UBC Theses and Dissertations

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UBC Theses and Dissertations

Canadian Indian policy and development planning theory Cunningham, Alain MacAlpine 1995

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C A N A D I A N INDIAN P O L I C Y A N D D E V E L O P M E N T P L A N N I N G T H E O R Y By A L A I N M A C A L P I N E C U N N I N G H A M Dip loma in T o w n and Country Planning (Distinction) Not t ingham Col lege of Ar t and D e s i g n , 1 9 6 6 M . A . , History , S i m o n Fraser Universi ty , 1 9 8 0 A T H E S I S S U B M I T T E D IN P A R T I A L F U L F I L L M E N T O F T H E R E Q U I R E M E N T S FOR T H E D E G R E E O F D O C T O R O F P H I L O S O P H Y in T H E F A C U L T Y O F G R A D U A T E S T U D I E S S c h o o l of C o m m u n i t y and Regional Planning W e a c c e p t this thesis as conforming to the required standard T H E U N I V E R S I T Y O F BRITISH C O L U M B I A S e p t e m b e r 1 9 9 5 © A la in M a c A l p i n e C u n n i n g h a m , 1 9 9 5 In presenting this thesis in partial fulfilment of the requirements for an advanced degree at the University of British Columbia, I agree that the Library shall make it freely available for reference and study. I further agree that permission for extensive copying of this thesis for scholarly purposes may be granted by the head of my department or by his or her representatives. It is understood that copying or publication of this thesis for financial gain shall not be allowed without my written permission. p^ptfftrnent of g O ^ ' * ' ^ ^ t o w ^ /3S5t*M-'*^ The University of British Columbia Vancouver, Canada Date '2- e*f • % DE-6 (2/88) II A b s t r a c t : C A N A D I A N INDIAN P O L I C Y A N D D E V E L O P M E N T P L A N N I N G T H E O R Y Th is thes is a d d r e s s e s quest ions of how deve lopment planning theory has inf luenced policy-making for Indians in C a n a d a and h o w it could be improved for making better policies in the future. T h e s e quest ions are cons idered around a nexus of central state-Indian relations. There is a f o c u s on the mult i -d imensional problems of poverty f a c e d by m a n y reserve c o m m u n i t i e s , especial ly of those located in more rural and remote regions. T h e thesis cr it ic izes the ser ious dual ism within and be tween prevailing deve lopment doctr ines and proposes remedies through a ' relat ional ' approach . A n original typo logy categor izes ' substant ive ' deve lopment planning theories into t w o oppos ing doctr ines . T h e more dominant liberal assimilat ionist doctr ine centers on modernizat ion theory and internalizes blame on Indians for their " o w n " prob lems, but is chal lenged by radical autonomist doctr ine w h i c h centers on underdeve lopment theory (UDT) and its ' internal co lony ' variant, and contrari ly external izes b lame onto the state . A third body of reformist planning is grounded in the pract ices of wel fare s ta t i sm. Relational analys is of the history of Indian policy s h o w s that underdeve lopment of Indian c o m m u n i t i e s has been c a u s e d by the interaction of both external and internal c a u s e s . Liberal doctr ine strongly inf luenced the central s ta te ' s assimilat ive a g e n d a during the ' t radit ional ' era of Indian pol icy, including its oppressive ' reserve s y s t e m ' and landmark 1 9 6 9 Whi te Paper. It is agreed that radical cr i t ic ism properly reveals the rac ism and Ill e c o n o m i c exploitation underlying s ta te -sponsored process of ' internal co lon izat ion , ' and also helps to explain the consequent rise of Indian ethnic nat ional ism. H o w e v e r , it is c o n c l u d e d that radical cr i t ic ism does not adequate ly explain events in the ' contemporary e ra ' where Indian leaders have more inf luence over po l i cy -making , but have expended m u c h of their energies pursuing a 'modern is t ' nationalist agenda in a power struggle with the central s tate . T h e resulting policy v a c u u m between the d e a d l o c k e d liberal state and radical Indian posit ions has been filled by default with misguided reformist programs of wel fare s t a t i s m , with terribly destruct ive e f fec ts in m a n y reserve c o m m u n i t i e s . T h e cr i t ic ism of current deve lopment theories w h e n applied in pract ice is reinforced by their cr i t ic ism as theor ies. T h e def ic ienc ies of current ' substant ive ' deve lopment theories are s h o w n to be e n d e m i c because of shor tcomings in their underlying ' p r o c e s s ' planning theor ies . In particular, the reductionist dual ism of ext reme liberal and radical deve lopment doct r ines , w h i c h contr ibutes to polarization in pract ice , is revealed. Instead of the current pract ice of applying single explanat ions and prescript ions to Indian po l i cy -making , a relational a p p r o a c h is a d v o c a t e d w h i c h select ively c o m b i n e s liberal, reformist , and radical perspect i ves . T h e thesis c o n c l u d e s wi th an exposit ion of how a relational approach c a n be applied to examine w idespread poverty and d e p e n d e n c y in reserve c o m m u n i t i e s as an interconnected 'external/internal' p rob lem, a n d , leading f rom this, to propose mutual ly - re inforcing state and c o m m u n i t y act ions . IV TABLE OF CONTENTS A b s t r a c t List of Figure A c k n o w l e d g e m e n t s VIII IX II Chapter One: Introduction 1.1 1.2 1.3 1.4 T h e Proposal M e t h o d o l o g y T y p o l o g y of Deve lopment Theor ies App l i ca t ions of Deve lopment Theor ies to Indian Pol icy 7 11 19 P A R T O N E : H I S T O R I C A L A N A L Y S I S O F INDIAN D E V E L O P M E N T P O L I C Y Chapter Two: The Roots of Canadian Indian Policy 2.1 Ove rv iew . 2 8 2 . 2 Three Principles of Indian Policy - -'Ass imi la t ion , "C iv i l i za t ion , ' and 'Protect ion . ' 31 2 . 3 Sett ing Up the 'Reserve S y s t e m . ' 4 3 2 . 4 W e s t w a r d Expans ion , T r e a t y - M a k i n g , and Indian E c o n o m i c Exploitation. 5 0 2 . 5 C o n c l u s i o n s . Chapter Three: The Failure of the 1 9 6 9 White Paper 3.1 O v e r v i e w . 5 2 3 . 2 Seek ing N e w Direct ions: T h e Hawthorn Report , 1 9 6 6 - 1 9 6 7 . 5 4 3 . 3 A "Final Solut ion to the Indian Problem: Planning the 1 9 6 9 Whi te Paper. 6 2 3 . 4 W h a t the Whi te Paper S a i d , and H o w it W a s R e c e i v e d . 71 3 . 5 C o n c l u s i o n s . 78 V Chapter Four: The Decline of Reserve Communities Into Welfarism 4.1 Ove rv iew . 8 0 4 . 2 Background C o m m e n t s on the Indian Nationalist M o v e m e n t . 8 6 4 . 3 C a s e S t u d y O n e : T h e NIB/DIAND S o c i o - E c o n o m i c D e v e l o p m e n t Strategy . 9 4 4 . 4 C a s e S tudy T w o : Northern Regional Deve lopment Projects. 1 0 7 4 . 5 C o n c l u s i o n s . 1 1 9 Chapter Five: Indian Nationalism and the Push for Self-Government 5.1 Ove rv iew . 121 5 . 2 A Comparat i ve M o d e l of S e l f - G o v e r n m e n t Powers . 1 2 4 5 . 3 Legislative A p p r o a c h e s T o w a r d s Indian S e l f - G o v e r n m e n t . 1 3 2 5 . 4 T h e First Ministers ' C o n f e r e n c e s on Aboriginal Const i tut ional Rights. 1 4 0 5 . 5 T h e S e l f - G o v e r n m e n t Package of the C h a r l o t t e T o w n A c c o r d . 1 4 7 5 . 6 C o n c l u s i o n s . 1 6 4 P A R T T W O : P R O P O S A L S FOR INDIAN D E V E L O P M E N T P L A N N I N G Chapter Six: Review of Current Development Theories 6.1 Ove rv iew . 1 6 7 6 . 2 Modern izat ion Theory . 171 6 . 3 Underdeve lopment Theory (UDT) . 178 6 . 4 C a n a d i a n Stap les Theory . 1 8 7 6 . 5 Funct ional Regional Theory . 191 6 . 6 Territorial Regional Theory . 1 9 7 6 . 7 C o m m u n i t y E c o n o m i c Deve lopment (CED) Theory . 2 0 4 6 . 8 C o n c l u s i o n s . 211 vi Chapter Seven: Critique of Development Theories 7.1 Ove rv iew . 2 1 3 7 .2 Planning Process M o d e l . 2 1 5 7 . 2 . 1 Mul t i -D imensional W a y s of K n o w i n g . 2 1 9 7 . 2 . 2 Mul t i -D imensional Power Relat ions. 221 7 . 2 . 3 Perspect ives on Soc ia l Integration. 2 2 5 7 . 2 . 4 C los ing the Loop : the Public Interest and Planned Intervention. 2 2 8 7 . 3 Epistomologica l Critique of Deve lopment Theory . 2 3 3 7 . 3 . 1 "Posit iv ist" Ass imi lat ion Theory . 2 3 4 7 . 3 . 2 "Utopianist" A u t o n o m i s t Theory . 2 3 9 7 . 4 Crit ique of Dualist A s s u m p t i o n s in Deve lopment Theor ies . 2 4 6 7 . 5 S o m e Proposed Correct ives to Dua l i sm. 251 7 . 6 C o n c l u s i o n s . 2 5 6 Chapter Eight: Conclusions 8.1 O v e r v i e w 2 5 8 8 . 2 T h e U n d e v e l o p m e n t of Indian C o m m u n i t y C o m p e t e n c i e s . 261 8 . 3 T h e Role of the State for Facilitating Indian Deve lopment . 281 8 . 4 T h e Role for C o m m u n i t y A c t i o n . 2 8 9 Footnotes and References 301 Bibliography 3 3 0 vii LIST O F F I G U R E S 1 Planning Paradigm Model. 8 2 Differentiation of Development Theories by Social Groups. 1 2 3 Categories of Development Theories. 14 4 Primary Distinctions Between Development Doctrines. 15 5 Counterpart Development Theories. 17 6 Incorporation Options for Indian Governments in Canadian Federalism. 128 7 Ideal Types of Local Autonomy. 129 8 Optional Political Arrangements and Associated Powers of Local Autonomy. 130 9 Respective Positions on Indian Self-Government During the 1980's. 146 10 Organization of Development Theory Review. 170 11 Variants of Canadian Staple Theory. 188 12 Elements of Planning Process Theory. 216 13 Typology of Planning Traditions. 232 14 Examples of Downward "Cumulative Causation" in Diminished Community Competencies. 264 A C K N O W L E D G E M E N T S VIII I w ish to express thanks for the support of m y wi fe , Jill A n d e r s o n C u n n i n g h a m during the lengthy writ ing of this dissertat ion. M y father, Frank Firman C u n n i n g h a m provided invaluable adv ice . I a lso w ish to express m y gratitude to the facul ty and staff of the S c h o o l of C o m m u n i t y and Regional Planning at the University of British Co lumbia for all their a s s i s t a n c e . 1 C H A P T E R O N E . I N T R O D U C T I O N 1.1 T h e Proposal Th i s dissertat ion c a m e about f rom the writer 's first hand exper iences work ing with Indian people , c o n c e r n s about e n d e m i c problems of poverty in m a n y reserve c o m m u n i t i e s , and interests in deve lopment theory . T h e dissertation has three purposes . First, to analyze the historical evolut ion of Canad ian Indian policy and h o w it led to contemporary problems of Indian poverty . S e c o n d , to t race the direct inf luence of deve lopment theory on the making of Indian pol icy , and to also examine policy crit iques by deve lopment theor ists in the field. T h r e e , to identify w h a t is valid in current deve lopment theories and w h a t are ser ious s h o r t c o m i n g s , and to propose improvements wh ich could be applied to future Indian pol icy. T h e analys is of Indian policy covers t w o distinct eras. T h e first era of ' tradit ional ' policy-making cove rs u n s u c c e s s f u l a t tempts by colonial and then federal/provincial governments to force Indian assimilat ion by m e a n s of the repressive ' reserve s y s t e m , against strong but largely pass ive Indian res is tance. T h e s e c o n d phase of ' con tempora ry ' po l icy -making starts wi th the federal gove rnment ' s watershed 1 9 6 9 Whi te Paper w h i c h proposed to totally d ismant le the failed reserve s y s t e m and to remove the Indians' specia l s tatus , but w h i c h had to be w i thdrawn in the face of strong opposit ion f rom an emerging Indian nationalist m o v e m e n t . It cont inues with the Indians more act ive role in po l i cy -making , the expans ion of wel fare state programs into reserves , the failure to m a k e reserve c o m m u n i t i e s more economica l l y se l f -suff ic ient , and recent a t tempts to deal with Indian d e m a n d s for se l f -government . 2 C a n a d i a n Indian policy is v i e w e d as the product of relationships involving Indian peoples and the central s tate . A f o c u s is maintained on status Indians living in reserve c o m m u n i t i e s , and particularly on those residing in rural and remote areas where problems with poverty are the m o s t acute . H o w e v e r , considerable cultural , polit ical, and e c o n o m i c diversity is recognized to be a character ist ic of C a n a d a ' s Indian peoples . T h e central state is v i e w e d as const i tut ing federal and provincial/territorial levels of gove rnment , although m o s t attent ion is g iven to the federal government b e c a u s e of its specia l responsibil it ies for Indians. A f o c u s on the s ta te ' s relations with Indian people is appropriate b e c a u s e of the cons iderable power w h i c h it exerc ises over their everyday life, through s u c h m e c h a n i s m s as the federal Indian A c t and the Depar tment of Indian and Northern Af fa i rs (DIAND). H o w e v e r , as will be e laborated , the "s ta te" is not intended to be presented as one monol i th ic entity. Recent ly , at least , it incorporates a diversity of political and bureaucrat ic interests , as well a s of public opinions as to what should be appropriate t reatment of C a n a d a ' s Indians. S o cal led " Indians," as opposed to other Canad ians of native ances t ry , derive their special s tatus f rom the federal Indian A c t w h i c h st ipulates c o m p l e x criteria for determining w h o should be entered on D I A N D ' s Indian Registry. Essential ly , being an Indian denotes ancest ry within a Band w h i c h has been allotted its o w n reserve lands , a l though the individual in quest ion does not need to live or have lived on a reserve. Reserves are a l located to spec i f ic Bands under a unique s y s t e m of tenure w h e r e b y federal C r o w n lands are held for their "spec ia l use and en joyment" (in the Terr itor ies, s o m e Bands are al located C r o w n lands but they are treated as de fac to reserves) . In 1 9 8 5 eligibility for Indian status w a s broadened through Bill C - 3 1 , with the primary purpose of correct ing the previous 3 discr iminatory provisions in the Indian A c t w h e r e b y Indian w o m e n (but not men) and their offspr ing lost their specia l s tatus upon marriage to a non-Indian s p o u s e . T h e Inuit of northern C a n a d a have been seen to also have special s tatus by the cour ts , but less so in pract ice (they do not have reserves) . Col lect ively , Indians and Inuit are referred to here as "abor ig inals , " and aboriginals together with other people of substant ial native ancest ry as "nat i ves , " except where sources w h o use other terminology are quoted . Reference is also m a d e to Indians' "aboriginal r ights" with respect to their unext inguished c la ims to traditional territories and c la ims for recognit ion of their se l f -govern ing p o w e r s . W e also refer to Bands in contemporary contexts as "Indian First Nat ions" (IFN's), w h i c h is what they prefer to call t h e m s e l v e s . There are ten main Indian linguistic groups in C a n a d a , as wel l as the Inuit group. T h e t w o m o s t w i d e s p r e a d , Indian linguistic groups are the A t h a p a s k a n a c r o s s northern British Co lumbia and the southern part of the Territories and into the northern Prairies; and the A lgonk ian extending ac ross m u c h of the southern parts of the Prairies and a c r o s s Ontario and Q u e b e c and into the Mar i t imes . Other groups in British C o l u m b i a are the Kootenayan in the south east , the Sal ishan in the s o u t h - w e s t , a n d , extending further up the c o a s t , the W a k a s h a n , H a i d a n , T s i m s h i a n , and Tlingit. T h e Iroquoian are located in southern Q u e b e c and the S iouan are spread along the Prairie st retch of the C a n a d a - U . S . border. Al l the southern groups overlap into the United S ta tes . Al l the Indian linguistic groups include a number of d ia lects , except the Ha ida . Recent l y , the number of Indians in C a n a d a has been expanding rapidly, b e c a u s e of high natural g rowth rates and addit ions to the numbers of registered Indians through Bill C - 3 1 . 4 In 1 9 6 7 the Indian population s tood at 2 3 0 , 9 0 2 , but by 1 9 9 2 had risen to 5 3 3 , 5 0 0 persons - - a 5 7 % increase . 1 Nearly all Indians are m e m b e r s of one of the 6 0 4 Indian First Nat ions a c r o s s C a n a d a wi th rights to a total of 2 , 2 8 3 reserves . T h e biggest concent rat ions of Indians and reserves are in Ontario (with the largest proportion of Indians) and British Co lumbia (with the largest proportion of reserves) , but there are m a n y in Q u e b e c and ac ross the Prairies (where occur the largest reserves) . T h e smal lest concent rat ion is in the Mar i t imes and the Territories (although in the latter, Indians together wi th Inuits m a k e up a large proportion of the local population). S o m e Bands only have one reserve , but most have a number , though not all these m a y be o c c u p i e d . T h e largest Indian c o m m u n i t y is the Six Nat ions Iroquois reserve in Ontar io wi th 1 4 , 0 0 0 m e m b e r s , but about half of C a n a d a ' s reserve communi t ies have less than 1 , 0 0 0 Indian res idents . H o w e v e r , m a n y Indian communi t ies also contain other native and non-nat ive res idents , but their precise numbers are u n k n o w n . S o m e 3 8 % of reserve Indians are located in what D I A N D des ignates as 'u rban ' areas (though m a n y of these are in reality small communi t ies ) , while 4 2 % are located in 'rural ' a reas . T h e remainder are located in ' remote/special a c c e s s ' a reas . T h e proportion of Indians w h o live on reserves has been decl ining rapidly s ince 1 9 6 7 w h e n 7 8 % of Indians lived on reserves , and by 1 9 9 2 w a s d o w n to 5 9 % per cent . Th i s decl ine is attributable both to large out -migrat ions of Indians f rom reserves to cit ies and t o w n s , as well as to the recent addit ion of Bill C - 3 1 registrants - - m a n y of w h o m already live in urban areas . "Pover ty" in its multiple s e n s e s of high unemployment and low i n c o m e s , d e p e n d e n c y on transfer p a y m e n t s (primarily f rom the federal government ) , and severe social problems is 5 widespread ac ross m a n y of C a n a d a ' s reserve c o m m u n i t i e s . A t the t ime of the 1991 C e n s u s , Indians on reserves had a 31 % unemployment rate, w h i c h is about 2 1/2 t imes larger than the national jobless rate. M a n y of the unemployed live on rural and remote reserves where job opportunit ies are relatively s c a r c e . Of those looking for work , about two- th i rds reported that f e w or no jobs were avai lable, but 4 0 % said they lacked the educat ion or exper ience to get jobs where these are avai lable. Largely b e c a u s e of lack of e m p l o y m e n t , 4 3 % of Indians were reported in 1 9 9 4 as being dependent on social a s s i s t a n c e , c o m p a r e d with 1 0 % of other Canad ians . M o s t Indian c o m m u n i t i e s are also heavi ly dependent on the central wel fare state for housing subs id ies , essent ial c o m m u n i t y infrastructure, programs for public health , wel fare and sa fe ty , e c o n o m i c deve lopment a s s i s t a n c e , and First Nat ion administrat ion. D I A N D ' s total budget for Indian people in 1 9 9 4 w a s about $4-bi l l ion, of w h i c h about one quarter w a s e x p e n d e d on social a s s i s t a n c e . Of c o u r s e , care has be taken not to unduly point to Indian d e p e n d e n c y on the welfare state w h e n its numerous programs are benefit ing all Canad ian fami l ies , and w h e n s o m e bus iness corporat ions receive huge subsid ies and other s u c h ass i s tance . But it is true that m a n y Indians as inordinately dependent on outside ass is tance just to maintain their everyday ex i s tence , and that s u c h d e p e n d e n c y often carries forward f rom one generat ion to the next. 2 Indian poverty grounded in welfare d e p e n d e n c y is mani fes ted in numerous indicators . For ins tance , Indians on the average enjoy eight years less life e x p e c t a n c y than other C a n a d i a n s , their suic ide rate is four t imes the national average , v io lence infl icted a m o n g t h e m is also a major c a u s e of death , and a lcohol ism and s u b s t a n c e abuse cont inues to be a major problem. Indians also suffer a comparat ive ly high inc idence of incarcerat ions and family v io lence . 6 Th is dissertat ion addresses s u c h problems of Indian poverty and their origin in the deplorable history of misguided and ineffect ive state policies t o w a r d s Indians. W e also cons ider the recent role played by Indian leaders in react ing to state oppress ion , but also in perpetuating the d e p e n d e n c y of their communi t ies on the central wel fare s tate . Diametr ical ly o p p o s e d deve lopment doctr ines have contr ibuted to both s ides of this d rama. W e criticize e lements of both liberal 'assimilat ionist ' doctr ine w h i c h has largely guided state po l i cy -mak ing , and radical 'autonomis t ' doctr ine w h i c h has inf luenced cr i t ic ism of state policies and ext reme Indian nationalist posit ions. It is argued that the dead lock b e t w e e n opposing state and Indian posit ions has created a pol icy v a c u u m , w h i c h , by default , has been filled with a reformist program of d e p e n d e n c y -creat ing wel fare s ta t i sm. Th i s dead lock is partly c a u s e d and perpetuated by def ic ienc ies in current deve lopment doctr ines . In particular, there are dualist tendenc ies in both liberal assimilat ionist and radical autonomist doctr ines w h i c h lead t o w a r d s extremely polarized and mutual ly -exc lus ive v iewpoints on the nature of Indian deve lopment problems and appropriate solut ions. W h e r e a s liberal assimilationist doctr ine is prone to "b lame the v i c t ims" for their o w n poverty , radical autonomist doctr ine is equally prone to externalize all responsibi l i ty on to the state . A s w e will s e e , e a c h of these v iewpoints is based on its o w n set of dist inct assumpt ions about power relations in soc ie ty and the nature of the public interest, as well as have their o w n distinct ep is temolog ies . W e propose a n e w "relat ional" approach to deve lopment theory w h i c h wou ld provide a 7 f r a m e w o r k for maintaining what is valid and useful in both current d e v e l o p m e n t doctr ines, whi le d ispens ing with what is not. Th is approach synthes izes e lements f rom liberal and radical , as wel l as reformist v iewpoints . Instead of analyzing Indian poverty only f rom the perspect ive of state-Indian inter -act ions (as is presently done) , a relational approach also cons iders the reciprocal connec t ions be tween these and intra-act ions within Indian soc iety . A s a c o n s e q u e n c e , w idespread problems of poverty and wel fare d e p e n d e n c y on m a n y Indian reserves should no longer be seen f rom entirely external or internal points of v iew; rather, they are s imul taneously "external" and " internal ," and should be addressed accord ing ly . 1.2 Methodology Extensive rev iews were m a d e of primary and secondary literature, p laced in context by the author 's twenty - f i ve years of involvement with Indian deve lopment i ssues . Exper iences in government a n d , latterly, private consult ing have provided varied insights of state-Indian relations f rom different perspect ives . A s Regional Planner for the B .C . Region of D I A N D , the author had twofo ld roles for coordinat ing funding , advisory and training support to Indian First Nat ions (IFN's) to control and undertake their o w n c o m m u n i t y - b a s e d planning, and for promoting support ive planning a m o n g the Depar tment ' s var ious Program areas (and w a s not an uncr i t ical , bureaucrat ic bystander in these roles). T h e authors ' consult ing cl ients have included s o m e thirty IFN's. Al l together , the author has adv ised over one hundred IFN's located throughout British Co lumbia on set t lement planning, natural resource m a n a g e m e n t , c o m m u n i t y e c o n o m i c deve lopment , s o c i o - e c o n o m i c and envi ronmental impact a s s e s s m e n t , and institutional deve lopment . A s methodolog ica l c a v e a t s , this research project is both informed and inf luenced by these exper iences . 8 T h e research method is descr ibed with reference to the planning paradigm model il lustrated on the fol lowing Figure 1, adapted f rom one originally presented by Fr iedmann and W e a v e r . 3 By a " p a r a d i g m " of planning is meant a l ike -minded body of thought on the appropriate ends and m e a n s of planned intervention in soc ie ty , and w h i c h is grounded suff ic ient ly in the structure of the soc ie ty in quest ion to be signif icantly ref lected in actual pract ice . Oppos ing planning paradigms m a y coexist in soc ie ty and al though one m a y dominate over a considerable period of t ime another m a y grow in importance to chal lenge its d o m i n a n c e . S u c h a transit ion m a y be descr ibed in K u h n ' s phrase as a "paradigm shift ." 4 T h e var ious e lements of the planning paradigm model are s u m m a r i z e d as fo l lows . Referring to Figure 1, ' s o c i o - e c o n o m i c and political condi t ions ' (1), denotes the practical context of problems and opportunit ies in w h i c h 'planning pract ice ' (2) operates . Our particular research addresses the roles of the Canad ian state and Indian peoples in the historical evolut ion of Indian policy pract ice , and its contr ibut ion to contemporary condi t ions of poverty within Indian reserve c o m m u n i t i e s . Planning pract ice is a pragmatic response to chang ing political and bureaucrat ic ex igenc ies , but is a lso f ramed by the particular ' deve lopment planning doctr ine ' (3) w h i c h inf luences pol icy dec i s ion -makers , whether c o n s c i o u s l y or unconsc ious ly . S u c h doctr ine c o m p r i s e s the a c c u m u l a t e d knowledge w h i c h guides particular pract ices of p lanning, and inc ludes "popular w i s d o m " and more formal ized theories about deve lopment . Both the knowledge w h i c h const i tutes planning doctr ine and its appl icat ion in planning pract ice are, in turn, structured by the prevailing ' ideological/institutional f ramework ' of soc ie ty (4), including the inf luence of 9 Figure 1 Planning Paradigm M o d e l 4. Ideological/ Institutional <3 Framework V 3. Deve lopment Planning Doctr ine 3b Substant ive Deve lopment Theor ies <] -Planning Pract ice i.e. Deve lopment Policy V • o S o c i o - E c o n o m i c and Political Condi t ions 10 fundamenta l ideological beliefs and institutional b iases t o w a r d s one form of act ion or another . T h e planning paradigm model dist inguishes b e t w e e n t w o types of theor ies within deve lopment planning doctr ine, ' p rocess planning theor ies ' (3a) and 'substant ive deve lopment theor ies ' (3b), i.e. what Hightower descr ibes a s theor ies "of" and " i n " planning respect ively . 5 Substant ive planning theories try to m a k e s e n s e of the p h e n o m e n a with w h i c h planning pract ice dea ls , i.e. in the c a s e under rev iew here, examining prob lems of Indian underdeve lopment and proposing deve lopment solut ions, and criticizing other theor ies and pract ice in the field. By c o m p a r i s o n , planning " p r o c e s s " theor ies deal wi th s u c h quest ions as w h y and w h e n planning should be under taken , by w h o m and for w h o m , and by what m e a n s . A s will be s h o w n , particular p rocess theories are l inked with particular substant ive theor ies , including the sharing of similiar assumpt ions about the prevailing ideological/institutional f ramework . Spec i f ica l ly , l inkages are d rawn respect ive ly b e t w e e n ' l iberal ' p rocess theory and 'assimi lat ionist ' substant ive theory , and b e t w e e n ' rad ica l ' p rocess theory and 'autonomis t ' substant ive theory . A l inkage is also d r a w n b e t w e e n ' reformist ' p rocess theory and pract ices of the welfare s ta te , though the latter is not assoc ia ted with a wel l -def ined body of deve lopment theory . T h e process/substant ive dist inction is an important one b e c a u s e p rocess planning theory ef fect ive ly se ts a priori rules for designing substant ive theory in t w o w a y s . First, p rocess theory inf luences percept ions of what const i tute deve lopment problems that need to be a d d r e s s e d , a s wel l as of the appropriate nature and s c o p e of planned interventions for correct ing those problems. S e c o n d , p rocess theory del ineates h o w to go about se lect ing . 