e ' and the ' r e a l ' l e v e l of crime i s 'a black hole.' S t i l l another confided t h a t : I f anybody got i n t o a s t a t i s t i c a l a n a l y s i s of the UCR data, which i s supposed to be our f l a g s h i p , I t h i n k they would have a heart attack. My own personal o p i n i o n i s t hat the data are crap. For a l l of these reasons. Nobody knows who i s p u t t i n g what i n . The question i s what can you do? To a c e r t a i n extent you are stuck. Such resigned or c r i t i c a l stances were by no means the norm among Centre s t a f f . In f a c t , i t i s d i f f i c u l t to c h a r a c t e r i z e the dominant view Centre s t a f f take towards the v a l i d i t y of t h e i r data. Some s t a f f are adamant that the UCR is " a wonderful approximation of the l e v e l of reported crime. Others are more pragmatic, b e l i e v i n g there i s a r e l a t i o n s h i p between the l e v e l of reported crime and the 'true' l e v e l of crime but recognize that there are d i f f i c u l t i e s i n a s c e r t a i n i n g the degree of f i t between the r e p r e s e n t a t i o n and the r e a l i t y . S t i l l others take the academic c r i t i q u e s of. t h e i r numbers very s e r i o u s l y and are worried about the v a l i d i t y of the UCR data, p a r t i c u l a r l y because of the d i f f i c u l t i e s introduced by the unknown l e v e l s of v a r i a b i l i t y i n p o l i c e r e p o r t i n g p r a c t i c e s . Perhaps the best way i n which to c h a r a c t e r i z e the a t t i t u d e of Centre s t a f f towards the v a l i d i t y of t h e i r data 103 i s t h a t , l i k e many s c i e n t i s t s , they are 'Janus faced' (Latour 1987, 96-99). Speaking through the r e a l i s t s i de of the Janus face they b e l i e v e that t h e i r numbers are d i c t a t e d by the l e v e l of reported crime. Adopting the more c o n s t r u c t i o n i s t side of the Janus face they r o u t i n e l y accentuate the various o r g a n i z a t i o n a l , - s o c i a l and l e g a l f a c t o r s which can a f f e c t the crime r a t e . The choice of which voice to adopt i s r e l a t e d to the context i n which they are speaking. For example, when c a l l e d upon to defend t h e i r numbers they speak of how the numbers are a r e f l e c t i o n of the amount of reported crime i n Canada. During the more day-to-day r o u t i n e s of producing the data, they f r e q u e n t l y mention the various o r g a n i z a t i o n a l , s o c i a l and t e c h n o l o g i c a l f a c t o r s which can shape the data. The important p o i n t i s to recognize that both voices are speaking the t r u t h , as t h e i r knowledge i s both constructed and r e a l ; i t i s the processes of c o n s t r u c t i o n which allows f o r the r e a l i t y to emerge and s o l i d i f y . Many Centre personnel have developed arguments and r a t i o n a l i z a t i o n s to provide them w i t h greater confidence that the trends they are r e p o r t i n g are accurate or i n d i c a t i v e of what i s o c c u r r i n g i n the ' r e a l world' of crime. One of the most important of these claims i n v o l v e s the purported r e l a t i o n s h i p between v i o l e n t crime and non-v i o l e n t crime. I t i s argued, or assumed, that many of the 104 above-noted phenomena that can i n f l u e n c e crime data are p r i m a r i l y r e l a t e d to l e s s s e r i o u s offenses. Where s e r i o u s a s s a u l t s or homicide are concerned the crime f i l t e r i s not so much i n e f f e c t as people are more apt to report s e r i o u s offenses and the p o l i c e are more l i k e l y to record them. At the extreme, to put the matter b l u n t l y , a corpse provides homicide data w i t h an o b j e c t i v e e n t i t y that transcends o r g a n i z a t i o n a l d i s c r e t i o n , r e p o r t i n g c r i t e r i a and c l a s s i f i c a t i o n . The imagery of a continuum of c e r t a i n t y emerges whereby, as one respondent phrased i t , 'the more serious [an offense] i s , the more l i k e l y i t i s to be r e a l . ' One end of t h i s continuum concerns homicide data where, as another respondent observed, 'you have to have a body. I f anything i s r e l i a b l e , homicide i s . ' Yet a t h i r d interviewee r e i t e r a t e d t h i s common view: The t h i n g about the homicide [data] i s that i t i s the one that we can never be accused of i t being subject to r e p o r t i n g c r i t e r i a or numbers. A dead body i s a dead body. We can't r e a l l y count that wrong. So the r e p o r t i n g c r i t e r i a by p o l i c e or to p o l i c e r e a l l y don't impact i t . I t i s a f i n i t e measurement. At t h i s juncture I want to continue e x p l o r i n g the c r i t i c i s m s l e v e l e d against o f f i c i a l crime s t a t i s t i c s by c o n f r o n t i n g t h i s 'hard case.' While I share some of the assumptions about these numbers being l e s s subject to r e p o r t i n g c r i t e r i a than other offenses, I w i l l use t h i s example to continue the argument that the Centre's t r u t h 105 claims e x i s t w i t h i n an a g o n i s t i c environment, always subject to p o t e n t i a l d e c o n s t r u c t i v e s t r a t e g i e s . Even t h e i r hardest and purportedly most r e l i a b l e numbers are shaped by r e p o r t i n g c r i t e r i a , changing s o c i a l a t t i t u d e s and i n s t i t u t i o n a l processes. Every year a percentage of Canadian c i t i z e n s go m i s s i n g and are never seen again. M a r g i n a l i z e d s t r e e t people and p r o s t i t u t e s are p a r t i c u l a r l y at r i s k of urban disappearances. We can assume that some of these people are the v i c t i m s of homicides that never come to the a t t e n t i o n of the p o l i c e . Even when the p o l i c e d iscover a corpse t h i s does not n e c e s s a r i l y mean that a cause of death can be determined. Lundsgaarde's (1977) c l a s s i c study of homicide patterns i n Houston documents how i n t e r p r e t a t i v e and o r g a n i z a t i o n a l f a c t o r s i n the Coroner's o f f i c e p l a y a r o l e i n cause of death determinations. C o n t r i b u t i n g to such ambiguity are the gray areas a s s o c i a t e d w i t h the c l a s s i f i c a t i o n of s u i c i d e s (Douglas 1967, chap. 12), the d i f f i c u l t i e s a s s o c i a t e d w i t h burned or decomposed corpses, and the v a r i a b i l i t y i n the amount of o f f i c i a l a t t e n t i o n that d i f f e r e n t types of homicides r e c e i v e . In a study of coroners' determinations of the cause of death, Leadbeatter (1996: 442) concludes that the absence of evidence of a cause of death does not exclude the p o s s i b i l i t y that i t i s i n f a c t a case of homicide, and perhaps even more 106 i n t e r e s t i n g l y , that 'where there are p a t h o l o g i c a l f i n d i n g s which may be considered s u f f i c i e n t to be a cause of death, the e x c l u s i o n of another p a r t y having brought about the death by a means which leaves no evidence - such as s u f f o c a t i o n w i t h a p i l l o w - i s , again, impossible.' In s t i l l other contexts, o f f i c i a l d i a g n o s t i c r o u t i n e s are abandoned when confronted w i t h a m o r t a l i t y which i s ' c l e a r l y ' not the r e s u l t of homicide. A senior p o l i c e o f f i c e r provides a sense of the degree of c l a s s i f i c a t o r y l a t i t u d e i n v o l v e d i n such processes: You would have the s i t u a t i o n where i t ' s J u l y and the coroner a r r i v e s at the scene where the corpse of a seventy-year-old male has been found. Now, i t ' s hot and the body i s up on the t h i r d f l o o r . The coroner would ask the o f f i c e r i f there was any i n d i c a t i o n of v i o l e n c e or anything out of the or d i n a r y . The o f f i c e r would say, 'No, i t j u s t appears that the guy died.' The coroner would take the death c e r t i f i c a t e and w r i t e i n 'coronary thrombosis' and leave. Not even bothering to go up and look at the body. Now t h i s i n f o r m a t i o n i s used by S t a t i s t i c s Canada and by h e a l t h p r o f e s s i o n a l s . U l t i m a t e l y i t impacts on a l l kinds of t h i n g s . For a l l we know heart a t t a c k s aren't the l e a d i n g cause of death... we a l l develop our own p r e j u d i c e s and h a b i t s . (Ericson and Haggerty 1997: 243) As i n any other medical examination, coroners' evaluations a l s o contain the p o s s i b i l i t y f o r misdiagnosis and e r r o r . Outside of those instances where a body i s found wi t h a k n i f e p r o t r u d i n g from i t s back, there i s room f o r i n t e r p r e t a t i o n i n determining the r o l e of f o u l p l a y i n a person's death. Coroners do have the advantage, however, 107 that they l a r g e l y need not deal w i t h the prospect of t h e i r p a t i e n t seeking a second o p i n i o n or developing symptoms that d r a m a t i c a l l y c o n t r a d i c t the o r i g i n a l d i a g n o s i s . Theirs i s l a r g e l y the f i n a l word i n determining a cause of death. S o c i a l and i n s t i t u t i o n a l change can a l s o a f f e c t homicide r a t e s . During the p e r i o d i n which t h i s research was conducted, p u b l i c d i s c u s s i o n was t a k i n g place i n Ontario about 'shaken baby syndrome,' a 'syndrome' which amounts to a c a r e g i v e r shaking a c h i l d so hard that i t r e c e i v e s s e r i o u s i n j u r i e s or even d i e s . Such a c t i o n s are t y p i c a l l y a t t r i b u t e d to a c a r e g i v e r ' s exasperated attempts to stop a c h i l d from c r y i n g . In the mid 1990s 'shaken baby syndrome' was on the cusp of becoming a new s o c i a l problem. An immediately evocative i s s u e , i t had already r e c e i v e d some media a t t e n t i o n and had a respected p u b l i c champion i n the Chief Coroner of Ontario. The Chief Coroner had proclaimed that such behavior was much more frequent than had heretofore been imagined and went so f a r as to p u b l i c l y suggest that the p r e v i o u s l y i n e x p l i c a b l e phenomena of Sudden Infant Death Syndrome (SIDS, a.k.a. ' c r i b death') was i n many instances the r e s u l t of a parent or guardian shaking a baby. Here an analyst at the Centre recounts h i s d i s c u s s i o n w i t h the Chief Coroner i n r e l a t i o n to t h i s matter: I spoke to the coroner, the Coroner's O f f i c e of Ontario, and they are q u i t e sure that there are a l o t of what are c l a s s i f i e d as SIDS deaths, so that number they t h i n k i s a gross undercount... And then two months 108 ago... he was on TV s t a t i n g h i s o p i n i o n about that and how i n f a n t deaths are going to be more thoroughly-i n v e s t i g a t e d i n the f u t u r e . And they had backed o f f i n the past because of the s t r e n g t h of the SIDS o r g a n i z a t i o n and because i t i s such an emotional t h i n g and such a hard t h i n g f o r f a m i l i e s so they completely backed o f f i f i t looked at a l l l i k e i t could be SIDS death. So they are going to be much more aggressive. The 'more aggressive' i n v e s t i g a t i v e stance of the Coroner's O f f i c e was evident i n new r u l e s and r e g u l a t i o n s . A person i n the Centre r e s p o n s i b l e f o r c o l l e c t i n g homicide data recounted how i n Ontario The Coroner's O f f i c e has l e g i s l a t e d that any death of i n f a n t s under two years of age would be a u t o m a t i c a l l y i n v e s t i g a t e d by the Coroner's O f f i c e . This has only happened i n the l a s t couple of years. Only i n the past couple of days the Ontario Coroner has s a i d that any death of a c h i l d under f i v e years o l d w i l l be i n v e s t i g a t e d by the Coroner's O f f i c e . ' The Centre i t s e l f has r e c e n t l y i n s t i t u t i o n a l i z e d t h i s phenomena on i t s homicide survey by adding the o p t i o n 'trauma, i . e . shaken baby syndrome' under the c a t e g o r i e s a v a i l a b l e f o r 'cause of death.' Given the new emphasis and i n s t i t u t i o n a l i z a t i o n of procedures f o r i n v e s t i g a t i n g such deaths, i t would be a f a i r e s t i m a t i o n that the o f f i c i a l numbers f o r homicides of c h i l d r e n w i l l increase as cases that p r e v i o u s l y would have been neglected r e c e i v e c r i t i c a l s c r u t i n y . Here a member of the Centre a n t i c i p a t e s j u s t such a development: 109 I t i s hard to p r e d i c t , but i t i s q u i t e p o s s i b l e that a l o t of deaths could have been a t t r i b u t e d to accident or Sudden Infant Death Syndrome when i n f a c t they could have been homicides... What i n the past could have been decided as being the r e s u l t of Sudden Infant Death Syndrome or a c c i d e n t a l , now because of the coroner's involvement i n i n v e s t i g a t i n g these types of deaths we would uncover more. Cumulatively, these examples underscore the extent to which even the Centre's hardest numbers have p l i a b l e borders. Within the c u l t u r e of the Centre, such p u r p o r t e d l y hard numbers serve the added r h e t o r i c a l f u n c t i o n of propping up the r e l i a b i l i t y of UCR data a s s o c i a t e d w i t h l e s s s e r i o u s crimes. One way i n which t h i s i s done concerns those s i t u a t i o n s where both types of data appear to be i n d i c a t i n g analogous trends. For example, during the e a r l y and mid 1990s, Canada witnessed a small but steady d e c l i n e i n crime r a t e s f o r both v i o l e n t offenses (which some Centre s t a f f r e f e r r e d to as 'hard data') and non-violent offenses (soft data). The f a c t that the same trend was o c c u r r i n g across d i f f e r e n t types of offenses was used to promote the v a l i d i t y of the s o f t e r numbers on the presumption that both i n d i c e s were r e l a t e d to a s i m i l a r phenomena. A manager of the UCR system made t h i s p o i n t i n d i s c u s s i n g the d e c l i n e i n the crime r a t e f o r l e s s serious offenses: 'We f i n d that a l o t of the trends that we have found i n the recent h i s t o r y of d e c l i n e show up i n those numbers [for v i o l e n t offenses] too. 110 So that adds some confidence that [the d e c l i n e ] i s not s t r i c t l y a f u n c t i o n of l o s s of coverage.' A problem w i t h such an assumption i s that i t presumes a common e t i o l o g y across v a s t l y d i f f e r e n t c a t e g o r i e s of behavior, some u n i d e n t i f i e d c r o s s - c a t e g o r i c a l cause f o r changes i n the rates f o r t h e f t , a s s a u l t or homicide. While t h i s use of the s t a t i s t i c a l trends f o r harder offenses to b u t t r e s s the s o f t e r crime data d i d not make i t s way i n t o the Centre's p u b l i c a t i o n s , i t was f r e q u e n t l y invoked i n f o r m a l l y as a way to i n v e s t the s o f t e r data w i t h a greater degree of t r u s t and c e r t a i n t y . Comparable moves were o c c a s i o n a l l y made i n r e l a t i o n to c r o s s - n a t i o n a l comparisons of crime trends. One senior manager confided that he was comforted by the f a c t that the Centre's recent f i n d i n g s about the d e c l i n e i n crime corresponds to trends at the i n t e r n a t i o n a l l e v e l . Again, t h i s i s questionable given the inherent d i f f i c u l t i e s i n making c r o s s - n a t i o n a l crime comparisons and the f a c t that one must presume that some common c r o s s - n a t i o n a l i n f l u e n c e on crime rates i s at work. In order f o r s t a t i s t i c s about crime and c r i m i n a l j u s t i c e to be used as a b a s i s f o r governance, they cannot be seen to have a questionable r e l a t i o n s h i p to the object they purport to descr i b e . And one of the i n t e r e s t i n g aspects of the production of crime s t a t i s t i c s i s that the e n t e r p r i s e has not buckled under the sheer weight of the c r i t i q u e s of o f f i c i a l s t a t i s t i c s . Instead, t h e i r s t a t i s t i c a l e f f o r t s have a c t u a l l y remained s t a b l e and, i f anything, become even more entrenched. The ensuing s e c t i o n suggests that such success can be a t t r i b u t e d to processes of network c o n s t r u c t i o n and maintenance. For a knowledge network w i t h the scope and complexity n e c e s s i t a t e d by the UCR, l i t e r a l l y thousands of heterogeneous components must be a l i g n e d i n t o a f u n c t i o n i n g whole. No attempt i s made to provide a comprehensive 'map' of a l l of the components of t h i s network, as the range of actants that comprise t h e i r network i s immense, i n c l u d i n g as i t does computers, deputy m i n i s t e r s , software s p e c i a l i s t s , s t a t i s t i c a l experts, p o l i c e o f f i c e r s , the p u b l i c , court c l e r k s , c h i e f s of p o l i c e , communication systems, and so on. Instead, the emphasis i s on the e f f o r t s to e n r o l l p a r t i c u l a r l y r e c a l c i t r a n t actants and the means through which the Centre's p r e f e r r e d i d e n t i t i e s f o r such actants are o c c a s i o n a l l y r e s i s t e d or opposed. P o l i c e o f f i c e r s and o r g a n i z a t i o n s are s i n g l e d out f o r examination as these i d e n t i t i e s have at times proven to be d i f f i c u l t to c o n t r o l and s t a b i l i z e . P o l i c e Organizations The Centre has a complex set of r e l a t i o n s with the p o l i c e . The Centre assumes that the p o l i c e are r a t i o n a l systems managers who d e s i r e methodologically sound n a t i o n a l crime data i n order to compare t h e i r performance w i t h that of 112 other o r g a n i z a t i o n s . Although p o l i c e forces can produce crime data f o r t h e i r own j u r i s d i c t i o n s , t h i s does not help them make n a t i o n a l comparisons due to the d i f f e r e n t accounting p r a c t i c e s across p o l i c e f o r c e s . The Centre has been able to carve out a niche f o r i t s e l f w i t h i n the p o l i c e community by f u l f i l l i n g the promise of p r o v i d i n g n a t i o n a l l y comparable crime data. The presumption that the p o l i c e are committed to having r e l i a b l e data on t h e i r own i n t e r n a l r e p o r t i n g systems i s c r u c i a l l y important to the Centre's own methodology. Confidence i n the accuracy of the data on the p o l i c e ' s systems l i e s behind any f a i t h that the Centre can place i n i t s own data. Given that the Centre employs a methodology that draws i t s numbers from the data on e x i s t i n g o p e r a t i o n a l p o l i c e systems, i t i s important f o r Centre employees to be able to t r u s t that the p o l i c e are doing a good job of c o l l e c t i n g data and maintaining t h e i r systems. For p o l i c e o r g a n i z a t i o n s to f u l f i l l t h e i r d e s i r e f o r n a t i o n a l crime data, they must, i n t u r n , provide i n f o r m a t i o n to the Centre. Given that the p o l i c e have been p r o v i d i n g monthly t a b u l a t i o n s of UCR data to the Centre since 1961, t h i s i s now a f a i r l y r o u t i n e e x e r c i s e . However, wi t h the development of the UCRII i n the 1980s, more e f f o r t had to be expended to t r y to b r i n g a l l of the p o l i c e forces i n l i n e w i t h the new r e p o r t i n g and systems requirements. Along w i t h 113 the Canadian A s s o c i a t i o n of Chiefs of P o l i c e , the Centre became a key advocate of new i d e n t i t i e s f o r both i t s e l f and the p o l i c e . The UCRII was to be a much more inf o r m a t i o n i n t e n s i v e regime, and Centre s t a f f had to overcome r e s i s t a n c e by groups and powerful i n d i v i d u a l s w i t h i n the I n i t i a t i v e who e i t h e r opposed the new survey or who were s k e p t i c a l about the u t i l i t y of a l l t h i s i n f o r m a t i o n . A Centre employee who was instrumental i n the development of the UCRII recounts here the s u b t l e lobbying they had to undertake i n order to get these p a r t i e s on-board: One of the challenges... i s we didn't have any microdata surveys at the time. So one of the issues was 'why do you want microdata? Why do you need data at that l e v e l ? You are going to have f i v e m i l l i o n records of informati o n every year? To do s t a t i s t i c a l a n a l y s i s ? Give us a break, we don't need a l l of t h i s . I t i s going to be c o s t l y , i n e f f e c t i v e , how do you pla n to do i t ? ' That was a major challenge... We t r a v e l l e d the country e x p l a i n i n g what we were t r y i n g to do, t a l k about the f e a s i b i l i t y of doing i t . Assessing t h e i r systems. B a s i c a l l y g e t t i n g a buy-in. An i d e n t i t y that the Centre had to. f o s t e r i n t h i s regard was that of the computerized p o l i c e f o r c e . While some p o l i c e o r g a n i z a t i o n s already employed computers, many had none or used them e x c l u s i v e l y f o r t h e i r a d m i n i s t r a t i v e systems. R e t r o s p e c t i v e l y , the d r i v e to computerize may not seem that remarkable, but i n the 1980s i t was s t i l l a serious and r i s k y undertaking f o r many p o l i c e o r g a n i z a t i o n s who had to deal w i t h questions about data s e c u r i t y , c o s t s , and the b e n e f i t s of developing a system in-house or of making the move to computers at a l l (Ackroyd et. a l . 1992). The UCRII proposal r e l i e d upon an i d e a l scenario that i n v o l v e d a s e r i e s of f a i r l y r a p i d moves towards computerization f o r Canada's major f o r c e s . One way i n which p o l i c e i n t e r e s t s were t r a n s l a t e d i n t o the UCRII system was through s t r a t e g i c appeals to e x i s t i n g p o l i c e o r g a n i z a t i o n a l concerns. In advocating on behalf of the new UCRII, the Centre tapped i n t o the p o l i c e ' s r e c u r r e n t complaint that they are being overwhelmed wi t h demands to c o l l e c t massive amounts of inf o r m a t i o n f o r a host of d i f f e r e n t o r g a n i z a t i o n s and i n s t i t u t i o n s (Ericson and Haggerty 1997). Centre s t a f f suggested that the move to e l e c t r o n i c r e p o r t i n g would make p o l i c e r e p o r t i n g systems more r a t i o n a l and would allow f o r greater f l e x i b i l i t y i n terms of what inf o r m a t i o n could be reported, how i t could be formatted, and how e a s i l y system changes could be made. Given the importance of computerization to t h e i r plans, the Centre was not simply going to stand i d l y by and wait f o r p o l i c e forces to develop t h e i r own systems. Instead, they worked wi t h the p o l i c e to secure a p a r t i c u l a r v i s i o n of the future of p o l i c e r e p o r t i n g . The Centre's Technical A s s i s t a n c e D i r e c t o r a t e (TAD) has money a v a i l a b l e to a s s i s t the j u r i s d i c t i o n s i n e s t a b l i s h i n g e l e c t r o n i c i n t e r f a c e s and developing i n f o r m a t i o n systems. While these funds are spread 115 across the d i f f e r e n t surveys and cannot be used to purchase technology, they have helped to e n t i c e p o l i c e forces to adopt the UCRII. A senior analyst i n the p o l i c i n g s e r v i c e s s e c t i o n recounts how t h i s money has been an important way of i n t e r e s t i n g p o l i c e forces i n moving towards computerized UCRII r e p o r t i n g : F i r s t of a l l , the p o l i c e s e r v i c e s work to encourage going the new, modern automated route, and money i s a v a i l a b l e . So you get t r i a l money f i r s t of a l l . I t would be open to anybody who wants to buy i n t o i t . With p o l i c e s e r v i c e budget cutbacks [the p o l i c e ] want to use t h e i r resources to be f i s c a l l y r e s p o n s i b l e . So i f they can get money to do something, they could. And i f they saw that they are going to have to do i t e v e n t u a l l y anyway, and there are more and more demands upon t h e i r system, then they would have a reason f o r j o i n i n g us. A member of TAD recounted how when he works i n the j u r i s d i c t i o n s he reads h i s mandate 'as l i b e r a l l y as p o s s i b l e ' i n order to provide e x t r a e l e c t r o n i c r e p o r t i n g perks and systems b e n e f i t s to the j u r i s d i c t i o n . He does t h i s because ' i t i s those a d d i t i o n a l b e n e f i t s that w i l l help provide f o r buy-in. Without the buy-in you w i l l not get q u a l i t y data. That has been the problem a l l the way along.' Having constructed a complex i d e n t i t y f o r the p o l i c e , the Centre must now work to ensure that they maintain the r o l e s imputed to them. Computer i n t e r f a c e s are u s e f u l i n t h i s regard because they serve to r o u t i n i z e the r e l a t i o n s between the p o l i c e forces and the Centre. Computerized r e p o r t i n g systems serve to 'background' the r e l a t i o n s h i p s 116 between the p o l i c e and the CCJS, meaning that they become i n v i s i b l e and r o u t i n e . As John Law (1991: 174) observes, one of the best ways to s t a b i l i z e s o c i a l r e l a t i o n s i s to embody them ' i n durable m a t e r i a l s : r e l a t i o n s that tend, everything e l s e being equal, to generate e f f e c t s that l a s t , ' and computers are a wonderful way of generating such e f f e c t s . Some p o l i c e j u r i s d i c t i o n s have e s t a b l i s h e d r e p o r t i n g formats that a u t o m a t i c a l l y w r i t e from o f f i c e r s ' e l e c t r o n i c reports to the UCR c a t e g o r i e s so that the o f f i c e r may not even be aware that they are p r o v i d i n g data to S t a t i s t i c s Canada. P r i v a t e software c o n t r a c t o r s who s p e c i a l i z e i n computerized p o l i c e systems have f u r t h e r e d t h i s trend by embedding the Centre's r e p o r t i n g conventions d i r e c t l y i n t h e i r software. Once i n place, the maintenance of these computer systems becomes the r e s p o n s i b i l i t y of the p o l i c e . Not only must the p o l i c e have computer systems, they must a l s o r a t i o n a l l y and c o n s c i e n t i o u s l y manage these systems. In a d d i t i o n to r e g u l a r maintenance of t h e i r own systems, the p o l i c e must modify the UCRII i n t e r f a c e s and coding conventions as p o l i c e p r a c t i c e s and r u l e s f o r how to c l a s s i f y events and behaviors are r e v i s e d . While these changes were o s t e n s i b l y negotiated w i t h the p o l i c e , i n p r a c t i c e such d i s c u s s i o n s take place w i t h only a l i m i t e d group of r e p r e s e n t a t i v e s . I t i s simply impossible to canvass the opinions of a l l of the i n t e r e s t e d p a r t i e s i n the 117 p o l i c e community, so groups and i n d i v i d u a l s are made to stand i n f o r these l a r g e r assemblages. Such e f f o r t s to have a small sample represent a l a r g e r grouping i s common to both science and p o l i t i c s . Whether those being represented c o n s i s t of microbes, p a r t y members, or the na t i o n , the l o g i c i s i d e n t i c a l - a small group represents the tendencies and i n t e r e s t s of a l a r g e r assemblage. A l l such groupings can be questioned about the degree to which a r e p r e s e n t a t i v e i s really speaking on behalf of the wider whole, which amounts to an e m p i r i c a l question about the degree of 'representativeness' of a spokesperson. Callon's (1986) study of the s c a l l o p s of St. Brieuc Bay mentioned e a r l i e r i s p a r t i a l l y an examination of the f a i l u r e of r e p r e s e n t a t i o n . In t h e i r e f f o r t s to breed a p a r t i c u l a r species of s c a l l o p s , these s c i e n t i s t s made the behavior of a small sample of s c a l l o p s represent the breeding behavior of t h e i r e n t i r e species. Likewise, when the r e p r e s e n t a t i v e s of the f i s h e r s union granted t h e i r support to the s c i e n t i s t ' s research, they were a l s o speaking on behalf of a l a r g e r body - the e n t i r e f i s h i n g community. However, as the breeding behavior of the sample s c a l l o p s f a i l e d to extend to the r e s t of the popul a t i o n , and as the f i s h e r s acted i n ways that contravened the d e s i r e s of the f i s h e r s union, the representativeness of both of these groups evaporated. The degree to which any r e p r e s e n t a t i v e speaks on behalf of a 118 wider assemblage i s contingent and always faces the prospect of being undermined by the ac t i o n s of the group pu r p o r t e d l y being represented. As the Centre cannot be expected to p e r s o n a l l y negotiate w i t h the hundreds of Canadian p o l i c e o r g a n i z a t i o n s , l e t alone thousands of p o l i c e o f f i c e r s , they too r e l y on proxy groupings who stand i n f o r and a r t i c u l a t e the i n t e r e s t s of the broader p o l i c e community. These o r g a n i z a t i o n s are themselves a s k e i n of l o c a l networks, h e l d together by t h e i r own p r a c t i c e s of t r a n s l a t i o n and i d e n t i t y production. An important agency i n t h i s context i s the P o l i c e Information and S t a t i s t i c s Committee (POLIS) of the Canadian A s s o c i a t i o n of Chiefs of P o l i c e . As the n a t i o n a l s t a t i s t i c a l arm of the p o l i c e community, i t i s here where many proposals concerning crime s t a t i s t i c s o r i g i n a t e and develop. A former member of the Centre accentuates the importance of a c q u i r i n g the cooperation of the POLIS committee f o r any proposal r e l a t i n g to crime s t a t i s t i c s : So b a s i c a l l y , a l l these guys are r e p r e s e n t a t i v e s from the l a r g e s t f o r c e s . But they do c a r r y a l o t of weight. I f they say 'abso l u t e l y no' then they w i l l get a l o t of support f o r t h a t . So POLIS i s c r i t i c a l . I t i s almost l i k e the lobby group that you have to get on s i d e . But that i s only h a l f the b a t t l e because you have to get the other 580 forces to agree as w e l l . And you do that by saying 'OK, now we are c o l l e c t i n g these data.' Some forces w i l l say ' f i n e , ' other's w i l l say 'no we won't' other's w i l l say 'we don't have i t . ' So they are j u s t one step. They are a c r i t i c a l p a r t because they give c r e d i b i l i t y to any data c o l l e c t i o n f u n c t i o n you want to do. 119 The t a c t i c s employed to create i d e n t i t i e s v a r i e s w i t h the type of actants one i s d e a l i n g w i t h . Given that many of the e n t i t i e s that the Centre i s engaged wi t h are or g a n i z a t i o n s , t h i s allows them to apply s u b t l e l e g a l and p o l i t i c a l pressure. For example, l e g i s l a t i v e p r o v i s i o n s can compel c i t i z e n s to provide the a u t h o r i t i e s w i t h knowledge about themselves i n c e r t a i n instances, such as when they are ar r e s t e d . A l s o r e s t i n g behind the e n t i r e J u s t i c e I n i t i a t i v e i s the Statistics Act which re q u i r e s p o l i c e forces to provide crime data. While t h i s Act broadly frames the r e l a t i o n s and o b l i g a t i o n s between the d i f f e r e n t i n s t i t u t i o n a l p l a y e r s , i n p r a c t i c e i t i s seldom e x p l i c i t l y invoked. As. a senior advisor at the Centre observed, 'You would never go to a j u r i s d i c t i o n and say: 'unless you give us these data we are going to pursue you to the l e t t e r of the f e d e r a l law.' I t would be r i d i c u l o u s . ' Regular appeals to the Statistics Act would be a s i g n that r e l a t i o n s between the Centre and the j u r i s d i c t i o n s had d e t e r i o r a t e d to such a degree that the very existence of the I n i t i a t i v e would be i n jeopardy. Resistance by some i n s t i t u t i o n a l actors to comply w i t h the aims of the Centre can at times a l s o be circumvented through i m p l i c i t or e x p l i c i t appeals to p o l i t i c a l h i e r a r c h i e s . For example, such r e s i s t a n c e can be portrayed as c o n t r a d i c t i n g the d e s i r e s of the deputy 120 m i n i s t e r s who s i t on the JIC and have th e r e f o r e approved, or fo r m a l l y consented to, the Centre's data c o l l e c t i o n regime. In p r a c t i c e , the Centre has had va r y i n g degrees of success i n maintaining these i d e a l i z e d p o l i c e i d e n t i t i e s . Actants have tendencies and i n c l i n a t i o n s which are of t e n at odds w i t h new i d e n t i t i e s . Consequently, there are ongoing st r u g g l e s to overcome o p p o s i t i o n to p a r t i c u l a r r o l e s . For example, the Centre's attempts to t r a n s l a t e the p o l i c e ' s i n t e r e s t i n r a t i o n a l forms of management i n t o an i n t e r e s t i n n a t i o n a l s t a t i s t i c s have o c c a s i o n a l l y been d i f f i c u l t . Some j u r i s d i c t i o n s recognize the importance of such information, while f o r others the b e n e f i t s are l e s s apparent. A sen i o r member i n v o l v e d i n overseeing the RCMP's o p e r a t i o n a l s t a t i s t i c a l systems was c l e a r l y not s o l d on the advantages of p a r t i c i p a t i n g i n the UCR: x I f you are asking me how does i t b e n e f i t the RCMP, I don't see any b e n e f i t s r e a l l y coming back that are a l l that s i g n i f i c a n t when compared to the enormous expenditures that we have to put forward.' The Centre's s t r a t e g y of s e l l i n g the UCRII to the p o l i c e w i t h promises about how i t w i l l reduce the p o l i c e knowledge-burden i s al s o r i s k y . In acknowledging and l e g i t i m a t i n g p o l i c e grievances about knowledge burden, the Centre i s a c t u a l l y r e i n f o r c i n g p o l i c e arguments that could be used to undermine subsequent Centre e f f o r t s . The Centre i s i n v o l v e d i n a d e l i c a t e b a l a n c i n g act i n that they seek to 121 c o l l e c t as much inf o r m a t i o n as i s p r a c t i c a b l e while not u p s e t t i n g the p o l i c e who already f e e l put upon by too many knowledge demands. An o f f i c e r i n the RCMP's data records d i v i s i o n accentuated t h i s p o i n t by c a u t i o n i n g that ' I f [Centre personnel] antagonize those departments s u f f i c i e n t l y , and i t does become r e a l l y burdensome, then there i s l i a b l e to be some p o l i t i c a l backlash.' A senior methodologist at S t a t i s t i c s Canada r e i t e r a t e d the p o l i t i c a l r i s k s of c o n t i n u i n g to ask the p o l i c e f o r more and more information: 'There i s a r e a l danger that i f you keep pushing you may not get anything or you w i l l get the whole data f i l e . You have to be p a r t p o l i t i c i a n on t h i s s t u f f . A p r o j e c t manager has to be c a r e f u l what they ask f o r . ' We should not underestimate what a catastrophe i t would be f o r the Centre i f the p o l i c e chose to back out of the UCR. I f you remove the p o l i c e , the e n t i r e system c o l l a p s e s . The UCRII system has a l s o been slowed by the p o l i c e ' s h a l t i n g progress towards computerization, a process that has been hindered by a number of f a c t o r s , not the l e a s t of which i s the f i n a n c i a l expense. A senior member of the Centre's Technical A s s i s t a n c e D i r e c t o r a t e estimated that i t was going to cost the RCMP alone over $80 m i l l i o n to adopt the new UCRII r e p o r t i n g conventions. In times of f i s c a l r e s t r a i n t such costs are p r o h i b i t i v e . As the head of a survey area observed: 122 I don't care what anybody t e l l s you, the bottom l i n e i s that when there are cutbacks, r e - p r o f i l i n g , r e o r g a n i z i n g e t c . , there i s t y p i c a l l y always a h a l f a dozen things that are given higher p r i o r i t y than anything that even rhymes wi t h 'n a t i o n a l s t a t i s t i c s . ' The r e s u l t of t h i s slower than a n t i c i p a t e d adoption of p o l i c e computers i s that many p o l i c e forces have a l s o been slow to embrace the UCRII r e p o r t i n g conventions. In 1996 the UCRII r e g i s t e r e d about 46% of the t o t a l volume of recorded crime i n Canada. The RCMP and Ontario P r o v i n c i a l P o l i c e crime s t a t i s t i c s continue to be g l a r i n g omissions from the survey, and once they come o n - l i n e , the UCRII w i l l account f o r approximately 90% of the volume of crime. As the system developed, however, i t became apparent that i t was going to be exceedingly d i f f i c u l t to get the remaining small forces to adopt the UCRII. In l i g h t of t h i s , a Centre respondent recounted how the p o l i c i n g s e r v i c e s d i r e c t o r a t e had drawn up a l i s t of p o l i c e forces 'which would account f o r 80% of the crime i n Canada. The l a s t 20% we weren't going to go a f t e r . I t j u s t wasn't c o s t - e f f e c t i v e . So to my mind there has always been t h i s idea that we are not going to go a f t e r them.' This 20% of crime i s l a r g e l y comprised of about 200 smaller r u r a l p o l i c e forces who have been slow to adopt computer technology or are simply u n w i l l i n g to report to the UCRII. The Centre u l t i m a t e l y hopes to b r i n g these forces i n t o the survey, but as a survey manager recounted, ' { t h i s ] won't be i n my l i f e t i m e and probably not i n yours.' Smaller 123 forces continue to provide crime data e x c l u s i v e l y on the o l d aggregate UCR. The o v e r a l l r e s u l t has been a m o d i f i c a t i o n and q u a l i f i c a t i o n of the o r i g i n a l knowledge claims f o r the UCRII. Instead of being able to provide incident-based data f o r a l l of Canada, the data remain q u a l i f i e d by the f a c t that they under-represent crime patterns i n r u r a l Canada which tend to have smaller, non-computerized, p o l i c e f o r c e s . The UCRII was al s o s o l d to p o l i c e forces p a r t i a l l y on the b a s i s of the greater f l e x i b i l i t y that a computerized system would provide. Unfortunately, t h i s too has proved to be e l u s i v e . An i n e r t i a tends to creep i n t o computer systems because of the way that they are t i g h t l y coupled w i t h other o r g a n i z a t i o n a l components of the p o l i c e and the Centre. Even making small m o d i f i c a t i o n s can mean that e n t i r e systems have to be r e - t o o l e d and re-programmed. This has meant that systems are l e s s f l e x i b l e i n p r a c t i c e than t h e i r e a s i l y manipulated e l e c t r o n i c i n f r a s t r u c t u r e might suggest. A member of the p o l i c i n g d i r e c t o r a t e accentuated t h i s a t t r i b u t e of the r e p o r t i n g system: When we want to change something that means that the p o l i c e have to change the way that they are doing t h i n g s . With an e l e c t r o n i c i n t e r f a c e , we have a load of i n t e r f a c e s that are out there r i g h t now. Any time we want to make a change then we have to go i n wi t h a software developer and r e - w r i t e programs. A tremendous amount of overhead i s i n v o l v e d . So that becomes a headache. Our e d i t s tend to be very elaborate as w e l l w i t h the micro-data. That means that any changes we make means changes to our e d i t s . So i f we are a c t u a l l y making changes to the fundamental requirements of the survey, the t r i c k l e down e f f e c t i s very b i g . That means 124 we don't do i t very o f t e n . That means the survey becomes qu i t e r i g i d . That i s the r e a l down side of i t . A number of other problems flows from systems r i g i d i t y . P o l i c e o r g a n i z a t i o n s o r i g i n a l l y constructed as re s p o n s i b l e computer system managers have at times neglected t h i s r e s p o n s i b i l i t y , or not taken i t as s e r i o u s l y as some members of the Centre would p r e f e r . The computer couplings between the p o l i c e and Centre work best as black-boxes, producing u n y i e l d i n g and automatic r e l a t i o n s between the Centre and p o l i c e f o r c e s . U n f o r t u n a t e l y f o r the Centre, black boxes can als o become unpacked - emerging from the shadows to again have t h e i r i n t r i c a c i e s problematized. One issue that the Centre i s c u r r e n t l y d e a l i n g w i t h i n t h i s regard concerns what one respondent termed ' i n t e r f a c e creep.' P o l i c e o p e r a t i o n a l r e p o r t i n g systems are dynamic, e v o l v i n g over time, which means that ongoing changes must be made to the i n t e r f a c e s to avoid r e p o r t i n g e r r o r s . Some or g a n i z a t i o n s have not maintained t h e i r end of the bargain w i t h due v i g i l a n c e , r e s u l t i n g i n the appearance of obvious e r r o r s i n t h e i r numbers or susp i c i o n s among Centre s t a f f that things might be amiss w i t h t h e i r data. The l i k e l i h o o d that the p o l i c e might not have committed themselves wholeheartedly to the maintenance of computerized i n t e r f a c e s i s perhaps r e l a t e d to the way i n which t h e i r o b l i g a t i o n s were o r i g i n a l l y s o l d to them. While the Centre 125 works to impress on the p o l i c e the importance of m a i n t a i n i n g i n t e r f a c e s , the amount of time and labor that must be i n v e s t e d i n t h i s task i s not n e c e s s a r i l y accentuated i n the e a r l y stages of d i s c u s s i o n . There i s a concern that the p o l i c e might balk at t a k i n g on t h i s ongoing maintenance r e s p o n s i b i l i t y i f they knew the extent of the undertaking. An i n d i v i d u a l who e s t a b l i s h e s j u r i s d i c t i o n a l i n t e r f a c e s makes t h i s p o i n t : The b e n e f i t s are easy to come up with, i t i s the costs that are u s u a l l y s o f t - s o l d . Sometimes you have to do t h a t because i f you d i d n ' t s o f t - s e l l the costs you can't overcome the hurdles. Sometimes once you get over the hurdles, even though the costs are high, they w i l l continue w i t h them because i t i s i n p l a c e . An i n e r t i a c a r r i e s i t forward. I f you didn't s o f t - s e l l the beginning you could never get commitment. I t i s an unfortunate t h i n g that you have to do t h a t , but I t h i n k that i s human nature. There are p o l i t i c a l r a m i f i c a t i o n s to everything. I f you give everybody a l l of the negatives they w i l l use that as an excuse, almost every time, to keep the status quo. That i s not a bad t h i n g i f the status quo i s acceptable. I wish there was some other way. P o l i c e O f f i c e r s The Centre r e l i e s on p o l i c e o f f i c e r s c o n s c i e n t i o u s l y adopting the r o l e of data c o l l e c t o r . In order to i n s t i t u t i o n a l i z e such an i d e n t i t y the Centre has drawn from and appropriated e x i s t i n g c o n c e p t u a l i z a t i o n s of the p o l i c e . Such s t r a t e g i c i n v o c a t i o n s and transformations of e x i s t i n g i d e n t i t i e s are one of the best ways to t r a n s l a t e a group i n t o w i l l i n g p a r t i c i p a n t s i n a knowledge network. 126 While we cannot e s s e n t i a l i z e a s i n g l e p o l i c e c u l t u r e (Chan 1996), we can s a f e l y g e n e r a l i z e that p o l i c e o f f i c e r s i d e a l l y conceive of p o l i c i n g as i n v o l v i n g e f f o r t s to augment p u b l i c s a f e t y and s e c u r i t y by apprehending c r i m i n a l s and processing them through the l e g a l system. The Centre t r i e s to i n t e r e s t p o l i c e o f f i c e r s i n the p r a c t i c e of data accumulation by equating data c o l l e c t i o n w i t h crime f i g h t i n g . For example, the Centre has produced a t r a i n i n g video f o r p o l i c e o f f i c e r s e n t i t l e d 'Crime S t a t i s t i c s : Your S i l e n t Partner.' The video commences wit h a voice-over i m p l o r i n g p o l i c e o f f i c e r s : 'No matter what part of the country you l i v e i n , p o l i c e o f f i c e r s are a l l f i g h t i n g the same war, the war against crime. One of the ways to help f i g h t that war i s through the c o l l e c t i o n and use of crime s t a t i s t i c s . ' This i s a s t r a i g h t f o r w a r d attempt to t r a n s l a t e i n t e r e s t s : i f p o l i c e o f f i c e r s want to catch c r i m i n a l s and make the s t r e e t s safe, they w i l l submit t h e i r data i n the r e p o r t i n g conventions r e q u i r e d by the Centre. Much of the ensuing video demonstrates how an o f f i c e r ' s data are used by p o l i c e management to ta r g e t s p e c i f i c crimes and problem areas, which w i l l u l t i m a t e l y l e a d to reductions i n crime. Such e f f o r t s to d i s c i p l i n e o f f i c e r s i n t o a regime of conscientious c l a s s i f i c a t i o n are c r u c i a l . The e n t i r e UCR system r e s t s on t h i s c l a s s i f i c a t o r y e n t e r p r i s e , as do any governmental s t r a t e g i e s that take modifying the crime r a t e 127 as t h e i r prime o b j e c t i v e . O f f i c e r s must be encouraged, reminded and d i s c i p l i n e d to take t h e i r paperwork s e r i o u s l y i f the ensuing data i s to be of any value. While r h e t o r i c a l moves to construct p o l i c e o f f i c e r s as data c o l l e c t o r s are important, other f a c t o r s are of greater s i g n i f i c a n c e . S p e c i f i c a l l y , p o l i c e o f f i c e r s are i n t e r e s t e d i n assuming t h e i r d a t a - c o l l e c t i o n r o l e because i t has become i n s t i t u t i o n a l i z e d w i t h i n p o l i c e o r g a n i z a t i o n s . A p o l i c e o f f i c e r ' s data production s k i l l s are r e g u l a r l y monitored and evaluated as a component of promotional d e c i s i o n s . A fundamental aspect of doing good p o l i c e work i s to produce q u a l i t y paperwork. By i n s t i t u t i o n a l i z i n g and monitoring data c o l l e c t i o n standards, the p o l i c e o r g a n i z a t i o n i s doing p a r t of the Centre's work f o r them. Having drawn p o l i c e o f f i c e r s i n t o the knowledge network, i t now becomes necessary to c o n t r o l t h e i r a c t i o n s . O f f i c e r s not only have to record occurrences, but they must do so i n a p r e d i c t a b l e f a s h i o n . A system where o f f i c e r s simply provide n a r r a t i v e accounts of what t r a n s p i r e d i s of l i t t l e value to a s t a t i s t i c a l o r g a n i z a t i o n or to the aims of governance. The s p e c i f i c terms through which governance operates are embedded i n the c l a s s i f i c a t o r y options on standardized forms. The production of governmental knowledge i s rendered p r e d i c t a b l e through these forms by t h e i r a b i l i t y to s t r u c t u r e knowledge i n predetermined formats and 128 c a t e g o r i e s . By using such technologies, c e n t r a l l o c a t i o n s can c o n t r o l the d i s t a n t observations and act i o n s of complete strangers. Dorothy Smith (1990) h i g h l i g h t s how s i m i l a r procedures are at work i n r e l a t i o n to the production of s t a t i s t i c s on women w i t h mental i l l n e s s . Smith recounts how these s t a t i s t i c s r e l y on programs to t r a i n p h y s i c i a n s on the proper ways to s l o t i n d i v i d u a l s i n t o p a r t i c u l a r 'types' of mental i l l n e s s . I n d i v i d u a l cases are made a c t i o n a b l e according to c r i t e r i a that are imposed through a b s t r a c t systems which s t r u c t u r e p a t i e n t / p h y s i c i a n i n t e r a c t i o n s from a d i s t a n c e . In the process of such o f f i c i a l acts of c l a s s i f i c a t i o n , the l i v e d r e a l i t i e s of p a t i e n t s are ignored or set aside, much i n the same way that a v i c t i m ' s or an offender's s u b j e c t i v e understanding of a c r i m i n a l event i s removed from the processes of producing crime s t a t i s t i c s . When the p o l i c e take t h e i r c l a s s i f i c a t o r y r e s p o n s i b i l i t y s e r i o u s l y , i t o f t e n r e s u l t s i n ongoing exchanges between the Centre and p o l i c e forces to c l a r i f y c l a s s i f i c a t o r y r u l e s . One i n d i v i d u a l i n the Centre's p o l i c e s e r v i c e s s e c t i o n has primary r e s p o n s i b i l i t y f o r handling p o l i c e queries about how to record ambiguous s i t u a t i o n s . Since the chaos of the world o f t e n does not conform to the e x i s t i n g c l a s s i f i c a t o r y options, t h i s i n d i v i d u a l spends a great deal of time t r y i n g to c l a r i f y the c l a s s i f i c a t i o n r u l e s f o r ambiguous s i t u a t i o n s . This o f t e n Byzantine c l a s s i f i c a t o r y e n t e r p r i s e o c c a s i o n a l l y moves i n t o the realm of the admittedly b i z a r r e . Consider the case of the p o l i c e o f f i c e r who had requested c l a r i f i c a t i o n on how to score the v i c t i m record f o r a case of 'other sexual a s s a u l t . ' Since t h i s s p e c i f i c case i n v o l v e d an instance of b e s t i a l i t y , the system requirement f o r a v i c t i m record proved to be qu i t e comical. As the Centre's documentation on t h i s instance concludes, the p r e r e q u i s i t e f o r a v i c t i m record 'works great f o r the m a j o r i t y of crimes i n t h i s catch a l l , but becomes a problem when a dog i s i n v o l v e d . I t i s r e j e c t e d when no v i c t i m record i s submitted.' The c l a s s i f i c a t o r y f u n c t i o n of p o l i c e o f f i c e r s has been augmented by s i t u a t i n g o f f i c e r s i n a regime of documentary d i s c i p l i n e . Depending on the f o r c e , o f f i c e r s ' r e p o r t s can undergo d e t a i l e d l e v e l s of s c r u t i n y . Their forms are r e g u l a r l y examined by a 'reader' whose job i s to score f i l e s f o r the UCR. I f an o f f i c e r has omitted i n f o r m a t i o n or strayed outside of the o f f i c i a l r e p o r t i n g g u i d e l i n e s , t h e i r forms are returned f o r c o r r e c t i o n . The p o l i c e t r a i n i n g video mentioned e a r l i e r gives a glimpse of such lessons i n d i s c i p l i n e , as two p o l i c e p r o t a g o n i s t s r e f l e c t on the f a c t that t h e i r UCR report about a break and entry had been returned to them because i t was improperly done, one o f f i c e r admonishes h i s partner and the viewing audience, 'I t h i n k 130 i t ' s time we s t a r t e d t a k i n g a l i t t l e b i t more care f i l l i n g those things out.' I t i s assumed that p o l i c e o f f i c e r s resent and r e s i s t t h e i r r o l e as informat i o n recorder, hence the need f o r documentary d i s c i p l i n e . Overcoming r e s i s t a n c e i s one f u n c t i o n of computer systems that a u t o m a t i c a l l y t r a n s l a t e an o f f i c e r ' s use of Criminal Code c l a s s i f i c a t i o n s i n t o the S t a t i s t i c s Canada format. In forces where such technology does not e x i s t , p o l i c e personnel have to be t r a i n e d to c l a s s i f y according to the UCR r u l e s . I n d i v i d u a l p o l i c e forces are res p o n s i b l e f o r p r o v i d i n g t h i s i n s t r u c t i o n , w i t h some o c c a s i o n a l a s s i s t a n c e from the Centre. The t r a i n i n g , or la c k thereof, of j u r i s d i c t i o n a l personnel i n the c l a s s i f i c a t o r y s p e c i f i c s and p e c u l i a r i t i e s of the Centre's surveys has been an ongoing concern w i t h i n the I n i t i a t i v e , as i s evident from these minutes of a 1994 LOC meeting: Data q u a l i t y i s p r i m a r i l y dependent upon s t a f f t r a i n i n g of those i n v o l v e d i n informat i o n c o l l e c t i o n and the implementation of system e d i t checks which i d e n t i f y m issing or erroneous data and provide data q u a l i t y r e p o r t s . The r e a l i t y has been that resources f o r s t a f f t r a i n i n g are o f t e n i n s u f f i c i e n t and system e d i t checks are by-passed to reduce the cost of data input and processing. By now i t should be r e a d i l y apparent that the p r a c t i c e s of p o l i c e o f f i c e r s and o r g a n i z a t i o n s are a weak po i n t i n the extended UCR network. While the p o l i c e have l a r g e l y been e n r o l l e d , t h e i r i d e n t i t i e s have proven to be d i f f i c u l t to 131 c o n t r o l . However, weak p o i n t s i n a network - places of e p i s t e m o l o g i c a l ambiguity and c o n t e s t a t i o n - tend to f o s t e r new forms of knowledge, p r a c t i c e and r h e t o r i c . The f l u r r y of new p r a c t i c e s and forms of knowledge that emerge at a network's weakest p o i n t i s a common phenomena w i t h i n the sciences (Rouse 1993: 154). In order to c o n t r o l the production of knowledge by the pol'ice, the Centre has i n s t i t u t e d a f a i r l y onerous set of formal and i n f o r m a l procedures to s c r u t i n i z e p o l i c e data. F i l e s are i n i t i a l l y examined to ensure that they are complete and that the data appear reasonable. The data then go through a complex regime of human and t e c h n o l o g i c a l s c r u t i n y , one component of which i s a s e r i e s of computerized ' l o g i c a l e d i t s ' which ensure that a l l of the c r u c i a l data elements are present and that the data are l o g i c a l l y c o n s i s t e n t . Such e d i t s provide s t a f f with a greater degree of t r u s t i n the j u r i s d i c t i o n ' s data while simultaneously reducing the amount of time they have to spend p e r s o n a l l y s c r u t i n i z i n g data f i l e s . The Centre's assumptions about crime rates have some d i s t i n c t l y Durkheimean resonances. Durkheim (1938) conceived of crime as a normal phenomena, something that augments s o c i a l cohesion through p u b l i c r e a c t i o n s to c r i m i n a l behavior. R e l a t i v e l y s t a b l e s t a t i s t i c a l r a tes of crime and s u i c i d e (Durkheim 1951) are t h e r e f o r e a c t u a l l y i n d i c a t i v e of 132 a 'healthy' s o c i e t y . I t i s only when there are r a d i c a l f l u c t u a t i o n s i n s t a t i s t i c a l r a t e s ( i n e i t h e r d i r e c t i o n ) t h a t we should become alarmed, as such swings are i n d i c a t i v e of broader p a t h o l o g i c a l changes i n the s o c i a l s t r u c t u r e . As Durkheim (1938: 72) cautions, 'There i s no occasion f o r s e l f - c o n g r a t u l a t i o n when the crime r a t e drops n o t i c e a b l y below the average l e v e l , f o r we may be c e r t a i n that t h i s apparent progress i s a s s o c i a t e d w i t h some s o c i a l d i s o r d e r . ' The Centre's o p e r a t i o n a l assumptions echo some of these Durkheimean themes. Centre personnel a l s o assume that crime rates should be r e l a t i v e l y s t a b l e year-to-year. They too b e l i e v e that i t i s only the major f l u c t u a t i o n s that must be accounted f o r . As a senior person i n v o l v e d w i t h the UCR s t a t e d , '[W]e assume a c e r t a i n amount of c o n t i n u i t y on the data. So we j u s t t e s t f o r abnormal data. I f something comes up then we take a c l o s e r look at i t . ' In f a c t , i t i s no exaggeration to say that the presumption of normalcy overlays the e n t i r e Centre. The s t a f f ' s working assumption about how c r i m i n a l j u s t i c e s t a t i s t i c s should behave informs t h e i r t h i n k i n g about when they should be concerned about p o t e n t i a l problems wi t h t h e i r data. However, contra Durkheim, they do not seek to e x p l a i n s t a t i s t i c a l f l u c t u a t i o n s by appeal to s t r u c t u r a l changes to the conscience c o l l e c t i v e . Instead, t h e i r aim i s to account f o r dramatic f l u c t u a t i o n s by l o o k i n g f o r the i n f l u e n c e p o l i c e 133 p r a c t i c e s , technology, c l a s s i f i c a t i o n and human e r r o r might be having on the data. Centre personnel assume that such e r r o r s w i l l r e s u l t i n s t a t i s t i c a l f l u c t u a t i o n s that make the data s t r a y from the norm. The p o s s i b i l i t y that e r r o r s of c l a s s i f i c a t i o n , system f a i l u r e and neglect might a c t u a l l y r e s u l t i n numbers that are i n - l i n e w i t h normal or a n t i c i p a t e d s t a t i s t i c a l trends are beyond the working p r a c t i c e s and conceptual framework of Centre personnel. No e f f o r t i s expended i n t r y i n g to account f o r why numbers remain s t a b l e as s t a b l e numbers are, q u i t e simply, and i n both senses of the word, the norm. The presumption of normalcy i s embedded i n the considerable UCRII t e c h n o l o g i c a l i n f r a s t r u c t u r e employed to tr a c k v a r i a t i o n s i n crime trends over time and across comparably s i z e d p o l i c e f o r c e s . Recently introduced e l e c t r o n i c t o lerance e d i t s a u t o m a t i c a l l y detect and f l a g s t a t i s t i c a l trends that f a l l o utside of user-defined s t a t i s t i c a l standard d e v i a t i o n s . These e d i t s operate by checking how many standard d e v i a t i o n s a p a r t i c u l a r v a r i a b l e s t r a y s from the norm. The po i n t at which these f l u c t u a t i o n s become a problem i s a product of i n s t i t u t i o n a l r o u t i n e s and decision-making. Programmers determine the l e v e l at which the standard d e v i a t i o n f o r d i f f e r e n t offenses w i l l be flagged. The standard d e v i a t i o n f o r crimes recognized as having a greater d i s c r e t i o n a r y enforcement component, such 134 as n a r c o t i c s or p r o s t i t u t i o n , i s set higher than f o r other crimes. A n a l y s t s then s c r u t i n i z e the options that the system f l a g s to see i f the data need f u r t h e r i n v e s t i g a t i o n . The standard d e v i a t i o n l e v e l s are a l s o e s t a b l i s h e d w i t h a r e c o g n i t i o n of a l i m i t e d o r g a n i z a t i o n a l a b i l i t y to respond to these computer-generated cautions. I f they are set too low, a n a l y s t s r i s k being overwhelmed by a f l o o d of r e l a t i v e l y minor s t a t i s t i c a l d e v i a t i o n s . As a respondent who was i n v o l v e d i n developing these e d i t s recounted, ' B a s i c a l l y you say 'how many records can I review?' And then you cut o f f at that p o i n t . ' The use of computerized e d i t s , and the greater r e l i a n c e on computers more g e n e r a l l y , has al s o produced some negative s i d e - e f f e c t s . In p a r t i c u l a r , i t has introduced a s e r i e s of complex i n t e r a c t i o n s among systems and a greater degree of system i m p e n e t r a b i l i t y . Charles Perrow (1984: 78) uses the concept of ' i n t e r a c t i v e complexity' to designate those systems that have u n f a m i l i a r , unplanned and unexpected sequences, a l l of which are not v i s i b l e or immediately comprehensible. I n t e r a c t i v e complexity makes systems management and t r o u b l e s h o o t i n g d i f f i c u l t because c r u c i a l operations and int e r c o n n e c t i o n s are designed to be hidden from the operator. Such obstacles are exacerbated by the f a c t that system operators have l i m i t e d understanding of some processes and that such systems have u n f a m i l i a r or 135 unintended feedback loops. Consequently, operators are l i k e l y to experience unexpected and mysterious i n t e r a c t i o n s among components, which designers d i d not a n t i c i p a t e and operators cannot recognize. Tendencies such as these were mentioned by some Centre respondents who h i g h l i g h t e d the d i f f i c u l t i e s of monitoring the i n t e r a c t i o n s of computer systems, i n t e r f a c e s and e d i t s . Here a senior person i n v o l v e d i n the production of UCR s t a t i s t i c s gives a sense of the d i f f i c u l t i e s t hat have emerged as t h e i r systems have become more i n t e r a c t i v e l y complex: The systems are what allows us to [produce the UCRII], but i t i s a l s o the systems that make i t that much more d i f f i c u l t to r e s o l v e things... when you have problems, because there i s such a heavy systems o v e r l a y on the process, they can be much more d i f f i c u l t to f i n d . They can be very i n v i s i b l e . Unless you have a l o t of experience w i t h i t , you w i l l - i f you don't miss i t you w i l l have a heck of a time f i g u r i n g out what caused the problem. I f you do miss i t then you are l o s t . I f you are not that f a m i l i a r w i t h the process and a l l of the i n t r i c a c i e s i t can be r e a l l y d i f f i c u l t to fathom why some data are behaving i n a p a r t i c u l a r way w i t h a p a r t i c u l a r respondent. And a l o t of times the respondent won't know themselves. You have to a l e r t them to i t that there might be a problem here. For someone who i s f a m i l i a r i t could be a two day r e s o l u t i o n process. For someone who i s not, i t could be a two week or two month r e s o l u t i o n process. While i n d i v i d u a l p o l i c e o f f i c e r s are embedded i n a regime of d i s c i p l i n a r y s u r v e i l l a n c e of t h e i r data production, computer systems prompt a d i s c i p l i n i n g of the p o l i c e o r g a n i z a t i o n i t s e l f . The e d i t checks f o r the UCRII produce 'error r e p o r t s ' when there are problems w i t h an 136 i n d i v i d u a l f i l e . P o l i c e forces r e c e i v e copies of these reports so that they can o s t e n s i b l y c o r r e c t the f i l e i n question, modify t h e i r system, or take greater v i g i l a n c e i n the f u t u r e . In p r a c t i c e , t h i s amounts to a r o u t i n e of d i s c i p l i n a r y s u r v e i l l a n c e of the p o l i c e o r g a n i z a t i o n i n i t s r o l e as data p r o v i d e r . While the percentage of f i l e s that prompt an e r r o r report i s u s u a l l y r e l a t i v e l y low, given the high number of UCRII i n c i d e n t s that