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Tourists, art and airports : the Vancouver international airport as a site of cultural negotiation Leddy, Shannon C. 1997

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TOURISTS, ART AND AIRPORTS; THE VANCOUVER INTERNATIONAL AIRPORT AS A SITE OF CULTURAL NEGOTIATION by SHANNON C. LEDDY B.A. (Honours) University of Saskatchewan, 1994 A THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE:.DEGREE OF MASTER OF ARTS in THE FACULTY OF GRADUATE STUDIES (Department of Art History) We accept t h i s thesis as conforming to the required standard THE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA A p r i l 1997 ©SHANNON C. LEDDY, 1997 In p resen t ing this thesis in partial fu l f i lment of the requ i remen ts fo r an advanced degree at the Universi ty o f British C o l u m b i a , I agree that t h e Library shall make it f reely available f o r re ference and study. I fu r ther agree that permiss ion fo r ex tens ive c o p y i n g of this thesis f o r scholar ly pu rposes may be g ran ted by the head o f m y d e p a r t m e n t or by his o r her representat ives. It is u n d e r s t o o d that c o p y i n g o r pub l i ca t i on o f this thesis fo r f inancial gain shall n o t be a l l o w e d w i t h o u t m y w r i t t e n permiss ion . D e p a r t m e n t of /htf rilSTVtZy The Univers i ty of Brit ish C o l u m b i a Vancouver , Canada Date A^/ZJL gf^ffi?-DE-6 (2/88) 1 1 ABSTRACT This work deals with the notion of hybridity; an ideal moment of c u l t u r a l negotiation which r e s u l t s , i n the words of Homi Bhabha, i n the creation of a 'third space.' This t h e o r e t i c a l plateau i s formed by two parties whose agendas, while ostensibly c o n f l i c t i n g , overlap enough so that each informs the space but neither dominates i t . In t h i s case I examine a s p e c i f i c s i t e of hybridity, the " A r r i v a l s Passengers Only" area of the Vancouver International A i r p o r t . Here, the space i s informed by the presence of works, created by the Coast S a l i s h Musqueam people, i n the Airport Terminal, created by the Vancouver International Airport Authority. While t h i s sort of negotiation can be described using p o s i t i v e and progressive terms, and the creation of a t h i r d space represents a compelling i d e a l , I argue that the moment of hybrid i t y within the a i r p o r t i s ultimately undermined by other areas of the building i n which no negotiation has taken place. The airport's role as a business necessitates marketing strategies aimed mainly at t o u r i s t s and other business i n t e r e s t s . Since v i r t u a l l y the entire building i s devoted to that market, the negotiated hybrid space becomes hidden so that i t s potential impact i s l o s t . Although p a r t i c i p a t i n g i n the creation of a working model of culture with the Musqueam people, the Airport ends up d e s t a b i l i s i n g that model and the space, the "third space, 1 which contains This p a r t i c u l a r example points to a s i t e s p e c i f i c aspect of contemporary North American culture by drawing on the l o c a l community as a source for investigating that discourse. The thesis, then, has two points of entry; the ephemeral discourse of c u l t u r a l negotiation and the l o c a l l y grounded freeze-frame view of one s i t e i n contemporary Vancouver. i v TABLE OF CONTENTS ABSTRACT i i TABLE OF CONTENTS i v ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS v LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS v i INTRODUCTION 1 CHAPTER ONE 12 Early Travel Writing 12 Modern Tourism 15 Tourism i n the YVR 20 Tourism i n other Airport Sites 24 CHAPTER TWO 31 Context of Work 31 Rationales 37 H i s t o r i c a l Context of Display Practices 40 Intentions Regarding Art 45 CHAPTER THREE - 4 9 Segregation and F e t i s h i z a t i o n 49 Representation 53 Reduction 54 Tokenism . 57 Cultural Negotiation and the Third Space 59 CHAPTER FOUR 62 Creation of Tourist Moments 62 YVR on the Internet 67 CONCLUSION 73 ILLUSTRATIONS • 79 REFERENCES 92 V ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS In the course of preparing t h i s thesis I have been aided by the support, time and knowledge of many people. For taking time out of t h e i r busy schedules to share t h e i r wisdom and knowledge with me, I wish to thank Debra Sparrow and K r i s t a Point of the Musqueam S a l i s h Nation; Howard Grant, Band Manager for the Musqueam S a l i s h people; B i l l McLennan, of the Museum of Anthropology, U.B.C.; Frank O'Neill, President of V i s i t o r Services, YVR; Winnie Cheng and Carl Rey, also of the YVR; and Rosalie Wilson, former Art Ambassador at the YVR. For t h e i r patience, academic expertise and greatly appreciated painstaking attention to d e t a i l , I would l i k e to thank Dr. John 0'Brian, my f i r s t reader, and Dr. Marvin Cohodas, both of the University of B r i t i s h Columbia. Their guidance, d i r e c t i o n and support rendered a long and arduous process both i n t e l l e c t u a l l y stimulating and personally rewarding. Fellow students and friends, Stephanie Dragonas and Joan Handwerg, have also been unfathomably patient i n a s s i s t i n g me to c l a r i f y my thoughts. Their kindness i n allowing me to plumb t h e i r combined i n t e l l e c t s , i n the sharing of t h e i r resources, and i n t h e i r consistent friendship and emotional support above and beyond the c a l l of duty leave me permanently indebted to them. In addition, I would l i k e to extend my heart f e l t thanks to David Knudsen whose keen i n t e l l e c t and rigorous debating s k i l l s helped to guide me through the murky waters of my own creative process. His time, support and tenderness have sustained me through more than one dark moment in bringing t h i s work to completion. F i n a l l y , I would l i k e to thank my family. F i r s t , my grandparents, Agnes and Wilfred Chamney, whose emotional and f i n a n c i a l support was u n f a i l i n g ; your encouragement and love have been deeply appreciated and I thank you. My mother, Eileen Leddy, must be credited for stimulating me from an early age, giving me the c u r i o s i t y to develope interests and the tools to pursue them. Your u n f a i l i n g f a i t h i n me, even when I had l i t t l e myself, and your boundless love w i l l always be the most precious of my treasures; thanks Mom. And, l a s t but not least, my brothers, Connor, Brendan and James, who have consistently helped to keep me i n my place and to remember that sometimes, humour i s one's only recourse (you guys are the greatest). To a l l of you l i s t e d here and to the many others who helped along the way, THANK YOU. My love and respect goes out to you a l l . Shannon C. Leddy Vancouver, 1997 v i LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS FIGURE 1: Totem Poles, E a r l Muldoe and Walter Harris. Dimensions unavailable. Red Cedar. Vancouver Museum. Currently i n s t a l l e d at Chester Johnson Park, YVR. FIGURE 2: The S p i r i t of Haida Gwaii/The Jade Canoe, B i l l Reid. 4.8m x 3m, 3.3m x 1.5m, 3.6m x 2.7m. 10,8001bs. Bronze. 1993. YVRAA. Currently i n s t a l l e d at YVR. FIGURE 3: Great Wave Wall, Lutz Haufschild. 40m x 10m. Glass Bricks. 1996. YVRAA. Currently i n s t a l l e d at YVR. FIGURE 4: P a c i f i c Market, Left Side. Second Floor, Vancouver International Airport. International Terminal. FIGURE 5: P a c i f i c Market, Right Side. FIGURE 6: Coast S a l i s h Weavinqs, Debra Sparrow, Robyn Sparrow, K r i s t a Point, Gina Grant, Helen Calbreath. 1.75m x 5m. Sheeps wool, Hand dyed and spun. YVRAA. Currently i n s t a l l e d at YVR. FIGURE 7: Spindle Whorl, Susan Point. 4.8m x 30cm(middle) 15cm(edges). Red Cedar. YVRAA. Currently i n s t a l l e d at YVR. FIGURE 8: Welcome Figures, Shane Pointe and Susan Point. 5.1m x 1.05m x 1.05m. Red Cedar and Glass plates. YVRAA. Currently i n s t a l l e d at YVR. FIGURE 9: Welcome Figures, anterior view FIGURE 10: Cedar 'Lonqhouse', Now a 'Carving Shack' t h i s was the temporary home of the "Jade Canoe" while on Granville Island. Photographed September, 1995. FIGURE 11: YVR Art Foundation Donation Box located at Granville Island S i t e . Photographed September, 1995. FIGURE 12: YVR Art Foundation Text Panel o u t l i n i n g the Mission statement of the Foundation with Sponsor L i s t at ri g h t . Photographed September, 1995. FIGURE 13: " S p i r i t of Haida Gwaii", B i l l Reid, A p r i l 11th, 1994. Reid's description of Canoe figures. Photographed September, 1995. 