11 bounding , and interpreting knowledge about substant ive p h e n o m e n a , and h o w this knowledge should be applied in planning pract ice. T h u s , the a s s u m p t i o n s of p rocess theory m a y be strongly determinant of the assumpt ions in substant ive theor ies . A s will be s h o w n later, it a lso fo l lows that if deve lopment theory is to be improved , so must p rocess theory . Fol lowing the a b o v e , the dissertation is organized into t w o main parts. T h e first part conta ins an historical analys is of Indian pol icy, h o w it has been inf luenced by deve lopment doctr ine , and h o w it m a d e c h a n g e s in Indian soc iety . T h e historical analys is is guided by our proposed relational approach w h i c h f o c u s e s not only on the inter -act ions be tween the state and Canad ian Indians, but also on their connect ions wi th intra-act ions within Indian soc ie ty . T h e s e c o n d part of the dissertat ion conta ins a detai led review and critique of current d e v e l o p m e n t doctr ines. It also includes a proposed planning p rocess model wh ich both provides a basis for the aforement ioned critique and for a detai led presentat ion of our proposed relational a p p r o a c h . T h e s e c o n d part ends wi th an exposi t ion of h o w a relational a p p r o a c h c a n be applied to address the problem of wel fare d e p e n d e n c y on reserves , including proposals for a dual strategy of mutually reinforcing state and c o m m u n i t y act ion to both c h a n g e "external" state-Indian relations and " internal" relations within reserve c o m m u n i t i e s . 1.3 Typology of Development Theories A typo logy of substant ive deve lopment theories is provided below a s background to the historical analys is in part one , and to provide a f ramework for the review and critique of theor ies in part t w o . 12 T h e d e v e l o p m e n t planning literature conta ins a considerable variety of theor ies , m a n y of w h i c h have been applied at s o m e t ime or other in the formulat ion or cr i t ic ism of Indian pol icy. H o w e v e r , after searching the literature no comprehens i ve typo logy of theories could be f o u n d , probably due to the fact that they c ross s o m a n y discipl inary l ines. A n original typo logy is presented here w h i c h incorporates discipl inary dist inct ions and the division of deve lopment doctr ine into t w o major paradigms. Different discipl ines have evolved deve lopment theories for appl icat ion to four different s c a l e s of social groupings , as s h o w n in the fol lowing Figure 2. T h e four categor ies of theor ies e a c h f o c u s on a particular type of social group w h i c h has particular re levance to the spec i f ic discipl ine involved. T h e definition of these social groupings differ ac ross t w o d imens ions : first, the relative inc lus iveness of the social g roup 's institutional organizat ion, a n d , s e c o n d , the relative importance ascr ibed to the spatial context of social relations in a g roup 's deve lopment or underdeve lopment Figure 2 Differentiation of Deve lopment Theor ies by Soc ia l Groups D I M E N S I O N S social/spatial 1. Soc ieta l inclusive/ particular 2. Regional 3. C l a s s 4. C o m m u n i t y 13 T h e societa l f o c u s of theor ies in category 1 refers to what soc io logists refer to as " inclusive soc ie t ies , " e n c o m p a s s i n g a full range of major institutions for e c o n o m i c product ion and distr ibution, social izat ion of n e w generat ions , authorization and use of power , c o m m u n i c a t i o n s be tween individuals and groups , and the main tenance of social c o h e s i v e n e s s . Soc iet ies are often co - te rminous with nat ion -s tates , or their history probably inc ludes previous periods of political a u t o n o m y . Indeed, different vers ions of soc ieta l deve lopment theor ies have s o m e t i m e s been evolved for inter-state and intra-state appl icat ions to meet these t w o situat ions. By c o m p a r i s o n , regional theor ies in category 2 f o c u s explicitly on the spatial s igni f icance of social relations at an intra-state level , though they have been applied for this purpose both internationally and domest ica l l y by W e s t e r n theor ists . A region m a y const i tute an " inclusive soc ie ty " as in the c a s e of a nation within a larger s ta te , though not necessar i ly so as exempl i f ied by a region w h i c h is primarily def ined in te rms of its c o m m o n e c o n o m i c interests but is less integrated accord ing to social and cultural criteria. T h e other t w o categor ies of deve lopment theories f o c u s on spec i f ic parts of the more inclusive social groups descr ibed above . T h e c lass theor ies in category 3 separate out spec i f i c s o c i o - e c o n o m i c c l a s s e s for analysis (unlike s o m e Marxist c l a s s - b a s e d theories in category 1 w h i c h are intended to reveal the c lass structure of soc ie ty in total , i.e. as in a "soc ia l format ion" ) . Finally, c o m m u n i t y theories in category 4 m a y be divided into t w o groups . First, are social organization theories w h i c h c a n be s e e n as spatial analogues of c lass theor ies . S e c o n d , are c o m m u n i t y e c o n o m i c deve lopment (CED) theories w h i c h have a more spec i f i c f o c u s on individual communi t ies than the regional theor ies with w h i c h they are c lose ly a s s o c i a t e d . 14 Probably very unusual ly in the deve lopment f ield, all these categor ies of theor ies have appl icat ion to the problems of reserve Indians in C a n a d a . Th is is b e c a u s e Indian underdeve lopment or deve lopment c a n s imultaneously be v i e w e d f rom perspect ives of their over lapping m e m b e r s h i p s in a number of social g roups , e .g . (a) Indians const i tute a minority soc iety , or better still, number of soc iet ies in C a n a d a wi th their o w n dist inct character is t ics and problems. (b) Indian soc iet ies conta in an inordinately, high proportion of a lower s o c i o - e c o n o m i c c lass w h i c h is marginal ized f rom mainst ream opportunit ies. (c) M a n y Indians are located in rural or remote regions, often with limited e c o n o m i c opportunit ies. (d) Indian reserve communi t ies are a m o n g the most d i sadvantaged communi t ies in poor regions (and even in the c a s e s of reserve c o m m u n i t i e s located in rich urban areas , m a n y of their m e m b e r s share societal and c lass prob lems with other Indians). T o summar i ze our typology to this point, the fol lowing Figure 3 is a list of deve lopment theory categor ies w h i c h f o c u s on different target social groups and appl icat ions of deve lopment a s s i s t a n c e . 15 Figure 3 Categor ies of Deve lopment Theor ies 1. S O C I E T A L a . inter-state intra-state b. 2. R E G I O N A L intra-state: international and domest i c 3. C L A S S intra-state 4. C O M M U N I T Y a. b. social organization c o m m u n i t y e c o n o m i c deve lopment (CED) Cutt ing ac ross all the above categor ies of deve lopment theor ies are the t w o principal parad igms of 'assimi lat ionist ' and 'autonomis t ' deve lopment doctr ines . T h e s e c a n be dist inguished accord ing to t w o sets of c lassi f icat ion criteria. In m a n y c a s e s theories within the respect ive doctr ines are dist inguished by both criteria, but in s o m e c a s e s only one set of criteria appl ies . T h e first set of dist inguishing criteria refers to h o w different theor ies ascr ibe causal i ty for underdeve lopment and deve lopment to either the social group in quest ion (i.e. Canad ian Indians) or to an external agent (i.e. the Canad ian state) . Al l deve lopment theories break the universe d o w n into power relations be tween t w o mutual ly exc lus ive entit ies, the internal 'ob ject ' w h i c h is to be deve loped and the external ' sub ject , ' w h i c h , depending upon the doctr ine, plays a role in either undeveloping or developing the object. Ass imi lat ionist doctr ine holds that the object group is underdeve loped b e c a u s e of its o w n internal , inferior traits (whether polit ical, e c o n o m i c or cultural , or s o m e combinat ion thereof) and thus will have to be deve loped exogenous ly by the object group. A u t o n o m i s t 16 doctr ine counters that the object is only undeveloped b e c a u s e of its external relations with the subject , and therefore should undertake its o w n e n d o g e n o u s deve lopment . T h e fo l lowing Figure 4 illustrates these dist inct ions. Figure 2 Primary Dist inct ions B e t w e e n Deve lopment Doctr ines (Figure 4 in thesis) Doctrine Causality A S S I M I L A T I O N I S T A U T O N O M I S T Underdeve lopment internal (Indians) external (State) Deve lopment e x o g e n o u s (State) e n d o g e n o u s (Indians) A s e c o n d set of dist inguishing criteria refers to whether the target group should be deve loped by an external deve lopment a g e n c y in its o w n i m a g e , or whether the target group should deve lop itself accord ing to its o w n desired character is t ics . T h e s e alternative proposit ions give rise respect ively to our nomenc la tures of "assimi lat ionist" and " a u t o n o m i s t " deve lopment doctr ines . Other theorists have used the first set of criteria to dist inguish doctr ines . For ins tance , H. Brookfield breaks d o w n societal deve lopment theor ies accord ing to whether they prescribe " e x o g e n o u s " or " e n d o g e n o u s " deve lopment solut ions. 6 Similarly, a dist inction is n o w c o m m o n l y m a d e in regional and C E D theories 17 on the basis of whether they propose that deve lopment should c o m e f rom the "top d o w n " or the "bot tom u p . " Our nomenclature w a s se lected b e c a u s e it ref lects an important debate in Indian pol icy as to whether the Indian minority c a n only ef fect ive ly deve lop by being complete ly ass imi lated into the universal norms of the majority Canad ian soc ie ty (i.e. the dominant assumpt ion of state policy makers until quite recently) , or whether the Indians wou ld be better off if they deve loped themse lves accord ing to their o w n perceived particularist norms (i.e. the contemporary position of m o s t Indian leaders and m a n y a c a d e m i c crit ics). A typo logy is n o w presented of deve lopment theories accord ing to: (1) their disciplinary d ist inct ions, and (2) division into opposing deve lopment doctr ines . A s s h o w n in the fo l lowing Figure 5 , both assimilat ionist and autonomist doctr ines conta in their o w n "counterpar t " soc ie ta l , regional , c lass and c o m m u n i t y theor ies (their discipl inary foci are a lso s h o w n ) . Soc ieta l theories are the most c o m p l e x and c o m p l e t e . Indeed, modernizat ion theory and U D T c a n be cons idered as "core theor ies" within assimilat ionist doctr ine and autonomist doctr ine respect ively . Modernizat ion theory w a s the first deve lopment theory to evolve and all other assimilat ionist theories are, to varying degrees , its derivat ives. O n the autonomist s ide , U D T occup ies a similar but not quite so central inf luence. S o m e of the other theor ies are not yet as wel l -deve loped as the core theor ies , notably in the c a s e of C E D theories w h i c h are highly derivative of regional theories and conta in little original content of their o w n (because of this they m a y better referred to as " a p p r o a c h e s " rather than theories) . 18 Tab le 5 Counterpart Deve lopment Theor ies T A R G E T G R O U P D O C T R I N E & primary appl icat ion Assimi lat ionist A u t o n o m i s t 1. S o c i e t y a Inter-state Modernizat ion Underdeve lopment theory theory (UDT) (sociology/economics) Soc ia l d is tance theory (anthropology) b. Intra-state Internal co lony mode l (sociology/economics) 2. Region Intra-state: Functional Territorial international theory theory & d o m e s t i c (regional sc ience) (regional planning) 3 . C l a s s Intra-state Culturalist Situationalist theory theory (anthropology) (sociology/social policy studies) 4 . C o m m u n i t y Soc ia l Organizat ion C o m m u n i t y E c o n o m i c D e v e l o p m e n t Local i ty deve lopment approach Soc ia l planning/ social act ion a p p r o a c h e s (social policy studies) Liberal approach Reformist/ Radical a p p r o a c h e s (communi ty planning) 19 Last ly , the t w o doctr ines with their c o m p o n e n t theories c a n be v i e w e d respect ively as thes is versus ant i thesis , with autonomist theories usually being deve loped as explicit c r i t ic isms of their counterpart assimilat ionist theor ies, e .g . U D T c a m e about as a react ion to modernizat ion theory and pract ice , and regional territorial theory as a react ion to regional funct ional theory , and so on . M a n y of the deve lopment theories s h o w n on Figure 5 c a n be dist inguished as either 'ass imi lat ionist ' or ' au tonomis t ' accord ing to both sets of c lass i f icat ion criteria descr ibed a b o v e . H o w e v e r , there are s o m e except ions of less important theor ies w h i c h only fit one set of cr i ter ia: - -(1) 'Soc ia l d i s tance ' theory is located within the assimilat ionist paradigm b e c a u s e it is a variant of modernizat ion theory , and shares its a s s u m p t i o n s that Indians should be deve loped exogenous ly by the state and assimi lated into larger Canad ian soc iety . But unlike m o s t assimi lat ionists , s o m e social d is tance theorists identify the state as having played an important role in undeveloping Indian soc ie ty . (2) 'S i tuat ional ist ' theory is located within the autonomist paradigm b e c a u s e it shares U D T a s s u m p t i o n s that d isadvantaged c lasses within soc ie ty are the "v i c t ims" of s ta te - sponsored underdeve lopment . But unlike m o s t au tonomis ts , situationalist theorists a d v o c a t e that the solut ion to the v i c t ims ' underdeve lopment is to fully assimi late t h e m into the majority soc iety . Similiar c o m m e n t s c a n be m a d e about c o m m u n i t y 'soc ia l p lanning' and 'soc ia l ac t ion ' approaches in the autonomist parad igm. 2 0 1.4 Applications of Development Theories to Indian Policy S o m e readers m a y not be conversant with all the theories w h i c h have been applied in Indian po l i cy -making . Rather than interrupt the f low of the historical analys is , a very brief s u m m a r y fo l lows of soc ie ta l , regional , and c lass deve lopment theor ies . C o m m u n i t y deve lopment theor ies are not dealt with until part t w o . (1) Modern izat ion Theory and U D T Modern izat ion theory has its roots in the writ ings of c lass ica l e c o n o m i s t s and socio logists s u c h as A d a m S m i t h , Durkheim and T o n n i e s , but w a s formally codi f ied in the 1 9 5 0 ' s by largely A m e r i c a n theor ists , m o s t notably W . W . R o s t o w . It has been applied extensively to Third Wor ld countr ies through foreign aid programs, and still remains dominant in deve lopment thinking. Under modernizat ion theory , traditional "underdeve loped" soc iet ies are p laced at the bot tom of an evolut ionary cont inuum whi le modern " d e v e l o p e d " societ ies are located at the top , with "deve lop ing" soc iet ies lying at var ious points in b e t w e e n . Tradit ional soc iet ies c a n only "progress" to moderni ty by imitating the recent historical exper ience of wes te rn capital ist soc iet ies . H o w e v e r , this p rocess c a n be acce lerated by the "d i f fus ion" of moderniz ing inf luences f rom deve loped countr ies through t rade, investment , techno logy t ransfers , social c o n t a c t s , and sys temat i c accul turat ion of traditional peoples to n e w skills and va lues . Af ter pass ing through a number of evolut ionary s t a g e s , all developing soc iet ies will eventual ly converge on the universal liberal ideal (according to modernizers) of individualist democra t i c institutions and capital ist f ree-enterpr ise. From at least the 1 8 4 0 ' s , Canad ian Indian policy w a s c o m m i t t e d to a moderniz ing strategy 21 with the end objective of culturally assimilat ing Indians into W e s t e r n - E u r o p e a n norms . In the 1 9 6 0 ' s a number of a c a d e m i c s a d v o c a t e d Indian ass imi lat ion, but they subscr ibed to social d is tance theory w h i c h is a vers ion of modernizat ion theory (see below). Modern izat ion theory w a s the basis of the federal gove rnment ' s landmark 1 9 6 9 Whi te Paper , but w h e n this had to be w i thdrawn after intense Indian oppos i t ion , modernizat ion theory dec l ined in inf luence. H o w e v e r , it has regained s o m e of its previous d o m i n a n c e with the recent m o v e m e n t to the right in Canad ian politics (notably, the Reform Party s e e m s to a d v o c a t e a modernizat ion, assimilationist strategy t o w a r d s Indians). Modern izat ion theory has c o m e under intense cr it ic ism f rom a d v o c a t e s of underdeve lopment theory (UDT) , w h i c h w a s evolved first by Latin A m e r i c a n soc ia l sc ient ists s u c h as A . G . Frank. T h e y crit icized modernizat ion theory ' s ethnocentr ic bias and its liberal c lothing of w h a t , underneath , w a s perceived to be naked U .S . imperialist exploitation and aggrandizement . T h e s e theorists countered that so -ca l led underdeveloped countr ies had previously been deve loped , and it w a s the imperialist powers w h o had undeve loped t h e m for their benefit . Under this one-s ided relationship, underdeveloped countr ies wou ld cont inue to provide the necessary raw resources , c h e a p labour, and expatr iated profits to fuel g rowth in the imperial " c o r e , " while the "per ipheral" countr ies wou ld remain relegated to being " h e w e r s of w o o d and drawers of water . " Marxist underdeve lopment theorists predicted that the c lass conf l ic ts generated in these s k e w e d dependent e c o n o m i e s wou ld inevitably, but not immediate ly lead to social ist revolut ion. T h e more influential neo -Marx is t U D T schoo l could not wait s o long. T h e y proposed that c lass coal i t ions should organize on a nationalist basis to d isengage f rom imperial dominat ion and r e a s s u m e their o w n indigenous deve lopment path. 22 U D T has provided m u c h of the inspiration for crit iques of assimilat ionist pol icies towards Indians, though not s o m u c h directly because of its f o c u s on e c o n o m i c exploitation of the periphery through either the extract ion of its "surplus labour va lue" (in Marxist versions) or "surplus capital va lue" (in neo -Marx is t versions) . T h e s e calculat ions are not so relevant to C a n a d a ' s Indians b e c a u s e their labour and capital were not exploited in the w a y that c o n c e r n e d Latin A m e r i c a n theorists . O n e notable except ion , w h i c h will be d i s c u s s e d at length, is Me l W a t k i n ' s analys is of the Dene Indians' rights to resource rents in the M a c k e n z i e Va l ley . H o w e v e r , for the most part U D T thinking has been influential through its internal co lony mode l (see below). (2) Soc ia l D is tance T h e o r y and the Internal Co lony M o d e l L i thman dist inguishes t w o types of approach w h i c h have been applied to explain Indian underdeve lopment in North A m e r i c a . T h e first "explains underdeve lopment in te rms of social and/or cultural d is tance b e t w e e n the underdeveloped entity and the surrounding wor ld , " whi le the s e c o n d c la ims "that the relationships b e t w e e n the underdeve loped entity and the surrounding world are exact ly the root c a u s e of underdeve lopment and/or the reason for the p h e n o m e n o n of underdeve lopment . " 7 T h e first approach is the basis of social d is tance theory , w h i c h is a particular version of modernizat ion theory. T h e latter approach refers to U D T and its internal co lony mode l . T h e c o n c e p t of socio -cul tural d is tance is essential ly an anthropological tool . Margaret M e a d , for ins tance , interpreted the social and cultural fo rms of a soc ie ty before con ta c t with E u r o - A m e r i c a n soc ie ty , and then measured their linear accul turat ion f rom this ethnographic basel ine. Cultural c o n v e r g e n c e has c o m m o n l y been s e e n as progressive by 23 m a n y soc ia l d is tance theorists . H o w e v e r , others have caut ioned that spec i f i c c o n t a c t condi t ions c a n be an important deve lopment variable. A more forceful assimi lat ion strategy (as c o m p a r e d with relatively permissive acculturation) m a y have the opposite if unintended e f fec t of provoking strong opposit ion to change by traditional groups . Still other anthropologists have gone even further to cons ider the contemporary social and cultural fo rms of reserve c o m m u n i t i e s as the c o n s e q u e n c e of someth ing that w e n t wrong in the intended t ransformat ion f rom tradit ionalism to m o d e r n i s m . R . W . Dunn ing , w h o will be referred to later, w a s w e l l - k n o w n in the 1 9 6 0 ' s for identifying the Indian Af fa i rs Branch as the culprit in Indian maladaptat ion to Canad ian soc ie ty (although he w a s s o m e t i m e s ambiva lent about whether Indians should complete ly give up their minority culture.) 8 A t t imes , s o m e crit ics in this schoo l of anthropology could a lmost be regarded as underdeve lopment theor ists , except that they hold to the modernizat ion goal of eventual ass imi lat ion. A t the farthest ex t reme, Cars tens sugges ts that the situation of Canad ian Indians is ana logous to S o u t h A f r i can apartheid , referring to reserves as "little co lon ies , " (but s imul taneous ly a d v o c a t e s assimilation). 9 T h e internal colonial model extends U D T assumpt ions of the " c o r e " exploiting the "per iphery" to the intra-state level a n d , in doing s o , often adds a d imens ion of ethnic exploitation to U D T ' s f o c u s on c lass exploitation. Th is m a k e s it m o s t appropriate for analyzing the situation of Canad ian Indians. T h e original deve lopment of the model and its e m p h a s i s on c lass divisions o w e s m u c h to t w o A m e r i c a n soc io log is ts , M ichae l Hechter and Robert Blauner w h o were principally concerned with the plight of A m e r i c a n b lacks . S o m e of their a rguments are outlined be low. 2 4 H e c h t e r ' s f a m o u s internal co lony thesis f o c u s s e d on Britain's "Cel t ic Fr inge," but w a s intended as a c a s e example for compar ing the respect ive validity of t w o c o m p e t i n g mode ls w h i c h a t tempted to explain Black al ienation in the United S ta tes . 10 T h e first model w a s what he cal ls the "ass imi lat ion" m o d e l , incorporating not ions of social d is tance theory and culturalist c lass theory (see below) , w h i c h argues that because B lacks have been isolated in ghet toes they have b e c o m e social ized to failure, and consequent l y need to be resocial ized into the national culture. T h e s e c o n d model Hechter cal ls "nat ional ist ," ref lecting the counte r - tendency of more militant B lacks to b lame Whi te soc ie ty for their p red icament and to organize col lect ive ethnic opposi t ion. In his c a s e analys is , Hechter ex tends the U D T notion of the core exploiting the periphery, and c o n c l u d e s that the "Celt ic Fr inge" has been exploited along ethnic lines overlain on c lass exploitat ion. T o Hechter , his internal co lony thes is supports the interpretation that external e c o n o m i c exploitation along ethnic lines is responsible for the continuing underdeve lopment of B lack soc ie ty , to w h i c h their ethnic nat ional ism is a logical response . Robert B launer 's seminal article has been pivotal in the deve lopment of the internal co lony m o d e l . 11 His c o n c e r n w a s to explain the 1 9 6 0 ' s A m e r i c a n p h e n o m e n a of "ghetto revolt ." Blauner m a k e s a dist inction be tween colonial ism as a soc ia l , polit ical, and e c o n o m i c " s y s t e m , " and colonizat ion as a " p r o c e s s " w h i c h he proposes is as appl icable to the U .S . d o m e s t i c situation as m u c h as it is to overseas co lonia l ism. C lass ica l colonial ism of the imperialist era and A m e r i c a n rac ism share c o m m o n features , he s a y s , b e c a u s e they l ikewise "deve loped out of the s a m e historical situation and ref lected a c o m m o n world e c o n o m i c and power strat i f icat ion." 12 He identifies four c o m p o n e n t s w h i c h are c o m m o n to both external and internal p rocesses of colonizat ion: (i) the co lonizer 's fo rced 2 5 assimi lat ion of the ethnic group, (ii) their sys temat ic a t tempts to dest roy its culture, (iii) their manipulat ive administrat ion of ethnic group m e m b e r s , and (iv) their racist d o m i n a n c e over t h e m . M o s t recent ly , B launer 's colonizat ion process has been applied by Frideres to the exper ience of Canad ian Indians, and is also used here in the historical analys is of Indian policy. 1 3 (3) Regional Funct ional and Territorial Theor ies Regional d e v e l o p m e n t theories add a more explicit spatial d imens ion to societal theories. Funct ional regional theory c a n be s e e n as a spatial analogue of modernizat ion theory . Regional sc ient is ts translated modernizat ion theory 's underpinnings of l iberal, neo -c lass ica l e c o n o m i c s into spatial m e c h a n i s m s for diffusing growth outward f rom more deve loped regions t o w a r d s less deve loped ones . Functional theory 's essent ial proposit ions are: (1) e c o n o m i c product ion in e a c h region should be special ized accord ing to its respect ive ' comparat i ve a d v a n t a g e , ' (2) g rowth will necessar i ly be polarized in urban centres and their leading industrial s e c t o r s , w h i c h st imulates d e m a n d for the supply of raw materials f rom hinterland regions, (3) unless hinterland regions themse lves deve lop into urban cent res , it is m o s t eff ic ient for t h e m to import m o s t of their required goods and serv i ces , and (4) job opportunit ies will necessar i ly be limited in hinterland regions and m u c h of their labour force should migrate to growing urban centres to find work . Funct ional theory w a s the dominant force in Canad ian regional deve lopment pol icy f rom the 1 9 6 0 ' s through to the 1 9 8 0 ' s . A s will be s h o w n , it had considerable inf luence on the 1 9 6 9 Whi te Paper w h i c h r e c o m m e n d e d that not only should Indians be culturally ass imi la ted , but that they should m o v e a w a y f rom their remote reserves and be spatially 2 6 assimi lated into C a n a d a ' s moderniz ing urban-based e c o n o m y . Territorial regional theory emerged as an explicit critique of what its adherents perceive as funct ional theory ' s central iz ing, homogeniz ing , and exploitative a g e n d a . Territorial theory is l inked to neo -Marx is t U D T , often through its internal co lony m o d e l , but it a lso conta ins a strong strand of anti -material ist phi losophy. T h e s e s o m e t i m e s conf l ict ing genealogies sur face in territorial theory ' s mixed proposals for distinct soc iet ies in the periphery to counter the c o r e ' s control by regional nationalist m o v e m e n t s (the neo -Marx is t inf luence) , and/or by m o v e m e n t s inspired by communal i s t or anarchist ideals (the anti^materialist inf luence) . T h e periphery should be "de l inked" f rom the co re , they argue, by strategies for political and e c o n o m i c decentral izat ion to enable it to develop accord ing to its o w n indigenous va lues . Territorial thinking is a major inf luence on theorists w h o propose that Indians should return to a w a y of life cons is tent with their traditional va lues . (4) C l a s s Culturalist and Situationalist Theor ies C l a s s theor ies c luster around opposing cultural and situational theor ies of poverty . Cultural ists , s u c h as O s c a r L e w i s , "b lame the v i c t ims" for their o w n pred icament by arguing that they mani fest patterns of va lues and behaviour inherently different f rom those of the dominant soc ie ty and culture, and w h i c h are t ransmitted intergenerationally through internal social izat ion. Th i s "culture of poverty , " they argue, is the determinant of the poors ' l o w - e c o n o m i c s tatus . H e n c e , it logically fo l lows that the prescr ibed solution for t h e m is to adopt the value and behaviour patterns of the non-poor . In response , situationalists c la im that the exhibition of untypical va lues and behaviour by the poor is no more than a funct ional response to their depr ived and externally i m p o s e d env i ronment . 