some forces submit on a monthly b a s i s , the t o t a l number of e r r o r reports can be p o t e n t i a l l y overwhelming. A senior member of the p o l i c i n g s e r v i c e s program suggested that perhaps 7% of the records generate a message back to the respondents; but w i t h a respondent such as Toronto which sends the Centre approximately 25,000 records a month, t h i s can amount to an enormous number of returned records. U l t i m a t e l y , the Centre's power to produce crime s t a t i s t i c s i s contingent upon p o l i c e o f f i c e r s i n d i s t a n t l o c a t i o n s checking o f f boxes from o f f i c i a l forms i n the p r e s c r i b e d manner. I f a s u f f i c i e n t number of o f f i c e r s refuse to employ some c l a s s i f i c a t i o n s , the Centre must work to b r i n g them back i n t o the f r a y or r i s k l o s i n g that p a r t i c u l a r b i t of knowledge and o b s t r u c t i n g any governmental s t r a t e g i e s which might be t i e d to those i n d i c a t o r s . Despite e f f o r t s to background and c o n t r o l p o l i c e UCR r e p o r t i n g f u n c t i o n s , p o l i c e o f f i c e r s s t i l l o c c a s i o n a l l y s t r a y from the i d e n t i t y 137 of data c o l l e c t o r . A recent example of such c l a s s i f i c a t o r y ambivalence concerns the e l i m i n a t i o n of the UCRII v a r i a b l e to record whether a v i c t i m or accused had consumed a l c o h o l or drugs p r i o r to the i n c i d e n t . Despite the f a c t that p r e l i m i n a r y data i n d i c a t e that alcohol/drugs are i n v o l v e d i n a s i g n i f i c a n t number of c r i m i n a l events, i t had become i n c r e a s i n g l y apparent that some key p l a y e r s i n the p o l i c e community were uncomfortable w i t h t h i s data element. Some p o l i c e r e p r e s e n t a t i v e s claimed that the v a r i a b l e was open to i n t e r p r e t a t i o n and hence ' s o f t . ' In s i t u a t i o n s where an o f f i c e r has to r e t r o s p e c t i v e l y r e c o n s t r u c t the events preceding an i n c i d e n t , i n c l u d i n g the presence or absence of alcohol/drugs, t h i s s u b j e c t i v e element i s even more pronounced. Despite such concerns, some members of the Centre were astounded that anyone would t h i n k of dropping a data element that appeared to be r e l a t e d to a high number of c r i m i n a l events. A member of the p o l i c i n g s e r v i c e s d i r e c t o r a t e summarized h i s i n i t i a l r e a c t i o n to t h i s proposal as: 'I was going: 'Come on! This i s the number one t h i n g that happens to the crime that we c o l l e c t ! ' ' Yet another member of the Centre expressed s i m i l a r r e s e r v a t i o n s : I'm not happy wi t h some of the changes that are being proposed r i g h t now. For example, the presence of a l c o h o l i s one data element that i s proposed to be cut l a r g e l y because some of the major, I t h i n k Toronto, has decided not to give us the i n f o r m a t i o n . So i t i s a case where your major respondents are determining what i s 138 going to be reported r a t h e r than the n a t i o n a l standards. The above quote i n d i c a t e s that the Centre i s l o s i n g out on the c o l l e c t i o n of the 'alcohol and drug' v a r i a b l e because of the r e s i s t a n c e of a powerful i n d i v i d u a l j u r i s d i c t i o n . However, there are competing accounts of why the p o l i c e are keen to drop t h i s element. In a d d i t i o n to questions about i t s methodological soundness, p o l i c e r e t i c e n c e a l s o appears to be a m a n i f e s t a t i o n of c l a s h i n g p o l i c e i d e n t i t i e s . The Centre works on the assumption that p o l i c e o f f i c e r s make a simple d e c o n t e x t u a l i z e d determination of alcohol/drug involvement. I t i s an image which ignores the way i n which p o l i c e accounting p r a c t i c e s are o f t e n prospective -a n t i c i p a t i n g the consequences of t h e i r c l a s s i f i c a t i o n s i n d i f f e r e n t i n s t i t u t i o n a l s e t t i n g s . In l i g h t of t h i s , one reason f o r f r o n t - l i n e o f f i c e r r e t i c e n c e to i n d i c a t e alcohol/drug involvement appears to be that they do not want to provide an accused w i t h a p o t e n t i a l way to defend or excuse h i s a c t i o n s : [The p o l i c e ] don't want to be committed to saying that there was a l c o h o l consumption t a k i n g place because i t becomes a reason f o r mens rea as opposed to actus reaus. The i m p l i c a t i o n being that I was drunk and didn't know what I was doing. Or I was under the i n f l u e n c e of a drug and didn't know what I was doing. I t becomes a defence f o r [the accused's] a c t i o n s . So that i s number one why they won't put i t down. Number two i s that they suspect, nine times out of ten, drug usage was t a k i n g place, but they can't prove i t . You 139 can't make them blow i n t o a b r e a t h a l y s e r to prove that they were under the i n f l u e n c e of hash. Authors w r i t i n g on how governance i s e x e r c i s e d have not pa i d s u f f i c i e n t a t t e n t i o n to the minutia of network b u i l d i n g i n the a i d of producing governmental knowledge. This i s unfortunate, as the a v a i l a b i l i t y or u n a v a i l a b i l i t y of such knowledge does not simply emerge spontaneously i n response to new governmental s t r a t e g i e s . Rather, governmental p o s s i b i l i t i e s emerge hand-in-hand w i t h s p e c i f i c knowledges, knowledges which are the product of complex processes of network b u i l d i n g . The d i f f e r e n t i a l successes of such e f f o r t s can make governmental knowledge a v a i l a b l e or, at times, f o r e c l o s e on the a v a i l a b i l i t y of c e r t a i n p o t e n t i a l l y u s e f u l data. The example of how the Centre had to abandon e f f o r t s to c o l l e c t data on the r e l a t i o n between crime and alcohol/drugs UCR i s i n s t r u c t i v e ; i t i n d i c a t e s why a s t a t i s t i c a l i n d i c a t o r that could p o t e n t i a l l y be employed i n attempts to govern the consumption patterns of c i t i z e n s (Hunt 1995) was not produced. Agencies desirous of such knowledge i n order to f o s t e r new s t r a t e g i e s f o r governance would have to do without such data or seek out comparable i n d i c a t o r s from a more s u c c e s s f u l center of c a l c u l a t i o n . Chapter 3 continues to explore t h i s theme of the o c c a s i o n a l u n a v a i l a b i l i t y of 140 governmental knowledge i n the context of e f f o r t s to c o l l e c t race/crime data. Center of C a l c u l a t i o n Governance i s g e n e r a l l y coordinated at a distance from the s p e c i f i c o bjects to be governed. I t works upon representations and becomes i n s c r i b e d i n t e x t s , i n s t r u c t i o n a l r o u t i n e s , communication s t r u c t u r e s . C e n t r a l l o c a l e s provide a s i t e i n which such knowledge can accumulate and be spread out i n t o other networks. At the broadest l e v e l , the CCJS constructs i t s e l f as a center of c a l c u l a t i o n through which a l l other i n t e r e s t e d p a r t i e s must pass i n order to achieve t h e i r d e s i r e d ends. Three ways i n which Centre s t a f f have accomplished t h i s are by assuming the status of ' i n s i d e r ' , i n v o k i n g the image of the Centre as an 'honest broker', and c o n t r a s t i n g t h e i r o r g a n i z a t i o n a l * s t r u c t u r e w i t h that of s t a t i s t i c a l agencies i n other c o u n t r i e s . Centre s t a f f p o r t r a y themselves as doing the b i d d i n g of other agencies or i n s t i t u t i o n s . They work to ensure th a t they can c l a i m the backing of the J u s t i c e I n i t i a t i v e or, i n the case of the UCR, that they are a c t i n g upon the wishes of the Canadian A s s o c i a t i o n of C h i e f s of P o l i c e . I n s i d e r s t a t u s i s c r u c i a l l y important i n that i t would be d i f f i c u l t , and probably impossible, f o r an o u t s i d e r to e s t a b l i s h a 141 comparable network to r e p l i c a t e , confirm or dispute the Centre's f i n d i n g s . Being able to c l a i m the cooperation of the J u s t i c e I n i t i a t i v e and the CACP a l s o allows the Centre to p a r t i a l l y d e f l e c t c r i t i c i s m about them being yet another outside agency imposing demands on p o l i c e o f f i c e r s and o r g a n i z a t i o n s . Without t h i s i n s i d e r status i t would be even more d i f f i c u l t to draw the various c r i m i n a l j u s t i c e p r a c t i t i o n e r s o n - l i n e , as one s t a f f member e x p l a i n s : One of the things that we are c o n s t a n t l y b a t t l i n g w i t h i s t r y i n g to get the p o l i c e o f f i c e r s to know that the i n f o r m a t i o n that we are c o l l e c t i n g i s not something that i s j u s t f o r S t a t i s t i c s Canada. I t i s f o r the J u s t i c e I n i t i a t i v e who wanted n a t i o n a l crime data. In f a c t , i t was the Canadian A s s o c i a t i o n of C h i e f s of P o l i c e who o r i g i n a l l y came up w i t h the data elements f o r the UCR. But they o f t e n t h i n k that they are j u s t c o l l e c t i n g s t a t i s t i c s f o r S t a t i s t i c s Canada. A second s e l f - c h a r a c t e r i z a t i o n r e c u r r e n t l y invoked by Centre personnel i s that of 'honest broker.' I t i s an expression which captures the i d e a l i z e d image the Centre holds of i t s e l f - an o r g a n i z a t i o n that stands above the p o l i t i c a l f r a y i n order to provide unbiased numbers about crime and c r i m i n a l j u s t i c e . One of the Centre's great successes has been t h e i r a b i l i t y to construct and maintain t h i s image. While t h e i r numbers have o c c a s i o n a l l y been s i n g l e d out f o r c r i t i c i s m s about methodology and coverage, the Centre i t s e l f i s l a r g e l y seen as non-partisan. Given that by v i r t u e of t h e i r subject matter c r i m i n a l j u s t i c e 142 numbers are i n h e r e n t l y p o l i t i c a l , t h i s a b i l i t y to immunize i t s e l f against accusations of p a r t i s a n s h i p has been an instrumental development. Attending a POLIS meeting i n 1996 I witnessed a p r a c t i c a l expression of the Centre's 'honest broker' s t a t u s . There, a p o l i c e r e p r e s e n t a t i v e suggested that i n l i g h t of the f a c t that new firearms l e g i s l a t i o n was then making i t s way through Parliament, the Centre should conduct a study of the l e v e l of firearms usage i n c r i m i n a l i n c i d e n t s . Such a study would produce trend data that would allow f o r pre and p o s t - l e g i s l a t i o n comparisons of firearms usage. A Centre r e p r e s e n t a t i v e responded that such a study was c u r r e n t l y being done by the Department of J u s t i c e . The o f f i c e r r e p l i e d , 'Yeah, but we want you to do t h i s because you are i m p a r t i a l . ' For t h i s o f f i c e r , and h i s colleagues who nodded i n agreement, numbers emanating from the Department of J u s t i c e were i n h e r e n t l y suspect because of the f a c t that i t was that department which had introduced the firearms l e g i s l a t i o n . While they must c o n t i n u a l l y work to maintain t h i s s t a t u s , the Centre has managed to carve out a niche where they are l a r g e l y u n t a i n t e d by the odor of p o l i t i c a l p a r t i s a n s h i p (see chapter 4). One way i n which they have secured t h i s niche has been by a c t i v e l y accentuating the b e n e f i t s of t h e i r o r g a n i z a t i o n a l s t r u c t u r e as compared to how other nations 143 organize the c o l l e c t i o n of t h e i r s t a t i s t i c s . Michael (1996: 88) argues that favorable comparisons w i t h how things are done i n other c o u n t r i e s are an important means by which agencies s y m b o l i c a l l y accentuate the p r o p r i e t y or e f f i c a c y of t h e i r p r a c t i c e s . For example, the Centre i s p o l i t i c a l l y accountable to S t a t i s t i c s Canada which, outside of i t s knowledge production f u n c t i o n , has no r e s p o n s i b i l i t y f o r c r i m i n a l j u s t i c e matters. In c o n t r a s t , Centre personnel commonly suggested that crime s t a t i s t i c s i n the U.S. and B r i t a i n were suspect because the governmental agency re s p o n s i b l e f o r c o l l e c t i n g the data i s a l s o r e s p o n s i b l e f o r the operation of the n a t i o n a l c r i m i n a l j u s t i c e system: The model i n the States and the model i n B r i t a i n w i t h the Home O f f i c e i s that j u s t i c e s t a t i s t i c s are w i t h i n the department which i s accountable f o r the e f f e c t i v e n e s s of the programs. Therefore the s t a t i s t i c s can always be claimed to be suspect because the same m i n i s t e r i s r e s p o n s i b l e . I f the m i n i s t e r who i s r e s p o n s i b l e f o r s t a t i s t i c s i s d i f f e r e n t from the one of those whose s e r v i c e s or programs are being evaluated on the s t r e n g t h of those s t a t i s t i c s , then there i s a p o l i t i c a l independence. As has been st r e s s e d , the aim of i d e n t i t y c o n s t r u c t i o n i s to make the l a b o r a t o r y , technology or center of c a l c u l a t i o n i n d i s p e n s a b l e . For example, i f an agency wants to invoke the n a t i o n a l crime r a t e to f u r t h e r t h e i r i n t e r e s t s , the Centre has a monopoly on t h i s i n d i c a t o r . A researcher f o r the Department of J u s t i c e who r e l i e s h e a v i l y on CCJS data asserted that 'They are the only source of o f f i c i a l c r i m i n a l j u s t i c e data, n a t i o n a l l y . The only crime data... I mean, there i s no other game i n town. They are the only r e a l , l e g i t i m a t e source.' With the passage of time, the Centre has become even more in d i s p e n s a b l e . I t was always assumed that the Centre would draw from the extended j u r i s d i c t i o n a l networks to produce comparable national i n d i c a t o r s and the i n d i v i d u a l provinces or p o l i c e forces would continue to produce t h e i r own trend data. However, economic retrenchment i n many provinces t r a n s l a t e d i n t o the release of many a n a l y s t s , o f t e n s e v e r e l y reducing the province's a b i l i t y to produce t h e i r own numbers. Consequently, the Centre's p r o f i l e w i t h i n the j u s t i c e system has increased as they have become the de facto producers of some of the j u r i s d i c t i o n ' s data. While t h i s does not appear to have occurred to the same extent i n r e l a t i o n to the UCR, as most p o l i c e forces s t i l l maintain reasonable s t a t i s t i c a l c a p a b i l i t i e s , s e v e r a l respondents noted that i t was a c l e a r t rend i n the area of courts and c o r r e c t i o n s : This i s another t h i n g , we a c t u a l l y have b e t t e r access to t h e i r data than [the j u r i s d i c t i o n s ] do. Once they give us data, we have the e x p e r t i s e and access to t h e i r own data that they could never ever produce. So i f they a c t u a l l y want to know what i s going on i n t h e i r systems, we can do that b e t t e r than they can now. The i d e a l i z e d c o n s t r u c t i o n of the CCJS i s as an a p o l i t i c a l center of c a l c u l a t i o n that has been able to make 145 i t s e l f indispensable to a host of i n d i v i d u a l and i n s t i t u t i o n a l a c t o r s . But what goes on w i t h i n the Centre that gives these numbers power and resonance? I t i s i n addressing t h i s question that the importance of the p r o l i f e r a t i o n of s c i e n t i f i c i n s c r i p t i o n s becomes apparent. S c i e n t i f i c technologies that range from cloud chambers to p a r t i c l e a c c e l e r a t o r s a l l produce i n s c r i p t i o n s . These incl u d e the photographs, graphs, i n d i c e s , etchings and computer p r i n t o u t s that are a l a b o r a t o r y ' s l i f e blood. L i k e s c i e n t i s t s , bureaucrats a l s o employ a host of technologies of r e p r e s e n t a t i o n to render the world i n t o i n s c r i p t i o n , making i t amenable to a n a l y s i s and c o n t r o l (Cooper 1992). Labo r a t o r i e s cannot accommodate the e n t i r e p o p u l a t i o n of animals, s t a r s , amoebae or neurons that they might be studying, so i n s c r i p t i o n s are employed to represent these d i s t a n t phenomena. They allow the periphery of a knowledge network to be m o b i l i z e d i n such a way that i t can be t r a n s m i t t e d great distances without s i g n i f i c a n t r e d u c t i o n i n i t s a b i l i t y to s i g n i f y . Such representations must remain r e l a t i v e l y s t a b l e as they move through time and space. For example, a rare microbe might be very d e l i c a t e , w i t h e f f o r t s to e x t r i c a t e i t from i t s n a t u r a l h a b i t a t r e s u l t i n g i n r a p i d degeneration. However, transformed i n t o a 'mobile' through photography or sketching, i t can now be transported great distances without s i g n i f i c a n t d e t e r i o r a t i o n . Once at the 146 center of the knowledge network ( i n the l a b o r a t o r y ) , these mobiles are most e f f e c t i v e when they are e a s i l y 'combinable.' That i s , they must be capable of being arranged and rearranged i n i n n o v a t i v e ways to prompt the easy observation of n o v e l t i e s , d i s t i n c t i o n s and s i m i l a r i t i e s . Through c y c l i c a l processes of accumulation and c i r c u l a t i o n , c e n t r a l i z e d l o c a l e s accumulate knowledge about th i n g s , events and persons that are c o n s i d e r a b l y removed from the center. Such c y c l e s of accumulation u l t i m a t e l y allow a center of c a l c u l a t i o n to dominate the periphery which l a c k s such o b j e c t i f i e d knowledge. Latour (1987: 223) summarizes these processes: By i n v e n t i n g means that (a) render them mobile so that they can be brought back; (b) keep them s t a b l e so that they can be moved back and f o r t h without a d d i t i o n a l d i s t o r t i o n , c o r r u p t i o n or decay, and (c) are combined so that whatever s t u f f they are made of, they can be cumulated, aggregated, or s h u f f l e d l i k e a pack of cards. I f those c o n d i t i o n s are met, then a small p r o v i n c i a l town, or an obscure l a b o r a t o r y , or a puny l i t t l e company i n a garage, that were at f i r s t as weak as any other place w i l l become centers dominating at a distance many other p l a c e s . I n s c r i p t i o n s are returned to a c e n t r a l l o c a t i o n where they can be s c r u t i n i z e d , analyzed and combined. The example which Latour employs to good e f f e c t i s the h i s t o r i c a l r e l a t i o n s h i p between forms of i n s c r i p t i o n and European i m p e r i a l expansionism. Where i t was impossible to b r i n g the d i s t a n t s h o r e l i n e s , f l o r a , fauna and indigenous peoples back 147 to European centers without having them d e t e r i o r a t e or d i e , standardized i n s c r i p t i o n s allowed f o r the accumulation of o b j e c t i v e knowledge about such e n t i t i e s and people i n d i s t a n t l a b o r a t o r i e s , archives and museums. The i n s c r i p t i o n s gained added value as they were combined and compared w i t h the i n s c r i p t i o n s brought back by subsequent e x p e d i t i o n s . Through expanding processes of accumulation the network i s able to e f f e c t i v e l y r e t u r n the periphery to the center and develop forms of c o n t r o l at a d i s t a n c e . In the context of the UCR, i t would be impossible to assemble a l l of the i n d i v i d u a l s charged w i t h a s s a u l t , f o r example, i n one l o c a l e . Therefore, rendering the p e r t i n e n t s p e c i f i c s of t h e i r being or behavior i n t o standardized i n s c r i p t i o n s allows f o r a manageable re-assemblage i n a d i s t a n t l o c a l e . S c i e n t i f i c l a b o r a t o r i e s are c e n t r a l nodes i n a continuous c i r c u l a t o r y network of i n s c r i p t i o n s . Just as the heart must be understood i n r e l a t i o n to the c i r c u l a t i o n of blood, a center of c a l c u l a t i o n must be l o c a t e d i n the wider c i r c u l a t i o n of i n s c r i p t i o n s , a process that o b j e c t i f i e s the e x t e r n a l world i n order to t r a n s p o r t i t to a d i s t a n t l a b o r a t o r y . The importance of i n s c r i p t i o n s as a technology of government cannot be overstated. I n s c r i p t i o n s of b i r t h s , deaths, h e a l t h and wealth render d i v e r s e phenomena i n t o a form that allows them to be analyzed and governed at a 148 d i s t a n c e . 'The i n s c r i p t i o n s of the world which an i n d i v i d u a l or a group can compile, consult or c o n t r o l p l a y a key r o l e i n the powers they can e x e r c i s e over those whose r o l e i s to be e n t r i e s i n these c h a r t s ' (Rose and M i l l e r 1992: 186). In the case of UCR s t a t i s t i c s , p e r t i n e n t d e t a i l s of a person, place or s i t u a t i o n are e x t r a c t e d from a l o c a l s e t t i n g , rendered i n t o i n s c r i p t i o n and moved along communications networks to a c e n t r a l l o c a l e . There they are combined wi t h many other i n s c r i p t i o n s to produce a new form of knowledge -an aggregate number or r a t i o that renders the center stronger than the periphery. The center comes to know things about the l o c a l context of a faraway place of which even l o c a l p r a c t i t i o n e r s are not aware. Such knowledge then moves outside of the Centre where i t i s used i n a host of reformatory i n t e r v e n t i o n s . Inside of the l a b o r a t o r y , the m a l l e a b i l i t y of i n s c r i p t i o n s allows f o r an i n v e r s i o n of f o r c e s . Rouse (1987) speaks of such i n v e r s i o n s as the c o n s t r u c t i o n of l a b o r a t o r y 'micro-worlds.' Outside of the l a b o r a t o r y s c i e n t i s t s are of t e n at a disadvantage r e l a t i v e to the strength of t h e i r object of study. In the e x t e r n a l world, objects are fr e q u e n t l y stronger than i n d i v i d u a l s c i e n t i s t s because of t h e i r l a r g e s c a l e , t i g h t i n t e r c o n n e c t i o n s and i n v i s i b i l i t y . By i s o l a t i n g these phenomena i n a l a b o r a t o r y , s c i e n t i s t s i n v e r t the r o u t i n e p l a y of forces by d i s p l a c i n g the normal 149 context i n which an e n t i t y t h r i v e s . In so doing, s c i e n t i s t s become stronger r e l a t i v e to t h e i r object of study. I d e n t i c a l processes are at work i n r e l a t i o n to producing knowledge about crime, where the Centre removes o f f i c i a l l y designated crimes from t h e i r l o c a l context, i s o l a t e s them, and produces a crime r a t e , an e n t i r e l y new phenomena. Indeed, a great deal of the Centre's power deriv e s from i t s monopoly over phenomena that are of t h e i r own c o n s t r u c t i o n - the n a t i o n a l i n d i c a t o r s of crime and c r i m i n a l j u s t i c e . Having secured and s t a b i l i z e d the flow of i n s c r i p t i o n s , the Centre now must, p a r a d o x i c a l l y , work to make them disappear; otherwise i t r i s k s being overwhelmed by t h e i r sheer volume. Centre s t a f f , and s c i e n t i s t s more g e n e r a l l y , now do to the i n s c r i p t i o n s what the i n s c r i p t i o n s d i d to t h e i r r e f e r e n t - they produce a higher order i n s c r i p t i o n . In the case of the UCR, m i l l i o n s of i n s c r i p t i o n s r e l a t i n g to c r i m i n a l i n c i d e n t s , v i c t i m s and accused, cascade through the Centre. En masse, such numbers are of l i t t l e value; i t i s only when aggregated to create 2 n d, 3 r d and n t h order i n s c r i p t i o n s (such as crime r a t e s , i n c a r c e r a t i o n r ates etc.,) that they provide p o t e n t i a l l y u s e f u l knowledge. In so doing, they reduce the complexity and chaos a s s o c i a t e d w i t h the phenomena of crime i n t o a set of simple f i g u r e s and c l a s s i f i c a t i o n s . D i s t a n t places and people are rendered 150 governable through the production of simple i n d i c a t o r s , graphs or s t a t i s t i c a l t a b l e s . A center of c a l c u l a t i o n such as the CCJS i s a power resource. In the absence of the knowledge provided by such l o c a l e s , our understanding of crime would be weak and anecdotal. We would be at the mercy of any modern day Dickens who t e l l s the best t a l e s about the nature of crime and c r i m i n a l behavior. The Centre maintains a monopoly over t h i s form of knowledge production. I f one wanted to assume a r a d i c a l l y s k e p t i c a l stance and t e s t the v a l i d i t y of the numbers coming out of the Centre, i t would be necessary to develop a separate but comparable knowledge network. However, the prospect of c r e a t i n g such an i d e n t i c a l network i s s e v e r e l y r e s t r i c t e d due to the l e g a l , o r g a n i z a t i o n a l and t e c h n o l o g i c a l o b s t a cles to e s t a b l i s h i n g r e l a t i o n s w i t h the myriad data-providers. The r e s u l t i s that at the end of the day, the_ crime s t a t i s t i c s s t a r t to assume the q u a l i t y of a black box. Black Boxes I n t e r - i n s t i t u t i o n a l machinations, i d e n t i t y c o n s t r u c t i o n , and network maintenance are a l l undertaken w i t h one dominant aim i n mind - to produce knowledge which w i l l be accepted as a black box. The aim i s f o r the knowledge to be plugged i n t o another network, where 'no matter how c o n t r o v e r s i a l t h e i r 151 h i s t o r y , how complex t h e i r inner workings, how l a r g e the commercial or academic networks that hold them i n p l a c e , only t h e i r input and output count' (Latour 1987: 3). Computers, cloud chambers or s t a t i s t i c a l i n d i c a t o r s become black boxes when s c i e n t i s t s and laypeople are o b l i g e d to use them to f u r t h e r t h e i r own ends while having l i t t l e or no a p p r e c i a t i o n f o r the background processes and networks that make them p o s s i b l e . Only when they s t a r t to malfunction or become subject to c r i t i q u e do such knowledges or technologies l o s e t h e i r black box status as people again begin to r e f l e c t on t h e i r c o n d i t i o n s of p o s s i b i l i t y . The Centre's numbers can be s a i d to have acquired a black boxed f a c t i c i t y when other researchers, p o l i t i c i a n s and pundits adopt them u n c r i t i c a l l y to advance new knowledge claims. At the same time, Centre s t a f f must themselves employ a v a r i e t y of black boxes. Computers must not crash, communications i n f r a s t r u c t u r e s must remain s t a b l e and the c a p a c i t i e s imputed to d i f f e r e n t i n s t i t u t i o n a l a ctors must remain f i x e d . One example w i l l h i g h l i g h t t h i s p o i n t . In i t s p u b l i c a t i o n s , the Centre r e g u l a r l y presents i t s crime numbers as a r a t i o , the number of i n c i d e n t s per 100,000 people. Ratios are u s e f u l i n that they a l l o w f o r comparable measures across l o c a l e s w i t h d i f f e r e n t p o p u l a t i o n p r o f i l e s . R a t ios are a l s o an example of how the Centre r e l i e s upon other black boxed knowledge to advance t h e i r own claims. To 152 produce a crime r a t e , they must employ accepted p o p u l a t i o n counts, but the c o n d i t i o n s of p o s s i b i l i t y f o r these counts are not d e a l t w i t h i n the Centre's p u b l i c a t i o n s . Demographic i n d i c e s have, i n f a c t , proved to be very c o n t r o v e r s i a l i n recent years - p a r t i c u l a r l y i n the United States. In 1996 the U.S. Supreme Court r u l e d on a challenge to the p o p u l a t i o n count produced on the 1990 census. At issue were questions about a purported undercount of e t h n i c m i n o r i t i e s i n l a r g e urban areas and the r e f u s a l by the Bush a d m i n i s t r a t i o n to use sampling methods to compensate f o r these undercounts. Considerably more i s at stake i n such disputes than the accuracy of these measures. Population counts are a cornerstone of democratic p o l i t i c s , w i t h p o l i t i c a l r e p r e s e n t a t i o n and funding f o r population-based s o c i a l programs being t i e d to these i n d i c a t o r s . For example, i f sampling methods had been employed i n r e l a t i o n to t h i s the U.S. census, the d i s t r i b u t i o n of seats i n the House of Representatives would have had to be modified to favor C a l i f o r n i a at the expense of Wisconsin. Furthermore, New York would have gained an estimated 230,000 people (Greenhouse 1996). Concerns about the l i m i t a t i o n s and i d i o s y n c r a s i e s i n v o l v e d i n p o p u l a t i o n counts are inherent i n any attempt to f i x l i m i t s on something as f l u i d and ambiguous as 'the p o p u l a t i o n . ' At t h i s j u n c t u r e , I do not intend to undertake a d e t a i l e d c r i t i q u e of po p u l a t i o n counts. Questions about the inherent problems i n e f f o r t s to a s c e r t a i n v a l i d p o p u l a t i o n i n d i c e s have been a long-standing s o c i a l s c i e n t i f i c concern (Rusnock 1995; Emery 1993; Conk 1987). Instead, I want to h i g h l i g h t that the Centre's use of such measures i s a m a n i f e s t a t i o n of the i n s t i t u t i o n a l i z e d f o r g e t t i n g of questions about the accuracy of these i n d i c e s . While demographic i n d i c e s can themselves be unpacked i n l i g h t of questions about under-coverage, counting r u l e s and sampling s t r a t e g i e s , they are adopted u n c r i t i c a l l y as a black box by Centre personnel. When pressed on t h i s p o i n t , a respondent asserted that 'we take them at face value. What they t e l l us i s the p o p u l a t i o n i s what we have to go with . But i t might be something that we should t h i n k about p u t t i n g a footnote i n t o our reports about.' I f Centre s t a f f were by and lar g e comfortable or u n r e f l e c t i v e about plugging p o p u l a t i o n census counts i n t o t h e i r data, t h i s was not the case f o r everyone i n the extended CCJS network. For example, at a POLIS meeting i n 1996 a p o l i c e r e p r e s e n t a t i v e questioned the appropriateness of the p o p u l a t i o n rates used by the CCJS. Coming from a port c i t y w i t h a considerable u n i v e r s i t y presence, he r a i s e d questions about the time of year during which the census count was done. He feared that there could be s i g n i f i c a n t 154 f l u c t u a t i o n s i n h i s c i t y ' s o f f i c i a l p o p u l a t i o n l e v e l depending on whether the count was done during the school year and whether naval f l e e t s were i n p o r t . He claimed that h i s c i t y had a seasonal student p o p u l a t i o n of fourteen thousand i n d i v i d u a l s , and when i n po r t ; the NATO f l e e t could add an e x t r a eighteen to twenty thousand people to the c i t y ' s p o p u l a t i o n base. While he was apparently comfortable w i t h the measure f o r the t o t a l volume of crime i n h i s c i t y , he was concerned that the i n t r o d u c t i o n of a black boxed pop u l a t i o n count to produce a r a t i o would skew h i s c i t y ' s crime r a t e . These observations about the Centre's adoption of black boxed knowledges again should not be i n t e r p r e t e d as a condemnation of t h e i r p r a c t i c e s . Plugging i n black boxes that mask t h e i r background gaps and i n c o n s i s t e n c i e s i s inescapable i n knowledge production. Even i n a study such as t h i s which attempts to be r e f l e x i v e about s t a t i s t i c a l i n d i c e s one can f i n d instances where measures have been employed u n c r i t i c a l l y which could themselves have been unpacked and deconstructed. Summary Knowledge of the objects to be governed i s a c r u c i a l c o n d i t i o n of p o s s i b i l i t y f o r p r a c t i c e s of governance. Di s t a n t places, people and things must be rendered mobile 155 through the use of i n s c r i p t i o n s which are then returned to a d i s t a n t c e n t r a l i z e d l o c a l e where knowledge accumulates and i s aggregated i n t o concise i n d i c a t o r s . Reduced to simple i n d i c e s , the knowledge can then be c i r c u l a t e d to other s t a t e and non-state agencies. In so doing, complicated and p r e v i o u s l y i n v i s i b l e processes can be introduced i n t o the realm of governance. Although the importance of processes of network b u i l d i n g to governmental e f f o r t s has been acknowledged (Rose 1996; Rose and M i l l e r 1992), we are only now t a k i n g up the task of opening up these centers of c a l c u l a t i o n to document the means by which governmental knowledge i s produced. Actor-network theory provides a template f o r t h i n k i n g about the production of t r u t h while l e a v i n g to the a n a l y s t the c r u c i a l task of documenting how i n t e r e s t s and r o l e s are fashioned and how actants are synthesized i n t o a complex network. Working from a c e n t r a l l o c a l e , the CCJS has been able to produce a knowledge network s p e c i f i c to the UCR comprised of myriad t e c h n i c a l and o r g a n i z a t i o n a l components. To do so, the Centre employs a s e r i e s of s t r a t e g i e s and p r a c t i c e s that extend beyond what we normally t h i n k of as s t a t i s t i c a l methods, using techniques that s i t u a t e them as p o l i t i c a l , s t a t i s t i c a l and t e c h n o l o g i c a l a c t o r s . The Centre has secured a steady flow of i n s c r i p t i o n s and employs various technologies and r a t i o n a l i z a t i o n s to i n v e s t the data 156 w i t h an i n t e r n a l l y - d e f i n e d l e v e l of v a l i d i t y . But t h i s image of success should not be adopted too h a s t i l y . Their knowledge continues to e x i s t i n an a g o n i s t i c f i e l d , d i f f e r e n t i a l l y approved, adopted and s c r u t i n i z e d . That s a i d , t h e i r i n s t i t u t i o n a l hegemony means that even the harshest s k e p t i c i s l e f t w i t h l i t t l e recourse except to engage wi t h the Centre's numbers i f she wants to t a l k about the phenomena of 'crime,' even i f t h i s only amounts to a summary d i s m i s s a l of t h e i r data. This chapter has concentrated on examining some components of the actor-network s p e c i f i c to the UCR. The other surveys w i t h i n the Centre employ s i m i l a r processes. They too must e n r o l l and c o n t r o l d i f f e r e n t a ctants. They too must negotiate w i t h groups and a r t i f a c t s whose representativeness i s ambiguous. In the remaining chapters I t u r n to questions about c l a s s i f i c a t i o n , s t a n d a r d i z a t i o n , p o l i t i c a l n e g o t i a t i o n and knowledge dissemination, a l l of which are components of the Centre's broader knowledge network. 157 Chapter 3 Counting Race The c l a s s i f i c a t i o n s upon which p o p u l a t i o n s t a t i s t i c s r e s t can themselves be c o n t r o v e r s i a l . Attempts to a r r i v e at a p u b l i c consensus on the s p e c i f i c terms according to which the popu l a t i o n should be d i v i d e d have o c c a s i o n a l l y been undermined by the p o l i t i c s of c l a s s i f i c a t i o n . This chapter i s an extended study of such c l a s s i f i c a t o r y p o l i t i c s . I t r e f l e c t s upon some of the problems, p o l i t i c s and p r a c t i c e s which can a r i s e when the s t a t e c l a s s i f i e s , or t r i e s to c l a s s i f y , i t s p o p u l a t i o n by race. The Centre has inv e s t e d considerable time and energy i n t o e x p l o r i n g whether data should be c o l l e c t e d on the race of an accused and v i c t i m and i f so, how t h i s might be accomplished w i t h minimum p u b l i c controversy and maximum u t i l i t y . At stake i n these d i s c u s s i o n s and the ensuing p u b l i c debate were the author i z e d terms of governance and s e l f - i d e n t i t y as embodied i n e t h n i c / r a c i a l c l a s s i f i c a t i o n s as w e l l as the p r o p r i e t y of the long-standing p r a c t i c e of s t a t i s t i c a l counting by r a c e / e t h n i c i t y . The controversy r e s o l v e d i t s e l f w i t h the Centre's p u b l i c disavowal of the c o l l e c t i o n of such data but t h i s break was not n e a r l y as complete as i t appeared i n the press. Instead, the race/crime i s s u e has been transformed and promises to reappear i n a s l i g h t l y d i f f e r e n t guise. 158 This chapter uses the controversy over race/crime data c o l l e c t i o n prompted by the Canadian Centre f o r J u s t i c e S t a t i s t i c s (CCJS) as an opportunity to explore the power of o f f i c i a l c l a s s i f i c a t i o n s . S c r u t i n y of the d e f i n i n g events; and the subsequent attempts by the CCJS to c o l l e c t A b o r i g i n a l / c r i m e data i s i n t e r e s t i n g f o r a number of reasons. Vocal p u b l i c r e a c t i o n s to the very prospect of such an endeavor mark t h i s as a s o c i a l problem deserving of c l o s e r examination. While race and e t h n i c i t y have become key a x i a l concepts around which p o l i t i c s r evolve, there i s considerable angst over the p r e c i s e terms of the debate. Nor i s t h i s a theme p e c u l i a r to Canada, as the question of how to define and count e t h n i c groupings has r e c e i v e d i n t e r n a t i o n a l a t t e n t i o n (Booth 1985; Home O f f i c e 1996; Petersen 1987; Goldberg 1997; Knepper 1996). The f o l l o w i n g account draws.upon CCJS documents and the r e f l e c t i o n s of some of the key p l a y e r s w i t h i n the CCJS who were resp o n s i b l e f o r e s t a b l i s h i n g r a c i a l data elements and then l a t e r d e a l t w i t h the ensuing controversy. Cumulatively, these resources provide i n s i g h t i n t o how a s t a t i s t i c a l agency handles controversy over c l a s s i f i c a t i o n . I t a l s o r e f l e c t s on questions about: 1) how employees conceptualize the r e l a t i o n s h i p between the mundane p r a c t i c e of c l a s s i f i c a t i o n and the world of p u b l i c p o l i t i c s ; 2) how i n s i d e r s s e t t l e on the c l a s s i f i c a t i o n s of people to be adopted given the myriad ways that e t h n i c / r a c i a l i d e n t i t y can be d e l i m i t e d ; and 3) what c o n s i d e r a t i o n s went i n t o determining whether t h i s was a m e t h o d o l o g i c a l l y or p o l i t i c a l l y 159 f e a s i b l e endeavor. As such, t h i s account provides i n s i g h t s i n t o the competing pressures placed on members of the CCJS. The r i v a l and o f t e n c o n t r a d i c t o r y i n t e r e s t s of many groups had to be s k i l l f u l l y managed by CCJS personnel i f t h e i r s t a t i s t i c a l e n t e r p r i s e was to be s u c c e s s f u l . As such, i t accentuates how the methodology inherent i n the production of race/crime s t a t i s t i c s extends to incl u d e a host of s o c i a l and p o l i t i c a l processes. While the race/crime controversy was apparently an i s o l a t e d i n c i d e n t which has subsequently moved out of the p u b l i c l i m e l i g h t , there are ample reasons to a n t i c i p a t e the r e t u r n of t h i s issue i n a s i m i l a r or s l i g h t l y a l t e r e d shape. Contemporary governmental s t r a t e g i e s have o f t e n been focused on the r a c e / e t h n i c i t y of the accused and v i c t i m . There are co n t i n u i n g c a l l s to a s c e r t a i n the d i f f e r e n t i a l involvement i n c r i m i n a l behavior by d i f f e r e n t r a c i a l / e t h n i c groups. At the same time, various c o n s t i t u e n c i e s d e s i r e knowledge about how the s t a t e o f f i c i a l l y deals w i t h offenders from d i f f e r e n t e t h n i c / r a c i a l backgrounds. In order to answer such questions, there i s a need f o r knowledge which co n s t r u c t s the objects of governance along r a c i a l / e t h n i c l i n e s . As such, t h i s summary of events a l s o amounts to a examination of an ongoing concern. I t i s p a r t of the s t o r y of an enduring demand f o r r a c i a l / e t h n i c data by j u s t i c e p r a c t i t i o n e r s as w e l l as p o l i t i c a l a c t i v i s t s . The impetus f o r t h i s account i s not p u r e l y h i s t o r i c a l , as i t seeks to move beyond the l o c a l m a n i f e s t a t i o n of t h i s issue to explore some of the broader t h e o r e t i c a l concerns r e l a t e d to 160 c l a s s i f i c a t i o n o u t l i n e d i n chapter 1. These events are examined i n l i g h t of the ongoing t h e o r e t i c a l i n t e r e s t i n the r e l a t i o n s h i p between o f f i c i a l c l a s s i f i c a t i o n s and personal i d e n t i t y (Jenkins 1997; Hacking 1997). The categories used by s t a t e , and i n c r e a s i n g l y non-state (Gandy 1993), agencies to c l a s s i f y i n d i v i d u a l s and groups operate i n complex ways to fa s h i o n how we t h i n k of ourselves and others. The l i n e s we use to d e l i n e a t e 'us' from 'them' are informed by b u r e a u c r a t i c ways of d i v i d i n g up people and the wider s o c i a l world. As such, the race/crime controversy provides i n s i g h t s i n t o how c l a s s i f i c a t i o n s c o n t r i b u t e to 'making up people' (Hacking 1986). R a c i a l Numbers The p r a c t i c e of a s s i g n i n g offenders to r a c i a l c a t e g o r i e s has a long and o f t e n i n g l o r i o u s h i s t o r y . The genesis of criminology i s bound up i n j u s t such an undertaking (Gould 1996). Caesare Lombroso, who has been r e t r o s p e c t i v e l y ordained as the f a t h e r of the modern d i s c i p l i n e of criminology, employed a r a c i a l typology of c r i m i n a l s as p a r t of h i s search f o r a t a v i s t i c e v o l u t i o n a r y throwbacks. Lombroso's c r i m i n a l science grew, somewhat a c c i d e n t a l l y , out of an a n t h r o p o l o g i c a l concern to study humanity and i t s n a t u r a l v a r i e t i e s , using the methods of anthropometry and craniometry to measure the p h y s i c a l features of human subj e c t s . Influenced by the p h y s i c a l anthropology of Paul Broca and a Darwinian concern w i t h species and t h e i r e v o l u t i o n , Lombroso's study of I t a l i a n army r e c r u i t s and asylum and p r i s o n inmates was an attempt to i d e n t i f y d i f f e r e n t r a c i a l types and to subject them to s c i e n t i f i c s c r u t i n y and c a t e g o r i z a t i o n . (Garland 1994: 38) 161 Over the years, r a c i a l and e t h n i c v a r i a b l e s have remained a mainstay of many s t a t i s t i c a l agencies while the j u s t i f i c a t i o n s f o r c o l l e c t i n g such data have changed. Such c l a s s i f i c a t i o n s have always been p o l i t i c a l i n the sense that they have been used as the b a s i s f o r governmental i n i t i a t i v e s (Goldberg 1997, chap. 3). As Edward Said makes c l e a r i n h i s book Orientalism (1978), p a r t of the way i n which the 'Other' i s c o n s t i t u t e d i s through the i n v e n t i o n and production of r a c i a l i z e d knowledge. I t has only been i n the f i n a l decades of the 20 t h century that the very p r a c t i c e of governmental agencies counting the p o p u l a t i o n according to r a c i a l v a r i a b l e s has become a contentious p u b l i c i s s u e . While concerns about the accuracy of the r a c i a l c l a s s i f i c a t o r y schemes remain, new claims are being advanced to challenge the very p r a c t i c e of r a c i a l i z e d c l a s s i f i c a t i o n . In Canada, t h i s i ssue acquired peak p u b l i c i t y i n 1990 a f t e r the Canadian Centre f o r J u s t i c e S t a t i s t i c s proposed the c o l l e c t i o n of r a c i a l / e t h n i c data on i t s uniform crime report survey. The CCJS has a h i s t o r y of c o l l e c t i n g r a c i a l i z e d data, w i t h race having long been a v a r i a b l e on the homicide survey as w e l l as on the adult c o r r e c t i o n s survey. During the 1980s, plans were underway w i t h i n the Centre to fundamentally r e v i s e the main crime r e p o r t i n g survey, the uniform crime report (UCR). These r e v i s i o n s would s i g n i f i c a n t l y increase the amount of data a v a i l a b l e on crimes as w e l l as allow f o r the c r e a t i o n of l i n k s between the crime and numerous contextual and personal f a c t o r s a s s o c i a t e d w i t h an accused, i n c l u d i n g h i s or her e t h n i c i t y . 162 This move towards an incident-based crime survey, now c a l l e d the 'UCRII,' was preceded by an extensive process of n a t i o n a l c o n s u l t a t i o n s . Representatives from various components of the j u s t i c e system were approached f o r t h e i r opinions on methodology, data requirements, c o s t s , i n f o r m a t i o n burden on respondents and information s e c u r i t y . Of p a r t i c u l a r importance were the opinions of the various Canadian p o l i c e forces and t h e i r r e p r e s e n t a t i v e body, The Canadian A s s o c i a t i o n of Chiefs of P o l i c e , whose cooperation was e s s e n t i a l i f the new UCR was going to work. R e f l e c t i n g upon these c o n s u l t a t i o n s and n e g o t i a t i o n s , s e v e r a l respondents i d e n t i f i e d the Canadian p o l i c e community as strong advocates f o r i n t r o d u c i n g r a c i a l v a r i a b l e s i n t o the survey. An academic i n v o l v e d i n t h i s process r e c a l l e d how the c a l l f o r a r a c i a l v a r i a b l e 'was a Chief of P o l i c e i s s u e . They were pushing f o r i t and they were the one's who r e a l l y wanted i t . I don't t h i n k the CCJS has any p o s i t i o n one way or another about i t . I t was j u s t what the Chiefs wanted to put i n , so i t was there.' While support from the p o l i c e community made race/crime data c o l l e c t i o n p o s s i b l e , methodological and c l a s s i f i c a t o r y concerns were agonized over u n t i l almost the l a s t minute. Having decided to c o l l e c t r a c i a l data on the new UCRII, agreement now had to be reached concerning what would count as a race. The ensuing p u b l i c debate made the iss u e of how an o f f i c i a l agency should draw p r e c i s e or appropriate s t a t i s t i c a l boundaries around the concept of 'race' a recurrent theme. This 163 question extends w e l l beyond a concern w i t h having our c l a s s i f i c a t i o n s a c c u r a t e l y correspond w i t h e x i s t i n g e t h n i c s e l f i d e n t i t i e s as i t i s a l s o a m a n i f e s t a t i o n of the a u t h o r i z e d power to name. As such, the terms of c l a s s i f i c a t i o n recognize c e r t a i n types of groupings while i g n o r i n g or devaluing others. In t h e i r e f f o r t s to d e l i m i t the p r e c i s e contours of what could count as a race, Centre s t a f f were constr a i n e d by the n e c e s s i t y to impose cate g o r i e s which already had some p u b l i c resonance. E n t i r e l y new r a c i a l c l a s s i f i c a t i o n s could not be invented, although t h i s s t i l l l e f t them wi t h a considerable range of c l a s s i f i c a t i o n s they might employ. Louis A l t h u s s e r i s the p r o g e n i t o r of the contemporary t h e o r e t i c a l f a s c i n a t i o n w i t h issues of s u b j e c t i v i t y . The i n f l u e n c e of h i s attempts to s i t u a t e the formation of s u b j e c t i v i t y i n r e l a t i o n to wider s t r u c t u r e s of power and ideology continues to t h i s day. In h i s ' I d e o l o g i c a l State Apparatuses' essay (1971), he famously t y p i f i e s the act of s u b j e c t i f i c a t i o n through the example of a p o l i c e o f f i c e r ' h a i l i n g ' an i n d i v i d u a l w i t h the words 'Hey, you there!' In the act of t u r n i n g around to meet t h i s h a i l , A l t h u s s e r claims that the i n d i v i d u a l becomes a subject because 'he has recognized that the h a i l was ' r e a l l y ' addressed to him, and that ' i t was really him' who was h a i l e d ' (and not someone e l s e ) ' (174). While I have r e s e r v a t i o n s about t h i s r a t h e r d e t e r m i n i s t model of subject formation, p r e f e r r i n g to l o c a t e i t i n a Foucauldian emphasis on competing discourses, A l t h u s s e r ' s t y p i f i c a t i o n of the p o l i c e 164 o f f i c e r as the i d e a l i z e d agent of s u b j e c t i f i c a t i o n i s suggestive i n t h i s context. P o l i c e o f f i c e r s are one small component i n the formation and reinforcement of subjects through marking i n d i v i d u a l i d e n t i t y on the smooth i n s t i t u t i o n a l i d e n t i t y c a t e g o r i e s provided on o f f i c i a l forms. As some of these c l a s s i f i c a t i o n s were to concern a person's e t h n i c o r i g i n , the p o l i c e o f f i c e r ' s act of h a i l i n g was to be the h a i l i n g of an already r a c i a l i z e d subject. Such t h e o r e t i c a l s u b t l e t i e s were l a r g e l y beyond the concerns of Centre s t a f f who had to concentrate t h e i r e f f o r t s on reaching agreement on a c l a s s i f i c a t o r y scheme. Pragmatics played a r o l e here as they d i d not want to burden p o l i c e o f f i c e r s w i t h what they saw as a p o t e n t i a l l y unmanageable set of c l a s s i f i c a t o r y options. U l t i m a t e l y , they drew on the common sense views of how p o l i c e o f f i c e r s (and perhaps most others) have tended to t h i n k about races - that i s predominately by the c o l o r of a person's s k i n . The r e s u l t was a category f o r 'ethnic o r i g i n ' which was broken down i n t o European o r i g i n (white); South A s i a n ; Southeast A s i a n ; Black; East/South East Asian, C e n t r a l and South American; and A b o r i g i n a l . This l a s t category f o r '/Aboriginal' was f u r t h e r d i v i d e d i n t o North /American Indian; I n u i t (Eskimo); Metis and Other. The p o l i c e were to be res p o n s i b l e f o r a s s i g n i n g i n d i v i d u a l s to the most appropriate c l a s s i f i c a t o r y o p t i o n which they were to do by i n f e r r i n g e t h n i c i t y from v i s u a l cues d e r i v e d from p h y s i c a l appearance or from an o f f i c e r ' s p r i o r knowledge of an offender. 165 Some Centre staff.acknowledged the l i m i t a t i o n s of such c l a s s i f i c a t i o n s . As a r t i c u l a t e d by a member of the Centre's p o l i c i n g services program, these c l a s s i f i c a t i o n s u l t i m a t e l y proved to be minimally acceptable because they were c l e a r , I w i l l give them that much. They were more c o l o r schemes than anything e l s e . Because that i s how the cops d e a l t w i t h t h i n g s . They don't care about e t h n i c i t y , they are t a l k i n g about i d e n t i f i c a t i o n of a suspect: Black, White, O r i e n t a l , whatever. That i s the way they tend to deal w i t h i t . In the process of i n s t i t u t i o n a l i z i n g such c a t e g o r i e s , the Centre was simultaneously reproducing already prevalent ways of demarcating types of people - ones that corresponded w i t h the worldview of the p o l i c e and other segments of s o c i e t y . As such, i t i s an example of how i n g r a i n e d categories can acquire an o f f i c i a l status, as c l a s s i f i c a t i o n s are drawn from the s o c i a l world and given the bureaucratic stamp of approval. In the process, the Centre was serving 'to give a r e a l existence to that category' (Bourdieu 1996: 25). Common sense ways of demarcating people acquire a formal a u t h o r i t y as they are adopted as the basis of o f f i c i a l c l a s s i f i c a t i o n . Having e s t a b l i s h e d a common d e f i n i t i o n f o r race, Centre s t a f f now set about implementing these new r e p o r t i n g requirements among the handful of p o l i c e forces who were then prepared to switch to the new UCR. By November 1991 eleven p o l i c e forces which accounted f o r 24% of the volume of UCR data were p r o v i d i n g the Centre w i t h data on r a c i a l o r i g i n . In a n t i c i p a t i o n of t h i s new survey becoming o p e r a t i o n a l , the Centre 166 rele a s e d an issue of Juristat (CCJS 1990), t h e i r in-house p u b l i c a t i o n , to announce the b e n e f i t s of the new survey. One small sentence i n t h i s document s t a t e d that i t would now be p o s s i b l e to c o l l e c t data according to the r a c i a l background of the accused and v i c t i m s of v i o l e n t crimes, that 'for each 'cleared' i n c i d e n t , b a s i c demographic i n f o r m a t i o n i s recorded on a l l accused persons: sex, age, and r a c i a l o r i g i n ' ( 1 3 ) . The nature and i n t e n s i t y of the responses generated by t h i s p u b l i c a t i o n caught everyone i n the Centre by s u r p r i s e . We had t h i s l i t t l e paragraph t a l k i n g about how we would have crime by race. Well, that i s when the Chief S t a t i s t i c i a n f i r s t n o t i c e d the word 'race,' and b a s i c a l l y he f e l t i t was i n a p p r o p r i a t e . And he was going 'How could you people do t h i s without n o t i f y i n g me?' Everyone e l s e was going 'Huh? What?' Everyone had approved i t and stamped i t . A hundred page document, who would even n o t i c e t h i s ? As i t turned out, a great number of people n o t i c e d and many of them p u b l i c l y objected. Among t h i s chorus of d i s s a t i s f a c t i o n were the Prime M i n i s t e r ' s O f f i c e , the Secretary of State, the P r i v a c y Commissioner of Canada, the media, academics, and myriad community groups. Objections and J u s t i f i c a t i o n s A.P. Taylor has observed that ' h i s t o r y gets t h i c k e r as i t approaches recent time.' The c o r o l l a r y of t h i s i s that as time passes, h i s t o r y has a tendency to become t h i n , l o s i n g nuance u n t i l i t u l t i m a t e l y coalesces i n t o a dominant n a r r a t i v e . In the t e l l i n g and r e - t e l l i n g , the rough edges are eroded to leave 167 behind a r e l a t i v e l y s t r a i g h t f o r w a r d and uncomplicated account as the confusion, coincidence and apparent randomness of experience are washed away. For example, the Centre's account of the race/crime controversy provides a concise explanation of what was at i s s u e and how the problem was r e s o l v e d . At i t s most s u c c i n c t , i t i s a s t o r y of widespread p u b l i c o p p o s i t i o n to the c o l l e c t i o n of the race/crime data, which was seen to be at best d i s t a s t e f u l , and at worst r a c i s t . The Centre's response was to abandon the e f f o r t e n t i r e l y . At l e a s t that i s how the o f f i c i a l s t o r y goes. P i c k i n g through the veneer of t h i s i n s t i t u t i o n a l i z e d account one f i n d s a m u l t i p l i c i t y of i n t e r p r e t a t i o n s that r e v e a l a more complicated, c o n t r a d i c t o r y and open-ended s e r i e s of events. In t h i s s e c t i o n I rough up the edges of the smooth i n s t i t u t i o n a l i z e d n a r r a t i v e to r e v e a l competing and o f t e n c o n t r a d i c t o r y reasons advanced f o r why such in f o r m a t i o n should or should not be c o l l e c t e d . I i n t e r r o g a t e both the nature of the o p p o s i t i o n to c o l l e c t i n g the data as w e l l as the degree to which we can say that the Centre has abandoned the aim of c o l l e c t i n g r a c i a l i z e d data. What emerges i s an a p p r e c i a t i o n f o r the complexity of the issues i n v o l v e d . The p l u r a l 'issues' i s employed because no s i n g l e theme encompasses what I am r e t r o s p e c t i v e l y c a l l i n g 'the race/crime controversy.' Questions were r a i s e d as to whether the Centre could c o l l e c t t h i s data, whether they should c o l l e c t the data and why they might want to c o l l e c t i t at a l l . To garner an a p p r e c i a t i o n f o r these themes I 168 analyze some of the main concerns and proposals advanced by the p u b l i c , p o l i c e , academics and people i n t e r n a l to the CCJS. While many d i f f e r e n t p o s i t i o n s are presented below, t h i s i s not intended to be e x c l u s i v e l y a review of the arguments f o r and against c o l l e c t i n g race/crime data. Notwithstanding the p o t e n t i a l value of such an endeavor, I use t h i s i s s u e to explore the c u l t u r e of Centre s t a f f as i t i s manifest i n t h e i r views about the merit and p o t e n t i a l a p p l i c a t i o n s of the numbers they c o l l e c t . What r a t i o n a l e s do they employ to j u s t i f y the i n e v i t a b l e problems w i t h t h e i r data? At what p o i n t do these r a t i o n a l e s break down? To a n t i c i p a t e the argument, Centre s t a f f o f t e n adopt a pragmatic approach to the ' t r u t h ' of t h e i r d i f f e r e n t data c o l l e c t i o n v e h i c l e s , acknowledging, sometimes i n the extreme, the l i m i t a t i o n s of t h e i r data. Such admissions, combined w i t h ongoing e f f o r t s to overcome such l i m i t a t i o n s , are u s u a l l y s u f f i c i e n t to allow them to c o l l e c t data and p u b l i s h t h e i r f i n d i n g s i n good conscience. One of the reasons that the race/crime s i t u a t i o n i s i n t r i g u i n g i s p r e c i s e l y because i t represents a pragmatic r e t r e a t from pragmatism. The w e l l -rehearsed arguments about the l e g i t i m a c y and p r a c t i c a l n e c e s s i t y of c o l l e c t i n g admittedly l i m i t e d and circumscribed data f a l t e r e d i n the face of other pragmatic c o n s i d e r a t i o n s that threatened the r e p u t a t i o n and l e g i t i m a c y of S t a t i s t i c s Canada i t s e l f . Background The axiom 'timing i s everything' i s no l e s s true i n a s t a t i s t i c a l o r g a n i z a t i o n than i n any other sphere of personal 169 and p o l i t i c a l l i f e . U n f o r t u n a t e l y f o r those w i t h an investment i n the c o l l e c t i o n of Canadian race/crime data, the tim i n g of p u b l i c d i s c u s s i o n s about the issue proved to be p a r t i c u l a r l y inopportune. The release of the d r a f t Juristat i n the s p r i n g of 1990 occurred at a time when r a c i a l tensions were exacerbated by words exchanged i n Canadian u n i v e r s i t i e s and a c t i o n s i n i t i a t e d i n a p r e v i o u s l y l i t t l e known Quebec town. In Toronto, Canada's most populous c i t y , the Centre's e f f o r t s were i n t e r p r e t e d i n l i g h t of a s e r i e s of h i g h l y p o l i t i c i z e d i n c i d e n t s concerning race and crime. Cumulatively, these created a cli m a t e t h a t , i f i t d i d not undermine the program from the beginning, c e r t a i n l y made f o r a more h o s t i l e r e c e p t i o n . The f i r s t i n c i d e n t concerned the p u b l i c r e a c t i o n to the w r i t i n g s of prof e s s o r P h i l l i p Rushton. Professor Rushton continues the long-standing t r a d i t i o n of t r y i n g to f i n d explanations f o r c r i m i n a l behavior i n r a c i a l t y p o l o g i e s (Rushton 1988, 1990). He employs a t r i p a r t i t e d i v i s i o n of r a c i a l types c o n s i s t i n g of Caucasians (Caucasoids), Asians (Mongoloids)and Blacks (Negroids). He then provides s t a t i s t i c a l evidence of d i f f e r e n t i a l involvement i n c e r t a i n types of crime by these three groups which he a t t r i b u t e s to t h e i r d i f f e r e n t average b r a i n s i z e . When the media p u b l i c i z e d h i s work i t prompted a c r i t i c a l r e a c t i o n by the p u b l i c and academics a l i k e (Roberts and Gabor 1990). Not long a f t e r the media grew bored of the Rushton a f f a i r , the greatest c i v i l unrest i n v o l v i n g i ssues of race i n recent 170 Canadian h i s t o r y erupted. In Oka, Quebec, a group of Natives, predominately Mohawks and some sympathetic Whites, blockaded, a road i n p r o t e s t of land claims and commercial encroachment i n t o sacred land. A p o l i c e r a i d of the Mohawk compound r e s u l t e d i n the shooting death of one Quebec p o l i c e o f f i c e r and the eventual m o b i l i z a t i o n of a m i l i t a r y presence to r e s o l v e the s i t u a t i o n . A 78 day stand-off ensued. Canadians were fed a steady d i e t of accounts and p i c t u r e s of an armed and i n c r e a s i n g l y tense stand-o f f . Commentators i n c e s s a n t l y r e f l e c t e d on the prospect of e s c a l a t i n g v i o l e n c e i n Oka and other F i r s t Nations communities. R a c i a l tensions were s t r a i n e d l i k e at no other p o i n t i n recent Canadian h i s t o r y . While Oka and the p u b l i c debates about P h i l l i p Rushton arguably prompted a heightened n a t i o n a l consciousness of r a c i a l p o l i t i c s and grievances, race r e l a t i o n s were even more s t r a i n e d i n Toronto. Tensions l i n g e r e d between the Black community and M e t r o p o l i t a n Toronto P o l i c e over the separate p o l i c e shooting deaths of Black youths Michael Wade Lawson and Lester Donaldson. Repeated accusations of systemic racism w i t h i n the Metro Toronto P o l i c e force by the head of the Black A c t i o n Defense Committee, Dudley Laws, f u r t h e r heightened these tensions. In the year preceding the Centre's wading i n t o these charged p o l i t i c a l waters, Toronto had already witnessed an i n c i d e n t that foreshadowed fears about how race/crime data might be used to the detriment of the Black community. In February 1989, Inspector J . Fantino, head of Metro Toronto's 31 D i v i s i o n , 171 p