1 INTRODUCTION "What one thinks of any region, while t r a v e l l i n g through, i s the r e s u l t of at least three things: what one knows, what one imagines, and how one i s disposed" 1 Vancouver's f i r s t a i rport, the C i t y of Vancouver's Sea Island Airport, was opened just a f t e r the f i r s t World War, with passenger f l i g h t service commencing in 1932. The o r i g i n a l f a c i l i t i e s , including a post-World War II expansion, were run by the C i t y of Vancouver u n t i l the entire operation was purchased by the federal government i n 1962. In 1968 the o r i g i n a l portion of the current terminal was o f f i c i a l l y opened, having been designed to capacitate 3.5 m i l l i o n people per year. By 1995 that terminal was handling nearly 12 m i l l i o n passengers annually. 2 In 1992 the Federal government relinquished i t s control over the Vancouver International Airport (YVR) and management duties were returned to l o c a l powers, under the terms of a s i x t y year lease from the Department of Transport. To t h i s end, the Vancouver International Airport Authority (YVRAA) was established to run the m u l t i - m i l l i o n d o l l a r f a c i l i t y . The YVRAA consists of a Board of Directors chaired by Chester A. Johnson (for whom the small rock garden i n front of the new terminal building was named) as well as a number of senior managers responsible for various aspects of the a i r p o r t ' s functioning. Airport Services, the branch i n charge of the 'Barry Lopez: 1986, 271 2SkyTalk: 1996, 40-41 2 placement of the art which i s the major concern of t h i s paper, i s run by the president of Airport Services, Frank O ' N e i l l . The year 1996 marked the o f f i c i a l opening of the new International Terminal building, an appendage of the e x i s t i n g terminal structure, at an estimated cost of $250 m i l l i o n . A t h i r d runway was also b u i l t and opened l a t e r the same year i n order to deal with the increase i n both international and domestic a i r t r a v e l . Although not mentioned i n the o f f i c i a l Souvenir booklet commemorating the a i r p o r t ' s opening, Howard Grant, Band Manager for the Musqueam S a l i s h people on whose t r a d i t i o n a l lands the a i r p o r t i s situated, confirmed i n a private interview that the new runway abuts an h i s t o r i c Musqueam b u r i a l s i t e . In addition, there are a number of invaluable midden s i t e s i n the region ( e s s e n t i a l l y garbage dumps or 'toss zones' used h i s t o r i c a l l y by the Musqueam people), a factor which w i l l be returned to i n a l a t e r chapter of t h i s work, and one which s i g n i f i c a n t l y complicates the placement of Musqueam work within the a i r p o r t . 3 This thesis focuses on the new International a i r p o r t as a p l a c e - s p e c i f i c example of a representative moment of hybridit y created through c u l t u r a l negotiation. I w i l l argue that the space of the "Arrivals Passengers Only' area housing 3Midden Sites are of p a r t i c u l a r importance to students of F i r s t Nations cultures including F i r s t Nations people themselves as they can provide a great deal of archaeological evidence regarding past lifeways. B u r i a l s i t e s r e t a i n the same importance and also r e f l e c t the sacredness around the disposal of the dead. 3 the Musqueam work i s , i n fact, a working model of culture forged by the meeting of the 'dominant1 and the 1 other 1 where the dominant i s represented by the physical space of the a i r p o r t and the other i s represented by the art of the Musqueam S a l i s h people within that space. I w i l l use the insights of Homi Bhabha to i l l u s t r a t e that t h i s meeting and negotiation has resulted i n the creation of a 'third space' or a plateau of mutual agreement which i s dominated by the interests of neither party but informed by both. While t h i s 'third space,' which I posit as being i n t r i n s i c within the International A r r i v a l s area, represents a compelling i d e a l , I w i l l l a t e r discuss the ways i n which the c l e a r l y c o n f l i c t i n g agendas of the Musqueam and the YVR do, i n fact, involve a power struggle, e f f e c t i v e l y compromising the Utopian claims of the hybrid moment. Because of the a i r p o r t ' s stature as a business, i t s marketing strategies dominate the rest of the building, untempered by the process of the negotiation with the Musqueam which,took place elsewhere i n the terminal. The r e s u l t i n g e f f e c t i s that the working model of hybrid culture set f o r t h by the creation of the t h i r d space i s d e s t a b i l i s e d , not only because i t occurs within a f i n i t e and r e s t r i c t e d space but also because i t i s superseded by the marketing strategies deployed within the building as a whole. By examining t h i s snap-shot example of a hybrid moment my thesis refers to the discourse of a larger continuum of c u l t u r a l negotiation, a pervasive process i n the late 20th 4 Century as more and more people from a v a r i e t y of cultures seek to occupy the same spaces. This p a r t i c u l a r example points to a s i t e s p e c i f i c aspect of contemporary North American culture by drawing on the l o c a l community as a source for investigating that discourse. The thesis, then, has two points of entry; the ephemeral discourse of c u l t u r a l negotiation and the l o c a l l y grounded freeze-frame view of one s i t e i n contemporary Vancouver. To return to that s i t e (the airport) the idea of i n t e r i o r design thematics i s a c r u c i a l concept both i n terms of the air p o r t as a whole and i n terms of i t s passenger a t t r a c t i n g marketing strategies. The focus of the YVR's theme i s Celebrating Nature and Culture i n which both the natural environment and F i r s t Nations cultures are emphasised.4 A l l of the elements within the New International Terminal Building which contribute to the theme were decided upon p r i o r to the sele c t i o n and engagement of the architects and a r t i s t s involved. E s s e n t i a l l y , then, the Project D e f i n i t i o n Report, i n which the theme i s described, became the template for the completed project/ and a l l designs were completed within the parameters outlined therein. Carpets and l i g h t f i x t u r e s were chosen to r e f l e c t the chevron or 'V shape of the building. Because the use of wooden support p i l l a r s i s prohibited by earthquake safety standards, metal support p i l l a r s had to be 4Project D e f i n i t i o n Report: N.D. 5 used. In keeping with the theme, however, even these were designed to refer to the forestation and logging industries i n B r i t i s h Columbia. Natural wood and wood adorned with F i r s t Nations design elements has been used i n as many places as possible both by the YVR and by some of the r e t a i l e r s at the s i t e (such as the Alld e r ' s Duty Free shop which features, as a p a r t i a l store front, a large, low r e l i e f panel carved by B r i t i s h Columbia F i r s t Nations a r t i s t , Roy Vickers). In addition, glass c e i l i n g s have been used wherever possible to give the ent i r e structure an open-aired f e e l . One of the unique aspects of the design and planning of the terminal, according to Frank O'Neill, i s the fact that the major a r t pieces i n the terminal were also selected and purchased p r i o r to and concurrent with the b u i l d i n g and design process. This meant that rather than being included as an afterthought to a more or less completed project, design plans were made with the art pieces i n mind.5 While sixteen glass boutique s t y l e cases house rotating works by l o c a l non-Aboriginal a r t i s t s such as Joe Average and Tiko Kerr, the major pieces i n the new terminal are by F i r s t Nations a r t i s t s . 