27 T h e y c o n t e n d that the poor fundamental ly share the s a m e va lues as larger soc ie ty , but are prevented f rom realizing their aspirat ions by a restrictive social s y s t e m . T h e situationalists disagree that the poor have the onus for changing t h e m s e l v e s a n d , ins tead , point to s o c i e t y ' s responsibi l i ty for creating opportunit ies for their e c o n o m i c enf ranch isement . Tanner s u m m a r i z e s a number of Canad ian studies w h i c h fol low a situationalist line of a rgument , wi th c o m m o n t h e m e s of social st igmatizat ion and prejudicial barriers against native people at tempt ing to a c c e s s mainst ream e c o n o m i c opportunit ies. 1 4 T h e m o s t notable example of this interpretation is by Elias w h o insists that Indians' poverty arises not b e c a u s e of any cultural diff iculties they have in adapt ing , but f rom their posit ion as part of the "underc lass " in Canad ian soc iety . 15 O n the other s ide , culturalist a rguments were part of the intellectual arsenal of the Whi te Paper planners. Its negative assumpt ions also underlie s implist ic contemporary crit iques by the N e w Right of Indian welfar ist d e p e n d e n c y . Wi th this background information in place w e n o w turn to an historical analys is of Indian policy. 2 8 PART ONE: HISTORICAL ANALYSIS OF INDIAN DEVELOPMENT POLICY 29 CHAPTER TWO. THE ROOTS OF CANADIAN INDIAN POLICY 2.1 Overview Th is chapter analyzes certain a s p e c t s of the historical evolut ion of Indian policy f rom the Royal Proc lamat ion of 1 7 6 3 up to the early twent ieth century , tracing important c h a n g e s w h i c h took place under imperial contro l , colonial government , and federal -provincial government , as well as Indian react ions to those c h a n g e s . Start ing in the 1 7 6 0 s , the primary c o n c e r n of the British imperial government in sett ing Indian policy had been to secure strategically p laced Indian tribes as military allies. H o w e v e r , by the turn of the century w h e n the Indians' military usefu lness decl ined (and their participation w a s reduced in the decl ining fur trade), the need to 'ass imi la te ' Indians b e c a m e the primary object ive, abetted by the other t w o policy principles of imperial policy to purposeful ly 'civi l ize' Indians accord ing to weste rn cultural n o r m s , and to 'protect ' them until they were ass imi lated and could look after t h e m s e l v e s . T h e s e paternal ist ic , although at the t ime humanitar ian principles were subsequent ly t ransformed by colonial administrators in Central C a n a d a and then by the n e w Domin ion government into a fundamenta l l y racist agenda for persecut ing Indian peoples . Th i s t ransformat ion of policy undoubtedly ref lected increasing intolerance towards Indians w h o were seen as standing in the w a y of W e s t e r n sett lement and expans ion , but, in large part, it w a s also an unintended c o n s e q u e n c e of the failure of the ' reserve s y s t e m ' wh ich had been des igned by the state to bring about the Indians' assimilat ion into Whi te soc iety . A s will be desc r ibed , the reserve s y s t e m evolved to incorporate four mutual ly reinforcing c o m p o n e n t s : the segregat ion of Indians in set t lements located on special ly set -as ide 30 reserve lands , specia l legislation to control most a s p e c t s of Indian life, estab l ishment of a large Indian Af fa i rs bureaucracy with intrusive powers of tutelage over their Indian ' w a r d s , ' and s ta te - sponsored C h u r c h proselytization and teach ing . H o w e v e r , the reserve s y s t e m w a s fatally f l a w e d , and for t w o reasons . First, the goal of assimi lat ion w a s perversely intended to be ach ieved by segregat ing Indians, spatial ly , social ly , economica l l y , and politically, f rom the very European settler soc ie ty into w h i c h they were s u p p o s e d to be ass imi lated! S e c o n d , w h e n the reserve s y s t e m failed to ach ieve its desired results, as it inevitably w o u l d , the state subjugated Indians even more in a t tempts to force their assimi lat ion a n d , in doing s o , al ienated them further a w a y f rom Whi te soc ie ty . T h e s e events are interpreted f rom the perspect ive of our 'relational a p p r o a c h ' to d e v e l o p m e n t theory , w h i c h addresses the interconnect ions b e t w e e n evolv ing state policies and Indian responses . It will be s h o w n , particularly, h o w state a t tempts to force Indian cultural assimi lat ion through the f lawed reserve s y s t e m fai led, and only served to provoke Indian res is tance a n d , ult imately, separat i sm. Th is w a s despite the fact that m a n y Indian leaders were not o p p o s e d to the need for e c o n o m i c ass imi lat ion, being wel l aware that their previous, traditional pursuits were being i rrevocably eroded by expanding European set t lement . But instead of then changing direction w h e n f a c e d with opposit ion f rom Indian leaders , government administrators responded by intensifying their a t tempts to force cultural assimi lat ion through the reserve s y s t e m , w h i c h in turn provoked even more Indian res is tance . T h u s ensued a v ic iously escalat ing spiral of increased Draconian measures to force Indian submiss ion but also hardening Indian res is tance. A s a c o n s e q u e n c e of this d y n a m i c , it b e c a m e increasingly more difficult over t ime for the state to reach a reasonable c o m p r o m i s e wi th Indians. 31 T o s o m e degree , the events during this period sustain the c la im by modernizat ion 'soc ia l d is tance theor is ts ' that t o d a y ' s "Indian prob lem" is the c o n s e q u e n c e of someth ing w h i c h w e n t w r o n g in a t ransformat ion process f rom tradit ionalism to moderni ty . More particularly, it cou ld be asserted that bureaucrat ic bungling prevented Indians f rom being s u c c e s s f u l l y ass imi lated . O n the other s ide , m a n y U D T theorists disagree that the notion of assimilat ing Indians w a s or is a desirable goal . Undoubted ly , there is considerable ev idence in this period to support accusa t ions by U D T ' internal co lony ' theorists that Indian pol icy w a s highly oppressive and racist (though issue will be taken later wi th U D T theorists w h e n interpreting more contemporary events) . Th is is conf i rmed by compar ing the events against Robert Blauner 's previously ment ioned four c o m p o n e n t s c o m m o n to both external and internal p rocesses of colonizat ion. B launer 's c o m p o n e n t s are quoted be low , more fully: - -(1) T h e first c o m p o n e n t refers to h o w the racial group enters into the dominant soc iety . . . . Colonizat ion begins with a forced involuntary entry. (2) S e c o n d , there is an impact on the culture and social organization of the colonized people w h i c h is more than just a result of s u c h "natural" p r o c e s s e s as contac t and accul turat ion . Rather, the coloniz ing power carr ies out a pol icy w h i c h const ra ins , t rans fo rms , or dest roys indigenous va lues , or ientat ions, and w a y s of life. (3) Th i rd , colonizat ion involves a relationship by w h i c h m e m b e r s of the colonized group tend to be administered by representat ives of the dominant power . There is an exper ience of being m a n a g e d and manipulated by outsiders in te rms of ethnic s tatus . (4) A final f u n d a m e n t of colonizat ion is rac i sm. R a c i s m is a principle of social dominat ion by w h i c h a group seen as inferior or different in te rms of al leged biological character is t ics is explo i ted, contro l led, and oppressed social ly and physical ly by a superordinate group. 1 3 2 2.2 Three Principles of Indian Policy -- 'Assimilation,' 'Civilization' and 'Protection' T h e starting point of this historical analysis of Indian pol icy is the Royal Proc lamat ion of 1 7 6 3 . T o this day , the Proc lamat ion is a cont inuing s y m b o l of betrayal but also of hope for native Indians, b e c a u s e of the promises m a d e by the European n e w c o m e r s to respect Indian rights to aboriginal title and status as sel f -governing nat ions. H o w e v e r , recognit ion of dist inctive Indian rights w a s soon c o m p r o m i s e d by historical events wi th the result that the primary goal of Indian policy b e c a m e assimi lat ion, to be ach ieved concurrent ly by purposeful civilizing and protect ion. Under British Imperial d i rect ion, these principles had s o m e humanitar ian purpose but they were to s o w the s e e d s for m u c h more repressive control w h e n the co lon ies , and finally the n e w Domin ion of C a n a d a a s s u m e d primary responsibi l i ty for Indian policy. T h e ef fect ive territorial s c o p e of the Royal Proc lamat ion w a s all those lands w e s t of the At lant ic Seaboard co lonies . T h e Proc lamat ion recognized the rights of Indian nations to aboriginal title in those areas as fo l lows : " A n d w h e r e a s it is just and reasonable , and essent ial to our Interests, and the Secur i ty of our Co lon ies , that the several Nat ions or Tr ibes of Indians with w h o m W e are c o n n e c t e d , and w h o live under our Protect ion, should not be moles ted or disturbed in the Possess ion of s u c h Parts of our Domin ions and Territories as not having been c e d e d to or purchased by U s , are reserved to t h e m , or any of t h e m , as their Hunting G r o u n d s . " 2 T h e Proc lamat ion also st ipulated that the C r o w n ' s prior approval w a s required for all acquis i t ions of Indian lands: " A n d W e do hereby strictly forbid , on Pain of our Displeasure , all our loving Subjects f rom making any Purchases or Se t t lements whatever , or taking Possess ion of any of the Lands above reserved , without our espec ia l leave and L icence for that purpose first obta ined . " 33 V e r y important ly , the Proc lamat ion also laid out a p rocess of h o w Indian lands should be acqui red for other purposes : "if at any T i m e any of the said Indians should be inclined to d ispose of s u c h L a n d s , the s a m e shall be purchased only for U s in our N a m e , at s o m e public meet ing or A s s e m b l y of the said Indians, to be held for that Purpose by the Governor or C o m m a n d e r in Chief of our C o l o n y . . . . " T h e latter provision fo rms the basis of s u b s e q u e n t t reaty -making b e t w e e n Indians and representat ives of the C r o w n . Th is p r o c e s s , together wi th other language in the Proc lamat ion s u c h as re ferences to Indian " N a t i o n s , " provides one of the butt resses for contemporary Indian d e m a n d s that aboriginal title should be negot iated on a "government to government" basis . A l though the Proc lamat ion has lasting legal and constitut ional s igni f icance for Indian-White relat ions, it w a s originally c o n c e i v e d to meet pressing military cont ingenc ies of the day . 3 T h e Proc lamat ion fo l lowed the S e v e n Years W a r and w a s s igned in the s a m e year as the P e a c e of Paris, w h e r e b y France c e d e d nearly all of its title and c la im to territories within the northern part of the A m e r i c a n Cont inent . British memor ies were still f resh on h o w Indian tribes loyal to France had ass is ted them to be v ictor ious on land until the situation w a s s a v e d by a s u c c e s s f u l Royal Navy b lockade of French supply lines. Indian loyalty w a s mot ivated by the French giving of presents but, more signif icantly , by percept ions that F rench e c o n o m i c interests, w h i c h centered on the c o m m e r c e of the fur t rade, m a t c h e d their o w n interests to protect their hunting grounds f rom agricultural set t lement . T h e British were n o w anxious to c o p y F rance ' s s u c c e s s in cult ivating strategical ly located Indian all ies, both to forestall threats of future Indian a t tacks on colonial set t lements but, a l so , increasingly , to provide insurance against the growing rest lessness of the A m e r i c a n co lon ies under British rule. T h u s , the Proclamation w a s intended to signal to Indian tribes 3 4 that the British wou ld protect their interests in return for military support . T h e Proc lamat ion 's protect ions against uncontrol led acquisit ion of Indian lands had been p r o m p t e d , in part, by the fraudulent pract ices of unscrupulous A m e r i c a n land deve lopers , but its e n f o r c e m e n t w a s a further irritant to the A m e r i c a n co lon ies w h o w i s h e d to expand their agricultural frontiers w e s t w a r d . Indeed, en fo rcement of the Proc lamat ion w a s one of the c a u s e s of the Revolut ionary W a r and in being s o , ironically, p layed a role in defeat ing the very protect ion of Indian territories w h i c h it w a s s u p p o s e d to uphold . T h e Proc lamat ion did pay military div idends to the British against the A m e r i c a n colonies w h e n Indian tribes s u c h as the M o h a w k s and the Iroquois proved to be valuable allies on their s ide. T h e first erosion of the Proc lamat ion 's promises fo l l owed , h o w e v e r , at the T reaty of Versai l les in 1 7 8 3 , w h e n British negotiators surrendered all c la ims to the A m e r i c a n s over Indian territory south of the Great Lakes . T h e y repaid s o m e of their Indian allies by subsequent l y resettl ing them in areas of what s o o n would b e c o m e Upper C a n a d a (e.g. the Six Nat ions at Miss issuaga) . T h e usefu lness of Indians as military allies w a s again proved in the W a r of 1 8 1 2 , w h e n loyal tr ibes s u c h as the M o h a w k s in Upper C a n a d a and the S h a w n e e and other wes te rn tr ibes led by T e c u m s e h in A m e r i c a n territory, ass is ted greatly in turning back an invasion by s o m e of the more land-hungry A m e r i c a n s tates . A n d , aga in , the Indian allies a c t e d to protect their o w n interests in at tempt ing to contain agricultural set t lement . A f te r the W a r of 1 8 1 2 , h o w e v e r , relations were normalized be tween Britain and the A m e r i c a n s tates and the Indians' military value w a n e d accordingly . A t the s a m e t ime, the fur trade centered on Montreal e n d e d , and consequent l y the nat ives ' importance as c o m m e r c i a l partners also 3 5 dec l ined . T h u s , "an Indian population that had c e a s e d to have c o m m e r c i a l and military utility to the Europeans b e c a m e , at best , irrelevant a n d , at wors t , an obstac le to the sett lers w h o n o w outnumbered t h e m . " 4 T h e f o c u s of imperial policy n o w shifted to facil itating agricultural set t lement - - the population in Upper C a n a d a increased tenfold b e t w e e n the end of the W a r of 1 8 1 2 and the c e n s u s of 1 8 5 1 . Three essent ial principles of a new Indian policy emerged around the goal of eventual assimi lat ion of the Indian minority, w h i c h w a s to be ach ieved concurrent ly by m e a n s of their adapt ive civil ization f rom tradit ionalism to moderni ty , and their temporary protection until they were ready to fend for themse lves . 5 In the evolut ion of these principles, s ignif icant shifts were to occur be tween h o w they were applied by the British Colonial O f f i ce and imperial military authority a n d , later, w h e n responsibil ity for Indian policy w a s devo lved to local Indian Af fa i rs bureaucrats and then to colonial governments . 6 Imperial control led Indian policy in the early nineteenth century undoubtedly had an enl ightened reformist f lavour, abet ted , no doubt , by the fact that Indians did not threaten e c o n o m i c interests in London as they directly did the colonial sett lers. It a lso ref lected, h o w e v e r , Britain's n e w Humanitar ian M o v e m e n t w h i c h had petit ioned success fu l l y for factory reforms at h o m e and the abolit ion of s lavery abroad , as well as the better t reatment of indigenous populat ions in imperial co lon ies through s u c h c a u s e s as the Abor ig ines Protect ion Soc ie ty . A s has been s h o w n , the roots of protect ion under imperial pol icy t o w a r d s Indians were c o n c e r n s about wrongful intrusions into, and acquis i t ion of Indian lands , though corrupt bus iness deal ings with natives w a s also a c o n c e r n . Imperial pol icy did not pretend to preserve aboriginal culture, however , as this w a s cons idered 36 neither practicable nor desirable. The well-intentioned belief gained wide currency that Indians would best be protected against ethnic extinction by cultural assimilation. 7 The Indians' subsistence and often migratory life-style was considered to be culturally inferior to sedentary agricultural pursuits, and, since the day was foreseen when it would soon completely disappear, continuation of their traditional ways would only serve to delay their effective adaptation. Thus, considerable importance was placed on purposeful civilization to assist Indians make the necessary adaptations to modernity. Despite these assumption about the inevitability of assimilation, however, the pace of change under imperial policy was to be set by the Indian tribes themselves. As well as being humanitarian for its times, imperial policy was also flexible. Until the colonies assumed almost total responsibility for Indians, imperial policies were differentiated across British North America according to a regional approach. 8 In the Atlantic colonies the Colonial Office attempted to "insulate" the MicMacs on reserves until they were ready to assimilate. In Rupert's Land it was thought that the fur trade was already bringing about a useful "amalgamation" of Indians and Whites -- especially through miscegenation as evidenced by the Metis -- so the Hudson's Bay Company was left to its own devices. On Vancouver Island and the adjoining mainland colony of New Caledonia, the Colonial Office also relied on locally administered policy which consisted of insulating Indians in areas close to White settlements and amalgamation in other areas. It was in the Central Canadas that, besides miscegenation, the greatest emphasis was placed on education in the broadest civilizing sense to bring about amalgamation. Notwithstanding all these differences, however, there was a belief in the Colonial Office that the best 3 7 interests of all Indians could only be assured through cont inuat ion of the imperial c o n n e c t i o n . D o e s Imperial -controlled Indian policy after the 1 7 6 3 Royal Proc lamat ion fit with the a s s u m p t i o n s of the "internal co lony" crit ique? Tak ing Blauner 's a forement ioned four c o m p o n e n t s of the colonizat ion process as yardst icks the a n s w e r is yes and no. First, there had not b e e n , as yet , " forced involuntary entry" of Indians into the sett lers ' soc iety , and the Royal Proc lamat ion w a s intended to control the worst i m p a c t s of c o n t a c t . S e c o n d , European impacts on Indians had been what anthropologists call "non -d i rec ted" in that they resulted f rom t w o - w a y cultural contac t and adaptat ion , rather than "direct" i m p o s e d c h a n g e - - though this w a s starting to alter wi th the presumpt ion that Indian assimi lat ion w a s inevitable and should be encouraged . 9 Th i rd , there w a s little ev idence of colonizers administrat ing the co lon ized , or in Blauner 's w o r d s of being " m a n a g e d and manipulated by outsiders in te rms of ethnic s ta tus . " Last ly , there is a narrow line be tween imperial administ rators ' benevolent humanitar ianism t o w a r d s Indians and Blauner 's fourth c o m p o n e n t of " r a c i s m , " but as will be seen the trend w a s certainly t o w a r d s the latter. 2 . 3 Setting U P the 'Reserve System' A r o u n d the middle of the nineteenth century , certain p recedents were set for a more intolerant and inflexible Indian policy. T w o deve lopments were influential in this c h a n g e . First, w a s the a lmost comple te wi thdrawal of Colonial Of f i ce responsibi l i ty for Indian policy and wi th it, erosion of the imperial humanitar ian ethic towards Indians. S e c o n d , w a s a planned pol icy in Central C a n a d a of forcing the segregat ion of Indians into reserves so they could be systemat ica l l y civil ized in preparation for eventual assimilat ion into Whi te soc iety . 3 8 Central iz ing Indians on reserves also had the not incidental benefit of freeing their lands up for set t lement . T h e overall deve lopment ethic towards Indians w a s , as before , ideas about modernizat ion, but they were undergoing a signif icant shift. Previous humanitar ian ideas about civilizing Indians so that they could be better equipped to ass imi late , were n o w increasingly co loured wi th pseudo-sc ient i f ic c o n c e p t s of racial superiority ve rsus inferiority, s u c h as Soc ia l D a r w i n i s m . Under this change of e m p h a s i s , Indians should be forced to assimilate s o they could improve rather than survive. T h e modernizat ion of Indians n o w b e c a m e c losely intertwined with their purposefu l , if not a l w a y s s y s t e m a t i c sedentar izat ion. 10 W i t h the decl ining fur t rade, the migratory lifestyle fo l lowed by m a n y Indians no longer served a useful e c o n o m i c purpose , so n o w they were e x p o s e d to the salutary vigor of the "Bible and the p low. " Miss ionar ies and government off icials also m a d e the c a s e that they could better carry out their responsibil it ies for Indian tutelage and wardsh ip if famil ies were central ized in permanent set t lements . (The first reserve set t lements had been set up in N e w France during the seventeenth century by the Jesu i t s , but while the intent of these missionar ies w a s to conver t the inhabitants to Christ ianity and agriculture other a s p e c t s of native culture were left a lone, s u c h a s their language , and the state w a s not involved in these efforts) . In the 1 8 3 0 s , a number of reserve vi l lages were establ ished in Upper C a n a d a for Indians to be taught farming , and to receive religious instruction and general educat ion . Th i s w a s the beginning of the reserve s y s t e m as a "soc ia l laboratory" for civilizing Indians and preparing t h e m to c o p e with Whi te soc ie ty , s o o n to b e c a m e a cornerstone of Colonial and then Canad ian policy t o w a r d s Indians. 11 3 9 A surprising a m o u n t of deliberate planning went into test ing the use of central ized reserve c o m m u n i t i e s for advanc ing social policy of the day , including pol icy exper iments and study of ana logous c a s e s tudy mater ial , but with the wrong results. A l m o s t immediate ly , different s c h o o l s of thought arose about whether segregat ing Indians on reserves did them more harm than g o o d . It w a s also queried whether Indians should be located on reserves c lose to colonist set t lements so they could b e c o m e more quickly ass imi lated through social in terchange, or should be located further a w a y to protect t h e m against certain uncivil ized traits of the sett lers t h e m s e l v e s . 12 In 1 8 5 6 , a Royal C o m m i s s i o n w h i c h studied the issue c o n c l u d e d that fo rced isolation of Indians w a s not foster ing their civi l ization as originally s u p p o s e d . T h e y c i ted ev idence f rom a study in neighbouring Mich igan demonstrat ing that where reserves were located near colonial se t t lements , Indians were not only civil ized by their inf luence but, eventual ly , were complete ly ass imi lated into t h e m . Never the less , the C o m m i s s i o n remained optimistic about the Indians' eventual civil ization and assimi lat ion, and ended by advis ing against , but not totally rejecting separate reserve communi t ies . 13 Similarly, exper iments p roceeded with Indian educat ion . Fol lowing the so -ca l led Bagot C o m m i s s i o n inquiry in 1 8 4 2 , educat ion policy w a s reorientated f rom day s c h o o l s to residential s c h o o l s . T h e C o m m i s s i o n conc luded that day s c h o o l s were a failure a n d , moreover , that this resulted f rom the undoing of all ef forts to assimi late chi ldren in the c l a s s r o o m by the inf luence of their parents w h e n they returned h o m e . N e w residential s c h o o l s were establ ished on a wide basis , fo l lowing exper iments with earlier s u c h institutions, w h i c h c o m b i n e d industrial and agricultural training for Indian chi ldren together 4 0 with religious indoctr ination. T h e n e w educat ion s y s t e m w a s enthusiast ical ly supported by miss ionar ies w h o ran the schoo ls and by Indian Depar tment off icials w h o were c o n v i n c e d of their e f fec t i veness in assur ing assimi lat ion. A t first, local tribal leaders a lso supported the s c h o o l s for Indian chi ldren to learn necessary n e w e c o n o m i c skil ls, but bitterly opposed their assimilat ive a g e n d a . 14 T h e i m p o s e d social engineering by Indian Af fa i rs bureaucrats and miss ionar ies w a s a departure f rom imperial pract ice whereby tribal counc i l s had dec ided the rate of cultural c h a n g e . T h e y had been able to exercise discret ion over whether s c h o o l s should be a l lowed on reserves , the use of reserve lands for agriculture and other resource d e v e l o p m e n t , and the extent to w h i c h income f rom land sales wou ld be devoted to deve lopment projects. 15 T h e n e w controls over Indians co inc ided with the increasing hand over of responsibil ity for Indians to colonial governments . In the n e w imperial free-trade era w h i c h fo l lowed repeal of the Corn L a w s in 1 8 4 6 , all responsibil it ies (and especia l ly expenses) of co lonies d e e m e d to be ready for se l f -government were anathema to British polit icians responsible for the public purse. In 1 8 6 0 , the imperial government formally t ransferred responsibil it ies for Indians to its colonial gove rnments . Even before imperial devolut ion of Indian responsibil it ies w a s formally c o m p l e t e d , the United C a n a d a s A s s e m b l y legislated its o w n Indian policy w h i c h , strictly speak ing , w a s in cont ravent ion of the Royal Proc lamat ion . 16 T h e Gradual Civi l ization A c t of 1 8 5 7 w a s t e s t a m e n t to the increasing erosion of tribal a u t o n o m y . In addit ion to the modernizat ion strategy already in place for skills training, educat ion , proselyt izat ion, and agricultural deve lopment on reserve lands, it p roposed that Indians be introduced to W e s t e r n , liberal 41 virtues of private property ownersh ip . Previously, tribal counc i l s a c r o s s the co lony had flatly rejected the c o n c e p t of reserve subdiv is ions. S o , the purpose of the 1 8 5 7 legislation w a s to c i r cumvent tribal authority by offering to adult Indian males t w e n t y freehold ac res al ienated f rom their reserves , if they e lected to b e c o m e enf ranch ised as a cit izen of the co lony , and were d e e m e d suff ic iently civi l ized! A t t e m p t s to privatize Indian reserve lands s t ruck directly at the Indians' c o m m u n a l tradition and they refused to cooperate (very few Indians took up the g o v e r n m e n t ' s offer and only one appl icat ion w a s approved) . T h e colonial government b lamed the failure of their enf ranch isement offer on traditional tribal leaders w h o were increasingly s e e n as a major impediment to assimi lat ion. By the 1 8 6 0 ' s , all three principles of civi l ization, protect ion, and assimi lat ion originally introduced under imperial gu idance had been remolded by the Central C a n a d a s ' colonial gove rnment into the embryon ic reserve s y s t e m . T h e goal of assimilat ion w a s no longer just an end to be promoted but to be enforced against the w i s h e s of Indian leaders , if n e c e s s a r y . T h e assimilat ion of Indians w a s to be ach ieved also by the contradictory m e a n s of their soc io -spat ia l segregat ion on reserves , so that they could more easi ly civil ized and protected . H o w e v e r , increasing colonial control exerc ised through the reserve s y s t e m had the not unexpected result of provoking increasing Indian res is tance . T h i s , in turn, d rew even more repressive contro l , resulting in more res istance . . . and so on . O n c e this soc ia l eng ineers ' "F rankenste in" deve lopment model of contradictory bits and p ieces w a s c r e a t e d , it b e c a m e increasingly difficult to s top . T h e pattern of repressive Indian policy w a s in place w h e n , under the te rms of the British North A m e r i c a n A c t of 1 8 6 7 , overall control over Indians and reserve lands w a s c e d e d to 42 the federal government of the n e w Canad ian Domin ion . T h e national pol icies w h i c h would be put in place by the federal government for dealing with Indians d rew largely f rom Central Canad ian exper iences . B e c a u s e of the conv ic t ion that m a n y Indians were being uncooperat ive and were deliberately oppos ing government pol icy, they b e c a m e a target for state sponsored abuse and persecut ion , w h i c h , c o m p a r e d with its al leged assimilat ive purposes w e r e , in fact , perversely discr iminatory . Under colonial government , traditional tribal leaders in Central C a n a d a in particular had been increasingly v i e w e d as an impediment to Indian assimilat ion. T h e n e w Domin ion ' s first p iece of Indian legislation met this chal lenge directly. 