u b l i c i z e d s t a t i s t i c s that p u r p o r t e d l y demonstrated a d i s p r o p o r t i o n a t e c r i m i n a l involvement by Blacks i n Toronto's t r o u b l e d Jane-Finch area. These claims were met w i t h waves of c r i t i c i s m from both the Metro Toronto P o l i c e force and community a c t i v i s t s . Some a c t i v i s t s .interpreted the release of these s t a t i s t i c s as an i l l u s t r a t i o n of p o l i c e p r e j u d i c e which would u l t i m a t e l y manifest i t s e l f i n acts of r a c i s t v i o l e n c e towards Blacks. The depth of the animosity and d i s t r u s t between the p o l i c e and segments of the Black community i s apparent i n the c l a i m by Linda Moroway of the Jane-Finch A c t i o n Committee that 'we e i t h e r get r i d of Mr. Fantino or Black people are going to be shot' (Kendall 1989). In a r a c i a l l y charged environment, debate moved very q u i c k l y from s t a t i s t i c s about d i f f e r e n t i a l r a c i a l involvement i n c e r t a i n types of crime to the specter of p o l i c e - i n i t i a t e d homicide against Blacks. While Inspector Fantino apologized f o r h i s statements two days a f t e r making them, an i n s t i t u t i o n a l response had already been set i n motion. The Metro Toronto P o l i c e Department q u i c k l y adopted a p o l i c y which banned the c o m p i l a t i o n and release of s t a t i s t i c s on race. In Toronto, the Centre's foray i n t o the race/crime debate was one m a n i f e s t a t i o n of a s e r i e s of tensions surrounding the issue of race. I t i s an i s s u e which preceded the S t a t i s t i c s Canada component of the n a r r a t i v e and one which continued a f t e r t h e i r p a r t i c u l a r segment had been resol v e d . For example, i n November of 1989, Toronto's p r e s t i g i o u s Royal Ontario Museum (ROM) opened an e x h i b i t e n t i t l e d 'Into the Heart of A f r i c a . ' The 172 o s t e n s i b l e aim of t h i s e x h i b i t was to employ a r t i f a c t s from c e n t r a l and west A f r i c a to demonstrate the impact of c o l o n i a l i s m on A f r i c a . Instead, i t became the most c o n t r o v e r s i a l d i s p l a y i n the museum's h i s t o r y . The show's s t y l e of p r e s e n t a t i o n along w i t h the f a i l u r e ROM curators to consult w i t h Toronto's Black p o p u l a t i o n prompted i n c r e a s i n g l y v o c a l p u b l i c p r o t e s t s . An a l l i a n c e of s i x t e e n Black groups c a l l i n g i t s e l f 'The C o a l i t i o n f o r the Truth about A f r i c a ' argued that the e x h i b i t i t s e l f was a f u r t h e r m a n i f e s t a t i o n of c o l o n i a l a t t i t u d e s that r e i n f o r c e d r a c i a l stereotypes and presumptions. P r o t e s t e r s r e c e i v e d considerable p u b l i c i t y i n Toronto and elsewhere, and t h i s p u b l i c i t y u l t i m a t e l y l e a d to the c a n c e l l a t i o n of the e x h i b i t i n other museums. In 1991, a f t e r the CCJS proposal had been abandoned, Sgt. Ben Eng of the Metro Toronto p o l i c e force made a p r e s e n t a t i o n to the Toronto Crime Inqu i r y . There he presented numbers drawn from h i s work as an Asian crime i n t e l l i g e n c e o f f i c e r which i n d i c a t e d that refugees from Vietnam and mainland China were committing a di s p r o p o r t i o n a t e number of offenses i n the As i a n community. He asserted that many of these c r i m i n a l s had a questionable or fraudulent 'refugee' s t a t u s . His claims were again met wit h a f l u r r y of c r i t i c i s m s , most p o i n t e d l y from the head of Metro Toronto's p o l i c e s e r v i c e board, Ms. Susan Eng (no r e l a t i o n ) . Ms. Eng pointed out that the p u b l i c a t i o n of such numbers contravened the force p o l i c y against p u b l i s h i n g numbers on race and c a l l e d f o r Sgt. Eng to be reprimanded. Mayoralty candidate June 173 Rowlands continued t h i s theme during the 1991 e l e c t i o n campaign by making now f a m i l i a r remarks about Blacks being d i s p r o p o r t i o n a t e l y i n v o l v e d i n crime. F i n a l l y , r a c i a l tensions were again made d r a m a t i c a l l y apparent on the evening of May 4 t h, 1992 when more than 1,000 people r i o t e d along Toronto's popular Yonge S t r e e t . More than t h i r t y people were a r r e s t e d i n t h i s s i x hour ordeal that caused thousands of d o l l a r s i n losses due to property damage and l o o t i n g . The r i o t was tr a c e d to a peaceful a n t i - r a c i s m demonstration which took place e a r l i e r i n the day. Although the r i o t e r s came from a l l r a c i a l groups, some commentators saw i t as f u r t h e r evidence of the s t r a i n e d r e l a t i o n s h i p between Toronto's p o l i c e and i t s e t h n i c communities. In summary, the Centre's proposal to c o l l e c t race/crime data occurred i n a p a r t i c u l a r l y p o l i t i c i z e d v o l a t i l e context. At the n a t i o n a l l e v e l , Oka had heightened concerns about the p o l i t i c s and h o s t i l i t i e s of r a c e / e t h n i c i t y . This was exacerbated by P. Rushton's p u b l i c re-enactments of Lombrosian themes about d i f f e r e n t i a l r a c i a l / b i o l o g i c a l p r e d i s p o s i t i o n s toward crime. In Toronto, p u b l i c c o n t r o v e r s i e s over race and crime had provided community groups an i n d i c a t i o n of the p o t e n t i a l abuses of race/crime data. As such, d i f f e r e n t c o n s t i t u e n c i e s had coalesced i n t o apparently unanimous o p p o s i t i o n to the c o l l e c t i o n of such data. I t was i n t o t h i s p o l i t i c a l l y v o l a t i l e environment that the Centre entered. The r e s u l t was a s e r i e s of p u b l i c accusations and complaints about the f e a s i b i l i t y or p o l i t i c a l p r o p r i e t y of 174 t h e i r proposal. I t i s to the s p e c i f i c s of some of the most fr e q u e n t l y a r t i c u l a t e d complaints to which we now t u r n . C r i t i q u e s of Race/Crime Data One of the d i s t i n c t i v e a t t r i b u t e s of e t h n i c c l a s s i f i c a t i o n s i s that they appear to be a c u l t u r a l u n i v e r s a l , f r e q u e n t l y at the very heart of what defines s o c i a l groupings, s e t t i n g one group apart from another. As Jenkins (1997: 166) observes, ' i t i s impossible to understand how groups are c o n s t i t u t e d without a f u l l a p p r e c i a t i o n of s o c i a l c a t e g o r i z a t i o n . There are no groups, et h n i c or otherwise, without c a t e g o r i z a t i o n . ' I n d i v i d u a l s employ c l a s s i f i c a t o r y systems to c o n s t i t u t e t h e i r sense of s e l f and d i s t i n g u i s h themselves from others. Such e t h n i c c l a s s i f i c a t i o n s have long been a mainstay of s t a t i s t i c a l o r g a n i z a t i o n s . In f a c t , one of the e a r l i e s t c o n t r o v e r s i e s to a r i s e out of the 18 t h century mania over deviance s t a t i s t i c s concerned debates about d i f f e r e n t n a t i o n a l pathologies as manifest i n E n g l i s h and French s u i c i d e rates (Hacking 1990, chap. 8). O f f i c i a l c a t e g o r i e s are o v e r l a i d on people who have already c o n s c i o u s l y or unconsciously e s t a b l i s h e d a s e r i e s of s o c i a l d i v i s i o n s and cleavages. One challenge f o r s t a t i s t i c a l agencies i s to a r r i v e at a c l a s s i f i c a t o r y scheme that resonates w i t h these e x i s t i n g d i v i s i o n s . This amounts to the requirement that o f f i c i a l c l a s s i f i c a t i o n s correspond c l o s e l y w i t h the e s t a b l i s h e d common sense and are u l t i m a t e l y r e l a t e d to t h e i r perceived accuracy. C r i t i c i s m s of the race/crime proposal o f t e n 175 concentrated p r e c i s e l y on t h i s question, as the proposed demarcations f o r ' e t h n i c i t y ' were seen to be incapable of p r e c i s e l y c a p t u r i n g the d i v e r s i t y of r a c i a l and et h n i c groupings. R a c i a l c l a s s i f i c a t o r y schemes do more than simply set one group apart from another. They are r o u t i n e l y h i e r a r c h i c a l , w i t h some groups being perceived as b e t t e r s u i t e d f o r s o c i a l l y approved r o l e s or a c t i v i t i e s . We u s u a l l y reserve such p r e f e r e n t i a l evaluations f o r our own group, although instances of r a c i a l s e l f - l o a t h i n g i n d i c a t e that t h i s i s by no means i n e v i t a b l y the case (West 1993). Other ethn i c groupings are t y p i c a l l y perceived as having b i o l o g i c a l or s o c i a l c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s that make them l i m i t e d , i n f e r i o r , or more prone to myriad types of deviance. S t a t i s t i c a l r e p resentations of d i f f e r e n t i a l r a c i a l achievement i n education, s a l a r y , and c r i m i n a l behavior can c o n t r i b u t e to perceptions of e t h n i c s u p e r i o r i t y and i n f e r i o r i t y . The comprehensiveness of r a c i a l c l a s s i f i c a t i o n s are a l s o i m p l i c a t e d i n such h i e r a r c h i c a l rankings. Given that the e t h n i c c l a s s i f i c a t i o n s proposed by the Centre were h i g h - l e v e l , they i n e v i t a b l y incorporated a host of d i f f e r e n t s e l f - i d e n t i f y i n g peoples under a s i n g l e heading. For example, t h e i r c l a s s i f i c a t i o n f o r 'East/South East Asian' would e x p l i c i t l y subsume nine other e t h n i c groups i n c l u d i n g Chinese, Malaysian, Japanese, Korean, e t c . These, i n t u r n , could be f u r t h e r broken down i n t o other s e l f - i d e n t i f i e d groupings. This use of higher-176 l e v e l c a t e g o r i e s l e a d to c a l l s from some community members f o r a more f i n e - g r a i n e d set of e t h n i c d i s t i n c t i o n s . While on the one hand such c a l l s amount to an e f f o r t to have the c l a s s i f i c a t i o n s correspond more c l o s e l y w i t h the r e a l i t y of e t h n i c i t y as experienced by community members, some groups a l s o sought to d i s t i n g u i s h themselves from those that they saw as being more unpalatable or c r i m i n a l . For example, here two Centre s t a f f summarize t h e i r i n t e r a c t i o n s w i t h community members: There were some groups that s a i d 'Blacks' i s not good enough. There were some Blacks i n Toronto who were saying ' I t i s the Jamaican Blacks who are causing the problem.' There were some Chinese p o l i t i c i a n s i n Toronto who were a b s o l u t e l y adamant that we had to have t h i s because i t would show that i t wasn't the Hong Kong Chinese [who were the problem], i t was the Mainland Chinese, the Communist Chinese. As p r e v i o u s l y noted, one of the important a t t r i b u t e s of o f f i c i a l c l a s s i f i c a t i o n s concerns the way i n which people come to l i v e t h e i r l i v e s i n l i g h t of these names. The obverse of t h i s , however, has not been s u f f i c i e n t l y explored. The terms of the e t h n i c / r a c i a l c ategories adopted by o f f i c i a l agencies are not i n v a r i a b l y adopted by the groups so i d e n t i f i e d . I n d i v i d u a l s may be completely unaware of the way that bureaucracies are c l a s s i f y i n g them. Likewise, such c l a s s i f i c a t i o n s may never put down f i r m i n s t i t u t i o n a l r o o t s . There are a l s o important instances of r e s i s t a n c e to the s p e c i f i c contours of r a c i a l c l a s s i f i c a t o r y schemes- or the act of c l a s s i f i c a t i o n i t s e l f . 177 Processes of et h n i c d i v i s i o n and s u b - d i v i s i o n became a recurrent theme as Centre s t a f f had d i f f i c u l t y l o c a t i n g r e p r e s e n t a t i v e s of et h n i c communities who could advise them on race/crime data c o l l e c t i o n . While i n d i v i d u a l s came forward to speak on behalf of p a r t i c u l a r e t h n i c groupings, new f a c t i o n s o f t e n emerged to voice o p p o s i t i o n or h i g h l i g h t l i m i t a t i o n s of any proposed scheme. Instead of meeting w i t h a u n i f i e d community of support or o p p o s i t i o n , the Centre encountered s h i f t i n g groupings and a l l i a n c e s , which advanced a range of p o s i t i o n s h e l d w i t h v a r y i n g degrees of c o n v i c t i o n . This was apparent i n the Centre's 1991 junket to Toronto, which they undertook i n the hopes of addressing the concerns of community a c t i v i s t s and p r i v a t e c i t i z e n s . There they encountered a p l e t h o r a of p o s i t i o n s that v a r i e d across and w i t h i n e t h n i c groupings. As one Centre employee r e c a l l e d , 'Some of the Black community i n Toronto r e a l l y wanted i t , some of them were vehemently opposed to i t . I t r e a l l y l i n e d up along l i n e s of ideology r a t h e r than l o g i c ' To t h i s p o i n t i n the account I have used the terms 'race' and ' e t h n i c i t y ' interchangeably. This l a c k of p r e c i s i o n has been d e l i b e r a t e as i t p a r a l l e l s the t e r m i n o l o g i c a l ambiguity manifest i n the Centre's race/crime debate. While during t h i s p e r i o d the term 'race' was supplanted by the term ' e t h n i c i t y , ' i t i s hard to d i s c e r n s i g n i f i c a n t d i f f e r e n c e s i n how these two concepts were o p e r a t i o n a l i z e d . R a c i a l c l a s s i f i c a t i o n s of people's s k i n c o l o r were succeeded by an attempt to measure e t h n i c i t y as determined by some combination of phenotype and s e l f -178 i d e n t i f i c a t i o n . Such ambiguity i s perhaps understandable given that people who make a l i v i n g addressing t h i s question evince no consensus about the p r a c t i c a l and t h e o r e t i c a l r e l a t i o n s h i p between conceptions of 'race' and ' e t h n i c i t y ' (see Jenkins 1997, chap. 6). One way to conceive of the r a c e / e t h n i c i t y d i s t i n c t i o n i s to see i t as the r e s u l t of a much broader set of c l a s s i f i c a t o r y p o l i t i c s and s t r u g g l e s . H i s t o r i c a l l y , conceptions of race have been used by dominant groups to c h a r a c t e r i z e other s o c i a l groupings, t y p i c a l l y w i t h derogatory overtones. Having s t r u g g l e d to acquire t h e i r own v o i c e , these t r a d i t i o n a l l y m a r g i n a l i z e d groups have sought to a l t e r the terms of the debate over group i d e n t i t y , p r e f e r r i n g to use the more c u l t u r a l i s t conception of e t h n i c i t y . Before one goes about measuring e i t h e r race or e t h n i c i t y , there must be some a p p r e c i a t i o n f o r what i s a c t u a l l y being measured. What types of phenomena were p o l i c e o f f i c e r s to attend to i n a s s i g n i n g a person to one or another r a c i a l / e t h n i c category? In h i s c r i t i q u e of the Centre's race/crime proposal, Roberts (1994) suggests that t h i s was a problem, p o i n t i n g to the p r a c t i c a l d i f f i c u l t i e s bureaucracies have i n a s s i g n i n g persons to r a c i a l / e t h n i c c a t e g o r i e s . P a r t i c u l a r methodological d i f f i c u l t i e s are posed by the f a c t that 'race' or ' e t h n i c i t y ' can and have been used to r e f e r to a person's s e l f - i d e n t i t y , l e g a l s t a t u s , place of b i r t h , and p h y s i c a l phenotypes such as s k i n c o l o r , f u z z i n e s s of h a i r , e t c . The nature of the problem i s most apparent at the c l a s s i f i c a t o r y margins, i n those places i n -179 between and never e n t i r e l y or e x c l u s i v e l y ' o f one n e a t l y demarcated category. As one respondent commented, 'You have White people coming forward and saying: ' T e c h n i c a l l y , I am Black.' How do you answer that s o r t of question?' Such ambiguity i s only apt to become more pronounced i f we accept a dominant theme of contemporary s o c i a l thought which has argued that our contemporary s i t u a t i o n i s c h a r a c t e r i z e d by f l u x , of 'in-betweens' and 'not q u i t e s . ' T h r i f t (1996: 257) suggests that 'we now l i v e i n an almost/not q u i t e world - a world of almost/not q u i t e s u b j e c t s ; almost/not q u i t e s e l v e s ; almost/not qu i t e spaces; and almost/not q u i t e times.' I d e n t i t y i s seen to be much more t r a n s i e n t and l i m i n a l than i n the past, formed across d i f f e r e n t c ategories to which we hold d i f f e r i n g degrees of commitment ( H a l l 1996). I f t h i s diagnosis of late/postmodern i d e n t i t y i s accurate, i t promises to o f f e r c o n t i n u i n g d i f f i c u l t i e s f o r s t a t i s t i c a l agencies who deal i n f i x e d and bounded i d e n t i t y c a t e g o r i e s , a fu t u r e of c o n t i n u i n g c r i t i c i s m s about the lack of correspondence between the nominal and the v i r t u a l . S t a t i s t i c a l attempts to document the f r a c t u r e d nature of i d e n t i t y are themselves not exempt from the p o l i t i c s of r a c i a l i z e d c l a s s i f i c a t i o n . For example, some Blacks i n the U.S. have opposed the prospect of moving to a m u l t i - r a c i a l v a r i a b l e on the Census f o r fear that i t might decimate the s t a t i s t i c a l number of 'Blacks' and i n so doing undermine t h e i r p o l i t i c a l power (Nelkin and Lindee 1995: 117). Given that some estimates 180 put the number of i n d i v i d u a l s who are c u r r e n t l y c a t e g o r i z e d as 'Black' but who could be c a t e g o r i z e d as ' m u l t i - r a c i a l ' as high as 90%, we can understand t h e i r fears about the p o t e n t i a l e f f e c t s a m u l t i - r a c i a l v a r i a b l e could have on r e g u l a t o r y programs and desegregation e f f o r t s . One of the more curious moves i n Canada's d i s c u s s i o n about the p r a c t i c a l d i f f i c u l t i e s i n c l a s s i f i c a t i o n a l s o comes i n the above noted piece by Roberts (1994). A f t e r o u t l i n i n g h i s p o i n t about the inherent and apparently overwhelming problems i n d e f i n i n g race and the i n e v i t a b l e gray areas of such c l a s s i f i c a t i o n s , he d r a m a t i c a l l y reverses h i s course. Instead of f o l l o w i n g the t h r u s t of h i s argument to i t s l o g i c a l c o n c l u s i o n that c l a s s i f i c a t o r y problems preclude the c o l l e c t i o n of such data, he suggests that e t h n i c data could be c o l l e c t e d on the b a s i s of a number of s p e c i a l s t u d i e s . This would e i t h e r mean no longer having S t a t i s t i c s Canada produce the data or perhaps removing the r e s p o n s i b i l i t y f o r c o l l e c t i n g the data away from the p o l i c e . E x a c t l y how such a change i n i n s t i t u t i o n a l arrangements would r e s o l v e , or even address, the t h e o r e t i c a l concerns about the a r b i t r a r i n e s s and confusion surrounding r a c i a l / e t h i c c a t e g o r i e s i s not c l e a r . However, Roberts' c r i t i q u e does h i g h l i g h t the f a c t that the term ' c l a s s i f i c a t i o n ' a c t u a l l y subsumes two qu i t e d i s t i n c t processes. The f i r s t , which I w i l l continue to c a l l ' c l a s s i f i c a t i o n , ' r e f e r s to the i n s t i t u t i o n a l i z e d production of o f f i c i a l c l a s s i f i c a t o r y schemes. The second i n v o l v e s the day-to-day r o u t i n e of s o r t i n g people i n t o those c l a s s i f i c a t i o n s . This l a t t e r task i s that of 'assignment' and i s performed by s t r e e t l e v e l bureaucrats, p o l l s t e r s and enumerators (Starr 1987). The f a c t that under the Centre's race/crime proposal the p o l i c e were to be r e s p o n s i b l e f o r r a c i a l / e t h n i c assignment was al s o s i n g l e d out f o r c r i t i c i s m . How serious a problem t h i s might have been appears to be r e l a t e d to the type of c l a s s i f i c a t o r y scheme u l t i m a t e l y adopted. I f p o l i c e o f f i c e r s were r e q u i r e d to assign i n d i v i d u a l s to one of the more than 600 e t h n i c / r a c i a l c l a s s i f i c a t i o n s i d e n t i f i e d by the United Nations, one could a n t i c i p a t e no end of com p l i c a t i o n s . Perceived p u b l i c h o s t i l i t y to questions about race o f t e n prompt p o l i c e o f f i c e r s to avoid asking an accused or v i c t i m f o r t h e i r e t h n i c background f o r fear of appearing i n s e n s i t i v e or p o t e n t i a l l y e s c a l a t i n g a d e l i c a t e s i t u a t i o n . They have consequently r e l i e d on t h e i r own d i s c r e t i o n and i n t u i t i o n i n making the assignment. Several commentators suggested that i n order f o r race/crime data to be accepted as r e l i a b l e , such p o l i c e c l a s s i f i c a t o r y d i s c r e t i o n must be c u r t a i l e d . Procedures must be i n s t i t u t e d to ensure that o f f i c e r s a) f i l l out a l l of the assigned boxes on t h e i r o f f i c i a l forms, and b) check o f f the forms i n a comparable f a s h i o n . P o l i c e t r a i n i n g was targeted as a way to ensure common r a c i a l assignment both w i t h i n and across p o l i c e f o r c e s . Depending on the comprehensiveness of the c l a s s i f i c a t o r y system employed, we would then face the prospect of having one component of p o l i c e 182 o f f i c e r t r a i n i n g which i n v o l v e lessons i n how to c o r r e c t l y i d e n t i f y Poles, Jamaicans, H a i t i a n s , e t c . The problem of assignment i s not n e a r l y as daunting i f a more rudimentary c l a s s i f i c a t o r y system i s adopted. For example, a simple measure of s k i n c o l o r would be valuable i f the aim was to r e v e a l and address systemic racism i n the c r i m i n a l j u s t i c e system, as such d i s c r i m i n a t i o n would i n a l l l i k e l i h o o d be based on s i m i l a r c h a r a c t e r i z a t i o n s of p h y s i c a l appearance. P o l i c e o f f i c e r s would c e r t a i n l y be able to make rough d i s t i n c t i o n s among s k i n c o l o r s . In f a c t , one of the purported dangers of c o l l e c t i n g r a c i a l data concerns the c l a i m that the p o l i c e already make such d i s c r i m i n a t i o n s on a re g u l a r b a s i s , r e s u l t i n g i n the over - r e p r e s e n t a t i o n of p a r t i c u l a r e t h n i c groups i n the c r i m i n a l j u s t i c e system. Consequently, the specter of a s e l f -f u l f i l l i n g prophecy has always haunted race/crime data. One Centre respondent cautioned that ' i f the p o l i c e were biased i n terms of who they apprehended as suspects, then you end up saying that these are the apprehensions by race. Well, i f there i s a b i a s introduced by t h e i r own p r e j u d i c e s i n that respect, then a d i s s e r v i c e might have been done too.' I t i s p r e c i s e l y t h i s prospect of using race/crime data to re v e a l systemic r a c i a l b i a s i n the c r i m i n a l j u s t i c e system which i s so appealing to advocates of such data. S t a t i s t i c s which can demonstrate any over - r e p r e s e n t a t i o n of et h n i c groups i n c r i m i n a l j u s t i c e can be used to marshal arguments about p o l i c e harassment, o v e r - p o l i c i n g and ta r g e t s e l e c t i o n . Such s t a t i s t i c a l 183 demonstrations have become a r o u t i n e component i n the r a c i a l i z e d p o l i t i c s of U.S. c r i m i n a l j u s t i c e , where there appears to be few qualms about c o l l e c t i n g race/crime data (Tonry 1995; J . M i l l e r 1996). Gabor (1994) p o i n t s out how i n the Canadian context, the use of o f f i c i a l crime s t a t i s t i c s , i n conjunction w i t h s e l f -report and v i c t i m i z a t i o n s t u d i e s , could a l s o provide an i n d i c a t i o n of the over - r e p r e s e n t a t i o n of p a r t i c u l a r e t h n i c groups i n the j u s t i c e system. One scenario i n which comparisons across research methodologies could prove to be p a r t i c u l a r l y u s e f u l i s i n those s i t u a t i o n s where a m i n o r i t y group has high a r r e s t r a t e s as compared to the m a j o r i t y e t h n i c groups who, i n tur n , s e l f - r e p o r t greater or equal involvement i n the same types of c r i m i n a l behavior. Such a discrepancy would o b v i o u s l y lend i t s e l f to arguments about systemic b i a s . I r o n i c a l l y , Roberts (1994) makes a comparable move i n h i s argument against c o l l e c t i n g race/crime s t a t i s t i c s he p o i n t s out that i n the American context, s t a t i s t i c a l i n d i c a t o r s of Black over-involvement i n crime d e c l i n e when one takes i n t o c o n s i d e r a t i o n v i c t i m i z a t i o n s t u d i e s . Yet another issue Roberts (1994) r a i s e s about the nature of these s t a t i s t i c s concerns the d i s t i n c t i o n between achieved and as c r i b e d c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s . He argues that there i s something d i s t a s t e f u l about c o l l e c t i n g data on an a s c r i b e d c h a r a c t e r i s t i c such as race which, while i t might c o r r e l a t e w i t h crime, u l t i m a t e l y leaves the s t a t e or the i n d i v i d u a l w i t h few p o s i t i v e options f o r change. U n l i k e an achieved status such as a person's 184 l e v e l of education or income, a person's race cannot be modified by the s t a t e or the i n d i v i d u a l . Consequently, the argument goes, i f we cannot change the c h a r a c t e r i s t i c to b e t t e r ourselves, why c o l l e c t the information? However, t h i s seems to be a p e c u l i a r argument i n l i g h t of the way that the c r i m i n a l j u s t i c e system operates i n p r a c t i c e . As Gabor (1994) p o i n t s out, we r o u t i n e l y c o l l e c t i n f o r m a t i o n on an offender's other a s c r i b e d c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s such as t h e i r age and sex and, l i k e race, l i t t l e can be done to change these c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s - although time has i r r e v e r s i b l e e f f e c t s on a person's age. Roberts recognizes that t h i s i s the case, but claims that there i s a 'world of d i f f e r e n c e between the s o c i a l consequences a s s o c i a t e d w i t h race and age, although both are a s c r i b e d c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s ' (1994: 184 note 2) . What t h i s 'world of d i f f e r e n c e ' amounts to i n p r a c t i c e i s not elaborated on and i s by no means sel f - a p p a r e n t . Roberts appears to be i n s i n u a t i n g that there are considerable d i f f e r e n c e s i n the consequences w i t h i n the c r i m i n a l j u s t i c e system f o r people w i t h the a s c r i b e d c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of race as opposed to those of age and sex, and that r a c i a l f a c t o r s are of a greater import than the other two. I f t h i s i s what he i s indeed suggesting, i t i s a problematic c l a i m f o r at l e a s t two reasons. F i r s t , a s c r i b e d and achieved c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s are not mutually e x c l u s i v e . They i n t e r a c t and overlap i n d i f f e r e n t ways, prompting d i f f e r e n t i a l o v e r - a t t e n t i o n by the p o l i c e to c e r t a i n groups such as 'poor urban A b o r i g i n a l males' - a c l e a r i n t e r -185 mingling of achieved and a s c r i b e d c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s . Secondly, i f we confine ourselves f o r the moment to only t h i n k i n g about the as c r i b e d c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of age and sex, i t becomes apparent that there i s ha r d l y a group i n s o c i e t y that i s more singled - o u t f o r r o u t i n e o v e r - a t t e n t i o n by the p o l i c e and other enforcement agencies than adolescent males (Ericson and Haggerty 1998) . While l i b e r a l s e n s i b i l i t i e s may be r e p e l l e d by the p r a c t i c e of d e a l i n g w i t h people according to c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s over which they have no c o n t r o l , there are c e r t a i n l y precedents i n the c r i m i n a l j u s t i c e system f o r such p r a c t i c e s . Other questions about the p o l i c y i m p l i c a t i o n s of race/crime data were al s o r a i s e d . Some wondered what would f o l l o w i f we discovered that c e r t a i n e t h n i c groups were d i s p r o p o r t i o n a t e l y i n v o l v e d i n crime or c e r t a i n types of crime? The report of a workshop of"academics and c r i m i n a l j u s t i c e p r a c t i t i o n e r s on t h i s i s s u e (Doob 1991) recounted the fears expressed by some that such i n d i c e s would be n a i v e l y i n t e r p r e t e d as i n d i c a t i n g some genetic or b i o l o g i c a l p r e d i s p o s i t i o n towards crime. In l i g h t of long-standing attempts to unearth root causes of crime i n people's b i o l o g i c a l composition (Rafter 1997), t h i s i s a j u s t i f i a b l e concern. While p a r t i c i p a n t s i n t h i s workshop g e n e r a l l y appeared to be i n favor of some ki n d of c o l l e c t i o n of race/crime s t a t i s t i c s (Doob 1991), they cautioned that b i o l o g i c a l causes f o r behavior could not be de r i v e d from such data and that crime trends have to be understood i n r e l a t i o n to 186 p o l i c e enforcement patterns and other s o c i a l and c u l t u r a l f a c t o r s . While academics r a i s e d questions about b i o l o g y , the o n t o l o g i c a l status of 'race,' and the d i s t i n c t i o n between a s c r i b e d and achieved c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s , community groups tended to concentrate on the p o t e n t i a l uses of the data. Even i f the p o l i c e could be t r u s t e d to a c c u r a t e l y assign i n d i v i d u a l s to a set of agreed upon c l a s s i f i c a t i o n s , what purposes would the data serve? I f the data d i d demonstrate d i s p r o p o r t i o n a t e l e v e l s of crime across e t h n i c groupings, some argued that there were very few p o l i c y options to address such d i s c r e p a n c i e s . However, t h i s v i s i o n of c r i m i n a l j u s t i c e personnel r e s i g n e d l y shaking t h e i r heads i n the face of such data but not advancing r e l a t e d p o l i c y proposals i s h i g h l y questionable. One could more l i k e l y a n t i c i p a t e a host of programs being developed i n l i g h t of e t h n i c crime trends. Governance i s i n c r e a s i n g l y concerned w i t h d i f f e r e n t markers on a person's r i s k p o r t f o l i o (such as age, p r i o r c o n v i c t i o n , scores on standardized s c a l e s and p o t e n t i a l l y , t h e i r race) which mark them f o r d i f f e r e n t i n s t i t u t i o n s , programs and l e v e l s of a t t e n t i o n (Ericson and Haggerty 1997; Feeley and Simon 1994). Knowledge about e t h n i c i t y / c r i m e trends would undoubtedly be used to inform d e c i s i o n s on how p o l i c e resources should be m o b i l i z e d and what types of programs and s e r v i c e s should be funded. Opponents to the race/crime proposal, however, were not so sanguine i n t h e i r views about the p o t e n t i a l uses of race data. 187 Their concerns were not that the data would la n g u i s h u s e l e s s l y on a s h e l f or be used as the b a s i s f o r p r o g r e s s i v e p o l i c i e s . Instead, they feared that i t would be employed towards i l l i b e r a l ends. Conservative and r e a c t i o n a r y p o l i t i c a l groups f i g u r e d prominently i n these fears as such groups were seen to be predisposed towards making arguments about e t h n i c c r i m i n a l i t y . Such fears accentuate the degree to which numbers, i n themselves, are l a r g e l y i n c o n s e q u e n t i a l and malleable. The i m p l i c a t i o n s of i n c r e a s i n g or decreasing s t a t i s t i c a l trends does not l i e i n the numbers themselves but i n the way those numbers are s k i l l f u l l y taken up by d i f f e r e n t p a r t i e s who impose meaning on them and s i t u a t e them i n d i f f e r e n t d i s c o u r s e s . Community groups d i d not so much fear the data, as they d i d the way that i t would be i n t e r p r e t e d , by whom, and the types of p o l i c y i m p l i c a t i o n s that would be advanced i n l i g h t of such i n t e r p r e t a t i o n s . A Centre employee summarized the concerns of eth n i c m i n o r i t i e s as a fear that the data would serve as a means f o r ' i n f l i c t i n g harm, or that the data would be used f o r harmful purposes, for r a c i s t purposes. Because we couldn't c o n t r o l the way the a n a l y s i s of the data would be used.' Toronto r e s i d e n t s were already f a m i l i a r w i t h such p o l i t i c a l uses a f t e r the Fantino i n c i d e n t . One scenario feared by segments of the immigrant community was that numbers i n d i c a t i n g d i s p r o p o r t i o n a t e l e v e l s of crime f o r groups w i t h l a r g e numbers of recent immigrants would then be used to j u s t i f y increased p o l i c e crackdowns i n t h e i r community or new r e s t r i c t i o n s on 188 immigration. Some members of the Centre r e i t e r a t e d t h i s concern and voiced a s u s p i c i o n that i t was p r e c i s e l y such motives that motivated p o l i c e support f o r these numbers. As a sen i o r member of the Centre i n v o l v e d i n the race/crime controversy i n d i c a t e d : Now, there was some elements i n the p o l i c e community, and I won't get more s p e c i f i c than t h a t , that have always wanted to do this... In other words ' l e t ' s n a i l these guys on the ba s i s of race.' And out of that, whether they had thought i t through or not, I don't know, but I'm sure that some of them thought that there would then be subsequently brought to bear on immigration o f f i c i a l s i n Canada to l i t e r a l l y d i s f a v o r the immigration of people from c e r t a i n groups who they knew were committing crimes. Whether i t was the Caribbean types or the south-east A s i a n p o p u l a t i o n . I am c e r t a i n that that was the t h i n k i n g that went i n t o t h i s . And the p o l i c e wanted that i n f o r m a t i o n to s l i d e i t across the t a b l e to i n f l u e n c e the course of p o l i c y development i n our s o c i e t y . Where p o l i c y would have been most o b v i o u s l y a f f e c t e d was at po i n t of entry. And al s o perhaps c r e a t i n g pressure on parliamentarians f o r more permissive l e g i s l a t i o n regarding d e p o r t a t i o n and so f o r t h . I'm a b s o l u t e l y c e r t a i n that that i s what a l o t of the members of the p o l i c e community f e l t . Now that may not have been the m a j o r i t y , but there were some there that were advocating the c o l l e c t i o n of that kind of in f o r m a t i o n . They didn't see any problem. P u b l i c concerns about the p o t e n t i a l l y i l l i b e r a l uses of race/crime data t h e r e f o r e corresponded w i t h the fears of some Centre s t a f f . Such a n x i e t i e s were not without merit, as others were a l s o w e l l aware of the p o t e n t i a l uses of r a c i a l i z e d crime data to r e s t r i c t immigration from some groups and favor the immigration from apparently 'non-criminal' groups. A Canadian c r i m i n o l o g i s t voiced j u s t such an opin i o n , proposing that 'n a t i o n a l groups could be ranked as more or l e s s favored based on the danger they have posed to p u b l i c s a f e t y . Groups could be r e c l a s s i f i e d every few years according to the l e v e l of t h e i r 189 c r i m i n a l involvement during a s p e c i f i c p e r i o d of time' (Gabor 1994: 162). While i n t i m a t e l y aware of the p o t e n t i a l misuses of the data, some i n d i v i d u a l s argued that that there were already-dominant assumptions about high l e v e l s of c r i m i n a l behavior and vi o l e n c e i n t h e i r communities. These i n d i v i d u a l s c a u t i o u s l y viewed c r i m i n a l j u s t i c e numbers as a v e h i c l e f o r enlightenment: ' I f the p u b l i c assumes that Blacks commit most of the murders, w e l l , there i s no way that we can d i s p e l that i f we don't have the s t a t i s t i c s . I t would be u s e f u l i n d i s p e l l i n g a l o t of myths... I t can be used r e s p o n s i b l y to d i s p e l c e r t a i n myths about c e r t a i n e t h n i c groups.' Rather than r e i n f o r c i n g stereotypes, such i n d i v i d u a l s saw open p u b l i c d i s c u s s i o n about the r e l a t i o n s h i p between race and crime as ho l d i n g h e l d out the p o s s i b i l i t y of transforming dominant presumptions. A Pragmatic Retreat from Pragmatism Despite the vociferousness of some of the groups opposed to the c o l l e c t i o n of race/crime data, c l o s e r i n s p e c t i o n reveals that many of t h e i r claims were s i m i l a r to issues that Centre and S t a t i s t i c s Canada employees r e g u l a r l y encounter i n d i f f e r e n t contexts. Concerns about methodology, data q u a l i t y and i n t e r p r e t a t i o n are nothing new to a s t a t i s t i c a l agency. Their knowledge i s produced i n an a g o n i s t i c environment where they must c o n t i n u a l l y engage wi t h c r i t i c i s m s about methodology, b i a s and i n t e r p r e t a t i o n . A ro u t i n e component of p r a c t i c i n g science 190 i n v o l v e s p r o s p e c t i v e l y a n t i c i p a t i n g such claims and making the appropriate methodological, r h e t o r i c a l or o r g a n i z a t i o n a l moves to dismiss, s i l e n c e or undermine your c r i t i c s (Fuchs and Ward 1994). In t h i s s e c t i o n I o u t l i n e some of the ways that methodological concerns and complaints have t y p i c a l l y been countered by the Centre. This i s done i n order to question the presumption that i t was the substance of such complaints that r e s u l t e d i n the downfall of the race/crime proposal. I t i s my contention that the s p e c i f i c s of the p u b l i c complaints were l a r g e l y answerable by Centre employees and that a combination of other f a c t o r s served to undermine the race/crime proposal. Perhaps the best way to c h a r a c t e r i z e the way i n which Centre s t a f f respond to c r i t i c i s m s of t h e i r surveys i s pragmatic. Questions and c r i t i c i s m s about the l i m i t a t i o n s of j u s t i c e s t a t i s t i c s based on methodology, coverage and c l a s s i f i c a t i o n are met w i t h a 'Yes, but...' response. In such s i t u a t i o n s they forsake any claims about the f i n a l a u t h o r i t y of t h e i r numbers i n l i e u of a much more circumscribed stance. In p u b l i c c u l t u r e the numbers coming out of the Centre tend to assume the q u a l i t y of ' f a c t s . ' While they are c e r t a i n l y amenable to c r i t i q u e , over time such numbers s o l i d i f y to become Canada's r e a l crime r a t e or murder r a t e . In c o n t r a s t , Centre s t a f f speak i n the language of ' j u s t i c e i n d i c a t o r s ' w i t h the important d i s t i n c t i o n being that f a c t s are apparently immutable where ' i n d i c a t o r s ' provide a l i m i t e d but valuable r e p r e s e n t a t i o n of the operation of the j u s t i c e system. Speaking of ' i n d i c a t o r s ' 191 provides a r h e t o r i c a l space f o r employees to acknowledge various gaps, f a i l i n g s and q u a l i f i c a t i o n s of t h e i r data without b r i n g i n g the e n t i r e e n t e r p r i s e i n t o question. This d i s t i n c t i o n was o f t e n invoked during i n t e r v i e w s when the accuracy, q u a l i t y or v e r a c i t y of the CCJS s t a t i s t i c s was addressed. The most common expressions v o i c e d at such junctures were comments such as 'but you have to remember, they are only i n d i c a t o r s , ' or 'there i s always shades of gray i n every s t a t i s t i c , ' or 'coverage i s never one hundred percent.' Such a pragmatic approach could c e r t a i n l y have side-stepped p u b l i c concerns about the 'gray areas' of e t h n i c i t y . This p e r t a i n s to those c r i t i c i s m s that r a c i a l i z e d numbers should not be c o l l e c t e d due to the e t h n i c c l a s s i f i c a t o r y problems e x e m p l i f i e d by the person born i n China, to a Black f a t h e r and Spanish mother but who v i s i b l y appears Caucasian. While o b v i o u s l y a source of concern, the Centre could have argued that t h i s i s a r e l a t i v e l y infrequent s i t u a t i o n and again the language of 'they are j u s t i n d i c a t o r s ' could have been invoked to acknowledge these problems while c o n t i n u i n g to c l a i m that the numbers are u s e f u l f o r c e r t a i n l i m i t e d purposes. The i n e v i t a b l e m i s c l a s s i f i c a t i o n of a percentage of the pop u l a t i o n would not render the s t a t i s t i c s u s e l e s s . Some s t a f f members suggested i n various contexts that assignment e r r o r s are not a seriou s problem as long as they are s t a t i s t i c a l l y random, that i s , as long as there was no systemic b i a s i n the means by which people were assigned to d i f f e r e n t c l a s s i f i c a t i o n s . Community groups 192 would undoubtedly counter such claims by v o c a l i z i n g t h e i r concern that assignment e r r o r s would i n a l l l i k e l i h o o d not be random, f o r example that the p o l i c e would be more l i k e l y to assign c r i m i n a l s to e t h n i c groupings already perceived as being 'criminogenic,' thereby r e i n f o r c i n g dominant stereotypes. Centre s t a f f a l s o had at t h e i r d i s p o s a l arguments to counter the concerns that t h e i r r a c i a l c l a s s i f i c a t o r y systems could not capture a l l of the worlds 'ethnic types.' S t a t i s t i c a l agencies are f a m i l i a r w i t h such claims as they amount to a concern about the i m p o s s i b i l i t y of s t a t i s t i c a l l y r e p r e s e n t i n g the t o t a l universe of d i v e r s i t y i n a p o p u l a t i o n . By t h e i r very nature, s t a t i s t i c s obscure some d i f f e r e n c e s i n the aim of p r o v i d i n g u s e f u l numbers at a more aggregate l e v e l . The question that must be r e s o l v e d concerns the l e v e l of d i v e r s i t y that one wants to (or can) capture and towards what ends. Simply because not every p o s s i b l e e t h n i c c l a s s i f i c a t i o n would make i t onto t h e i r forms does not undermine the r e s u l t i n g , more aggregate, data. O v e r a l l , such questions are one m a n i f e s t a t i o n of the unending i n t e r r o g a t i o n s t a t i s t i c a l agencies face about whether the objects they are proposing to t r e a t as being equivalent are i n f a c t equivalent (Desrosieres 1990: 200). Questions about the s k i l l and honesty of p o l i c e o f f i c e r s are a l s o common w i t h i n the CCJS. In the context of race/crime, t h i s amounted to concerns about the p o l i c e ' s a b i l i t y to a s s i g n i n d i v i d u a l s to s p e c i f i c c l a s s i f i c a t i o n s . With the UCR survey, p o l i c e personnel are r e s p o n s i b l e f o r a s s i g n i n g events, places 193 and people i n t o myriad p r e - e s t a b l i s h e d c l a s s i f i c a t o r y o p tions. How w e l l or p o o r l y they accomplish t h i s task i s d i f f i c u l t f o r the Centre to determine (see chapter 2 ). However, to date, t h i s methodological A c h i l l e s heel has not become a f a t a l flaw i n the crime s t a t i s t i c s . Instead, i t i s approached as something that Centre s t a f f should be concerned about and work towards a l l e v i a t i n g . In the i n t e r i m , Centre s t a f f p l a c a t e any concerns they might have about assignment e r r o r s by invoking the p r o f e s s i o n a l i s m of the p o l i c e , various i n t e r n a l a u d i t i n g systems and the presumption that p o l i c e forces have a vested i n t e r e s t i n c o l l e c t i n g accurate s t a t i s t i c s . I f the Centre must r e l y on a system of p r o f e s s i o n a l t r u s t to ensure that the p o l i c e are making proper assignments f o r every other v a r i a b l e , i t i s conceivable that such t r u s t could be extended to t h e i r a b i l i t y to p r o p e r l y assign i n d i v i d u a l s to ethn i c c l a s s i f i c a t i o n s . P u b l i c a n x i e t y about the purpose of the s t a t i s t i c a l p roduction c y c l e - that of i n t e r p r e t a t i o n , a n a l y s i s and p o l i c y development, are a l s o more than f a m i l i a r to Centre s t a f f . In f a c t , r e s e r v a t i o n s about how numbers about crime and c r i m i n a l j u s t i c e w i l l be used have been a dominant theme of the J u s t i c e I n i t i a t i v e more g e n e r a l l y . The Centre's usual response has been to narrowly-focus t h e i r e f f o r t s on producing as me t h o d o l o g i c a l l y sound a set of s t a t i s t i c a l i n d i c a t o r s as p o s s i b l e . How such numbers are i n t e r p r e t e d and used are issues upon which Centre s t a f f s c r u p u l o u s l y avoid making p u b l i c pronunciations. Since i t s i n c e p t i o n , Centre s t a f f have s t e a d f a s t l y maintained a p o l i c y 194 that assumes that how the numbers are u l t i m a t e l y employed and by whom i s none of t h e i r concern. Only i n s i t u a t i o n s where the data are c l e a r l y misrepresented (which i s i t s e l f a c o ntextual decision) does the Centre become i n v o l v e d i n attempts to c l a r i f y and c o r r e c t the p u b l i c record. This p o s i t i o n i s viewed as one way i n which they have been able to maintain an a i r of o b j e c t i v i t y and d i s i n t e r e s t e d n e s s , s e t t i n g themselves above p a r t i s a n p o l i t i c s (see Chap. 5 ) . To t h i s p o i n t , t h i s account of the race/crime proposal has attempted to accomplish two t h i n g s . I t has summarized some of the c r i t i c i s m s of the Centre's proposal which have had p r i d e of place i n the i n s t i t u t i o n a l i z e d e xplanation f o r the proposal's f a i l u r e . Second, i t has suggested that the Centre's p r e f e r r e d pragmatic approach to c r i t i q u e s of i t s methodology and coverage could have answered, side-stepped, or p l a c a t e d the c r i t i c i s m of the race/crime data proposal i n a d i f f e r e n t p o l i t i c a l context. The content of these c r i t i c i s m s would normally not have been s u f f i c i e n t to d e r a i l the c o l l e c t i o n and production of other types of s t a t i s t i c s . I now t u r n to the f i n a l f a c t o r which c o n t r i b u t e d to the f a i l u r e of the race/crime proposal - the d i s s o l v i n g p o l i c e network, that i s , the f a i l u r e of Centre employees and p o l i c e r e p r e s e n t a t i v e s to maintain p o l i c e support f o r t h i s proposal i n the face of p u b l i c p r o t e s t . One i n d i v i d u a l i n p a r t i c u l a r played a, i f not the, major r o l e i n b r i n g i n g t h i s proposal to a h a l t . As a very senior member of S t a t i s t i c s Canada, h i s b e l i e f that S t a t i s t i c s Canada 195 should not be seen to be i n v o l v e d i n the c o l l e c t i o n of t h i s i n f o r m a t i o n u l t i m a t e l y won the day. In i n t e r v i e w , t h i s i n d i v i d u a l summarized h i s o p p o s i t i o n to the c o l l e c t i o n of such data by h i g h l i g h t i n g how ...certain kinds of i n f o r m a t i o n might be r e q u i r e d which s o c i e t y regards as being too i n t r u s i v e to provide. That i s not a once and f o r a l l . Those are e v o l v i n g c r i t e r i a . Too i n t r u s i v e or too i n a p p r o p r i a t e f o r a s t a t i s t i c a l agency to i n q u i r e about. And that i s the t e n s i o n that we are encountering here. I t i s a very l e g i t i m a t e requirement and i t i s found o f f e n s i v e by a l a r g e segment of s o c i e t y . So i f i t i s found o f f e n s i v e then we cannot l e g i t i m a t e l y do i t . I t has to be an acceptable kind of an i n q u i r y , otherwise i t cannot be sustained... U l t i m a t e l y i f you ask me how I do i t I can't e x p l a i n i t because i t i s a judgment. In every s i n g l e case of how you a r r i v e at a judgment, you a r r i v e at i t . In defense of h i s disavowal of the c o l l e c t i o n of t h i s i n f ormation, he makes reference to 'a l a r g e segment of s o c i e t y ' who opposed i t s c o l l e c t i o n . However, no study was ever conducted about the extent of p u b l i c support or o p p o s i t i o n to t h i s proposal. There was c e r t a i n l y v o c a l o p p o s i t i o n from some sect o r s , but i t s pervasiveness remains unknown. S t a t i s t i c s Canada's abandonment of i t s usual commitment to q u a n t i f i c a t i o n i n t h i s instance reveals the extent to which q u a n t i t a t i v e knowledge can be subservient to p o l i t i c a l imperatives. Even more p e c u l i a r to some members of the J u s t i c e I n i t i a t i v e was the f a c t that while t h e i r race/crime c o l l e c t i o n e f f o r t s were being stopped, people i n a d i f f e r e n t s e c t i o n of S t a t i s t i c s Canada were working to i n c l u d e s e l f - r e p o r t e d e t h n i c i d e n t i t y on the next census - S t a t i s t i c s Canada's f l a g s h i p survey. 196 Under an e d i c t from S t a t i s t i c s Canada, a l l of the Centre's e f f o r t s to c o l l e c t data based on race were to cease immediately. S t a t i s t i c s Canada also took the a d d i t i o n a l and more remarkable step of d i c t a t i n g that there was to be a t o t a l rupture i n the handling and c o l l e c t i o n of such i n f o r m a t i o n . Any race/crime data that the p o l i c e had forwarded to the Centre as p a r t of the l e a d -up to the new UCR system were to be destroyed. A t o t a l purge of race/crime data was to take p l a c e . A: The co n c l u s i o n was that i t was withdrawn. A l l race data would be, i f i t was inc l u d e d at the source on the data, on the records that we were g e t t i n g from some of the respondents i n the UCR survey, we would erase i t before i t got here. Our i n s t r u c t i o n s were, i f p o s s i b l e , erase i t at the source. We wouldn't even store i t . Q: That seems ra t h e r dramatic. A: They didn't even want i t . [A very s e n i o r member of S t a t i s t i c s Canada] wanted to be able to say 'We don't even have i t , ' as opposed to 'We have i t but don't look at i t . ' Despite apparent h i g h - l e v e l p o l i c e support f o r the c o l l e c t i o n f o r race/crime data, there proved to be numerous d i f f i c u l t i e s when i t came time to c o l l e c t and analyze the numbers. For a b r i e f period p r i o r to the 1991 p u b l i c outcry, the Centre had persuaded the handful of forces who had adopted the new UCR system to submit race/crime data. To t h e i r s u r p r i s e , they found that some forces simply refused to forward the data: But [the Centre] also t r i e d to c o l l e c t the data. They l i t e r a l l y t r i e d to c o l l e c t the data. They had p o l i c e forces c o l l e c t i n g the data... the main reason they don't c o l l e c t the data i s because they can't. The p o l i c e turned out to be incapable of sending i n these data. E i t h e r incapable or 197 u n w i l l i n g . But I think not u n w i l l i n g , because they are i n favor of i t generally. P o l i c e reticence or i n a b i l i t y to forward the data bewildered some Centre employees as the p o l i c e community had been one of the key proponents of the c o l l e c t i o n of such numbers. A very senior member of S t a t i s t i c s Canada, i n a l e t t e r to the Privacy Commissioner of Canada i n August 1990, expressed h i s confusion about t h i s apparent change of heart: ...I must admit that I was surprised, given the e x p l i c i t endorsation [sic] of the CACP [Canadian A s s o c i a t i o n of Chiefs of P o l i c e ] Committee f o l l o w i n g several years of work on t h i s p r o j e c t , by the number of senior p o l i c e administrators who expressed o p p o s i t i o n to the c o l l e c t i o n of "race". I can only conclude that the CACP d i d not carry out i t s own i n t e r n a l c o n s u l t a t i o n to the necessary extent, or that views have changed since the d e c i s i o n was taken i n 1987 to include r a c i a l o r i g i n i n the UCR survey. Two scenarios present themselves to e x p l a i n t h i s r e v e r s a l . The f i r s t i s alluded to i n the above quote and r e l a t e s to the issue of the representativeness of i n s t i t u t i o n a l actors. While the p o l i c e representatives to the CCJS were vocal i n t h e i r support f o r the race/crime proposal, the degree to which they were speaking on behalf of the e n t i r e p o l i c e community was subsequently brought i n t o question. In terms of the Centre's e f f o r t s at network maintenance, i t i s an example of how an i d e n t i t y imputed by the Centre to d i f f e r e n t organizations suddenly and d r a m a t i c a l l y became problematic (Callon 1986). A second, and r e l a t e d explanation f o r t h i s change i n a t t i t u d e concerns the timing of t h i s proposal. As p r e v i o u s l y discussed, between 1987 and 1991 the issue of 198 race/crime had become p o l i t i c a l l y charged. Cognizant of t h i s increased p u b l i c s e n s i t i v i t y , p o l i c e forces retreated from t h e i r promise to c o l l e c t and submit the data. R e t r a c t i o n of support by p o l i c e forces, p a r t i c u l a r l y major urban forces, brought d i f f i c u l t methodological problems to the f o r e f r o n t . The prospect of only a small number of geographically non-representative forces submitting r a c i a l data made the u t i l i t y of any r e s u l t a n t data immediately suspect. Cumulatively, a l l of these factors prompted the Centre to conclude that the prospects f o r c o l l e c t i n g such data were not good. The a n t i c i p a t e d high non-response rate on the v a r i a b l e i n question [race], the geographic undercoverage, and the subjective elements involved i n accused i d e n t i f i c a t i o n by p o l i c e a l l conspire against the goal of data q u a l i t y set f o r the survey i n general. (Report on Consultations Regarding the C o l l e c t i o n of R a c i a l / E t h n i c O r i g i n Data: 9) Cumulatively, the race/crime data proposal was subject to the f o l l o w i n g c r i t i c i s m s : i t d i d not a c c u r a t e l y capture the range of r a c i a l / e t h n i c types; p r a c t i c e s of e t h n i c assignment by p o l i c e o f f i c e r s was i n a p p r o p r i a t e and p o t e n t i a l l y d i s c r i m i n a t o r y ; r a c i a l t y p o l o g i e s are s o c i a l c o n s t r u c t s ; nothing p o l i t i c a l l y u s e f u l could be done wi t h the r e s u l t i n g numbers; or, a l t e r n a t i v e l y , that i n a p p r o p r i a t e things would be done w i t h the numbers. However, there was not a u n i f i e d voice of o p p o s i t i o n to t h i s proposal. Many of the c r i t i c i s m s l e v e l e d against the proposal were answerable by arguments r o u t i n e l y employed w i t h i n the Centre and S t a t i s t i c s Canada more g e n e r a l l y . While the d e c i s i o n not to c o l l e c t race data e f f e c t i v e l y put a h a l t to the 199 p u b l i c controversy surrounding t h e i r proposal, i t d i d not mean the t o t a l e l i m i n a t i o n of e f f o r t s to c o l l e c t data on e t h n i c i t y . The i s s u e has evolved since 1991 to the p o i n t that a concern wi t h ' r a c e / e t h n i c i t y ' has been transformed i n t o a concern w i t h gathering numbers on one p a r t i c u l a r e t h n i c subset. A b o r i g i n a l Data Canceling the c o l l e c t i o n of r a c i a l data solved one problem but exacerbated another. P u b l i c c r i t i c i s m was p l a c a t e d , but the i n f o r m a t i o n needs of the managers of the c r i m i n a l j u s t i c e system remained u n s a t i s f i e d . Race and e t h n i c i t y continue to be important concepts f o r s t r a t e g i e s of governance. In the absence of r a c i a l data i t i s d i f f i c u l t to answer questions about systemic d i s c r i m i n a t i o n or to develop programs to meet the needs of d i f f e r e n t e t h n i c groups. These tensions r e s o l v e d themselves i n a compromise s o l u t i o n when i n i t s June 1992 meeting the JIC opted to develop methodologies to expand the ongoing c o l l e c t i o n of i n f o r m a t i o n on A b o r i g i n a l persons i n the j u s t i c e system. Centre s t a f f were mandated to i n v e s t i g a t e how such c o l l e c t i o n might proceed. This move to abandon e f f o r t s to c o l l e c t numbers on ' r a c e / e t h n i c i t y ' while i n s t i t u t i n g e f f o r t s to c o l l e c t i n f o r m a t i o n on ' A b o r i g i n a l s ' r e l i e s on a p e c u l i a r d i s t i n c t i o n between 'race' and ' A b o r i g i n a l . ' In Canada the consensus would be that the dominant 'ethnic problem' i n the c r i m i n a l j u s t i c e system concerns the systemic o v e r - r e p r e s e n t a t i o n of F i r s t 200 Nations peoples i n crime s t a t i s t i c s , court appearances and c o r r e c t i o n a l admissions. Consequently, the l o g i c of abandoning the c o l l e c t i o n of 'race' i n c r i m i n a l j u s t i c e while c o n t i n u i n g to c o l l e c t i n f o r m a t i o n on ' A b o r i g i n a l s ' i s l o g i c a l l y comparable to the United States c l a i m i n g to forsake i t s e f f o r t s to c o l l e c t data on race while c o n t i n u i n g to c o l l e c t numbers f o r B l a c k s . Any l o g i c a l i n c o n s i s t e n c i e s notwithstanding, c a l l s f o r the c o l l e c t i o n of A b o r i g i n a l data were coming from various l o c a t i o n s . At the time the JIC made t h i s d e c i s i o n a number of commissions were i n v e s t i g a t i n g the place of A b o r i g i n a l s i n the c r i m i n a l j u s t i c e system. Two of these commissions advocated i n c r e a s i n g the number and v a r i e t y of s t a t i s t i c s on the s t a t u s of A b o r i g i n a l s i n r e l a t i o n to c r i m i n a l j u s t i c e (Alberta 1991; Saskatchewan 1992). For example, the Saskatchewan Indian and Metis J u s t i c e Review Committee recommended 'the design and implementation of data c o l l e c t i o n systems to provide d e t a i l e d i n f o r m a t i o n to compare A b o r i g i n a l and non-Aboriginal contact w i t h , and treatment by, the c r i m i n a l j u s t i c e system' (Saskatchewan 1992: 12). I f governmental s t r a t e g i e s were to a l l e v i a t e past wrongs done to A b o r i g i n a l peoples, there was a need f o r aggregate knowledges which s i n g l e d out these peoples from the broader p o p u l a t i o n . Such e f f o r t s were not new to Centre s t a f f , as both the homicide survey and the a d u l t c o r r e c t i o n s survey have options to record a person's A b o r i g i n a l s t a t u s . The Centre had a l s o been i n v o l v e d i n producing the p u b l i c a t i o n s : 201 Crime in Aboriginal Communities , Saskatchewan 1989 (CCJS 1991) and Aboriginal Crime in Urban Centres (CCJS 1993c) This s e c t i o n c h r o n i c l e s t h i s l a t e s t development i n the e v o l u t i o n of Canadian race/crime s t a t i s t i c s . While f a m i l i a r issues about the appropriateness of e t h n i c c l a s s i f i c a t i o n s are introduced, the emphasis i s on questions of r e p r e s e n t a t i o n . Centre s t a f f recognized that before they could go forward w i t h A b o r i g i n a l data c o l l e c t i o n they had to secure the support and approval of d i f f e r e n t i n s t i t u t i o n a l a c t o r s . Consequently they embarked on a process of n e g o t i a t i o n and c o n s u l t a t i o n w i t h the p o l i c e and F i r s t Nations groups. The f a i l u r e of the o r i g i n a l race/crime proposal accentuated the d i f f i c u l t i e s i n determining the degree of representativeness of p o l i c e spokespersons and community groups. Such problems were a l l the more apparent i n t h e i r e f f o r t s to negotiate w i t h r e p r e s e n t a t i v e s of d i f f e r e n t F i r s t Nations communities. E f f o r t s to c o l l e c t A b o r i g i n a l data mark the r e t u r n of pragmatics to the Centre's work on e t h n i c i t y . The myriad questions about methodology, i n t e r p r e t a t i o n and p o l i t i c a l u t i l i t y which had p r e v i o u s l y loomed so ominously i n the race/crime proposal, were now reduced to pragmatic l i m i t a t i o n s on the data. New problems soon arose however, as i t became apparent that the Centre's d e s i r e to count people according to A b o r i g i n a l s t a t u s was s i t u a t e d i n a l a r g e r p o l i t i c a l context. Attempts to c o l l e c t A b o r i g i n a l data introduced a number of new p a r t i e s which the Centre s t a f f had to a l i g n i n t o t h e i r knowledge 202 network i f A b o r i g i n a l data was to be c o l l e c t e d . As o u t l i n e d i n chapter 2 , actor-network theory argues that to produce s c i e n t i f i c f a c t s , s c i e n t i s t s and a d m i n i s t r a t o r s must a c t i v e l y create i n t e r e s t s among d i f f e r e n t i n d i v i d u a l s and o r g a n i z a t i o n s . Various actors must be convinced of t h e i r i n t e r e s t i n the type of knowledge or technology being developed and that t h e i r current ends and i n t e r e s t s would be f u r t h e r e d by the new knowledge production regime. Centre s t a f f b e l i e v e d that i n order to e s t a b l i s h and extend the knowledge network on A b o r i g i n a l involvement i n the c r i m i n a l j u s t i c e system, they had to e n r o l l F i r s t Nations groups. One of the f i r s t bodies they consulted w i t h i n t h i s regard was the Assembly of F i r s t Nations, the l a r g e s t F i r s t Nations p o l i t i c a l o r g a n i z a t i o n i n Canada. Centre s t a f f argued f o r the p o t e n t i a l p o l i t i c a l b e n e f i t s to such numbers, suggesting that F i r s t Nations groups could use them to challenge popular conceptions about high rates of A b o r i g i n a l c r i m i n a l i t y , or they could be used as a r h e t o r i c a l resource to argue f o r increased programs and s e r v i c e s . One i n d i v i d u a l who p a r t i c i p a t e d i n these n e g o t i a t i o n s s a i d that the main b e n e f i t f o r the A b o r i g i n a l community was that ' i t would give them, f o r once, something based on concrete data. The worst s i t u a t i o n was to be confronted by a l l e g a t i o n s and accusations about the l e v e l s of A b o r i g i n a l crime and have nothing to f a l l back and say ' t h i s i s r i g h t , t h i s i s wrong, t h i s i s close'... so i t would give them some s o l i d data.' 203 The p o l i t i c a l appeal of such data i s not n e c e s s a r i l y s e l f -evident to d i f f e r e n t groups. R i g h t l y or wrongly, the Centre o f t e n assumes the a b i l i t y of t h e i r audience to manipulate and i n t e r p r e t q u a n t i t a t i v e data. During c o n s u l t a t i o n s , some A b o r i g i n a l groups expressed u n c e r t a i n t y about t h e i r a b i l i t y to e f f e c t i v e l y use the data and the r e l a t e d fear that others would be able to c y n i c a l l y t w i s t the numbers to advance p o s i t i o n s d e t r i m e n t a l to the i n t e r e s t s of F i r s t Nations peoples. I t can be d i f f i c u l t to i n t e r e s t a group i n the value of p a r t i c i p a t i n g i n the production of s t a t i s t i c a l data i f they do not have the t r a i n i n g and s k i l l s to e f f e c t i v e l y use the r e s u l t i n g knowledge. To overcome t h i s problem, and h o p e f u l l y f u r t h e r enmesh F i r s t Nations groups i n t o t h e i r knowledge network, Centre s t a f f o f f e r e d to enhance the a b i l i t y of F i r s t Nations groups to i n t e r p r e t and use q u a n t i t a t i v e data. For example, S t a t i s t i c s Canada conducts a range of s p e c i a l i z e d courses on how to construct surveys and i n t e r p r e t s t a t i s t i c a l data. U s u a l l y reserved f o r members of S t a t i s t i c s Canada, t h i s t r a i n i n g was o f f e r e d to members of the Assembly of F i r s t Nations i n conjunction w i t h the n e g o t i a t i o n s around p r o v i d i n g crime data. The other p a r t of what they were i n t e r e s t e d i n was to be allowed access i n t o departmental t r a i n i n g e f f o r t s . So t h i s i s one t h i n g that the Chief S t a t i s t i c i a n has done f o r s e v e r a l years was to encourage members of the A b o r i g i n a l community to apply f o r and p a r t i c i p a t e i n courses l i k e the SSDC - Survey S k i l l s Development Course, or s i m i l a r t h i n g s , i n order to l e a r n more about how you manipulate, how you analyze and i n t e r p r e t data. How you e d i t data and do that kind of a n a l y s i s . So we have gone out of our way to do that as w e l l . 