6 5SkyTalk: 1996, 58-59 6 I t i s important to note that the YVR has also established an Art Foundation under the d i r e c t i o n of Frank O'Neill. Although i t i s important to t h i s thesis, i t i s not d i r e c t l y related to the work within the terminal and so w i l l be taken up l a t e r i n t h i s work. 6 The f i r s t works which a local v i s i t o r to the airport might see are the three large poles standing outside the entrance to the International Terminal in the Chester Johnson park (Figure 1). The poles (two of which were carved by Earl Muldoe with the third carved by Walter Harris) are not actually owned by the YVR. The poles are on loan from the Vancouver Museum, having been removed from one of their former sites on the grounds of Expo1 86. Although partially hidden by walkways and the somewhat secluded design of the park, these works are available for the viewership of any v i s i t o r to the airport. The most celebrated and highly publicized purchase of the airport i s the second cast of Haida a r t i s t B i l l Reid's Spirit of Haida Gwaii/Jade Canoe (Figure 2) . This three million dollar, nine ton bronze sculpture, with i t s distinctive green or Jade patina i s the fi n a l cast of Reid's famed sculpture. The f i r s t cast, the Black Canoe, was commissioned for Arthur Erickson's Canadian Embassy building in Washington, D.C. The sculpture is one of the few major works within or about the airport to which the public at large has access. Its central location in the second floor Food Court and Public Market (Figures 4 and 5) area of the new International Terminal guarantees i t s continued notoriety, as both domestic and international passengers may view i t along with those visitors to the airport either picking up or dropping off travellers (meeters and greeters, in airport jargon). 7 Set across the second f l o o r mezzanine, on which Reid's sculpture s i t s , i s a large glass panel mural by Lutz Haufschild (Figure 3 ) . This work i s also one with considerable public access due to i t s equally central location. Done i n a var i e t y of blue and white shades, the undulating r i p p l e s of colour, teased into a f l a t surface by laying t i n t e d glass s l a t s one on top of the other, are designed to r e f l e c t an aquatic or oceanic tone. The placement of Haufschild's work more or less as a backdrop to Reid's massive sculptural work was orchestrated i n order to continue the a l l u s i o n to the Jade Canoe's implied presence i n f i c t i t i o u s waters; a theme also picked up by the black-green marble f l o o r t i l e s on which the canoe ' f l o a t s ' . The other large scale works purchased by the YVRAA for the new terminal building are by people from the Musqueam Sa l i s h Nation of Vancouver, and i t i s with these works that I am c h i e f l y concerned. In the planning stage of the project, the YVRAA approached the Musqueam band council to commission major works by the Musqueam people for i n s t a l l a t i o n i n the new building. From that i n i t i a l approach, the Musqueam band formed the Musqueam Cultural Committee which was then responsible for the se l e c t i o n of a r t i s t s and work and for the arrangement of the subsequent commissions. Each of the works selected and completed i s ensconced within the 'Arr i v a l Passengers Only' area of the a i r p o r t . The Canadian Customs desks, through which a l l international passengers must pass, 8 are located i n a 'great h a l l ' within the new terminal and i t i s here that the Musqueam works are situated. Musqueam weavers Debra Sparrow, Robyn Sparrow, K r i s t a Point, Gina Grant and Helen Calbreath created four 1.75m x 5m tapestries that hang from the c e i l i n g adjacent to the central s t a i r w e l l and escalators leading down to the main f l o o r and the Canada customs desks (Figure 6). The weavings, each of which i s done with only white, black, red and yellow wool, use h i s t o r i c S a l i s h geometric design elements. The weavings also involve designs drawn from the creative repertoire of each of the weavers involved. At the top of the s t a i r s , against a wall of rushing water rests Susan Point's enormous red cedar Spindle Whorl (Figure 7). Incised with " t r a d i t i o n a l images r e f l e c t i n g the theme of f l i g h t " 7 the work measures sixteen feet i n diameter and was carved from a number of edge grained cedar planks. The figures on the surface of the whorl are two eagles c i r c l i n g head to t a i l with a human on the back of each. The rushing water i s part of a larger "waterscape" which runs down under the f l o o r to emerge again between the escalators. Its presence i n the airport refers to the coastal lifeways of the Musqueam S a l i s h people, past and present, who r e l y , i n part, on the Fraser River as a food source. Across from the whorl, at the bottom of the s t a i r case, s i t two 'Welcome Figures', one female and one male (Figures 'SkyTalk: 1996, 61 9 8,9). Although carver Shane Pointe o r i g i n a l l y received the commission to do both the male and the female figures, his completed female figure was deemed unacceptable for aesthetic reasons by the Musqueam Cultural Committee. The contract for the replacement sculpture was then awarded to Susan Point, who also completed the design for the backs of both figures. In addition to t h e i r aesthetic value, the carvings are also designed to serve the h i s t o r i c a l l y grounded function (from the perspective of S a l i s h people) of both welcoming new v i s i t o r s to the region and also of welcoming returning residents. Chapter one of t h i s thesis w i l l set the stage by o u t l i n i n g the basic precepts of tourism beginning with an analysis of Mary Louise Pratt's discussion of the concept of the 'Imperial Eye' r e l a t i n g to 18th and 19th Century exploration. Through t h i s examination of some of the functional roots of western t r a v e l habits, the advent of tourism i n the 20th Century and contemporary theory around modern t o u r i s t practices w i l l be discussed, drawing on a var i e t y of sources such as John Urry and John Jakle. In addition, tourism concerns s p e c i f i c to B r i t i s h Columbia, Vancouver and the YVR w i l l be discussed, e s p e c i a l l y as regards the YVR's target markets and the motivation behind t r y i n g to draw on those markets. Acknowledging that the airport's use of l o c a l populations to provide d i s t i n c t i v e 'thematics' happens neither i n a vacuum, nor independently of other ai r p o r t s i t e s , s i m i l a r techniques employed by other major 10 international airports w i l l be discussed i n order to provide both an expanded context and a basis for comparison. In the second chapter the aforementioned art within the terminal complex w i l l be addressed i n greater d e t a i l , with s p e c i f i c attention paid to the implications of the work's location within the s i t e . C a l l i n g upon personal interviews with many of those involved with the production and placement of works within the air p o r t , s o c i a l and p o l i t i c a l concerns around t h i s topic w i l l be discussed from a variety of perspectives, including some of the attitudes of the producers towards the issues of display and representation. To t h i s end, some of the history around the production and display of the art of F i r s t Nations people within Canada i n general w i l l be addressed i n order to provide an h i s t o r i c i z e d picture of the p o l i t i c a l matrix into which these issues ultimately f a l l . Here, the perspectives of some of the producers of the work currently situated within the YVR, as well as the opinions of other F i r s t Nation's a r t i s t s from across Canada w i l l be brought forth, i n order to provide a non-homogeneous or pan-Indian reading. While the f i r s t two chapters serve to set the stage for la t e r arguments, i n the t h i r d chapter issues of tourism and the viewership of the works within the terminal s h a l l be brought together under the rubric of v i s u a l culture. Here, the idea of c u l t u r a l representation and negotiation i n which the YVR has c l e a r l y and a c t i v e l y engaged i t s e l f , p a r t i a l l y 11 through the establishment of the Art Foundation, and more s p e c i f i c a l l y through the use of thematics, w i l l be addressed. S o c i o - p o l i t i c a l ideas such as appropriation, segregation and f e t i s h i z a t i o n s h a l l be discussed i n conjunction with contemporary theory around these subjects as dealt with by film-maker Loretta Todd and a r t i s t Joanne Cardinal-Shubert, as well as by t h e o r i s t Homi Bhabha. Cultural negotiation w i l l be addressed with s p e c i f i c reference to Bhabha's idea of the 'third space' as a s i t e of c u l t u r a l negotiation. The writings of other c u l t u r a l t h e o r i s t s such as James C l i f f o r d , Gayatri Spivak and V i r g i n i a Dominguez w i l l also be brought fort h i n discussion of the s o c i a l p o s i t i o n of e s p e c i a l l y those F i r s t Nations people included i n the project. Chapter four w i l l examine the ways i n which the negotiation of the 'third space* has been compromised by some of the t o u r i s t related strategies the a i r p o r t has employed. One focus w i l l a r e p r i s a l of the e f f e c t s of creating a t o u r i s t moment. In addition, the issue of language as i t i s used to disseminate information about the a r t within the a i r p o r t w i l l be addressed. Reference w i l l be made to public r e l a t i o n s material about the Art Foundation, as well as to information available on the Internet. In the f i f t h I w i l l discuss my conclusions, interweaving arguments from the body of the thesis i n an analysis of the project as a whole. 