17 T h e 1 8 6 9 Indian Enf ranch isement A c t included provisions for replacing traditional tribal gove rnments with the Brit ish-style municipal mode l . T h e legislation w a s primarily directed to more "c iv i l ized" Bands in Central C a n a d a but quickly set the precedent for all Indian pol icy. T h e A c t provided for externally control led procedures of democra t i c e lect ions for ch ie fs and counci l lors w h o c o u l d , however , be subsequent ly d i smissed by Indian administrators if found want ing . Powers could be delegated to these e lected leaders for pass ing b y l a w s within their respect ive reserves , but on speci f ical ly des ignated matters and subject to ministerial ve to , l imitations wh ich still largely s tand today . Bes ides attempting to subst i tute t roub lesome traditional leaders with political institutions more amenable to outs ide manipulat ion , imposit ion of the municipal model had the more general assimilative purpose of replacing Indian traditions of col lect ive governance with liberal, individualistic pract ice . 18 43 A signif icant landmark w a s reached in Indian policy w h e n n u m e r o u s , scat tered legislative provis ions pertaining to Indians were consol idated into one c o m p r e h e n s i v e piece of legislat ion, the 1 8 7 6 Indian A c t - - the direct forerunner of t o d a y ' s A c t . It laid out a c o m p l e t e blueprint for nearly every a s p e c t of reserve life. Its codi f icat ion of the reserve s y s t e m w a s so comple te that it even c i rcumscr ibed Indian ethnicity largely by reserve boundar ies . T h u s , an Indian w a s def ined under the A c t a s " A n y male of Indian b lood" (together wi th any legally-married wife and child of s u c h a person) reputed to belong to a particular b a n d , w h i c h in turn w a s def ined as a body of Indians w h o s e funds are held in trust by the federal government or, most c o m m o n l y , have reserves (or their equivalent) held in trust by the C r o w n . T h e 1 8 7 6 Indian A c t w a s explicit in prescribing how reserve lands could be m a n a g e d , protected f rom e n c r o a c h m e n t and d a m a g e , subdiv ided , used for different purposes , and d i sposed or l e a s e d , and h o w land revenues should be invested . T h e A c t a lso def ined w h o could live on reserves , what social and cultural pract ices they could carry on there, h o w they should be e d u c a t e d , and what form their political institutions should take . T h e most important innovat ion of the A c t in the eyes of the G o v e r n m e n t w a s the reintroduction of " locat ion t i ckets" as another enf ranch isement dev ice . Echoing earlier legislation in Upper C a n a d a , reserves were to be surveyed into lots and then al located by the Band Counci l to individual m e m b e r s w h o would receive a form of title for their lots through location t ickets , a n d , after a three-year probationary period, be awarded cit izenship (but this w a s largely thwar ted by Indian leaders w h o feared erosion of their B a n d s ' c o m m u n a l lands and imposit ion of munic ipal - type property taxation). In all , the 1 8 7 6 Indian A c t not only carried forward unchanged the objective of complete Indian assimilat ion into Canad ian 4 4 soc ie ty , but also the contradictory logic of at tempting to ach ieve this by comple te segregat ion of Indians f rom Canad ian soc iety . 19 In a m e n d m e n t s to the Indian A c t in 1 8 8 0 , the Department of Indian Af fa i rs (DIA) w a s formally establ ished with broad powers over Indians on reserves a n d , indeed , over their m o v e m e n t on and off reserves . By this t ime , therefore, all four c o m p o n e n t s of what w e call the " reserve s y s t e m " were firmly in p lace , i.e. (1) T h e segregat ion and conta inment of Indians on reserve lands wi th unique federal C r o w n tenure for the special use and enjoyment of individual Bands . (2) Ethnical ly -def ined legislation of the Indian A c t establ ishing federal regulatory d o m a over m o s t a s p e c t s of Indian political, e c o n o m i c and socio -cul tural life. (3) S w e e p i n g and intrusive powers of Indian wardsh ip and tutelage entrusted to the spec ia l -purpose federal bureaucracy of the Department of Indian Af fa i rs . (4) State endorsement of the C h u r c h ' s central role not only for Indian religious instruct ion, but also for educat ion and training. 2.4 Westward Expansion, Treaty-Making, and Indian Economic Exploitation T h e n e w Domin ion of C a n a d a ' s m o s t immediate chal lenge w a s to forestall A m e r i c a n territorial ambit ions and quickly establ ish its o w n sovereignty w e s t w a r d over the Prairies and on to the Pacif ic C o a s t . Th is it did by f inancing the building of the C P R rai lway, 45 opening up land for set t lement , and encouraging an eventual f lood of n e w immigrants . T h e Indians in the w a y were seen as obstac les to be c leared to realize the "Nat ional D r e a m , " a n d , w o r s e , as mere impediments to deve lopment and w e a l t h - m a k i n g . T h e fate of Indians caught by the western-rol l ing juggernaut of s tate , bus iness , and set t lement revealed that 'ass imi lat ion ' of Indians did not signify any ser ious intent to integrate t h e m as equals in Canad ian soc iety . T h e y wou ld be the targets of intense efforts of 'c iv i l iz ing, ' not to prepare them for useful jobs and l ives, but rather to erase their s u p p o s e d l y , inferior ethnic traits. More than ever , Indians were to be "protected f rom t h e m s e l v e s , " but, increasingly they were also left largely d e f e n c e l e s s against theft and misappropr iat ion of their lands by outsiders (including by federal and provincial governments ) . There w a s , thus , near comple te erosion of the principle of Indian 'p ro tec t ion . ' T h e main m e c h a n i s m for opening up Indian territory ac ross the Prairies w a s the treaty-making p r o c e s s , but, in what b e c a m e the weste rn province of British Co lumbia it w a s not appl ied to any great degree . In the latter, the reserve s y s t e m found its worst express ion in mutual ly - re inforc ing pract ices of segregat ing Indians to facil itate their cultural genoc ide and to clear the w a y for speculat ive deve lopment and set t lement (partly as a result of the particularly intense compet i t ion w h i c h took place over B . C . ' s valuable natural resources , and partly b e c a u s e the opening of its frontier co inc ided with the trend to more react ive Indian policies generally). W h a t is especial ly striking in this era w a s the limited ass is tance given for Indians to adjust to n e w e c o n o m i c condi t ions , a n d , indeed , the frequent blocking of Indians in acquir ing what they themse lves perceived as n e c e s s a r y n e w skills and jobs. 46 T r e a t y - m a k i n g in the Prairies had its roots in the Royal Proc lamat ion 's requirement to remove Indian aboriginal title before set t lement , a procedure w h i c h had already been fo l lowed in s o m e areas of Ontario (e.g the so -ca l led " R o b i n s o n " treaties). By 1 8 7 1 , the first treaties in the Prairies were in p lace , and conc lus ion of the so -ca l led "numbered t reat ies" cont inued rapidly until m u c h of the southern Prairies had been c leared of Indian title by the end of 1 8 8 0 . (Treaty -making cont inued af terwards in the north and into the Territories). A l though the government piously evoked Christ ian morality as a reason for Parl iament to vote the considerable funds needed for t reaty -mak ing , it a lso pointed out that it w a s a cons iderable less cost ly alternative than the A m e r i c a n strategy of Indian W a r s "to open the w e s t . " 2 0 T h e decl ine of the traditional Indian e c o n o m y based on the b ison , compe l led m a n y Plains Indians to enter into T reaty negot iat ions. G o v e r n m e n t representat ives were concerned wi th keeping the c o s t s of t reaty -making to the m i n i m u m , and whi le they were prepared to negot iate limited areas where the Indians could adapt to sedentary agriculture, it w a s the Indians t h e m s e l v e s w h o often p r e s s e d , not just for larger p a y m e n t s , but also for larger t racts of land to support themse lves and for cont inuing ass i s tance in acquir ing l ivestock, tools and agricultural implements . 21 In the lands reserved under the treaties for Indian u s e , DIA agents promoted sedentary agricultural pursuits as a W e s t e r n cultural ideal , as well a s to facil itate the miss ionar ies ' work a m o n g prev ious ly -nomadic Indians. M a n y Indians were prevented , however , f rom making the transition to e c o n o m i c se l f - suf f ic iency in agriculture, even though they constant ly d e m a n d e d help. T h u s , Indians were induced to take up peasant farming on small lots rather than c o m m e r c i a l - s c a l e farming. Indian farmers were also required to acquire permits f rom local DIA agents for all their buying and 4 7 sel l ing. T h e y were still restr icted to using hand tools w h e n surrounding Whi te farmers started to m a k e extensive use of mechan i zed equ ipment , and credit w a s unavailable for t h e m to buy equ ipment t h e m s e l v e s . Ye t the blame for u n s u c c e s s f u l Indian farming fell on the Indians t h e m s e l v e s . 2 2 In the Province of British C o l u m b i a , the requirements of the 1 7 6 3 Royal Proc lamat ion to secure C r o w n title of Indian land before set t lement were s imply ignored. A s i d e f rom the f e w , smal l " D o u g l a s " treaties already in place on V a n c o u v e r Island and an overlapping of T reaty 8 f rom the Nor thwest Territories into the north-east corner of British C o l u m b i a , the t reaty -making p rocess w a s not extended into the province. W h e n the previous co lony of British Co lumbia started to negotiate joining Confederat ion , Indians there were aware of the first treaties in the Prairies and hoped that the s a m e s y s t e m wou ld apply to t h e m . Their hopes were sorely d a s h e d w h e n , in the face of strong provincial object ions, a mot ion w a s w i thdrawn by the federal negotiators to extend Domin ion Indian policy in its entirety into the future Province. Instead, this n o w in famous reference to Indian pol icy w a s m a d e in c lause 13 of the 1871 T e r m s of Union: T h e charge of the Indians, and the trusteeship and m a n a g e m e n t of the lands reserved for their use and benefit , shall be a s s u m e d by the Domin ion G o v e r n m e n t , and a policy as liberal as that hitherto pursued by the British Co lumbia Government shall be cont inued by the Dominion Government after the union. T o carry out s u c h a pol icy, t racts of land of s u c h an extent as it has hitherto been the pract ice of the British Co lumbia G o v e r n m e n t to appropriate for that purpose , shall f rom t ime to t ime be c o n v e y e d by the Local G o v e r n m e n t to the Domin ion G o v e r n m e n t in trust for the use and benefit of the Indians . . . . 2 3 T h e word ing of the c lause "a policy as liberal as that hitherto pursued by the British 4 8 C o l u m b i a G o v e r n m e n t , " w a s a t ravesty , for in the years directly preceding Confederat ion its policies were dec idedly illiberal. 2 4 A s in Central C a n a d a , h o w e v e r , there had been a signif icant c h a n g e in deal ings with Indians be tween the t imes of imperial and colonial administ rat ion, even though the Colonial Of f i ce had a l w a y s largely delegated responsibil ity for Indians to local off ic ials. Up to 1 8 5 8 , Indian exposure to the Whi te m a n in B .C . w a s largely l imited to fur traders and s o m e miss ionar ies . Indian matters were ably handled by J a m e s Doug las , H u d s o n ' s Bay factor and later colonial governor. He had already c o n c l u d e d s e v e n smal l treaties with Indians on V a n c o u v e r Island, w h e n the 1 8 5 8 gold rush in the Fraser C a n y o n heralded rapid expans ion of agricultural set t lement . Douglas quickly a t tempted to provide protect ion for Indians on the Main land . But , in 1 8 5 9 , the Colonial O f f i ce adv ised Doug las they wou ld not burden the British taxpayer any more with the c o s t s of ext inguishing native title (this w a s in the s a m e year that the United A s s e m b l y of the C a n a d a s had been a l lowed to legislate their o w n Indian policy). Neither were monies for thcoming f rom the colonial government . Partly b e c a u s e of f iscal restraints, reserves were subsequent ly laid out in British Co lumbia wi thout treaties or any other form of c o m p e n s a t i o n . Another probable factor w a s that Doug las n o w s a w reserves as only a ha l f -way house on the w a y to the goal of comple te ass imi lat ion, w h i c h would only be delayed by special Indian d ispensat ions . 2 5 W h e n , in 1 9 6 4 , the responsibil ity for Indian policy devo lved on J o s e p h T r u t c h , Chief C o m m i s s i o n e r for Land and W o r k s in the co lony , the moderat ing inf luencing of both Douglas and the Colonial Of f i ce had complete ly p a s s e d . W h e r e a s Douglas had embod ied m a n y att i tudes of the old fur trading frontier, T ru tch represented the interests of the new 4 9 set t lement frontier. 2 6 T h e fur trade had not adversely impacted Indians b e c a u s e of fairly equal reciprocity in their e c o n o m i c relations with the Whi te T raders a n d , if anyth ing , the n e w c o m e r s had to a c c o m m o d a t e to Indian w a y s . T h e sett lers, by c o m p a r i s o n , m a d e no at tempt to c o m p r o m i s e with those w h o they looked d o w n upon as s a v a g e s and w h o , not coinc idental ly , were in direct compet i t ion with them for the valuable river lands laced through British C o l u m b i a ' s mounta inous landscape . T h e conf l ict w a s s imple , "Indians had the land and the settlers w a n t e d it," a n d , it c a n be a d d e d , that whatever lands the settlers w a n t e d they usually got with comple te col lusion of the colonial government and later the Prov ince. 2 7 S o one -s ided w a s this imperative of opening lands up for d e v e l o p m e n t in British Co lumbia that even assimi lat ion of Indians into the settler e c o n o m y , rather than being e n c o u r a g e d , w a s act ively obst ructed . W h e n , starting in 1 8 6 6 , Whi te sett lers were a l lowed to purchase an addit ional 4 8 0 acres of C r o w n lands over their basic pre -empt ion of 1 6 0 a c r e s , Indian reserve a l lotments were cut back to 10 acres per family (by c o m p a r i s o n , the pract ice under recent treaties in the Prairies had been to al locate out reserves on the basis of 8 0 acres per family) . Individual Indians were ef fect ive ly denied any p re -empt ion , even though s o m e had s h o w n considerable interest in ranching , particularly in the Merrit area w h i c h quickly b e c a m e one of the centres for cattle ranching in the prov ince. Similarly in the O k a n a g a n , where although Indians had demonst ra ted cons iderable expert ise in s tock raising and familiarity with horticulture before permanent set t lement , they were del iberately restr icted f rom a c c e s s i n g rangelands and f rom obtaining n e c e s s a r y capital s o as avoid compet i t ion with W h i t e s . 2 8 5 0 W h e n British Co lumbia cont inued its highly "ill iberal" deal ings wi th Indians after Confedera t ion , the federal government did not seriously intervene until the V ictor ia legislature p a s s e d its first Land A c t in 1 8 7 4 w h i c h complete ly omitted any provisions for reserves . T h e A c t w a s d isa l lowed , and O t t a w a also a t tempted to m a k e the Province abide by the principles of the 1 7 6 3 Royal Proclamation to negotiate with Indians prior to set t lement , but eventual ly b a c k e d d o w n . T h e Indians' loss of their lands w a s also paralleled by rapidly decl ining control over their soc ie ty a s federal Indian pol icy ac ross C a n a d a b e c a m e increasingly repressive. Indian recalc i t rance to cooperate with the government ' s fo rced assimilat ion a g e n d a s imply att racted more and more reactive persecut ion . For ins tance , B .C . Indians were the targets of legislation w h i c h out lawed the "Pot la tch" c e r e m o n y , and the Prairie Indians' " S u n D a n c e " a lso suf fered the s a m e fate . Cont inuing measures were taken to diminish the p o w e r s of traditional leaders in order to substitute a more acqu iescent leadership w h o s e power derived more f rom external government relationships than f rom their o w n c o m m u n i t i e s . Indeed, legislation w a s passed enabling the Minister to d e p o s e t roub lesome, traditional ch ie fs and counci l lors , even if they had been democrat ica l l y e lected into of f ice . A t t e n d a n c e at residential schoo ls w a s enforced more rigorously to immerse Indian children in religious and educat ional indoctr ination. T o enforce the mult itude of restrictions on Indians, DIA expanded its staff of Indian agents in the field to reach a total of 4 6 0 by the end of the nineteenth century . Even though by this t ime s o m e senior bureaucrats in the Indian Af fa i rs Branch were beginning to quest ion the utility of the reserve s y s t e m to ach ieve Indian ass imi lat ion, it w a s , never the less . 51 carried forward unabated into the twent ieth century . Indeed, under the direct ion of D u n c a n Campbe l l S c o t t w h o served as the Branch 's senior bureaucrat f rom 1 9 1 3 to 1 9 3 2 , the t reatment of Indians b e c a m e even more explicitly racist . 2 9 A l s o , the principle of 'p rotect ing ' Indians against exploitation w a s also diminished to the point of i rrelevancy, w h e n in the early twent ieth century restrictions against the acquis i t ion of reserve lands w a s e a s e d to facil itate urban g rowth , natural resource exploitat ion, and expans ion of local t ransportat ion networks in the W e s t . 2.5 Conclusions A s descr ibed at the beginning of this chapter , the internal co lony theorist , Robert Blauner identif ies four c o m p o n e n t s c o m m o n to all coloniz ing p r o c e s s e s . M e a s u r e d against those criteria, Indian exper iences under British imperial administrat ion did not entirely fit the internal co lony m o d e l . H o w e v e r , the subsequent t reatment of Indians by the co lon ies and then by the n e w Canad ian state more complete ly ep i tomizes Blauner 's coloniz ing c o m p o n e n t s , i.e. (1) T h e "reserve s y s t e m " w a s certainly intended to bring about " fo rced involuntary entry" of Indians into the more dominant Whi te soc iety . A l though the objective of Indian assimi lat ion w a s not a c h i e v e d , Indian soc ie ty itself w a s severely i m p a c t e d . (2) Further to the preceding point, Indians were subjected to a coloniz ing pol icy w h i c h "const ra ins , t ransforms or dest roys indigenous va lues , or ientat ions, and w a y s of l i fe." 52 (3) Indians were unquest ionably subordinated in a colonial relationship where they were "adminis tered by representat ives of the dominant power . . . in te rms of ethnic s t a t u s . " Th is w a s ref lected in all a s p e c t s of the reserve s y s t e m : the segregat ion of Indians on specia l lands, control of all a s p e c t s of their soc ia l , e c o n o m i c and political lives by ethnical ly -prescr ibed legislation, administrat ion by a spec ia l -purpose bureaucracy (DIA), and targeting of Indians by state sponsored religious indoctr ination. (4) Last ly , the reserve s y s t e m w a s predicated on a racist ideology w h e r e b y Indians were s e e n " a s inferior or different in te rms of al leged biological character is t ics , " w h i c h provided the partial justif ication for t h e m to be "explo i ted , contro l led, and o p p r e s s e d . " T h e other part of B launer 's internal co lony hypothes is is that the cont inued oppress ion by the more dominant soc ie ty will promote the rise of a defiant nationalist m o v e m e n t within the oppressed ethnic minority. A s descr ibed in the next chapter , this is exact ly what resulted in the c a s e of Canad ian Indians in the s e c o n d half of the twent ie th century . But, as will a lso be s h o w n , the internal co lony model starts to loose re levance w h e n s o m e Indian leaders c a n no longer be descr ibed s imply as resistant " v i c t i m s " to external oppress ion but rather, in their o w n deal ings with the central s ta te , b e c o m e archi tects more of their o w n fate . 53 C H A P T E R T H R E E . T H E F A I L U R E O F T H E 1 9 6 9 W H I T E P A P E R 3 . 1 O v e r v i e w T h e previous chapter descr ibed h o w the f lawed ' reserve s y s t e m ' locked the Canad ian state into increasingly oppressive a t tempts to force assimilat ion against the Indians' hardening res is tance . T h e longer this v ic iously escalat ing spiral of state oppress ion and Indian al ienation w a s a l lowed to cont inue, the more difficult it b e c a m e for the state to resolve the "Indian p rob lem." Th is is what the n e w T r u d e a u Liberal G o v e r n m e n t found to its c o s t w h e n it a t tempted the most ser ious reform of Indian policy s ince Confederat ion in its 1 9 6 9 Whi te Paper , S ta tement of the Government on Indian Pol icy. Th is chapter descr ibes the Whi te Paper 's moderniz ing a g e n d a , as well as the events leading up to its introduct ion and its subsequent wi thdrawal in the face of intense Indian opposi t ion. O n e of the primary purposes of the 1 9 6 9 Whi te Paper w a s e c o n o m i c . Its planners properly realized that segregat ing Indians apart f rom other C a n a d i a n s had depr ived t h e m of the n e c e s s a r y skills to c o m p e t e success fu l l y in the modern pos t -war e c o n o m y , as ev idenced by their n o w alarming unemployment rates. T h e y were also rightly c o n c e r n e d about increasing Indian d e p e n d e n c e on the welfare state programs w h i c h had recently been ex tended into reserve c o m m u n i t i e s . But f rom our relational perspect ive of s tate -Indian interact ions, it c a n be s e e n that the Whi te Paper planners seriously failed to take into a c c o u n t other e f fec ts of the reserve s y s t e m . T h e Liberal G o v e r n m e n t ' s proposed smal l "I" liberal plan to resolve the Indian problem " o n c e and for al l" appeared to be simplicity itself. First, they proposed to free Indians 54 f rom the oppress ive restrict ions of the reserve s y s t e m by accord ing t h e m the s a m e individual c i t i zen 's rights and responsibil it ies as all other C a n a d i a n s . S e c o n d , they proposed to encourage Indians to m o v e a w a y f rom rural reserves and s e e k remunerat ive jobs in C a n a d a ' s rapidly growing urban labour markets . But, in fac t , this at tempt to "c lean the s late" in Indian-White relations w a s too s impl ist ic , g iven the past promises m a d e to Indians in the Royal Proc lamat ion of 1 7 6 3 , as well as the irreversible c h a n g e s w h i c h had been wrought by over one hundred and t w e n t y years of imposit ion of the reserve s y s t e m . T h e Indians' heightened s e n s e of self - identity w h i c h had perversely been fostered by segregat ing t h e m f rom other C a n a d i a n s , together wi th anger over the threatened loss of their spec ia l rights after they had lost so m u c h in the past , w a s cata lyzed by opposit ion to the W h i t e Paper in an emergent Indian nationalist m o v e m e n t w h i c h organized to defeat it. Th i s chapter a lso c o m p a r e s the Whi te Paper with another important contemporary policy d o c u m e n t , the Survey of Contempora ry Indians in C a n a d a , or so -ca l led " H a w t h o r n Report , " w h i c h w a s prepared only t w o years previously for the Indian Af fa i rs B ranch . 2 Th is c o m p a r i s o n brings into sharp f o c u s both the nature of the Whi te Paper proposals and the repercuss ions of their outright rejection. T h e Hawthorn Report , w h i c h is descr ibed first, shared with the Whi te Paper its pess imism about the e c o n o m i c future of rural Indian reserves . But, w h e r e a s the Whi te Paper proposed comple te terminat ion of specia l Indian group status in favour of Indians having the s a m e individual rights as any other C a n a d i a n s , the H a w t h o r n Report proposed that Indians should enjoy both sets of rights under the innovative c o n c e p t of "cit izen p lus . " But other contents of the Hawthorn Report insidiously butt ressed the c a s e of the Indian Af fa i rs bureaucracy to further expand its m a s s i v e and debilitating intrusions of welfare state programs into reserve communi t ies . 5 5 W h e n rejection of the Whi te Paper left a policy v a c u u m , it w a s filled by the H a w t h o r n Report 's negat ive legacy of increased we l fa r i sm. A s will a lso be s h o w n in this chapter , m u c h of the Whi te Paper debac le c a n be attributed to the allure of s implist ic deve lopment theoriz ing. Like their p redecessors , government po l i cy -makers were still c o m m i t t e d "modern izers , " but were further misled by the apparent irrefutable "sc ient i f ic" logic of contemporary modernizat ion theories for defining the c a u s e s of the "Indian prob lem" and prescribing its solut ion. Perhaps w h a t is m o s t striking during this era of pol icy making towards Indians, is the mutual re inforcement of formal modernizat ion theories and more general liberal ideology w h i c h c o m p l e t e d blinded policy makers f rom recogniz ing other legitimate v iewpoints and seeking a less doctrinaire a p p r o a c h . 3 . 2 S e e k i n g N e w Direct ions: T h e Hawthorn Report , 1 9 6 6 - 1 9 6 7 T h e a s s u m p t i o n s of the reserve s y s t e m had remained largely unchal lenged until the 1 9 5 0 ' s w h e n c o n c e r n s for C a n a d a ' s aboriginal peoples began to c h a n g e , a lmost impercept ibly at first, but building up by the 1 9 6 0 ' s to strong public support for their better t reatment . T h e s e n e w att i tudes probably o w e d someth ing to the e x a m p l e s provided by pos t -War decolonizat ion of Third Wor ld emerg ing nations and the A m e r i c a n Black protest m o v e m e n t . There w a s also a growing a w a r e n e s s , coincid ing with rapid expans ion of the Canad ian wel fare s tate , that not all groups were sharing in pos t -War g rowth of national prosperity. A Joint C o m m o n s - S e n a t e report in 1961 conc luded that there had been little progress in assimilat ing Indians a n d , even w o r s e , that there w a s growing ev idence of w idespread impover i shment and d e p e n d e n c y in reserve c o m m u n i t i e s . In ret rospect , this c a n be seen 5 6 as the result of t w o coincidental and mutually reinforcing t rends. First, the inability of m a n y Indians to adjust to n e w e c o n o m i c realities a n d , s e c o n d , rapid expans ion of wel fare state programs into reserve communi t ies . There w a s someth ing of an e c o n o m i c revival for Indians during the W a r t i m e e c o n o m i c b o o m , but m a n y did not survive the restructuring of staple resource industries starting in the 1 9 5 0 s . 