204 O f f e r s to t r a i n groups i n q u a n t i t a t i v e methods al s o c o n t r i b u t e s to the production and reinforcement of a q u a n t i t a t i v e s t y l e o f • p o l i t i c a l d i s course. The process of employing q u a n t i t a t i v e measures as the b a s i s of p o l i t i c a l r h e t o r i c , decision-making and p r o t e s t i s now so i n g r a i n e d that i t i s o f t e n taken f o r granted. The u b i q u i t y of q u a n t i f i e d p o l i t i c a l claims masks how such a discourse r e l i e s on learned forms of q u a n t i t a t i v e e x p e r t i s e . A q u a n t i t a t i v e world i m p l i e s q u a n t i t a t i v e l y - i n c l i n e d people who are themselves of s o c i a l and h i s t o r i c a l c o n s t r u c t i o n (Cohen 1982; Hacking 1990). An i m p l i c i t assumption behind o f f e r i n g to l e t F i r s t Nations r e p r e s e n t a t i v e s p a r t i c i p a t e i n S t a t i s t i c s Canada's courses i s that a major component of p o l i t i c s operates through q u a n t i f i c a t i o n . Therefore, to e f f e c t i v e l y p l a y the p o l i t i c a l game i t i s best to have a set of s k i l l e d experts on your side who w i l l be able to o f f e r informed i n t e r p r e t a t i o n s of o f f i c i a l s t a t i s t i c s and conduct t h e i r own surveys about one's constituency. As such, the Centre sought to 'contribute to the c r e a t i o n of a pool of A b o r i g i n a l people w i t h s t a t i s t i c a l s k i l l s and experience, upon which t h e i r r e s p e c t i v e communities can draw' (CCJS: nd.). In o f f e r i n g F i r s t Nations groups spaces i n these courses, the Centre a c t u a l l y c o n t r i b u t e s to the production of the kind of people, management s t y l e s and p o l i t i c a l discourse which are the foundation of a s t a t i s t i c a l agency. 205 As i s the case w i t h most attempts to measure e t h n i c i t y , questions again arose over what contours should be placed on the eth n i c v a r i a b l e ? How would ' F i r s t - N a t i o n s ' or ' A b o r i g i n a l persons' be defined? In the context of Canada's F i r s t Nations peoples, i t i s s t a r k l y apparent that p r a c t i c e s of counting and c l a s s i f y i n g by e x t e r n a l agencies has amounted to a form of nominal power which has become manifest i n the l i v e d i d e n t i t i e s of i n d i v i d u a l s . Such processes are not p e c u l i a r to Canada, as Anderson's (1991) d i s c u s s i o n of the c o l o n i a l census i n southeast A s i a makes c l e a r . Anderson reveals how a s e r i e s of e x t r a o r d i n a r i l y r a p i d changes took place i n the o f f i c i a l i d e n t i t y c ategories represented on these censuses. While these ca t e g o r i e s were being developed i n r a r e f i e d c o l o n i a l bureaucracies, the persons to whom they r e f e r r e d l a r g e l y l i v e d t h e i r l i v e s as they had always done, unaware of how they were being c a t e g o r i z e d from o u t s i d e . Over time however, these c l a s s i f i c a t i o n s 'put down deep s o c i a l and i n s t i t u t i o n a l roots as the c o l o n i a l s t a t e m u l t i p l i e d i t s s i z e and f u n c t i o n s ' (Anderson 1991: 169) People moved through schools, h o s p i t a l s , s o c i a l welfare i n s t i t u t i o n s , e t c . , where they were d e a l t w i t h according to the i d e n t i t y c ategories on o f f i c i a l documents. In the process, these c l a s s i f i c a t i o n s s l o w l y acquired a s u b j e c t i v e r e a l i t y . The flows of subject populations through the mesh of d i f f e r e n t i a l schools, courts, c l i n i c s , p o l i c e s t a t i o n s and immigration o f f i c e s created ' t r a f f i c - h a b i t s ' which i n time gave r e a l s o c i a l l i f e to the s t a t e ' s e a r l i e r f a n t a s i e s . (Anderson 1991: 169) 206 Comparable ' t r a f f i c h a b i t s ' have been e s t a b l i s h e d i n Canada's r e l a t i o n s w i t h i t s F i r s t Nations peoples. Contemporary e f f o r t s to measure ' A b o r i g i n a l ' crime are only a small component i n a much l a r g e r s t o r y of attempts by the s t a t e to c a t e g o r i z e and c l a s s i f y F i r s t Nations. Governmental attempts to determine and d e l i n e a t e who i s to count as an Indian have introduced a s e r i e s of l e g a l d i s t i n c t i o n s of arcane complexity. Some of the more rudimentary d i s t i n c t i o n s concern those between Indians, I n u i t and Me t i s . For those f a l l i n g under the l a b e l of 'Indian' f u r t h e r d i s t i n c t i o n s d e l i m i t those who have band membership or not, whether they are t r e a t y or non-treaty Indians, and whether they are reserve or non-reserve Indians. Each such d i s t i n c t i o n has i t s own p r e c i s e l e g a l requirements f o r i n c l u s i o n and e x c l u s i o n (see F r i d e r e s 1998, chap. 2). The l e g a l p r o t o c o l s a s s o c i a t e d w i t h such d e c i s i o n s can be both complex and monumental i n t h e i r consequences - wi t h r i g h t s and p r i v i l e g e s hanging i n the balance. One q u a l i t a t i v e d i f f e r e n c e that has emerged i n recent years i s that s t a t e bureaucracies who attempt to count the 'Indian' p o p u l a t i o n have consulted w i t h F i r s t Nations groups f o r t h e i r opinions as to appropriate i d e n t i t y c a t e g o r i e s . Agreement has not always been forthcoming concerning the p r e f e r r e d d i s t i n c t i o n s , but such c o n s u l t a t i o n s represent an important attempt to have the nominal categories correspond more c l o s e l y to the v i r t u a l . 207 Centre s t a f f advanced a number of scenarios f o r how the F i r s t Nations p o p u l a t i o n could be c a t e g o r i z e d . The r e c u r r e n t dynamic of such e f f o r t s was that attempts to set s t a b l e boundaries around a group were f r e q u e n t l y greeted by other groups who pointed out the inadequacy of the proposed scheme and/or argued that t h e i r l i v e d experience of e t h n i c i t y was excluded from the contours of the c l a s s i f i c a t o r y system. For example, the CCJS proposed a t r i p a r t i t e d i v i s i o n of F i r s t -Nations people i n t o ' A b o r i g i n a l , ' 'Non-Aboriginal,' and 'Metis.' To t h e i r s u r p r i s e , they found that popular understandings of the category of Metis were themselves ambiguous, changing as one moved across the country: 'Apparently i n the western provinces, Metis i s s p e c i f i c a l l y i d e n t i f i e d as a person w i t h both A b o r i g i n a l and non-Aboriginal o r i g i n , whereas i n c e r t a i n other areas of the country, Metis i s used to i d e n t i f y a person w i t h two d i f f e r e n t r a c i a l o r i g i n s , A b o r i g i n a l or not' (CCJS 1993b: 19). While t h i s proposed t r i p a r t i t e system had the advantage that i t was simple, i t was c r i t i c i z e d f o r surrendering accuracy. However, the l e v e l of d e t a i l d e s i r e d by some groups was c l e a r l y beyond the p r a c t i c a l p o s s i b i l i t i e s of a s t a t i s t i c a l agency. For example, some n a t i o n a l F i r s t Nations groups advised the Centre that they should subdivide ' F i r s t Nations' groups i n t o approximately f i f t y or s i x t y c u l t u r a l and l i n g u i s t i c groupings. Centre s t a f f developed a f a i r l y s t r a i g h t f o r w a r d account of why the c o l l e c t i o n of r a c i a l data was impossible or i n a p p r o p r i a t e , but the c o l l e c t i o n of A b o r i g i n a l data was both 208 appropriate and h o p e f u l l y p o s s i b l e . The d i f f e r e n c e revolved around the views and i n t e r e s t s they imputed to the r e s p e c t i v e communities. Ethnic groups, p a r t i c u l a r l y those i n Toronto, were portrayed as s i n g u l a r l y opposed to such e f f o r t s while A b o r i g i n a l groups encouraged the c o l l e c t i o n of A b o r i g i n a l data. I t was assumed, p a r t i c u l a r l y i n l i g h t of the recommendations of the A b o r i g i n a l j u s t i c e i n q u i r i e s , that support would be forthcoming from A b o r i g i n a l communities f o r the c o l l e c t i o n of A b o r i g i n a l data. As one member of the Centre put i t , 'The A b o r i g i n a l communities have been unanimously i n favor of continuing [ c o l l e c t i n g ] i t . ' Despite such proclamations, i t became apparent that unanimous support among A b o r i g i n a l communities was not forthcoming. Instead, some communities proved to be i n favor, some strenuously opposed and s t i l l others had given the matter a b s o l u t e l y no thought whatsoever. Consultations w i t h F i r s t Nations groups gave pause to those who b e l i e v e d that they would f i n d common opinions among d i f f e r e n t m i n o r i t y communities, as i t became apparent that some A b o r i g i n a l communities were r i f e w i t h f a c t i o n s . Perhaps the term 'community' w i t h i t s i m p l i c i t assumption of u n i t y and s o l i d a r i t y of o p i n i o n i s i n a p p r o p r i a t e when d i s c u s s i n g p o l i t i c a l issues d e f i n e d by c o n t e s t a t i o n and s h i f t i n g temporary a l l i a n c e s . Here a senior member of the f e d e r a l Department of J u s t i c e recounts how such d i v i s i o n s were made apparent to Centre s t a f f during t h e i r c o n s u l t a t i o n s w i t h A b o r i g i n a l groups i n 1995/96: • The s p e c i a l s t u d i e s that [the CCJS] has been t r y i n g to do on A b o r i g i n a l j u s t i c e i n Saskatchewan, that has had a very 209 chequered h i s t o r y because they couldn't get e n t h u s i a s t i c p a r t i c i p a t i o n from the 'on the ground' o r g a n i z a t i o n s i n Saskatchewan. F i r s t they thought they had agreement, then they d i d n ' t . And A b o r i g i n a l groups vary. Some of them t h i n k they shouldn't p a r t i c i p a t e i n the census, some of them th i n k they have to so that they can define t h e i r problems. Some of them want A b o r i g i n a l designations i n the UCR, some of them don't because they t h i n k i t helps the rednecks see the d i s p r o p o r t i o n a t e numbers s t i l l i n p r i s o n s . While d i f f i c u l t to arrange and u n l i k e l y to r e s u l t i n consensus, c o n s u l t a t i o n s nonetheless serve a valuable r o l e f o r Centre employees. Consultations allow Centre s t a f f to gain an a p p r e c i a t i o n f o r p o t e n t i a l problems and concerns about the data c o l l e c t i o n process. I t a l s o provides them a forum to advocate to F i r s t Nations communities on behalf of n a t i o n a l j u s t i c e s t a t i s t i c s g e n e r a l l y , and on r a c e / e t h n i c i t y v a r i a b l e s i n p a r t i c u l a r . F i n a l l y , given that the s p e c i f i c contours of e t h n i c c l a s s i f i c a t i o n s can be contentious, any recommendations that the Centre might produce are provided w i t h a greater r h e t o r i c a l s trength by being able to demonstrate that they consulted w i t h A b o r i g i n a l groups about such des i g n a t i o n s . Themes of representativeness, p o l i t i c a l context and o c c a s i o n a l l y o u t r i g h t h o s t i l i t y faced Centre s t a f f i n t h e i r c o n s u l t a t i o n s w i t h some members of Saskatchewan's A b o r i g i n a l community. Through the r e p r e s e n t a t i v e s of the P r i n c e A l b e r t Grand Council (PAGC) i n Saskatchewan, Centre s t a f f arranged to meet wi t h a number of smaller bands w i t h i n the PAGC s j u r i s d i c t i o n . The Grand Council at f i r s t appeared eager to see the study go forward, as they envisioned p o l i t i c a l b e n e f i t s that could be d e r i v e d from the eventual production of such numbers. 210 As the Centre s t a f f made t h e i r way to the smaller communities, questions about the representativeness of the Grand C o u n c i l q u i c k l y became an i s s u e . The i n t e r e s t s of the l a r g e r p o l i t i c a l o r g a n i z a t i o n were not n e c e s s a r i l y shared by members of the smaller communities and there appeared to be a h i s t o r y of tensions among the d i f f e r e n t r e p r e s e n t a t i v e bodies. In some cases there i s downright h o s t i l i t y between the communities and the Prince A l b e r t Grand Council. So we are walking i n t o the midst of something... The PAGC kind of paves the way fo r us, but unbeknownst to us there i s a l o t of h o s t i l i t y between them and t h i s p a r t i c u l a r community. We are kind of innocents. I t i s a very complicated s i t u a t i o n . As a consequence, Centre s t a f f were not always r e c e i v e d w i t h open arms by l o c a l bands. The coolness of the r e c e p t i o n they r e c e i v e d i s perhaps not very s u r p r i s i n g given the desperate poverty endemic to some of these communities. I t proved d i f f i c u l t to impress upon people l i v i n g i n such circumstances the urgency of developing n a t i o n a l c r i m i n a l j u s t i c e s t a t i s t i c s on A b o r i g i n a l s . Such i n d i f f e r e n c e i s i n marked c o n t r a s t to the world-view of Centre s t a f f who o f t e n took f o r granted the value and u t i l i t y of j u s t i c e s t a t i s t i c s and f o r whom these c o n s u l t a t i o n s would provide an opportunity to demonstrate to l o c a l communities the obvious importance of these numbers. A c t u a l l y going i n t o some of these small communities prompted at l e a s t one Centre employee to r e f l e c t upon such presumptions: Somehow when you spend a l l of your time i n [the Centre], i t seems to be a n a t u r a l p a r t of your l i f e to have n a t i o n a l s t a t i s t i c s . But you have to agree when you are s i t t i n g i n Carrot R i v e r . These people are Swampy Cree and they were 211 given a r o t t e n piece of land f i f t y years ago. And i t i s swampy and p r a c t i c a l l y useless f o r anything. And these people are p r e t t y d e s t i t u t e . You d r i v e through the community and i t i s d i f f i c u l t to imagine people l i v i n g day a f t e r day, week, month, year, decade a f t e r decade i n that environment. And then you t r y and go i n there and you t r y and make an argument that i t i s important to have n a t i o n a l s t a t i s t i c s . I t i s a hard s e l l . I t i s hard f o r these people to imagine. Outside of any c r i s i s of confidence Centre employees might have s u f f e r e d , advocating on behalf of n a t i o n a l j u s t i c e s t a t i s t i c s i n these communities proved d i f f i c u l t f o r other reasons. F i r s t , the problem of d i s c e r n i n g the l e v e l of A b o r i g i n a l involvement i n crime i s l a r g e l y an urban problem (La P r a i r i e 1994). Urban centers that are e t h n i c a l l y heterogeneous require s p e c i a l e f f o r t s to determine the d i f f e r e n t i a l involvement of ethnic groups i n c r i m i n a l behavior. Groups such as the Prince A l b e r t Grand Council, whose j u r i s d i c t i o n extends over both r u r a l and more urban environments, recognized the value of such numbers i n unpacking l e v e l s of ethnic involvement i n the c r i m i n a l j u s t i c e system. This requirement was not as r e a d i l y apparent to small l o c a l bands f o r whom questions about the l e v e l of A b o r i g i n a l c r i m i n a l i t y i n t h e i r community were very easy to determine. L i v i n g on reserves with a predominately homogenous ethnic population and being p o l i c e d by the RCMP, whose detachment boundaries coincided e x a c t l y with those of the reserve, they could s a f e l y assume that a l l c r i m i n a l behavior i n the community was committed by Ab o r i g i n a l s , and, l i k e w i s e , that a l l v i c t i m s would also be Ab o r i g i n a l s . This s i t u a t i o n made the Centre's advocacy work on behalf of A b o r i g i n a l s t a t i s t i c s a l l the more d i f f i c u l t . While 212 p o t e n t i a l l y b e n e f i c i a l at the higher p o l i t i c a l l e v e l s , the u t i l i t y of these numbers was d i f f i c u l t f o r small communities to fathom. Here a Centre employee speaks of h i s d i f f i c u l t y i n working up enthusiasm among some small F i r s t Nations communities: The arguments that [we] used were ones l i k e even though the community i t s e l f had a v a i l a b l e to i t data from the RCMP on the number of crimes that were committed on the reserve, i n the confines of the community, there was a l a r g e r p i c t u r e that was not a v a i l a b l e to anybody. And that was at the Prince A l b e r t Grand Council... So i t ' s b a s i c a l l y at that higher l e v e l of aggregation where the b e n e f i t s would be. I t was a b i t d i f f i c u l t to make that argument. Or, conversely, the people on the other side who were i n a p o s i t i o n to receive the argument had no time f o r i t , had no appreciation f o r i t and weren't convinced by i t . Being face-to-face w i t h members of small communities, Centre s t a f f had to respond d i r e c t l y to t h e i r myriad concerns. Given the h i s t o r i c a l record of c o l o n i a l i s m and m i s r e p r e s e n t a t i o n by the f e d e r a l and p r o v i n c i a l governments, i t i s not s u r p r i s i n g that a recurrent theme of such meetings concerned the n e c e s s i t y to work on t r u s t between the d i f f e r e n t p a r t i e s . A CCJS i n t e r n a l summary of one set of c o n s u l t a t i o n s concluded that 'mistrust of the system and f e a r that the data may be used to the detriment of F i r s t Nations i s an i n h i b i t i n g f a c t o r at t h i s time.' While Centre s t a f f approached these meetings w i t h a s i n g u l a r focus on A b o r i g i n a l j u s t i c e s t a t i s t i c s , they soon r e a l i z e d that d i s c u s s i o n was not about to remain confined to that i s s u e . Unbeknownst to Centre employees at the time, these c o n s u l t a t i o n s were seen by some communities i n the context of l a r g e r p o l i t i c a l n e g o t i a t i o n s w i t h the p r o v i n c i a l government. 213 Some A b o r i g i n a l groups saw them as an opportunity to a i r assorted grievances about the c r i m i n a l j u s t i c e system i n c l u d i n g c r i t i c i s m s about the geographic l o c a t i o n of courts and p r i s o n s , i n s u f f i c i e n t c o n s u l t a t i o n s p r i o r to passing p r o v i n c i a l l e g i s l a t i o n , c a l l s f o r improvements to F i r s t Nations p o l i c i n g , and proposals to increase the use of sentencing options which more c l o s e l y accorded w i t h t r a d i t i o n a l forms of A b o r i g i n a l j u s t i c e . Here a member of the CCJS summarizes the process of ne g o t i a t i o n s w i t h F i r s t Nations groups: I t has been rocky. I t i s r e a l l y bumpy. I t got hung-up i n a whole s e r i e s of p r o v i n c i a l d i s c u s s i o n s and n e g o t i a t i o n s between the A b o r i g i n a l community, F i r s t Nations community and Saskatchewan J u s t i c e . There i s a l o t of n e g o t i a t i o n s going on on a l o t of d i f f e r e n t i s s u e s . The i n d i c a t i o n s I have are that the A b o r i g i n a l community was using t h i s as a b i t of a l e v e r . I f they agree to go along w i t h t h i s they would get some c o n s i d e r a t i o n f o r some of t h e i r other grievances. So i t has delayed things a l o t . Underlying the p r a c t i c e of data c o l l e c t i o n i s an i m p l i c i t assumption that such e f f o r t s w i l l r e s u l t i n knowledge that w i l l serve as the b a s i s f o r governmental a c t i o n , that p o l i c i e s w i l l flow from the data which w i l l u l t i m a t e l y b e n e f i t the various i n t e r e s t e d populations. In some F i r s t Nations communities, t h i s governmental l o g i c appears to be d i s i n t e g r a t i n g as myriad s t u d i e s , reports and data accumulate w i t h l i t t l e p erceived b e n e f i t . F i r s t Nations people have been the subject of a n a t i o n a l Royal Commission, p r o v i n c i a l commissions d e a l i n g s p e c i f i c a l l y w i t h A b o r i g i n a l j u s t i c e , a n t h r o p o l o g i c a l accounts and s o c i o l o g i c a l s t u d i e s . S t a t i s t i c s Canada has conducted a s p e c i a l census concerned e x c l u s i v e l y w i t h F i r s t Nations people 214 and now plans to conduct a second. Many m i n i s t r i e s and departments have s e c t i o n s concerned s p e c i f i c a l l y w i t h how w e l l or p o o r l y they meet the needs of /Aboriginal people and have s t a f f dedicated to conducting surveys and st u d i e s on various components, a t t r i b u t e s and p r o f i l e s of F i r s t Nations people. The question now being asked by some i s 'to what e f f e c t ? ' Rather than being seen as a precursor to p o l i t i c a l a c t i o n , such s t u d i e s are now viewed by some as a form of p o l i t i c a l non-action, a recurrent s t r a t e g y to defer committing to r e a l p o l i t i c a l s o l u t i o n s u n t i l t h i s study i s done or that Commission reports i t s f i n d i n g s . The sentiment that 'We have been s t u d i e d to death!' has become a more recurrent theme among F i r s t Nations r e p r e s e n t a t i v e s , and i t a r t i c u l a t e s a f r u s t r a t i o n w i t h the apparent l a c k of r e a l reform despite the innumerable ways that t h e i r peoples have been counted, c l a s s i f i e d and analyzed. On occasion, Centre s t a f f encountered man i f e s t a t i o n s of t h i s f r u s t r a t i o n as groups had no time whatsoever f o r t h e i r proposals, seeing them as a waste of time and resources. The [ A b o r i g i n a l Community] J u s t i c e Committee members took the c o n s u l t a t i o n as an opportunity to express t h e i r deep f r u s t r a t i o n at the slow pace of F i r s t Nation j u s t i c e reform, and the absence of resources to support t h e i r work i n p a r t i c u l a r . In t h i s , the Committee members were c r i t i c a l of a v a r i e t y of a c t o r s , ranging from the f e d e r a l and p r o v i n c i a l governments to the FSIN [Federation of Saskatchewan Indian N a t i o n s ] , the Prince A l b e r t Grand Council and f r i e n d s h i p centres. In t h e i r view, l i m i t e d resources were being squandered, and few t r i c k l e d down to the community level... Committee members took the view that they had nothing to l e a r n about c r i m i n a l j u s t i c e issues from t h i s or any other c o n s u l t a t i o n or data base, and that A b o r i g i n a l - s p e c i f i c data were of v i r t u a l l y no value. (CCJS 1996: 15) 215 At the extreme, the reception of CCJS delegates passed beyond i n d i f f e r e n c e i n t o antagonism. In one community, i n an e f f o r t to de f l e c t c o n f l i c t , CCJS s t a f f e x p l i c i t l y aligned themselves with the l o c a l RCMP o f f i c e r who had est a b l i s h e d good r e l a t i o n s with the community. We met wit h o u t r i g h t h o s t i l i t y i n one pla c e . They j u s t couldn't wait to see the end of us. I t was j u s t r e a l l y hostile... I t was kind of strange, we were t a k i n g refuge w i t h the RCMP o f f i c e r : 'We are wit h him. You wouldn't want to hurt us. We are a f r i e n d of h i s , so we are not a l l bad.' I t was p r e t t y tense. While the Centre has the i n s t i t u t i o n a l a b i l i t y and o f f i c i a l s a n c t i on to produce auth o r i z e d numbers f o r governmental purposes, i t s power to do so i s contingent. To produce such numbers a set of common c l a s s i f i c a t o r y schemes must be i n s t i t u t e d and used by a l l survey respondents. This, i n tu r n , r e q u i r e s Centre s t a f f to work to ensure that a l l of the component pa r t s of t h e i r extended networks operate i n the p r e s c r i b e d f a s h i o n . Data p r o v i d e r s , computers, data c o l l e c t o r s , e t c . , must perform t h e i r r o l e s a p p r o p r i a t e l y . Contingency enters i n t o t h i s equation i n l i g h t of the f a c t that i t i s not preordained that these elements w i l l operate i n the p r e s c r i b e d manner. Component p a r t s can f a i l or can define t h e i r i n t e r e s t s d i f f e r e n t l y . M a n i f e s t a t i o n s of l o c a l community ambivalence, r e s i s t a n c e and h o s t i l i t y are examples of how the i d e n t i t i e s encouraged and re q u i r e d by the Centre can be r e s i s t e d and challenged. The i d e n t i t y of ' w i l l i n g data p r o v i d e r ' s l i p s away 216 as l o c a l communities dispute the value and u t i l i t y of such numbers or emphasize more p r e s s i n g concerns. Centre s t a f f a l s o had d i f f i c u l t y d i s c e r n i n g the representativeness of the various spokespersons w i t h whom they had contact. S c i e n t i s t s speak i n the name of nature, p o l i t i c i a n s speak i n the name of the s t a t e , and community groups speak i n the name of t h e i r members (Callon 1986). Representation, however, i s i n h e r e n t l y complicated as the 'nature' that s c i e n t i s t s speak on behalf of o f t e n proves to be r e s i s t a n t to t h e i r claims - spinning o f f i n u n a n t i c i p a t e d d i r e c t i o n s , undermining b e a u t i f u l hypotheses. The same i s al s o t r u e , i f not more so, i n r e l a t i o n to human r e p r e s e n t a t i v e s . The re p r e s e n t a t i v e status of F i r s t Nations spokespeople or groups was f r e q u e n t l y at i s s u e . Claims and assurances at one p o l i t i c a l l e v e l were opposed and undermined by i n d i v i d u a l s p u r p o r t i n g to speak f o r a d i f f e r e n t assemblage. The very question of who Centre employees should speak to at times became an i s s u e . N a t i o n a l [ A b o r i g i n a l ] o f f i c e s f i n d i t very d i f f i c u l t to speak f o r the group as a whole because there i s so much heterogeneity. This i s true i n the Metis as w e l l . We sent somebody out there to t a l k to the Metis N a t i o n a l C o u n c i l , which was meeting i n Edmonton. And XXX went out to t a l k to them about the Census again. They had a three day meeting and ours was one element on t h a t . L i k e an hour i n t o the meeting the whole t h i n g j u s t d i s s o l v e d i n chaos. There was so much controversy and heterogeneity and d i v e r s i t y i n the o r g a n i z a t i o n that they couldn't agree to even continue so the whole t h i n g broke up. So i t i s a p r e t t y d i f f i c u l t area to look i n t o . You want to go to the people who can speak, who have the a u t h o r i t y to speak f o r an o r g a n i z a t i o n , and i t i s d i f f i c u l t to f i n d those people. 217 I f we step back from the minutia of the A b o r i g i n a l component of the race/crime i s s u e , i t does not seem as i f t h i s would be a very complicated undertaking. At bottom, i t amounts to an attempt by an i n t e r n a t i o n a l l y renowned s t a t i s t i c a l agency to c o l l e c t a s i n g l e data element. There i s nothing wholly spectacular about such e f f o r t s , given that t h i s i s what t h i s agency does - they c o n t i n u a l l y add and d e l e t e e x t r a boxes on forms and surveys to c o l l e c t c e r t a i n types of data. However, the preceding account has demonstrated that there can be an intense p o l i t i c s of knowledge around such processes. These p o l i t i c s b r i n g heretofore u n a n t i c i p a t e d phenomena d i r e c t l y to the f o r e f r o n t of a n a l y s i s . Issues such as police/community r e l a t i o n s , p r o v i n c i a l / F i r s t Nations n e g o t i a t i o n s , governmental funding, a h i s t o r y of c o l o n i a l i s m , t r u s t of p o l i c e o f f i c e r s , and p o l i t i c a l r e p r e s e n t a t i o n are a l l i m p l i c a t e d and become necessary f o r Centre s t a f f to engage. Despite such complexities, t h e i r e f f o r t s to date are a q u a l i f i e d success. Some agreement has been reached concerning data d e f i n i t i o n s and there i s t a l k of commencing pr e l i m i n a r y studies. Such developments have even prompted some Centre s t a f f to a n t i c i p a t e the day when they again t r y to expand t h e i r c o l l e c t i o n of r a c i a l data holdings beyond a s o l i t a r y 'Aboriginal' v a r i a b l e . The Return of Race? Despite t h e i r disavowal of e f f o r t s to c o l l e c t e t h n i c i t y / r a c e data, the Centre seems to be drawn inexorably towards c o l l e c t i n g some 218 form of race/crime data. This i s not s u r p r i s i n g given the ongoing desire i n some quarters to f o s t e r governmental s t r a t e g i e s that target r a c i a l groups. Consequently, some Centre employees continue to a n t i c i p a t e the p o s s i b i l i t y of re-introducing a r a c i a l component to the UCR at a more p o l i t i c a l l y opportune moment. The p r o h i b i t i o n against c o l l e c t i n g race/crime data continues to be seen as a problem by some c r i t i c s and managers of the j u s t i c e system. In a s o c i e t y that makes claims about improving eth n i c e q u a l i t y , i t i s hard to conceive how governmental e f f o r t s could be evaluated without r a c e - s p e c i f i c data - i r r e s p e c t i v e of c l a s s i f i c a t o r y and o n t o l o g i c a l l i m i t a t i o n s . A member of the Centre r e s p o n s i b l e f o r handling p u b l i c requests f o r informat i o n made i t c l e a r that many segments of the p u b l i c continue to request r a c i a l i z e d crime data and are bewildered to l e a r n that such data are not a v a i l a b l e : The b i g one of course i s race. Why don't we c o l l e c t race? They c o l l e c t i t i n the census, they c o l l e c t i t i n the States. Everybody wants i t i n the States, a l l of the ethnic groups want i t i n the States. Why don't you c o l l e c t i t up here? That's always been a r e a l problem one. The c o n t i n u i n g i n t e r e s t i n race was apparent i n the Centre's involvement i n the Commission on Systemic Racism i n the Ontario C r i m i n a l J u s t i c e System (1995). Members of the Centre a s s i s t e d t h i s Commission by e x t r a c t i n g r a c i a l data from the Metro Toronto p o l i c e database which was u l t i m a t e l y analyzed by academics (Roberts and Doob 1997). Some respondents i n d i c a t e d that even t h i s r e l a t i v e l y 'hands-off arrangement made some 219 senior members of S t a t i s t i c s Canada uncomfortable as i t appeared to go against the aim of having the Centre get e n t i r e l y out of the race/crime business. The s t a b i l i t y of t h i s t o t a l ban on race/crime a l s o appears precarious at times. Frequent mention was made by members of the Centre and other members of the J u s t i c e I n i t i a t i v e that i t might be f r u i t f u l to r e - v i s i t the e n t i r e issue i n the near fut u r e now that much of the p u b l i c f u r o r has subsided. Some s t a f f continued to t h i n k that t h i s i n f o r m a t i o n could and should be c o l l e c t e d , and that the previous p u b l i c outcry and p o l i c e r e t i c e n c e was simply a r e s u l t of poor tim i n g : I t may have simply been, t h i s t h i n g i n 1990 was not the moment to do t h i n g s . Even i f we hadn't had a problem wi t h Oka maybe i t s t i l l wouldn't have been the moment to do i t . Now the time may be d i f f e r e n t . Some time i n f i s c a l year 1992-1993 I attended a JIC meeting and the conversation was 'Well, that d e c i s i o n that we took back i n 1991 about removing t h i s data was the r i g h t one f o r that moment i n time. However, i t may be the time to review i t . ' Now, that has not been done but there seems to be a r e c o g n i t i o n that maybe there i s some value i n re-examining t h a t . S i m i l a r sentiments were expressed during c o n s u l t a t i o n s w i t h Saskatchewan A b o r i g i n a l groups. Community members o c c a s i o n a l l y questioned why the Centre would want to c o l l e c t A b o r i g i n a l data when i t d i d not c o l l e c t data on other e t h n i c groups. The Centre's l i a i s o n people responded that i n l i g h t of the work done by the Ontario Commission on Systemic Racism, they b e l i e v e d that t h i s previous d e c i s i o n banning the c o l l e c t i o n of r a c i a l data would be reversed by the JIC 'as a v a r i e t y of stakeholders came to recognize the value that such in f o r m a t i o n can have f o r the 220 development of programs, p o l i c y and l e g i s l a t i o n ' (CCJS 1995). However, as the matter c u r r e n t l y stands, the Centre i s s t i l l not c o l l e c t i n g r a c i a l data outside of t h e i r moves to c o l l e c t numbers on A b o r i g i n a l s . D i s c u s s i o n C l a s s i f i c a t i o n s of people have a curious s t r u c t u r e - being both d e s c r i p t i v e and at l e a s t p a r t i a l l y c o n s t i t u t i v e of t h e i r o b j e c t . One of the Centre's most important powers i s d e r i v e d from i t s a b i l i t y to put c l a s s i f i c a t i o n s i n t o p l a y . When i t i s types of people who are being demarcated, such c l a s s i f i c a t i o n s can provide models f o r l i v i n g which are a l t e r n a t i v e l y embraced and o c c a s i o n a l l y challenged. These can amount to e n t i r e l y new ways of c l a s s i f y i n g and c a t e g o r i z i n g people or a reproduction of e x i s t i n g c l a s s i f i c a t i o n s drawn from the l i f e w o r l d of the p o p u l a t i o n . I r r e s p e c t i v e of t h e i r o r i g i n s i n bureaucracies or l i v e d r e a l i t y , c l a s s i f i c a t i o n s are always bounded, e x i s t i n g because l i m i t a t i o n s , u l t i m a t e l y h i s t o r i c a l and c u l t u r a l , have been placed on f l u i d phenomena. I n s t i t u t i o n a l i z e d on o f f i c i a l surveys and embedded on the forms used by agents of the s t a t e , such formal i d e n t i f i c a t i o n options presuppose 'the s t a t i c nature, the unchangingness, of i d e n t i t y as such, and so freezes what i s h i s t o r i c a l l y i n process, i n transformation' (Goldberg 1997: 32 [emphasis i n o r i g i n a l ] ) . The preceding n a r r a t i v e attempted to provide a sense of the f l u i d i t y of a phenomena which i n day-to-day l i f e i s o f t e n 221 perceived, to be s t a b l e and f i x e d . E t h n i c c l a s s i f i c a t i o n s arid i d e n t i t y are a c t u a l l y contingent and h i s t o r i c a l phenomena which change according to s o c i a l context. In f a c t , people do not even n e c e s s a r i l y i d e n t i f y w i t h a s i n g l e e t h n i c l a b e l during t h e i r e n t i r e l i f e - c o u r s e . A random survey by Petersen (1987: 189) across consecutive U.S. census counts found that one t h i r d of matched persons claimed a d i f f e r e n t e t h n i c o r i g i n from one survey to the next. The r e c o g n i t i o n of such f l u i d i t y makes c l a s s i f i c a t i o n s p o l i t i c a l i n two d i s t i n c t senses. F i r s t , i n l i b e r a l forms of governance, i t i s on the b a s i s of such c l a s s i f i c a t i o n s of people that various programs are developed. One would have d i f f i c u l t i e s reducing employment d i s c r i m i n a t i o n or e t h n i c o v e r - r e p r e s e n t a t i o n i n p r i s o n i f e t h n i c c l a s s i f i c a t i o n s were e l i m i n a t e d from the b u r e a u c r a t i c r e p e r t o i r e . While the l i b e r a l Utopia i s a world where c l a s s i f i c a t i o n of peoples does not matter, the road to t h i s Utopia i s paved wi t h a multitude of c l a s s i f i c a t i o n s of types of people. In the context of the Canadian race/crime i s s u e , i t i s e n t i r e l y l i k e l y that the same l i b e r a l s who objected to the c o l l e c t i o n of t h i s data on the grounds of methodological d i f f i c u l t i e s and c l a s s i f i c a t o r y confusion would a l s o be desirous of any r e s u l t i n g data, as i t would allow f o r arguments to improve the c o n d i t i o n s of m i n o r i t i e s i n r e l a t i o n to t h e i r a r r e s t , c o n v i c t i o n or i n c a r c e r a t i o n r a t e s . The second p o l i t i c a l a t t r i b u t e of c l a s s i f i c a t i o n concerns str u g g l e s to i n s t i t u t i o n a l i z e c l a s s i f i c a t i o n s which one 222 supports. Such st r u g g l e s are undertaken f o r numerous reasons, i n c l u d i n g a d e s i r e to for m a l i z e a set of c l a s s i f i c a t i o n s which we see as corresponding more c l o s e l y w i t h our assumptions about the ' n a t ural' d i v i s i o n s i n the world. A l t e r n a t i v e l y , these can amount to s t r a t e g i c attempts to i n s t i t u t i o n a l i z e a set of c l a s s i f i c a t i o n s that might improve the s o c i a l p o s i t i o n of your group i n r e l a t i o n to other groups. For example, the recent attempts by Hawaiians to change t h e i r c l a s s i f i c a t i o n on the U.S. census from 'Asian or P a c i f i c I s l a n d e r s ' to 'American Indian' are at l e a s t p a r t i a l l y motivated by the f a c t that 'some c o l l e g e s and the Department of Education have m i n o r i t y s c h o l a r s h i p s that you get through your status as Native American' (Goldberg 1997: 47, note 12) . This account of race/crime reserves judgment as to the accuracy of the myriad p o s s i b l e e t h n i c c l a s s i f i c a t i o n s discussed. This posture i s assumed qu i t e c o n s c i o u s l y . In and of themselves r a c i a l c l a s s i f i c a t i o n s are not accurate or inaccurate, appropriate or i n a p p r o p r i a t e . Such evaluations cannot r e s u l t from some form of correspondence to the r e a l s t a t e of the world's d i f f e r e n t e t h n i c types. Instead, e t h n i c i t y i s s t a b i l i z e d through plays of power, p r a c t i c e s of boundary maintenance and i n s t i t u t i o n a l i z a t i o n . Even i n those instances where groups are given, or take f o r themselves, the opportunity to advocate f o r the terms according to which they should be c l a s s i f i e d , t h i s i n no way guarantees agreement. The 223 representativeness of spokespeople can always be brought i n t o question. At one l e v e l , the p u b l i c controversy over s t a t i s t i c s on race/crime i n v o l v e d a ra t h e r mundane i s s u e : when forwarding t h e i r reports to the CCJS would p o l i c e o r g a n i z a t i o n s be r e q u i r e d to assign offenders and v i c t i m s of v i o l e n t crime to a l i m i t e d set of e t h n i c / r a c i a l c l a s s i f i c a t i o n s ? I t i s j u s t t h i s type of question that Centre s t a f f must deal w i t h on a re g u l a r b a s i s . The development of most of t h e i r c l a s s i f i c a t i o n s u s u a l l y occurs through f a i r l y detached s c i e n t i f i c / b u r e a u c r a t i c n e g o t i a t i o n s , but i n t h i s instance i t was undermined by the p u b l i c p o l i t i c s of c l a s s i f i c a t i o n . In the process, some groups challenged the accuracy of the taxonomy while others expressed r e s e r v a t i o n s and oppositions about the very prospect of c l a s s i f y i n g people according to r a c e / e t h n i c i t y . How t h i s controversy r e s o l v e d i t s e l f was not so much a r e s u l t of methodological d i f f i c u l t i e s w i t h the data but concerned the p o l i t i c s of et h n i c i d e n t i t y , A b o r i g i n a l / p r o v i n c i a l n e g o t i a t i o n s , t r u s t , p o l i c e p u b l i c r e l a t i o n s , and the representativeness of p o l i c e forces and eth n i c groups. As such, i t accentuates how the a v a i l a b i l i t y of governmental knowledge i s not d i c t a t e d s o l e l y by the needs and a s p i r a t i o n s of governmental a c t o r s , but can be shaped by broader p o l i t i c a l and i n s t i t u t i o n a l f a c t o r s . I t al s o r e i t e r a t e s a l a r g e r theme of t h i s study by demonstrating how the Centre's methodology i s not confined to what are normally conceived of as s t a t i s t i c a l methods, but i s i n t i m a t e l y bound up wit h more 2 2 4 p o l i t i c a l concerns, a theme which we take up i n greater d e t a i l i n the f o l l o w i n g chapter. 225 Chapter 4 P o l i t i c s and Numbers Our mandate i s to present the f a c t s i n as d i s p a s s i o n a t e and unbiased [a] manner as p o s s i b l e . We are t o t a l l y a p o l i t i c a l even though the in f o r m a t i o n and numbers we produce have nation-wide i m p l i c a t i o n s . We p u b l i s h the r e s u l t s of our surveys without fear or favor regardless x of the p o l i t i c a l r a m i f i c a t i o n s f o r the government of the day. ( S t a t i s t i c s Canada 1993: 90) I n t r o d u c t i o n Accounts of governance have accentuated h i s t o r i c a l changes to the r a t i o n a l i t i e s and s t r a t e g i e s f o r governing pop u l a t i o n s . In so doing, they have tended to take the a v a i l a b i l i t y of the knowledges upon which governance operates as a given. While the importance of aggregate knowledges to p r a c t i c e s of governance i s acknowledged, the f a c t that such knowledges and the centers of c a l c u l a t i o n which produce them are themselves shaped by p o l i t i c a l processes has not been examined. This chapter continues to explore the means by which the CCJS produces i t s knowledge, emphasizing the p o l i t i c a l dimensions of the Centre. P o l i t i c s i s both a h i g h l y s e n s i t i v e subject f o r Centre personnel as w e l l as an unavoidable component i n the production of t h e i r s t a t i s t i c s . 226 In the f o l l o w i n g pages we examine the d i f f e r e n t p o l i t i c a l aspects of, and i n f l u e n c e s upon, the Centre. This commences wi t h a d i s c u s s i o n of the r e l a t i o n s h i p between the Centre and p a r t i s a n p o l i t i c s . T r a d i t i o n a l approaches to the r e l a t i o n s h i p between p o l i t i c s and s t a t i s t i c s are concerned w i t h the extent to which the government of the day i s a c t i v e l y i n v o l v e d i n attempts to sway the production of s t a t i s t i c a l i n d i c a t o r s . The Centre i s determined to remain above such p o l i t i c a l p a r t i s a n s h i p . The CCJS, and S t a t i s t i c s Canada more g e n e r a l l y , goes to considerable lengths to maintain an arms length r e l a t i o n s h i p between themselves and such governmental manipulation. This d e s i r e to avoid the t a i n t of p o l i t i c a l p a r t i s a n s h i p i s informed by a r e c o g n i t i o n of the e p i s t e m o l o g i c a l importance of t r u s t . We d i s c u s s the r e l a t i o n s h i p between t r u s t and the production of the Centre's knowledge i n the context of accusations by Professor J . Fekete that the Violence Against Women survey was p o l i t i c a l l y motivated. While they have g e n e r a l l y been able to avoid p a r t i s a n p o l i t i c s , there are nonetheless manifestations of p o l i t i c a l i n f l u e n c e i n the Centre that are not captured i n the i d e a l i z e d image of a s t r i c t demarcation between p o l i t i c s and s t a t i s t i c s enshrined i n the S t a t i s t i c s Canada mandate which heads t h i s chapter. The Centre must negotiate through a complex s e r i e s of o r g a n i z a t i o n a l and i n s t i t u t i o n a l i n t e r e s t s 227 i n order to produce t h e i r data. Here I expand the ambit of 'the p o l i t i c a l ' to accentuate how the mundane day-to-day processes i n the production of t h e i r knowledge can augment or m a r g i n a l i z e the i n t e r e s t s of d i f f e r e n t groups. This includes instances of m i c r o p o l i t i c s whereby d i f f e r e n t p a r t i e s and r e p r e s e n t a t i v e s seek to maximize the b e n e f i t and minimize the r i s k s of p u b l i c controversy which might be posed by the Centre's a c t i o n s . Such m i c r o p o l i t i c s are an unavoidable component of an agency such as the Centre which i s overseen by deputy m i n i s t e r s and t h e i r r e p r e s e n t a t i v e s and r e l i e s on the cooperation of a host of c r i m i n a l j u s t i c e agencies to f u l f i l l i t s mandate. In the lengthy s e c t i o n on ' J u r i s d i c t i o n a l p o l i t i c s , ' we examine how these o r g a n i z a t i o n a l linkages have i n f l u e n c e d the Centre's data c o l l e c t i o n regime. This i n c l u d e s the way i n which i n t e r -i n s t i t u t i o n a l n e g o t i a t i o n s introduce ongoing p o l i t i c a l tensions over what st u d i e s to conduct and r e l e a s e , as w e l l as questions about who owns and has e f f e c t i v e c o n t r o l over the data. J u r i s d i c t i o n a l i n t e r e s t s are al s o o c c a s i o n a l l y apparent i n the s p e c i f i c standardized counting r u l e s employed i n some of the Centre's surveys. E f f o r t s by the Centre to introduce standardized d e f i n i t i o n s f o r e n t i t i e s such as ' a l t e r n a t i v e measures' and 'remission' are used as 228 examples of ongoing n e g o t i a t i o n s about the s p e c i f i c s of standards. P o l i t i c s The f i r s t p o i n t to s t r e s s i s that there was no i n d i c a t i o n of any d i r e c t p a r t i s a n p o l i t i c a l manipulation of the numbers produced by the Centre. This c l a i m i s made up-front and f o r c e f u l l y because i t was one of the predominant concerns among the people I interviewed. Assurances were r o u t i n e l y forthcoming that the Centre stood above p a r t y p o l i t i c s , that the Prime M i n i s t e r or M i n i s t e r of J u s t i c e d i d not d i r e c t the Centre to produce, f o r example, young offender crime r a t e s that would c o i n c i d e w i t h the p o l i t i c a l mood or agenda of the day. Such d i r e c t i n t e r f e r e n c e was strenuously guarded against to the point that i t d i d not appear that p o l i t i c i a n s even bothered to make such crude requests f o r s t a t i s t i c a l d u p l i c i t y . Even i f the Centre did want to accede to a p o l i t i c a l demand to misrepresent the data, a number of f a c t o r s make i t doubtful that they could even do so. Before p u b l i c a t i o n , t h e i r r e p o r t s are s c r u t i n i z e d by a host of reviewers from d i f f e r e n t c r i m i n a l j u s t i c e o r g a n i z a t i o n s who have a range of p o l i t i c a l i d e o l o g i e s . Any one of these reviewers could p o t e n t i a l l y n o t i c e evidence of data tampering. The comp l e x i t i e s of survey design and maintenance a l s o work against the p o s s i b i l i t y of s t r a i g h t f o r w a r d p o l i t i c a l 229 manipulation of the numbers. As one respondent proclaimed when asked about such a prospect, 'We have a hard enough time j u s t g e t t i n g the numbers out, l e t alone doing i t the way that the p o l i t i c i a n s want.' The a n x i e t i e s about p o l i t i c s a r t i c u l a t e d by Centre personnel p a r a l l e l those of s c i e n t i s t s more g e n e r a l l y . Producers of knowledge, p a r t i c u l a r l y i n democratic s o c i e t i e s , must maintain a d e l i c a t e balance between keeping p o l i t i c s c l o s e at hand, but not too c l o s e (Gieryn 1995), where questions about what w i l l count as 'too c l o s e ' are a contextual matter. M a i n t a i n i n g a p r o x i m i t y to p o l i t i c s can provide valuable l e g i t i m a t i o n and f i n a n c i a l support f o r s c i e n t i f i c p r a c t i c e s and i n s t i t u t i o n s . However, the value of s c i e n t i f i c knowledge f o r p o l i t i c i a n s and p r a c t i c e s of governance l i e s i n i t s d i s i n t e r e s t e d n e s s (Jasanoff 1990), as science purports to stand above personal and p o l i t i c a l whim and i n d i v i d u a l s u b j e c t i v i t y . A s t a t i s t i c i a n working i n the Department of J u s t i c e e x p l a i n s how the Centre's data are only valuable to her work on e x p l i c i t l y p o l i t i c a l i n i t i a t i v e s to the extent that the CCJS can s i t u a t e i t s e l f o utside of the p o l i t i c a l realm: Their s t r e n g t h comes from being i n no one's pocket and promoting no one. On that we can always say that these numbers come from CCJS, they are not our numbers. I f they come from us, people w i l l always c r i t i c i z e them, or f i n d them suspect because your i n f l u e n c e s come i n t o p l a y i n how you ask questions and how you c o l l e c t data. So f o r me, f i r s t and foremost, the Stat's Canada credo 230 of being non-partisan and not being i n anyone's corner i s i t s strength. The danger i s that p r o x i m i t y threatens to b l u r the l i n e between p o l i t i c s and science. I f t h i s happens the d i s i n t e r e s t e d n e s s of science i s threatened, thereby undermining the very t h i n g which makes s c i e n t i f i c knowledge valuable to p o l i t i c i a n s and wider p r a c t i c e s of governance. A r i s i n g out of a p o l i t i c a l need f o r knowledge, the Centre must work to maintain an arms length r e l a t i o n s h i p from the p o l i t i c a l imperatives of the day. While there i s no evidence of d i r e c t p o l i t i c a l i n t e r f e r e n c e i n the immediate production of the Centre's numbers, t h i s i s not to say that once they are i n p u b l i c c u l t u r e that crime s t a t i s t i c s are not c y n i c a l l y manipulated. Examples abound of p o l i t i c i a n s and governmental agencies who s e l e c t i v e l y or d i s h o n e s t l y invoke s t a t i s t i c s f o r p a r t i s a n purposes (see Schlesinger and Tumber 1994, chap. 6; Burnham 1997, chap. 4). I t i s a t r u i s m that s t a t i s t i c s can be invoked to demonstrate j u s t about any p o i n t . George Gallup, one of the p o p u l i z e r s of sample surveys, bragged that, yI could prove God s t a t i s t i c a l l y . ' Undoubtedly, he could a l s o give a new q u a n t i t a t i v e t w i s t on Nietzsche's p r o j e c t by s t a t i s t i c a l l y proving the death of God as w e l l . Academics are accustomed to the groan of s t a t i s t i c s as they are manipulated, crunched and massaged to demonstrate d i f f e r e n t 231 p o i n t s , many of which are q u i t e c o n t r a d i c t o r y . In f a c t , i t has become a common pedagogic s t r a t e g y to teach students the ba s i c s of s t a t i s t i c a l methods by teaching them how to ' l i e ' with s t a t i s t i c s (Huff 1955). I n e v i t a b l y being p a r t i a l r e presentations of the world, s t a t i s t i c s are invoked i n p u b l i c c u l t u r e to demonstrate or r e f u t e assorted p o l i t i c a l arguments. This does not mean that we should abandon s t a t i s t i c a l knowledge and surrender to Mark Twain's cynicis m about there being ' l i e s , damn l i e s , and s t a t i s t i c s . ' Instead, we must acknowledge that s t a t i s t i c s are one element i n a r h e t o r i c a l arsenal invoked i n the a i d of p o l i t i c a l arguments rather than a form of knock-down proof. Q u a n t i f i c a t i o n does not make something 'so' but provides i n s i g h t s , r h e t o r i c a l p o s s i b i l i t i e s and o p p o r t u n i t i e s f o r p o l i t i c a l i n t e r v e n t i o n and governmental s t r a t e g i e s . Trustworthy Knowledge The danger of appearing to be p o l i t i c a l l y p a r t i s a n i s that i t can undermine the t r u s t which the p u b l i c and p o l i t i c i a n s must i n v e s t i n the i n s t i t u t i o n s that produce knowledge. Trust i s an i n v a l u a b l e asset f o r the Centre, but i t i s something that only receives i n d i r e c t a t t e n t i o n i n the Centre's d a i l y r o u t i n e s . The p u b l i c ' s t r u s t i n the Centre and S t a t i s t i c s Canada only comes to the f o r e f r o n t during those r e l a t i v e l y few p o l i t i c a l c o n t r o v e r s i e s where t r u s t 232 r i s k s being undermined. In t h i s s e c t i o n I use the controversy over the 1993 Violence Against Women (VAW) survey to r e f l e c t on the r o l e of t r u s t as an e p i s t e m o l o g i c a l resource. S o c i o l o g i s t s have long recognized the r o l e t r u s t p lays i n f o s t e r i n g s o c i a l cohesion and as an i n v a l u a b l e component i n commercial t r a n s a c t i o n s ( M i s z t a l 1996; Govier 1997). N i k l a s Luhmann (1979, 1988) has proposed that t r u s t serves to reduce s o c i a l complexity, which i t does by 'going beyond a v a i l a b l e i n f o r m a t i o n and g e n e r a l i z i n g expectations of behavior i n that i t replaces missing i n f o r m a t i o n w i t h an i n t e r n a l l y guaranteed s e c u r i t y ' (1979: 150). Given the expanded range of i n t e r a c t i o n s , choices and o p p o r t u n i t i e s inherent i n modern s o c i e t i e s , t r u s t i n our expectations about the behavior of i n d i v i d u a l s and complex systems reduces the i n f i n i t e p o s s i b i l i t i e s inherent i n a given s i t u a t i o n , reducing complexity and thereby a l l o w i n g an i n d i v i d u a l to make her way i n the world. As G a r f i n k e l (1963) suggests, our day-to-day sense of r e a l i t y r e l i e s on a backdrop of t r u s t , or 'taken f o r granted' assumptions that other s o c i a l actors w i l l perform t h e i r r o l e s f a i t h f u l l y . Trust has a l s o been recognized as a v i t a l component i n f i n a n c i a l arrangements as i n d i v i d u a l s must i n e v i t a b l y t r u s t the value of symbolic tokens such as money and c r e d i t , as w e l l as the f u t u r e a c t i o n s of i n d i v i d u a l s and i n s t i t u t i o n s 233 i n order f o r even rudimentary commercial t r a n s a c t i o n s to take p l a c e . Recently, Fukuyama (1995) has suggested that there are n a t i o n a l d i f f e r e n c e s i n the dynamics and extent of t r u s t i n d i f f e r e n t s o c i e t i e s , d i f f e r e n c e s which can i n f l u e n c e the f i n a n c i a l success or f a i l u r e of nations i n a c a p i t a l i s t economy. He argues that i n l o w - t r u s t s o c i e t i e s people are l e s s w i l l i n g to t r u s t outside of the f a m i l y s e t t i n g , which i n h i b i t s the development of market r e l a t i o n s , while i n high t r u s t s o c i e t i e s people are b e t t e r able to form and preserve l a r g e s c a l e corporations and thereby enhance t h e i r p o s s i b i l i t i e s f o r f i n a n c i a l success. Not n e a r l y as much has been w r i t t e n on the place of t r u s t i n r e l a t i o n to the production of s c i e n t i f i c knowledge. Reticence to engage wi t h the r o l e of t r u s t i n science can be t r a c e d to the long-standing o p p o s i t i o n i n modern epistemology between t r u s t and knowledge, where to know a matter on the b a s i s of t r u s t was, i n a l l l i k e l i h o o d , to be mistaken. True knowledge i s d e r i v e d from f i r s t hand observation, p e r s o n a l l y t e s t i n g a hypothesis and running experiments (Shapin 1996: 69-74). By d e f i n i t i o n , t r u s t stands i n sharp c o n t r a s t to the i d e a l i z e d s k e p t i c a l stance toward a l l knowledge claims which Merton (1973a) has suggested i s a d i s t i n c t i v e a t t r i b u t e of s c i e n t i f i c c u l t u r e . However, Merton's p r o p o s i t i o n s about organized s c i e n t i f i c s k e p t i c i s m are more s c i e n t i f i c self-promotion than an 234 accurate d e s c r i p t i o n of science i n a c t i o n . Skepticism about any i n d i v i d u a l f a c t u l t i m a t e l y r e s t s on a strong e d i f i c e of unquestioned t r u s t i n other knowledges, technologies and a r t i f a c t s which have not been s c r u t i n i z e d by the i n d i v i d u a l s c i e n t i s t . Georg Simmel (1950: 313) observed long ago that 'existence r e s t s on a thousand premises which the s i n g l e i n d i v i d u a l cannot t r a c e and v e r i f y to t h e i r roots at a l l , but must take on f a i t h . ' The same i s true f o r the r o u t i n e operation of science, as the i n d i v i d u a l s c i e n t i s t cannot p o s s i b l y have f i r s t - h a n d experience of the myriad technologies, a r t i f a c t s and knowledges on which she n e c e s s a r i l y r e l i e s (see Shapin 1994: 17-19; Latour 1987, chap. 1). Li k e s c i e n t i s t s , the p u b l i c must al s o accept the testimony of other s c i e n t i s t s on the b a s i s of t r u s t . H i s t o r i c a l l y , d e c i s i o n s about whether to t r u s t i n a person's future behavior or t h e i r testimony were r e l a t e d to that person's r e p u t a t i o n . I t was necessary to know who a person was i n order to a n t i c i p a t e how they would behave and whether t h e i r testimony could be accepted as v a l i d . In premodern s o c i e t i e s , personal r e p u t a t i o n was deeply entwined i n the day-to-day r o u t i n e s of r u r a l l i f e , where tr u s t w o r t h i n e s s could be as c e r t a i n e d through repeated observations of a person's character and how f a i t h f u l l y they f u l f i l l e d t h e i r o b l i g a t i o n s . In A History of Truth, Steven Shapin (1994) demonstrates through a h i s t o r i c a l case study 235 of the emergence of the 'gentleman s c i e n t i s t ' how the r e p u t a t i o n of i n d i v i d u a l s c i e n t i s t s played an important r o l e i n the development of e a r l y modern science. He charts how the v a l i d i t y of s c i e n t i f i c testimony about experimental r e s u l t s was r e l a t e d to the s c i e n t i s t ' s moral r e p u t a t i o n as a 'gentleman,' a r e p u t a t i o n which spoke to the honesty and d i s i n t e r e s t e d n e s s of h i s observations, and hence to the v a l i d i t y of h i s science. As Shapin (1994: 410) a s s e r t s , 'Premodern s o c i e t y looked t r u t h i n the face.' Increased u r b a n i z a t i o n and anonymity, however, severed the t i g h t s o c i a l networks upon which i n t e r p e r s o n a l t r u s t and r e p u t a t i o n were based. Trust d e r i v e d from p h y s i c a l p r o x i m i t y and l o n g e v i t y of r e l a t i o n s h i p has been replaced by a complex system of r i t u a l s and markers such as c r e d i t cards, academic c r e d e n t i a l s , polygraph t e s t s , d r i v e r ' s l i c e n s e s , e t c . , a l l of which serve as means of i n v e s t i n g unknown i n d i v i d u a l s w i t h t r u s t (Nock 1993). Modern s o c i e t i e s continue to place an importance on the r e p u t a t i o n of i n d i v i d u a l s c i e n t i s t s , as prominent reputations enhance the p r o b a b i l i t y that a s c i e n t i s t w i l l be heard and taken s e r i o u s l y (Merton 1973b). However, the r o l e of the i n d i v i d u a l s c i e n t i s t ' s r e p u t a t i o n has been supplanted by the need to appreciate the good r e p u t a t i o n of various knowledge producing i n s t i t u t i o n s , experts and a b s t r a c t systems, what Luhmann (1979)calls 'system t r u s t , ' d e f i n e d by 236 the mutual t r u s t i n g behavior of i n d i v i d u a l s . Trust and r e p u t a t i o n are unavoidable components i n the production and communication of knowledge. The r e p u t a t i o n of a knowledge producing i n s t i t u t i o n or p r o f e s s i o n allows the p u b l i c to accept t r u t h claims without having to operate under the p a r a l y z i n g assumption that the t r u t h s on o f f e r are always suspect. For s c i e n t i s t s , t r u s t i n the v e r a c i t y of e s t a b l i s h e d knowledge allows them to b u i l d upon an e d i f i c e of accepted t r u t h s r a t h e r than engage i n an i n f i n i t e regress i n t e r r o g a t i o n of the accuracy of t h e i r technologies, the r e l i a b i l i t y of t h e i r a s s i s t a n t ' s observations or the p u r i t y of t h e i r samples. Within S t a t i s t i c s Canada the r o l e of t r u s t i s no l e s s important than i n any other knowledge production e n t e r p r i s e . S t a t i s t i c s Canada has f o s t e r e d a r e p u t a t i o n as a reputable producer of s t a t i s t i c s . Their success i n t h i s regard i s p a r t i a l l y evident by the f a c t that they have been recognized by The Economist as the best n a t i o n a l s t a t i s t i c a l agency i n both 1991 and 1994, a f a c t f r e q u e n t l y a l l u d e d to i n conversation w i t h CCJS s t a f f . The Centre has been p a r t i a l l y p a r a s i t i c on the e x c e l l e n t r e p u t a t i o n of S t a t i s t i c s Canada i n order to enhance i t s own image. A former l i a i s o n o f f i c e r , i n h i s comments on the r e l a t i o n s h i p between the Centre and S t a t i s t i c s Canada, s a i d 'I t h i n k what you see i s [the Centre] has the imprimatur of the mother house. I f i t i s 237 published by S t a t i s t i c s Canada i t has a sense of r e a l i t y to i t . ' Trust allows the consumers of the Centre's surveys and studies who, by and l a r g e , cannot and would not i n t e r r o g a t e the i n t r i c a c i e s of t h e i r knowledge production regime, to accept t h e i r f i n d i n g s on f a i t h . When t r u s t d e t e r i o r a t e s , the consequences can be t r u l y astounding, i t can lead to the c o l l a p s e of e n t i r e economies and transform p r e v i o u s l y s o l i d f a c t s i n t o c o n t r o v e r s i a l claims. One recent and p o l i t i c a l l y charged p u b l i c controversy i n which the Centre found i t s e l f embroiled concerned accusations that the Viol e n c e Against Women survey (VAW) was biased, the r e s u l t of a d e s i r e to produce the most shocking numbers p o s s i b l e about the abuse of women i n Canada. Accusations such as these pose serio u s challenges to the Centre's r e p u t a t i o n and to the p u b l i c ' s t r u s t i n S t a t i s t i c s Canada. They a l s o pose a challenge to the p r a c t i c e s of governance which are a l i g n e d w i t h such i n d i c a t o r s . Governmental programs and p o l i c i e s can be c a l l e d i n t o question as the knowledge upon which they are based becomes untrustworthy. I f such d i s t r u s t i s allowed to spread there i s the danger that the other governmental s t r a t e g i e s which employ other i n d i c a t o r s from the Centre and S t a t i s t i c s Canada w i l l a l s o be brought i n t o question. The Violence Against Women Survey was conceived of i n the e a r l y 1990s by Health Canada, who i n t u r n commissioned 238 S t a t i s t i c s Canada to undertake the study at a cost of $1.9 m i l l i o n . Centre personnel managed the development and a d m i n i s t r a t i o n of t h i s survey. I t was an undertaking which was markedly d i f f e r e n t from most Centre s t u d i e s i n that i t was a j o i n t venture w i t h another government department. I t als o employed a survey methodology, i n co n t r a s t to the Centre's usual r e l i a n c e on numbers de r i v e d from a d m i n i s t r a t i v e systems. A t o t a l of 12,300 randomly sampled women were interviewed v i a telephone about t h e i r a d u l t experiences of sexual and p h y s i c a l a s s a u l t by m a r i t a l p a r t n e r s , dates and boyfrie n d s , other men and strangers. The f i n d i n g s released i n November of 1993 were s t a r t l i n g : over one-half of a l l Canadian women reported at l e a s t one i n c i d e n t of v i o l e n c e since the age of s i x t e e n , one-quarter of a l l women reported having experienced v i o l e n c e at the hands of a current or past m a r i t a l partner ( i n c l u d i n g common law) (The Daily, November 19, 1993). E x t r a p o l a t e d to the e n t i r e Canadian popu l a t i o n , t h i s study suggested that approximately 5 m i l l i o n women could have conceivably been v i c t i m s of some form of sexual or p h y s i c a l v i o l e n c e since the age of s i x t e e n , and that about 2.7 m i l l i o n Canadian women who had ever been married or l i v e d common law could have been p h y s i c a l l y or s e x u a l l y a s s a u l t e d by t h e i r spouse. For one year, t h i s survey was p r a i s e d as a valuable c o n t r i b u t i o n to our knowledge about v i o l e n c e against women. 