12 CHAPTER ONE The advent of the phenomenon known as tourism is predominantly a development which has occurred in the last two centuries. Different from travelling for reasons of perceived necessity, as was often the case with others throughout history, tourism implies a set of practices that have much more to do with leisure and diversion rather than survival. In order to adequately contextualize the 20th Century trends of tourism one must f i r s t look backwards to some earlier tropes of travel where the threads of modern motivations began to take shape.8 EARLY TRAVEL WRITING In her survey of historic travel writing, Imperial Eyes; Travel Writing and Transculturation, Mary Louise Pratt documents a variety of early sources for her subject. Most interesting of her well founded suppositions and postulations pertinent here is the idea of the 'master-of-all-I-survey 1 perspective adopted by the male traveller/travel writer. In Part Three of her text, "Imperial S t y l i s t i c s , " Pratt is concerned mainly with the written depictions of moments of 'discovery,' especially in Africa in the late 18th Century. "Words such as 'new', 'discovery' and 'explorer' have been placed in quotation marks in order to emphasize the idea that the lands being travelled in were new, and therefore discoverable, only to travellers v i s i t i n g the land. The Aboriginal inhabitants would, of course, already have known the land so that words such as discovery become part of the irony of colonial practices. 13 She refers to a sort of conceptual or t h e o r e t i c a l colonisation engaged i n by an untravelled public through the narratives provided by actual t r a v e l l e r s or 'explorers.' 9 Some of these early t r a v e l writers contributed to European knowledge of other lands and peoples by acting as "verbal painters" whose task i t was to "render momentously s i g n i f i c a n t what i s , from a narrative point of view, p r a c t i c a l l y a non-event." 1 0 That i s to say, moments of encounter with 'new' landscapes i n an 'unknown' continent had to be rendered i n such a manner as to provide the reader with his or her own sense of f i r s t hand discovery i n as convincing a manner as possible. E s s e n t i a l l y , the motivation of these early explorers was to make way for i n t e r i o r colonisation; not, at that time, an uncommon theme. The processes of 'exploration' and 'discovery' were necessary i n order to provide the i n d u s t r i a l i s i n g forces which would follow the t r a i l - b l a z i n g i n i t i a l v i s i t o r s with as clear a picture as possible of what they would be dealing with upon t h e i r a r r i v a l . This i s the l e v e l on which early t r a v e l writing may be viewed as regards c a p i t a l and commercial interests, both of which are c e r t a i n l y also the same factors which made such a c t i v i t i e s both important and necessary. There was, however, a more public forum to which these writings were also addressed and with which t h i s paper i s more 'Pratt: 1992, 201 1 0 I b i d . 202 14 concerned; that i s to say, tr a v e l writing as not so much an inst i g a t o r of c a p i t a l development, but tr a v e l writing as an early form of tourism i t s e l f . In t h i s case, t r a v e l writing serves as a form of introduction to the 'exotic' places encountered by the actual t r a v e l l e r / w r i t e r but pared down into a form that lends i t s e l f to the presumed r e l a t i v e s t a s i s of the reader and one which eliminates the real physical dangers of f i r s t hand experience. Thus, the reader may have the simulated experience of t r a v e l through the engagement of the tr a v e l l i t e r a t u r e and have the pleasure of 'discovery' and the 'master-of-all-I-survey' perspective thereby making the adventure h i s or her own; e s s e n t i a l l y colonizing the experienced knowledge of the writer. To quote Pratt's summation of t h i s process, "the 'discovery' i t s e l f , even within the ideology of discovery, has no existence of i t s own. It only gets 'made' re a l after the t r a v e l l e r (or other survivor) returns home, and brings i t into being through texts." 1 1 The writing out of the experience of t r a v e l , then -the mutation of l i v e d experience into something commodifiable and disseminable - i s r e a l l y at the root of what validates both t r a v e l and the practice of t r a v e l writing. But p r i o r to the thought of what might ultimately act as validator to the experience i s the motivator of the experience; i n t h i s case, the motivator i s somewhat the same for both t r a v e l l e r and reader. That i s , discovery; the "P r a t t : 1992, 204 15 desire, whether cu l t i v a t e d or inherent to seek out the unknown and make i t known or knowable. For Pratt, "discovery... consists of a gesture of converting l o c a l knowledges (discovery) into European national and continental knowledges associated with European forms and relations of power."12 In other words, the place other than where one i s (the subject of t r a v e l writing, i n t h i s case) can become a knowable experience commodity for the non-traveller; but only when i t i s e f f e c t i v e l y transcribed by the t r a v e l l e r into means which lend themselves to the pre-existent knowledges held by the reader or experiencer. The t r a v e l narrative must be written i n a language and format to which the non-traveller can e a s i l y r e l a t e . MODERN TOURISM The quest for discovery experiences i n the late 18th and 19th Centuries does much to set the stage for a discussion of the tropes and motivations of conventional, contemporary tourism. John A. Jakle, writing about tourism i n the 20th Century asserts that " i n tourism we are freer to explore the unexpected, to face experiences d i r e c t l y and immediately through our senses, unedited by other minds." 1 3 In fact, nothing could be farther from the truth. As l a t e r sections of t h i s chapter w i l l prove, the t o u r i s t experience i s an e n t i r e l y mediated and organized one. What Jackie seems to be r e f e r r i n g 1 2 P r a t t : 1992, 202 "Jackie: 1985, 3 16 to, however, i s the t o u r i s t ' s i d e a l . Tourists want to f e e l as though t h e i r explorations are free and t h e i r experiences are unmediated. John Urry, i n his book The Tourist Gaze; Leisure and Travel i n Contemporary Society, writes that his text i s about "how and why for short periods people leave t h e i r normal place of work and residence. I t i s about consuming goods and services which are i n some sense unnecessary. They are consumed because they supposedly generate pleasurable experiences which are d i f f e r e n t from those encountered i n everyday l i f e . " 1 4 E s s e n t i a l l y , the motivations Urry posits for contemporary tourism are the same as the motivations suggested e a r l i e r for the consumption of t r a v e l writing i n t h i s and the l a s t few centuries; that i s , for variety. In some sense, we are s t i l l t a l k i n g about discovery, only now the discovery i s necessarily made in the f i r s t person. One becomes intimately f a m i l i a r with the mundane d e t a i l s of one's own d a i l y existence to the point that we very nearly become bl i n d to those d e t a i l s . Tourism seeks to provide a change of scene; an opportunity to see other d e t a i l s so new and d i f f e r e n t from our own l i v e s that we cannot be b l i n d to them. Tourism i s , as Urry asserts, "a l e i s u r e a c t i v i t y . " 1 5 Tourism encompasses a whole r a f t of experiences of which t r a v e l l i n g marks only the beginning, and, generally speaking, "Urry: 1990, 1 "Urry: 1990, 2 17 the ending; t r a v e l i s , often, a means of tourism. So huge i s the demand for f u l f i l m e n t of t h i s one facet of 'leisure' a c t i v i t i e s that an entire industry, including schools and an accompanying body of academic theory, has been generated i n order to accommodate the ever growing number of those who wish to engage i n i t . Current text books designed for use i n tourism schools c a r e f u l l y d i s t i