3 A l t h o u g h the vo lume of forestry , f ishing, and mining product ion and exports expanded rapidly, the total number of workers employed decl ined b e c a u s e of increasing mechan izat ion and the remaining jobs were central ized in larger and fewer plants, often remote f rom reserves . Throughout all their previous invo lvement in the mains t ream e c o n o m y , m o s t Indians had worked either on or f rom their reserves . N o w they were cons iderably d isadvantaged by their immobil i ty and archaic residential schoo l educat ion in the m o d e r n , compet i t i ve labour market . T h e i m p a c t s of these c h a n g e s were particularly devastat ing b e c a u s e Indian e m p l o y m e n t w a s by n o w vulnerably concent ra ted in a f e w staple resource industries. For ins tance , a contemporary survey of B .C . Indians by s o m e social sc ient ists at the University of British C o l u m b i a , c o n c l u d e d that the Indians' position in the e c o n o m y w a s marginal "and in s o m e respects potentially precar ious" b e c a u s e of their a lmost comple te d e p e n d e n c e on c o m m e r c i a l f ishing and forestry. 4 Th is led the authors to r e c o m m e n d t w o broad m e a s u r e s for Indian e c o n o m i c survival : (1) increase the f low of Indians to manufactur ing and serv ice industries in urban cent res , and (2) secure the compet i t i veness of a smaller proportion of Indians in the natural resource industries. O n e of the co -authors of this st rategy w a s Professor Harry H a w t h o r n , w h o w a s soon to have a format ive inf luence in 5 7 the deve lopment of Indian policy. Co inc id ing wi th w idespread Indian u n e m p l o y m e n t , the programs of C a n a d a ' s n e w welfare state were rapidly extended into reserves . Start ing innocent ly enough with the old age pension and family a l l o w a n c e , wel far ism infiltrated d o w n w a r d into every interstice of reserve life. For ins tance , by 1 9 6 6 the inc idence of wel fare d e p e n d e n c y a m o n g Indians living on reserves in British Co lumbia w a s est imated to be eight t imes that of the general provincial populat ion. 5 T h e result w a s a debilitating d e p e n d e n c y on government transfers and even further erosion of local a u t o n o m y as Indian A f fa i r s ' staff increasingly intervened in numerous a s p e c t s of reserve c o m m u n i t y life, s u c h as family heal th , ch i ldcare , care of the a g e d , job training, educat ion , seasonal e m p l o y m e n t , and housing — a p rocess w h i c h R. Paine evocat ive ly descr ibes as "wel fare co lon ia l i sm" 6 By the mid 1 9 6 0 ' s , Indian A f fa i r s ' off icials were a w a r e they had s o m e ser ious problems on their hands but did not k n o w h o w to deal with t h e m . A number of their recent program initiatives had fai led, wel fare c o s t s were ballooning alarmingly , the prov inces had rejected a proposal to take over Indian serv ices , and the Branch w a s increasingly being b lamed as the c a u s e of Indian problems. Especial ly vexing w a s the c o n u n d r u m of reconci l ing specia l Indian protect ion with the goal of assimi lat ion. A senior official phrased the d i lemma as "spec ia l rights ve rsus equal i ty ," b e c a u s e " if protect ion - and the specia l rights historically deve loped to ensure this protect ion - - were too overpower ing , integration w a s jeopardized; if the legal and administrat ive protect ion were min imized , integration could be e n h a n c e d but possibly at the cos t of specia l rights and securi ty of Indian lands . " 7 A n d , of c o u r s e , if specia l Indian protect ions were removed Indian Af fa i rs bureaucrats could eventual ly be out of a job. 58 Enter s tage right: s o m e a c a d e m i c researchers on white chargers c o m e to rescue the bes ieged and c o n f u s e d Indian Af fa i rs off icials. A t e a m headed by Harry H a w t h o r n , w a s c o m m i s s i o n e d by D I A N D to undertake a comprehens i ve national rev iew of the Indian situation and to submit detailed r e c o m m e n d a t i o n s for improving programs. T h e result w a s the f a m o u s Survey of Contemporary Indians of C a n a d a publ ished in t w o large v o l u m e s . T h e " H a w t h o r n Report" is one of the m o s t signif icant Canad ian e x a m p l e s of social sc ience research appl ied to public policy. M a n y of its more than 1 5 0 detai led r e c o m m e n d a t i o n s for Indian deve lopment were to eventual ly find their w a y into Branch programs. Its proposal for "cit izen plus" status for Indians w a s used by Indian assoc ia t ions in opposing the 1 9 6 9 Whi te Paper , and later w a s partly embod ied in C a n a d i a n government policy. B e c a u s e of the Hawthorn Report 's vo luminous size a n d , it has to be sa id , less than rigorous edit ing, it could m e a n m a n y different things to different people . There w a s also a major d i c h o t o m y in the Report , reflecting quite different a p p r o a c h e s by the research t e a m ' s political and constitut ional experts on the one h a n d , and its e c o n o m i s t s on the other. T h e first group of social sc ient is ts , untypical ly for the t i m e s , departed f rom liberal individualistic ideology by strongly advocat ing that Indian group rights cont inue to be recognized rather than be te rminated , as wou ld soon be proposed in the 1 9 6 9 Whi te Paper . T h e y p roposed , innovatively , that the c o n u n d r u m of specia l rights (protection) ve rsus equal rights (assimilation) be resolved by accord ing Indians perpetual enjoyment of both sets of rights under the c o n c e p t of "cit izen p lus ." A s a corol lary of Indians retaining specia l "group rights" distinct f rom other C a n a d i a n s , the assimilat ive goal of Indian policy 5 9 w o u l d , of c o u r s e , have to be a b a n d o n e d . Indians t h e m s e l v e s , the report mainta ined , should c h o o s e whether to maintain their l i festyles in reserve c o m m u n i t i e s or leave to join the majority soc iety . O n e concre te appl icat ion in the Hawthorn Report of the c o n c e p t "c i t izen plus" w a s rejection of the a c c e p t e d constitut ional v iew of Indians as solely a federal responsibil ity a n d , ins tead , it w a s argued they also had "individual" right to provincial serv ices like all other C a n a d i a n s (this v iewpoint is presently gaining wider popularity in s o m e a c a d e m i c circles) . Similarly, the c o n c e p t w a s given s o m e subs tance in inventive proposals for what were later character ized as "federal municipal i t ies ," w h i c h wou ld receive normal provincial se rv ices while also retaining their o w n specia l c o m m u n a l identity under an appropriately revised Indian A c t (not dissimilar, in fac t , to specia l legislation p a s s e d in 1 9 8 7 for the Seche l t Indian Band in British Co lumbia descr ibed below). T h e H a w t h o r n Report v igorously a t tacked another liberal shibboleth: that "equality of opportunity" is, in itself, suff ic ient to guarantee "equal i ty of cond i t ion . " A l a n Cai rns , senior legal researcher for the t e a m , caut ioned "that the equal t reatment in law and serv ices of those w h o at the present t ime do not have equal compet i t i ve capabil i t ies would not suf f ice for the atta inment of substant ive s o c i o - e c o n o m i c equal i ty ." 8 T o redress the present imba lance , it w a s r e c o m m e n d e d that large infusions of capital funds be m a d e into reserve c o m m u n i t i e s , especia l ly for e c o n o m i c deve lopment . T h e socio -pol i t ical c o n c e p t s of Indian deve lopment proposed in the H a w t h o r n Report w e r e , h o w e v e r , comple te l y contradicted by its o w n e c o n o m i c argument . Indeed, it bore cons iderable resemblance to the c a s e w h i c h would be m a d e in the Whi te Paper for 60 comple te l y removing specia l Indian status . T h e Hawthorn Repor t ' s a rgument w a s pure liberal, neo -c lass ica l e c o n o m i c thinking, d ressed up in the rhetoric of then fashionable Th i rd -Wor ld modernizat ion thinking and sprinkled with a s s u m p t i o n s f rom related ' funct iona l ' theor ies of regional deve lopment . T h u s , after evaluat ing the opportunit ies for reserve c o m m u n i t i e s to develop an e c o n o m i c base in an " increasingly c o m p l e x urban industrial e c o n o m y , " it w a s conc luded that c h a n c e s were s l im, e x c e p t , perhaps , in the c a s e of urban reserves . 9 O n the other s ide , the Report did not even at tempt to present an argument that Indians could retain a signif icant cultural identity within an urban context . It has to be quest ioned f rom the above reasoning h o w meaningful the " c h o i c e " wou ld be for Indians to retain their specia l s tatus but remain impover ished on reserves , or to m o v e to the cit ies for jobs and face probable assimi lat ion. T h e Repor ts ' obv ious , urban-b iased d e v e l o p m e n t doctr ine prec ludes any other opt ions. Indeed, contradict ing the Report 's r e c o m m e n d a t i o n s for injecting e c o n o m i c deve lopment mon ies into reserves in rural and remote areas w a s the assumpt ion that most Indians could not and should not cont inue to live there. Ser ious c o n c e r n s were expressed that a large majority of Indians wou ld be permanent ly left out of the modern Canad ian e c o n o m y , and that the ensuing lack of jobs and i n c o m e wou ld " tend to b e c o m e increasingly demoral iz ing and give rise to a host of cost l y and destruct ive social and psycholog ica l p rob lems . " T h e lack of signif icant e c o n o m i c opportunit ies on reserves w a s contrasted with the "great contr ibution to prosperity m a d e by s teady w a g e and salaried e m p l o y m e n t off the reserve . " Acco rd ing l y , it w a s r e c o m m e n d e d that Indian Af fa i rs should "ass ist Indians in "secur ing e m p l o y m e n t off reserves and gu idance in making the transit ion to urban l iving," whi le they should also 61 perform a " s e c o n d a r y role for those w h o do not c h o o s e to seek outside e m p l o y m e n t . " 10 C o n c e r n w a s expressed that a number of existing munic ipal - type ass i s tance programs "are giving an air of pe rmanence to communi t ies w h i c h have no logical e c o n o m i c justif ication for their e x i s t e n c e . " 11 T h e Report 's ult imate undercutt ing of its o w n local government proposal w a s the conc lus ion that "Indians are too smal l a proportion of the populat ion, and m o s t of the c o m m u n i t i e s they reside in are too smal l , s ca t te red , and limited in resources to provide viable e c o n o m i e s that could support anything like independent soc ie t ies . " 12 T h e s e t w o contradictory f a c e s of the Hawthorn Report do not appear to have been quest ioned by other social sc ient ists either at the t ime or later. Even the Report 's major con temporary crit ic, Richard Dunning , an anthropologist at the University of To ronto , found no fault wi th the research base of the Report . G iven his o w n research into the role played by Indian Af fa i rs in "underdeve lop ing" reserve c o m m u n i t i e s , Dunning understandably did take considerable except ion to the Repor ts ' m o s t obviously content ious r e c o m m e n d a t i o n to cont inue , and indeed temporari ly enlarge the size of the Indian Af fa i rs bureaucracy to better "faci l i tate" Indian deve lopment . Th is phi losophy, he c o m p l a i n e d , w a s "wor thy of 1 8 6 7 " and in answer to H a w t h o r n ' s suggest ion that the Branch "should ac t as a national c o n s c i e n c e to see that social and e c o n o m i c equality is ach ieved b e t w e e n Indians and W h i t e s , " Dunning retorted, "In what better w a y would paternal ism be m a d e p e r m a n e n t ? " 13 Sal ly W e a v e r , in analyzing the "life c y c l e " of the Hawthorn Report as a c a s e s tudy of social s c i e n c e contr ibut ions to public pol icy, c la ims that: (1) though it did not have any inherent def ic ienc ies , (2) it w a s not purposeful ly related to the public pol icy p rocess a n d , 62 hence (3) it had little, practical impact . 14 H o w e v e r , W e a v e r is mis taken on all three a c c o u n t s , as explained be low. M u c h of the Hawthorn Report 's social sc ience research w a s inherently def ic ient . T h e contradict ions b e t w e e n its pess imist ic neo -c lass ica l e c o n o m i c a s s u m p t i o n s and its reformist socio -pol i t ical proposals have already been noted . Addi t ional ly , the Hawthorn Report c a n be s e e n to fall under the category of what L i thman cal ls " i temist ic and inventorial theor ies of underdeve lopment and c h a n g e . " 15 In s o m e w h a t tautological fash ion and without relation to a wider theoretical perspect ive , i temistic theor ies se lect a spec i f i c factor in explaining the c a u s e of underdeve lopment (eg. lack of capital) and for prescribing deve lopment (eg. injection of capital) . T h e low utility of this type of research is only m a d e w o r s e w h e n lengthy inventories are m a d e of one deve lopment factor after another . T h e H a w t h o r n Report , for ins tance , submit ted over 1 5 0 separate r e c o m m e n d a t i o n s relating to e c o n o m i c deve lopment , federal -provincial relations, political d e v e l o p m e n t , we l fare , local government , and educat ion . G o v e r n m e n t planners thus s tood cons iderable risks of either adopt ing a large number of r e c o m m e n d a t i o n s wi th excess i ve implementat ion c o s t s , or being more select ive but choos ing the w r o n g combinat ion of r e c o m m e n d a t i o n s for ef fect ive deve lopment . T h e H a w t h o r n Report w a s very c losely and deliberately related to the po l icy -making p rocess of the B ranch . By W e a v e r ' s o w n ev idence , senior off icials in the Branch c o m m i s s i o n e d the Report in the first p lace , cont inued extensive d i scuss ions wi th m e m b e r s of the research t e a m throughout the Report 's progress , and conf i rmed m a n y of the r e c o m m e n d a t i o n s before they were included in the final report. Indeed, Dunning 's mistrust 6 3 of H a w t h o r n ' s r e c o m m e n d a t i o n s for an increased role by the Branch in Indian deve lopment did not go far enough to recognize that the entire Report c a n be s e e n as a de fac to Indian A f fa i r s ' pol icy d o c u m e n t . Last ly , the Report has had very signif icant inf luence on Indian pol icy , including Indian use of the c o n c e p t of "cit izen plus" to reject counter ideas in the Whi te Paper and D I A N D ' s use (or misuse) of m a n y of the Reports ' r e c o m m e n d a t i o n s to fill the pol icy v a c u u m left after the Whi te Paper w a s w i thdrawn . In the e n d , its reformist r e c o m m e n d a t i o n s for delivery a plethora of polit ical, social and e c o n o m i c programs to Indians w o n the day . T h o u g h not by intent, the Hawthorn Report reinforced D I A N D ' s t o p - d o w n control over Indian people wi th dependency - c rea t ing , wel fare programs by legitimizing t h e m as " d e v e l o p m e n t a l . " 16 3.3 A "Final Solution" to the Indian Problem: Planning the 1969 White Paper T h e 1 9 6 9 Whi te Paper w a s presented in Parl iament by the recently e lected T r u d e a u Liberal government as a supposed ly innovative solution to resolving the Indian prob lem, " o n c e and for a l l . " T h e n e w master plan shared exact ly the s a m e assimilat ive goal a s preceding Indian pol icy , but proposed very different m e a n s to ach ieve it. T h e fo rced segregat ion of Indians f rom other C a n a d i a n s under the reserve s y s t e m w a s n o w s e e n as the c a u s e of the "Indian p rob lem" rather than as an eventual solut ion. T h e Whi te Paper proposed to " integrate" Indians into Canad ian soc ie ty (the word "assimi lat ion w a s never used) , through a twofo ld st rategy of removing Indians' distinct group rights and promoting the migration of those living in rural areas to the cit ies and greater job opportunit ies. T h e intent w a s to both remove w h a t w a s a c k n o w l e d g e d to be a ser ious social wrong and to relieve the state 6 4 f rom the increasing burden of expenditures for Indians. There were three signif icant inf luences w h i c h fo rmed the Whi te Paper proposals . First, w a s the n e w power a c c o r d e d under the T rudeau Liberal G o v e r n m e n t to "expert" t e c h n o c r a t s for planning public policy. S e c o n d , and hitherto not recognized in ana lyses of the Whi te Paper , w a s the faith of those experts in economis t regional deve lopment programs for removing disparities in soc iety . Th i rd , and m o s t influential , w a s the n e w g o v e r n m e n t ' s adherence to fundamenta l liberal ideological va lues ; including the p a r a m o u n t c y a c c o r d e d to universal individual rights and distrust of specia l group s tatus , as well an abiding faith in the empower ing e c o n o m i c and political benef i ts of sel f -d i rected individual effort . O n e of T r u d e a u ' first innovat ions on c o m i n g to power w a s to rapidly and dramatical ly modern ize the federal g o v e r n m e n t ' s previous ad hoc planning p r o c e s s e s to better implement the rational liberal policies he had in mind for C a n a d a ' s future. Central a g e n c y planners were given posit ions of unprecedented power in a strongly top -d o w n policy structure. T h e purpose w a s to w e e d a w a y career bureaucrats , w h o m T r u d e a u instinctively d ist rusted, f rom the incremental a p p r o a c h to public policy wh ich he k n e w they preferred. 17 A greatly expanded Prime Minister 's O f f i ce (PMO) urged civil se rvants , and for that matter their ministers , to go beyond narrow and short -s ighted v i e w s of pol icy c h a n g e and to consider real innovat ions. T h e Privy Counc i l O f f i ce (PCO) received a s t rengthened mandate for inter -departmental coordinat ion. It bor rowed modern methods f rom the K e n n e d y Administ rat ion of s y s t e m analysis and m a n a g e m e n t by object ives (MBO) , to promote more rigorous evaluation of policy alternatives than could be expected 6 5 f rom individual line agenc ies act ing alone in their o w n ves ted interests. T h e P C O w a s to play a central role in devis ing the Whi te Paper. O n e immediate priority of T r u d e a u ' s planning technocra ts w a s to reform the federal g o v e r n m e n t ' s regional deve lopment programs, and this w a s to spill over into planning the Whi te Paper. By the m i d - 1 9 6 0 s the "value orientation" of C a n a d a ' s regional deve lopment programs had already been chang ing as calculat ions of overall e c o n o m i c e f f i c iency were rapidly d isplacing the traditional f o c u s on alleviating rural poverty in marginal agricultural areas . 18 Dissat is fact ion with rural -based and "sca t te rgun" regional deve lopment planning had led the E c o n o m i c Counci l of C a n a d a in 1 9 6 8 to call for s w e e p i n g pol icy c h a n g e s . Tak ing their c u e f rom liberal neo -c lass ica l e c o n o m i c s , the Counc i l asser ted that persistent regional disparit ies in C a n a d a did not result f rom the d y n a m i c s of the market p lace , but rather were attributable to ineff ic iencies in the e c o n o m i c s y s t e m w h i c h inhibited the m a r k e t s ' proper funct ioning. T h e Counci l expressed c o n c e r n that " a definite pyramiding of mere subs id ies to the lower income regions, m a d e possible only at the c o s t of retarded g rowth in the higher income regions, wou ld clearly be inconsistent with both sound regional deve lopment and high and substantial rates of national g r o w t h . " 19 T h e Counc i l accord ing ly cal led for c loser national and international integration of the Canad ian e c o n o m y , to be ach ieved by a regional special izat ion, increased labour mobil i ty , and concent ra ted investments in urban infrastructure - - primary e lements of the n o w dominant ' funct iona l ' a p p r o a c h in regional deve lopment theoriz ing. A n e w c o m m i t m e n t to regional deve lopment w a s one of Pierre T r u d e a u ' s e lect ion p romises , and w h e n his government c a m e to power the moderniz ing and integrating logic 6 6 of the E c o n o m i c Counc i l w a s given concrete s u b s t a n c e . T h e n e w Depar tment of Regional E c o n o m i c Expans ion (DREE) w a s establ ished in 1 9 6 9 (prior to release of the Whi te Paper) , w i th a large budget and a powerful mandate to coordinate numerous planning and program activ it ies previously d ispersed ac ross var ious ministr ies. There w a s less c o m m i t m e n t to subsidiz ing rural regions w h i c h were seen as having no c h a n c e of e c o n o m i c revival a n d , ins tead , an e m p h a s i s w a s place on assist ing certain urban "g rowth po les" to ach ieve their potential in C a n a d a ' s n e w industrial e c o n o m y . 2 0 C o m p a r e d wi th regional deve lopment , the "Indian prob lem" w a s not an important priority in the n e w g o v e r n m e n t ' s political a g e n d a , and had hardly c o m e up as an issue during the preceding e lect ion. H o w e v e r , the impover ished condit ions of m a n y reserve communi t ies were starting to attract media coverage . A growing body of public cr i t ic ism united in c o n d e m n i n g Indian poverty and d e p e n d e n c y as a public d isgrace , b laming government paternalistic pol icies as the root c a u s e of the evi l , and call ing for re forms. A w a r e that the Indian problem could b e c o m e a very content ious political i ssue , central a g e n c y planners began to quest ion Indian Af fa i rs Branch off icials on the progress of an Indian A c t review p rocess approved during the preceding Pearson Liberal administrat ion. T h e Branch w a s n o w placing more importance on a policy of "deco lon izat ion . " 21 H o w e v e r , instead of approaching this incremental ly , the P C O planners preferred a more s w e e p i n g rev iew and fundamenta l shift of Indian policy. Bes ides , like Richard Dunning at the University of To ron to , they were predisposed to see the cont inuing relationship b e t w e e n the Indian Af fa i rs Branch and Indians, in whatever f o r m , as the problem. S o m e four m o n t h s after public hearings on the Indian A c t rev iew had c o m m e n c e d , T r u d e a u 6 7 requested J e a n Chret ien , Minister for the recently consol idated Depar tment of Indian and Northern Af fa i rs (DIAND), to undertake a rigorous and impartial rev iew of Indian policy for subsequent submiss ion to Cabinet . Th is internal planning p rocess p roceeded secret ly and in isolation f rom the public Indian A c t review. T h e Indian Af fa i rs B ranch 's first response to a request for imaginative n e w pol icy proposals could hardly have been reassuring to P C O staff . Suppor ted by the f indings of the H a w t h o r n Report , the Branch merely submit ted its recent ly prepared f ive-year budget package for a vast and cost ly expans ion of their programs. Branch off icials es t imated that a m a s s i v e infusion of dollars and additional staff could bring the Indian populat ion up to general C a n a d i a n standards in e m p l o y m e n t , hous ing , educat ion , and health in s o m e twenty to thirty years . T h e P C rejected this "s imple exerc ise in " m a t h e m a t i c s " for resolving the Indian prob lem. 2 2 Indian A f fa i r s ' recent spending increases were enough to suggest ser ious c o n c e r n s to the P C O , for they had increased seven - fo ld b e t w e e n the 1 9 5 6 - 5 7 and 1 9 6 8 - 6 9 f iscal years . H e n c e f o r t h , the P C O would involve themse lves more intimately in the review of Indian pol icy , and the v i e w s of J im D a v e y , their senior official responsible for Indian pol icy , wou ld be particularly influential. F rom his perspect ive as a s y s t e m s theorist he s a w the Indian problem as a spec i f i c c a s e of racial discr imination overlain on the more general c a s e of regional disparit ies. Peel a w a y the Indian's specia l s tatus , he a rgued , then the fundamenta l e c o n o m i c problems w h i c h they shared with other d isadvantaged Canad ians could be tack led on a c o m m o n regional basis by the newly c reated Depar tment of Regional E c o n o m i c Expans ion (DREE). In s y s t e m s language the Indian problem wou ld thereby be 68 " b o u n d e d and s impl i f ied" a n d , h e n c e , could be more easi ly m a n a g e d . D a v e y a lso balked at any suggest ion of consul tat ion with Indian leaders b e c a u s e he cons idered t h e m unrepresentat ive of the general Indian populat ion. 2 3 T h e n e w breed of scient i f ic planning technocra ts also analyzed the Indian problem f rom the perspect ive of "soc ia l d i s tance" theory w h i c h w a s in vogue at the t ime. Fol lowing this particular variant of modernizat ion logic, it w a s reasoned that the forced segregat ion of Indians on reserves and their d iscr iminatory t reatment as c i t izens "apart" had actual ly consp i red to prevent their adaptat ion to Canad ian soc iety . Indeed, b e c a u s e of rapid industrial ization, the "soc ia l d i s tance" be tween Indians and others threatened to diverge even further in the future, leaving them physical ly marooned in rural regions wi th diminishing opportunit ies to find jobs in the modern e c o n o m y . Th i s reasoning w a s quite similiar to that of the Hawthorn Report . T h e rationale behind the Whi te Paper w a s to differ f rom the H a w t h o r n Report , h o w e v e r , in holding that just as the problem included both social and spatial isolation so a two - fo ld integration strategy w a s cal led for. First, as has been widely c o m m e n t e d o n , the government proposed to remove all d iscr iminations against Indian people by extinguishing their specia l constitut ional and legislative status . S e c o n d , but less c o m m e n t e d o n , it w a s proposed to target Indians for training and relocation ass i s tance under the Liberal 's regional deve lopment policies for promoting industrial and serv ice sector jobs in the n e w urban e c o n o m y . By c o m p a r i s o n , the Hawthorn Report a d v o c a t e d someth ing similiar to the s e c o n d measure but did not a d v o c a t e removing special Indian s tatus . 6 9 T h e Whi te Paper planners were no doubt inspired by s o m e of the ideas and rhetoric of the A m e r i c a n " W a r on Poverty . " 2 4 A l though the context of most C a n a d i a n Indians w a s dif ferent , it w a s perceived that they had been encapsu la ted through a similiar p rocess into someth ing akin to "rural ghet toes" w h i c h intensified and reproduced negat ive , adapt ive cultural traits a m o n g their residents. T h e planners pointed to the specia l t reatment of Indians as the c a u s e of this , w h i c h to their minds w a s nothing less than s ta te -sponsored discr iminat ion. A s a c o n s e q u e n c e , they c l a i m e d , Indians were locked into a "poverty c y c l e " on reserves and sc reened f rom any f resh w inds of c h a n g e f rom the outs ide. T h e W h i t e Paper planners did depart f rom the W a r on Poverty 's f o c u s on exper imental ca tch -up programs to c o m b a t segregat ion a n d , instead, sought to ext inguish constitut ional and legislative recognit ion of Indian group status and all their specia l government support . 