239 I t was the subject of considerable p u b l i c commentary and a media o f f i c e r f o r the Centre claimed that i t r e c e i v e d more coverage than S t a t i s t i c s Canada's census. As a governmental form of knowledge, i t h e l d out the promise of being able to serve as the b a s i s f o r an assortment of s t r a t e g i e s aimed at reducing the a p p a l l i n g l y high numbers of women who have been assaul t e d . Almost twelve months to the day a f t e r the p u b l i c a t i o n of the VAW f i n d i n g s , John Fekete, a pro f e s s o r of C u l t u r a l Studies and E n g l i s h L i t e r a t u r e at Trent U n i v e r s i t y , made serious accusations about the v a l i d i t y of these r e s u l t s and the o b j e c t i v i t y of the people who administered the survey. In an eight page s e c t i o n of h i s book Moral Panic (Fekete 1994: 80-87), he accused the survey of four main f a i l i n g s , accusations which were widely reproduced by the media. F i r s t , he s a i d the study was p a r t i s a n because i t focused only on women and d i d not look at v i o l e n c e perpetuated on men by women or by women on women. Second, the survey d i d not deal w i t h questions about the accuracy of memory r e c a l l , which he saw as p a r t i c u l a r l y t r o u b l i n g i n l i g h t of the f a c t that women were asked to report i n c i d e n t s of v i o l e n c e that p o t e n t i a l l y went back years or decades. Thi r d , he was ha r s h l y c r i t i c a l of the p r a c t i c e of lumping together apparently l e s s serious behaviors w i t h very s e r i o u s crimes a l l under the heading of 'violence.' F i n a l l y , he i n s i n u a t e d 240 that by c o n s u l t i n g w i t h f e m i n i s t groups and f r o n t - l i n e s e r v i c e p r o v i d e r s i n the development of the que s t i o n n a i r e , Centre s t a f f had rendered the e n t i r e e n t e r p r i s e suspect. Fekete chides S t a t i s t i c s Canada f o r f a i l i n g to l i v e up to standards of 'basic s c i e n t i f i c i n t e g r i t y and f a i r n e s s ' (1994: 80), but h i s c r i t i c i s m s are anything but a r e s t r a i n e d exchange of s c i e n t i f i c o p i n i o n aimed at c l a r i f i c a t i o n and c o r r e c t i o n . Rather, i t i s a f r o n t a l a s s a u l t s i t u a t e d i n a l a r g e r argument against ' b i o - p o l i t i c s ' - an accusation which resonates w i t h that of ' p o l i t i c a l c orrectness.' His widely quoted claims that ' S t a t i s t i c s Canada has s o l d i t s e l f to the dark powers of demonization. I t has traded i n science f o r voodoo,' (1994: 86) are themselves man i f e s t a t i o n s of an attempt to demonize. The tone he adopts i s unfortunate, because l o s t i n the v i t r i o l are some arguments that deserve f u r t h e r i n v e s t i g a t i o n . As a s t a r t i n g p o i n t , I have sympathy wi t h h i s concerns about the way i n which the survey subsumed what many people would see as t r i v i a l acts under the common heading of 'violence' and combined them wi t h what would be widely recognized as serious acts of c r i m i n a l v i o l e n c e . I t i s an example of what i s perhaps the most common form of c r i t i c i s m l e v e l e d against s t a t i s t i c a l s t u d i e s , that the things being t r e a t e d as equivalent are i n f a c t , not equ i v a l e n t . However, h i s i n s i n u a t i o n that the Centre was d e c e i t f u l i n t h i s 241 p r a c t i c e overlooks how the p u b l i c a t i o n attempted to disaggregate the d i f f e r e n t l e v e l s of v i o l e n c e experienced by women. The d e f i n i t i o n of v i o l e n c e employed by the VAW survey was drawn e x p l i c i t l y from the Criminal Code, and inc l u d e s ' l e v e l one' sexual a s s a u l t s , which are at the lower end of a continuum of seriousness. What t h i s meant was that respondents who answered yes to the question: 'Has a (male stranger, other man known to you) ever touched you against your w i l l i n any sexual way, such as unwanted touching, grabbing, k i s s i n g or f o n d l i n g ? ' were deemed to be v i c t i m s of v i o l e n c e . In defense of t h i s c l a s s i f i c a t o r y p r a c t i c e , the managers of the survey were quick to po i n t out that they were e x p l i c i t l y r e l y i n g on the Canadian Criminal Code which defined such ' l e v e l one sexual a s s a u l t s ' as a form of c r i m i n a l v i o l e n c e . While such acts c l e a r l y deserve censure and a t t e n t i o n , r o l l i n g them up i n t o an aggregate number about the percentage of women who have been the v i c t i m s of 'violence' o b v i o u s l y r a i s e s concerns. However, they are not concerns about a s t a t i s t i c a l agency captured by a p o l i t i c a l f r i n g e group, but of the r e l a t i o n s h i p between p r e c i s e l e g a l terminology and the vernacular. These d i f f e r e n t understandings of the term 'violence' are an example of the d i s j u n c t u r e between the common understanding of a term and 242 the p r e c i s e l e g a l d e f i n i t i o n and i m p l i c a t i o n s of the same term. While i t i s questionable whether the p u b l i c would spontaneously c a t e g o r i z e unwanted sexual touching or f o n d l i n g as v i o l e n c e , i t was the c l a s s i f i c a t i o n that Centre s t a f f b e l i e v e d they were l e g a l l y o b l i g e d to employ. Further r e f l e c t i o n on t h i s d i s j u n c t u r e between popular and l e g a l understandings of the term 'violence' leads me to suggest an argument that Fekete d i d not make. I propose that p a r t of what i s o c c u r r i n g w i t h such c a t e g o r i c a l confusion i s an attempt to s y m b o l i c a l l y i n v e s t behaviors that have been t r a d i t i o n a l l y t r i v i a l i z e d w i t h greater p u b l i c concern by a l i g n i n g them w i t h undeniably serious behaviors. One consequence of a l l o c a t i n g d i f f e r e n t l e v e l s of serious behavior together under a common heading i s that the l e s s se r i o u s behaviors are, by a s s o c i a t i o n , seen to be more se r i o u s . Categories of behavior, people and things are understood i n r e l a t i o n to the phenomena which we deem to be t h e i r e q u i v a l e n t . In making t h i s c l a i m I recognize that I am i n s u b t l e disagreement w i t h authors such as Fox (1993), who r a i s e d s i m i l a r concerns about broad g l o b a l c a t e g o r i e s i n a study of 'woman abuse i n u n i v e r s i t y and c o l l e g e d a t i n g r e l a t i o n s h i p s ' by DeKeseredy and K e l l y (1993). Fox p o i n t s out how the authors of t h i s study subsume under a g l o b a l category of 'abuse' various i n s u l t s , unwanted k i s s i n g , swearing and put downs, along w i t h very serious behaviors 243 such as rape. Fox concludes that 'by combining what i s debatably abusive w i t h what everyone agrees to be s e r i o u s l y abusive, they stand to t r i v i a l i z e the l a t t e r ' (1993: 322). My i n c l i n a t i o n i s to suggest that the opposite i s a l s o t r u e , i n that while acts of c a t e g o r i c a l ambiguity may t r i v i a l i z e s e rious abuse and v i o l e n c e , they can a l s o be a way to i n v e s t l e s s s e r i o u s behaviors w i t h a greater degree of p u b l i c concern. Although Centre personnel d i d not set out to produce such a r e s u l t , the grouping of behaviors together under a common c l a s s i f i c a t i o n shapes, by way of a s s o c i a t i o n , the way i n which we t h i n k about such behaviors. Returning to Fekete, we must al s o concede h i s p o i n t that the VAW survey i s b i a s e d because i t does not explore the dynamics of v i o l e n c e perpetuated against men. However, t h i s i s true i n the same way that i t i s true that a study of v i o l e n c e against c h i l d r e n i s b i a s e d because i t does not examine v i o l e n c e perpetuated by c h i l d r e n , or, that a study of c h i l d r e n i s biased because i t does not study a d u l t s . Choice about parameters i s an inherent aspect of e s t a b l i s h i n g and funding any study, and such choices are unquestionably r e l a t e d to p o l i t i c a l agendas, lobbying e f f o r t s , e t c . In i t s e l f i t i s d o u b t f u l that t h i s i n v a l i d a t e s the survey's f i n d i n g s , which appears to be Fekete's aim. Managers of the VAW suggested that i f they were to conduct t h i s survey again, they would in c l u d e questions about 2 4 4 v i o l e n c e perpetuated against men, not because they b e l i e v e d t h e i r f i n d i n g s to be i n v a l i d as they stand, but as a str a t e g y of circumventing c r i t i c i s m s about a p o l i t i c a l l y b i ased focus. Such an admission accentuates the f a c t that part of the Centre's knowledge production regime i n v o l v e s attempts to a n t i c i p a t e and circumvent the deco n s t r u c t i v e s t r a t e g i e s of t h e i r c r i t i c s . Fekete's f i n a l two c r i t i c i s m s I f i n d even l e s s compelling. His i n s i n u a t i o n that by v i r t u e of t h e i r c o n s u l t a t i o n s w i t h f e m i n i s t and f r o n t - l i n e s e r v i c e p r o v i d e r s who work i n the area of v i o l e n c e against women S t a t i s t i c s Canada demonstrated t h e i r capture by such groups i s spurious. I, f o r one, would have been outraged i f a survey of t h i s expense and scope had gone forward without c o n s u l t i n g people working i n the area. In f a c t , some women's groups were apprehensive about t h i s survey, f e a r i n g that any r e s u l t s which i n d i c a t e d a lower l e v e l of v i o l e n c e against women than they a n t i c i p a t e d would challenge the c r e d i b i l i t y of t h e i r o r g a n i z a t i o n s . These are not the fears of groups who f e l t assured that the f i n d i n g s would i n e v i t a b l y support t h e i r p o l i t i c a l agenda. F i n a l l y , Fekete's charge that S t a t i s t i c s Canada d i d not concern themselves w i t h the accuracy of memory r e c a l l h i g h l i g h t s an important methodological i s s u e . I t i s a r o u t i n e l y acknowledged l i m i t a t i o n of s e l f - r e p o r t and 245 v i c t i m i z a t i o n s t u d i e s that memory can be f a u l t y , p a r t i c u l a r l y when respondents are asked to t h i n k back many years, but the co n c l u s i o n that S t a t i s t i c s Canada was 'cooking the books' does not n e c e s s a r i l y f o l l o w . There appears to be an emerging consensus that the optimal time frame to ask respondents to r e c a l l experiences of v i c t i m i z a t i o n i s approximately twelve months (Coleman and Moynihan 1996: 79). When Fekete suggests that f a u l t y memory might b i a s the r e s u l t i n g data, he overlooks the l i t e r a t u r e on v i c t i m i z a t i o n surveys which have demonstrated that respondents a c t u a l l y tend to forget many i n c i d e n t s of v i c t i m i z a t i o n which have occurred beyond a twelve month p e r i o d - a phenomenon known as 'telescoping' (Hindelang 1976; Durant et a l 1972). Women have a l s o been known to conceal t h e i r experiences of abuse from researchers (Jones et al 1986), and many people have claimed (not without controversy) that traumatic memories of abuse are p a r t i c u l a r l y prone to being repressed. I t could very e a s i l y be the case that the problems Fekete p o i n t s to - f a u l t y memory as s o c i a t e d w i t h long periods of r e c a l l - a c t u a l l y served to reduce the o f f i c i a l count of v i o l e n c e against women. Fekete's accusations amounted to the worst type of attack that can be mounted on a s t a t i s t i c a l agency, a c l a i m that i t i s biased and 'captured by a f a c t i o n ' (Fekete 1994: 246 86). Such a l l e g a t i o n s are p o t e n t i a l l y f a r more damaging than i n s i n u a t i o n s that t h e i r data are i n e r r o r or even that Centre s t a f f are incompetent, as e r r o r s can be r e c t i f i e d and incompetence can be weeded out, but co-optation i s i n s i d i o u s , a l l o w i n g people to dismiss any and a l l f u t u r e knowledge claims. The t r u s t on which any knowledge producing i n s t i t u t i o n must r e l y was brought i n t o question as Fekete made i t a p o i n t to challenge the r e p u t a t i o n of S t a t i s t i c s Canada: the r e p u t a t i o n of Canada's number-one number cruncher, the gold standard of the t r u t h s about Canadian l i f e , i s hostage i n a l l t h i s to the tyranny of pain, grievance, fear and resentment... The one-sex survey of Canadian women i s a completely uncorroborated, worthless waste of money and p u b l i c t r u s t . (Fekete 1994: 83) In t h i s one paragraph both t r u s t and r e p u t a t i o n are i m p l i c a t e d , themes that were echoed i n other media accounts such as the Alberta Report (Verburg 1995) s t o r y which used the sub-heading: 'The Once-Neutral Agency i s Gaining.a Bad Reputation f o r P o l i t i c a l Propaganda.' Reputations, both good and bad, provide a means to e x t r a p o l a t e from one set of behaviors to f u t u r e a c t i o n s , and a bad r e p u t a t i o n threatens to spread l i k e cancer to other p a r t s of the Centre and S t a t i s t i c s Canada. A s e n i o r member of S t a t i s t i c s Canada's a u d i t i n g s e c t i o n , who admittedly knew l i t t l e about the s p e c i f i c s of the VAW survey, expressed h i s d i s g u s t w i t h t h i s survey and fears about the f a l l o u t from the controversy 2 4 7 p r e c i s e l y i n terms of t h i s p o t e n t i a l f o r d i s t r u s t to spread: ' A l l of a sudden people are going to s t a r t l o o k i n g at our economic s t a t i s t i c s [with suspicion] i f we keep t h i s God damn nonsense up.' A very senior member of S t a t i s t i c s Canada was emphatic about the danger of Fekete's accusations, s t r e s s i n g that 'we take any such things very s e r i o u s l y because we have to maintain p u b l i c support. Our c r e d i b i l i t y i s extremely, extremely, extremely important. So we take any such things very, very s e r i o u s l y . ' An e x e r c i s e i n damage c o n t r o l was thrown i n t o high gear, which i n c l u d e d the d r a f t i n g of an ei g h t page response that r e f u t e d Fekete's a l l e g a t i o n s and c l a r i f i e d the purpose and s t r u c t u r e of the survey. Between November 1994 and June 1995 the Centre wrote twenty-one l e t t e r s to the e d i t o r s of various p u b l i c a t i o n s and complained to the producers of CBC Newsworld about Fekete's comments when he appeared on t h e i r program. A manager of the VAW a l s o defended the survey i n a commentary published i n the Toronto Globe and Mail (Johnson 1994), which she concluded by again r e t u r n i n g to the theme of r e p u t a t i o n : ' I t i s l u d i c r o u s to t h i n k that t h i s agency would jeopardize i t s worldwide r e p u t a t i o n w i t h i n f l a t e d f i g u r e s about such a contentious s o c i a l i s s u e . ' The long-term i m p l i c a t i o n s of t h i s i n c i d e n t are not c l e a r . The Centre and S t a t i s t i c s Canada stand by the f i n d i n g s of the VAW survey, which they see as not only v a l i d 2 4 8 but groundbreaking. Other c o u n t r i e s have modeled t h e i r s t u d i e s on v i o l e n c e against women on the VAW survey. Nonetheless, people who worked on the Canadian survey concede that the p u b l i c controversy l e f t a bad t a s t e i n t h e i r mouths, and that r e p u t a t i o n s , both i n s t i t u t i o n a l and personal, have been n e g a t i v e l y a f f e c t e d . I f one of Fekete's o r i g i n a l aims was to t a r n i s h the r e p u t a t i o n of S t a t i s t i c s Canada and the Centre, he appears to have had some degree of success. Agenda S e t t i n g While the Centre purports to be removed from p o l i t i c a l concerns, t h e i r d e c i s i o n s about the types of s t u d i e s they w i l l undertake are i n h e r e n t l y p o l i t i c a l . In a review of the Centre's r e p o r t s , Doob (1993: 13) emphasizes that t h e i r 'choice of what data to present and the manner i n which i t i s presented make the i n f o r m a t i o n anything but n e u t r a l . The CCJS c o n s t a n t l y i s making " p o l i t i c a l " d e c i s i o n s on what i t examines and how i t examines i t . ' Decisions about what t o p i c s to i n v e s t i g a t e both r e f l e c t and c o n t r i b u t e to s e t t i n g the p o l i t i c a l agenda, as the importance of the issues s i n g l e d out f o r a t t e n t i o n are r e i n f o r c e d while t o p i c s that are ignored are i m p l i c i t l y seen to be l e s s s e r i o u s or p r e s s i n g . As s t r a t e g i e s aimed at governing the p o p u l a t i o n and systems are u l t i m a t e l y r e l a t e d to the a v a i l a b i l i t y of 2 4 9 knowledge about the p o p u l a t i o n , then such d e c i s i o n s about what types of surveys to conduct w i l l a l s o i n f l u e n c e the types of governmental s t r a t e g i e s that can be developed. I f the Centre's choice of t o p i c s i s i n e v i t a b l y p o l i t i c a l , whose agenda i s being furthered? Whose concerns and p r i o r i t i e s are r e i n f o r c e d ? Given the o r g a n i z a t i o n a l s t r u c t u r e of the Centre, i t i s not s u r p r i s i n g to l e a r n that the answer i s 'the j u r i s d i c t i o n s . ' The knowledge the Centre produces i s p r i m a r i l y i n the s e r v i c e of the j u r i s d i c t i o n a l a c t o r s : [The deputies] are the people who are the d e f i n i n g f a c t o r i n t h i s and they want us to coordinate and b r i n g together whatever i s necessary from t h e i r j u r i s d i c t i o n s to achieve defined ends. So our whole process i s now designed around t h a t . That i s one of the reasons why we t r y to stay knowledgeable about the s o - c a l l e d p o l i c y -management agenda of the partner's i n the I n i t i a t i v e . We design our products to address t h a t . We design our d e c i s i o n making items that go to LOC and JIC w i t h that i n mind: 'Does t h i s address something they are i n t e r e s t e d in? Are they pushing f o r i t ? ' We t r y to be as responsive as p o s s i b l e to them. I mean, we are i n the c i v i l courts development because they wanted t h a t . We are i n t o the l e g a l a i d cost i n d i c a t o r s because that i s what they wanted. We are working up some p o s s i b l e i n d i c a t o r s of j u s t i c e , s o c i a l j u s t i c e , because they want high l e v e l i n d i c a t o r s of the j u s t i c e system. We are t y i n g to design our products to address issues that they have. The Centre's need to be responsive to j u r i s d i c t i o n a l knowledge requirements i s h a r d l y a r e c i p e f o r r a d i c a l i s m . The s t u d i e s they conduct are u n l i k e l y to s e r i o u s l y challenge vested p o l i t i c a l i n t e r e s t s . Being a component of the s t a t e 250 apparatus, they are f u r t h e r l i m i t e d i n the extent to which they can i n n o v a t i v e l y expand the parameters of t h e i r surveys. For example, any e f f o r t to increase the purview of what counts as 'violence' or 'crime' beyond the d e f i n i t i o n s e s t a b l i s h e d i n the Criminal Code i n order to make a p o l i t i c a l p o i n t would c l e a r l y be unacceptable. I t was recognized during the c o n s u l t a t i o n s l e a d i n g up to the c r e a t i o n of the Centre that a balance of re p r e s e n t a t i o n should be sought i n order to ensure that people other than o f f i c i a l c r i m i n a l j u s t i c e p r a c t i t i o n e r s and p o l i t i c i a n s could shape the d i r e c t i o n of the I n i t i a t i v e . A 'National Users Advisory C o u n c i l ' was proposed as part of the s t r u c t u r e of the I n i t i a t i v e , which was to be comprised of up to twenty-five members wit h an i n t e r e s t i n n a t i o n a l j u s t i c e s t a t i s t i c s (IWG 1981: 21). An i n d i v i d u a l who was c e n t r a l l y i n v o l v e d i n these d i s c u s s i o n s and the e a r l y establishment of the Centre recounted how t h i s forum was envisioned as a place where groups such as the media, A b o r i g i n a l groups, women's groups, the John Howard and E l i z a b e t h Fry s o c i e t i e s , e t c . , could have a voice that might serve as a c o r r e c t i v e to the e s t a b l i s h e d i n t e r e s t s of system managers and p o l i t i c i a n s . He al s o provides an explanation f o r why t h i s proposal never advanced f u r t h e r than the implementation documents: 251 I t never got o f f the ground. I t was never part of the package which was given to the Implementation Work Group to develop. Presumably that was because when [the Chairman] made h i s recommendations to the deputy m i n i s t e r s , they s a i d 'No on t h a t . I f we are p u t t i n g our resources i n t o t h i s we are going to get out of i t what we want, not what they want out of i t . ' Who wanted A b o r i g i n a l s to i n t e r f e r e i n what we are going to do? You know, i t ' s the o l d s t o r y . So i t never flew. I t was a v a l i a n t attempt to t r y and provide balance i n terms of a t r u l y n a t i o n a l , r a t h e r than a governmental, Centre f o r j u s t i c e s t a t i s t i c s . But i t never flew. I guess i t never flew because i t was k i l l e d by the deputies, but that won't be on paper anywhere. The issue of o u t s i d e r r e p r e s e n t a t i o n came up again i n the 1990s i n a LOC d i s c u s s i o n about p o t e n t i a l l y a l l o w i n g new groups to p a r t i c i p a t e i n LOC meetings. Again, t h i s proposal was turned down, t h i s time on the r a t i o n a l e that i n order to be at the t a b l e an i n d i v i d u a l had to represent a j u r i s d i c t i o n . That i s , they have to be data p r o v i d e r s and not simply i n t e r e s t e d p a r t i e s . On the one hand, t h i s i s a pragmatic and understandable d e c i s i o n i n l i g h t of the f a c t that the current s i z e of these committees already s t r e t c h e s the bounds of manageability. Centre s t a f f are a l s o conscientious about t r y i n g to meet wi t h groups who might have an i n t e r e s t i n a proposed study, but being consulted i s con s i d e r a b l y d i f f e r e n t from being a primary d e f i n e r of the Centre's agenda. Any expansion of the range of i n d i v i d u a l s and i n t e r e s t s represented i n the I n i t i a t i v e could serve to advance d i f f e r e n t governmental agendas, as these new groups would l i k e l y advocate on behalf of the c o l l e c t i o n of new 2 5 2 types of s t a t i s t i c a l i n d i c a t o r s . As a f a i r l y simple observation, one w i l l search i n v a i n f o r CCJS n a t i o n a l s t a t i s t i c s that document the number of complaints against the p o l i c e or c o r r e c t i o n a l o f f i c e r s . The i n s t i t u t i o n a l a f f i l i a t i o n s of the people i n the JIC, LOC and POLIS would undoubtedly work against any proposal to document and p u b l i c i z e such wrongdoings. J u r i s d i c t i o n a l P o l i t i c s The j o i n t f e d e r a l / p r o v i n c i a l nature of the J u s t i c e I n i t i a t i v e i s one of the most rec u r r e n t sources of p o l i t i c a l tensions w i t h i n the Centre. In order f o r the Centre to f u l f i l l i t s mandate, j u r i s d i c t i o n a l a ctors must w i l l i n g l y assume a range of complex i d e n t i t i e s . Some of the most important j u r i s d i c t i o n a l actors are the i n d i v i d u a l s who oversee the Centre's operations on the J u s t i c e Information Council and the L i a i s o n O f f i c e r Committee. Comprised of deputy m i n i s t e r s w i t h j u s t i c e r e s p o n s i b i l i t i e s and t h e i r l i a i s o n o f f i c e r r e p r e s e n t a t i v e s , these two o r g a n i z a t i o n s serve as the Centre's board of d i r e c t o r s and are r e s p o n s i b l e f o r approving the Centre's o p e r a t i o n a l p l a n as w e l l as a d v i s i n g on the future of the I n i t i a t i v e and the types of s t u d i e s the Centre should conduct. The JIC and the LOC d i f f e r markedly from corporate boards of d i r e c t o r s i n that i n s t e a d of an e x c l u s i v e l y 253 f i n a n c i a l bottom-line approach, they are extremely conscious of the p o l i t i c a l repercussions of j u s t about every facet of the Centre. Again, t h e i r i n t e r e s t i n p o l i t i c s i s not confined to p a r t y a f f i l i a t i o n s but extends to concerns about the repercussions of the Centre's knowledge on i n s t i t u t i o n a l p r a c t i c e s , funding and p u b l i c p r o f i l e . While deputy m i n i s t e r s and l i a i s o n o f f i c e r s have d e f i n i t e needs f o r s t a t i s t i c s as a b a s i s f o r s t r a t e g i e s of governance, they a l s o have concerns about the p o l i t i c a l i m p l i c a t i o n s of the Centre's s t u d i e s , the c l a s s i f i c a t i o n s they employ, and the language they use to report t h e i r f i n d i n g s . We can gain an a p p r e c i a t i o n f o r the pervasiveness of such p o l i t i c a l concerns from an examination of the o f f i c i a l r ecord of one LOC meeting i n 1993. On t h i s occasion, one l i a i s o n o f f i c e r expressed r e s e r v a t i o n s about the pla n to produce a Juristat on the number of p o l i c e o f f i c e r s k i l l e d i n Canada, ' f e a r i n g that i t may reopen the c a p i t a l punishment debate.' The pla n to produce a Juristat on v i o l e n c e against c h i l d r e n 'was canceled due to the p o t e n t i a l s e n s i t i v e nature of the t o p i c and [was] incorporated i n t o the "Compendium of A r t i c l e s Related to Family V i o l e n c e " ' planned f o r the f o l l o w i n g year. F i n a l l y , the pla n to p u b l i s h a report on crimes committed by c h i l d r e n under the age of 12 prompted one l i a i s o n o f f i c e r to express h i s concerns 'that the report could reopen the d i f f i c u l t debate over minimum age and h i s fear that the 254 media could o b t a i n the rep o r t . ' The f a c t that the knowledges r e q u i r e d f o r p r a c t i c e s of governance w i l l u l t i m a t e l y make t h e i r way i n t o the p u b l i c realm r a i s e s ongoing concerns about the p o l i t i c a l repercussions of the Centre's a c t i v i t i e s . One case which provides an extreme example of some of these j u r i s d i c t i o n a l / p o l i t i c a l dynamics i n v o l v e s the Centre's above noted e f f o r t s to produce a report about c h i l d r e n under the age of twelve who have committed c r i m i n a l a c t s . In Canada, the minimum age of c r i m i n a l r e s p o n s i b i l i t y as set out i n the Young Offenders Act i s twelve. Below that age, c h i l d r e n who o f f i c i a l l y break the law are to be d e a l t w i t h i n f o r m a l l y through t h e i r f a m i l y or r e f e r r e d to other s o c i a l s e r v i c e agencies. A study which would provide the f i r s t o f f i c i a l i n d i c a t i o n of the numbers of c h i l d r e n below the age of c r i m i n a l r e s p o n s i b i l i t y who have had dealings w i t h the p o l i c e because they have broken the law promised to provide p o l i c y - r e l e v a n t knowledge. However, the question about the age at which c h i l d r e n should be h e l d c r i m i n a l l y r e s p o n s i b l e has been a h i g h l y charged p o l i t i c a l i ssue since the i n c e p t i o n of the Young Offender's Act i n 1984. P o l i t i c i a n s , v i c t i m s r i g h t s advocates and p o l i c e a s s o c i a t i o n s have l o b b i e d hard to lower or e l i m i n a t e the minimum age p r o v i s i o n s . 255 A d r a f t of the ' c h i l d r e n under twelve' report was introduced at the 1992 LOC meeting when i t faced considerable c r i t i c i s m . The l i a i s o n o f f i c e r who c h a i r e d the meeting took issue w i t h the study's methodology, and questioned why f i v e years of crime data had been combined to produce the t a b l e i n question. The Centre's response was that by using data from only one year there would be a greater p o s s i b i l i t y that the r e s u l t a n t p r o p o r t i o n could be a s t a t i s t i c a l anomaly, so they compiled a l l of the crimes i n question f o r f i v e years and produced an average r a t e . While the Chair recognized the importance of such methodological c o n s i d e r a t i o n s he was c l e a r l y worried about the p o t e n t i a l p o l i t i c a l repercussions of r e l e a s i n g data that would c o n t a i n a f i v e year t o t a l number of crimes committed by c h i l d r e n under the age of twelve, as he b e l i e v e d t h i s could create an i n f l a t e d impression about the l e v e l of y o u t h f u l c r i m i n a l i t y . Consequently, he advised the Centre to r e v i s e the a n a l y s i s and base i t s o l e l y on 1991 data because the data f o r that year would l i k e l y provide a s i m i l a r p r o p o r t i o n of y o u t h f u l c r i m i n a l i t y while the 'absolute numbers would be smaller thus reducing the p o t e n t i a l media impact.' The controversy that surrounded t h i s study continued when i t was l a t e r introduced at a JIC meeting. One deputy m i n i s t e r r a i s e d o b j e c t i o n s to the whole idea of the re p o r t , c i t i n g the f a c t that by s t r i c t l e g a l d e f i n i t i o n c h i l d r e n 256 cannot commit crimes under the age of twelve, so the whole premise of the study was flawed. The o f f i c i a l summary of t h i s meeting d e t a i l s how he 'expressed h i s concern that the report could reopen the d i f f i c u l t debate over minimum age and h i s fear that the media could o b t a i n the re p o r t . He posed the question, i s S t a t i s t i c s Canada o b l i g e d by law to rele a s e ? ' Others i n v o l v e d i n t h i s i s s u e had t h e i r own responses to such concerns. One member r e p l i e d that while c h i l d r e n cannot be charged w i t h a crime, they can c e r t a i n l y commit c r i m i n a l a c t s , and t h i s study would provide a valuable i n d i c a t i o n of the extent of such behavior. The rep r e s e n t a t i v e f o r the p o l i c e , a constituency that has been h i g h l y v o c a l i n i t s o p p o s i t i o n to the minimum age p r o v i s i o n s , suggested that the p o l i c e on the s t r e e t continued to witness an increase i n c h i l d r e n under the age of 12 who are i n v o l v e d i n crime and that 'we cannot hide our heads i n the sand and pretend i t i s not happening.' The d i v e r s e concerns p e r t a i n i n g to these data were addressed through a compromise s o l u t i o n . Rather than p u b l i c i z e the informat i o n i n a Juristat, where i t could p o t e n t i a l l y spark an unwanted p o l i t i c a l controversy, i t was decided that the informat i o n would be made a v a i l a b l e to people who might c a l l the Centre and request such inf o r m a t i o n . Here a Centre s t a f f member i n v o l v e d i n t h i s i ssue summarizes how the controversy was resolved: 257 Instead of r e l e a s i n g the data through normal routes l i k e a Juristat, we decided to j u s t have the informati o n a v a i l a b l e through C l i e n t Services and i f somebody wanted the inf o r m a t i o n they could have i t . So we d i d not release that i n f o r m a t i o n i n the normal way. What that case i n d i c a t e s i s the f a c t that the Centre has seen a long b a t t l e over data ownership. Who i s allowed to say what goes out and what does not. In a d d i t i o n to governmental r e p r e s e n t a t i v e s , there are a host of community and p o l i t i c a l groups who are i n t e r e s t e d i n the data accumulated by the Centre. At times, they a l s o d i s p l a y the te n s i o n between a d e s i r e f o r p a r t i c u l a r forms of knowledge and a fear that the s p e c i f i c s of the knowledge might operate against t h e i r i n t e r e s t s . Such discomfort was apparent i n the Centre's development of the n a t i o n a l V i o l e n c e Against Women survey. In p r e p a r a t i o n f o r t h i s survey, the Centre consulted w i t h a number of groups and i n d i v i d u a l s i n c l u d i n g f r o n t - l i n e s e r v i c e p r o v i d e r s and fe m i n i s t agencies. Some of these i n d i v i d u a l s v a c i l l a t e d over t h i s study, while they recognized that a S t a t i s t i c s Canada p u b l i c a t i o n which demonstrated high l e v e l s of women abuse could be valuable i n focusing p u b l i c a t t e n t i o n on the problem, they a l s o feared the p o t e n t i a l l y d i s a s t r o u s consequences i f the survey reported r e l a t i v e l y low numbers of abuse. As one of the^coordinators of t h i s p r o j e c t reported, when the Centre s t a r t e d to develop the survey, 'we were g e t t i n g i t from women's groups. They were so scared that we were going to come out, that women aren't going to 258 d i s c l o s e . That you are going to come out w i t h low numbers.' Lower than a n t i c i p a t e d l e v e l s of reported abuse could d e t r a c t a t t e n t i o n from an important i s s u e . Such numbers could a l s o be used to challenge the status of these groups as the l e g i t i m a t e owners of the p u b l i c problem of abuse against women ( G u s f i e l d 1989) and t h e i r c l a i m to speak on behalf of a wider constituency of women. One manager of the survey summarized the fears of some of these women's groups about the prospect that the survey might produce r e l a t i v e l y low numbers as: ' i f i t comes from Stats Canada, you w i l l r u i n us.' As i t turned out, the women's groups need not have been o v e r l y concerned about t h i s p o t e n t i a l problem, as the f i n d i n g s a f f i r m e d t h e i r b e l i e f s about a l a r m i n g l y high l e v e l s of abuse of Canadian women. In summary, one of the greatest sources of i n t e r n a l p o l i t i c a l t e n s i o n d e r i v e s from the f a c t that the Centre, as p a r t of S t a t i s t i c ' s Canada, i s mandated to make t h e i r knowledge p u b l i c l y a v a i l a b l e . The working axiom i n the c r i m i n a l j u s t i c e system i s very d i f f e r e n t from the a d v e r t i s i n g slogan, embraced by p o l i t i c i a n s and others on the p u b l i c stage, that 'any p u b l i c i t y i s good p u b l i c i t y . ' For j u r i s d i c t i o n a l a c t o r s , p u b l i c i t y always b r i n g s w i t h i t the prospect of negative p o l i t i c a l repercussions (e.g. E r i c s o n , Baranek and Chan 1989). Many j u r i s d i c t i o n a l r e p r e s e n t a t i v e s and data p r o v i d e r s would be more than happy 259 to r e c e i v e s t a t i s t i c a l i n f o r m a t i o n about the j u s t i c e system and not have to make that knowledge p u b l i c l y a v a i l a b l e . As a r e s u l t , Centre s t a f f can f i n d themselves i n s i t u a t i o n s where they have to p l a c a t e j u r i s d i c t i o n a l concerns and soothe a n x i e t i e s about p o t e n t i a l p u b l i c r e a c t i o n s to t h e i r d i f f e r e n t p r o j e c t s . Such concerns have been at the heart of co n t r o v e r s i e s over who owns the Centre's data. Data Ownership In the past quarter-century one of the i n s i g h t s of the s o c i a l sciences which has re c e i v e d considerable p u b l i c commentary i s the p r o p o s i t i o n that there i s now an increased s o c i a l and f i n a n c i a l importance attached to knowledge. No longer i s knowledge e x c l u s i v e l y viewed as a s o c i a l good, i t i s now i n c r e a s i n g l y approached as a commodity, something that i s capable of being owned to the e x c l u s i o n of others ( B e l l 1973; Stehr 1994; S c h i l l e r 1996). For the CCJS, concerns regarding the ownership of knowledge are not p u r e l y the s t u f f of p h i l o s o p h i c a l r e f l e c t i o n , but have been at the heart of pragmatic p o l i t i c a l s t r u g g l e s , s t r u g g l e s that again r e v e a l the dynamic tensions inherent i n the production of governmental knowledge. In the e a r l y 1990s, a number of l i a i s o n o f f i c e r s s t a r t e d to v o c a l i z e the idea that because the Centre r e l i e s on j u r i s d i c t i o n a l data f o r i t s p u b l i c a t i o n s , these 260 j u r i s d i c t i o n s should have greater say i n what m a t e r i a l i s p u b l i c l y r e l e a s e d and the way i n which these r e l e a s e s should be s t r u c t u r e d . This d e s i r e arose out of the perc e p t i o n among some l i a i s o n o f f i c e r s that they had repeatedly provided the Centre w i t h the length of rope w i t h which t h e i r j u r i s d i c t i o n was subsequently hung. In surrendering t h e i r data to the Centre, they allowed the p u b l i c release of data which could, and i n v a r i a b l y d i d , make at l e a s t one j u r i s d i c t i o n look worse than a l l the others. I t was a concern that evolved i n t o a s t r u g g l e over who a c t u a l l y 'owned' the data, w i t h some l i a i s o n o f f i c e r s m a i n taining that because the data o r i g i n a t e d i n the j u r i s d i c t i o n s , i t remained, i n e f f e c t , the property of the j u r i s d i c t i o n s who could do wi t h i t as they saw f i t . The minutes of a 1994 LOC meeting suggested that the term 'data ownership' came to s i g n i f y 'that the "owner" of the data r e t a i n s a u t h o r i t y to decide whether and when they are released.' One Centre respondent i n v o l v e d i n n e g o t i a t i o n s over data ownership i n d i c a t e d that the j u r i s d i c t i o n a l c l a i m to ownership had considerable 'clout' because '[the j u r i s d i c t i o n s ] can say: 'Well, we j u s t won't give you the data.' In which case you then have a hole. I t i s a r e a l b a r t e r , give and take whenever the LOC meets.' To augment t h e i r claims to ownership, some l i a i s o n o f f i c e r s a sserted that the p r o v i s i o n s o u t l i n e d i n the Statistics Act to 261 p r o t e c t the p r i v a c y of i n d i v i d u a l s a c t u a l l y extended to the p r i v a c y of o r g a n i z a t i o n a l and i n s t i t u t i o n a l data p r o v i d e r s . The i m p l i c a t i o n s of such an argument was that while data could be released, the j u r i s d i c t i o n s could not be i d e n t i f i e d , a s i t u a t i o n which could undermine much of the value of n a t i o n a l i n d i c a t o r s . Such a fundamental weakening of the Centre d i d not appear to be the aim of the l i a i s o n o f f i c e r ' s , who were more i n t e n t on a c q u i r i n g a greater say i n how releas e s were s t r u c t u r e d and whether s p e c i f i c reports should be p u b l i c l y r e l e a s e d at a l l . For the Centre, the b a t t l e over data ownership was a high-stakes i s s u e , as the prospect of a l l the j u r i s d i c t i o n s a c q u i r i n g a say as to whether a report should be p u b l i c l y r e l e a s e d r a i s e d the p o s s i b i l i t y that the Centre's p u b l i c releases would g r i n d to a s t a n d s t i l l . Given that some j u r i s d i c t i o n was bound to look worse than a l l of the others on any i n d i v i d u a l i n d i c a t o r , there was the p o s s i b i l i t y of heated p o l i t i c a l squabbles each time a survey was set f o r re l e a s e . Here two senior members of the Centre i n v o l v e d i n t h i s issue r e f l e c t on what was at issue i n the debate over 'data ownership': I t was the u l t i m a t e s t r u g g l e f o r who owns the data. Now, l i a i s o n o f f i c e r X, I t h i n k reasoned, i f we could win the data ownership argument then we would a l s o have u l t i m a t e c o n t r o l over 'does t h i s go out or doesn't i t ? Does i t go out w i t h my changes or not?' Those kinds of th i n g s . 'And I i n s i s t on my p a r t i c u l a r p e r s p e c t i v e . ' 262 I t was a r e a l p o i n t of contention because of the anxiet y of some of the partners who were l e s s sympathetic to access issues... I t was t h e i r data, they gave i t to us. The only reason they gave i t to us was because they had to, so they own i t . I f we want you t o , as Board of D i r e c t o r members, i f we want you to do a s p e c i a l study on issue X, you only give i t to us, nobody e l s e can have i t . A f t e r two years of back-and-forth committee work, n e g o t i a t i o n s and l e g a l opinions, the issue of who u l t i m a t e l y c o n t r o l l e d the data was re s o l v e d i n favor of the Centre. I t was one of the only instances i n the Centre's ongoing e f f o r t s to secure j u r i s d i c t i o n a l p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n the Centre's extended knowledge network that an e x p l i c i t appeal had to be made to the Statistics Act. The lawyers who examined these issues concluded that the j u r i s d i c t i o n s are l e g a l l y r e q u i r e d to provide the data to S t a t i s t i c s Canada, who maintain e f f e c t i v e c o n t r o l over the data and have an o b l i g a t i o n to p u b l i c i z e t h e i r f i n d i n g s . Furthermore, they a l s o concluded t h a t , i n general, the p r i v a c y p r o v i s i o n s do not extend to t h e . p r o t e c t i o n of the i d e n t i t y of or g a n i z a t i o n s , although there was an important caveat on t h i s f i n d i n g which has been e x p l o i t e d by at l e a s t one j u r i s d i c t i o n , as we discuss below. The general tendency of LOC and JIC members to be concerned about the p o l i t i c a l repercussions of the Centre's knowledge on t h e i r r e s p e c t i v e j u r i s d i c t i o n s can be even 263 f u r t h e r complicated when they are connected w i t h recurrent f e d e r a l and p r o v i n c i a l t e nsions. Given that both of these l e v e l s of government are represented at the LOC and JIC t a b l e s , other p o l i t i c a l a n i m o s i t i e s can become part of the unspoken agenda: That i s the other t h i n g , a l l of the p o l i t i c s of f e d e r a l / p r o v i n c i a l r e l a t i o n s are acted out i n these committee meetings. The j u r i s d i c t i o n i s mad at Ottawa f o r whatever reason. They come to these p a r t i c u l a r meetings and they act out the f r u s t r a t i o n s of t h e i r p r o v i n c i a l government on t h i s matter, which has nothing to do w i t h whatever i t i s . Such tensions can i n f l u e n c e the a v a i l a b i l i t y of s t a t i s t i c a l i n d i c a t o r s which could be employed i n the governance of the c r i m i n a l j u s t i c e system. For example, people working i n the Centre's courts program f r e q u e n t l y commented on one p a r t i c u l a r province that combined j u r i s d i c t i o n a l s e l f - i n t e r e s t w i t h a resentment of i n i t i a t i v e s that o r i g i n a t e from the nation's c a p i t a l . A long-standing thorn i n the side of attempts to produce n a t i o n a l c r i m i n a l j u s t i c e s t a t i s t i c s , t h i s province (province X) was perceived w i t h i n the Centre as having a 'go i t your own way' approach. One place i n which t h i s combination of r e l u c t a n t f e d e r a l i s m and j u r i s d i c t i o n a l s e l f -i n t e r e s t manifests i t s e l f i n the Centre's numbers concerns the courts' 'resources, expenditures and personnel' (REP) Juristat. REP surveys are a mainstay of the Centre, 264 conducted on various segments of the c r i m i n a l j u s t i c e system (Courts, C o r r e c t i o n s , Prosecutions, P o l i c e ) i n attempts to acquire an a p p r e c i a t i o n f o r the r e l a t i v e costs of these programs and s e r v i c e s . While they are a valuable source of n a t i o n a l data f o r s t r a t e g i e s that aim to govern the c r i m i n a l j u s t i c e system, such surveys have tended to be c o n t r o v e r s i a l because of p r o v i n c i a l d i f f e r e n c e s i n f i n a n c i a l accounting p r a c t i c e s and acute p o l i t i c a l s e n s i t i v i t i e s about costs and expenses. Several Centre s t a f f recounted ongoing s t r u g g l e s w i t h province X to get them to provide d e t a i l e d i n f o r m a t i o n f o r the courts REP survey. As i t c u r r e n t l y stands, the Centre produces a courts REP Juristat, but w i t h data elements that are seen to be very 'high l e v e l ' and l a c k i n g i n d e t a i l . In t h e i r e f f o r t s to acquire greater d e t a i l , the Centre proposed the development of a 'cost per case' i n d i c a t o r to provide i n f o r m a t i o n about the comparative costs of processing a s i n g l e case through the c o u r t s . Several Centre s t a f f commented on J u r i s d i c t i o n X's reluctance to p a r t i c i p a t e i n the development of t h i s measure, and suggested that i n a d d i t i o n to anti-Ottawa sentiment, there were more p r a c t i c a l reasons why t h i s j u r i s d i c t i o n opposed the c o l l e c t i o n of more d e t a i l e d courts REP data. S p e c i f i c a l l y , t h e i r aversion was a t t r i b u t e d to the f a c t that t h i s j u r i s d i c t i o n had court costs which were con s i d e r a b l y higher than the norm and they 265 d i d not want to p u b l i c i z e t h i s f a c t i n any greater d e t a i l than was necessary. The a b i l i t y of t h i s province to sidestep the Centre's d e s i r e f o r d e t a i l e d courts REP data i s r e l a t e d to how i t has been able to invoke a s u b t l e l e g a l d i s t i n c t i o n concerning p r i v a c y . As mentioned, the p r i v a c y p r o v i s i o n s of the Statistics Act have been i n t e r p r e t e d to apply only to i n d i v i d u a l s and not to o r g a n i z a t i o n s . However, province X has r e l i e d on the l e g a l p r o v i s o that the i d e n t i t y of o r g a n i z a t i o n s can be p r o t e c t e d i f the i n f o r m a t i o n being reported i s r e l a t e d to i t s expenses and operations, as opposed to being about i t s workload. Here a respondent provides a n i c e c l a r i f i c a t i o n of t h i s d i s t i n c t i o n : You see i n the Statistics Act, whether i t i s i n d i v i d u a l s or o r g a n i z a t i o n s , the c o n f i d e n t i a l i t y r u l e i s p r e t t y much the same. An o r g a n i z a t i o n can i n s i s t upon i t s c o n f i d e n t i a l i t y , and a l l businesses of course do. S i m i l a r l y I guess that p r o t e c t i o n i s a v a i l a b l e to government departments. So t h i s data ownership is s u e i s complicated a l i t t l e bit... When the o r g a n i z a t i o n i s r e p o r t i n g i n f o r m a t i o n about i t s e l f , t hat i s the f i n a n c i a l personnel information, i t can e x e r c i s e the c o n f i d e n t i a l i t y . I f the o r g a n i z a t i o n i s r e p o r t i n g i n f o r m a t i o n about i t s c l i e n t ' s p o p u l a t i o n and caseload, that i s e n t i r e l y secondary, i t ' s not about i t s e l f and they are r e q u i r e d to report t h a t . Since the courts' resources, expenditures and personnel survey i s concerned w i t h court expenses, province X has invoked t h i s d i s t i n c t i o n to b o l s t e r t h e i r c l a i m that they need not supply d e t a i l e d REP i n f o r m a t i o n to the Centre. The 266 r e s u l t has been that the Centre publishes the survey using the comparatively low l e v e l of d e t a i l provided by t h i s province. I n t e r e s t i n g l y however, the Centre could opt to, p u b l i s h the survey w i t h the more d e t a i l e d data s u p p l i e d by the other j u r i s d i c t i o n s and simply footnote the d i f f e r e n t r e p o r t i n g conventions f o r province X as an anomaly. Some Centre personnel thought that such a s t r a t e g y might be a means to pressure province X i n t o complying w i t h the p r e s c r i b e d r e p o r t i n g conventions: The f a c t i s that we only put out the resources, expenditures and personnel i n the courts area at the l e v e l which province X provides us, because, as I say, to go below that l e v e l would be to expose them. So that means, qu i t e a l i m i t e d release... The only p a r t that comes down to the gentleman's agreement part of i t i s we could provide more d e t a i l e d data f o r a l l the other j u r i s d i c t i o n s w i t h t h e i r agreement and leave X to e x p l a i n i t s e l f . The only t r o u b l e i s that I t h i n k X would b r i n g to the t a b l e the idea that i f you agree to release your data i t puts us i n an awkward p o s i t i o n . They might get some sympathy from two or three other [ j u r i s d i c t i o n s ] on t h a t . As the above quote i l l u s t r a t e s , a s t r a t e g y which would i s o l a t e one province was seen to p o t e n t i a l l y exacerbate tensions and could perhaps even give t h i s j u r i s d i c t i o n some added sympathy from i t s j u r i s d i c t i o n a l counterparts. In l i g h t of these l e g a l / p o l i t i c a l c o m p l e x i t i e s , the Centre has decided to continue producing the courts REP survey at the lowest common denominator provided by Province X. 267 The lengths to which t h i s p a r t i c u l a r j u r i s d i c t i o n has gone to e x t r i c a t e i t s e l f from some of the r e p o r t i n g requirements of a Centre survey i s e x c e p t i o n a l . I t i s now g e n e r a l l y accepted that the Centre owns the data and the j u r i s d i c t i o n s are o b l i g e d to provide the inf o r m a t i o n v i a the forms and categories worked out among the p a r t i c i p a n t s . Nonetheless, i t does dramatize the f a c t that s e n i o r members of the Centre are c o n s t a n t l y i n d i s c u s s i o n and n e g o t i a t i o n about data c o l l e c t i o n w i t h a powerful committee s t r u c t u r e comprised of i n d i v i d u a l s who have p o l i t i c a l i n t e r e s t s i n the content of the Centre's r e p o r t s . Such s t r u g g l e s and ne g o t i a t i o n s w i t h p o l i t i c a l i n t e r e s t s can make some forms of knowledge convenient to ob t a i n while making other p o t e n t i a l l y u s e f u l governmental knowledges e s s e n t i a l l y u n a v a i l a b l e . Data Dissemination As i t became i n c r e a s i n g l y apparent that the issue of who owned the data would be re s o l v e d i n the Centre's favor, d i s c u s s i o n turned to concerns about 'data dissemination.' The e x p l i c i t aim of such d i s c u s s i o n s was to develop more form a l i z e d procedures to plan, organize and r a t i o n a l i z e the Centre's p u b l i c a t i o n s . Not being able to c o n t r o l the rel e a s e of unpalatable f i n d i n g s , the j u r i s d i c t i o n s sought greater input i n t o the Centre's communications s t r a t e g y . Some of 2 6 8 t h e i r s p e c i f i c concerns revolved around the development of more ro u t i n e communication between the Centre and the j u r i s d i c t i o n s , the tim i n g and c l u s t e r i n g of releases and an e x p l i c i t schedule f o r p r e - p u b l i c a t i o n review of Juristats by the j u r i s d i c t i o n s . In the name of r a t i o n a l i z a t i o n , f a m i l i a r p o l i t i c a l concerns have a l s o o c c a s i o n a l l y been manifest i n the Centre's communication s t r a t e g y . One component of these r a t i o n a l i z a t i o n s which had p o l i t i c a l overtones concerned the c a l l f o r greater r e f l e c t i o n on the tim i n g of the Centre's r e l e a s e s . Some l i a i s o n o f f i c e r s suggested that inopportune t i m i n g of releases could r e s u l t i n awkward moments i n the House of Commons or i n the p r o v i n c i a l l e g i s l a t u r e s . Consequently, they sought to have the tim i n g of releases more c l o s e l y coordinated w i t h the p o l i t i c a l imperatives of the day, as the f o l l o w i n g quote from a 1993 L i a i s o n O f f i c e r Committee meeting i n d i c a t e s : The Chairman proposed that the ti m i n g of Centre products was very important, and the rel e a s e of these products should be c a r e f u l l y timed to f i t the co n s i d e r a t i o n of the issue by the policy-makers. In t h i s context, he suggested that i t would be ina p p r o p r i a t e to release a Juristat on " P r o s t i t u t i o n " i n the s p r i n g of 1993, j u s t a f t e r the Deputies w i l l be r e l e a s i n g t h e i r report w i t h t h e i r p o l i c y recommendations. Notwithstanding the d e s i r e s of d i f f e r e n t l i a i s o n o f f i c e r s or deputy m i n i s t e r s , the degree to which the Centre 269 can respond to p o l i t i c a l concerns about the t i m i n g of t h e i r r eleases should not be overstated. Given the i n c r e d i b l e amount of p r e p a r a t i o n and lead-time necessary to produce a p u b l i c a t i o n , t h e i r releases cannot be rushed to correspond wi t h f a s t - b r e a k i n g p o l i t i c a l developments. Even the prospect of d e l a y i n g a release i s complicated by the f a c t that the Centre must conform to a t i g h t schedule f o r S t a t i s t i c s Canada releases which i s e s t a b l i s h e d months i n advance. The p o l i t i c s of release t i m i n g can more e x p l i c i t l y come i n t o p l a y i n those s i t u a t i o n s where there i s s u f f i c i e n t lead-time to schedule a release so that i t c o i n c i d e s w i t h a p o l i t i c a l l y symbolic event. This was the case i n 1993 when some l i a i s o n o f f i c e r s suggested that s p e c i f i c Centre p u b l i c a t i o n s might be timed to c o i n c i d e w i t h ' P o l i c e Week' or the annual meeting of the Canadian A s s o c i a t i o n of C h i e f s of P o l i c e . There was a l s o a r e l a t e d proposal that a Centre p u b l i c a t i o n on o f f i c e r s k i l l e d while on duty be r e l e a s e d to c o i n c i d e w i t h the u n v e i l i n g of a monument on Parliament H i l l which would commemorate p o l i c e and c o r r e c t i o n a l o f f i c e r s k i l l e d i n the l i n e of duty. Under the banner of communication planning a l s o came concerns about the t o p i c a l and temporal c l u s t e r i n g of r e l e a s e s . Some members of the I n i t i a t i v e were under the impression that the combination of the t i m i n g and t o p i c s of the Centre's releases c o n t r i b u t e d to increased p u b l i c fears 270 about crime. Indeed, shocking s t a t i s t i c s about crime or other s o c i a l problems have become a r o u t i n e p a r t of the claims-making by p o l i t i c a l movements and i n media r e p o r t i n g (Orcutt and Turner 1993; Best 1989). As one l i a i s o n o f f i c e r cautioned i n 1993: 'We must take great care to pla n [releases] so that we do not release a whole s e r i e s of products that r a i s e s p u b l i c concern on matters of s a f e t y d i r e c t l y as a r e s u l t of CCJS information.' While the j u r i s d i c t i o n a l r e p r e s e n t a t i v e s spoke of a d e s i r e f o r a more . 