n g u i s h a v a r i e t y of factors inherent i n the industry. They c l a s s i f y types of t o u r i s t s , d i f f e r e n t i a t e between l e i s u r e and recreation, and e s s e n t i a l l y lay out the rationale behind the industry. Included i n such texts as The Geography of Travel and Tourism are examinations of geography and demand; t o u r i s t resources; the relationship between climate and tourism; and issues of transportation and summaries of t o u r i s t resources from some of the most frequently v i s i t e d areas on the planet. In other words, texts of t h i s nature provide the basic "how to's" of tourism and some of the more pragmatically based aspects of "why to." In t h i s p a r t i c u l a r volume, the section on Canada asserts that major t o u r i s t attractions here l i e within the forms of natural landscape; a fact which renders B.C.'s Supernatural B r i t i s h Columbia campaign dead on target. What i s lacking i n such i n s t r u c t i o n a l texts, however, i s a c r i t i c a l evaluation of the impact that the industry has on the s i t e s and people i t attempts to s e l l , as well as just exactly how, s o c i o l o g i c a l l y speaking, the industry creates 18 certain kinds of needs and expectations in order to cater to them. Indeed, mentions of Indigenous populations as potential selling points in the packaging of the Canadian regions covered in The Geography of Travel and Tourism are excluded. This raises a compelling question; why, when the YVR and other comparable international sites (such as Phoenix Arizona's Sky Harbour International Airport, which w i l l be discussed later) clearly rely on the 'difference' of their inhabitants as a major selling point in the creation of the sort of spectacle that might attract tourists, are these very factors l e f t out of the discussion at this most basic level? The idea of tourism implies a set of practices, beyond the technical jargon of industry texts, about which there i s a large body of work. As asserted earlier, the tourist is drawn from the mundane world of everyday occurrences to sites which, for them as tourists, speak of difference and variety; sites which are often intentionally constructed that way. Instead of consuming the products of that everyday l i f e , the tourist uses leisure time to consume a new experience; an experience which w i l l produce the sort of memories which make the return to the everyday bearable. The set of practices involved in this process is divided between those that the tourist enacts and those enacted upon the tourist by the industry. The tourist is involved in, among other things, a certain kind of 'looking', in which, as Kenneth L i t t l e puts i t , "looking is reduced to the 'positioned 19 point of view 1 of that subject-observer gazing upon the wild, that i s , a framed and staged object. It i s a perfect picture that the t o u r i s t sees." 1 6 Here, contrary to Jakle's idea that the t o u r i s t has an unmediated experience, L i t t l e asserts that the t o u r i s t experience i s very much a mediated one. The counterpart, I would argue, to the t o u r i s t ' s viewing i s the construction of the spectacle, which f a l l s to the t o u r i s t industries. They must make each destination saleable by means of creating the i l l u s i o n that what the t o u r i s t i s about to experience captures, i n a wholly authentic way, the true essence of the location; that t h i s event or locale i s what makes the t r i p worthwhile, and i t i s r e a l . However, t h i s i s r a r e l y the actual case since, as l a t e r sections of t h i s paper w i l l suggest, what i s offered as saleable to the t o u r i s t i s often a heightened sense of the unique attributes of the destination which do not necessarily r e f l e c t the 'real' essence of the place. Because the t o u r i s t aims to get away from the mundane, i t f a l l s to aspects of difference within the context of those other s i t e s to provide the impetus necessary for the temporary relocation of the t o u r i s t to the proffered a t t r a c t i o n , which, as we have established, i s a great part of what tourism i s . While the educational texts are right i n pointing to c l i m a t i c and geographic differences as major drawing points, differences i n s o c i a l landscapes cannot be ignored. When one " L i t t l e : 1991, 149 20 t r a v e l s , one generally expects the inhabitants who l i v e i n the new locale to be 'different' from the people at home. TOURISM IN THE YVR With these things i n mind, I w i l l turn to a discussion of t o u r i s t concerns s p e c i f i c to the YVR. It has been noted that the Vancouver International Airport served nearly twelve m i l l i o n passengers i n 1995. Many of these passengers were undoubtedly residents of Vancouver and B r i t i s h Columbia at large using the f a c i l i t y either for business purposes or for th e i r own t o u r i s t adventures; the a t t r a c t i n g of international business and international business t r a v e l l e r s being a key focus for the air p o r t as l a t e r sections w i l l suggest. Many of them were also l i k e l y people a r r i v i n g i n Canada with the intention of l i v i n g here; that i s to say, immigrants. S t i l l others, perhaps the largest number, were t o u r i s t s ; people from a l l over the world who come to the c i t y and province to have just the sort of non-everyday experience discussed e a r l i e r . 1 7 Of p a r t i c u l a r concern to the Vancouver International a i r p o r t has been the Asia P a c i f i c region which i s , according to the 1996 Souvenir E d i t i o n of the YVR's Skytalk Magazine "the world's fastest-growing economic and a i r t r a v e l 1 7 I t should be acknowledged that even domestic users of the a i r p o r t may, to some extent, be engaging i n a kind of t o u r i s t experience, e s p e c i a l l y while within the confines of the a i r p o r t . The beginning and end of a journey for any reason are l i k e l y to be marked with some of the experience of difference on which the practices of tourism are founded. 21 market." 1 8 An influx i n both immigration and business concerns a r i s i n g out of t h i s region, e s p e c i a l l y as regards B r i t i s h Columbia, has been growing s t e a d i l y over recent years. In addition to scores of new residents, v i s i t s from family members s t i l l residing i n the Asian P a c i f i c region have increased as well. By expanding t h e i r f a c i l i t i e s , the YVR has brought i t s e l f closer s t i l l to i t s goal of being "North America's premier gateway" for a l l of those with concerns i n that part of the world. 1 9 The idea of being a 'premier gateway' i s e s p e c i a l l y important considering the fact that the YVR i s e s s e n t i a l l y i n competition with a l l other major West Coast a i r p o r t s such as L.A. International i n C a l i f o r n i a and e s p e c i a l l y Sea-Tac i n Washington State, the closest major International a i r p o r t to the YVR. The Asia P a c i f i c region, then, stands out as one of the major markets to which the ai r p o r t wishes to cater. On a s u p e r f i c i a l l e v e l , t h i s has been accommodated by an increase in the number of languages i n which v i s i t o r services are available as well as i n the v a r i e t y of foods available at various kiosks throughout the a i r p o r t . However, as w i l l be discussed i n the l a s t chapter, there are other, more insidious temptations at play. The much heralded "Open Skies" agreement between Canada and the United States has also had a major impact on the 1 8SkyTalk: 1996, 9 " I b i d . 9 22 potential markets available to the YVR. Direct f l i g h t s to and from major U.S. c i t i e s previously unavailable are now scheduled with nearly the same frequency as other f l i g h t s . This, of course, has meant an increase i n the convenient a v a i l a b i l i t y of Vancouver to a general North American market. 2 0 In short, the expanded a i r p o r t f a c i l i t i e s and favourable a i r t r a v e l agreement with the U.S. along with increased business interests i n Vancouver has meant that more people p o t e n t i a l l y can and w i l l come to Vancouver than ever before. According to Airport Authority President David Emerson, one of the goals of the a i r p o r t i s to "be an e x c i t i n g people place o f f e r i n g a variety of opportunities to shop, eat, sip a cappuccino, or simply watch the excitement on a major international a i r p o r t i n a setting unique to super, natural B r i t i s h Columbia." 