2 5 Th is part of the Whi te Paper master plan w a s , in fac t , c loser to the United S t a t e ' s o w n recent Indian pol icy of " comple te terminat ion" w h i c h w a s abandoned after d isastrous psycho log ica l d a m a g e to the first tribes w h o lost their reserves and were d ispersed . T h e Whi te Paper Planners also ignored valuable lessons on h o w the threat of termination had pushed other U .S . tr ibes into a react ionary and fortress- l ike nativist m o v e m e n t w h i c h actual ly thwar ted the goal of assimi lat ion. 2 6 Ext inguishment of specia l Indian constitut ional and legal s tatus w a s not e x p e c t e d , by itself, to eradicate w idespread poverty a m o n g Indians a s long as they cont inued to reside on reserves . T h e s u p p o s e d genius of the Whi te Paper st rategy w a s to at tempt redefining the Indian problem f rom its traditional cultural/ ethnic group character izat ion into a more general izable a n d , h e n c e , m a n a g e a b l e , social problem. It w a s c o n c l u d e d that m o s t reserve c o m m u n i t i e s were located in regions offering little long-term e m p l o y m e n t potential a n d , 70 w h i c h , like m a n y other small remote c o m m u n i t i e s , were a n a c h r o n i s m s in the modern c o n s u m e r or ientated, industrially b a s e d , and urban-b iased e c o n o m y . T a k e a w a y the Indians' specia l t reatment , and their e c o n o m i c problems and opportunit ies wou ld not be unlike other Canad ian workers in rural regions impacted by structural e c o n o m i c c h a n g e s . M o s t ideally, Indians, e m a n c i p a t e d f rom their cocoon - l ike col lect ive ex is tence on reserves , wou ld be "pul led off" reserves by their o w n desire to seek a better future and to m a k e the s a m e cho ice as other Canad ians in the s a m e situation by looking for w o r k in an urban e m p l o y m e n t centre . A n d if their se l f -mot ivat ion w a s not e n o u g h , the Indians' loss of specia l subs id ies wou ld provide an additional incentive for t h e m to be " p u s h e d off" reserves . Underly ing m u c h of the Whi te Paper theorizing w a s a strong adherence to traditional liberal principles. T h e inf luence of liberal laissez-faire doctr ine w a s very apparent in the e m p h a s i s p laced on forcing Indians to face the s u p p o s e d realities and benefits of individual e c o n o m i c cho ice and responsibi l i ty, and eff icient market locat ion of jobs. T h e impover ished and dependent condi t ions , under w h i c h m a n y Indians lived on reserves , were s e e n as an aberration of liberal ideals where all individuals in soc ie ty were s u p p o s e d to have equal opportunit ies by the dint of their o w n efforts with as little interference and support f rom the state as possible . It w a s hoped that , given the opportunity , m o s t Indian people wou ld seek work wherever they could find it and discard their c loseted and wel fare - dependent ex is tence on reserves . T h e Whi te Paper also exhibited the traditional liberal faith in equality b e t w e e n individuals and its distrust of any group 's pretensions within the state to specia l s tatus and c la ims . 71 and all the more so w h e n they were assoc ia ted wi th emot ive appeals to nat ional ism as w a s b e c o m i n g the c a s e wi th s o m e Indian leaders. In this respect T r u d e a u ' s inf luence w a s seminal for he had c o m e to the Prime Ministership as C a n a d a ' s m o s t t renchant a c a d e m i c proponent of a liberal individualistic concept ion of the country . 2 7 T r u d e a u w a s not especia l ly interested in the Indian problem per se but, inf luenced by his c a u s e celebre of avert ing Q u e b e c separa t i sm, he did have strong v i e w s on their c la ims for unique status in C a n a d a . In t w e n t y years of writ ings he had vehement l y cast igated the intellectual Lef t ' s assert ion in Q u e b e c that it w a s entitled to independent s ta tehood accord ing to the principle of national se l f -determinat ion. He scorned national ism a s the modern day equivalent of "primitive t r ibal ism" w h i c h would inevitably lead to react ionary discr imination against individual rights in the name of group survival . A n d , in any event , T rudeau strongly d isagreed that cultures could be kept alive by state guarantees , reasoning in Soc ia l Darwin ian style that they could only survive through their o w n compet i t i ve efforts . S tate intervention wou ld only serve to produce in his w o r d s , " a w e a k hot -house cul ture ," or a "ghetto mental i ty , " or bringing it right d o w n to the issue at h a n d , " a w i g w a m c o m p l e x . " 2 8 W h e n cal led upon later to defend the Whi te Paper , T r u d e a u rejected the Indian's historical c la im to be a dist inct political entity in C a n a d a as fo l lows: W e c a n go on treating the Indians as having a specia l s tatus . W e c a n go on adding br icks of discr iminat ion around the ghetto in w h i c h they live and at the s a m e t ime perhaps helping t h e m preserve certain cultural traits and certain ancestra l rights. Or w e c a n say you ' re at a c ross roads - - the t ime is n o w to dec ide whether the Indians will be a race apart in C a n a d a or whether they will be C a n a d i a n s of full s tatus . A n d this is a difficult c h o i c e . . . It's inconce ivab le , I think, that in a g iven soc ie ty one sec t ion of the soc ie ty have a treaty with the other sect ion of the soc ie ty . W e must all be equal under the laws and w e must not s ign treaties a m o n g s t ourselves . . . W h a t c a n w e do to redeem the past? I c a n only say as President Kennedy said 7 2 w h e n he w a s asked what he could do to c o m p e n s a t e for the injustices that the Negroes had received in A m e r i c a n soc iety : " W e will be just in our t i m e . " Th i s is all w e c a n do . W e must be just today . 2 9 T h e neat , t idy logic of the Whi te Paper master plan w a s irresistible to the central a g e n c y t e c h n o c r a t s , w h o pushed their ideas through against opposit ion f rom D I A N D officials and even against s o m e misgiv ings by their Minister , J e a n Chret ien . 3 0 Cou ld it be too good to be true that in one fell s w o o p the Government could d ispense with its onerous responsibi l i t ies for Indians, forestall growing public c r i t ic ism, c lose d o w n the il l -regarded Indian Af fa i rs B r a n c h , s top the drain of welfare dol lars, and integrate Indians as useful m e m b e r s of the body politic and national e c o n o m y ? 3.4 What the White Paper Said, and How it Was Received T h e Whi te Paper w a s approved by Cabinet and then presented to Parl iament on J u n e 2 5 , 1 9 6 9 . In its historical s u m m a r y , the Whi te Paper attributed past policy failures to "d iscr iminatory" specia l t reatment of Indians. It pointed to three sets of problems c a u s e d by this sett ing apart of Indians f rom other C a n a d i a n s : rapidly rising government f inancial responsibi l i t ies, the vulnerability of Indians to social s t i g m a , and the lack of Indian e c o n o m i c compet i t i veness and resultant wel fare d e p e n d e n c y . T h e Paper evocat ive ly descr ibed rural Indians' lack of compet i t i veness in the modern e c o n o m y as fo l lows : W i t h the technolog ica l change in the twent ieth century , soc ie ty b e c a m e increasingly industrial and c o m p l e x and the separa teness of Indian people b e c a m e more evident . M o s t Canad ians m o v e d to the growing c i t ies, but the Indians remained largely a rural people , lacking both educat ion and opportunity. T h e land w a s being deve loped rapidly, but m a n y reserves were located in p laces where little deve lopment w a s possible . Reserves were usually exc luded f rom deve lopment and began to s tand out as is lands of poverty . T h e policy of separat ion had b e c o m e a burden. 31 73 T h e Whi te Paper proposed the fol lowing six-point plan to integrate Indians into Canad ian soc iety : (1) R e m o v e all const i tut ional bases for special Indian rights, and repeal the Indian A c t . (2) P romote a "third c h o i c e " for Indians other than living in reserves or complete ly ass imi lat ing , to contr ibute equally with other Canad ians in a multi -cultural soc iety . (3) T ransfer responsibil ity (and s o m e monies) to the prov inces for providing serv ices to Indians, eventual ly on the s a m e basis as other C a n a d i a n s . Concurrent ly , c lose d o w n the Indian Af fa i rs Branch of D I A N D and transfer all remaining federal responsibil it ies to other agenc ies s u c h as D R E E . (4) Provide s o m e specia l e c o n o m i c deve lopment support , including interim federal funding , for Indians w h o need help the most to c a t c h up with other C a n a d i a n s . Other Indians would have to help themse lves . Th is specia l support as well as other programs available to all Canad ians would assist Indians to find n e w jobs in the urban e c o n o m y . (5) A p p o i n t a C o m m i s s i o n to review h o w the Federal G o v e r n m e n t ' s lawful obl igations under the treat ies, w h i c h were cons idered min imal , could be equitably e n d e d . More general aboriginal rights wou ld not be legally recognized but wou ld be moral ly d ischarged under Point #4. 74 (6) R e m o v e federal protect ion of reserves and transfer lands to local Indian control so they could be legally t a x e d , leased and so ld . Th is six -point plan w a s to be implemented in five years . It shared the general assimilat ive purposes of previous policy but differed complete ly on the strategy to ach ieve this. T h e Whi te Paper proposed to complete ly abandon past efforts to civilize Indians on reserves and provide t h e m with protect ive wardsh ip until it w a s no longer n e e d e d . Instead, Indians wou ld be th rown into the "deep e n d , " where , depending largely on their o w n efforts , they wou ld either s ink or s w i m . Elaboration of point four of the strategy on e c o n o m i c deve lopment m a d e it quite clear h o w Indians could expect to be treated under the Liberals ' proposals to expose t h e m to the cut and thrust of laissez-faire compet i t ion . Echoing (but not citing) the pess imist ic e c o n o m i c analys is of the Hawthorn Report , it w a s very conservat ive ly es t imated that a f e w reserves c lose to growing industrial a reas , or with agricultural potential , cou ld if "properly deve loped . . . provide a livelihood for a larger number of family units than is presently the c a s e . " 3 2 But the majority of reserves were cons idered to have little e c o n o m i c deve lopment potential b e c a u s e of their l imited size and geographical isolat ion. Even if the avai lable resources on these reserves were fully utilized they could not properly support their present Indian populat ion, m u c h less future population g rowth . T h u s the bot tom line w a s that m o s t Indians would have to relocate e l sewhere , c loser to e m p l o y m e n t opportunit ies. C o m m o n solut ions for Indians and other C a n a d i a n s alike wou ld be sought in regions wi th little deve lopment potential under D R E E ' s f r a m e w o r k of regional deve lopment p lans, together wi th normal regional adjustment serv ices f rom the C a n a d i a n Employment 7 5 and Immigration C o m m i s s i o n (CEIC). Public react ion to the Whi te Paper w a s s l o w , and even the prov inces raised no strong object ions, w h i c h w a s surprising s ince the federal government w a s propos ing , in modern jargon, to " d o w n l o a d " s o m e of the c o s t s for Indians on to the Prov inces . 3 3 C o n t e m p o r a r y crit iques by a c a d e m i c s s e e m to have been m u t e d , in contrast wi th retrospect ive a s s e s s m e n t s w h i c h are invariably negat ive. O n e explanat ion for the c o n t e m p o r a r y a c a d e m i c s i lence c a n possibly be found in the fact that m o s t studies of Indians in the 1 9 6 0 ' s were undertaken by anthropologists , w h o , if they c o n c e r n e d t h e m s e l v e s with modern day problems at all , approached t h e m f rom the assimilat ive a s s u m p t i o n s of "soc ia l d i s tance" theory. T h u s , C a r s t e n s , w h o applied the analogy of S o u t h A f r i c a n apartheid to descr ibe Indian segregat ion on reserves , crit icized Whi te Paper proposals to give Indian communi t ies more a u t o n o m y for manag ing their o w n affairs s u c h as control of reserve lands. 3 4 In other w o r d s , Ca rs tens thought the Whi te Paper did not go far e n o u g h to ensure assimi lat ion. T h e m o s t notable a c a d e m i c critic of the Whi te Paper w a s Richard Dunning . Of cons iderable interest is a debate b e t w e e n Dunning and J e a n Chret ien in s u c c e s s i v e issues of the influential Canad ian Fo rum. Dunning 's position on the proposed ext inguishment of spec ia l Indian rights differed signif icantly f rom his previous endorsement of ass imi lat ion. Dunning did reiterate his previous cr it ic ism of the Hawthorn Report for advocat ing a larger role for the Indian Af fa i rs Branch w h i c h , if imp lemented , wou ld m a k e it into a "super -Federal organizat ion" with so m u c h power that it would impede Indian a u t o n o m y . 3 5 But he thought the Whi te Paper w a s going to the other ext reme in its proposals for removing 76 specia l protect ions for Indians because it wou ld expose them to the loss of their lands, integration into nearby provincial municipal i t ies, and ult imately loss of their greatest asse t , ethnic identity. Last ly , Dunning quest ioned the utility of applying existing deve lopment mode ls to the specia l c a s e of the Indian minority as proposed by both the Whi te Paper and the H a w t h o r n Report . He proposed that the newly - fo rmed National Indian Brotherhood (NIB) be suppor ted to des ign an uniquely Indian m o d e l . Th i s is exact ly w h a t the Federal government did after the Whi te Paper debac le , with equally d isast rous results a s will be s h o w n be low. A s for Indian react ions to the Whi te Paper , immediate d isappointment w a s fo l lowed by growing hostil ity, a n d , once their g r ievances were k n o w n , they were joined by support ive public opinion. Indian opposit ion centered both on the p rocess of planning the Whi te Paper and its substant ive content . Leaders of national and provincial Indian assoc ia t ions felt betrayed that the Whi te Paper had been des igned secret ively behind their b a c k s by government off icials w h e n at the s a m e t ime they were being act ively encouraged to participate in public hearings for revising the Indian A c t . A n d f rom the m a n y briefs presented by Indian leaders at the hearings there w a s clear ev idence of a c o n s e n s u s on making the Indian A c t less paternalist ic, but without diluting specia l Indian rights. T h e Whi te Paper planners had complete ly missed the subtle ambiguit ies of Indian feel ings t o w a r d s the Indian A c t as both a constraint on their a u t o n o m y but a lso a guarantee of their specia l ethnic recognit ion. T o Indians, after years of subjugation and injustice, the federal government w a s merely s e e n to be abrogating its specia l obl igations, denying Indians their proper rights, and 7 7 complet ing its program of cultural genoc ide w h i c h it had a t tempted so m a n y t imes before. T h e Whi te Paper w a s m o s t vehement l y opposed by Prairie Indians w h o were especia l ly c o n c e r n e d wi th the threat to their treaty rights. Nor were Indian leaders enthused by the prospect of being reduced to a benign curio piece in Canad ian multicultural soc iety . A s Harold Cardinal the leader of the Alberta Indian A s s o c i a t i o n (AIA) put it, the Indian "is to learn his place in the Jus t Soc ie ty by d isappear ing . " 3 6 A brief presented by Harold Cardinal and A .I.A Ch ie fs to Prime Minister T rudeau in J u n e , 1 9 7 0 , w h i c h , al though popularly referred to as the "Red Paper , " w a s titled "Ci t izen Plus" after the c o n c e p t introduced in the Hawthorn Report . T h e y c la imed that their posit ion w a s unique in C a n a d i a n soc ie ty b e c a u s e , by virtue of their special aboriginal and statutory rights, they were more than just cit izens of C a n a d a . A l though no official retraction w a s m a d e , a s p e e c h by Chret ien in M a r c h 1971 s e e m e d to conf i rm that the G o v e r n m e n t had abandoned the Whi te Paper. Before that , during the A lber ta Indian A s s o c i a t i o n ' s presentat ion of the Red Paper even T r u d e a u admit ted that he m a y have m a d e a mis take : A n d I'm sure w e were very naive in s o m e of the s ta tements w e m a d e in the paper. W e had perhaps the prejudices of small "I" liberals and Whi te m e n w h o thought that equality meant the s a m e law for everyone . . . But w e have learned in the p rocess that perhaps w e were a bit too theoret ical , w e were a bit too abst ract . . . . 3 8 T h e planners drawing up the Whi te Paper had m a d e t w o cardinal misca lcu lat ions . First, they overest imated support f rom general public opinion for their seeming ly elegant laissez-faire solut ion to the Indian prob lem, at a t ime w h e n everyday operat ions of the welfare state in con temporary soc ie ty had cut rather deeply into the abstract logic of liberal 78 ideology. By the 1 9 6 0 ' s , the realities of the interventionist wel fare state had very perceptibly pervaded the daily life of Canad ians . Subsidizat ion of p roducers , w h i c h had a l w a y s been a salient character ist ic of C a n a d a ' s "Nat ional Pol icy , " w a s n o w a c c o m p a n i e d by increasingly intrusive e c o n o m i c m a n a g e m e n t and regulatory contro ls , as wel l a s a plethora of universal and specia l needs ass is tance programs to individual C a n a d i a n s . T h e G o v e r n m e n t ' s proposed Draconian measures for cutt ing Indians loose and leaving t h e m to their o w n dev i ces just did not fit m a n y C a n a d i a n s ' expectat ions of the role of the modern s tate . In an era where public sensibil it ies were sharpened by international examples of the plight of the poor and by guilt about the mist reatment of C a n a d a ' s o w n indigenous peop les , it w a s felt by m a n y that the state should do more for Indians, not less . S e c o n d , and m o s t importantly . T h e Whi te Paper planners ser iously underest imated potential Indian opposi t ion . Over one hundred and thirty year ' s imposit ion of the reserve s y s t e m had s p a w n e d the rudiments of a modern Indian nationalist m o v e m e n t w h i c h b e c a m e cata lyzed in opposit ion to the Whi te Paper. U n s u c c e s s f u l a t tempts to assimilate Indians by segregat ing t h e m on reserves h a d , if anyth ing , perversely ensured their cont inued ex is tence as distinct ethnic groups with reduced but still persistent beliefs and hopes w h i c h marked them off f rom other Canad ians . In particular, the oppress iveness of the reserve s y s t e m provided the raw materials c o m m o n to m a n y s u c h nationalistic m o v e m e n t s , of a col lect ive historical c o n s c i o u s n e s s of external ly - imposed injustices and t r iumphant a c t s of de f iance . Ironically e n o u g h , therefore, the Whi te Paper w a s defeated principally as a result of the very reserve s y s t e m w h i c h it p roposed to el iminate. Even w o r s e , as Sal ly W e a v e r recognizes , the T rudeau G o v e r n m e n t ' s misguided plan for ext inguishment only served to exacerbate Indian nationalist feel ings: J 79 T h e Whi te Paper b e c a m e the single most powerful cata lyst of the Indian nationalist m o v e m e n t , launching it into a determined force for nat iv ism - a reaff i rmation of a unique cultural heritage and identity. Ironically, the Whi te Paper had precipitated " n e w prob lems" because it gave Indians c a u s e to organize against the government and reassert their separa teness . 39 3.5 C o n c l u s i o n s General ly , the Whi te Paper w a s an extremely simplist ic if not naive response to the complex i t ies of C a n a d a ' s Indian problem. Beneath all the modernizat ion theoriz ing, liberal ideological postulat ions, and moralizing political calculat ions lay the irreducible and fundamenta l l y f lawed premise that the Indian problem could be m a d e to d isappear by mere ly redefining it in a w a y that m a d e sense to the po l i cy -makers . Unfortunately for t h e m , the vast majority of Indians s a w the problem differently f rom their o w n contextual and historical perspect ive . Not only w a s the Whi te Paper properly defeated b e c a u s e of its inherent fai l ings, but it has left pol icy makers with a legacy of even more unsurmountable diff icult ies to resolve the Indian prob lem. First, the previous primary goal of culturally assimilat ing Indians has rightly been a b a n d o n e d , but the cont ingent requirement to define special Indian rights has remained very m u d d y and disputat ious. S e c o n d , hope that the majority of Indians wou ld eventual ly migrate to areas of e c o n o m i c opportunity has been replaced with the m u c h more problematical chal lenge of providing jobs for Indians in regions wi th limited e c o n o m i c opportunit ies (to s a y nothing of the m a n y Indians w h o have migrated to cit ies and remain unemployed) . Th i rd , the assumpt ion had to be abandoned that reserve c o m m u n i t i e s would be a temporary stepping s tone on the w a y to final Indian integration. Th i s has fo rced the central state to cont inue subsidizing all reserve communi t ies though it remains unsure h o w 80 m a n y have realistic p rospects of becoming economica l l y v iable. C o m p o u n d i n g the above difficult problems has been the need to avoid any repeat of the secret ive manner in w h i c h the Whi te Paper w a s prepared, and to c o n c e d e Indians a proper role in preparing policies w h i c h intimately e f fect their futures. A n d the chal lenge of c o m i n g up wi th solut ions w h i c h are agreeable to all parties is, in turn, c o m p o u n d e d by the often militant and react ive d e m a n d s of an Indian nationalist m o v e m e n t s p a w n e d by the reserve s y s t e m and vitalized by its s u c c e s s f u l opposit ion to the Whi te Paper. T o summar i ze the argument to this point, the first, m o s t cost l y mistake in the history of C a n a d i a n Indian pol icy w a s to introduce the reserve s y s t e m and then not a b a n d o n it w h e n it w a s patently obv ious that it could not work . Th is mistake ult imately led to Indians being left out of the C a n a d i a n e c o n o m y and dependent on the central state for cont inuing subsidizat ion of their reserve c o m m u n i t i e s . Imposition of the reserve s y s t e m also had the perverse result of promoting feel ings of Indian separa teness w h i c h over t ime evo lved into a nativist m o v e m e n t preoccupied wi th maintaining its boundar ies against other C a n a d i a n s Indians. T h e s e c o n d m o s t cost ly mistake in Canad ian Indian pol icy w a s the bungled at tempt in the Whi te Paper to impose an updated modernizat ion a g e n d a , w h i c h , while recogniz ing the failure of the reserve s y s t e m , ignored the s imple fact that it had i r revocably c h a n g e d White- Indian relations and that the c lock could not be turned back . 81 C H A P T E R F O U R . T H E D E C L I N E O F R E S E R V E C O M M U N I T I E S INTO W E L F A R I S M 4.1 O v e r v i e w T h e 1 9 7 0 ' s w i t n e s s e d both large population increases in reserve c o m m u n i t i e s and a rapid expans ion of wel fare state programs to Indians. Th i s chapter descr ibes the failure to s top the decl ine of m a n y reserve communi t ies into wel far ism during this per iod, w h i c h occur red b e c a u s e of the dead lock over po l icy -making b e t w e e n the central Canad ian state and the Indian political leadership. In "traditional po l i cy -mak ing" up to the 1 9 6 9 Whi te Paper , the state had unilaterally set policies for Indians, albeit against their determined but largely pass ive res is tance . H o w e v e r , the confrontat ion over the Whi te Paper led to fundamenta l c h a n g e s in state-Indian relations. Public d isapproval of h o w Indians had been left out of preparing the Whi te Paper , together with heightened Indian nationalist feel ings f rom s u c c e s s f u l l y resisting its implementat ion , forced the state to consul t with Indian leaders on n e w pol icies. T h u s , Indian leaders b e c a m e act ive part ic ipants in "contemporary p o l i c y - m a k i n g , " a n d , in doing s o , must share responsibil ity for not making improvements w h i c h m a y have helped to o v e r c o m e d e p e n d e n c y on central state wel fare programs. T h e d e a d l o c k in contemporary po l icy -making has c o m e about both b e c a u s e of the central s t a t e ' s inability to act decis ively and Indian leaders ' s o m e t i m e s erratic and intemperate d e m a n d s , and the w a y these factors interact together to polarize the situation even further. For their part, government policy makers were left rudderless after rejection of the 1 9 6 9 Whi te Paper. Whi le no longer able to proceed with a direct program of assimilat ing Indians comple te l y into Canad ian soc iety , they have been beset with uncertainty about whether , or at least h o w far, equal individual rights for Indians along wi th all other 8 2 C a n a d i a n s should be c o m p r o m i s e d in order to c o n c e d e specia l rights to Indians as a group. Or to put in another w a y , government pol icy makers have neither had the resolve to pursue a liberal " la issez - fa i re" agenda of Indians a s s u m i n g individual responsibil ity for t h e m s e l v e s , or to c o m p r o m i s e on the liberal principle of democra t i c individualism and c o n c e d e Indians an unique position in federat ion. Of c o u r s e , both these posit ions carry severe political r isks, the first that those individuals least able to help t h e m s e l v e s wou ld not survive " e q u a l " t reatment , and the s e c o n d , that a nasty precedent wou ld be created for Q u e b e c separat is ts . Faced with these seemingly intractable contradict ions , c o m p r o m i s e does not appear to be part of government po l i cy -makers ' perceived options. T h u s , they do not do very m u c h of anything w h i c h is n e w or innovat ive. For their part, the Indian political leadership c a m e out of its s u c c e s s f u l res istance to the Whi te Paper wi th a n e w conf idence and resolve to press radical d e m a n d s against the state for substant ia l p o w e r s of se l f -determinat ion, of ten buttressed by c la ims to nat ionhood for e a c h tribe. Their asser t i veness has been further embo ldened by the federal g o v e r n m e n t ' s inact ion, w h i c h has left Indian polit icians without any realistic bounds for their o w n ambit ions and ever susp ic ious about whether the government has another secret a g e n d a , s u c h as implement ing the Whi te Paper under the table or just wait ing them out. T h e longer government po l icy -makers remain inact ive, the more Indian nationalists assert spiralling d e m a n d s for even more c o n c e s s i o n s , and the more difficult it is for the state to respond to t h e m in any meaningful w a y . T h u s , just as w a s the c a s e under traditional pol icy m a k i n g , the contemporary trend is to more polarization rather than c o n v e r g e n c e of posi t ions, and for m u c h the s a m e reasons . T h a t is, the more the state de lays on finding a real solut ion the Indian prob lem, the more difficult the problem b e c o m e s . 83 T o this point, neither the s ta te ' s defens ive "l iberal" posit ion nor the Indians' assert ive " rad ica l " posit ions on deve lopment have gained a s c e n d a n c y over the other. Instead, the de fac to pol icy v a c u u m w h i c h has resulted f rom this dead lock has been filled by a narrow "reformist" s t rategy of providing cont inuous welfare support to reserve c o m m u n i t i e s . Whi le this st rategy a t tempts to placate s o m e c o n c e r n e d public opinion that " s o m e t h i n g " is being done for Canad ian Indians, other s e g m e n t s of public opinion have been al ienated by the a p p e a r a n c e of Indians receiving "free hand -ou ts . " T h e c o n s e q u e n c e s have also been d isast rous for Indians themse lves . Despite substantial infusions of wel fare dol lars, the situation in m a n y reserve communi t ies has probably not improved m u c h or, in s o m e c a s e s , m a y have actual ly w o r s e n e d . Th is is certainly the c a s e with the deepening d e p e n d e n c y of m o s t reserve c o m m u n i t i e s on central wel fare state programs and assoc ia ted problems of wel far ism s u c h a s social s t i g m a , persistent u n e m p l o y m e n t , high inc idences of social pathologies , and w idespread h u m a n despair . But contrary to the v iewpoint of "internal co lony" theor ists , it is too simplist ic to solely "b lame the s ta te" for this sorry s i tuat ion. In reality, s o m e government policy makers share s o m e of this responsibi l i ty together with s o m e leaders of the Indian nationalist m o v e m e n t . T h e Indian nationalist m o v e m e n t w h i c h c a m e to prominence in the 1 9 7 0 ' s , certainly w a s an o u t c o m e of Indian oppress ion by the state . A s w a s s h o w n , the C a n a d i a n Indian exper ience c lose ly m a t c h e d Robert Blauner 's model of an "internal co lon izat ion" p rocess . 