'balanced' coverage of crime and c r i m i n a l j u s t i c e , many Centre s t a f f saw t h i s as a euphemism f o r a d e s i r e to reduce the number of 'bad news' crime s t o r i e s i n p u b l i c c i r c u l a t i o n . Indeed, the documents from a 1996 LOC meeting suggest that i n the s e l e c t i o n of t o p i c s f o r study 'a balance be sought between "good and bad news" to f o s t e r a more balanced p u b l i c p e rception of the j u s t i c e system.' Given that Centre s t a f f do not know one year to the next whether t h e i r various i n d i c e s w i l l r i s e or f a l l , such advance planning f o r the type of s t o r y they w i l l be communicating i s obvi o u s l y complicated, i f not impossible. I f p o l i t i c i a n s cannot c o n t r o l the nature of the s t o r y t h a t comes out of the Centre, some b e l i e v e that i t may at times be best to t r y to reduce the o v e r a l l number of re l e a s e s . For example, the Centre used to produce a separate Juristat f o r both the homicide data as w e l l as the UCR crime 271 data. These were combined i n t o a s i n g l e r e l e a s e p a r t i a l l y out of a concern that having two releases increased p u b l i c fears about crime. The Centre was a l s o i n the h a b i t of r e l e a s i n g a number of p u b l i c a t i o n s over the course of a s i n g l e year drawn from the same survey, where a p r e l i m i n a r y release of crime s t a t i s t i c s would be followed a few months l a t e r by the f i n a l s t a t i s t i c s . This too was seen to have an undesirable e f f e c t on p u b l i c perceptions of crime as i t could l e a d to the s i t u a t i o n where an increase of crime would be i n i t i a l l y reported and then a few months l a t e r the same increase would be reported again. Members of the LOC saw t h i s as unacceptable because they b e l i e v e d that the p u b l i c would be l e f t w i t h the impression that there were ongoing increases i n the crime r a t e when i n f a c t , only a s i n g l e increase was being reported. A senior member of the Centre summarized the t h r u s t of these d i s c u s s i o n s about amalgamating p u b l i c a t i o n s to avoid such p u b l i c misperceptions: The p o i n t s of focus were ' w i l l t h i s product r e s u l t i n the r e - r e l e a s e of data that has already been rele a s e d i n some other product, l e a d i n g to the impression i n the p u b l i c mind that i n J u l y there was a r e l e a s e w i t h a 10% increase i n v i o l e n t crime o v e r a l l , coming out of the main crime r e l e a s e , and then a 'violence' Juristat coming out at the end of September i n which t h i s 10% increase i n v i o l e n t crime would again be c i t e d i n the context of that p a r t i c u l a r i s s u e being d e a l t w i t h . ' Leaving the p u b l i c w i t h the s i t u a t i o n where they were g e t t i n g a splash on the newspaper i n J u l y , another splash because of the major release i n September and then the main crime p u b l i c a t i o n would come out i n 272 December once they had a l l of the data and a n a l y s i s done to put out the b i g t h i n g , as opposed to the i n i t i a l r e l e a s e . And yet another splash i n the newspaper w i t h 10%. So the p u b l i c i s g e t t i n g barraged over and over again w i t h e s s e n t i a l l y the same number. While i t i s understandable that l i a i s o n o f f i c e r s sought to manage p u b l i c perceptions about crime, t h e i r claims that the Centre was f o s t e r i n g a cl i m a t e of fear were undoubtedly overstated. Some members of the Centre f e l t t hat such accusations amounted to an e x e r c i s e i n shooting the messenger. Others asserted that the d a i l y media barrage of crime and v i o l e n c e would have a f a r greater i n f l u e n c e on p u b l i c fears about crime than any i n f l u e n c e of a twice or t h r i c e r e l e a s e d set of s t a t i s t i c a l i n d i c a t o r s . Nonetheless, such r a t i o n a l i z a t i o n s of the Centre's communication p l a n are another example of how p o l i t i c a l c o n s i d e r a t i o n s penetrate some of the Centre's most mundane processes. S t a n d a r d i z a t i o n Measurement systems employ agreed upon c r i t e r i a to demarcate the contours of the object(s) being s t u d i e d and the u n i t s of measurement to be employed. S t a n d a r d i z a t i o n provides such c r i t e r i a through the e l i m i n a t i o n of h i s t o r i c a l l y or l o c a l l y s p e c i f i c measurement p r a c t i c e s and the c r e a t i o n of a community of i n d i v i d u a l s who are able to communicate i n the same language about the same phenomena. In the case of the CCJS, the standards developed to demarcate the various 273 phenomena to be described are the r e s u l t of n e g o t i a t i o n s amongst the Centre and the d i f f e r e n t j u r i s d i c t i o n s . This process o c c a s i o n a l l y introduces p o l i t i c a l s e l f - i n t e r e s t i n t o the s p e c i f i c d e t a i l s of the development of the objects of s t a t i s t i c a l governance. I d e a l l y , i n order f o r the r e s u l t s of s c i e n t i f i c experiments to be comparable, the same measurements must be taken of standardized objects on i d e n t i c a l instruments by s c i e n t i s t s and t e c h n i c i a n s who are d i s c i p l i n e d i n t o a regime of observation and documentation. The s c i e n t i f i c p u r i f y i n g impulse seeks to remove any v a r i a b i l i t y i n the objects on which s c i e n t i s t s operate. As Porter (1995: 32) a s s e r t s , 'What we c a l l the u n i f o r m i t y of nature i s i n p r a c t i c e a triumph of human o r g a n i z a t i o n - of r e g u l a t i o n , education, manufacturing, and method.' Rather than science operating on the raw m a t e r i a l of nature, the m a t e r i a l s subject to s c i e n t i f i c s c r u t i n y and manipulation u s u a l l y a r r i v e at the la b o r a t o r y pre-standardized. For example, the homogenization of n a t u r a l d i f f e r e n c e s i n the a i d of s c i e n t i f i c i n t e r v e n t i o n i s the stock and trade of commercial l a b o r a t o r y supply houses who provide p u r i f i e d assays, chemicals, minerals and animals, which have no counterparts i n the n a t u r a l world. Science does not simply f i n d a n a t u r a l order i n the phenomena i t s t u d i e s , but creates u n i f o r m i t y through s t a n d a r d i z a t i o n (Rouse 1987, chap. 4 ) . 274 There are a number of generic a t t r i b u t e s that t y p i f y processes of s t a n d a r d i z a t i o n that p l a y themselves out i n the Centre. F i r s t , there i s of t e n a te n s i o n between the d e s i r e by d i s t a n t governments or commercial i n t e r e s t s f o r u n i f o r m i t y and the l o c a l i z e d investment i n p a r t i c u l a r standards which have been developed to serve l o c a l needs. Second, l o c a l standards are more than simply ways to demarcate d i f f e r e n t phenomena; they are i m p l i c a t e d i n broader p o l i t i c a l symbolism whereby the continued adherence to even antiquated l o c a l standards are a means to s y m b o l i c a l l y d i s t i n g u i s h regions from the d e s i r e s of d i s t a n t governments. F i n a l l y , the production of standards i n v o l v e s a process of n e g o t i a t i o n , as p r o f e s s i o n a l s work out the standards which are fo r m a l i z e d i n t o o f f i c i a l r u l e s f o r how to deal w i t h the p a r t i c u l a r s of i n d i v i d u a l cases. For the Centre, s t a n d a r d i z a t i o n r e f e r s to the establishment of common d e f i n i t i o n s of the world which become fo r m a l i z e d i n r u l e s f o r how to count and document events, people, places and t h i n g s . When a survey i s implemented or r e v i s e d , considerable time i s of t e n r e q u i r e d to secure agreement on such r u l e s . J u s t i c e o f f i c i a l s and p r a c t i t i o n e r s are i n t i m a t e l y aware that there are various ways to count an ' a l t e r n a t i v e measure,' ' c o r r e c t i o n a l admission', e t c . In t h e i r attempts to agree on a n a t i o n a l d e f i n i t i o n f o r such phenomena the Centre o c c a s i o n a l l y 275 encounters entrenched p o l i t i c a l i n t e r e s t s , as l o c a l j u r i s d i c t i o n s consider the consequences of employing one standard over another. New d e f i n i t i o n s can make j u r i s d i c t i o n s appear comparably b e t t e r or worse depending upon the s p e c i f i c s of t h e i r counting r u l e s . Consequently, p o l i t i c a l r e s e r v a t i o n s about the s p e c i f i c s of standards can o c c a s i o n a l l y stop a survey from ever g e t t i n g o f f the ground or from c o l l e c t i n g the l e v e l of d e t a i l that might otherwise have been d e s i r a b l e . This s e c t i o n explores some of the Centre's e f f o r t s to standardize. I do so i n order to document the p o l i t i c s that can shape the contours of the very objects towards which governmental s t r a t e g i e s are d i r e c t e d . The examples are drawn from a number of d i f f e r e n t surveys, but other examples could have been employed. These have been chosen because they were r e l a t i v e l y current at the time of the research and were s t i l l f r e s h i n people's minds. The disadvantage of such an approach i s that i n some cases the f i n a l form which these standards u l t i m a t e l y assumed remains unclear. However, the i n t e n t i s to demonstrate a dynamic process more than an end product, and a focus on emergent standards allows us to acquire i n s i g h t s i n t o t h e i r negotiated and conventional nature. Once i n place, i t can be d i f f i c u l t to a s c e r t a i n why one counting r u l e was adopted over another, or even to recognize that other standards were ever p o s s i b l e . As a 2 7 6 former member of the Centre observed, 'A survey that i s i n progress has a l i f e of i t s own. I t goes on and people c o l l e c t i t and people send i t . I t i s during those e a r l y stages when you are developing a new survey, you are t r y i n g to d e fine what elements are, where things get t r i c k y . ' One f r u i t f u l way to t h i n k about the Centre i s as a n a t i o n a l impetus to s t a n d a r d i z a t i o n . A former member of the CCJS summarized t h i s aspect of the Centre i n t h i s regard: I t h i n k i t i s to the p o i n t where the provinces spend m i l l i o n s of d o l l a r s to have t h e i r own d e f i n i t i o n s , t h e i r own s t a n d a r d i z a t i o n , but as they then r e v i s e t h e i r systems down the road, they w i l l then look to implement [the Centre's] standards, i f they can. So as a fo r c e , the CCJS i s very important i n pushing forward that common view. On my very f i r s t day at the Centre I expressed to one of my contacts my i n t e r e s t i n standards. His response was: 'Well, t h a t ' s what we are a l l about.' As the research progressed i t became apparent that he had not over s t a t e d the case. Although e f f o r t s to standardize are the norm at the Centre, t h i s i s not to say that i n p r a c t i c e i t has become ro u t i n e or s t r a i g h t f o r w a r d . The same i n d i v i d u a l l a t e r recounted how the implementation of standards i s 'not easy' and i s o f t e n 'contentious', nonetheless, they must secure a buy-in from the j u r i s d i c t i o n s 'or there i s no p o i n t . ' As w i t h most things r e l a t e d to the Centre, the dynamics of f e d e r a l / p r o v i n c i a l r e l a t i o n s can i n f l u e n c e the 277 development of standards. The Centre i s o f t e n t r y i n g to develop a uniform n a t i o n a l set of standards f o r i n s t i t u t i o n s which have already e s t a b l i s h e d t h e i r own set of l o c a l standards that have been developed over time i n response to l o c a l i z e d needs and i n t e r e s t s . The s p e c i f i c s of p r o v i n c i a l programs or l o c a l demands f o r a c c o u n t a b i l i t y can make c e r t a i n d e f i n i t i o n s of processes and a c t i v i t i e s p a r t i c u l a r l y a ppropriate. They can a l s o prompt the development of l o c a l l y i d i o s y n c r a t i c counting r u l e s . As a r e s u l t , the n a t i o n a l impetus to u n i f o r m i t y can be embraced, i f the n a t i o n a l standard corresponds w i t h e x i s t i n g l o c a l p r a c t i c e s , or a l t e r n a t i v e l y , i t can be resented and r e s i s t e d i f i t means that there must be changes to long-standing l o c a l counting r u l e s , a d m i n i s t r a t i v e procedures or computer systems. Here a senior member of the CCJS recounts some of the tensions inherent i n t r y i n g to get l o c a l agencies to employ the standards developed by the Centre: When you come along and say ' i n order f o r us to achieve our mandate and have comparable i n f o r m a t i o n across j u r i s d i c t i o n s , that would r e q u i r e these s e v e r a l j u r i s d i c t i o n s to begin to t h i n k about how they do things d i f f e r e n t l y , define them d i f f e r e n t l y , count them perhaps d i f f e r e n t l y than they are now. Count them where they haven't been counting them before. And the t y p i c a l answer you get back i s ' t h i s i s the way we do business here.' And that has been a major hurdle f o r a n a t i o n a l agency. The use of d i f f e r e n t standards can al s o be a way of assuming an o p p o s i t i o n a l stance i n f e d e r a l / p r o v i n c i a l 278 r e l a t i o n s , a way to a s s e r t a d i s t i n c t i v e l o c a l i d e n t i t y and not bow to the demands of 'the feds.' For some provinces who were more h o s t i l e to the f e d e r a l government, a r e f u s a l to conform to n a t i o n a l i n i t i a t i v e s appears to have i t s own inherent appeal. A senior member of the Centre recounted how one j u r i s d i c t i o n has 'been p a r t i c u l a r l y r e l u c t a n t to be cooperative, to c o n t r i b u t e to t h i s s o r t of n a t i o n a l i n f o r m a t i o n I n i t i a t i v e . . . i t i s almost as i f they s t i l l t h i n k that there n e c e s s a r i l y has to be ten s i o n between them and the f e d e r a l government: 'Anything these feds want we have to be su s p i c i o u s about.' You know: 'We are only going to cooperate i f we can screw them out of t h i s much money.'' Some of the Centre's most vexing measurement d i f f i c u l t i e s are r e l a t e d to d i f f i c u l t i e s i n a r r i v i n g at common standards. When looked at from the outs i d e , i t might i n i t i a l l y appear that there would be l i t t l e problem i n a r r i v i n g at common d e f i n i t i o n s f o r 'prison admissions,' 'p o l i c e c o s t s , ' or even court 'cases,' but there have been ongoing d i f f i c u l t i e s i n producing u n i f o r m i t y . The form that standards assume i s u l t i m a t e l y r e l a t e d to the s p e c i f i c needs of the people producing them. The Centre's development of a Corr e c t i o n s U t i l i z a t i o n Study i s i l l u s t r a t i v e . One aspect of t h i s study was an examination of the phenomena of r e c i d i v i s m . The i n d i v i d u a l given the mandate to develop t h i s component of the study recounted how 279 the o v e r a l l impetus of the p r o j e c t was l a r g e l y d e r i v e d from a concern f o r 'how to c o n t r o l p r i s o n p o p u l a t i o n and c o s t s . ' The s p e c i f i c ways i n which the objects under study were to be defined was r e l a t e d to a context i n which a c o n t i n u a l l y r i s i n g p r i s o n p o p u l a t i o n was combined w i t h a p o l i t i c a l c l i mate of economic retrenchment. This prompted fears about the prospect of having to engage i n c o s t l y p r i s o n b u i l d i n g programs. At the time of t h i s research the Centre was i n c l i n e d toward a d e f i n i t i o n of r e c i d i v i s m as some form of re-contact w i t h the c r i m i n a l j u s t i c e system, although they recognized that a number of other d e f i n i t i o n s were p o s s i b l e . Here we gain an a p p r e c i a t i o n f o r why they were a t t r a c t e d to t h i s p a r t i c u l a r , and r a t h e r i d i o s y n c r a t i c , understanding of r e c i d i v i s m : I t i s r e a l l y re-contact w i t h the system. Because the main concern about r e c i d i v i s t s i s that... i t i s _ r e c i d i v i s t s that create a r e a l burden on the system through a r e v o l v i n g door. Because there i s a l o t of evidence around that shows how people are s t a r t i n g o f f i n the Young Offender system and moving from a community based d i s p o s i t i o n to a c u s t o d i a l d i s p o s i t i o n , open custody, secure custody, s t i l l a l l w i t h i n the Young Offender system. Then graduating i n t o the p r o v i n c i a l adult systems. Maybe probation r i g h t up to doing f e d e r a l time. Employing a d e f i n i t i o n of r e c i d i v i s m as 're-contact w i t h the c r i m i n a l j u s t i c e system' was motivated by a p o l i t i c a l and f i n a n c i a l concern w i t h the expenses of the c r i m i n a l j u s t i c e system. Defined i n such a way, re-offenders 280 are not so much conceived of as deviants but as a f i n a n c i a l burden. I t i s a d e f i n i t i o n p a r t i c u l a r l y appropriate to the needs of the people mandated to manage c r i m i n a l j u s t i c e budgets. The important p o i n t i s tha t d i f f e r e n t standards were a v a i l a b l e which would have more c l o s e l y corresponded wi t h the governmental knowledge needs of other i n s t i t u t i o n a l a c t o r s . For example, some c r i m i n o l o g i s t s , v i c t i m ' s r i g h t s advocates and r e h a b i l i t a t i o n program coordinators would have undoubtedly been i n t e r e s t e d i n a standard f o r r e c i d i v i s m which concentrated on the number of crimes committed by an i n d i v i d u a l a f t e r h i s or her i n i t i a l c o n v i c t i o n , i r r e s p e c t i v e of whether they have any subsequent o f f i c i a l d ealings w i t h the j u s t i c e system. The s p e c i f i c s of a standard are r e l a t e d to the needs of p a r t i c u l a r audiences and the a n t i c i p a t e d uses of the r e s u l t a n t knowledge. While the same name can be assigned to these d i f f e r e n t measures, the phenomena under d e s c r i p t i o n are v a s t l y d i f f e r e n t . Negotiated Standards The s p e c i f i c s of s t a n d a r d i z a t i o n at the Centre are c h a r a c t e r i z e d by a number of a t t r i b u t e s . F i r s t , there are u s u a l l y numerous ways i n which the phenomena i n question can be standardized. Second, d i f f e r e n t standards a c t u a l l y produce d i f f e r e n t e n t i t i e s , they b r i n g new phenomena i n t o the world f o r the purposes of governmental a c t i o n . For 281 example, a d e f i n i t i o n of r e c i d i v i s m as i n d i v i d u a l re-contact w i t h the system as opposed to re-commission of crimes i s not simply a d i f f e r e n t way to measure the same t h i n g , i t i s concerned w i t h two e n t i r e l y d i f f e r e n t phenomena. Th i r d , standards emerge through processes of n e g o t i a t i o n , where the Centre consults w i t h working groups drawn from the j u r i s d i c t i o n s and i n t e r e s t e d communities. While p a r t i c i p a n t s i n such c o n s u l t a t i o n s g e n e r a l l y have an honest d e s i r e to create the best p o s s i b l e standard, they are a l s o r e p r e s e n t a t i v e s of t h e i r p a r t i c u l a r program and/or j u r i s d i c t i o n and have i n t e r e s t s i n the standards that extend beyond t h e i r e f f i c i e n c y or accuracy. People can advocate on behalf of a p a r t i c u l a r standard because they b e l i e v e i t to be best, or simply because i t i s f a m i l i a r due to long use w i t h i n t h e i r j u r i s d i c t i o n . At the same time, one eye i s o f t e n on the future p o l i t i c a l r a m i f i c a t i o n s of adopting a p a r t i c u l a r standard, w i t h r e p r e s e n t a t i v e s advocating on behalf of measures that they b e l i e v e w i l l tend to make t h e i r programs appear more productive and e f f i c i e n t . J u r i s d i c t i o n a l concerns about the p o t e n t i a l i m p l i c a t i o n s of p a r t i c i p a t i n g i n a survey or employing c e r t a i n d e f i n i t i o n s or counting r u l e s permeate the Centre. Centre employees aim to produce the best standard p o s s i b l e , which means the one that best approximates the way that they e n v i s i o n the phenomena i n question. At the same 282 time, they cannot a l i e n a t e the j u r i s d i c t i o n s f o r r i s k that they might r e c e i v e no data whatsoever. Here I b r i e f l y h i g h l i g h t some examples of the p o l i t i c a l tensions that have been apparent i n the development of standards. At the extreme, i n those s i t u a t i o n s where standards cannot be agreed upon, the v i a b i l i t y of an e n t i r e survey can be put i n t o question. One example mentioned f r e q u e n t l y by long-time members of the Centre concerned attempts i n r e l a t i o n to the Young Offenders Act to a r r i v e at standardized d e f i n i t i o n s of ' a l t e r n a t i v e measures.' Such programs are t y p i c a l l y used f o r l e s s s e r i o u s offenses where more info r m a l and expeditious forms of dispute r e s o l u t i o n are deemed to be appropriate. One of the major problems i n the measurement of these programs i s t h e i r high degree of p r o v i n c i a l v a r i a b i l i t y . Across the country a l t e r n a t i v e measures programs are operated by d i f f e r e n t agencies and have d i f f e r e n t c r i t e r i a f o r e l i g i b i l i t y , w i t h some operating pre-charge and some post-charge, while there are a range of d i f f e r e n t o b l i g a t i o n s placed on youths assigned to such programs. In e f f e c t , the Centre was t r y i n g to standardize the counting r u l e s f o r a group of programs that were i n no way standard across the country. While there appeared to be some d e s i r e to standardize the accounting procedures f o r these programs, various f a c t o r s worked against such e f f o r t s as w e l l . As one respondent recounted, there was a general 283 u n w i l l i n g n e s s 'to adopt, i n an a d m i n i s t r a t i v e sense, o p e r a t i o n a l sense, a d e f i n i t i o n that i s n ' t your own. Or a process that i s n ' t your own. And there i s where i t breaks down. Because everybody wants to have the predominant methodology or be deemed to have the standard. I t i s very d i f f i c u l t to do t h a t . ' The Legal A i d cost i n d i c a t o r s p r o j e c t was mentioned p r e v i o u s l y . Conversations w i t h people i n the Centre who have had a lengthy involvement w i t h l e g a l a i d revealed that t h i s i s a l s o an area permeated by p o l i t i c a l t ensions, exacerbated by the f a c t that there are numerous v a r i e t i e s of p r o v i n c i a l l y - r u n l e g a l a i d systems that have developed according to t h e i r own l o g i c . Here a member, of the Centre i n v o l v e d i n the i n t r o d u c t i o n of one of the e a r l i e s t l e g a l a i d surveys provides a sense of how the d i f f e r e n t j u r i s d i c t i o n s c o n t i n u a l l y contemplated the p o t e n t i a l p o l i t i c a l r a m i f i c a t i o n s of standards: So i n the e a r l y years of s e t t i n g up l e g a l a i d surveys there was a l l kinds of debate about what i t was going to be used f o r and were the feds going to t u r n around and use t h i s data to cut back on c o s t - s h a r i n g agreements and a l l of these s o r t s of w o r r i e s . The l e g a l a i d plans were wondering whether they should be padding the numbers so that they could get more money. Because ' i s more b e t t e r ? Are we going to get more money i f we show more business? Should we count things t h i s way to r e f l e c t b e t t e r on us? Are we going to be evaluated on our e f f e c t i v e n e s s or e f f i c i e n c y or q u a l i t y of the s e r v i c e s ? ' So there would be a l l kinds of arguments about what data were going to be c o l l e c t e d f o r what purposes. And what i s t h i s going to show and what are going to be the i m p l i c a t i o n s f o r us. And i f we do i t t h i s way, what w i l l i t mean down the road? 2 8 4 A common dilemma of s t a n d a r d i z a t i o n i s that l e g i t i m a t e arguments can be made to count the 'same' phenomena d i f f e r e n t l y , and that d i f f e r e n t measures i n e v i t a b l y r e v e a l c e r t a i n a t t r i b u t e s of the phenomena under d e s c r i p t i o n and neglect others. In t h i s regard, s e v e r a l respondents t a l k e d about the controversy over attempts to develop standardized r u l e s to a s c e r t a i n the costs of prosecution s e r v i c e s across Canada. One j u r i s d i c t i o n whose costs were w e l l above the norm t r i e d to stop the release of the data, arguing that the l e v e l of d e t a i l the Centre had used was too general and would consequently hide important reasons f o r d i f f e r e n t i a l c o s t s . In p a r t i c u l a r , they pointed out that prosecutors i n t h e i r j u r i s d i c t i o n are r e s p o n s i b l e f o r l a y i n g charges, a task performed by the p o l i c e i n other j u r i s d i c t i o n s . Consequently, t h e i r costs were bound to be higher than those j u r i s d i c t i o n s who do not employ a d d i t i o n a l prosecutors to screen the charges from the p o l i c e before they a r r i v e at court. From such concerns about the p o t e n t i a l r a m i f i c a t i o n s of i n a p p r o p r i a t e standards, things moved i n t o the much more e x p l i c i t l y p o l i t i c a l realm, as a Centre employee recounts: I t got to a p o i n t where we were t r y i n g to bend over backwards to e x p l a i n the reason why costs might be d i f f e r e n t across j u r i s d i c t i o n s . Then i t got to the p o i n t where they s a i d : 'Can we delay the report? Because our budget i s coming out next month, and we r e a l l y can't a f f o r d to have t h i s i n f o r m a t i o n out i n the p u b l i c domain because we are going to get slashed when our costs are higher than anybody e l s e i n the country.' 2 8 5 And i t became q u i t e p o l i t i c a l then. We ended up having to say 'you approved i t before, we have to release t h i s . We are accountable to the r e s t of the l i a i s o n o f f i c e r s and we have to get t h i s s t u f f out.' That kind of t h i n g , when they don't l i k e what they see. Counting r u l e s can a l s o serve d i f f e r e n t l o c a l i z e d purposes that i n d i v i d u a l s and i n s t i t u t i o n s are r e t i c e n t to abandon. For example, J u r i s d i c t i o n Y had developed a p a r t i c u l a r standard to count c o r r e c t i o n a l admissions that d i f f e r e d from those used i n the r e s t of the country, i n that i n d i v i d u a l s who l e f t the i n s t i t u t i o n on temporary r e l e a s e s were re-counted as a separate admission upon each r e t u r n to the c o r r e c t i o n a l f a c i l i t y . The end r e s u l t was that t h e i r t o t a l number of admissions was s i g n i f i c a n t l y i n f l a t e d compared to those j u r i s d i c t i o n s who d i d not employ t h i s r u l e . When I i n q u i r e d among Centre s t a f f as to why t h i s j u r i s d i c t i o n was r e l u c t a n t to abandon t h i s p r a c t i c e , I was informed that i t was r e l a t e d to l o c a l concerns about c o r r e c t i o n a l budgets. I f t h i s j u r i s d i c t i o n adopted a d i f f e r e n t counting r u l e , t h e i r admission count would go down, a r e s u l t which they feared would d e t r i m e n t a l l y i n f l u e n c e t h e i r funding. As one of the members of the Centre observed: 'The way they were counting was good from the p o i n t of view of going to t h e i r Treasury Board to get more resources, but i t didn't make them look good i n the s t a t i s t i c s . . . They didn't want to get away from t h i s because 286 they f e l t i t was important to them i n t h e i r budget j u s t i f i c a t i o n . ' One f i n a l example of the p o l i t i c a l investments i n standards concerns attempts to d i s c e r n the e f f e c t i v e n e s s of maintenance enforcement orders and the programs introduced to ensure compliance w i t h such orders. Maintenance enforcement programs aim to a s s i s t i n d i v i d u a l s , u s u a l l y women, to c o l l e c t money owed to them from t h e i r former spouses through maintenance orders. While i t i s g e n e r a l l y acknowledged that the degree of compliance w i t h such orders i s abysmally low, the d e s i r e to determine the exact l e v e l of compliance across the country has been hampered by d i f f i c u l t i e s i n agreeing on standards. In p a r t i c u l a r , there are d i f f i c u l t i e s i n determining what i t means f o r an i n d i v i d u a l to be ' i n d e f a u l t ' and how maintenance enforcement programs should define the a c t i v i t y status of the cases they are i n v e s t i g a t i n g . I t i s now a commonality of governmental programs that they should not only provide s e r v i c e s but must develop q u a n t i t a t i v e measures to demonstrate t h e i r performance. In the area of maintenance enforcement, the complexity of the d i f f e r e n t programs and v a r i a b i l i t y i n t h e i r c l i e n t s ' l i f e s i t u a t i o n s r a i s e d s e r i o u s questions about how they might a r r i v e at standard c r i t e r i a to evaluate t h e i r success or f a i l u r e . One of the Centre's f i r s t problems i n t h i s regard 2 8 7 was the need to a r r i v e at a standardized d e f i n i t i o n of which cases were ' i n d e f a u l t ' and which ones were not, given the high v a r i a b i l i t y i n i n d i v i d u a l circumstances. For example, some i n d i v i d u a l s who owe money s t e a d f a s t l y refuse to make any payments, wh i l e others may not have made any payments fo r years but have r e c e n t l y s t a r t e d making payments. S t i l l others may have had to re-negotiate a fee schedule s e v e r a l times. I t was recognized that the e a s i e s t d e f i n i t i o n of ' i n d e f a u l t ' would be something l i k e 'a penny owing and i t i s d e f a u l t , ' but some of the managers of p r o v i n c i a l maintenance enforcement programs were apprehensive about such a d e f i n i t i o n . Given the lar g e number of people who have 'a penny owing,' a s i g n i f i c a n t p r o p o r t i o n of t h e i r caseload would p o t e n t i a l l y be defined as being ' i n d e f a u l t ' , which i s not a comfortable s i t u a t i o n f o r agencies created to secure moneys owing. The people who operated these programs feared that i t would lead to p o l i t i c a l complaints such as: 'Lord, we've been pouring money down t h i s pipe and we are s t i l l no f u r t h e r ahead than we were X number of years ago because the d e f a u l t r a t e i s s t i l l the same.' What was developed i n s t e a d was the no t i o n that an i n d i v i d u a l could be ' i n compliance,' although they may s t i l l have a s i g n i f i c a n t sum of money outstanding, as t h i s would o s t e n s i b l y provide a b e t t e r 288 i n d i c a t i o n of the number of people who were attempting to make payments by adhering to t h e i r fee schedule. A second concern r e l a t i n g to s t a n d a r d i z a t i o n arose from the d e s i r e to d i f f e r e n t i a t e between cases that are a c t i v e and those that are i n a c t i v e . At any one time, there are a number of cases which, f o r a v a r i e t y of reasons, are recognized as being impossible to c o l l e c t outstanding money. For example, an i n d i v i d u a l who owes money might be i n p r i s o n and t h e r e f o r e unable to make h i s payments. Consequently, some of the j u r i s d i c t i o n s sought to develop a measure to d i f f e r e n t i a t e t h e i r a c t i v e caseload from the i n a c t i v e caseload, but when they t r i e d to s p e c i f y which cases would be assigned to these d i f f e r e n t statuses, confusion and s t a t i s t i c a l s e l f - i n t e r e s t crept i n t o the p i c t u r e . One of the people who t r i e d to develop t h i s standard recounted that the people i n v o l v e d i n the n e g o t i a t i o n of these counting r u l e s 'are c o n s i d e r i n g how the informa t i o n i s expected to be used. They've got that hat on i n a b i g heavy-duty way.' Centre s t a f f and some j u r i s d i c t i o n a l r e p r e s e n t a t i v e s worried that some program managers would employ the ' i n a c t i v e ' status as a means to improve t h e i r s t a t i s t i c a l p r o f i l e by s h u f f l i n g some of t h e i r more troublesome cases i n t o the ' i n a c t i v e ' category. The compliance r a t e f o r t h e i r remaining caseload would o s t e n s i b l y be g r e a t l y improved. As a way around t h i s , the Centre f i r s t considered i n c l u d i n g a t a b l e f o r ' a c t i v e , ' 289 ' i n a c t i v e , ' and ' t o t a l , ' cases, but the l o c a l i z e d d i f f i c u l t i e s i n accounting p r a c t i c e s made them fear that any use of an ' i n a c t i v e ' v a r i a b l e could p o t e n t i a l l y 'bastardize' the e n t i r e process. As a r e s u l t , the v a r i a b l e was completely abandoned. In summary, while the Centre may not always be s u c c e s s f u l i n developing agreed upon standards of measurement, they are a harmonizing f o r c e , working to develop u n i f o r m i t y i n c l a s s i f i c a t i o n s and measurement t o o l s . The counting r u l e s they develop are a c t u a l l y c o n s t i t u t i v e of the e n t i t i e s of which they speak, e n t i t i e s which d i f f e r i n t h e i r s p e c i f i c s depending on which counting r u l e s are adopted. The p o l i t i c a l investment i n t h i s process d e r i v e s from the r e c o g n i t i o n that d i f f e r e n t ways i n which phenomena are standardized can i n f l u e n c e the p u b l i c appearance and future funding of d i f f e r e n t programs. Consequently, n e g o t i a t i o n s around how to measure d i f f e r e n t phenomena can embed p o l i t i c a l concerns i n the standards themselves. As such, n e g o t i a t i o n s over standards are yet another example of the r o l e t h a t j u r i s d i c t i o n a l p o l i t i c s can p l a y i n the r o u t i n e operation of the CCJS. J u s t i c e Index In t h i s concluding s e c t i o n I want to f u r t h e r explore the idea that despite the f a c t that c e r t a i n forms of knowledge could be h i g h l y amenable to p r a c t i c e s of governance, they 290 are not n e c e s s a r i l y produced. In p a r t i c u l a r , t h i s s e c t i o n examines the 1996 proposal to develop a ' c r i m i n a l j u s t i c e index.' Such an i n d i c a t o r h e l d out the prospect of s i g n i f i c a n t l y changing governmental p r a c t i c e and p o l i t i c a l d iscourse regarding the management of the c r i m i n a l j u s t i c e system. I t was p a r t i c u l a r l y conducive to n e o - l i b e r a l forms of governance which accentuate economic a c c o u n t a b i l i t y as demonstrated on h i g h - l e v e l s t a t i s t i c a l i n d i c a t o r s . However, the proposal was u l t i m a t e l y undermined by a host of o r g a n i z a t i o n a l , methodological and p o l i t i c a l concerns. During the December 1995 meeting of the J u s t i c e Information C o u n c i l , s e v e r a l deputy m i n i s t e r s expressed a d e s i r e f o r greater access to j u s t i c e i n d i c a t o r s . While the Centre produces a host of i n d i c a t o r s , the deputy m i n i s t e r s were p a r t i c u l a r l y i n t e r e s t e d i n i n d i c e s that would be of greater immediate u t i l i t y i n h e l p i n g them gain an a p p r e c i a t i o n f o r how w e l l the c r i m i n a l j u s t i c e system was operating. In p a r t i c u l a r , they wondered i f i t was p o s s i b l e to develop something a k i n to a ' c r i m i n a l j u s t i c e index' (my term) which would provide them wit h a s i n g l e - f i g u r e measure of the h e a l t h of the j u s t i c e system. The Centre was charged wit h r e p o r t i n g back to the JIC on the range of c u r r e n t l y a v a i l a b l e j u s t i c e i n d i c a t o r s and the p o t e n t i a l of developing such an index. 291 Four broad categories of i n d i c a t o r s were u l t i m a t e l y i d e n t i f i e d i n the Centre's research i n t o t h i s proposal. F i r s t , workload s t a t i s t i c s provide a measure f o r the amount of a c t i v i t y i n a p a r t i c u l a r segment of the c r i m i n a l j u s t i c e system. Examples inc l u d e the number of c a l l s f o r s e r v i c e to the p o l i c e and the number of appearances i n adult c r i m i n a l court. Second, performance i n d i c a t o r s document the e f f i c i e n c y of component pa r t s of the system, such as the number of i n c i d e n t s known to the p o l i c e and the average length of community s e r v i c e orders. Thi r d , environmental i n d i c t o r s can be used to s i t u a t e the c r i m i n a l j u s t i c e system w i t h i n a broader s o c i a l context. Included under t h i s heading are v arious demographic i n d i c e s , housing c o s t s , unemployment r a t e s , educational l e v e l s , e t c . F i n a l l y , and most r e l e v a n t to the purposes at hand, was the e x p l i c i t request by the deputy m i n i s t e r s that the Centre develop, or look i n t o the p o s s i b i l i t y of developing, a s o c i a l j u s t i c e index that would enable them to e a s i l y a s c e r t a i n the 'health of the j u s t i c e system' or the ' q u a l i t y of j u s t i c e rendered.' The j u s t i c e index was conceived of as a h i g h - l e v e l , s i n g l e f i g u r e i n d i c a t o r that would be a r r i v e d at through the amalgamation of other j u s t i c e i n d i c a t o r s and be d e l i v e r e d to the deputies on an annual or"monthly b a s i s . I t was modeled e x p l i c i t l y on the Gross Domestic Product and the Consumer P r i c e Index but, at t h i s juncture, had not r e c e i v e d 292 considerable thought and was simply recognized as something that would be b e n e f i c i a l to have. A Centre employee who attended the JIC meeting provides a f e e l f o r the way that the t o p i c emerged: Somebody r a i s e d the issue about how could we r e a l l y t e l l how w e l l we are doing as a j u s t i c e system? How do we know whether we are doing worse and worse or whether we are doing b e t t e r and b e t t e r ? And a l l of these terms are undefined. L i k e what do we mean by 'the j u s t i c e system?' What do we mean by 'doing b e t t e r ? ' And then they s t a r t e d to say 'Well, we've got the Gross N a t i o n a l Product out there, we've got some kind of a con s t r u c t i n other f i e l d s that people use as a bellwether to say whether we are doing w e l l or not w e l l . Couldn't we do something s i m i l a r i n the f i e l d of j u s t i c e ? ' Well, yes -could you have that f o r us f o r next Tuesday? Aargh! You so r t of r o l l your eyes and you t h i n k f i r s t of a l l they spent a l l of about four minutes on t h i s . And i t was j u s t l i k e w i l d f i r e around the room: I s n ' t t h i s a good idea! Here we have the germ of an idea, a d e s i r e f o r a new form of knowledge l o c a l i z e d among a s p e c i f i c group of i n d i v i d u a l s w i t h s i m i l a r p o l i t i c a l knowledge requirements. From such needs could very w e l l have emerged a new set of f a c t s , a new t o o l to manage the c r i m i n a l j u s t i c e system. Such an index would undoubtedly a l s o make i t s way i n t o p u b l i c consciousness w i t h media accounts of increases or decreases i n the 'Canadian C r i m i n a l J u s t i c e Index.' Several a t t r i b u t e s of such an index would appeal to p o l i t i c i a n s . F i r s t , h i g h - l e v e l i n d i c a t o r s are one step removed from the t a i n t of p o l i t i c s . As Peter M i l l e r (1994: 246) has observed i n h i s s t u d i e s of cost accounting, 'The 293 n e u t r a l i t y and s o c i a l a u t h o r i t y accorded to the s i n g l e f i g u r e i s one that i s set above the f r a y , apart from disputes and p o l i t i c a l i n t e r e s t s , and endowed wit h a l e g i t i m a c y that seems d i f f i c u l t to contest or dispute.' I t i s both the advantage and l i m i t a t i o n of such f i g u r e s that they are simple, as s i m p l i c i t y can allow f o r r e l a t i v e l y s t r a i g h t f o r w a r d decision-making, but can a l s o hide what are i n c r e d i b l y complicated and i n t e r - r e l a t e d processes. For p o l i t i c i a n s , a s i n g l e f i g u r e i n d i c a t o r a l s o promises to provide new forms of governmental a c t i o n and p o i n t s of i n t e r v e n t i o n . The development of a s t a t i s t i c a l i n d i c a t o r such as the 'crime index' would b r i n g a new e n t i t y i n t o the world, one that promised a novel way to. monitor changes i n the c r i m i n a l j u s t i c e system as w e l l as new o p p o r t u n i t i e s f o r governmental i n t e r v e n t i o n . Such an i n d i c a t o r would have an a f f i n i t y w i t h neo-l i b e r a l techniques of governance which emphasize f i n a n c i a l e f f i c i e n c y and a c c o u n t a b i l i t y . Centre s t a f f d i d not see i t as c o i n c i d e n t a l that the o r i g i n a l request f o r a j u s t i c e i n d i c a t o r came from two m i n i s t e r s a s s o c i a t e d w i t h conservative governments, whose s t y l e of governance has been ass o c i a t e d w i t h a value-for-money, c o s t - e f f e c t i v e m e n t a l i t y . Some Centre s t a f f who worked on the p r o j e c t were qu i t e c y n i c a l about the p o t e n t i a l u t i l i t y of a 'crime index,' not that such an index would not f i n d p o l i t i c a l uses, but 2 9 4 because they saw i t as a m a n i f e s t a t i o n of a p a r t i c u l a r s t y l e of 'bottom l i n e ' government that neglected s u b t l e t i e s i n a d r i v e f o r f i n a n c i a l a c c o u n t a b i l i t y . One Centre s t a f f member who worked on t h i s p r o j e c t but who was not p a r t i c u l a r l y enamored of t h i s s t y l e of governance c h a r a c t e r i z e d i t s p r a c t i t i o n e r s as demanding, 'Give me one number. There i s no gray, j u s t black and white. I j u s t need to know one t h i n g and don't give me these things to read and understand, I j u s t want to know i n one number.' Here, i n an i n t e r v i e w , one of the deputy m i n i s t e r s who i n i t i a t e d the j u s t i c e i n d i c a t o r p r o j e c t summarizes the need that he envisioned a s o c i a l j u s t i c e i n d i c a t o r would address. Note the emphasis on s e r v i c e , performance and c o s t - e f f e c t i v e n e s s : A simple f a c t i s that i n most pa r t s of the country the j u s t i c e system doesn't d e l i v e r very good s e r v i c e . And i t doesn't d e l i v e r what most people consider to be t i m e l y c o s t - e f f e c t i v e s e r v i c e . I t h i n k that we need to challenge ourselves to commit to performance measures of that s o r t . So I had thought, i n a very crude brainstorming kind of way, that one should be able to say that a q u a l i t y j u s t i c e system could be measured against the f o l l o w i n g s i x c r i t e r i a : two b i g ones on my l i s t would be t i m e l i n e s s , cost, and maybe adequacy of support. . The ' j u s t i c e index' was to be an i n d i c a t o r of the highest l e v e l , a r r i v e d at by l a y i n g i n s c r i p t i o n on top of i n s c r i p t i o n on top of i n s c r i p t i o n . I n d i v i d u a l c r i m i n a l i n c i d e n t s , court appearances, c o r r e c t i o n a l admissions, e t c . , are f i r s t recorded and then aggregated together to produce 295 higher l e v e l i n d i c a t o r s such as crime r a t e s , admission r a t e s and costs-per-case. I n d i c a t o r s such as these, and p o t e n t i a l l y many more, were now to be combined i n a yet to be determined fashion that would produce a crime index. Perhaps the only way i n which a s t i l l higher order index could be a r r i v e d at would be i f a l l of the s t a t e ' s highest order i n d i c e s were amalgamated to produce a s i n g l e measure of the h e a l t h (broadly conceived) of our s o c i e t y . Although t h i s may sound absurd, i t approximates the task of various i n t e r n a t i o n a l agencies who rank-order the best and worst c o u n t r i e s i n which to l i v e . As they came away from the JIC meeting, many Centre s t a f f already had serious r e s e r v a t i o n s about whether a j u s t i c e index could or should be developed. Their concerns revolved around questions about a) the i n c l u s i o n and e x c l u s i o n of d i f f e r e n t i n d i c e s , b) the methodology f o r developing such an index, and c) the meaning(s) which should be attached to any r e s u l t i n g f i g u r e . Regarding the dilemma of i n c l u s i o n / e x c l u s i o n , they were at a l o s s as to what i n d i c a t o r s should be combined, and e q u a l l y important, how to weigh the r e l a t i v e importance of these i n d i c a t o r s . Perhaps even more importantly, there was the r e c o g n i t i o n that s e v e r a l a t t r i b u t e s which are c r u c i a l to any understanding of the h e a l t h of the j u s t i c e system simply could not be i n c l u d e d due to the l a c k of any meaningful measures. The 296 o f t e n mentioned example was the f a c t that the index would contain no i n d i c a t i o n of systemic racism due to the d i f f i c u l t y or i m p o s s i b i l i t y of q u a n t i f y i n g such a system a t t r i b u t e . The second concern r e l a t e d to methodology, as i t was not immediately apparent that such an index could be produced or, i f i t could, that the Centre was the one to do i t . Up to t h i s p o i n t , the Centre's main r o l e has been to develop and manage surveys which produce high l e v e l n a t i o n a l i n d i c a t o r s . What they were now being c a l l e d upon to explore brought them i n t o a methodological realm i n which they had l i t t l e background or e x p e r t i s e . Even as r e l a t i v e novices i n t h i s area however, they recognized that one methodological d i f f i c u l t y they would face concerned the lack of a common denominator i n the c r i m i n a l j u s t i c e system. Whereas the Gross N a t i o n a l Product can compare v a s t l y d i f f e r e n t phenomena by reducing them a l l to a monetary value, a j u s t i c e index could o s t e n s i b l y combine measures r e l a t e d to cost s , time to t r i a l , crime r a t e s , fear of crime, v i c t i m i z a t i o n , e t c . , a l l of which are con c e p t u a l l y d i s t i n c t and employ v a s t l y d i f f e r e n t u n i t s of measurement. Even so, such methodological d i f f i c u l t i e s were not n e c e s s a r i l y insurmountable, as one of the people who oversaw t h i s p r o j e c t observed: 'We can do these things mathematically. There are no r u l e s against m u l t i p l y i n g two numbers together, 297 a p r o b a b i l i t y and a number and ending up wi t h something. You are j u s t not qu i t e sure what i t i s . ' Ambiguity about what the index might mean was the most recurrent r e s e r v a t i o n voiced about the prospect of developing a j u s t i c e i n d i c a t o r . For example, how co u l d one even begin to make sense of the c l a i m that, 'The Canadian Crime Index i s up 2%?' While my own opi n i o n i s that any such index would acquire i t s own set of (undoubtedly contested and c o n t r o v e r s i a l ) meanings over time, Centre s t a f f were very uncomfortable w i t h the ambiguity which would i n e v i t a b l y surround the meaning of the index. In l i g h t of such concerns, Centre s t a f f were i n c l i n e d to t r y and persuade the deputy m i n i s t e r s of the i m p r a c t i c a l i t y of such an index. This was an opi n i o n they shared w i t h some l i a i s o n o f f i c e r s who, i n co n t r a s t to the deputy m i n i s t e r s , were a l s o uncomfortable w i t h the prospect of developing such an i n d i c a t o r . One i n d i v i d u a l who worked on t h i s p r o j e c t recounted how 'the m i n i s t e r s are a c t u a l l y q u i t e keen to have these kinds of simple numbers, but the l i a i s o n o f f i c e r ' s are t r y i n g to use us to dissuade them of t h e i r value or u t i l i t y . Consequently, some l i a i s o n o f f i c e r s had i n d i c a t e d to the Centre that ''you people i n Stat's Canada should w r i t e t h i s report i n such a way to h i g h l i g h t the dangers and problems w i t h these kinds of i n d i c a t o r s . ' The f a c t that Centre s t a f f faced competing p o l i t i c a l 298 suggestions f o r how to proceed w i t h t h i s index accentuates another important facet of the p o l i t i c a l responsiveness of the CCJS. Although the Centre i s undoubtedly a p o l i t i c a l e n t i t y , they are not a simple handmaiden to the p o l i t i c a l whims of the j u r i s d i c t i o n s because there i s o f t e n no single p o l i t i c a l agenda to which they might conform. Rather, they must p r a g m a t i c a l l y and c o n t e x t u a l l y manage a set of s h i f t i n g p o l i t i c a l expectations which are o c c a s i o n a l l y i n competition and c o n f l i c t . The Centre managed the competing demands and expectations r e l a t i n g to the j u s t i c e i n d i c a t o r by making a submission to the LOC which l i s t e d a range of a v a i l a b l e and p o t e n t i a l l y u s e f u l j u s t i c e i n d i c a t o r s , but accentuated the d i f f i c u l t i e s inherent i n the development of a s i n g l e f i g u r e j u s t i c e index. These d i f f i c u l t i e s i n c l u d e d methodological problems, the scope and cost of such an undertaking, and problems of i n t e r p r e t i n g any r e s u l t a n t index. Rather than embark on the development of a s i n g l e index, they recommended that the deputy m i n i s t e r s acquire an i n d i c a t i o n of the h e a l t h of the j u s t i c e system by r e l y i n g on a set of 'prime i n d i c a t o r s ' c u l l e d from the myriad measures r e l a t e d to the workload, performance and environment of the j u s t i c e system. Other s e c t i o n s of t h e i r submission l i s t some of the i n d i c a t o r s that are c u r r e n t l y a v a i l a b l e from S t a t i s t i c s 299 Canada and other data sources which might serve as the b a s i s fo r such prime i n d i c a t o r s . In i t s e l f , t h i s l i s t t e s t i f i e s to the degree to which c r i m i n a l j u s t i c e i s permeated by a p l e t h o r a of d i f f e r e n t q u a n t i t a t i v e knowledge regimes. For example, i t mentions 43 d i s t i n c t data sources from which various performance, workload and environmental i n d i c a t o r s can be drawn. To give an a p p r e c i a t i o n f o r the range of data a v a i l a b l e , a p a r t i a l l i s t of p o t e n t i a l data sources i n c l u d e s : the uniform crime r e p o r t s , youth courts survey, adult c o r r e c t i o n s survey, the census, general s o c i a l survey, l e g a l a i d survey, l o n g i t u d i n a l study of recent immigrants, survey of re s t a u r a n t s , c a t e r e r s and taverns, labor force survey, resources, expenditures and personnel surveys, n a t i o n a l l o n g i t u d i n a l survey of c h i l d r e n and youth, school leavers survey, Canada's a l c o h o l and other drugs survey, t r a n s i t i o n home survey, mental h e a l t h s t a t i s t i c s , household f a c i l i t i e s and equipment, i n t e r n a t i o n a l crime v i c t i m i z a t i o n survey, A b o r i g i n a l peoples survey and the 1991 firearms survey. A l i s t of 108 p o t e n t i a l l y u s e f u l i n d i c a t o r s i s amassed from these data sources. Such a vast array of data undoubtedly provide a more d e t a i l e d a p p r e c i a t i o n f o r the operation and s o c i a l context of the c r i m i n a l j u s t i c e system than any s i n g l e f i g u r e ever could. However, they are c o n s i d e r a b l y removed from the 3 0 0 m i n i s t e r s ' o r i g i n a l d e s i r e f o r a simple i n d i c a t o r of the he a l t h of the j u s t i c e system. Rather than achieving the c l a r i t y and governmental p o s s i b i l i t i e s of a s i n g l e index, the m i n i s t e r s were o f f e r e d a l i s t i n g of myriad q u a n t i t a t i v e i n d i c a t o r s . Instead of s i m p l i c i t y , they r e c e i v e d f u r t h e r evidence of the complexity of c r i m i n a l j u s t i c e processes. While a r e c o g n i t i o n of such complexity and ambiguity i s undoubtedly valuable f o r the people p o l i t i c a l l y r e s p o n s i b l e f o r the c r i m i n a l j u s t i c e system, i t i s decidedly not the type of s i n g l e f i g u r e i n d i c a t o r that they o r i g i n a l l y e nvisioned as a t o o l of governmentality. Conclusion This chapter has charted some of the forms which p o l i t i c s assumes i n r e l a t i o n to the CCJS. While Centre personnel are not c y n i c a l l y manipulated by t h e i r p o l i t i c a l masters to produce s t a t i s t i c a l trends i n support of p a r t i s a n p o l i t i c a l i n i t i a t i v e s , the Centre i s c l e a r l y permeated w i t h p o l i t i c a l concerns. At the same time, p o l i t i c s i s a constant t h r e a t . The perception of too cl o s e a r e l a t i o n s h i p w i t h government, or any other p o l i t i c a l groups, can undermine the e d i f i c e of t r u s t on which they r e l y . The f e d e r a l / p r o v i n c i a l s t r u c t u r e of the J u s t i c e I n i t i a t i v e d r i v e s much of the Centre's p o l i t i c a l dynamic. P o l i t i c a l i n t e r e s t s are manifest i n the t o p i c s the Centre 301 s t u d i e s , the tim i n g and c l u s t e r i n g of i t s r e l e a s e s , the r e p r e s e n t a t i o n a l s t r u c t u r e of the JIC and LOC meetings, and the minutia of standardized counting r u l e s . While Centre s t a f f seek to avoid p a r t i s a n s h i p , they are i n reg u l a r d i s c u s s i o n and n e g o t i a t i o n w i t h j u r i s d i c t i o n a l r e p r e s e n t a t i v e s who have i n t e r e s t s i n the Centre which extends to questions about how the Centre's e f f o r t s w i l l i n f l u e n c e the funding and p u b l i c appearance of t h e i r o r g a n i z a t i o n . Many of the examples used i n t h i s chapter have demonstrated the t r u t h of the o l d axiom that 'the t r u t h i s i n the d e t a i l s , ' or more p r e c i s e l y , 'the p o l i t i c s of t r u t h i s i n the d e t a i l s . ' As we s h a l l see i n the next chapter, s i m i l a r p o l i t i c a l dynamics a l s o i n f l u e n c e the way i n which t h e i r r e p o r t s are w r i t t e n . 302 Chapter 5 Disseminating Knowledge This study has explored some of the background, e x t r a -s c i e n t i f i c processes i n v o l v e d i n the production of o f f i c i a l c r i m i n a l j u s t i c e s t a t i s t i c s . I t has focused on phenomena that are u s u a l l y beyond the purview of recognized s t a t i s t i c a l methods, but are nonetheless fundamental to the production of the s t a t i s t i c a l t r u t h s upon which p r a c t i c e s of governance r e s t . In t h i s chapter we continue t h i s e x p l o r a t i o n w i t h a focus on the p o i n t where s t a t i s t i c a l f a c t s are transformed i n t o p u b l i c knowledge. Numbers have no s t o r y to t e l l on t h e i r own, but must be a c t i v e l y given a voice by others. The language i n which they speak i s not u n i t a r y , but assumes d i f f e r e n t d i a l e c t s and i n t o n a t i o n s . In the case of the CCJS, the s p e c i f i c idiom through which t h e i r numbers are a r t i c u l a t e d i s the product of i n s t i t u t i o n a l r o u t i n e s , authorship, review procedures, o r g a n i z a t i o n a l s t r u c t u r e , p o l i t i c s , format requirements and i t s r e l a t i o n s h i p w i t h the media. In t h i s e x p l o r a t i o n of the t r a n s i t i o n to p u b l i c knowledge, t h i s chapter concentrates on three components. F i r s t we examine the Centre's main p u b l i c a t i o n v e h i c l e , the 303 Juristat. The a n a l y s i s describes these p u b l i c a t i o n s and o u t l i n e s the s o c i a l and o r g a n i z a t i o n a l f a c t o r s that shape how they are w r i t t e n . The second s e c t i o n i s concerned w i t h the Centre's r e l a t i o n s h i p w i t h the media, an i n s t i t u t i o n which i s c r u c i a l to the wider dissemination of t h e i r f i n d i n g s . The focus here i s on the i n t e r - i n s t i t u t i o n a l r e l a t i o n s h i p s between the media and the Centre as a source of j o u r n a l i s t i c accounts. In p a r t i c u l a r , we explore the extent to which i t can be s a i d that the Centre determines the f i n a l form assumed by media s t o r i e s about c r i m i n a l j u s t i c e s t a t i s t i c s . F i n a l l y , we discuss some of the broader i m p l i c a t i o n s of the f a c t that the Centre's knowledge i s communicated to a p u b l i c audience. By v i r t u e of the form of knowledge they disseminate, i n s t i t u t i o n s such as the CCJS have been instrumental i n the production of a p a r t i c u l a r s t y l e of p u b l i c discourse about c r i m i n a l j u s t i c e . S p e c i f i c a l l y , they are a v i t a l component i n the promotion of the aggregate pole of a discourse c h a r a c t e r i z e d by a movement between aggregate and i n d i v i d u a l i z e d understandings of crime and c r i m i n a l j u s t i c e . Juristats The Centre has a range of v e h i c l e s through which they p u b l i c i z e t h e i r data. The most d e t a i l e d knowledge i s a v a i l a b l e to i n d i v i d u a l s , t y p i c a l l y academics, who secure 304 access to the Centre's database(s) f o r the purpose of p r i v a t e research. The next l e v e l of d e t a i l are the f u l l annual p u b l i c a t i o n s d e r i v e d from t h e i r surveys, which can run to hundreds of pages of charts' and t a b l e s . However, the Centre's main p u b l i c a t i o n v e h i c l e by f a r i s t h e i r Juristat s e r i e s . R e l a t i v e l y concise, Juristats range from a few pages to twenty pages of data and a n a l y s i s . Approximately f i f t e e n are scheduled f o r release each year, eight of which are annual or b i e n n i a l r e l e a s e s that communicate i n f o r m a t i o n der i v e d from the Centre's surveys. These i n c l u d e , f o r example, p u b l i c a t i o n s on crime s t a t i s t i c s , homicide, l e g a l a i d , youth custody and probation. The other major type of Juristat are the o c c a s i o n a l or s p e c i a l t o p i c r e l e a s e s . These releas e s have focused on, f o r example, youth r e c i d i v i s m , p r i v a t e s e c u r i t y and p u b l i c p o l i c i n g , breaking and e n t e r i n g , and spousal homicide. The aim of the Juristat s e r i e s i s to provide a summary of trends i n c r i m i n a l j u s t i c e to a g e n e r a l i s t audience. That s a i d , t h e i r importance as a knowledge source should not be diminished. They are f r e q u e n t l y the p u b l i c ' s main instrument f o r understanding s t a t i s t i c a l trends i n Canada's c r i m i n a l j u s t i c e system. Doob (1993: 17) accentuates t h i s p o i n t i n h i s e v a l u a t i o n of the Centre's p u b l i c a t i o n s by concluding that 'for many people they are the only data that are a v a i l a b l e on a t o p i c and are used as [ s i c ] a r c h i v a l 305 purposes... At the moment, a Juristat "Service B u l l e t i n " i s , more o f t e n than not, the p u b l i c a t i o n "of reco r d " f o r many t o p i c s . ' Juristat W r i t i n g S o c i a l and i n s t i t u t i o n a l r o u t i n e s p l a y a part i n the communication of various t r u t h s . Truth i s a s o c i a l accomplishment, w i t h statements and f a c t s becoming true as a consequence of how human beings engage them. S c i e n t i s t s , t h erefore use whatever p o s s i b l e and p r a c t i c a l means to convince r e l e v a n t audiences that the claims they are advancing are v a l i d , while a n t i c i p a t i n g and countering the l i k e l y d e c onstructive s t r a t e g i e s of t h e i r adversaries (Fuchs and Ward 1994). S c i e n t i f i c t e x t s are shaped by at l e a s t two r e l a t e d processes. The f i r s t concerns the i n s t i t u t i o n a l and o r g a n i z a t i o n a l c o n s t r a i n t s which bear upon the form and content of t h e i r p u b l i c a t i o n s . The second i n v o l v e s the r h e t o r i c a l conventions employed i n e f f o r t s to persuade audiences to accept the claims being advanced. Both of these processes a l s o i n f l u e n c e the f i n a l form assumed by the Juristats. For the Centre, many obstacles must be overcome between the c o l l e c t i o n of a set of data and i t s p u b l i c a t i o n . One of the most onerous encumbrances f o r the authors of Juristats 306 i s the Centre's d i s t i n c t i v e review process. I t i s a hallmark of science that s c i e n t i f i c manuscripts are reviewed by-se v e r a l knowledgeable, but o s t e n s i b l y d i s i n t e r e s t e d , reviewers before they are accepted f o r p u b l i c a t i o n i n s c i e n t i f i c j o u r n a l s . Anonymous reviewers perform the r o l e of gatekeepers, s e r v i n g as one of the most important hurdles to be t r a v e r s e d i n the production of l e g i t i m a t e claims. Although there are a p l e t h o r a of reasons or j u s t i f i c a t i o n s f o r why reviewers recommend against the p u b l i c a t i o n of s c i e n t i f i c papers (see Chubin and Hackett 1990), the i d e a l i z e d image of s c i e n t i f i c review i s that i n making such d e c i s i o n s reviewers should concern themselves s o l e l y w i t h the s c i e n t i f i c merits of the claims being advanced. The c o n t r a s t between the i d e a l i z e d s c i e n t i f i c review process and that employed by the Centre could not be more marked. F i r s t , i n the Centre the number of reviewers i s g r e a t l y m u l t i p l i e d . An i n d i v i d u a l tasked w i t h w r i t i n g a Juristat f o r m a l l y commences the review process when she gives a copy of the d r a f t to her s e c t i o n c h i e f , although i t may have been i n f o r m a l l y reviewed and e d i t e d by colleagues p r i o r to t h i s p o i n t . A f t e r the s e c t i o n c h i e f ' s comments are incorporated, the d r a f t then c i r c u l a t e s w i t h i n the Centre to the heads of the other program areas (courts, c o r r e c t i o n s , p o l i c i n g ) , to some senior advisors and to the executive d i r e c t o r of the Centre. Having again been r e v i s e d , the d r a f t 307 p u b l i c a t i o n now moves outside of the Centre where i t i s reviewed s i x weeks p r i o r to p u b l i c a t i o n , two weeks p r i o r to p u b l i c a t i o n and then again at 96 hours p r i o r to p u b l i c a t i o n . I t i s at these l a t t e r stages of the review process where I n i t i a t i v e members such as l i a i s o n o f f i c e r s and j u r i s d i c t i o n a l partners can provide t h e i r comments. I t i s widely acknowledged w i t h i n the Centre, and by p o l i c y and p o l i t i c a l people I interviewed, that these d r a f t p u b l i c a t i o n s are r o u t i n e l y photocopied and c i r c u l a t e d among appropriate j u r i s d i c t i o n a l s t a f f f o r comment and c r i t i c i s m . A s e l e c t group of s o c i o l o g i s t s and c r i m i n o l o g i s t s have at times a l s o been in c l u d e d i n t h i s l i s t of e x t e r n a l reviewers. At a l l stages i n t h i s process reviewers have a broad remit to comment on j u s t about any aspect of the d r a f t , t h i s i n cludes the v e r a c i t y of the knowledge, the i n t e r p r e t a t i o n , w r i t i n g s t y l e , format, e t c . An author of s e v e r a l Juristats describes some of the c o m p l e x i t i e s of the review process: Here we end up w i t h r e a l l y 4 0 people who look at i t . I w r i t e the f i r s t d r a f t . I t goes through my supervisor and then i t goes to my supervisor's s u p e r v i s o r , which i s the c h i e f . The c h i e f says ' w e l l , i t i s OK' or maybe he doesn't have the time to look at i t and says i t i s OK. Then i t goes to a l l of the c h i e f s , then the a s s i s t a n t d i r e c t o r s then the d i r e c t o r , which i s another eight people. I f they t h i n k i t i s OK i t goes to the review process. I can't remember the appropriate names of the review process but you have l i k e a s i x week review or a two week review. You send i t out so that a l l of the LO's can take a look at i t . So you have another 24 people take a look at i t . Of those people maybe h a l f a dozen take t h e i r job s e r i o u s l y and r e a l l y do a good job at i t . Then i t comes back and you send i t 308 to t r a n s l a t i o n and updating a l l these changes. And you r e a l l y have to appease the LO's, we bend over backwards here to make them happy. I f you send them something a l i t t l e b i t c o n t r o v e r s i a l that Province X doesn't l i k e , i t i s gone. I f you send them something that j u s t happens to be not phrased nicely... Then a f t e r that review process we go through and we update i t again. Then we put i t out to the LO's again f o r a 96 hour review. At that time, j u s t four days before i t goes out they have another crack at i t . I f there i s any major t h i n g wrong w i t h the Juristat they w i l l l e t us know... We a l s o send i t to the c h i e f s of p o l i c e and p o l i c i n g s e r v i c e s as w e l l . So that i s another 20 some odd people that take a look at i t . J u r i s d i c t i o n a l review allows the Centre to acquire feedback about the accuracy of t h e i r s t a t i s t i c s . Given the number of j u r i s d i c t i o n s which might provide data f o r any one rep o r t , there could very e a s i l y be l o c a l i d i o s y n c r a s i e s w i t h the data that could be overlooked without a j u r i s d i c t i o n a l check. E x t e r n a l review i s a l s o a way to accommodate the j u r i s d i c t i o n a l partners who, i n the e a r l y 1990s, demanded greater input i n t o the Centre's communication s t r a t e g y . Receiving advance d r a f t s of p u b l i c a t i o n s allows the j u r i s d i c t i o n s to ensure the v e r a c i t y of the numbers as w e l l as to develop appropriate p o l i t i c a l responses to any c r i t i c i s m s they might a n t i c i p a t e f l o w i n g from the trends documented i n the r e p o r t . An academic with a lengthy r e l a t i o n s h i p w i t h the Centre concluded that such communications ensure that the Centre i s 'not going to have some province screaming at them. Or, i f they are going to have a province screaming at them, they are going to know i t 309 beforehand and have already decided that they are going to do t h a t . ' Another way i n which the Centre's review process d i f f e r s markedly from s c i e n t i f i c peer review concerns the d i s i n t e r e s t e d n e s s of the reviewers. Where reviewers of academic j o u r n a l s are t h e o r e t i c a l l y i n t e r e s t e d s o l e l y i n a manuscript's s c i e n t i f i c m e r i t s , the Centre cannot even maintain t h i s p r e t e n s i o n of d i s i n t e r e s t e d n e s s . Many of the j u r i s d i c t i o n a l reviewers f o r the Centre have c l e a r p o l i t i c a l i n t e r e s t s i n the knowledge being communicated. One Centre employee c h a r a c t e r i z e d the approach adopted by l i a i s o n o f f i c e r s to d r a f t Juristats as f o l l o w s : 'They are q u i t e v i g i l a n t i n terms of 'would t h i s hurt us or help us?'' Chapter 4 commented on how the p o l i t i c a l i n t e r e s t s of i n d i v i d u a l s on the Centre's governing bodies have o c c a s i o n a l l y shaped the Centre's production of knowledge through the choice of t o p i c s to be st u d i e d . In p a r t i c u l a r , they have attempted to s t r i k e a balance between 'good news' and 'bad news' s t o r i e s about c r i m i n a l j u s t i c e . In a 1996 LOC meeting t h i s was a r t i c u l a t e d as a d e s i r e 'that the e v a l u a t i o n c r i t e r i a used f o r s e l e c t i n g and a s s i g n i n g p r i o r i t i e s to t o p i c s i n c l u d e the consideration... that a balance be sought between "good and bad news" to f o s t e r a more balanced p u b l i c p e rception of the j u s t i c e system.' 