2 1 But how does one make something as seemingly uninteresting as an a i r p o r t appear to be a t o u r i s t a t t r a c t i o n i n and of i t s e l f , as i s c l e a r l y the airport's goal? In the case of the YVR, the aforementioned t a c t i c of using thematics to create an a t t r a c t i v e environment with a s p e c i f i c sense of place has proven to be a viable option. By c a p i t a l i s i n g on the employment of things unique to B r i t i s h Columbia and t r y i n g to create an 'authentic' B.C. environment within the ai r p o r t , the YVR has created what Jackie c a l l s a 2 0SkyTalk: 1996, 9-10 " I b i d . 9 23 'contrived a t t r a c t i o n ' ; one which has e f f e c t i v e l y drawn i n an ever growing body of c l i e n t e l e . According to John Jakle, "contrived attractions are staged. They a t t r a c t t o u r i s t s , condensing for them the essence of a place so that they can consume i t more read i l y . Contrived attractions also protect a l o c a l i t y from i t s v i s i t o r s by focusing t o u r i s t a c t i v i t i e s temporally and geographically." 2 2 While the a i r p o r t can obviously not expect that a v i s i t o r to Vancouver could f i n d complete fu l f i l m e n t within the confines of the terminal complex the element of condensation for experiential ease exists there. A Public Market area designed to r e f l e c t both the popular farmer's market atmospheres of Granville Island i n Vancouver and Steveston i n Richmond, and a taste of food from the ori g i n s of many of the provinces inhabitants within the body of the International Food Court a l l work together to create an environment which stimulates the v i s i t o r by c u l l i n g some of the more int e r e s t i n g things B r i t i s h Columbia has to o f f e r . One of the most s t r i k i n g aspects of the a i r p o r t , however, and the one with which I am c h i e f l y concerned, i s the use of v i s u a l signs of the presence of an Indigenous population within the c i t y and province through the placement of i t s art within the a i r p o r t . Certainly, the h i s t o r i c , and to some extent, contemporary lifeways of F i r s t Nations people within the province are a distinguishing c h a r a c t e r i s t i c of the "Jackie: 1985, 23-24 24 province as a whole. However, the o v e r a l l e f f e c t of the prominent placement of some of the works within the terminal smacks more of tokenism than an i n d i c a t i o n of a sort of nonchalant f u l f i l m e n t of c r o s s - c u l t u r a l protocol; that i s to say that works such as those by the Musqueam people have won a place within the airport i n part due to p o l i t i c a l necessity and t o u r i s t expectations rather than out of a pervasive sense of belonging and appropriateness. In order to gain a deeper understanding of how t h i s might be so, a context for the hi s t o r y and mechanisms of such a contrived nonchalance must f i r s t be established. TOURISM IN OTHER AIRPORT SITES The YVRAA i s not the only i n s t i t u t i o n which seeks to heighten i t s international p r o f i l e by marketing i t s e l f v i a the v i s u a l signs of Indigenous peoples and elements of l o c a l culture. I t i s important here to gain perspective by examining some other international a i r p o r t s i t e s and t h e i r approaches i n order to more c l e a r l y evaluate the B r i t i s h Columbian example within an international context. In 1983 the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia o f f i c i a l l y opened i t s new King Kahled International Airport (KKIA) for public use. To commemorate that event a c o l l e c t i b l e f u l l colour picture book was assembled for perusal and printed i n both English and Arabic; the two languages bound together i n a single volume. Among the most highly touted features of the KKIA i s a mosque with the capacity for f i v e thousand worshippers and 25 room for an additional f i v e thousand i n the courtyard outside the central dome. For a country within which Islam i s the dominant f a i t h and to which m i l l i o n s of International Muslims make pilgrimages annually, the central placement and import of such a structure i s l o g i c a l and appropriate. The mosque i s a necessary addition to the ai r p o r t because of i t s role within contemporary c u l t u r a l practices. Its treatment within the picture book suggests that i t i s being promoted as an exotic subject for the t o u r i s t gaze, not part of a western everyday experience, but s t i l l representing the l o c a l dominant society. Here i s the f i r s t point at which the approaches of YVRAA and the KKIA, two major players within international t r a v e l , diverge. While a mosque within the KKIA c l e a r l y refers to a deeply entrenched history of on going r e l i g i o u s t r a d i t i o n within Saudi Arabia, the use of F i r s t Nations art and objects within a Canadian context c e r t a i n l y does no such thing. While the Musqueam people have t h e i r own deeply entrenched history of r e l i g i o n or s p i r i t u a l i s m , they were selected to p a r t i c i p a t e i n the new ai r p o r t more because of the aura of 'difference' they s i g n i f y rather than because t h e i r t r a d i t i o n s are dominant, or even widely accepted, within Canada. Further than t h i s , contemporary understandings between Canada and F i r s t Nations Canadians renders at least the gesture of incl u s i o n p o l i t i c a l l y appropriate and even necessary, which somewhat d e s t a b i l i s e s such inclusions. I t i s 26 also important to note that the Musqueam Cultural Committee had to a c t i v e l y negotiate with the YVRAA on issues around the inclusion and placement of t h e i r work and on issues of the types of work to be displayed. While t h i s negotiation i s an important part of the creation of a hybrid moment, i t i s also i n d i c a t i v e of the c o n f l i c t i n g agendas of both parties and of the power struggles inherent i n that process. With t h i s i n mind, i t i s my suggestion that the scenario at the YVR i s one of the tokenized presence of Indigenous peoples; tokenized because the works are present as signs of a subaltern segment of the broader culture. This i s e s p e c i a l l y clear when juxtaposed to the KKIA example i n which i t i s the dominant culture that i s used to create a sense of place. The space of the KKIA, then, i s homogenised into a forum which, while e s s e n t i a l i z e d into the microcosm of the ai r p o r t , refers largely to the dominant culture of Saudi Arabia as a whole. In the Vancouver example, the created sense of place i s fragmented by c o n f l i c t i n g signs of dominant and marginalised presences i n which the dominant c u l t u r a l presence (marked by the s i t e of the a i r p o r t as a whole) seeks to represent the marginal culture (Indigenous peoples) metonymically through the exhibition of t h e i r works. The subject of tokenism s h a l l be discussed i n greater d e t a i l i n chapter three. The KKIA has on display a v a r i e t y of "paintings, 27 tapestries, sculptures, o r i e n t a l carpets and mosaics." 2 3 In a manner somewhat s i m i l a r to the commission of works for the YVR, i n Saudi Arabia: "Kingdom-wide e f f o r t was made to marshal1 talent to create the art works. The thrust of the program was to commission works by Saudi a r t i s t s that would have l a s t i n g value and represent t r a d i t i o n a l Islamic a r t forms. At the same time, a search was conducted to locate already e x i s t i n g Arabic a r t work and antique furnishings that might be available for a c q u i s i t i o n . For more than a year, The KKIA art project was the major focus of e f f o r t f or dozens of Saudi a r t i s t s who were selected to produce the new works i n the collection...The a r t committee sought out and evaluated the work of as many Saudi a r t i s t s as could be located - i n Kingdom and overseas." 