1 Blauner also identif ies the rise of ethnic nationalist m o v e m e n t s in opposi t ion to the central state as a logical response to these exper iences . Indeed, the Indian nationalist m o v e m e n t ref lects s o m e of the s a m e character is t ics w h i c h Blauner a s s o c i a t e s wi th s u c h ethnic nationalist m o v e m e n t s . First, Blauner descr ibes h o w the oppressed ethnic minority s e e k s 84 to def ine t h e m s e l v e s in te rms of their o w n distinct "cultural nationality ," in a t tempts to recover their o w n sense of self - identity after its erosion by co lonizat ion, and to mark t h e m s e l v e s off f rom the colonizers . S e c o n d , the ethnic minority typical ly employ nationalist and anti -colonial ist rhetoric to d e n o u n c e the i l legit imacy of the " fore ign" central state in controll ing their affairs . Th i rd , they strive for the transfer of as m u c h power as possible f rom the state to t h e m s e l v e s so that they c a n better control their o w n affairs. Th i s decoloniz ing nationalist p rocess obviously bears considerable similarities to the exper iences of Third Wor ld countr ies in d isengaging t h e m s e l v e s f rom imperial contro l . T h u s , the internal co lony model is useful for descr ibing Indian exper iences of ethnic oppress ion by the state and the response to those exper ience in te rms of an emerging nationalist m o v e m e n t . H o w e v e r , it is not useful to look at the present underdeve lopment of Indian reserve c o m m u n i t i e s and to blame that solely on past coloniz ing exper iences . In the c a s e of Canad ian Indians, the internal co lony model starts to lose re levance at the point where they m o v e d a w a y f rom their previous strategy of pass ive res istance to outside direction of their affairs by the colonizers , to more act ively exerc ise power for redirection of their o w n futures. W h e n the previously colonized Indian minority still remains undeve loped in these c i r c u m s t a n c e s , it is inaccurate to cont inue portraying t h e m as "b lameless v i c t ims" - as they often are by internal co lony theorists - - b e c a u s e their p red icament is n o w partly of their o w n making or, at least , is a c o n s e q u e n c e of the act ions of their leaders (which m a n y internal co lony theorists will a lso not admit b e c a u s e they d i s a v o w any form of internal c lass analysis of the colonized group). T h e internal co lony model certainly does not tell the whole story very ef fect ive ly w h e n the 85 Indian nationalist m o v e m e n t emerged to s u c h a posit ion of power as to inf luence m u c h of po l i cy -mak ing , and often to no better e f fect than the Canad ian state . Rather than Indians being v ict imized by the sys temat ic power of state exploitat ion, a s they clearly were in the past , in the contemporary era of po l icy -making they n o w are often intimately inter locked in relations wi th the state as determining actors in the cont inuing p rocess of their o w n underdeve lopment . Both s ides have frequently been preoccupied wi th a g a m e of advanc ing and counter check ing opposing c la ims to power w h i c h , to date , has done more to uphold the status quo of reserve problems than it has done for advanc ing any ef fect ive remedies . O n e of the m o s t ser ious repercuss ions of the dead lock in po l icy -making has been the failure to c o m e to te rms with the growing problem of w idespread poverty and e c o n o m i c d e p e n d e n c y on reserves . T h e gove rnment ' s d i savowal of its Whi te Paper proposals ruled out any possibil ity of at tempt ing to resolve the problem by encouraging Indian migration to areas wi th greater e c o n o m i c opportunit ies. For the first t ime s ince the advent of the reserve s y s t e m , the federal government had to , tacit ly at least , c o n c e d e that reserve c o m m u n i t i e s were not a temporary stopping place on the road to comple te assimilat ion and that m o s t were there to s tay in s o m e form or other. T h a t left the difficult problems of h o w to increase the number of jobs in reserve communi t ies and their surrounding regions, to expand Indian e m p l o y m e n t , and to reduce their d e p e n d e n c e on government transfer p a y m e n t s . But, as will be il lustrated with t w o c a s e studies f rom the 1 9 7 0 ' s , s o m e promising opportunit ies to start rebuilding local Indian e c o n o m i e s were squandered by negative 86 interact ions b e t w e e n the state and Indians, e .g . (1) T h e first c a s e s tudy c o n c e r n s a S o c i o - E c o n o m i c Deve lopment St rategy under joint preparation by the National Indian Brotherhood (NIB) and the Depar tment of Indian and Northern Deve lopment (DIAND), during the period f rom 1 9 7 3 to 1 9 7 9 . Th is very promising approach to c o m m u n i t y e c o n o m i c deve lopment (CED) w a s intended to provide Indian Bands with the sel f -governing powers and planning tools to c o m b a t wel far ism on reserves. H o w e v e r , the NIB scutt led the enterprise because the federal government wou ld not meet their d e m a n d s for handing over central ized contro l , and b e c a u s e they were threatened by the prospect of a l lowing more grass -roots a u t o n o m y for the Indian communi t ies they were s u p p o s e d to represent. (2) T h e s e c o n d c a s e s tudy involves the failures of regional deve lopment planning in the Northern C a n a d a to provide a sustainable e c o n o m i c base for Indians and other native peoples e f fec ted by m e g a energy projects. T h e 1 9 7 5 , J a m e s Bay and Northern Q u e b e c A g r e e m e n t ( J B N Q A ) fo l lowed a s o m e w h a t "top d o w n " funct ional d e v e l o p m e n t st rategy w h i c h failed to adequate ly cons ider local n e e d s . O n the other h a n d , the 1 9 7 4 - 7 7 , M a c k e n z i e Val lev Pipeline Inouirv (the "Berger Inquiry"), p roposed a purely " b o t t o m - u p " territorial deve lopment mode l w h i c h w a s not real ized, partly b e c a u s e of the local Dene Indians' intemperate nationalistic d e m a n d s . T h e evolut ion of the Indian nationalist m o v e m e n t w a s a signif icant force throughout these events as Indian leaders c h a n g e d their strategy f rom making ethnical ly dist inct d e m a n d s on 8 7 the state for fair t reatment , to pressing for c h a n g e s in the distribution of state power itself. 2 Indian nat ional ism also f igures largely in the conf l ict over Indian se l f -government descr ibed in the next chapter . Therefore , s o m e background c o m m e n t s are provided about the Indian nationalist m o v e m e n t before descr ibing the c a s e s tudies . 4.2 Background Comments on the Indian Nationalist Movement Th is sec t ion c o m m e n t s on the Indian m o v e m e n t ' s adopt ion of a "modern is t " W e s t -European nationalist ideology, the intimate re inforcement of s u c h ideology by autonomist d e v e l o p m e n t theor ies , and the pros and c o n s of Indians adopt ing a W e s t e r n nationalist platform to a d v a n c e their political goals . A s Boldt and Long observe , the nationalist ideology e s p o u s e d by m a n y Indian political leaders is not indigenous to their cultural tradit ions, but is adopted f rom Weste rn -Eu ropean culture. 3 T h u s , in the 1 9 7 0 s m a n y Indian leaders started to formulate their d e m a n d s against the Canad ian state in te rms of what Taylor descr ibes as the "bas ic tri logy" of nationalist core doctr ines . 4 T h e s e involve recognit ion as nat ions wi th their o w n territories and wi th a c c o m p a n y i n g rights of sovereignty , i.e. (1) It is c la imed that Indian peoples must not be treated merely as an unique ethnic group in Canad ian multiculturist soc iety , but rather should be recognized as nations within C a n a d a and as part of the international order. T h e implicat ion is that Indian nationalist c la ims against the central state have inherently higher standing than other ethnical ly -def ined group interests. 8 8 (2) By virtue of being "naturally occurr ing nat ions , " Indians have inalienable rights to their o w n historical territories wh ich precede and s u p e r c e d e any external ly - imposed proprietary interests. Th i s adds moral and phi losophical re inforcements to legal a rguments for aboriginal title. (3) Indians p o s s e s s aboriginal rights to sovereignty akin to that of nat ion -s tates , both within their o w n territorial boundar ies and in external "government to government" relations with the Canad ian state . Th is bolsters the notion that Indian rights of self-determinat ion naturally acc rue f rom aboriginal proprietary title, and are " innate" rights rather than needing to be c o n c e d e d by C a n a d a . T h e first t w o of the above doctr ines were explicitly e v o k e d in the Dene Declarat ion descr ibed be low in the c a s e s tudy about the M a c k e n z i e Va l ley Inquiry. T h e third doctr ine c a m e to the forefront during Indian constitut ional d e m a n d s for se l f -government , descr ibed in the fo l lowing chapter . Of c o u r s e , not all Indian political leaders or the groups they represent should be categor ized as c o m m i t t e d ethnic nationalists. Indeed, the political out looks of Indian leaders are quite d iverse, ranging all the w a y ac ross the s p e c t r u m f rom those w h o e s p o u s e outright separat ion f rom C a n a d a to a few w h o favour comple te ass imi lat ion. 5 A l s o , Indian use of nationalist doctr ine only started to c o m e into prominence with the Dene Dec larat ion , and it has appeared that the appeal of nat ional ism to the Indian m o v e m e n t m a y have started to w a n e by the m i d - 1 9 8 0 s , though the recent confrontat ion with the M o h a w k s at O k a and its af termath sugges ts that this conc lus ion m a y be premature . 8 9 A rigorous survey undertaken in 1981 by M e n n o Boldt certainly test i f ies to the widespread nationalistic feel ings a m o n g Indian leaders at that t ime. 6 Boldt 's final sample group of 6 9 leaders w a s determined by the survey respondents t h e m s e l v e s through "peer referenc ing" (significantly, not one leader w a s identified for a c h i e v e m e n t s in business) . No less than 4 5 per cent of leaders cons idered comple te independence of their tribal group f rom C a n a d a as the " idea l " political s tatus , a l though about 4 5 percent of t h e m , in turn, c o n c e d e d that very substant ial a u t o n o m y within C a n a d a would be the next "best poss ib le" alternative. Boldt 's alternative questionnaire format does go s o m e w a y to dist inguish b e t w e e n belief and rhetoric , but it s t i l l m a y be prudent to observe A . D . S m i t h ' s caut ion that "s ince it is general ly difficult to be sure w h e n a given [nationalist] strategy represents a s incerely held belief or is only a tact ic (and this m a y vary within the overall m o v e m e n t ) , it s e e m s wiser not to m a k e too sharp a dist inction be tween a u t o n o m i s m and s e p a r a t i s m . " 7 Even bearing this caut ion in m i n d , however , Boldt 's f indings s e e m highly indicative of strong nationalistic feel ings. Boldt also correlated data on the nationalistic att i tudes of e a c h leader wi th se lec ted information on their personal backgrounds , and with very interesting results. It w a s found that nationalistic Indian leaders had typically been e x p o s e d to more "internal co lonia l " exper iences than others in the sample group, including deprived living condi t ions , d iscr iminatory t reatment , and exc lus ion f rom opportunit ies in mains t ream soc iety . T h u s Boldt 's f indings col laborate the internal co lony proposit ion that the e m e r g e n c e of minority nationalist m o v e m e n t s o w e s someth ing to s ta te -sponsored exploitation along ethnic lines. A s w a s il lustrated in the previous chapter on the Whi te Paper , there is an intimate 90 relationship b e t w e e n liberal political ideology and "top d o w n " assimilat ionist deve lopment doctr ine. A s will be illustrated here, a similiar parallel relationship exists b e t w e e n nationalist ideology and "bot tom u p " autonomist deve lopment doctr ine. National m o v e m e n t s have often e m p l o y e d autonomist deve lopment theor ies to buttress their d e m a n d s for decolonizat ion and recognit ion of national s tatus , and the Canad ian Indian m o v e m e n t , including Indians themse lves and their supporters , is no except ion to this. U D T thinking, for ins tance , has b e c a m e imbedded in the c o n s c i o u s n e s s of m a n y Indian polit icians and supporters for their c a u s e . By attributing total b lame to s ta te -sponsored p r o c e s s e s for underdeveloping previously viable soc iet ies , pract ical and de jure justif ication is provided for Indians to determine their o w n redeve lopment wi thout government interference. T h e call for Indian sel f -determinat ion a s s u m e s an especia l ly unassai lable aura of morality and natural inevitability w h e n direct analogies are m a d e with the post -war liberation of Third Wor ld countr ies f rom imperial control and exploitat ion. A g a i n , these c o n n e c t i o n s were m a d e implicitly by the Dene during their opposit ion to the proposed M a c k e n z i e Va l ley pipeline. U D T and the internal co lony thes is have little to say about the spec i f i cs of h o w underdeve loped soc iet ies should actual ly go about " redeve lop ing" t h e m s e l v e s to m a k e their nationalist miss ion conc re te . T h a t role is largely filled in by " b o t t o m - u p " regional territorial theory . It e c h o e s U D T ' s retrospect ive t h e m e of underdeve lopment , but adds an a c c o m p a n y i n g program for autonomist redeve lopment based on ind igenous, regional cultural va lues and purposeful separat ion f rom outside political and e c o n o m i c contro l . Th is provides both internal and external legit imacy for the Indian nationalist m o v e m e n t . A m o n g its o w n m e m b e r s , territorialism gives c redence and content to the imperat ive , w h i c h A . D . 91 Smith says is common to all ethnic nationalist movements, of coalescing around a mission of "community self-regeneration" which is both retrospective and forward-looking. 8 Territorialism's renascent values of intimate, Gemeinschaft personal relations and communal self-help, combined with its development program for autonomous survival against homogenizing modernization, evokes continuity between a fondly remembered (or imagined) Indian past and hope for a recovered future. Besides promoting "in group" national solidarity, the vision of a continuum between the Indian's past and future makes their demands for self-government more appealing to others. The "Small is Beautiful," anti-technology and pro-environment imagery of territorial development is seen by many supporters of Indian causes to be congruent with Indian cultural heritage and their plans for regaining stewardship over traditional lands. It is striking, for instance, how many "Indian" and "environmental" causes are frequently perceived to be synonymous. Indian self-determination, it is claimed, will liberate Indians from underdevelopment and enable them to pursue a distinctive development path which is both appropriate to them and can provide a superior model for emulation by society generally. Tom Berger's Inquiry team obviously followed a regional territorial development model, and territorial thinking also found its way briefly into NIB positions on the Socio-Economic Strategy described in our first case study. More recently, Indian demands and academic support for their local "territorial" control have framed much of the Indian-White conflict over contested natural resources in Canada's hinterlands. What about the utility of Indians adopting a nationalist program for advancing their political goals? In adopting a nationalist program, the Indian movement certainly clashes directly 9 2 with the widely -he ld norm (in Eng l ish -Canadian soc ie ty , at least) of liberal democra t i c indiv idual ism. Nat ional ism, of course , has long been an a n a t h e m a to l iberalism - - L o r d " A c t o n ' s f a m o u s critique w a s first published in 1 9 0 7 - - a n d , in C a n a d a , the debate is already sharpened by Q u e b e c separat i sm. 9 D o e s the insertion of the Indian c a u s e into this already f ract ious conf l ict of " i s m s " in C a n a d a m a k e sense as political st rategy for the Indian minority? There are good arguments "for" and "aga inst , " but the weight of support should go to the latter. It c a n be argued that appeals by the Indian minority to moral and legal principles, w h i c h , a l though controvers ia l , are recognized by the majority soc ie ty itself (including internationally) is a pragmatic response to the present a s y m m e t r y of power relations. "Beat t h e m at their o w n g a m e , " goes this line of argument . For ins tance , Paul Tennant m a k e s the point that the Indian minor i ty 's adapt ive acculturat ion of se lec ted innovat ions f rom the dominant soc ie ty is n e c e s s a r y to secure their long- term survival against comple te ass imi lat ion. 10 T e n n a n t , a political sc ient ist , emp loys Frederik Barth 's " t ransact ional ist" cr i t ic ism of traditional anthropologists use of "soc ia l d i s tance" c o n v e r g e n c e theory . 11 By this line of th inking, the cultural continuity of indigenous groups s u c h as Canad ian Indians is s e e n to d e p e n d , not on maintaining any particular cultural e l e m e n t s , but rather on preserving general cultural boundar ies vis a vis other cultures. Th i s inversion of modernizat ion theory is s e e n by Tennant as ef fect ive ly refuting the c o m m o n c la im that the Indians' accul turat ion of non-tradit ional e lements d iminishes their cultural cont inuity a n d , consequent l y , the force of their aboriginal c la ims . T e n n a n t does caut ion , however , that by employ ing a strategy of political adapt ion "in response to internal colonia l ism an indigenous people is c h o o s i n g a precipitous path lying be tween alienation and ass imi lat ion . " 12 9 3 O n the other h a n d , the rationale for Indians adopt ing a "modern is t national s t rategy" c a n be crit icized both on moral -phi losophical and on practical g rounds . T h e first counter a rgument rests partly on the obvious fact that the historical exper iences in Europe w h i c h gave rise to the g rowth of weste rn nationalist ideology are complete ly different f rom the c i r c u m s t a n c e s of traditional Indian nat ions. 13 Boldt and Long point to the ser ious a n o m a l y in Canad ian Indians adopt ing a "European -weste rn c o n c e p t of sovere ignty . . . to establ ish the legal , moral and political authority that will al low them to nurture and develop their traditional tribal c u s t o m s , va lues and social inst i tut ions," b e c a u s e the t w o s tand in absolute contrad ic t ion . 1 4 Essential ly , Boldt and Long argue that the " impor ted" doctr ine of national sovereignty rests on a s s u m p t i o n s of absolute authority, hierarchal power relations, and a dist inct ruling entity w h i c h s tand in fundamenta l contradict ion to the organization of traditional Indian nat ions. By c o m p a r i s o n , Indians fo l lowed norms of communa l i s t social integration with intertwining individual and group interests, equal sharing of privileges and responsibil it ies based on c u s t o m s and tradit ions, and a respect for individual a u t o n o m i s m in reaching group c o n s e n s u s . Similarly, Boldt and Long note that the notion of " s t a t e h o o d " as an essent ia l requirement for the exerc ise of sovereignty is contrary to the traditional Indian v iew of "na t ionhood" w h i c h did not conce i ve of separat ing the state f rom the c o m m u n i t y . Indian nat ions , they c l a i m , had no distinct administrative institutions, and their internal and external relations were regulated by the c o m m u n i t y at large. Last ly , Indian not ions of territoriality were not c o n c e i v e d in te rms of precisely -def ined territorial boundar ies but on more fluid c o n c e p t s of sharing in the use of resources to be available for all life f o r m s , and the respect ing of other c o m m u n i t i e s ' needs . 94 Boldt and Long assert that "by adopt ing the European -Weste rn ideology of sovere ignty , the current generat ion of Indian leaders is buttressing the imposed alien st ructures within its c o m m u n i t i e s , and is legitimizing the assoc ia ted hierarchy compr i sed of indigenous political and bureaucrat ic e l i tes ." Indeed, "the legal-polit ical struggle for sovere ignty could be a Trojan Horse for traditional Indian culture by playing into the hands of the Canad ian g o v e r n m e n t ' s long-standing policy of ass imi lat ion ." 15 T o avert the threat to native institutions of c o n s e n s u s d e m o c r a c y , the t w o authors call for return to traditional c o n c e p t s of Indian nat ional ism. S u c h a strategy is d i scussed later be low. T h e more practical problems of a modernist national st rategy relate directly to the standoff in Indian-state relations w h i c h , so far, has b locked any change of the s tatus quo of w idespread poverty and d e p e n d e n c y a m o n g reserve c o m m u n i t i e s . Indian deve lopment prob lems are already exceedingly complex because of their long-rooted history and w ide -ranging s c o p e , and the infusion of nationalist c la ims m a k e s t h e m even more difficult to reso lve , or w h a t Rittle and W e b e r descr ibe as " w i c k e d planning p rob lems . " 16 S o m e e x a m p l e s are given be low: - -(1) Nat ional ism, as A . D . Smi th s a y s , is a "total p h e n o m e n o n . " 17 Th is m e a n s that Indian polit ical, socio-cultural and e c o n o m i c gr ievances all tend to get more intertwined together , and often in subtle w a y s , making it more difficult to def ine or " b o u n d " spec i f i c policy i ssues for analysis and resolut ion, e . g . the issue of "poverty" on reserves . 95 (2) Nationalist ideology is Utopian by nature, and consequent l y the perceived ends and m e a n s of deve lopment m a y curve back into e a c h other. A s Smi th s a y s , "On ly through the exerc ise of a u t o n o m y , or preferably sovere ignty c a n the group realize itself; but contrari ly the goal and embod iment of s u c h "sel f - real izat ion" is separate e x i s t e n c e . " 18 T h u s , for ins tance , s o m e Indian leaders s e e m to a s s u m e that e c o n o m i c deve lopment will s imply f low f rom the achiev ing of nat ionhood (as have m a n y deco lon ized Third Wor ld countr ies a s s u m e d to their cost ) . (3) Nationalist ideology tends to ex t remism. Incremental improvements to the status quo are frequently d i smissed by Indian leaders as inadequate , diversionary c o m p r o m i s e s . It is either "all or noth ing ." A n d , converse ly , Indian nationalist rhetoric is extremely threatening to m a n y in the majority soc ie ty , provoking similarly ext reme react ions f rom t h e m . T h e above observat ions about the relative merits and demer i ts of a modernist nationalist s t rategy do not apply uniformly to all IFN's. Nor are they meant to detract f rom the Indians' s tatus a s original peoples of C a n a d a , or f rom their contemporary needs to assert increased rights of se l f -governance vis a vis the Canad ian central s tate . Rather , the issues revolve around practical quest ions about what powers Indians c a n obtain w h i c h reasonably meet their needs . It will be s h o w n below that Indian First Nat ions do require expanded governmenta l powers to s u c c e s s f u l l y deve lop their c o m m u n i t i e s , though the s c o p e and nature of required powers will vary accord ing to e a c h IFN's individual c i r c u m s t a n c e s and aspirat ions. 9 6 Doubt less , the Indian leaders ' nationalist strategy has induced federal and provincial g o v e r n m e n t s , the m e d i a , and the public to take their c o n c e r n s more ser iously than they m a y have done otherwise . A l s o , to s o m e degree , the l imitations of popular terminology m a k e it difficult to persuasively present a more moderate c a s e for Indian se l f -governments wi th relative a u t o n o m y in the Canad ian federat ion. H o w e v e r , appeals to the ext reme language of national s tat ism for procuring more powers do carry ser ious risks. T h e ach ievement of "Indian nat ion -s tates" within or - outside - of C a n a d a is clearly imposs ib le , but hopeless at tempts to sustain this i l lusion, even at a rhetorical level , divert the energies of Indian leaders a w a y f rom achiev ing realistic long-te rm goals and more immediate improvements for their c o m m u n i t i e s . A l s o , the divisive s y m b o l i s m of Indian nationalist c la ims , especial ly during a critical t ime w h e n Canad ian unity is ser iously threatened by Q u e b e c nat ional ism, al ienates m a n y potential supporters for Indian se l f -government . Last ly , it is all too e a s y for the state to seize on the imprec is ion , intractabil ity, and impracticabi l i ty of Indian nationalist d e m a n d s as an e x c u s e for doing nothing. 4.3 Case Study One: The NIB/DIAND Socio-Economic Development Strategy T h e NIB/DIAND S o c i o - E c o n o m i c Strategy has to be p laced in the context of t w o signif icant c h a n g e s in federal funding pol icy for Indians wh ich took place in the 1 9 7 0 s . First, w a s a rapid expans ion of Indian programs wh ich had started in the previous d e c a d e but w a s n o w a c c o m p a n i e d by increasing delegated responsibil ity for program delivery to individual Bands or to Tribal Counc i l s representing groups of Bands . During the period f rom 1 9 6 8 to 1 9 7 8 , D I A N D ' s annual funding for Indians increased steadi ly by an average of 11 - 12 per cent in 9 7 m o s t years , and by 1 9 7 8 , spending powers for 3 5 per cent of Indian funds were delegated to Bands and Tribal Counc i l s . 19 M o s t of the increasing budgets were taken up in reserve c o m m u n i t i e s for the a lmost comple te subsidizat ion of rising c o s t s for hous ing , infrastructure, educat ion , social a s s i s t a n c e , and local administrat ion. S o m e of these rising " f i xed" c o s t s were due to increasing program standards to try to c a t c h up wi th general C a n a d i a n s tandards , as well as to rapid population increases on reserves (the 1 9 7 0 s w i t n e s s e d both increases in the total Indian population and the proportion living on -reserve). A n o t h e r important factor w a s the lack of e c o n o m i c deve lopment in reserve c o m m u n i t i e s and their consequent inability to pay their o w n w a y . Partly as a corol lary of these rising " f i xed" c o s t s , perhaps , only 6 . 6 percent of D I A N D ' s annual budgets were available during the 1 9 7 0 s for e c o n o m i c deve lopment purposes (i.e. "var iable" costs ) . M o s t of these monies were provided as contr ibut ions, loans , and loan guarantees through the Indian E c o n o m i c Deve lopment Fund (IEDF), but wi th mixed results. 2 0 S o m e additional funding w a s also m a d e available through programs f rom the C a n a d a E m p l o y m e n t and Immigration C o m m i s s i o n (CEIC), but largely for m a k e - w o r k projects. 21 Contrary to a central thrust of the Whi te Paper , only a smal l a m o u n t of funding w a s m a d e available to reserves through the Department of Regional and E c o n o m i c Expansion (DREE), and m o s t of that took the form of general infrastructure inves tments wi th s o m e t i m e s tenuous c o n n e c t i o n s to long-term e c o n o m i c deve lopment . 