310 The d e s i r e among reviewers to produce 'good news' s t o r i e s has a l s o worked i t s way down i n t o t h e i r comments on the minutia of the s t y l e i n which the Centre's data are presented. For example, one l i a i s o n o f f i c e r recounted how he expressed h i s discomfort at the way i n which a d r a f t Juristat had c o n t e x t u a l i z e d a d e c l i n e i n the n a t i o n a l crime r a t e . The manuscript had documented how Canada had witnessed i t s f o u r t h consecutive annual d e c l i n e i n the crime r a t e , but t h i s was a f t e r many years of steady inc r e a s e s . While he recognized the accuracy of t h i s c l a im, he suggested that the author concentrate more on the 'good news' component of the s t o r y , which amounted to the f a c t that crime had decreased. Here the l i a i s o n o f f i c e r summarizes h i s concerns: 'The way that was i n i t i a l l y worded, that was a b i g 'but.' Instead of focusing on the f o u r t h annual d e c l i n e i n crime, I t h i n k we took away from that p o s i t i v e message by f l a g g i n g the increases... The language could be tempered a l i t t l e . ' Another member of the Centre a l s o recounted how p o l i t i c a l concerns about terminology became apparent i n r e l a t i o n to a study he was conducting on the use of temporary absences from p r i s o n . The i n i t i a l t i t l e f o r one aspect of t h i s study was something a k i n to: 'The Use of Temporary Absences to Manage and Contain P r i s o n Overcrowding.' P o l i t i c a l apprehensions u l t i m a t e l y prompted a change to t h i s heading. He observed that although f i n a n c i a l concerns about 311 overcrowding were undeniably the p o l i t i c a l impetus f o r the study, the j u r i s d i c t i o n s were a l i t t l e b i t e x c i t e d once they saw that i n p r i n t . Seeing t h i s i n b i g words, because even though i t happens, they don't l i k e to see i t phrased as using temporary absences to manage overcrowding because they want the s p i n to be much more that they use temporary absences f o r a r e h a b i l i t a t i o n and programming gradual release and the b e n e f i t s of that... So that had to be cast i n a b e t t e r l i g h t . Despite the many l e v e l s of review which t h e i r p u b l i c a t i o n s undergo, questions remain about the merits of t h i s process. Some sen i o r members of the Centre maintain that the i n t e r n a l review process i s o c c a s i o n a l l y l a x p r e c i s e l y because there are so many reviewers, prompting any i n d i v i d u a l reviewer to assume that e r r o r s would be caught by someone e l s e . Others complained that the substance of the comments that come back from the j u r i s d i c t i o n s o f t e n have l i t t l e to do w i t h the numbers per se, but i n s t e a d concentrate almost e x c l u s i v e l y on d e c i s i o n s about which trends deserved to be accentuated and how the f i n d i n g s should be worded. One Centre s t a f f member concluded t h a t : 'There i s very l i t t l e i n terms of people t a k i n g the time to get i n t o the nuts and b o l t s of the a c t u a l numbers and v e r i f y i n g the numbers. Which I t h i n k i s kind of scary.' Several authors expressed the o p i n i o n that e x t e r n a l reviewers were engaged i n an u n n e c e s s a r i l y p a i n s t a k i n g and o c c a s i o n a l l y s e l f - i n t e r e s t e d attempt to r e - w r i t e 312 p u b l i c a t i o n s i n such a way that the poor s t a t i s t i c a l performance of t h e i r j u r i s d i c t i o n or o r g a n i z a t i o n would be cast i n a b e t t e r l i g h t . A l l of t h i s serves to place the author i n a d i f f i c u l t s i t u a t i o n , as they have to accommodate as best as p o s s i b l e a range of demands which are o f t e n i n t e n s i o n : I j u s t f i n i s h e d w r i t i n g a Juristat which came out about a month ago w i t h Jane Doe on c o r r e c t i o n a l trends. And that was h i l a r i o u s because she had been given... w e l l she had been given new i n s t r u c t i o n s about what the Juristat should now look l i k e : 'They should be a c c e s s i b l e , they should have i n t e r p r e t a t i o n , they should have c l a r i t y . They shouldn't be b o r i n g . ' She had these very p r e c i s e instructions... So we d i d what I thought was a very n i c e job on t a k i n g that Juristat and c o n s t r u c t i n g i t i n a much more c l e a r e r way w i t h n i c e b u l l e t s , l i t t l e boxes and a l l that s o r t of s t u f f . And then i t went around and you would not b e l i e v e the e d i t i n g and the r e - e d i t i n g and the i n t e r p r e t a t i o n and the adding and the d e l e t i o n that went on. I was out of the loop. I j u s t got a new e d i t i o n every other day and she was p u l l i n g her h a i r out. I t b a s i c a l l y came because she was r e c e i v i n g d i f f e r e n t advice from ten d i f f e r e n t d i r e c t i o n s . Any act of w r i t i n g i s i n e v i t a b l y an act of e d i t i n g , one that accentuates some things and i n so doing neglects others. Decisions about what trends to present and how to present them are pragmatic, made i n l i g h t of an a p p r e c i a t i o n f o r the types of things that are important to communicate as w e l l as those that are p o t e n t i a l l y c o n t r o v e r s i a l . Authors of Juristats o f t e n face complex pressures that d e r i v e from t h e i r d e s i r e to honestly d i s p l a y t h e i r f i n d i n g s while not offending powerful i n s t i t u t i o n a l i n t e r e s t s . For example, 313 they want to a c c u r a t e l y represent the f a c t s about j u r i s d i c t i o n a l d i s c r e p a n c i e s i n various i n d i c e s but i n so doing cannot a f f o r d to a l i e n a t e i n d i v i d u a l provinces. This i l l u s t r a t e s that the p r e s e n t a t i o n of t h e i r s t a t i s t i c s i s not simply a s c i e n t i f i c endeavor removed from s o c i a l c o n s i d e r a t i o n s , but one which i s enmeshed i n attempts to a n t i c i p a t e the s e n s i b i l i t i e s of d i f f e r e n t powerful audiences. As one author proclaimed: 'You are given four months to w r i t e a Juristat, and you spend a good part of that time appeasing people and p l a y i n g a p o l i t i c a l game, rather than concentrating on your a n a l y s i s . ' The f o l l o w i n g two respondents accentuate how, i n w r i t i n g Juristats, p o l i t i c a l choices are made so as to not antagonize d i f f e r e n t j u r i s d i c t i o n s : Depending on what you choose to h i g h l i g h t may d r a s t i c a l l y determine which of the j u r i s d i c t i o n s look [to be at] the top or the bottom of the heap i n whatever d i s p l a y you are t a l k i n g about. So you have to be s e n s i t i v e to those s e l e c t i o n s i n making sure they are the ones that are f a i r and the ones that are important from a n a t i o n a l p e r s p e c t i v e . Not that you want to p r o t e c t PEI and the Yukon and the NWT i n every case, but you don't i n a s e r i e s of f i f t e e n Juristats give each s p e c i f i c r a t e , they are going to look -c e r t a i n l y the T e r r i t o r i e s - they are going to look abysmal on a l l of them. You don't have to hammer them over the head twelve times w i t h the same message, that's abusive. But i t i s d i f f i c u l t to make those judgements and those s e l e c t i o n s . 314 When there i s s e n s i t i v e i n formation, l e t s say, Newfoundland i s h i g h l i g h t e d t h i s year on the v i o l e n t crime because there was a b i g increase of 20%. They don't want to see t h a t . I t might be true, i t might not be true but they don't want to see i t published. We might have to re-word i t so that i t doesn't s t i c k out l i k e a sore thumb. We don't want to hide the inform a t i o n but we c e r t a i n l y don't want to embarrass anyone. So i f something l i k e t hat would happen we would s t a t e i t i n such a way that perhaps i t was explained. W r i t i n g Science To t h i s p o i n t we have concentrated on the 'small p' p o l i t i c a l components which inform the content and s t y l e of the p r e s e n t a t i o n of Centre p u b l i c a t i o n s . We now t u r n to an examination of the epistemic aspects of these documents. An a l y s t s of various t h e o r e t i c a l leanings have i n c r e a s i n g l y recognized the r h e t o r i c a l composition of s c i e n t i f i c knowledge (e.g., Nelson, M e g i l l and McCloskey 1 9 8 7 ; Bazerman 1 9 8 3 ; Simons 1 9 8 9 ; S e l z e r 1 9 9 3 ; G u s f i e l d 1 9 7 6 ). In d i f f e r e n t ways, these v a r i e d authors have a l l emphasized the f a c t that science i s a l i t e r a r y accomplishment, and that the t r u t h s of science cannot be separated from the forms i n which they are a r t i c u l a t e d . While authors of s c i e n t i f i c papers seek to inform and educate t h e i r audience, they a l s o employ d i s t i n c t i v e l i n g u i s t i c and r h e t o r i c a l devices i n order to increase the l i k e l i h o o d that t h e i r claims w i l l be accepted. I would now l i k e to accentuate some of the ways i n which the l i n g u i s t i c s t y l e s and conventions of Juristats r e i n f o r c e t h e i r epistemic a u t h o r i t y . 315 Given that the aims of the Centre's p u b l i c a t i o n s g e n e r a l l y p a r a l l e l those of s c i e n t i f i c w r i t i n g , i t i s not s u r p r i s i n g to f i n d that t h e i r prose a l s o p a r a l l e l s s c i e n t i f i c l i t e r a r y p r o t o c o l s . The s c i e n t i f i c i d e a l f o r w r i t i n g - u p f i n d i n g s i s a ' s t y l e of non-style' ( G u s f i e l d 1976: 17), c h a r a c t e r i z e d by a general absence of l i t e r a r y imagery or tropes. Richard Rorty (1997: 309) has described t h i s as a s t y l e i n which 'the words i n which the i n v e s t i g a t o r " w r i t e s up" h i s r e s u l t s should be as few and as transparent as p o s s i b l e . ' Such i s the approach adopted by the Centre. The e p i s t e m o l o g i c a l importance of t h i s technique i s that readers are steered away from the image of human subjects l y i n g behind the claims being advanced. In f a c t , i t i s a d e f i n i n g a t t r i b u t e of modern conceptions of s c i e n t i f i c o b j e c t i v i t y that the t a i n t of an i n d i v i d u a l ' s s u b j e c t i v i t y should be removed from s c i e n t i f i c p r a c t i c e (Daston 1992). Clear, unambiguous and n o n - l i t e r a r y w r i t i n g purports to allow the world to speak f o r i t s e l f ( G i l b e r t and Mulkay 1984: 56). Another commonality between s c i e n t i f i c w r i t i n g and the Centre's s t y l e of p r e s e n t a t i o n concerns the c o n f e r r a l of r e l a t i v e l y unambiguous f a c t s . In a famous a r t i c l e , Medewar (1964) accused s c i e n t i f i c papers of being 'fraudulent' because of the way i n which they represent the act of s c i e n t i f i c discovery, i n p a r t i c u l a r how the s o c i a l , 316 i n s t i t u t i o n a l and chance f a c t o r s inherent i n any act of s c i e n t i f i c d i s c o v e r y are removed i n favor of a r e t r o s p e c t i v e account which emphasizes the r a t i o n a l u n f o l d i n g of the s c i e n t i f i c method. Latour and Woolgar (1979) describe the attainment of f a c t u a l status by a s c i e n t i f i c c l a i m as the progressive ' f o r g e t t i n g ' of the o r i g i n a t i n g research and researchers. S i m i l a r processes of f o r g e t t i n g are at p l a y i n r e l a t i o n to how the Centre's knowledge makes i t s way i n t o p u b l i c c u l t u r e . Most of the ambiguities and l i m i t a t i o n s that inhere i n the Centre's data are dropped out i n the i n t e r e s t of c l a r i t y . In the Juristats, b l u n t f a c t s come f i r s t , on the cover page where h i g h l i g h t e d ' b u l l e t s ' t e l l us, f o r example tha t : 'The p o l i c e - r e p o r t e d crime ra t e decreased by 5% i n 1994,' br 'The v i o l e n t crime r a t e decreased by 4.1%, the l a r g e s t annual d e c l i n e since the survey began i n 1962, and the t h i r d consecutive annual d e c l i n e . ' Here we encounter unequivocal f a c t s completely removed from o r g a n i z a t i o n a l r o u t i n e s , p o l i t i c a l i n t e r e s t s , methodology, coverage l i m i t a t i o n s , and human i n t e r v e n t i o n ; f a c t s that simply are. In e f f e c t , the c o n d i t i o n s of p o s s i b i l i t y f o r s t a t i s t i c a l knowledge which have been one focus of t h i s i n q u i r y are nowhere to be seen. Moving beyond these h i g h l i g h t s i n t o the t e x t of the p u b l i c a t i o n , one i s apt to encounter a methodology s e c t i o n . As r e c e n t l y as 1990, the p r e l i m i n a r y Juristat f o r crime 317 s t a t i s t i c s contained no mention of the l i m i t a t i o n s of o f f i c i a l crime s t a t i s t i c s , and only had a s i n g l e b r i e f footnote to i n d i c a t e that the offenses l i s t e d i n the p u b l i c a t i o n were only those reported or known to the p o l i c e . Now there i s r o u t i n e l y an attempt to accentuate the data c o l l e c t i o n methodology as w e l l as mention some of the f a m i l i a r c r i t i c i s m s l e v e l e d against o f f i c i a l crime s t a t i s t i c s . For example, the numbers do not address the Mark f i g u r e ' of unreported crime, and are r e l a t e d to l e g a l changes and p o l i c e p r a c t i c e s . While one might assume that such q u a l i f i c a t i o n s would d e t r a c t from the a u t h o r i t a t i v e s tatus of t h e i r claims, the exact opposite can be the case. Methodological caveats are a r o u t i n e component of s c i e n t i f i c prose, p a r t i c u l a r l y i n the s o c i a l sciences, and are a standard technique i n the production of t r u t h . As i t i s widely recognized that no study could be p e r f e c t , p o i n t i n g out some l i m i t a t i o n s i s a means to p o r t r a y an image of s c i e n t i f i c honesty and s t i l l maintain that these problems do not s e r i o u s l y i n t e r f e r e w i t h the knowledge being produced, that they are l i m i t a t i o n s but not f a t a l flaws. In the Centre's case, methodological caveats allow them to acknowledge the connection of t h e i r f a c t s to o r g a n i z a t i o n a l r o u t i n e s , and then, i n good conscience, they can r e t u r n to t r e a t i n g these constructs as f a c t s . Serious methodological 318 c r i t i c i s m s become normalized i n the very act of acknowledging them. The t e x t of the Juristats contain a more d e t a i l e d , although s t i l l s e r i o u s l y r e s t r a i n e d , d i s c u s s i o n about the data. Assorted t a b l e s and graphs present the f i n d i n g s , which are connected by a n a r r a t i v e summary of the data. This summary o f t e n amounts to a l i s t i n g of which regions, crimes, events, e t c . , are most or l e a s t prevalent as w e l l as some of the more dramatic year-to-year percentage f l u c t u a t i o n s . The n a r r a t i v e s t r u c t u r e of these accounts was a p t l y c h a r a c t e r i z e d by one respondent as an 'up and down s t o r y , ' because of the way i n which they have tended to provide a s t r a i g h t f o r w a r d account of the d i r e c t i o n of s t a t i s t i c a l trends across d i f f e r e n t j u r i s d i c t i o n s and over time. I n c r e a s i n g l y , however, there have been e f f o r t s to provide more d i s c u s s i o n of the s o c i a l , l e g a l and o r g a n i z a t i o n a l f a c t o r s which might be re s p o n s i b l e f o r s t a t i s t i c a l f l u c t u a t i o n s . In p r a c t i c e however, t h e i r claims remain very r e s t r a i n e d , they t e l l a s t o r y about d i f f e r e n t f a c t o r s which might account f o r the changes, r a t h e r than an attempt to advance an argument f o r the i n f l u e n c e of one or another cause. Nonetheless, i t i s s t i l l a s i g n i f i c a n t departure from what was permitted i n the past. W r i t i n g Juristats i n e v i t a b l y b rings authors f a c e - t o -face w i t h questions about what things should be accentuated 319 and how the f i n d i n g s should be presented. What type of comparisons to employ and which s t a t i s t i c a l t i m e l i n e s to use are common concerns r e l a t e d to the p r e s e n t a t i o n of a l l s t a t i s t i c a l data, and d i f f e r e n t p r e s e n t a t i o n s t y l e s allow authors to t e l l very d i f f e r e n t s t o r i e s . One contentious p r e s e n t a t i o n a l issue f o r the Centre concerns cross n a t i o n a l comparisons. D i f f i c u l t i e s are inherent i n attempts to make such comparisons due to the d i f f e r e n t r e p o r t i n g regimes, c u l t u r a l s e n s i b i l i t i e s and l e g a l frameworks that have a bearing on the s t a t i s t i c a l data. That s a i d , there continues to be a f a s c i n a t i o n with comparisons of our crime and i n c a r c e r a t i o n rates w i t h those of d i f f e r e n t c o u n t r i e s . This f a s c i n a t i o n has introduced a recurrent source of unresolved t e n s i o n concerning which c o u n t r i e s should be i n c l u d e d i n c r o s s - n a t i o n a l comparisons. Here two authors of Juristats comment on t h e i r experiences of d e a l i n g w i t h t h i s i s s u e . The f i r s t h i g h l i g h t s the ten s i o n regarding comparisons of i n c a r c e r a t i o n rates w i t h d i f f e r e n t c o u n t r i e s , and how Canada can be made to look b e t t e r or worse depending on the group wit h which i t i s compared. The second respondent comments on how h i s e f f o r t s to incl u d e a comparison between the crime data f o r Canada and s e v e r a l d i f f e r e n t c o u n t r i e s were vetoed by a more senior member of the Centre who was uncomfortable wi t h attempts to compare Canada's data to any country other than the United States: 320 There was an i n c a r c e r a t i o n r a t e comparison and they were q u i b b l i n g over which c o u n t r i e s should be incl u d e d . That always provokes a b i t of a debate. I t s h i f t s Canada up or down depending on i f you i n c l u d e Angola and S l o v a k i a , then Canada i s p r e t t y low. I f you s t i c k to western i n d u s t r i a l i z e d nations then Canada i s number two. In terms of the box on i n t e r n a t i o n a l comparisons there i s always a question about how many other c o u n t r i e s we can compare ourselves t o . There i s never agreement and i t comes down to who i s most i n f l u e n t i a l . [The D i r e c t o r ] s a i d 'out' so out i t goes... We had s e t t l e d on, I had put i n three c o u n t r i e s . Canada, the US, England and Wales. We had spent some time compiling the data and I s e l e c t e d those c o u n t r i e s based on the f a c t that the infor m a t i o n was current and more comparable and p r e t t y standard. We wanted something more than the United States, because we are c r i t i c i z e d because we are comparing ourselves to the worst case scenario. So we wanted to look at the European s i t u a t i o n . One walks away from reading a la r g e number of Juristats w i t h the impression that what i s t r u l y remarkable about these p u b l i c a t i o n s are the things which are, or have been, absent from the t e x t . For example, authors have t r a d i t i o n a l l y been r e q u i r e d to remain t i g h t l y t i e d to the data being reported from a p a r t i c u l a r survey or study. This requirement to draw e x c l u s i v e l y from the study i n question seems to be r e l a t e d to the s c i e n t i f i c i d e a l that s c i e n t i f i c papers should only report new f i n d i n g s . Only r e c e n t l y have authors been a c t i v e l y encouraged to abandon t h i s p r e s e n t a t i o n a l s t y l e , which one respondent c h a r a c t e r i z e d as 'dustbowl empiricism,' i n an e f f o r t to l i v e n up t h e i r p u b l i c a t i o n s . While t h i s change was j u s t i f i e d as a way to 321 make t h e i r t e x t s more a c c e s s i b l e and enjoyable to readers, i t was a l s o a way to increase the e p i s t e m o l o g i c a l weight of the p u b l i c a t i o n s by a l l o w i n g them to circumvent p o t e n t i a l c r i t i c i s m s that the numbers are inaccurate or incomprehensible. One respondent observed that the d e s i r e to i n v e s t t h e i r p u b l i c a t i o n s with more context and meaning was a way to address the s i t u a t i o n where: 'people e i t h e r won't use [the p u b l i c a t i o n s ] , w i l l use them badly, or w i l l badmouth the Centre, saying the numbers are j u s t wrong or don't make any sense.' C l a r i t y and s i m p l i c i t y of p r e s e n t a t i o n a l s t y l e increases the t r u t h value of claims d i r e c t e d at a g e n e r a l i s t audience. Authors are now encouraged to draw from d i f f e r e n t surveys and data sources i n order to provide a more comprehensive p i c t u r e of trends i n a p a r t i c u l a r t o p i c area. For example, a recent Juristat on v i o l e n t crime employs data from the homicide survey, UCR, and S t a t i s t i c s Canada's General S o c i a l Survey. Other authors have gone beyond S t a t i s t i c s Canada m a t e r i a l s to reference trends documented i n academic s t u d i e s . While authors welcomed t h i s c a l l to i n t e g r a t e other knowledges i n t o t h e i r p u b l i c a t i o n s , i t brought w i t h i t c e r t a i n d i f f i c u l t i e s . Anyone who hopes to s i t u a t e new c r i m i n a l j u s t i c e s t a t i s t i c s i n r e l a t i o n to 'the f a c t s ' as they appear i n the academic l i t e r a t u r e w i l l soon recognize that such ' f a c t s ' are by no means c l e a r and unambiguous. 322 Trends o u t l i n e d by academic researchers are o f t e n confusing or c o n t r a d i c t o r y , w i t h choices about how to i n t e r p r e t incompatible evidence o f t e n having more to do w i t h p o l i t i c a l and i d e o l o g i c a l commitment than an a b i l i t y to o b j e c t i v e l y s o r t through the data. In a d d i t i o n , any f a c t s they might wish to document from academic sources must f i r s t p e r c o l a t e through the review process, where they are apt to be c r i t i c i z e d by reviewers. One author p r o t e s t e d t h a t : I t i s almost l i k e we have to have a stack of l i t e r a t u r e backing up a c e r t a i n p o i n t of view. The person who i s commenting w i l l say ' w e l l , I don't l i k e i t . ' A l l the person has to do i s say 'I don't l i k e i t , ' and we have to get r i d of i t . To argue a counterpoint we have to have a stack of i n f o r m a t i o n to back-up our p o i n t of view. U l t i m a t e l y i t i s j u s t a c l a s h of p o i n t s of view. Authors of Juristats must e x e r c i s e caution i n terms of which stud i e s and surveys they reference and incorporate i n t o t h e i r p u b l i c a t i o n s . They do not want to a l i g n t h e i r p u b l i c a t i o n s w i t h s t u d i e s that are c o n t r o v e r s i a l , questionable or employ shoddy methodologies. While they are i n t i m a t e l y aware of the strengths and l i m i t a t i o n s of t h e i r own data c o l l e c t i o n regime, they cannot n e c e s s a r i l y be as c e r t a i n of the other data they might r e l y upon. Here an author provides an example of the c o n s i d e r a t i o n s which go i n t o d e c i s i o n s about which m a t e r i a l s to reference: The message here now i s that i t i s no longer acceptable to simply report on that one survey. Get out there and f i n d secondary i n f o r m a t i o n that helps conceptualize a 323 b i t more f o r the reader... You have to be comfortable w i t h the i n f o r m a t i o n . In a l o t of cases we are using S t a t i s t i c s Canada information, so minimally you have to understand the methodology that compiled i t , and make a d e c i s i o n based on ' i s t h i s acceptable?' I remember one, I t h i n k there was one on c h i l d abuse that was being done here. One of the sources that was provided was through an o r g a n i z a t i o n that came up w i t h some f i g u r e s on c h i l d abuse r a t e s . And t h e i r numbers were i n c r e d i b l e , but they had a wealth of s t a t i s t i c a l i n f o r m a t i o n . Then when we got i n t o the methodology we thought t h i s was a b s o l u t e l y insane, i t w i l l never stand up on i t s own. So i t was dismissed. One f a c t o r which continues to s t r u c t u r e the s t y l e of p r e s e n t a t i o n i s an express p r o h i b i t i o n against making statements on matters of p o l i c y . Authors are to shy away from any h i n t that they b e l i e v e a s p e c i f i c law, o r g a n i z a t i o n a l s t r u c t u r e , funding regime, e t c . , i s b e t t e r or worse than another. As one might imagine, there can be a f a i r amount of ambiguity as to where the l i n e between p o l i c y and non-policy matters w i l l be drawn i n any p a r t i c u l a r i nstance. One author summarized these tensions by observing how, while they were being pressured to make t h e i r p u b l i c a t i o n s more 'punchy,' they were 'not allowed to put anything i n there that would be the l e a s t b i t c o n t r o v e r s i a l , and i t has to be only r e l a t e d to the data. I t i s a b a l a n c i n g act.' F i n a l l y , perhaps the greatest source of ongoing a n x i e t y fo r authors concerns the degree of i n t e r p r e t a t i v e l a t i t u d e they are permitted. S t a t i s t i c s Canada has t r a d i t i o n a l l y c ircumscribed the amount of i n t e r p r e t a t i o n authors could 324 place on data, p r e f e r r i n g a simple recounting of the f i n d i n g s of a study or survey. In the CCJS, the r e s u l t of t h i s p o l i c y has been a s e r i e s of p u b l i c a t i o n s which c o n t a i n a great deal of informat i o n as to the 'who, what, when and where' of c r i m i n a l j u s t i c e trends, but are n o t o r i o u s l y short on addressing the question of 'why.' The roots of t h i s r e t i c e n c e to allow f o r e x p l i c a t i o n are r e l a t e d to the d e s i r e to avoid controversy as w e l l as to the s c i e n t i f i c i d e a l that science only deals i n questions of ' f a c t s , ' l e a v i n g i n t e r p r e t a t i o n to others. Recent attempts to make p u b l i c a t i o n s more t o p i c a l and engaging has meant that there i s some increased, although s t i l l l i m i t e d , room f o r i n t e r p r e t a t i o n . The s p e c i f i c s of what w i l l be acceptable to a l l of the reviewers continues to be a question authors must negotiate i n p r a c t i c e : [ I n t e r p r e t a t i o n ] i s the double-edged sword. I t has to be worded i n a very d i p l o m a t i c manner. I t i s l i k e h i d i n g behind the words. You have to word i t i n such a way that you don't come out and say that some p a r t i c u l a r j u r i s d i c t i o n i s higher or lower because of t h i s p a r t i c u l a r reason. Somehow you have to put i n words between the l i n e s . I t i s a t r i c k y business because you have to appease these people. I t i s a very p o l i t i c a l o r g a n i z a t i o n , the way the Centre i s organized. But i t i s a l l based on co-operation so i t has to be that way. I f your respondents aren't happy you don't get very much data. The w i t h the informal p r o h i b i t i o n against commenting on p o l i c y , combined l i m i t e d scope f o r i n t e r p r e t a t i o n , has meant that an d i v i s i o n of labor has emerged between the Centre 3 2 5 and academics. A s e l e c t group of Canadian c r i m i n o l o g i s t s and s o c i o l o g i s t s have developed a c l o s e working r e l a t i o n s h i p w i t h the Centre. Some of these i n d i v i d u a l s o c c a s i o n a l l y contract w i t h the Centre to w r i t e Juristats or, more commonly, attempt to e x p l a i n to the p u b l i c , v i a the media, why s t a t i s t i c a l trends are behaving i n a p a r t i c u l a r manner. Media i n q u i r i e s d i r e c t e d at the Centre about the meanings and i m p l i c a t i o n s of t h e i r s t a t i s t i c s are o f t e n r e f e r r e d to these academics, some of whom o c c a s i o n a l l y r e c e i v e d r a f t copies of p u b l i c a t i o n s so that they w i l l be b e t t e r prepared to answer such questions. One Centre employee concluded that ' I f we are forthcoming w i t h the academics i t makes t h e i r job e a s i e r and i t makes the media's job e a s i e r . And i t gets the message out l i k e we want i t out.' What t h i s means i n p r a c t i c e i s that i n order f o r Centre personnel to a r t i c u l a t e the t r u t h s about trends i n c r i m i n a l j u s t i c e as they see them, they must draw upon a d i f f e r e n t o r g a n i z a t i o n , one that has more i n t e r p r e t a t i v e l a t i t u d e and which i s not e x p l i c i t l y a l i g n e d w i t h the Centre. Although f o r m a l l y d i s t i n c t from the Centre and the J u s t i c e I n i t i a t i v e , these academics are an important p a r t of the Centre's extended knowledge network, they o f f e r the i n t e r p r e t a t i o n that i s s t r u c t u r a l l y i m p r a c t i c a l or impossible f o r CCJS employees to provide. O f f i c i a l l i m i t a t i o n s on i n t e r p r e t a t i o n are c l e a r l y not due to an i n a b i l i t y of CCJS employees to provide informed 3 2 6 o p i n i o n , as many of them have a d e t a i l e d a p p r e c i a t i o n of the data, d e r i v e d from a lengthy involvement w i t h a p a r t i c u l a r survey and subject area. One academic who f r e q u e n t l y performed the i n t e r p r e t a t i v e r o l e f o r the Centre observed that when approached by the media: 'I may not know the answer e i t h e r , but [Centre s t a f f ] w i l l c e r t a i n l y be c l o s e r to the data and be able to give as much of an explanation as I could.' Here another academic comments on the way i n which the Centre has r e l i e d on her as a means of sid e s t e p p i n g p o t e n t i a l c o n t r o v e r s i e s over i n t e r p r e t a t i o n : I t h i n k they r e f e r press c a l l s to me at times where they f e e l uncomfortable g i v i n g an i n t e r p r e t a t i o n of things or even t a l k i n g , l e t s say, about p r o v i n c i a l v a r i a t i o n , because they know p r o v i n c i a l v a r i a t i o n i s the k i n d of t h i n g that one or both of the provinces i s going to be upset. One province i s going to be upset because i t i s high and another i s going to be upset because i t i s low or average. So there i s r e a l t r o u b l e f o r them saying very much. So they r e f e r i t to me f i r s t of a l l because they know... I w i l l give an i n t e r p r e t a t i o n that they are comfortable w i t h . Because of t h e i r c l o s e involvement w i t h the Centre's surveys, Juristat authors can al s o have i n s i g h t s on the data which would be u n a v a i l a b l e to academics. Such i n s i d e r knowledge a c t u a l l y posed a minor dilemma f o r one author who was preparing to report a comparatively small annual f l u c t u a t i o n i n the crime r a t e . On the face of i t , t h i s i s not a remarkable s t o r y f o r the Centre to t e l l as, while homicide and crime rates may change co n s i d e r a b l y over time, 327 they do not tend to demonstrate dramatic year-to-year v a r i a t i o n s (Martin and Ogrodnik 1996; Wright and Fedorowycz 1996). This respondent o u t l i n e d h i s concerns about a Juristat he was i n the process of w r i t i n g which would report a one or two percent decrease i n the n a t i o n a l crime r a t e . His m e t h o d o l o g i c a l / e t h i c a l dilemma deri v e d from h i s o p i n i o n that such small s t a t i s t i c a l f l u c t u a t i o n s could very w e l l be w i t h i n the normal range of e r r o r and v a r i a b i l i t y inherent i n the data, but that such e r r o r s and l i m i t a t i o n s were g e n e r a l l y not acknowledged i n p u b l i c : I have a hard time r e p o r t i n g s t a t i s t i c s that have a change of one or two percent. I mean, that i s s t a b l e . But we have a tendency, i n p o l i c i n g s e r v i c e s anyway, to say that t h i s i s a d e f i n i t e decrease or increase... I am going to have a very hard time saying that there i s a decrease of crime of 1% i n my own Juristat. E t h i c a l l y , from my own personal viewpoint... when you look at how we c o l l e c t our s t a t i s t i c s and the number of imputations that we do and the number of l a s t minute f i x e s that we do, we are d e f i n i t e l y p l a y i n g w i t h more than 1% when we come down to the crunch. The f a c t that crime trends have been going down can a l s o present authors w i t h d i f f i c u l t i e s concerning how to present t h e i r data. As knowledgeable s o c i a l a c t o r s , authors are w e l l aware that they are not simply communicating knowledge, but are i n v o l v e d i n r h e t o r i c a l attempts to persuade o c c a s i o n a l l y unreceptive audiences. In s i t u a t i o n s where the knowledge being espoused corresponds w i t h p r e v a i l i n g perceptions, i t i s comparatively easy to have claims accepted. However, i n those instances where the f a c t s 328 being documented c l a s h w i t h such perceptions, readers and commentators are more prone to question the v e r a c i t y of the data and search f o r reasons why the data might be i n e r r o r -a s i t u a t i o n which the Centre g e n e r a l l y aims to avoid. One author who was i n the process of w r i t i n g a Juristat that would document a small n a t i o n a l decrease i n the v i o l e n t crime r a t e commented on how t h i s i n d i c a t o r contravened the p r e v a i l i n g p u b l i c sentiment that crime and v i o l e n c e were on the increase. Consequently, he b e l i e v e d that i n order to have the Centre's claims about s t a t i s t i c a l decreases i n v i o l e n t crime rates more r e a d i l y accepted 'we are going to have to give people some c r e d i t f o r t h e i r f e e l i n g s of i n s e c u r i t y . ' In order to acknowledge these i n s e c u r i t i e s , while s t i l l p r e s s i n g the t r u t h value of t h e i r c l a i m about a decrease i n v i o l e n t crime, he chose to employ a p r e s e n t a t i o n s t y l e that would o u t l i n e some of the com p l e x i t i e s of the data that might account f o r t h i s discrepancy. This i n c l u d e d e f f o r t s to accentuate the f a c t that crime rates are averages, that the a c t u a l l e v e l of v i o l e n c e may be higher i n p a r t i c u l a r l o c a l communities, and a l s o that p u b l i c perceptions of v i o l e n c e can be shaped by p a r t i c u l a r l y heinous crimes that are not r e p r e s e n t a t i v e of s t a t i s t i c a l trends. O v e r a l l , he suggested that h i s aim i n employing such r h e t o r i c a l s t r a t e g i e s was to urge the readers: 'Don't stop b e l i e v i n g us, j u s t look at i t i n the b i g p i c t u r e . ' 329 Authorship i s an i n s t i t u t i o n a l and personal p r a c t i c e as w e l l as a documentary r e a l i t y . W i t hin the Centre, authorship as a documentary r e a l i t y i s a r e l a t i v e l y recent development. I t was only i n the mid 1990s that the Juristats began, f o r the f i r s t time, to have author's names attached to them. P r i o r to t h i s they were simply authored by the 'Canadian Centre f o r J u s t i c e S t a t i s t i c s . ' Respondents recounted how t h i s change was the r e s u l t of a l a w s u i t from a member of another s e c t i o n of S t a t i s t i c s Canada. Apparently, t h i s i n d i v i d u a l had sued to have h i s name attached to the products he was w r i t i n g i n an attempt to acquire academic or p r o f e s s i o n a l c r e d i t f o r authoring these p u b l i c a t i o n s . This documentary change i s grudging i n s t i t u t i o n a l acknowledgment of the f a c t that the production of s t a t i s t i c a l knowledge i s mediated by human i n t e r v e n t i o n . As we have shown, authors must balance a complex set of i n s t i t u t i o n a l d i c t a t e s , p o l i t i c a l i n t e r e s t s and e p i s t e m o l o g i c a l concerns. The Centre's p u b l i c a t i o n s are so s t r u c t u r e d by format requirements, p o l i t i c a l concerns and reviewer comments that some authors s a i d they had l i t t l e personal attachment to the product which makes i t s way out the door. Authors are l o c a t e d i n a precarious s i t u a t i o n , one where they are re s p o n s i b l e f o r a p u b l i c a t i o n which, at the end of the day, despite the f a c t that t h e i r name i s on the f r o n t cover, they 330 may f e e l that they have had l i t t l e c r e a t i v e r o l e i n producing. While authors are encouraged to stand by the s t r e n g t h of t h e i r c o n v i c t i o n s i n w r i t i n g a Juristat, there can be p r o f e s s i o n a l repercussions f o r such determination. One author recounted how i n an upcoming Juristat he hoped to compare the data on crime w i t h data d e r i v e d from an immigration database. While he b e l i e v e d that t h i s was both p o s s i b l e and v a l u a b l e , he remained r e t i c e n t to present such knowledge, p a r t i a l l y due to the i m p l i c a t i o n s i t might have fo r h i s career: ' I t r e a l l y comes down to how much do I b e l i e v e i n i t and how much do I r e a l l y want to push i t . And i s i t a r i s k to my career? Am I going to come across as a pushy SOB who w i l l only do things h i s own way and i s not cooperative or w i l l I be viewed as someone who r e a l l y b e l i e v e s i n what he does and s t i c k s by h i s guns? There are j u s t many ways you can t w i s t i t . ' Authors walk a f i n e l i n e between communicating what they see to be the important infor m a t i o n to the p u b l i c but not surrendering e n t i r e l y to the way that other people want the p u b l i c a t i o n s t r u c t u r e d . This i s evident i n the f o l l o w i n g exchange between two respondents over the precarious s i t u a t i o n of Juristat authors: A l : You are h e l d accountable f o r ideas and i n t e r p r e t a t i o n s that are not yours. 331 A2: Your neck i s on the l i n e . And i t may be on the l i n e because of a p a r t i c u l a r LO that you didn't agree should be i n the Juristat to begin with... I remember we had t h i s b i g controversy when I very f i r s t came to S t a t i s t i c s Canada. The D i r e c t o r was addressing the d i v i s i o n , t a l k i n g about J u r i s t a t s i n p a r t i c u l a r and he s a i d , t h i s i s a quote unquote: 'You are the author of t h i s Juristat. I f you f e e l l i k e you want to i n c l u d e a c e r t a i n t e x t then you do so. I t i s your name on the product.' That i s t h e o r e t i c a l , that i s not how i t i s done. A l : You t r y to get your f i r s t d r a f t i n the way you want i t , because you know that you w i l l be f i g h t i n g to get things l e f t i n . I f i t doesn't s u i t somebody i t w i l l be out. And i t i s very d i f f i c u l t to add things once i t goes around f o r comments. I f what you want to add i s not d i r e c t l y r e l a t e d to what people have already seen. Because i f you give them new s t u f f they w i l l j u s t have more s t u f f to comment on. The Media The act of w r i t i n g i s shaped by a u t h o r i a l presumptions about one's audience. One of the main audiences f o r Centre p u b l i c a t i o n s are the news media, a set of i n s t i t u t i o n s which informs the format of Centre p u b l i c a t i o n s , i t s communication strategy, and a l s o the nature of the comments coming from reviewers. I f the Centre's claims are to be accepted by the p u b l i c , they must f i r s t be reproduced by the media i n such a manner that t h e i r t r u t h value i s minimally challenged. As such, the Centre's r e l a t i o n s h i p w i t h the media marks the t r a n s i t i o n p o i n t from p r i v a t e to p u b l i c knowledge. The media can frame p u b l i c discourse and focus p o l i t i c a l a t t e n t i o n . Through them we acquire much of our knowledge from and about d i f f e r e n t i n s t i t u t i o n s . The media 332 are a l s o now more f r e q u e n t l y recognized as a s i g n i f i c a n t component i n the o r g a n i z a t i o n of c r i m i n a l j u s t i c e (Ericson, Baranek and Chan 1987, 1989, 1991; Schlesinger and Tumber 1994). This s e c t i o n explores the Centre's r e l a t i o n s h i p w i t h the media, i t documents the d i s t i n c t i v e form of t h i s r e l a t i o n s h i p and how concerns about the media p r o s p e c t i v e l y shape the s p e c i f i c s of the Centre's knowledge production. In so doing, i t addresses the question of the extent to which the Centre has been able to use the media to communicate a dominant ideology. The Centre has an ambiguous r e l a t i o n s h i p w i t h the media, as i t e x i s t s p r i m a r i l y to produce knowledge f o r the i n s t i t u t i o n a l p l a y e r s i n the c r i m i n a l j u s t i c e system, but i s mandated to p u b l i c i z e the f i n d i n g s of t h e i r various surveys and s t u d i e s . This mandate brings them i n t o a l l i a n c e w i t h the media which, from the vantage p o i n t of the Centre, i s yet another set of heterogeneous i n s t i t u t i o n s and actors which must be patterned i n t o t h e i r extended knowledge network. Following the template developed by Latour (1987) and C a l l o n (1986) o u t l i n e d i n chapter 2, the media must f i r s t be made to be ' i n t e r e s t e d ' i n the knowledge developed by the Centre, a process that appears to have been r e l a t i v e l y simple, given the media's long-standing f a s c i n a t i o n w i t h matters of crime and j u s t i c e . Having i n t e r e s t e d the media, the Centre must now e s t a b l i s h means to c o n t r o l the media's r o l e as an 333 u n c r i t i c a l disseminator of the Centre's f i n d i n g s . This r o l e has been p a r t i a l l y s t a b i l i z e d by the Centre's use of s p e c i f i c formats, p r e s e n t a t i o n s t y l e s and dissemination v e h i c l e s . A t h e o r e t i c a l question which i s d e r i v e d from a con c e n t r a t i o n on these i n t e r - i n s t i t u t i o n a l l inkages concerns the degree to which the media u n c r i t i c a l l y reproduce the CCJS's knowledge. Within media s t u d i e s , 'dominant ideology' t h e o r i s t s have argued that the media are subservient to o f f i c i a l sources i n terms of the type of coverage they provide. In r e l a t i o n to c r i m i n a l j u s t i c e , o f f i c i a l sources feed the b u r e a u c r a t i c and economic l o g i c of news production where deadline pressures and the requirement to f i l l newspaper space prompt a dependency on i n f o r m a t i o n from o f f i c i a l c r i m i n a l j u s t i c e sources (Fishman 1980). The media tend to t r e a t o f f i c i a l accounts u n p r o b l e m a t i c a l l y as 'the f a c t s , ' and i n so doing reproduce the dominant ideology of sources ( H a l l et al. 1978). Countering t h i s approach i s one that i s d e r i v e d from research on the a c t u a l p r a c t i c e s of j o u r n a l i s t s , one that emphasizes the contingent and negotiated character of media/source r e l a t i o n s (Ericson, Baranek and Chan 1987, 1989, 1991). These authors have demonstrated that while sources are a v i t a l component i n how media accounts are s t r u c t u r e d , r e p o r t e r s do not n e c e s s a r i l y u n c r i t i c a l l y reproduce a source's p r e f e r r e d v e r s i o n of 334 events. A l t e r n a t i v e sources allow j o u r n a l i s t s to produce s t o r i e s that run counter to the n a r r a t i v e p r e f e r r e d by-o f f i c i a l sources. The degree of l a t i t u d e f o r a l t e r n a t i v e accounts v a r i e s between d i f f e r e n t sources, with , f o r example, p o l i t i c a l l e g i s l a t u r e s having r e l a t i v e l y l i t t l e c o n t r o l over the types of s t o r i e s produced, the p o l i c e e f f e c t i n g more c o n t r o l , and p r i s o n s e f f e c t i n g even more c o n t r o l (Ericson, Baranek and Chan 1989; Doyle and E r i c s o n 1996). Despite the r o l e of s t a t i s t i c a l agencies as one of the most authorized sources of knowledge about crime and c r i m i n a l j u s t i c e , and the frequent appearance of o f f i c i a l crime s t a t i s t i c s i n media r e p o r t s , to t h i s p o i n t such i n s t i t u t i o n s have been ignored by media a n a l y s t s . Here I draw from i n t e r v i e w s w i t h Centre personnel and two j o u r n a l i s t s to o u t l i n e the contours of the r e l a t i o n s h i p between the Centre and the media. Seeing as t h i s approach neglects the day-to-day r o u t i n e s of j o u r n a l i s t s , i t i s bound to accentuate the degree to which the Centre has been able to c o n t r o l the media. However, these i n t e r v i e w s a l s o r e v e a l q u i t e d i s t i n c t i v e fears among Centre personnel about the p o s s i b i l i t y of c r i t i c a l coverage, fears that r e v e a l that the media maintain a degree of d i s c r e t i o n over the f i n a l form *7 that a s t o r y assumes. 335 The Centre's r e l a t i o n s h i p w i t h the media has evolved over time. Respondents recounted how i n the e a r l y and mid 1980s the Centre had few formal dealings w i t h the media. Over time Centre s t a f f i n c r e a s i n g l y recognized the media and p u b l i c i n t e r e s t i n t h e i r data. Consequently, as one sen i o r member of the Centre r e c a l l e d , 'There was a push to make some of these things appear i n the press more, and t h i s was r e f l e c t e d i n how things were presented.' Some of t h e i r n a t i o n a l i n d i c a t o r s , such as the crime r a t e , were perceived as being p a r t i c u l a r l y a t t r a c t i v e to the media. One respondent even went so f a r as to proclaim: 'What a c t u a l l y i s the n a t i o n a l crime rate? What do you do w i t h i t ? You put i t i n the newspaper and put a headline on i t . ' In f a c t , Maltz (1977) suggests that one of the motivations behind the o r i g i n a l development of UCR s t a t i s t i c s i n the United States i n the 1920s was to provide j o u r n a l i s t s w i t h i n f o r m a t i o n about crime. As Centre s t a f f moved to a c l o s e r r e l a t i o n s h i p w i t h the media, they a l s o recognized that some of t h e i r knowledge was perhaps too a t t r a c t i v e to the media. For example, one i n d i v i d u a l recounted how, when he assumed the p o s i t i o n of the c h i e f of the Centre's p o l i c i n g s e c t i o n , he h a l t e d the p u b l i c r elease of a t a b l e that d e t a i l e d the ten Canadian c i t i e s w i t h the highest homicide r a t e s . Although t h i s knowledge was accurate, he saw i t as being too amenable to 336 s e n s a t i o n a l i s m and was the r e f o r e not something that they wanted to accentuate. As he r e c a l l s , 'There were instances where the press j u s t took that t a b l e and put a graphic of a smoking gun over i t and ran i t . This was something that was c l e a r l y s e n s a t i o n a l i s t i c and we were not going to give them that t a b l e any more. The numbers are a v a i l a b l e , but now they have to do the diggin g themselves i f they want them.' Today, the media i n f l u e n c e on the Centre i s pervasive, informing the ti m i n g of r e l e a s e s , t h e i r wording, degree of s t a t i s t i c a l s o p h i s t i c a t i o n and types of knowledge presented. The d e s i r e to make t h e i r p u b l i c a t i o n s more 'punchy' and approachable by p u b l i c audiences l a r g e l y t r a n s l a t e s i n t o a concern to make things more a c c e s s i b l e to the media. One author declared that the e n t i r e i n t e n t of w r i t i n g f o r the Centre i s 'to make i t as r e a d e r - f r i e n d l y and u s e r - f r i e n d l y i n t h a t j o u r n a l i s t i c s t y l e as p o s s i b l e . Make sure t h a t they are able to take what we say and p u b l i s h i t . ' This i n c l u d e s the use of b i t e - s i z e d f a c t s and simple graphics amenable to easy media reproduction. Here two members of the Centre comment on how the r e l a t i o n s h i p w i t h the media has informed the w r i t i n g of Centre p u b l i c a t i o n s : When there i s a release i t goes out on the wire and j o u r n a l i s t s w r i t e t h e i r s t o r i e s from t h a t . That i s the way we have been asked to w r i t e our in f o r m a t i o n now, to know what i s news-worthy. That i s kind of the per s p e c t i v e we have to look at now rather than j u s t the b a s i c mundane number crunching. We have to make kind of a s t o r y out of i t . Which some people see as a problem... I t forces us to look at things i n a j o u r n a l i s t i c view 337 r a t h e r than an academic kind of view. Before i t used to be f a c t s and only f a c t s , now we have a l o t more contextual information... We've got sexy b u l l e t s now at the beginning of each s e c t i o n to catch people's eye, the media's eye, i n terms of newsworthy items. So that has changed... I t i s to the p o i n t where newsworthy kinds of t h i n g s , only those kinds of things are i n there. And they are short. There can be n i c e l i t t l e graphics i n there to catch your eye r a t h e r than f i v e pages of t a b l e s . Our major audience i s j o u r n a l i s t s . So you have to give them a l l of the f a c t s that they would f i n d of i n t e r e s t r i g h t up f r o n t . The idea i s to make i t as readable as p o s s i b l e so they don't m i s i n t e r p r e t the i n f o r m a t i o n r i g h t o f f the bat. One t h i n g we have to do i s avoid any footnotes i n the h i g h l i g h t s because we know that they won't be read and they won't be reported. I f i t i s not c r y s t a l c l e a r i t i s not going i n the h i g h l i g h t s . The Centre's a p p r e c i a t i o n of what c o n s t i t u t e s a good p u b l i c r e lease of t h e i r data i s r e l a t e d to the type and extent of media coverage i t r e c e i v e s . Their r e l a t i o n s h i p w i t h the media i s such that t h e i r understanding of good p u b l i c i t y i s e n t i r e l y focused on a concern w i t h the Centre's i n s t i t u t i o n a l a u t h o r i t y . Within broad l i m i t s , they simply do not care about how people i n t e r p r e t the data or manipulate i t f o r p a r t i s a n purposes. In f a c t , Centre s t a f f f u l l y expect that t h e i r numbers w i l l be employed f o r d i v e r s e and c o n t r a d i c t o r y ends and w i l l be f i n e s s e d by people l o c a t e d at every p o i n t along the p o l i t i c a l spectrum. Such uses are not a problem f o r them, j u s t so long as the numbers are taken at face value. For example, two Centre o f f i c i a l s independently 338 used e x a c t l y the same words to define a s u c c e s s f u l r e l e a s e : 'We didn't have a l o t of people c h a l l e n g i n g the data and saying that we were making i t up.' Echoes of the c l a s s i c l i b e r a l views on fre e speech resound i n t h i s approach to the uses and p o t e n t i a l abuses of t h e i r data. While i t i s recognized that s t a t i s t i c s can always be c o n s c i o u s l y or unconsciously abused and m i s i n t e r p r e t e d , the Centre r e l i e s on the prospect of fre e and p u b l i c debate to allow f o r the u l t i m a t e triumph of t r u t h over m a l i c i o u s and fraudulent claims. In an i n s t i t u t i o n dedicated to the production of numerical data, one can even f i n d b e n e f i t s when groups c o n s c i o u s l y misrepresent your numbers. A manager of one of the Centre's surveys d i s p l a y e d j u s t such a l o g i c i n h i s observations t h a t : I t h i n k i t i s p o s i t i v e when someone misuses data. The beauty i s they come out and make the argument and they get attacked by a dozen people w i t h good data saying why t h i s i s what we are doing. That i s education. I th i n k you a c t u a l l y have a net p o s i t i v e outcome. You have a c t u a l l y c o r r e c t e d the record on something. The Centre works to ensure that the type of coverage they r e c e i v e does not t a r n i s h t h e i r r e p u t a t i o n . Any repor t s that go beyond the simple reproduction of t h e i r numbers to i m p l i c a t e the Centre are seen as a p o t e n t i a l hazard. To again emphasize t h i s p o i n t , yet another member of the Centre commented on a recent release by observing how: 'In previous years when the media d i d not l i k e the numbers they tended to 339 say they were wrong, that the Centre had somehow manufactured the numbers... There i s now more of an emphasis on t r y i n g to e x p l a i n and understand them, so that i s progress.' Quite simply, the Centre works to avoid the charge t h a t , f o r any number of reasons, they have gotten the numbers wrong. The media provide both o p p o r t u n i t i e s and dangers. They are a means to communicate the Centre's f a c t s as w e l l as a source of i n s t i t u t i o n a l l e g i t i m i z a t i o n , but they a l s o pose the r i s k that the Centre w i l l be s i n g l e d out f o r c r i t i c i s m . Consequently, the Centre aims to c o n t r o l the type of coverage that t h e i r releases w i l l r e c e i v e . As i s i n c r e a s i n g l y the case i n r e l a t i o n s h i p s between the media and c r i m i n a l j u s t i c e sources, c o n t r o l of the media i s not secured through secrecy, but through p r o s p e c t i v e l y engaging the media to provide accounts i n p r e f e r r e d formats (Ericson, Baranek and Chan 1989). A member of the Centre described how the w r i t i n g s t y l e f o r the Juristat i s r e l a t e d to t h e i r r e l a t i o n s h i p w i t h the media: 'We don't want the j o u r n a l i s t screwing up the data so we spoon-feed them as much as p o s s i b l e . ' The development of h i g h l i g h t e d b u l l e t s on the f i r s t pages of t h e i r p u b l i c a t i o n s i s a prime example of such 'spoon-feeding,' as these present f a c t s removed from the i n t r i c a c i e s of the surveys and background processes which made them p o s s i b l e and are e a s i l y reproduced by j o u r n a l i s t s : 340 Q: Do you of t e n get s i t u a t i o n s where [the media] are e s s e n t i a l l y p u l l i n g the b u l l e t s r i g h t from the p u b l i c a t i o n ? A: We want them to do th a t . We o f t e n say that when we don't get a l o t of c a l l s i t i s because the data i s w e l l - w r i t t e n . They have j u s t r i pped o f f of i t what they need. That i s good, t h a t ' s a good s i g n . The Centre works to c o n s t i t u t e j o u r n a l i s t s as the passive r e c i p i e n t s and verbatim reproducers of t h e i r data. They have had considerable success i n t h i s regard, as media reports o f t e n simply recount the s t o r y t o l d i n the Centre's r e l e a s e s . Here a j o u r n a l i s t who s p e c i a l i z e s i n l e g a l and c r i m i n a l a f f a i r s emphasizes the j o u r n a l i s t i c dependence on the knowledge that emanates from the Centre: The form the media rep o r t s take i s completely dependent on the Centre. No r e p o r t e r i s going to go through and crunch the numbers. I f the Centre says 'Crime i s down 2% from l a s t year,' that i s what the s t o r y i s going to be. I f the Centre says 'Crime i s s t i l l at a ten year high, even i f i t went down one or two percent,' that i s the s t o r y . Given c o n s t r a i n t s and time the s p i n i s g e n e r a l l y what the Centre puts on it... We are completely dependent on them. However, t h i s i n d i v i d u a l overstates the case. While j o u r n a l i s t s are undoubtedly i n a s t a t e of s t r u c t u r e d subordination to the Centre's t r u t h s , there are s e v e r a l instances where r e p o r t e r s have documented the Centre's numbers and then immediately suggested that they were suspect, wrong or out of touch w i t h r e a l i t y . Such s t o r i e s seem to be p a r t i c u l a r l y common i n those j u r i s d i c t i o n s which 341 have comparably high l e v e l s on unfavorable i n d i c a t o r s . They als o seem to be more prevalent i n those s i t u a t i o n s where the numbers are at odds wi t h p r e v a i l i n g p u b l i c perceptions about trends i n c r i m i n a l j u s t i c e . I t i s not uncommon f o r j o u r n a l i s t s who face such a s i t u a t i o n to question the v a l i d i t y of the Centre's numbers and methodology. The extent to which these s t o r i e s are seen to s e r i o u s l y