2 4 Here, the ways i n which the methods of the two i n s t i t u t i o n s d i f f e r becomes increasingly apparent. While both i n s t i t u t i o n s used commission as a major method of ac q u i s i t i o n , the manner employed by the Saudi a i r p o r t seems to have been one which emphasised the i n c l u s i v i t y of mainly dominant culture signs to the exclusion of any subcultural or marginalized ones. The Saudi government attempted to draw on the t r a d i t i o n s of the majority. In Vancouver, i t i s pr e c i s e l y the 'other' who i s set forth. The works of non-aboriginal a r t i s t s are c e r t a i n l y present within the a i r p o r t . However, with the exception of Lutz Haufschild's large glass art piece, the works of other non-Indigenous a r t i s t s are of a smaller scale and mainly contained within the glass display cases i n the "Departure "King Khaled International Airport: 1983, Page unavailable "King Khaled International Airport: 1983, Page unavailable 28 Passengers Only" area. The Vancouver International Airport's presentation of Indigenous peoples as a source of l o c a l colour, i s anything but unusual. Calgary's International Airport uses Indigenous a r t i f a c t s loaned to them by the Glenbow Museum to a f f e c t p r e c i s e l y the same regionally s p e c i f i c sense of place. On a recent t r i p to Arizona I had the opportunity to see America West A i r l i n e s ' Terminal Four at the Sky Harbour International Airport i n Phoenix. Exterior surfaces of the structure, including the parkade, are decorated with geometric patterns the o r i g i n s of which could c l e a r l y be traced back to design elements common to the Indigenous peoples of the region. Paintings and sculptures within the s i t e c a p i t a l i z e d on the 'wild west f r o n t i e r ' theme, complete with representations of sun weathered cowboys and wild Indians. Here again, carpets and f i x t u r e s picked up the colours of the desert landscape along with the designs of the people who f i r s t l i v e d there. I t i s clear, then, that Vancouver i s not alone i n i t s use of Indigenous cultures to create a sense of place. Not every International a i r p o r t turns to the productions of l o c a l Indigenous populations i n order to a t t r a c t business. A recent special section of the Vancouver Sun (designed to feature the new International Terminal of the YVR) referred to the Changi Airport i n Singapore. The Singapore airport i s , the a r t i c l e affirms, i n t e r n a t i o n a l l y known mainly for the amenities i t has to of f e r i t s c l i e n t s . A Science Discovery 2 9 centre, free c i t y tours, an outdoor swimming pool with bathing s u i t rental and a karaoke room figure prominently amongst the l i s t of appealing perks. The a i r p o r t also boasts notably quick turnover times for customs and immigration; both of which are exceedingly important to international v i s i t o r s . 2 5 While the Changi Airport may or may not also contain l o c a l a rt (the a r t i c l e included reference to neither a presence nor an absence of such), c e r t a i n l y i t would appear that t h i s i s a location attempting to b u i l d a reputation on the basis of services available rather than on i t s a b i l i t y to create an environment i n which v i s i t o r s may shop comfortably. This i s not to say that customer service and quick turnover times are not important to the YVR. On the contrary, vast improvements have been made i n both of these areas and i t remains a key focus of a i r p o r t management and s t a f f . However, the Changi example was provided simply to indicate that some other airpor t s have adopted approaches which seem, in some respects, far more pragmatic i n t h e i r o v e r a l l orientation. E s s e n t i a l l y , a l l four of the examples provided are competing i n a t o u r i s t driven marketplace. Reasons for t r a v e l such as l e i s u r e , v a r i e t y and c u r i o s i t y fuel the approaches adopted to the varying s o c i a l climates and concerns of each s i t e . Setting fort h these examples and discussing them within the context of t o u r i s t practices broadens the scope of the focus i n an e f f o r t to locate the larger project within an "Vancouver Sun: A p r i l 26 1996, D2 30 international context. The aim i s to provide a broad picture of both the idea of tourism as a temporally f i n i t e a c t i v i t y with cer t a i n expectations attached and an o v e r a l l picture of the way i n which the a i r p o r t i s used by i t s c l i e n t e l e . Discussions i n the f i n a l chapter s h a l l expand much of what has been provided here. 31 CHAPTER TWO The topic of thematics was introduced i n chapter one as being of key import to the o v e r a l l structure of the new terminal building and i t s marketing goals i n terms of passenger a t t r a c t i n g strategies. Of prominence with regards to thematics i s the use of a variety of F i r s t Nations art objects situated throughout the air p o r t i n order to create an ambience which r e f l e c t s the uniqueness of the B r i t i s h Columbian s o c i a l and physical landscape. In t h i s chapter I w i l l deal more pointedly with some of the issues surrounding that a r t and i t s producers, looking at broader issues of display practices around F i r s t Nations art i n general. CONTEXT OF WORK Pertinent here are considerations around not so much the content of ( s p e c i f i c a l l y ) the S a l i s h Musqueam works present i n the YVR but more around t h e i r context; e s p e c i a l l y with regard to t h e i r juxtaposition with other non-Musqueam works. This implies some le v e l of c u r a t o r i a l intent; that i s to say, the goals and objectives of the exhibitor i n terms of what message i s communicated to the viewer. In the case of the YVR, the cu r a t o r i a l intent i s not one sided but, rather, i s informed by both the YVR and the Musqueam people. The issue of bifurcated intent and c o n f l i c t i n g agendas w i l l be discussed at length i n Chapter Three as a moment of c u l t u r a l negotiation. The agency exercised by the Musqueam people i n terms of 32 c u r a t o r i a l intent became clear to me through interviews with weavers Debra Sparrow and K r i s t a Point, as well as with Band Manager Howard Grant. The Musqueam people welcome the opportunity to have some of the v i s u a l works of t h e i r people included i n the new terminal building. In addition, the role of the Musqueam art i n the p o s i t i o n of welcoming v i s i t o r s to Canada at the s i t e of the International a r r i v a l area i s deemed e n t i r e l y appropriate. The a i r p o r t stands on t r a d i t i o n a l Musqueam land and so i t should f a l l to the Musqueam people to welcome v i s i t o r s . The idea i s that, i n the absence of the actual people themselves, t h e i r art stands i n for them as a reminder to resident and v i s i t o r a l i k e that one i s not only entering Vancouver, B r i t i s h Columbia, Canada, but Musqueam Sa l i s h land as well. It seems an equitable solution to a problem of protocol long ignored. However, there are latent connotations to t h i s otherwise appropriate context as well. In the fourth chapter I w i l l deal with the p o l i t i c a l problems that a r i s e when objects are l e f t to stand i n for people. S u f f i c e i t to say, here, that t h i s i s r e a l l y the only viable solution available to both the Musqueam people and the a i r p o r t . The presence of 'real Indians' i n the a i r p o r t to welcome v i s i t o r s and returning residents a l i k e would smack even more of tokenism and r e f l e c t an atmosphere comparable to the 19th Century museum dioramas i n which rea l people, such as some members of Inuit society, 33 were used as l i v e props. 2 6 But there i s another set of problems posed by the YVR's attempts to develop a contained ' r e a l i t y . ' By v i r t u e of the work's location within an area i n which pedestrian t r a f f i c i s s t r i c t l y regulated and limited to only a i r p o r t s t a f f and those a r r i v i n g on international f l i g h t s , the Musqueam pieces are immediately rendered less e f f e c t i v e because of the e x c l u s i v i t y i n terms of t h e i r potential viewership. Conversely and not coincidentally, B i l l Reid's S p i r i t of Haida Gwaii, located within the area of the International Food Court and Public Market i s more accessible to a l l v i s i t o r s . Both domestic and international passengers have access to i t as do t h e i r sundry ground parties and even v i s i t o r s to the ai r p o r t having no intention of using any other a i r p o r t services. These s i t e s of the location of Indigenous art within the airport, when juxtaposed to one another, make even more complex the tangled web of representational issues which t h i s thesis aims to untangle. It i s a question of agency. The Reid sculpture i s not of Musqueam o r i g i n . In the l i g h t of the s o c i o - p o l i t i c a l matrix of Indigenous protocol and custom, i t s p o s i t i o n within the air p o r t i s , i n that respect, somewhat unstable. In order to i n s t a l l the sculpture i n the airp o r t , permission and blessing had to be asked of the "The subject of a physical Indigenous presence w i l l be taken up again l a t e r i n the discussion of the 'Art Ambassadors' whose role i t i s to educate the public about the Reid sculpture. 