2 2 T h e lack of adequate inves tments into e c o n o m i c deve lopment m e a n t , of c o u r s e , that reserve c o m m u n i t i e s b e c a m e even more dependent on the welfare s tate . T h e increasing d e p e n d e n c y of reserve communi t ies on government transfers c a m e at a 9 8 high c o s t , not least to their political leadership. D I A N D , under the guise of wel fare re fo rmism, expanded its penetration into the political affairs of reserve c o m m u n i t i e s by its f inancial control over transfer programs a n d , in doing s o , undermined c o m m u n i t y leadership and accountabi l i ty . A s D y c k notes , "Band Ch ie fs and Counc i l s had b e c o m e so intertwined wi th the Depar tment in partnership ar rangements to have b e c o m e a lmost a sub layer of the federal administrat ive apparatus . " 2 3 S o m e Indian leaders b e c a m e dependent on outside funding agenc ies to maintain their internal c o m m u n i t y power base as f inancial brokers. A c c o r d i n g to D y c k , s u c h leaders m a y appear to represent the interests of their c o m m u n i t i e s in strongly pressing funding requests , but they cannot go too far in biting the hand that ult imately serves to sustain their position of power . T h e s e c o n d signif icant change in federal funding for Indians w a s mass i ve f inancing of Indian national and provincial assoc iat ions to consul t on future policy c h a n g e s . Th is fo l lowed w idespread cr i t ic ism of the h igh -handed manner in w h i c h Indians had been exc luded f rom preparation of the Whi te Paper. Support of Indian assoc ia t ions represented a c o m p l e t e turn around f rom previous federal policy w h i c h had frequently a t tempted to suppress col lect ive Indian organizat ions, notably in British Co lumbia and to a lesser degree in S a s k a t c h e w a n . British Co lumbian Indians had the longest exper ience wi th modern political organizat ions and it w a s not u n e x p e c t e d , therefore, that s o m e of them were to play a very central role in Indian political organizing during the 1 9 7 0 s policy era. 2 4 In 1 9 6 9 , s tatus Indians f rom all ac ross the Province had c o m e together in the Union of British Co lumbia Indian Ch ie fs (UBCIC) to oppose the Whi te Paper. M e a n w h i l e , largely at the initiation of Prairie provincial organizat ions, the powerful National Indian Brotherhood (NIB) w a s also f o r m e d . H o w e v e r , within t w o years a S h u s w a p Indian f rom British C o l u m b i a , the 9 9 late George M a n u e l , took over pres idency of the NIB and held the posit ion for six years until 1 9 7 6 . M a n u e l ' s t w o major priorities at the NIB were consensus -bu i ld ing a m o n g the highly diverse m e m b e r Bands of the Brotherhood and the promotion of c o m m u n i t y deve lopment . Manue l w a s also at the forefront of an international m o v e m e n t to organize indigenous minorities of the "Fourth W o r l d , " w h i c h bore fruit in the Wor ld Counc i l of Indigenous Peoples (WCIP) of w h i c h he w a s the first president. 2 5 He w a s greatly impressed by T a n z a n i a ' s " u j a m a a " a p p r o a c h of decentral ized rural deve lopment , c h a m p i o n e d by its president , Jul ius Nyerere. M a n u e l a t tempted at all t imes to keep a cooperat ive but arms- length relationship wi th the federal government . But, in 1 9 7 4 , against M a n u e l ' s w i s h e s , the NIB did agree to part icipate in a n e w consultat ive m e c h a n i s m on Indian policy. Th i s w a s the so -ca l led Joint NIB/Cabinet C o m m i t t e e ( JNCC) w h i c h c a m e into being largely through the initiative of J o h n Turner , then Minister of F inance in the T rudeau Liberal G o v e r n m e n t . Short ly a f te rwards , M a n u e l resigned f rom the pres idency because of poor heal th , and control of the NIB w a s taken up by a young Prairie Indian, Noel Starblanket . In contrast to M a n u e l ' s grass - roots leadership sty le , Starblanket built up a large staff of we l l - educated Indian bureaucrats like himself . Power w a s central ized within an Internal Pol icy Deve lopment Secretar iat (IPDS) wh ich prepared policy proposals for considerat ion by the NIB's Execut ive C o m m i t t e e . T h e individual Band l inkages s o careful ly nurtured by Manue l were s e v e r e d , and dec is ion -making b e c a m e more central ized within NIB staff and representat ives f rom m e m b e r provincial assoc ia t ions , w h o together m a d e up the Execut ive . 100 T h e NIB Execut ive joined the J N C C together with Federal Ministers f rom the Cab ine ts ' Soc ia l Planning C o m m i t t e e . Underneath were t w o support ing tiers of consul tat ive m e c h a n i s m s , the lower of w h i c h compr i sed five Joint Work ing Groups ( J W G ' s ) m a d e up of NIB t e c h n o c r a t s and federal (largely DIAND) bureaucrats . O n e of these groups had responsibi l i ty for formulat ing a joint S o c i o - E c o n o m i c Deve lopment St rategy for cons iderat ion by the J N C C , w h i c h is the subject matter of this c a s e study . It s o o n b e c a m e apparent that both s ides had gone into the J N C C wi th different expectat ions . T h e federal gove rnment , wishing to avoid repeating the Whi te Paper d e b a c l e , sought to consult Indians on h o w best to implement federal policies so that it could avoid confrontat ion later. In cont ras t , the NIB c a m e to the J N C C with high expectat ions of sharing po l icy -making powers on an equal basis . W h e n these expectat ions were not fulf i l led, it w e n t to the other ex t reme of d e m a n d i n g control over designing Indian policies and programs to be funded by the federal government . T h e S o c i o - E c o n o m i c Strategy w a s one casua l ty of this power struggle. A s descr ibed be low , planning of the Strategy p roceeded in three phases e a c h culminat ing in a report : - -Phase O n e : NIB/DIAND S o c i o - E c o n o m i c Deve lopment Strategy . First, D I A N D provided funding to the NIB for defining general deve lopment object ives. Similiar to w h a t Richard Dunning had proposed in his critique of the Whi te Paper , D I A N D ' s idea w a s that Indians should be a l lowed to des ign their o w n deve lopment strategies. T h e phase one Report w a s prepared by a largely non-Indian group centered in V ic tor ia , and approved by the NIB General A s s e m b l y . 2 6 101 M u c h of the first report is pure territorial deve lopment theory , and its main inspiration appears to have been S c h u m a c h e r ' s Smal l is Beautiful . 2 7 C o n c e r n is expressed about the fo rces of homogen iza t ion , special izat ion, and central ization w h i c h have been unleashed on smal l c o m m u n i t i e s by industrial soc ie ty , but w h i c h are s e e n , never the less , as a transit ion before the inevitable m o v e m e n t towards a global "post - industr ial soc ie t y . " 2 8 Smal l c o m m u n i t i e s are s e e n as best p laced to m a n a g e t ransformat ion to the n e w era where the e m p h a s i s wou ld be on conservat ion rather than c o n s u m p t i o n , decentral izat ion rather than bureaucrat izat ion, and on meet ing social needs rather than those of e c o n o m i c m a n . Furthermore, Indian communi t ies are env isaged to have a particular advantage for meet ing this chal lenge b e c a u s e of their traditional form of organizat ion, a n d , indeed , could serve as mode ls for post- industr ial reconstruct ion e lsewhere . T h e report recognizes that reserve c o m m u n i t i e s in the welfare state are not what they used to be , and will need themse lves to undergo "cultural educat ional p r o c e s s e s . " 2 9 T h e y wou ld a lso require a plethora of additional transfer funding , including "federal basic serv ices fund ing , " "equal izat ion grants ," " e m p l o y m e n t subs id ies , " and "equity cap i ta l . " 3 0 Apparent l y , the bot tom line w a s that Indian communi t ies could only b e c o m e mode ls for "post - industr ia l " soc ie ty with considerable support f rom the present "industrial soc ie ty . " T h e Report bor rowed f rom the Canad ian Counci l for Rural D e v e l o p m e n t ' s recent D e v e l o p m e n t Strategy for the Mid -Nor th of C a n a d a . 31 Spec i f ica l ly , it p icked up its idea of local c o m m u n i t i e s coordinat ing senior government programs to maximize local benefit . G iven the purpose of the C C R D Report w h i c h w a s to redirect D R E E ' s regional deve lopment p rograms, it w a s striking that the Strategy planners did not look beyond the boundaries of Indian c o m m u n i t i e s to seek w a y s for them to build a sustainable e c o n o m i c base . 1 0 2 Phase T w o : NIB/DIAND S o c i o - E c o n o m i c Deve lopment Strategy If a regional d imens ion w a s lacking f rom the phase -one report, the comple te delet ion of a c o m m u n i t y f o c u s w a s even more striking in the fol lowing p h a s e - t w o report. 3 2 D I A N D funded the NIB in this phase to c a n v a s s responses f rom its m e m b e r provincial organizat ions to the deve lopment object ives laid out in the phase -one report. A l s o , they were to compi le inventories of potential deve lopment resources on reserves . T h e f indings were descr ibed in a report, again prepared by a largely non-Indian task force with s o m e over lapping m e m b e r s h i p f rom the first task fo rce , including the first and s e c o n d chai rpersons (both non-Indians). T h e s e c o n d report bore hardly any resemblance to the first, but l ikewise w a s approved by the NIB Genera l A s s e m b l y . No references c a n be found to any " b o t t o m - u p " deve lopment t h e m e or, i ndeed , to any coherent deve lopment strategy at all . Instead, the n e w report mundane ly enumerated techn iques and justif ications for extract ing more transfer funding f rom the federal government . Its major r e c o m m e n d a t i o n w a s for D I A N D to immediate ly invest $ 7 2 . 4 million in " B a n d master planning m e c h a n i s m s , " s o that Bands could total up their needs for federal programs. A specia l point w a s m a d e , w h i c h will be explained b e l o w , of d e m a n d i n g that the NIB would negotiate Indian funding levels directly wi th the T reasury Board , and that all agreed federal monies for Indians wou ld be transferred to t h e m through D I A N D under a " o n e - a g e n c y c o n c e p t . " 3 3 In c o m p l e t e contradict ion to the c o m m u n i t y - b a s e d nature of the first report, the NIB also proposed to a s s u m e D I A N D ' s present t o p - d o w n control of Band funding as its o w n prerogative. Spec i f ica l ly , a three-t iered structure wou ld be establ ished under the ausp ices 1 0 3 of the NIB for progressively "rol l ing-up" Band funding requests into provincial assoc iat ion plans, w h i c h in turn would be consol idated into one national plan by the NIB's Internal Policy Deve lopment Secretar iat (IPDS), and then the budgets transferred f rom D I A N D wou ld in turn be al located back d o w n through the three hierarchal t iers. Th i s proposal bore more than a pass ing resemblance to D I A N D ' s o w n programming and budgeting procedures . A greater abortion of George M a n u e l ' s vision of decentral ized c o m m u n i t y control wou ld be hard to imagine. S o m e explanat ion for NIB's f inancing proposals c a n be found in their response to a Cab inet -approved Indian Relationship Paper of that s a m e year. 3 4 Th is policy gave shape to the g o v e r n m e n t ' s at tempt to recognize a more distinct Indian identity, s o m e w h a t similar to the c o n c e p t of "cit izen plus" originated by the Hawthorn Report . E lements of government responsibil it ies for Indians were grouped into t w o categor ies , the first cover ing particular Indian status rights c o n n e c t e d with the Indian A c t , reserve lands and local gove rnment , and the s e c o n d cover ing programs of general appl icat ion to status Indians (along wi th other d isadvantaged Canad ians ) , s u c h as for social se rv ices , housing and e c o n o m i c deve lopment . T h e G o v e r n m e n t ' s n e w policy paper raised a broad range of c o n c e r n s w h i c h were roundly crit icized by the NIB. 3 5 Of particular s igni f icance for subsequent progress of the S o c i o - E c o n o m i c Deve lopment St rategy w a s the g o v e r n m e n t ' s recognit ion of considerable diversity a m o n g different Indian groups , and the c o n s e q u e n t need for consul tat ion at not only the national (i.e. NIB) level , but a lso at provincial and individual band levels. Th i s , of course , wou ld serve to bypass the NIB's central ized role for dealing wi th the federal government on policy i ssues . Even worse for NIB aspirat ions, the present government m a d e it abundant ly clear that a l though they were prepared to 104 consul t wi th Indians, they would not delegate what it cons idered w a s its o w n proper execut ive and legislative responsibil it ies for social pol icy. T h e Indian Relat ionships Paper also indicated the G o v e r n m e n t ' s intent to consul t on making "p rograms n o w in p lace" more cos t -e f fec t i ve "in full a w a r e n e s s of the galloping inflation in c o s t s for Indian programs and the continuing need for restraint in government s p e n d i n g " 3 6 More cost -shar ing with other federal agenc ies and the prov inces w a s also impl ied. Cons iderable Indian c o n c e r n s were also raised by placing programs s u c h as educat ion in the "genera l " category of government responsibil it ies w h i c h were widely regarded by Indians as a "particular" right. Understandably , m a n y of these m e a s u r e s were s e e n as highly reminiscent of the recent Whi te Paper. T h e s e threats to Indian funding are w h a t lay behind the NIB proposals in the p h a s e - t w o strategy report to institutionalize a n e w budget m e c h a n i s m wh ich would afford t h e m more direct leverage on central funding a g e n c i e s , whi le still ensure that all funds be directed through D I A N D to avoid c o m p e t i n g directly against other interest groups. Phase T h r e e : NIB/DIAND S o c i o - E c o n o m i c Deve lopment Strategy . Regrettably , it w a s in this a tmosphere of considerable Indian distrust of government intentions that phase- three of the joint s o c i o - e c o n o m i c strategy p r o c e e d e d . D I A N D , by this t ime w a s clearly looking for more creative and realistic proposals to lessen reserve d e p e n d e n c y than had previously been a d v a n c e d by the NIB a lone. A joint National Indian S o c i o - E c o n o m i c Deve lopment C o m m i t t e e (NISEDC) w a s establ ished wi th independent s tatus under the pres idency of J a c k Beaver , a M o h a w k Indian w h o had previously been a v ice -pres ident for Ontar io Hydro . In the m e a n t i m e , however , the NIB suddenly and 105 s o m e w h a t inexpl icably w i thdrew f rom the J N C C , al though it had provided t h e m with an unprecedented level of a c c e s s to the federal cabinet . O n e probable factor in their w i thdrawal w a s probably the confrontat ion wh ich had occurred in J N C C meet ings over the quest ion of specia l Indian rights, with M a r c Lo lande, speaking for the Cab inet , say ing that " you have not c o n v i n c e d us that these special areas (e.g. education) are properly areas of spec ia l rights for Indians over and above the larger populat ion ." 3 7 T h e NIB m a y also have been trying to posit ion themse lves a w a y f rom the Liberals in expectat ion of the Conserva t i ves winning the next e lect ion. B e c a u s e of the NIB's wi thdrawal f rom the J N C C and their opposit ion to J a c k Beaver ' s independent s tatus , the phase- three strategy report w a s c o m p l e t e d without their invo lvement . 3 8 T o Have W h a t is O n e ' s O w n , or the "Beaver Report" as it is c o m m o n l y k n o w n , marked itself f rom the NIB's narrow budgetary f o c u s by observ ing that , despite large infusions of transfer funding into Indian reserves , there were still unacceptab l y low rates of improvement in their social and e c o n o m i c condi t ions . T h e Report presciently attr ibuted this to both the cont inuing colonial role of D I A N D and the power - seek ing pretensions of Indian political assoc ia t ions locked together in "antagonist ic mutual d e p e n d e n c e " 3 9 . T h e Beaver Report neither rejected nor reaff i rmed the idealistic portrayal of a renascent territorial Indian soc iety presented in the original strategy report, but instead p laced pragmat ic rel iance on cultural ly -sensit ive, adapt ive deve lopment . Beaver remained true, h o w e v e r , to the c o m m u n i t y - b a s e d f o c u s of the first report, a l though his report w a s similarly def ic ient in the limited attention given to regional deve lopment . Beaver straightforwardly proposed to replace D I A N D ' s current t o p - d o w n deve lopment 1 0 6 policies wi th the fol lowing two -par t strategy for c o m m u n i t y e c o n o m i c d e v e l o p m e n t , as quoted f rom his report: -(a) Indian se l f -government , wh ich will give bands the option to exerc ise full p o w e r s to m a n a g e their o w n affairs ; a n d , (b) C o m m u n i t v - b a s e d planning and deve lopment w h i c h will set the condit ions enabl ing Indian communi t ies to m o v e out in the direction of self - re l iance and to root out the devastat ing e f fec ts of d e p e n d e n c y . 4 0 Beaver ' s p roposed strategy involved decentral iz ing suff ic ient political powers to the Band level for t h e m to take the initiative in redeveloping their e c o n o m i e s . Rather than speci fy ing a priori any spec i f ic model of deve lopment , it w a s expected that individual Bands would plan their o w n individual deve lopment paths. Th is w a s similiar to Dunning 's proposal , ment ioned a b o v e , that Indians should evolve their o w n deve lopment mode ls in place of those i m p o s e d by government , but Beaver differed in rejecting any s u c h role for the NIB. Indeed, not only did Beaver recognize considerable diversity a m o n g B a n d s , but he c o n t e n d e d that nothing would happen as long as D I A N D and the NIB were locked into "Indian versus G o v e r n m e n t " compet i t ion for control of po l i cy -making . 41 T h u s , it w a s as m u c h to e s c a p e the t o p - d o w n constraints imposed by national and provincial Indian assoc ia t ions as it w a s to b e c o m e unshack led f rom D I A N D ' s colonial ist contro l , that he a d v o c a t e d Indian se l f -government at the Band level. Beaver ' s c o n c e p t s on the form w h i c h Indian se l f -government wou ld take were s o m e w h a t v a g u e . He did propose that a larger s c o p e of potential Band p o w e r s cou ld be a l lowed for in a revised Indian A c t , to be d rawn upon by individual Bands w h e n needed and accord ing to their o w n level and rate of deve lopment . Over the longer t e r m , it w a s also env isaged 1 0 7 that there wou ld be an evolut ion towards even more a u t o n o m o u s Band powers through const i tut ional revis ion. T h e Beaver Report w a s not altogether clear on the precise interrelationships b e t w e e n "Indian se l f - government" , on the one h a n d , and " c o m m u n i t y -based planning and d e v e l o p m e n t " on the other. It s e e m e d to suggest , h o w e v e r , that c o m m u n i t y - b a s e d planning and deve lopment should both derive f r o m , and reinforce more a u t o n o m o u s political deve lopment . Th is wou ld be ach ieved by using the planning process for c o m m u n i t y revital ization, designing programs to meet local n e e d s instead of merely administer ing D I A N D programs, and increasing levels of local c o m p e t e n c i e s for self -m a n a g e m e n t . T h e NIB's response to Beaver ' s report are recorded in their 1 9 7 9 / 1 9 8 0 : A n n u a l Report on S o c i o - E c o n o m i c Deve lopment . 4 2 T h e y at tempted to discredit all of Beaver ' s report by picking on one of his r e c o m m e n d a t i o n s for D I A N D to cont inue in a different form as a facil itator for the proposed St rategy , w h i c h w a s s o m e w h a t hypocrit ical consider ing their o w n proposed " o n e - a g e n c y c o n c e p t , " to say nothing of the NIB's previous s i lence over the Whi te Paper 's proposal for dismantl ing D I A N D . W h a t aggravated the NIB m o s t , h o w e v e r , w a s Beaver ' s unfortunate , overly t renchant cr i t ic ism of their shared b lame in delaying progress at the Band level . T h e NIB A s s e m b l y reaff i rmed their d e m a n d s for investment funds m a d e in the p h a s e - t w o report, backing this up wi th a resolution that " e c o n o m i c deve lopment is a treaty and aboriginal right." 4 3 T h e y also requested that the Minister for D I A N D transfer more funding to t h e m to cont inue planning the St rategy , including sett ing up nine different task fo rces and s u b - c o m m i t t e e s under its o w n aegis to research sectoral and regional i ssues . In reply, J a k e Epp , the Minister for D I A N D in J o e C la rk 's short - l ived Conservat i ve G o v e r n m e n t , pointedly quest ioned whether "the creat ion of national 1 0 8 m e c h a n i s m s s u c h as you propose are a necessary precondit ion . . . to support appropriate planning and deve lopment procedures at the Band leve l . " 4 4 H o w e v e r , the G o v e r n m e n t did not have the resolve to implement the Beaver Report 's proposed c o m m u n i t y e c o n o m i c d e v e l o p m e n t approach on an individual Bands basis . A valuable opportunity w a s lost. S o m e c o m m e n t a t o r s have ascr ibed the impasse in Indian-state relations during this period to manipulat ive a t tempts by D I A N D to regain control of Indian pol icy after defeat of the Whi te Paper . 4 5 Th is conc lus ion c a n certainly not be supported by the ev idence of this c a s e s tudy . A l s o , D I A N D had clearly lost m u c h of its previous a u t o n o m y over Indian pol icy by the 1 9 7 0 s , and w a s more subordinated to the larger political env i ronment of the federal government , including strong central a g e n c y contro l . 4 6 W h a t about the role of Indian groups in creating this impasse with the state? Clear ly , the n e w Indian national ism played a part in strident d e m a n d s for taking over federal government powers . Tanner also notes that Indian leaders have been adept at using their d isadvantaged posit ion of wardsh ip to embar rass the government and assert their specia l r ights, but in protect ing this valuable bargaining resource f rom being w e a k e n e d in their political compet i t ion for power and resources , they h a v e , paradoxical ly , " tended to perpetuate their o w n colonized s ta tus . " 4 7 Th is m a y also help to explain w h y the NIB opted for the s tatus quo rather than to cooperate in improving the plight of dependent reserve c o m m u n i t i e s . 4.4 C a s e S t u d y T w o : Northern Regional Deve lopment Projects T h e minimal attention given to a regional perspect ive in the joint NIB/DIAND E c o n o m i c D e v e l o p m e n t St rategy w a s especial ly surprising, g iven contemporary events unfolding in the North . T h e planning of m e g a projects to extract the North 's rich energy resources 1 0 9 brought pressures for settl ing unext inguished aboriginal c la ims ac ross broad t racts of land. T h e J a m e s Bay and M a c k e n z i e Va l ley projects, in particular, a lso catapul ted the issue of w h a t w a s an "appropr iate" regional deve lopment strategy to the forefront of the Indian pol icy debate in the latter part of the 1 9 7 0 s . Federal government policy towards Indians in the North during this t ime w a s largely guided by its " c o m p r e h e n s i v e c la ims pol icy ," introduced in 1 9 7 3 . 4 8 In contrast to the Whi te Paper , the n e w c la ims policy clearly a c k n o w l e d g e s the principle of aboriginal rights both in areas wi thout t reat ies, s u c h as in J a m e s Bay , and in areas where there are treaties but these have not satisfactori ly ext inguished aboriginal rights, as w a s thought to be the c a s e in the M a c k e n z i e Va l ley (partly, because no reserves had been created) . T h e n e w policy speci f ica l ly requires that respect ive provincial governments join in trilateral ag reements together wi th the federal government and a f fec ted aboriginal g roups , b e c a u s e of their jurisdiction over lands and m o s t natural resources (which occur red in the c a s e of the J a m e s Bay and Northern Q u e b e c Agreement ) . T h e set t lement p a c k a g e s c a n be quite flexible. Rather than being straightforwardly assimi lat ive, they c a n be des igned , for ins tance , to provide not only "concre te and lasting benefits in the context of contemporary soc ie t y , " but also to "keep and protect Indian and Inuit peop les ' s e n s e of identity ." 4 9 Th is c a n be ach ieved through a mix of land and f inancial c o m p e n s a t i o n , a s wel l as protect ion of hunt ing, f ishing, and trapping rights, and participation in manag ing the regional resource base . A t the t ime the n e w c la ims pol icy w a s in t roduced, preparatory work had already started on the huge J a m e s Bay hydro d e v e l o p m e n t s , and recent complet ion of the U . S . A l a s k a 1 1 0 pipeline had prompted proposals for pipelines through the M a c k e n z i e Va l ley . T h e A l a s k a Native C la ims Set t lement A c t ( A N C S A ) of 1971 provided an example to C a n a d i a n s of a c la ims set t lement w h i c h w a s used not only to ext inguish native title, but a lso a s an explicit vehic le for social deve lopment of aboriginal peoples in the region. T h e A c t c a m e into being as a m e a n s to unlock the dead lock on the proposed 9 0 0 - m i l e A l a s k a oil pipeline f rom Prudhoe Bay to the Gulf of A l a s k a , brought about by a Federal f reeze on the disposit ion of State lands until aboriginal native title w a s ext inguished. Under the leadership of Senator (Scoop) J a c k s o n A N C S A w a s also u s e d , accord ing to one of his a ides , a s a vehic le for "a very radical effort at social engineering . . . done on a very , very ca lcu lated bas is . " 5 0 Th is grand des ign for regional deve lopment f o c u s e d on using oil revenues to ass ist A l a s k a n nat ives leave the "culture of poverty" assoc ia ted with their marginal hunting and fishing l i festyle, and to join the modern industrial sector . Influential m e m b e r s of C o n g r e s s b locked any a t tempts to extend the reservat ion s y s t e m f rom the " lower forty -eight" into A l a s k a . W h e n A l a s k a natives agreed to complete ly ext inguish their aboriginal title in perpetuity, a vas t , hierarchal s y s t e m of regional and vil lage corporat ions w a s establ ished on business- l ike principles to m a n a g e native shareholders ' portfolios of land al locat ions and c a s h p a y m e n t s . Modern izat ion , it s e e m e d , did not even need to fol low a s e q u e n c e of " R o s t o w i a n " s tages but could be done in one big jump. A t the t ime, even a Canad ian legal a d v o c a t e of native rights, Doug S a n d e r s , praised this " imaginat ive social p lanning" as a w a y to " c o m b i n e resource deve lopment , native c la ims , and e c o n o m i c and social deve lopment in one s c h e m e . " 51 But, as w a s to b e c o m e readily apparent later, the whole design of A N C S A w a s predicated on a " top d o w n " funct ional approach to regional deve lopment , w h i c h w a s not s o m u c h c o n c e r n e d 111 wi th meet ing the specia l needs of A l a s k a natives as it w a s with clearing the w a y for d e v e l o p m e n t and assimilat ing Indians into an A l a s k a n e c o n o m y dominated by southern metropol i tan interests. More recent ly , m a n y of the numerous regional and vil lage corporat ions w h i c h were set up under A N C S A are sliding into bankruptcy , and corporat ion shares are n o w open to outside purchasing after the lapsing of a morator ium period. T h e latter feature of the agreement , especia l ly , i l lustrates its terminationist intent to remove A l a s k a nat ives ' specia l s tatus and to bring about their comple te assimi lat ion. A N C S A had considerable inf luence in C a n a d a , beginning as a positive model for emulat ion by government to supposed ly mitigate the impacts of energy resource extract ion on aboriginal peoples but, later, w h e n its assimilat ive impl icat ions b e c a m e fully unders tood , as a negat ive model to be avoided at all cos ts by aboriginal groups . J a m e s Bay and Northern Q u e b e c A g r e e m e n t ( J B N Q A ) . 1 9 7 5 T h e A l a s k a set t lement model clearly provided inspiration for the later J a m e s Bay A g r e e m e n t s igned by the J a m e s Bay C ree , the province of Q u e b e c , and the Canad ian federal government . 5 2 But, the J B N Q A does not share A N C S A ' s terminationist a n d , therefore , assimilat ionist goals . Like A l a s k a n nat ives , the Cree (as wel l a s s o m e neighbouring Inuit) did ext inguish their aboriginal title in return for a set t lement of c a s h and se lec ted lands. T h e s e lands are differentiated into three categor ies : 'I' for set t lement purposes wi th similiar s tatus to reserve lands; 'II' for exc lusive Cree hunting and f ishing, a n d ; 'III,' making up the largest bulk of the al locat ions, for restr icted traditional uses . A hierarchial s y s t e m of institutions has also been estab l ished , a l though, unlike the A l a s k a n agreement , they are more political than e c o n o m i c in nature. Spec i f ica l ly , munic ipal 112 corporat ions are establ ished for e a c h of the eight Cree Bands under a Cree Regional Author i ty (CRA) . T h e latter serves as an umbrella organization for coordinat i