challenge the Centre's r e p u t a t i o n i s a contextual matter, r e l a t e d to the s p e c i f i c media and r e p o r t e r making the accusations and the tone of the a l l e g a t i o n s . Media c r i t i c i s m i s most damaging when i t can draw from other a u t h o r i z e d sources who challenge the numbers. One example concerned J. Fekete's (1994) accusations, d e t a i l e d i n the previous chapter, that the V i o l e n c e Against Women survey was p o l i t i c a l l y biased. Another example occurred f o l l o w i n g the 1993 release of the crime and homicide Juristat. Toronto's Chief of P o l i c e sparked a controversy by p u b l i c l y accusing the Centre's numbers of being 'out of touch w i t h r e a l i t y , ' a c l a i m which was aided by the f a c t that the s t a t i s t i c a l trends documented by the Centre f o r Toronto d i d not mesh w i t h those c o l l e c t e d by the M e t r o p o l i t a n Toronto P o l i c e Force (Christopoulos 1994). This discrepancy appears to have r e s u l t e d from a methodological ove r s i g h t on the Centre's behalf and a l a c k of communication between the CCJS and the Metro Toronto p o l i c e . I t a l s o 342 prompted attempts to t r y to c o n t r o l the f u t u r e p o s s i b i l i t y of such challenges to the Centre's data. In p a r t i c u l a r , the Centre i n s t i t u t e d a p o l i c y where they now r e q u i r e p o l i c e forces to 'sign o f f on t h e i r data to i n d i c a t e that i t i s accurate. In t h i s way they can be more assured that the p o l i c e w i l l be l e s s apt to subsequently c r i t i c i z e t h e i r f i n d i n g s given that they have already f o r m a l l y i n d i c a t e d that the data i s c o r r e c t . The Centre has s u c c e s s f u l l y e s t a b l i s h e d r e l a t i v e l y s t a b l e l i n k s w i t h the media. On the day of a r e l e a s e , some s t a f f members spend a considerable amount of time simply f a x i n g the p u b l i c a t i o n to the media. Other media o u t l e t s acquire summaries of these p u b l i c a t i o n s through S t a t i s t i c s Canada's d a i l y e l e c t r o n i c m a i l release system, The Daily. The Centre a l s o employs an 'information o f f i c e r ' who makes himself a v a i l a b l e to r e p o r t e r s on the day(s) a f t e r a r e l e a s e . The presence of such an i n d i v i d u a l i n the Centre p a r a l l e l s the l a r g e r trend i n c r i m i n a l j u s t i c e to have designated i n d i v i d u a l s provide the media wi t h s t o r i e s accompanied by the p r e f e r r e d i n s t i t u t i o n a l i n t e r p r e t a t i o n (Ericson 1994; Schlesinger, Tumber and Murdock 1991). Although the i n f o r m a t i o n o f f i c e r ' s i n t e r a c t i o n s w i t h the media are circumscribed by the n e c e s s i t y to avoid the h i n t of controversy, and h i s i n t e r p r e t a t i v e l a t i t u d e i s l a r g e l y confined to what was w r i t t e n i n the r e p o r t , he serves the 343 v i t a l r o l e of g i v i n g a human face to impersonal processes. Giddens (1991) has h i g h l i g h t e d the importance of how, i n a s o c i e t y pervaded by complex a b s t r a c t systems, there i s s t i l l a need f o r face-to-face i n t e r a c t i o n between the p u b l i c and the human r e p r e s e n t a t i v e s of these systems. I t i s i n these encounters where the human 'face work' i s accomplished, which i s necessary to r e i n f o r c e the t r u s t we must place i n these systems. For the Centre, the i n f o r m a t i o n o f f i c e r provides the mediated human face f o r a complex s t a t i s t i c a l knowledge network, one whose t r u t h claims most of us must simply take as a matter of f a i t h . The Centre i s h i g h l y s e n s i t i v e to the extent and nature of media coverage t h e i r r eports r e c e i v e . As a r e s u l t , they produce i n t e r n a l summaries of the extent of coverage t h e i r major releases r e c e i v e , the prominent themes i n t h i s coverage and any c o n t r o v e r s i e s which might have developed. Again, t h e i r concern i s not w i t h the myriad ways that t h e i r data are p o l i t i c a l l y manipulated, but to monitor the type of coverage they r e c e i v e and search out those instances where the numbers were deemed to be fraudulent or where the Centre or S t a t i s t i c s Canada was s i n g l e d out f o r c r i t i c i s m . In extreme instances they w r i t e l e t t e r s to e d i t o r s that d e t a i l what they see as u n f a i r coverage, and have h e l d meetings w i t h j o u r n a l i s t s i n attempts to c l a r i f y the operations of t h e i r v a rious surveys. These e f f o r t s are more than a way f o r 344 the Centre to lend the media an educational h e l p i n g hand, they are a l s o a way to avoid future c o n t r o v e r s i e s by informing j o u r n a l i s t s about the operations and l i m i t a t i o n s of t h e i r surveys and i n so doing keeping the c r i t i c a l focus o f f of the Centre. From the p e r s p e c t i v e of the Centre, the media coverage of c r i m i n a l j u s t i c e s t a t i s t i c s appears to be a r e l a t i v e l y s t r a i g h t f o r w a r d e x e r c i s e . J o u r n a l i s t s r e c e i v e the p u b l i c a t i o n s on the morning of the release and use these data as the b a s i s f o r a s t o r y about trends i n p a r t i c u l a r s t a t i s t i c a l i n d i c a t o r s . More e n t e r p r i s i n g j o u r n a l i s t s contact the Centre's i n f o r m a t i o n o f f i c e r f o r a human r e -t e l l i n g of these trends or seek out academics or other i n s t i t u t i o n a l sources who provide commentary and i n t e r p r e t a t i o n . Outside of the infrequent controversy that prompts focused a t t e n t i o n on the Centre, the r o u t i n e r e p o r t i n g of summaries drawn from t h e i r p u b l i c a t i o n s i s the f u l l extent of the Centre's p u b l i c p r o f i l e . There i s no j o u r n a l i s t i c ' s t a t i s t i c s beat' comparable to the p o l i c e beat or the courts beat. The media has a l s o not explored the day-to-day r o u t i n e s i n v o l v e d i n the production of s t a t i s t i c a l knowledge. The work of s t a t i s t i c i a n s and a n a l y s t s simply does not accord w i t h a media template which i d e a l l y r e q u i r e s a c t i o n , controversy, and, p a r t i c u l a r l y i n the case of t e l e v i s i o n , dramatic v i s u a l s . There i s very l i t t l e f o r a j o u r n a l i s t to see i f they were to spend time at the Centre. I t does not o f f e r anything l i k e the dramatic p o s s i b i l i t i e s of r i d i n g i n a p o l i c e car or attending court. I t i s a p r o f e s s i o n a l , b u r e a u c r a t i c , knowledge-producing o r g a n i z a t i o n whose most dramatic a c t i v i t i e s are h o l d i n g meetings and s h u f f l i n g i n s c r i p t i o n s back and f o r t h . Despite the importance of such p r a c t i c e s to our understanding of the world, such e n t e r p r i s e s have g e n e r a l l y not been able to a t t r a c t much media, p u b l i c or s o c i o l o g i c a l a t t e n t i o n . As the Government S t a t i s t i c i a n s ' C o l l e c t i v e (1979: 143) lamented: 'Paper-s h u f f l i n g jobs seem to l a c k the mystique that a t t r a c t s wide i n t e r e s t to the work of car-workers, managers or p r o s t i t u t e s . Where are the paperbacks on the experience of the coding room or the computer f l o o r ? ' This l a c k of media a t t e n t i o n i s a l s o exacerbated by a general s t a t i s t i c a l a n t ipathy among j o u r n a l i s t s . The p r o f e s s i o n a l background of j o u r n a l i s t s i s much more l i k e l y to have been c r e a t i v e w r i t i n g than s t a t i s t i c s or criminology. One Centre respondent r e c a l l e d how years p r e v i o u s l y they had i n v i t e d j o u r n a l i s t s i n t o t h e i r o f f i c e s i n order to acquire t h e i r opinions about how to b e t t e r meet the needs of the media. He l e f t t h i s meeting impressed by the media's need f o r s t a t i s t i c a l s i m p l i c i t y . One j o u r n a l i s t put a f i n e head on t h i s p o i n t by t e l l i n g him: 'We don't know anything about 346 numbers, so don't swamp us w i t h numbers.' Although i t would be almost impossible f o r a s t a t i s t i c a l agency to avoid swamping people with numbers, they have done t h e i r best to meet the needs of j o u r n a l i s t s by p r o v i d i n g concise s t a t i s t i c a l f a c t s and r e l a t i v e l y uncomplicated analyses and r e p r e s e n t a t i o n s . In summary, the Centre's r e l a t i o n s h i p w i t h the media i s u s e f u l , but a l s o p o t e n t i a l l y dangerous. They r e q u i r e the media to disseminate t h e i r f i n d i n g s , but i n so doing face the prospect of having t h e i r a u t h o r i t y challenged. This has prompted a number of s t r a t e g i e s to f o r m a l i z e and r o u t i n i z e the r e l a t i o n s h i p s between these two i n s t i t u t i o n s . Such e f f o r t s are f u r t h e r evidence of E r i c s o n ' s (1994: 109) argument t h a t : 'The news media and source i n s t i t u t i o n s are best conceived as part of each other, mutually i n f l u e n c i n g t h e i r r e s p e c t i v e ways of c l a s s i f y i n g , o r g a n i z i n g , t h i n k i n g and a c t i n g . ' Some of the ways i n which the Centre has f o r m a l i z e d these r e l a t i o n s i s by r e l e a s i n g t h e i r data d i r e c t l y to media o u t l e t s , p r e s e n t i n g the data i n a format amenable to easy media use and making i n d i v i d u a l s a v a i l a b l e who can provide a human face to impersonal numbers. Such e f f o r t s amount to an attempt to ensure that the media reports t h e i r numbers i n a fashion that i s both honest and does not question the Centre's a u t h o r i t y . Although the Centre has been comparatively s u c c e s s f u l i n t h i s regard, the 347 ongoing fears among Centre personnel about the r i s k s inherent i n p u b l i c r elease speak to t h e i r i n a b i l i t y to completely c o n t r o l the types of coverage they r e c e i v e . Through a l t e r n a t i v e sources such as academics, n o n - p r o f i t o r g a n i z a t i o n s and the o c c a s i o n a l j u r i s d i c t i o n a l r e p r e s e n t a t i v e , j o u r n a l i s t s can produce s t o r i e s that run counter to the Centre's i n t e r e s t s . An image emerges of ongoing tensions between the Centre and the media, ra t h e r than the more d e t e r m i n i s t i c image of j o u r n a l i s t s being captured by authorized sources as portrayed by the 'dominant ideology' t h e o r i s t s . P u b l i c Discourse The knowledge produced by agencies such as the Centre i s p r i m a r i l y intended as a resource f o r s t r a t e g i e s of governance. However, the f a c t that t h i s knowledge i s not intended e n t i r e l y f o r experts, but i s al s o disseminated to wider audiences through the media, has had important s o c i a l consequences. In p a r t i c u l a r , the form of the knowledge produced by s t a t i s t i c a l centers of c a l c u l a t i o n has shaped the broad contours of our p u b l i c discourses about crime and c r i m i n a l j u s t i c e . I t would be d i f f i c u l t to overemphasize the extent to which contemporary c r i m i n a l j u s t i c e p o l i t i c s are i n t e r t w i n e d w i t h s t a t i s t i c s . S t a t i s t i c s are a bellwether f o r the success or f a i l u r e of governmental s t r a t e g i e s . I n s t i t u t i o n a l reforms 348 are o f t e n undertaken w i t h the e x p l i c i t aim of modifying a p a r t i c u l a r s t a t i s t i c a l i n d i c a t o r , as s o c i a l l y d e s i r a b l e ends are t r a n s l a t e d i n t o changes to q u a n t i t a t i v e measures. As I w r i t e t h i s s e c t i o n , the cover of today's l o c a l newspaper has a headline s t o r y on the vow by Vancouver's new Chief of P o l i c e to reduce property crime by 69% and break and enters by 64% (Fong and B e l l e t t 1997). What i s c r u c i a l about t h i s i s that the p o l i t i c a l goal i s to do things that w i l l change the numbers, wi t h the success or f a i l u r e of the Chief and h i s force hanging i n the balance. In the l i g h t of such proclamations, i s i t any wonder that p o l i c e o r g a n i z a t i o n s have o f t e n been accused of 'fudging' t h e i r data i n attempts to appear more e f f i c i e n t ? On the t a b l e beside today's newspaper l i e s the New York Review of Books, which contains an extended a r t i c l e by James Lardner (1997) on New York's 'miracle.' What, we might w e l l ask, could c o n s t i t u t e a m i r a c l e i n t h i s the most c y n i c a l of c i t i e s ? - a re d u c t i o n i n the crime r a t e of 40%! Undeniably s t a t i s t i c s c o n s t i t u t e a major component of the p o l i t i c s of crime. I have shied away from saying that c r i m i n a l j u s t i c e p o l i t i c s are all about s t a t i s t i c s , a q u a l i f i c a t i o n made necessary by the f a c t that s t a t i s t i c s are one pole of an ongoing h i s t o r i c a l dynamic between aggregate and i n d i v i d u a l i z e d knowledge about c r i m i n a l j u s t i c e . M i c h e l Foucault (see chapter 1) has provided a model where power 3 4 9 over d i f f e r e n t human populations i s understood to vary-between an i n d i v i d u a l i z i n g and an aggregating pole. The i n d i v i d u a l i z i n g moment i s c h a r a c t e r i z e d by various forms of p r o f e s s i o n a l p r a c t i c e which maintain d e t a i l e d d o s s i e r s of i n d i v i d u a l p a t i e n t s , students, c r i m i n a l s , e t c . , who are lo c a t e d i n a s c r u t i n i z i n g normative gaze. The aggregating pole concerns i t s e l f w i t h the 'species body,' the forms of i n t e r v e n t i o n and c o n t r o l made p o s s i b l e by the s t a t i s t i c a l knowledges which emerged during the eighteenth and nineteenth c e n t u r i e s . I am suggesting that a s i m i l a r o p p o s i t i o n e x i s t s between i n d i v i d u a l i z e d and aggregate knowledge i n p u b l i c p o l i t i c a l discourse about crime. The i n d i v i d u a l i z i n g pole concerns how the p u b l i c ' s knowledge about crime has o f t e n been read through d i s c r e t e i n d i v i d u a l s and events. What the p u b l i c knew about crime they knew from f i r s t - h a n d experience, p u b l i c dramas of capture and evasion of i n d i v i d u a l c r i m i n a l s , outlaws and gangsters, or from media-stoked moral panics about p a r t i c u l a r l y heinous crimes. The h i s t o r i c a l development of crime s t a t i s t i c s provided the aggregate counterpoint to such i n d i v i d u a l i z e d knowledges. S t a t i s t i c a l crime data provided i n s i g h t s i n t o the mundane r e a l i t y of crime and the operation of the c r i m i n a l j u s t i c e system, a form of knowledge which acquired p o l i t i c a l 350 overtones as people began to concern themselves w i t h the s o c i a l i m p l i c a t i o n s of changes to crime r a t e s . Porter (1995: 77) has proposed that one a t t r a c t i o n of the aggregate nature of s t a t i s t i c a l knowledge about the poor and dangerous c l a s s e s i n e a r l y modern Europe was that i t abstracted away the i n d i v i d u a l i t y of the people being described: XA method of study that ignored i n d i v i d u a l i t y seemed somehow r i g h t f o r the lower c l a s s e s . ' While c r i m i n a l j u s t i c e p o l i t i c s became i n c r e a s i n g l y s t a t i s t i c a l , t h i s i s true only to a p o i n t , as the meanings and a c t i o n s of i n d i v i d u a l c r i m i n a l s and c r i m i n a l events continue to be of great p u b l i c import. We continue to have a p u b l i c l u s t f o r r i c h b i o g r a p h i c a l d e t a i l about our most d i s t u r b e d and d i s t u r b i n g f e l l o w c i t i z e n s , as our f a m i l i a r i t y w i t h the names and a c t i o n s of Ted Bundy, Peter S u t c l i f f e and C l i f f o r d Olson a t t e s t . The a v a i l a b i l i t y of aggregate data about crime has meant that t a l e s about c h i l d murderers and s e r i a l r a p i s t s are now o f t e n accompanied by s t a t i s t i c a l caveats and e f f o r t s to l o c a t e i n d i v i d u a l deviants w i t h i n a l a r g e r s t a t i s t i c a l context. Media-savvy audiences w i l l recognize the conventional and almost choreographed status of these r h e t o r i c a l moves. The usual scenario i s f o r an i n d i v i d u a l or group to c a p i t a l i z e on the media parade of heinous i n d i v i d u a l c r i m i n a l s i n order to i n v e s t the person w i t h 351 broader meanings about the need f o r l e n g t h i e r sentences, changes to the Young Offenders Act, a r e t u r n of c a p i t a l punishment, more p o l i c e , e t c . Such claims are then countered by i n d i v i d u a l s , o f t e n l i b e r a l academics, who t r y to s h i f t the discourse from the l e v e l of the i n d i v i d u a l to the aggregate, v o i c i n g r e s e r v a t i o n s about how such h o r r i b l e i n d i v i d u a l s or i n c i d e n t s • s h o u l d not be taken as re p r e s e n t a t i v e of l a r g e r trends. These commentators accentuate that the n a t i o n a l or p r o v i n c i a l crime trend i s a c t u a l l y decreasing, or i n a bad year, that the i n d i c a t o r s f o r a p a r t i c u l a r group of people or f o r p a r t i c u l a r c a t e g o r i e s of behavior, i s going down, i s r e l a t i v e l y s t a b l e , or i s not i n c r e a s i n g n e a r l y as much as one might have a n t i c i p a t e d . R i t u a l i z e d p o l i t i c a l arguments such as these speak to d i f f e r e n t ways of c o n c e p t u a l i z i n g the problem of crime, and our f a m i l i a r i t y w i t h the broad contours of such exchanges i s an i n d i c a t i o n of the incommensurability of such p o s i t i o n s . People engaged i n such debates have, by and la r g e , d i f f e r e n t p o l i t i c a l agendas and are u n l i k e l y to be persuaded by the claims of t h e i r i n t e r l o c u t o r . Indeed, they are not exchanges at a l l , but performances aimed at converting p u b l i c o p i n i o n . The Centre i s a v i t a l l y important i n s t i t u t i o n i n contemporary p o l i t i c a l discourses about crime and c r i m i n a l j u s t i c e by v i r t u e of i t s st a t u s as the authorized source f o r 352 aggregate knowledge about n a t i o n a l c r i m i n a l j u s t i c e developments. While Centre personnel do not engage i n p u b l i c claims-making on behalf of s p e c i f i c p o l i c y i n i t i a t i v e s , the knowledge they produce i s a f e r t i l e resource capable of being mined by p a r t i e s a l l across the p o l i t i c a l spectrum i n the ongoing p u b l i c p o l i t i c s of crime and j u s t i c e . Summary We have now reached the po i n t where the fa t e of the Centre's knowledge claims are, by and l a r g e , outside of t h e i r immediate c o n t r o l . They have worked to produce knowledge that w i l l be accepted as a u t h o r i t a t i v e by b u i l d i n g a complex knowledge network of heterogeneous composition. To do so they have followed accepted methodology, b u i l t networks, navigated through i n s t i t u t i o n a l p o l i t i c s , and e n t i c e d others to become i n t e r e s t e d i n the data. The f i n a l act i n t h i s drama i s to w r i t e and communicate t h e i r f i n d i n g s . W r i t i n g , however, i s al s o a complex s o c i a l accomplishment, informed as i t i s by i n s t i t u t i o n a l i n t e r e s t s , a u t h o r i a l concerns, p o l i t i c s and a complex and d i s t i n c t i v e review process. Authors work t h e i r way through these f a c t o r s to produce reports that w i l l be accepted as a u t h o r i t a t i v e by d i f f e r e n t audiences. In order to do so, they employ a l i t e r a r y s t y l e that makes t h e i r claims amenable to r e l a t i v e l y easy reading and removes the r o l e of 3 5 3 human and o r g a n i z a t i o n a l f a c t o r s i n the production of knowledge. One of the main audiences f o r whom t h i s i s done are the j o u r n a l i s t s who are the main conduit of the Centre's knowledge to a wider p u b l i c . The r e l a t i o n s h i p w i t h the media informs the types of knowledge conveyed, as w e l l as the format, language and s t a t i s t i c a l s o p h i s t i c a t i o n of t h e i r communications. The media are al s o a source of constant te n s i o n f o r the Centre, as while they p u b l i c i z e t h e i r claims, they can al s o be a source of p o t e n t i a l c r i t i c i s m of t h e i r data and i n s t i t u t i o n a l l e g i t i m a c y . Consequently, the Centre has engaged i n e f f o r t s to a l i g n themselves w i t h the media as a means to s t r u c t u r e the types of accounts that r e p o r t e r s produce. While the Centre has been comparatively s u c c e s s f u l i n s e t t i n g the agenda f o r the coverage of c r i m i n a l j u s t i c e s t a t i s t i c s , they recognize that the f i n a l contours of a s t o r y are beyond t h e i r c o n t r o l . J o u r n a l i s t s maintain the d i s c r e t i o n to run s t o r i e s that are e x p l i c i t l y counter to the Centre's i n t e r e s t s . Once i n p u b l i c c u l t u r e , governmental knowledge i s q u i c k l y employed towards myriad r h e t o r i c a l and p o l i t i c a l ends. P u b l i c d i s c u s s i o n s about c r i m i n a l j u s t i c e r e g u l a r l y invoke aggregate i n d i c a t o r s i n a constant back-and-forth between aggregated and i n d i v i d u a l i z e d conceptions of crime, law and j u s t i c e . Agencies such as the Centre have been instrumental i n e s t a b l i s h i n g the broad contours of such a 354 discourse by v i r t u e of the f a c t that they provide the knowledge that informs the aggregate pole of such exchanges. 355 Making Crime Count Summary and Conclusion Making Crime Count A great deal i s s a i d w i t h the a i d of c r i m i n a l j u s t i c e s t a t i s t i c s . They are used to inform us about trends i n crime and the operations of the assorted o r g a n i z a t i o n s which deal w i t h c r i m i n a l s , accused and v i c t i m s . In so doing, they render the r e a l i t y of crime and the j u s t i c e system t h i n k a b l e i n a manner that i s amenable to governmental s t r a t e g i e s and techniques. However, not n e a r l y as much i s s a i d about those s t a t i s t i c s , and even l e s s has been s a i d about the agencies that produce them. In t h i s c o n c l u s i o n I step back from the minutia of t h i s i n v e s t i g a t i o n i n order to emphasize some of the more important f i n d i n g s about the CCJS and the means by which i t has been able to make crime count. I t i s an opportunity to emphasize the s o c i o l o g i c a l importance of such i n s t i t u t i o n s , the knowledge they produce, and the processes they employ to render crime and c r i m i n a l j u s t i c e amenable to governmental programming. The Canadian Centre f o r J u s t i c e S t a t i s t i c s provided the opportunity to explore the day-to-day operations of a s t a t i s t i c a l agency. The Centre i s res p o n s i b l e f o r meeting 356 f e d e r a l and p r o v i n c i a l needs f o r trend data about crime and the c r i m i n a l j u s t i c e system. I t i s the o p e r a t i o n a l arm of the f e d e r a l / p r o v i n c i a l ' J u s t i c e I n i t i a t i v e ' which brings together p o l i t i c i a n s and r e p r e s e n t a t i v e s from c r i m i n a l j u s t i c e agencies who have an i n t e r e s t i n comparable n a t i o n a l j u s t i c e s t a t i s t i c s . Of those c r i m i n a l j u s t i c e p r a c t i t i o n e r s who are aware of the Centre, many b e l i e v e i t to be a f e d e r a l o r g a n i z a t i o n . While the f a c t that i t produces n a t i o n a l i n d i c a t o r s makes i t p a r t i c u l a r l y important to f e d e r a l concerns, the Centre receives important j u r i s d i c t i o n a l input and d i r e c t i o n from i t s two governing bodies and various advisory committees. Such a f f i l i a t i o n s are a v i t a l component i n j u s t about a l l of the Centre's undertakings. The knowledge which emanates from the Centre serves an important r o l e i n p r a c t i c e s of governance. I t i s through s t a t i s t i c a l knowledge that the p o p u l a t i o n enters i n t o p o l i t i c a l thought. Aggregate knowledges are a c o n d i t i o n of p o s s i b i l i t y f o r l i b e r a l governance due to the way i n which they r e v e a l how various d i s c r e t e realms such as the economy, h e a l t h and crime have t h e i r own d i s t i n c t i v e tendencies and i n c l i n a t i o n s . L i b e r a l government recognizes the autonomy of these realms and i n v o l v e s attempts to intervene at the l e v e l of the p o p u l a t i o n to improve l e v e l s of p u b l i c h e a l t h , s e c u r i t y and happiness. Although the means by which government may seek to shape, d i r e c t and i n f l u e n c e the 357 behavior of the p o p u l a t i o n may vary, s t a t i s t i c s are an indispensable t o o l to monitor the e f f i c a c y of these e f f o r t s . And while governmental i n t e r v e n t i o n s may seek to modify the behavior of the p u b l i c so that i t s wealth, h e a l t h or s e c u r i t y are maximized, such concepts remain a b s t r a c t u n t i l they are rendered i n t o a r e p r e s e n t a t i o n a l format. I t i s only when imprecise concepts such as 'health' or ' s e c u r i t y ' are made o b j e c t i v e through aggregate measures that governance becomes p r a c t i c a b l e . The CCJS and comparable i n s t i t u t i o n s f o s t e r an a p p r e c i a t i o n that the governance of crime and c r i m i n a l j u s t i c e can and should operate at the aggregate l e v e l , while they a l s o provide the knowledge to determine whether various governmental s t r a t e g i e s have been s u c c e s s f u l . Crime s t a t i s t i c s have long been a component of c r i m i n a l j u s t i c e , but t h e i r importance has increased i n recent decades. New managerial techniques which emerged i n the 1970s placed a premium on the a c q u i s i t i o n and employment of q u a n t i t a t i v e data to represent system processes and to j u s t i f y funding d e c i s i o n s . Demands f o r greater a c c o u n t a b i l i t y were t r a n s l a t e d i n t o requirements f o r more q u a n t i f i e d measures of system e f f i c i e n c y . Enhanced computer c a p a b i l i t i e s f a c i l i t a t e d the storage and r e t r i e v a l of heretofore unimagined amounts of data and allowed f o r s u b s t a n t i a l growth i n the s i z e and scope of s t a t i s t i c a l 358 surveys. F i n a l l y , the perceived f a i l u r e of c r i m i n o l o g i c a l e f f o r t s to reform i n d i v i d u a l offenders opened up increased space f o r a host of 'amoral' c r i m i n o l o g i e s which r e l y upon e f f o r t s to s t a t i s t i c a l l y p r o f i l e crime and v i c t i m i z a t i o n . In t h i s context, aggregate c r i m i n a l j u s t i c e s t a t i s t i c s proved to be an important aspect i n the development of ' a c t u a r i a l j u s t i c e ' (Feeley and Simon 1994), an approach to crime which tends to t a r g e t c l a s s e s of people r a t h e r than i n d i v i d u a l offenders. The a v a i l a b i l i t y of s t a t i s t i c a l knowledges and the r e g u l a r i t i e s and p r o b a b i l i t i e s they document have f o s t e r e d the impression that crime i s amenable to s t r a t e g i e s of r i s k management and r i s k r e d u c t i o n which t a r g e t aggregate groupings of people. Although some c l a s s e s of deviants are s t i l l regarded as p a t h o l o g i c a l , there i s increased emphasis on attempts to ' r e s p o n s i b i l i z e ' the general p u b l i c (O'Malley 1992). Such e f f o r t s assume that c i t i z e n s are to be r e s p o n s i b l e f o r managing t h e i r own c r i m i n a l r i s k p r o f i l e . They are to do so by engaging the e x p e r t i s e , techniques and commodities o f f e r e d by a host of s t a t e and e x t r a - s t a t e i n s t i t u t i o n s . Again, s t a t i s t i c a l i n d i c e s of crime and v i c t i m i z a t i o n are an important c o n d i t i o n of p o s s i b i l i t y f o r the development, j u s t i f i c a t i o n and marketing of such s e r v i c e s . Much of the Centre's data documents system processes. These inc l u d e v arious i n d i c a t o r s of comparable c o s t s , 359 e f f i c i e n c y and p o p u l a t i o n flows. The a v a i l a b i l i t y of t h i s knowledge allows f o r a n a t i o n a l p u b l i c dialogue about the Canadian c r i m i n a l j u s t i c e system. In f a c t , the very idea that there i s an interconnected system which i s amenable to managerial i n t e r v e n t i o n across d i f f e r e n t o r g a n i z a t i o n a l s i t e s i s a product of the networks of c l a s s i f i c a t i o n s and communications c u l t i v a t e d by the CCJS. The myriad c l a s s i f i c a t i o n s e s t a b l i s h e d on d i f f e r e n t surveys, censuses and reports e f f e c t i v e l y e s t a b l i s h the objects of l i b e r a l governance. Through these c l a s s i f i c a t i o n s , r e a l i t y becomes o b j e c t i v e f o r the purposes of governmental s c r u t i n y and i n t e r v e n t i o n . L i b e r a l governance operates i n and through the terms employed by a host of centers of c a l c u l a t i o n which e s t a b l i s h these c l a s s i f i c a t i o n s f o r the purpose of producing aggregate knowledge. Whether they are concerned w i t h how to o f f i c i a l l y d efine a ' c r i m i n a l i n c i d e n t , ' ' A b o r i g i n a l ' or 'prison admission,' they d e l i m i t the o f f i c i a l contours of such o b j e c t s . These c l a s s i f i c a t i o n s are, i n t u r n , r e l a t e d to the p u b l i c ' s common-sense perceptions i n a complex and dynamic fa s h i o n . O f f i c i a l agencies a l t e r n a t i v e l y draw from and r e i n f o r c e r e c e i v e d understandings of the world and i t s i n h a b i t a n t s by reproducing them on o f f i c i a l forms and r e p o r t s . On occasion such agencies have introduced novel d i v i s i o n s which ov e r l a y e x i s t i n g popular c l a s s i f i c a t o r y 3 6 0 schemes, thereby p r o v i d i n g popular understandings w i t h new sets of meanings. Our examination of the aftermath of the Centre's contentious proposal to c o l l e c t r a c i a l data on c r i m i n a l s and v i c t i m s of v i o l e n t crimes was i n s t r u c t i v e i n t h i s regard. I t documented how an o s t e n s i b l y r o u t i n e e x e r c i s e i n c l a s s i f i c a t i o n became embroiled i n c o n t r o v e r s i e s over which r a c i a l t y p o l o g i e s were most appropriate and even the p r o p r i e t y of the e n t i r e e n t e r p r i s e . In so doing, i t revealed how the a u t h o r i t y of science can be challenged by the p o l i t i c s of c l a s s i f i c a t i o n . . Centre personnel had a multitude of options a v a i l a b l e to them f o r how to d i v i d e up the r a c e / e t h n i c i t y of Canada's p o p u l a t i o n . The f a c t that various c o n s t i t u e n c i e s had competing and c o n t r a d i c t o r y investments i n d i f f e r e n t r a c i a l t y p o l o g i e s complicated what i s u s u a l l y a p u b l i c l y i n v i s i b l e s t a t i s t i c a l / b u r e a u c r a t i c process of c l a s s i f i c a t i o n c o n s t r u c t i o n . However, i n t h e i r appeals to community groups i n an attempt to a r r i v e at a c l a s s i f i c a t o r y consensus, Centre employees encountered d i f f i c u l t i e s inherent i n t r y i n g to f i n d a s i n g l e community of i n t e r e s t when complex and contentious issues of i d e n t i t y are r a i s e d . These e f f o r t s were f u r t h e r complicated by the f a c t that they took place at a moment when p o l i t i c a l tensions about race and crime were p a r t i c u l a r l y acute. The Centre's e f f o r t s to c o l l e c t race/crime data became so c o n t r o v e r s i a l that various 361 p o l i t i c i a n s , academics and c i v i l l i b e r t i e s a s s o c i a t i o n s voiced t h e i r o p p o s i t i o n to the proposal to the S o l i c i t o r General and Chief S t a t i s t i c i a n of Canada, and the p l a n was u l t i m a t e l y withdrawn. Despite the s f a c t that the Centre p u b l i c l y disavowed i t s attempt to c o l l e c t race/crime data, the whole a f f a i r accentuates the continued importance of r a c i a l i z e d c r i m i n a l j u s t i c e data f o r p r a c t i c e s of governance,. I f s t r a t e g i e s are to be developed to address r a c i a l / e t h n i c i n j u s t i c e s , as w e l l as to meet the contemporary needs of e t h n i c groups, governmental actors must have aggregate knowledge about the r a c i a l i z e d subjects they seek to govern. As a consequence, despite the p o t e n t i a l to again inflame p o l i t i c a l passions, the Centre has continued to explore the p o s s i b i l i t y of c o l l e c t i n g crime and c r i m i n a l j u s t i c e data f o r F i r s t Nations peoples. Such f l u c t u a t i o n s between c o l l e c t i n g and not c o l l e c t i n g data on race (or a r a c i a l sub-set) accentuate a dynamic between governmental need and p o l i t i c a l p o s s i b i l i t y . I f governance i s going to employ r a c e / e t h n i c i t y as operative concepts, the p o p u l a t i o n must be demarcated according to d i f f e r e n t i a l r a c i a l c l a s s i f i c a t o r y options. However, p u b l i c p o l i t i c s and s e n s i t i v i t i e s over the appropriateness of p a r t i c u l a r types of c l a s s i f i c a t i o n s can i n h i b i t such governmental e f f o r t s . 362 E f f o r t s to e s t a b l i s h the c l a s s i f i c a t i o n s upon which s t a t i s t i c a l knowledge w i l l be based are only one aspect of the Centre's l a r g e r attempt to f a s h i o n a complex knowledge network. Our d i s c u s s i o n of the uniform crime rep o r t s demonstrated how the CCJS must a l i g n a host of d i f f e r e n t actants such that they i d e n t i f y w i t h , and r e l i a b l y adopt, a set of i d e n t i t i e s r e q u i r e d by the Centre. While there can be innumerable component pa r t s to any p a r t i c u l a r network, they do not a l l r e q u i r e the same degree of a t t e n t i o n by Centre personnel. Some i d e n t i t i e s are t r a n s l a t e d almost seamlessly while others r e q u i r e ongoing e f f o r t s to maintain the p r e f e r r e d r e l a t i o n s . In the case of the UCR, p o l i c e o f f i c e r s and o r g a n i z a t i o n s were s i n g l e d out f o r s c r u t i n y because the Centre has had ongoing d i f f i c u l t i e s i n ensuring that the p o l i c e adopt the i d e n t i t i e s imputed to them. For example, p o l i c e s t a f f must know the i n t r i c a c i e s of UCR c l a s s i f i c a t i o n and employ them i n a c o n s i s t e n t manner across d i f f e r e n t p o l i c e f o r c e s . P o l i c e o r g a n i z a t i o n s must t r a i n t h e i r o f f i c e r s and a l s o e s t a b l i s h and c o n s c i e n t i o u s l y maintain computer systems. As there i s always the p o s s i b i l i t y that they w i l l deviate from these p r e f e r r e d i d e n t i t i e s , the Centre has attempted to embed t h e i r p r e f e r r e d r e l a t i o n s w i t h the p o l i c e i n standardized forms, computer formats, funding arrangements, l e g a l frameworks, d i s c i p l i n a r y s u r v e i l l a n c e and t r a i n i n g regimes. 363 The examination of the UCR al s o revealed the extent to which the Centre's data can be subject to c r i t i q u e . In p a r t i c u l a r , many authors have argued that the r e f e r e n t i a l i t y of o f f i c i a l crime s t a t i s t i c s i s o f t e n i n doubt because of the way that a host of non-criminal f a c t o r s can i n f l u e n c e the data. Changes i n p o l i c e r ecording p r a c t i c e s , enforcement pa t t e r n s , modified l e g a l s t r u c t u r e s , e v o l v i n g p u b l i c s e n s i b i l i t i e s , and d i f f e r e n t i a l a t t e n t i o n to a s h i f t i n g array of s o c i a l problems are j u s t some of the things that have been s i n g l e d out as p o t e n t i a l l y i n f l u e n c i n g crime r a t e s . The f a c t that staff- at the Centre work i n an environment where t h e i r s t a t i s t i c s are c o n t i n u a l l y open to decon s t r u c t i v e e f f o r t s r a i s e s questions about how they r e l a t e to the v a l i d i t y of t h e i r own data. However, the sheer d i v e r s i t y of opinions encountered during the course of t h i s research makes g e n e r a l i z a t i o n s on t h i s t o p i c d i f f i c u l t . Some s t a f f lauded the v a l i d i t y of the data, others expressed r e s e r v a t i o n s , some were c r i t i c a l and s t i l l others appeared to give the matter r e l a t i v e l y l i t t l e thought, simply concentrating on performing the tasks at hand. Any attempt to c h a r a c t e r i z e t h e i r views about the v a l i d i t y of the data i s f u r t h e r complicated by the f a c t that at d i f f e r e n t times the same i n d i v i d u a l would a r t i c u l a t e apparently incompatible e p i s t e m o l o g i c a l p o s i t i o n s . The same person would accentuate 364 the extent to which o r g a n i z a t i o n a l r o u t i n e s can i n f l u e n c e the f i n a l numbers only to l a t e r argue that the data assume the form they do because they are a f a i r l y unproblematic r e f l e c t i o n of changes i n c r i m i n a l behavior or the c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of cases moving through the system. What such f l u c t u a t i o n s i n o p i n i o n i l l u s t r a t e i s the f a c t that we should abandon the idea that Centre s t a f f have s t a b l e d e c o n t e x t u a l i z e d opinions about the v a l i d i t y and constructedness of t h e i r data. L i k e s c i e n t i s t s more g e n e r a l l y ( G i l b e r t and Mulkay 1984), Centre personnel adopt d i f f e r e n t discourses p e r t a i n i n g to the knowledge they produce depending on context. The opinions that Centre s t a f f express about t h e i r data i n v o l v e s a movement between some form of r e a l i s m and a more c o n s t r u c t i o n i s t approach. On the one hand, they are the consummate s o c i a l c o n s t r u c t i o n i s t s who are reminded on a d a i l y b a s i s of the myriad o r g a n i z a t i o n a l , l e g a l and s o c i a l f a c t o r s that can i n f l u e n c e t h e i r data. However, once the f i n a l data have been produced, they tend to describe how the numbers r e f l e c t , though perhaps i n a somewhat opaque fashion, what i s r e a l l y going on i n the world of crime and c r i m i n a l j u s t i c e . The production of knowledge f o r governmental purposes can at times be a h i g h l y p o l i t i c a l a f f a i r . By v i r t u e of the kind of knowledge i t produces and the types of i n d i v i d u a l s and o r g a n i z a t i o n s i t must a l i g n to do so, the Centre's 365 knowledge p r o d u c t i o n regime i n e v i t a b l y has p o l i t i c a l o v e r t o n e s . However, the C e n t r e a l s o has a s t r o n g e p i s t e m o l o g i c a l r e q u i r e m e n t t o be seen t o s t a n d above p a r t i s a n p o l i t i c s . The v a l i d i t y o f i t s knowledge i s c o n t i n g e n t upon the degree t o which i t can s e c u r e and m a i n t a i n the p u b l i c ' s t r u s t . As most c i t i z e n s do not have the time o r s k i l l s t o i n t e r r o g a t e the C e n t r e ' s d a t a , p u b l i c p e r c e p t i o n s o f the t r u t h o f the c r i m i n a l j u s t i c e s t a t i s t i c s a r e r e l a t e d t o the C e n t r e ' s i n s t i t u t i o n a l r e p u t a t i o n w h i c h u n d e r w r i t e s i t s knowledge. I n s i n u a t i o n s o f p o l i t i c a l p a r t i s a n s h i p t h r e a t e n t h a t r e p u t a t i o n and the e d i f i c e o f t r u s t upon which the C e n t r e r e l i e s . Our d i s c u s s i o n o f P r o f e s s o r F e k e t e ' s a c c u s a t i o n s t h a t the V i o l e n c e A g a i n s t Women Survey was p o l i t i c a l l y b i a s e d documented the C e n t r e ' s f e a r s about a c c u s a t i o n s o f p o l i t i c a l p a r t i s a n s h i p as w e l l as some o f t h e i r e f f o r t s t o d e f r a y such a c c u s a t i o n s . The C e n t r e appears t o have s u c c e s s f u l l y m a i n t a i n e d t h e i m p r e s s i o n among t h e p u b l i c and j u s t i c e p r a c t i t i o n e r s t h a t i t s t a n d s above the d i r e c t i n f l u e n c e o f p a r t i s a n p o l i t i c s . However, t h e r e a r e a h o s t o f more s u b t l e p o l i t i c a l a t t r i b u t e s i n v o l v e d i n the p r o d u c t i o n o f i t s knowledge which g e n e r a l l y o c c u r b e h i n d the c l o s e d doors o f t h e J u s t i c e , I n i t i a t i v e . The f a c t s upon which governance r e s t s o n l y e x i s t s because t h o s e who produce i t have been a b l e t o s k i l l f u l l y n a v i g a t e t h r o u g h an o f t e n complex p o l i t i c a l 366 l a b y r i n t h . This i n v o l v e s the day-to-day i n t e r a c t i o n s w i t h a host of p o l i t i c a l and o r g a n i z a t i o n a l actors who seek to d i r e c t some of the most minute aspects of the Centre's operations i n d i r e c t i o n s that w i l l accord w i t h t h e i r i n t e r e s t s . Much of these m i c r o - p o l i t i c a l dynamics stem from ongoing n e g o t i a t i o n s and exchanges w i t h the bodies which oversee the Centre's operations and the j u r i s d i c t i o n a l r e p r e s e n t a t i v e s from whom they acquire t h e i r data. The s p e c i f i c s of such m i c r o p o l i t i c s can leave an imp r i n t on the types of knowledge the Centre produces as w e l l as the way i n which i t i s produced. J u r i s d i c t i o n a l r e p r e s e n t a t i v e s b r i n g to the J u s t i c e I n i t i a t i v e a requirement f o r s t a t i s t i c s which they b e l i e v e w i l l be valuable i n t h e i r e f f o r t s to govern crime and c r i m i n a l j u s t i c e . As such, they have a l e g i t i m a t e d e s i r e to produce the best p o s s i b l e i n d i c a t o r s . At the same time, some of these r e p r e s e n t a t i v e s recognize that the Centre i s a source of both p o l i t i c a l r i s k s and o p p o r t u n i t i e s . At d i f f e r e n t times, the Centre's r e p r e s e n t a t i v e bodies, j u r i s d i c t i o n a l partners and community contacts have sought to shape aspects of the Centre's operations i n such a way that they w i l l reap p o l i t i c a l b e n e f i t s and/or minimize p o l i t i c a l r i s k s . Some of the ways i n which these i n t e r e s t s have been manifest i n c l u d e attempts to censor or delay the release of some p u b l i c a t i o n s , s t r u g g l e s over who owns the 367 Centre's data as w e l l as e f f o r t s to shape the way i n which Centre releases are p u b l i c l y presented. The m i c r o p o l i t i c s of governmental knowledge can a l s o assume l e s s s u b t l e forms. For example, d e c i s i o n s about what subject matter the Centre should study i s i n h e r e n t l y p o l i t i c a l . Their choice of what studi e s to conduct i s shaped by the i n t e r e s t s of the people who oversee the Centre, and such choices both c o n t r i b u t e to and r e i n f o r c e the broader p o l i t i c a l agenda. As an agency mandated to produce knowledge f o r the purposes of governance, Centre personnel are keenly attuned to the knowledge needs of the J u s t i c e I n i t i a t i v e . As we observed i n chapter 5 , while they c o n s c i e n t i o u s l y c onsult w i t h d i f f e r e n t community groups, those few attempts to broaden the representativeness of the Centre's' governing bodies have been met w i t h l i t t l e enthusiasm. The c l a s s i f i c a t i o n s through which r e a l i t y i s rendered i n t o being f o r governmental purposes can themselves be shaped by p o l i t i c a l i n t e r e s t s . For example, a d e f i n i t i o n of ' r e c i d i v i s m ' as 're-contact w i t h the c r i m i n a l j u s t i c e system' i s r e l a t e d to a governmental d e s i r e to manage the costs of the c r i m i n a l j u s t i c e system more than to a concern to document the number of people re-committing crimes. When the Centre produces or r e v i s e s a survey, considerable e f f o r t goes i n t o n e g o t i a t i n g w i t h j u r i s d i c t i o n a l r e p r e s e n t a t i v e s over how to standardize terms and d e f i n i t i o n s . At times, the 368 s p e c i f i c s of these d e f i n i t i o n s can be informed by agencies who advocate f o r t h e i r d e f i n i t i o n of a 'prison admission' or ' a l t e r n a t i v e measure,' e t c . , being implemented because i t can make t h e i r o r g a n i z a t i o n or j u r i s d i c t i o n look b e t t e r on any r e s u l t i n g i n d i c a t o r s . Underscoring the f a c t that there i s a p o l i t i c s to the production of the Centre's knowledge i s i n no way a condemnation of that knowledge. Indeed, to denounce i t s data simply because they are produced w i t h i n , and shaped by, various i n t e r e s t s would be to presume that i t was p o s s i b l e to manufacture s t a t i s t i c s i n an a p o l i t i c a l vacuum. Instead, p o l i t i c a l i n t e r e s t s are yet another facet of the Centre's l a r g e r network that must be a l i g n e d i n t o a manageable whole i n order f o r any knowledge to be produced. Without the a b i l i t y of Centre s t a f f to s k i l l f u l l y n egotiate w i t h a v a r i e t y of i n t e r e s t s , these numbers would simply not be p o s s i b l e . M i c r o p o l i t i c s are one of the c o n d i t i o n s of p o s s i b i l i t y f o r the production of the Centre's numbers. Yet another p e c u l i a r i t y of the Centre's knowledge network i s that t h e i r knowledge i s p u b l i c . In the broader scheme of governmentality, t h i s need not be the case. Agencies seeking to d i r e c t the behavior of populations and i n s t i t u t i o n s need not n e c e s s a r i l y broadcast the knowledge on which such s t r a t e g i e s are based. As a component of S t a t i s t i c s Canada however, the CCJS i s mandated to p u b l i c i z e 369 the f i n d i n g s of i t s various surveys and t h i s o b l i g a t i o n has se v e r a l consequences f o r the Centre's operations. Knowing that the r e s u l t s of the Centre's surveys and studi e s w i l l be made p u b l i c r a i s e s j u r i s d i c t i o n a l i n t e r e s t i n , and concerns about, t h i s data. P u b l i c i t y a l s o c o n s t i t u t e s a p o t e n t i a l t h r e a t to the Centre's epistemic a u t h o r i t y , opening i t up to a host of p o t e n t i a l l y u n a n t i c i p a t e d c r i t i c i s m s . Fears about such challenges have f o s t e r e d a s t y l e of p r e s e n t a t i o n i n which the authors of Centre p u b l i c a t i o n s communicate what they see as the e s s e n t i a l f a c t s while t r y i n g to f o r e c l o s e on p o t e n t i a l c r i t i q u e s of the Centre and i t s r e p u t a t i o n . Our d i s c u s s i o n i n chapter 5 documented the i n f l u e n c e of the j u r i s d i c t i o n s i n r e l a t i o n to p u b l i c a t i o n of the Centre's Juristat s e r i e s . A massive review process allows l i a i s o n o f f i c e r s and o r g a n i z a t i o n a l r e p r e s e n t a t i v e s to s c r u t i n i z e d r a f t s of the Centre's p u b l i c a t i o n s . They do so i n order to ensure accuracy as w e l l as to make sure they are aware of the p o t e n t i a l p o l i t i c a l i m p l i c a t i o n s of the trends being documented and the way i n which the knowledge i s being presented. Authors of Juristats recognize the importance of not a l i e n a t i n g the j u r i s d i c t i o n s . As a r e s u l t , they have o c c a s i o n a l l y t r i e d to minimize p o t e n t i a l c o n t r o v e r s i e s by formatting r e l e a s e s so as to not unduly s i n g l e - o u t j u r i s d i c t i o n s which have aberrant s t a t i s t i c a l i n d i c a t o r s . Authors a l s o face r e s t r i c t i o n s against making p o t e n t i a l l y 370 c o n t r o v e r s i a l remarks on p o l i c y matters, and have l i m i t e d room to i n t e r p r e t the data. These c o n s t r a i n t s have lead to the curious s i t u a t i o n s where the Centre must go outside of t h e i r own i n s t i t u t i o n i n order to produce the t r u t h s as Centre s t a f f see them. Although many Centre personnel have d e f e n s i b l e arguments f o r why the data are behaving i n a c e r t a i n way, they r e f e r p o t e n t i a l l y c o n t r o v e r s i a l questions to a set of t r u s t e d academics who have a c l o s e working r e l a t i o n s h i p w i t h the Centre. These academics assume the r e s p o n s i b i l i t y of answering s e n s i t i v e media i n q u i r i e s about the s t a t i s t i c a l trends documented by the Centre. The media i s the Centre's main v e h i c l e f o r communicating i t s f i n d i n g s to a wider p u b l i c audience. Although the media are an infrequent p h y s i c a l presence i n the Centre, they are a symbolic constant, informing d e c i s i o n s about which stud i e s to undertake and how Centre s t a f f w r i t e and present t h e i r f i n d i n g s . As such, the media are yet another component i n the Centre's extended network which must be a l i g n e d i n t o a l a r g e r f u n c t i o n i n g whole. The p r e f e r r e d i d e n t i t y that the Centre maintains of such i n s t i t u t i o n s i s that of a s t r a i g h t f o r w a r d reproducer of the Centre's f a c t s . In order to f o s t e r such an i d e n t i t y , Centre p u b l i c a t i o n s are w r i t t e n i n a m e d i a - f r i e n d l y f a s h i o n that i s concise, s t r a i g h t f o r w a r d and avoids s t a t i s t i c a l c o m p l e x i t i e s . Such an i d e n t i t y i s a l s o augmented by the f a c t 371 that the media r e c e i v e Centre p u b l i c a t i o n s f r e e of charge which are faxed to them or obtained a u t o m a t i c a l l y through S t a t i s t i c s Canada's e l e c t r o n i c r e lease system. I n c o r p o r a t i n g the media i n t o the Centre's network, however, i s not always s t r a i g h t f o r w a r d and unproblematic. Our d i s c u s s i o n of the Centre's e f f o r t s to employ the media to reproduce 'dominant ideology' revealed ongoing concerns amongst Centre s t a f f that r e p o r t e r s r e t a i n the a b i l i t y to produce s t o r i e s that run counter to the Centre's i n t e r e s t s . I t i s such fears which motivate the Centre's ongoing e f f o r t s to 'spoon-feed' the media. Such e f f o r t s are not always s u c c e s s f u l . By v i r t u e of t h e i r contacts w i t h other sources, r e p o r t e r s have o c c a s i o n a l l y run s t o r i e s that challenge the Centre's knowledge and r e p u t a t i o n . C r i m i n a l j u s t i c e s t a t i s t i c s are produced p r i m a r i l y f o r governmental purposes. However, the f a c t that these s t a t i s t i c s are p u b l i c l y r e l e a s e d by the CCJS and other comparable centers of c a l c u l a t i o n has allowed f o r the development of a d i s t i n c t i v e form of c r i m i n a l j u s t i c e d iscourse. I t i s a discourse c h a r a c t e r i z e d by a dynamic back and f o r t h between i n d i v i d u a l i z e d and aggregate understandings of c r i m i n a l j u s t i c e . In f a c t , the a v a i l a b i l i t y of aggregate s t a t i s t i c s i n other p o l i c y areas has meant that a s i m i l a r dynamic can be observed i n p u b l i c discourses r e l a t e d to h e a l t h and education. 372 In r e l a t i o n to c r i m i n a l j u s t i c e , on the one hand the p u b l i c ' s knowledge about crime i s r e l a t e d to o f t e n s e n s a t i o n a l i s t i c accounts about our worst c r i m i n a l s , h o r r i f i c crimes and h i g h l y p u b l i c i z e d t r i a l s . R ich i n b i o g r a p h i c a l d e t a i l , such exposes encourage an a p p r e c i a t i o n of the e n t i r e j u s t i c e system which i s read through what are t y p i c a l l y unrepresentative cases. At the opposite extreme, aggregate knowledges about crime are f r e q u e n t l y invoked i n p u b l i c c u l t u r e i n attempts to garner an a p p r e c i a t i o n of the broader general tendencies i n c r i m i n a l j u s t i c e . Imbued wi t h the a u t h o r i t y of science, aggregate numbers attempt to provide the 'big p i c t u r e . ' In so doing, they mask the s u b j e c t i v i t i e s of the people to whom they are r e f e r r i n g , to the p o i n t that i t can r e q u i r e a s p e c i a l d i l i g e n c e to remind oneself that the graphs and columns r e f e r to r e a l people. Even casual observers of the c r i m i n a l j u s t i c e system w i l l recognize these as the two poles of p u b l i c c r i m i n a l j u s t i c e d iscourse, a l t e r n a t i v e l y invoked by p o l i t i c i a n s , pundits, academics and a c t i v i s t s . By v i r t u e of the f a c t that i t produces n a t i o n a l aggregate s t a t i s t i c s , the Centre i s a key component i n f o s t e r i n g the aggregated pole of c r i m i n a l j u s t i c e d i scourse. 373 Conclusion Readers who have waited p a t i e n t l y f o r a s u c c i n c t statement on the t r u t h value of Centre's d i f f e r e n t surveys w i l l u l t i m a t e l y be disappointed. To the extent that I might be o b l i g a t e d to pass some judgment on the value of the Centre's data, I b e l i e v e that our f i r s t e v a l u a t i v e step should be to abandon a b s t r a c t questions about whether we should use or forego o f f i c i a l s t a t i s t i c s . Decisions about what forms of knowledge to employ are u l t i m a t e l y c o n t e x t u a l , they r e q u i r e e v a l u a t i o n on a case-by-case b a s i s i n l i g h t of the s p e c i f i c questions being asked and the reasons f o r asking them. The more p e r t i n e n t question f o r t h i s a n a l y s i s concerns whether contemporary forms of governance could be accomplished without s t a t i s t i c a l r e p r e s e n t a t i o n s . Governance, conceived of as a p r a c t i c a l a c t i v i t y which aims to shape the behavior of autonomous subjects i n the d i r e c t i o n s d e s i r e d by a u t h o r i t i e s , depends upon knowledge. S t a t i s t i c a l knowledge of the p o p u l a t i o n i s p a r t i c u l a r l y v aluable because of the way that i t can d e l i m i t the broad contours and tendencies of the objects which are to be governed. A b s t r a c t l i b e r a l ambitions to increase the s e c u r i t y or wealth of the p o p u l a t i o n must be o p e r a t i o n a l i z e d . In so doing, the s p e c i f i c aims of governance are transformed i n t o attempts to modify a multitude of s t a t i s t i c a l i n d i c a t o r s i n a d e s i r e d d i r e c t i o n . 374 In the case of the CCJS, these i n c l u d e rates of c r i m i n a l behavior, p r i s o n admissions, l e g a l a i d , costs-per-case measures, e t c . Without such i n d i c a t o r s , contemporary l i b e r a l techniques f o r governing crime and the c r i m i n a l j u s t i c e system would e s s e n t i a l l y be unthinkable. Authors w r i t i n g on governmentality have acknowledged the importance of p r a c t i c e s of network b u i l d i n g i n the c r e a t i o n of the knowledge on which governance i s based (Rose 1993; Rose and M i l l e r 1992). However, the a v a i l a b i l i t y of such knowledges has tended to be presented as having an almost i n e v i t a b l e q u a l i t y . Changes to governmental p r a c t i c e are depicted as o c c u r r i n g i n the context of changes i n the a v a i l a b i l i t y and l e g i t i m a c y of c e r t a i n types of knowledge, but there has been l i t t l e examination of how these knowledges are produced. One i s l e f t w i t h the impression that the s p e c i f i c forms of knowledge which emanate from di v e r s e centers of c a l c u l a t i o n were preordained, w i t h l i t t l e a p p r e c i a t i o n f o r the complexity and contingency of the networks r e q u i r e d to produce governmental knowledge. An a p p r e c i a t i o n of how governance operates i n p r a c t i c e r e q u i r e s continued a t t e n t i o n to the human and i n s t i t u t i o n a l processes i n v o l v e d i n the production of the knowledges that are the c o n d i t i o n of p o s s i b i l i t y f o r governance. By focusing our a t t e n t i o n on the operations of a center of c a l c u l a t i o n , i t became apparent that not a l l knowledges 375 that could p o t e n t i a l l y be u s e f u l to governmental s t r a t e g i e s a c t u a l l y come to f r u i t i o n . S t a t i s t i c a l i n d i c a t o r s about o r g a n i z a t i o n a l processes and pop u l a t i o n tendencies are o c c a s i o n a l l y defeated or d i l u t e d due to a host of p o l i t i c a l , f i n a n c i a l and methodological reasons. For example, our di s c u s s i o n s of the UCR's alcohol/drug v a r i a b l e , r a c i a l / e t h n i c c l a s s i f i c a t i o n s , the l e v e l of d e t a i l on cos t -per-case i n d i c a t o r s , and the ' j u s t i c e i n d i c a t o r ' a l l r e v e a l how myriad l o c a l i z e d concerns can threaten the a v a i l a b i l i t y of knowledge that would be undeniably u s e f u l f o r c e r t a i n governmental s t r a t e g i e s . This a n a l y s i s a l s o accentuates the importance of e x p l o r i n g the s p e c i f i c s of o f f i c i a l c l a s s i f i c a t o r y schemes. To date, there has been l i t t l e examination of the dynamics i n v o l v e d i n how these c l a s s i f i c a t i o n s are produced. While the production of c l a s s i f i c a t i o n s might i n i t i a l l y appear to be the purview of disp a s s i o n a t e bureaucrats and s t a t i s t i c i a n s , we have demonstrated that there can be complex n e g o t i a t i o n s and str u g g l e s over attempts to i n s t i t u t i o n a l i z e and standardize a p r e f e r r e d set of c l a s s i f i c a t i o n s . Our recurrent theme of st r u g g l e s over c l a s s i f i c a t i o n s a l s o i l l u s t r a t e d the d i f f i c u l t i e s faced by s c i e n t i s t s who operate on the presumption of consensus i n s i t u a t i o n s c h a r a c t e r i z e d by fragmentation and c o n f l i c t . In a fragmented s o c i e t y , such c o n f l i c t s are only apt to increase, 376 s i g n a l i n g the tensions and l i m i t a t i o n s of consensual science and c e n t r a l i z e d government. In emphasizing the importance of c l a s s i f i c a t i o n s and s t a t i s t i c a l i n d i c a t o r s f o r p r a c t i c e s of government, t h i s study a l s o recognizes the continued importance of studying the p r a c t i c e s of s t a t e agencies. Governmentality t h e o r i s t s have g e n e r a l l y eschewed a focus on the s t a t e , p r e f e r r i n g i n s t e a d to examine the d i f f e r e n t amalgamations of s t a t e and e x t r a - s t a t e centers of c a l c u l a t i o n from which governmental s t r a t e g i e s are coordinated. However, i n emphasizing the p l u r a l i t y of s i t e s from which governance i s operative we must not lose s i g h t of the r o l e that the s t a t e continues to p l a y i n f o s t e r i n g the c o n d i t i o n s of p o s s i b i l i t y f o r neo-l i b e r a l governance. In p a r t i c u l a r , the s t a t e i s w e l l s u i t e d to produce and l e g i t i m i z e the knowledge on which governance r e s t s . The f a c t s which both s t a t e and non-state i n s t i t u t i o n s employ i n t h e i r attempts to govern populations are o f t e n s t a t e products. As such, they can be shaped by s t a t e i n t e r e s t s and s t a t e - a u t h o r i z e d c l a s s i f i c a t o r y schemes. Agencies such as the CCJS are a l s o v i t a l elements i n the ongoing production and reproduction of the s t a t e . To the extent that we can speak of 'the s t a t e , ' i t i s the r e s u l t of innumerable l o c a l i z e d e f f o r t s to b u i l d networks i n d i f f e r e n t i n s t i t u t i o n s and centers of c a l c u l a t i o n (Desrosieres 1990). In such l o c a t i o n s , the a l l i a n c e s , c l a s s i f i c a t i o n s and 377 knowledges are formed which provide the s t a t e w i t h i t s coherence, s t a b i l i t y and a b i l i t y to act at a d i s t a n c e . This study has a l s o been i n keeping with admonitions by O'Malley (1992) and Garland (1997) to e m p i r i c a l l y explore the ways i n which governance i s implemented. We r e q u i r e s t u d i e s of the i n t r i c a c i e s of governmental s t r a t e g i e s as w e l l as the i n s t i t u t i o n a l i z e d processes i n v o l v e d i n the production of governmental knowledge. To do so i s to augment the t y p i c a l governmental ' h i s t o r i e s of the present' w i t h more broadly s o c i o l o g i c a l e x p l o r a t i o n s of how governance i s made to operate i n p r a c t i c e . F i n a l l y , accentuating the r e l a t i o n s h i p between knowledge and governance suggests that there i s s t i l l a great deal we can l e a r n by connecting analyses of governmentality w i t h an e x i s t i n g body of work i n the s o c i o l o g y of science. To do so i s a l s o to r i s k f a c i n g the charge f r e q u e n t l y l e v e l e d against s o c i o l o g i s t s of science that they are ' a n t i - s c i e n c e . ' In the context of t h i s study such an accusation would be profoundly i r o n i c . This examination has attempted to t u r n the a n a l y t i c a l gaze back upon the p r a c t i c e s of science. 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