34 Musqueam people since the a i r p o r t s i t s on t h e i r land. Permission was o f f i c i a l l y granted by Musqueam Elders i n the dedication ceremony at the a i r p o r t on the night of A p r i l 18th, 1996. Haida Gwaii, the s p i r i t u a l i z e d subject of the sculpture, i s the t r a d i t i o n a l home of the Haida people, l a t e r c a l l e d the Queen Charlotte Islands by western explorers. The Islands are located hundreds of miles up the coast of B r i t i s h Columbia so, considering Indigenous protocol (which requires that a Nation wishing to accomplish something on land belonging to another Nation must f i r s t gain permission), to have used Reid's work i n the p o s i t i o n of the Musqueam work as a figure of welcome would have been inappropriate; comparable, perhaps, to using the American f l a g and anthem to welcome v i s i t o r s to Canada. P o l i t i c a l l y , then, with regards to respect for protocol, a l l seems to be as i t should. What must be addressed, however, i s the idea of p r i v i l e g i n g t h i s work within the s p a t i a l hierarchy of the terminal. While the prestige associated with providing a welcoming committee (i n absentia or otherwise) i s apparent, the potential for broader viewership allowed by placement within a more public area cannot be ignored. The simple fact i s that throughout the l i f e s p a n of a l l of these art works within the a i r p o r t , the Reid sculpture w i l l be seen more frequently and by more people, and possibly over a longer period of time. In addition, the associations many t r a v e l l e r s may make with the sculpture' s twin piece at the Canadian 35 Embassy i n Washington D.C. may also somehow further enhance i t s p r i o r i t i z a t i o n . Aside from the noted c e l e b r i t y of the Jade Canoe as an ind i v i d u a l and i s o l a t e d piece of work, one might also question whether or not i t s prominence within the a i r p o r t has to do with the fact that i t i s a Haida work. In terms of the 20th Century history of Northwest Coast Indigenous works c i r c u l a t i n g both within museological and f i n e art contexts, the design elements of the Haida people had, by the 1960s and 70s, achieved an elevated status. This i s a phenomenon which began early i n t h i s century with research and writing carried out by anthropologist Franz Boas. The 1965 publication, Northwest Coast Indian Art; An Analysis of Form, by art h i s t o r i a n B i l l Holm, was probably one of the largest factors in the continued increase of t h i s prominence. Collaborating with a r t i s t s such as B i l l Reid, then just beginning his career as a v i s u a l a r t i s t , Holm suggested that among the Haida "the p r i n c i p l e s of organization and form...had t h e i r greatest development and most r i g i d adherence. 1 , 2 7 Such assertions led to the framing of Haida design as the ' c l a s s i c ' Northwest Coast s t y l e . Writing about the 1967 Arts of the Raven exhibition at the Vancouver Art Gallery, Marcia Crosby included much discussion around B i l l Holm and the methods and means by which Haida works rose to prominence. In writing s p e c i f i c a l l y about "Holm: 1965, 20 3 6 Reid's great uncle, Haida carver Charles Edenshaw, Crosby states: "Legitimising an Indian-master a r t i s t then was as contingent upon the 1 Indian-Master' being Haida as i t was on constructing him as an ind i v i d u a l whose personal interpretation of the r i g i d rules and p r i n c i p l e s of Northwest Coast design s i g n a l l e d h i s a r t i s t i c genius." 2 8 In addition to t h i s assertion of the way i n which Holm's work inspired exhibitions (such as the Arts of the Raven show) to treat Haida work d e f e r e n t i a l l y , Crosby also c i t e s the idea that "a pat r i a r c h a l form of lineage" was c r u c i a l i n launching Reid's personal reputation, as his f a m i l i a l relationship to Edenshaw somehow served to ground the burgeoning reputation of his own work as being 'genius'. 2 9 In t h i s l i g h t , considering the h i s t o r i c a l prominence of s p e c i f i c a l l y Haida work within a fine art context, one wonders whether or not the placement of the Reid sculpture was a strategy founded on a h i e r a r c h i c a l system, long established, regarding the Nations of the West Coast. In addition to t h i s , i t should also be noted that there i s a precedent for placing large scale Haida works i n and about public buildings throughout the world, such as the Haida canoe i n the American Museum of Natural History at the museum entrance nearest to the Franz Boas Northwest Coast H a l l . Haida work, perhaps most e s p e c i a l l y work by B i l l Reid, i s what i s expected of Vancouver. I suggest that the "Crosby: 1994, 15 2 9Crosby: 1994, 2 37 f u l f i l m e n t of that expectation contributes to the d e s t a b i l i z a t i o n of the Musqueam work within the terminal, a discussion which I w i l l elaborate on l a t e r i n t h i s paper. RATIONALES President of YVR V i s i t o r Services, Frank O'Neill, asserted i n a private interview (September 19th, 1996) that the placements of both the Musqueam works and the Jade Canoe were, indeed, s t r a t e g i c . According to O'Neill, however, the works are placed at the two main entry points to the new terminal building and so the underlying strategy i s framed by O'Neill as being about 'anchoring' the two entrances, t h e o r e t i c a l l y speaking. He r e a d i l y acknowledged the role of the Musqueam work as serving to welcome a r r i v i n g passengers, covering the notion of anchorage at the point of entry for passengers a r r i v i n g at the terminal by a i r . As regards the main entrance for passengers walking into the terminal from the street, O'Neill stated that the second f l o o r area, where the Jade Canoe i s situated, was designed to be reminiscent of a European Square. In t h i s l i g h t , the Canoe i s meant to act as a sort of landmark and central meeting place, i t s o r i g i n s i n the tropes of a Northwest Coast design t r a d i t i o n a s s i s t i n g i n the creation of the sense of 'place' s p e c i f i c to B r i t i s h Columbia that the a i r p o r t i s t r y i n g to c u l l . In other words, in terms of pragmatic concerns around the planning and execution of the new terminal building, the placement of a l l of the works within the a i r p o r t seem to have a basis i n a 38 p a r t i c u l a r system of l o g i c a l thought, and the Jade Canoe's position i s grounded within that context, at least as far as the airport i s concerned. A factor f a l l i n g outside of the l o g i c with which the air p o r t placed the work within the building i s the p o l i t i c a l implication of not having the Musqueam work r e a d i l y accessible to the average resident of B r i t i s h Columbia who may not be as l i k e l y to engage i n frequent international t r a v e l . Perhaps the somewhat hidden p o s i t i o n of the Musqueam work within the airp o r t can be seen as a means of subverting associated issues such as land claims negotiations, educational rights and s e l f -government. The idea of the Musqueam work as hidden becomes even more i r o n i c i n considering that information regarding the proximity of the b u r i a l and midden s i t e s to the ai r p o r t and new runway has not been released i n a p u b l i c l y meaningful way. Band manager Howard Grant stated that he did not f e e l that the p o l i t i c a l p o s i t i o n of the Musqueam people was being d i l u t e d by the inclu s i o n of t h e i r work i n the a i r p o r t . 3 0 In other words, at least as far as Grant was concerned, there seemed to be l i t t l e sense that the work represented a means of masking the propriety and i n e v i t a b i l i t y of conclusive negotiations around any issues of p o l i t i c a l import to the Musqueam people (such as land claims, hunting and f i s h i n g r i g h t s , and so on). Though s a t i s f i e d that the inclusion of works i n the 3 0Grant: Interview November 1996 39 air p o r t marked more of a beginning to a new moment i n the negotiation process rather than a shutting down or an end, Grant did assert a certa i n amount of discomfort i n terms of the placement of the Jade Canoe r e l a t i v e to that of the Musqueam works. The inclu s i o n of both Reid's work and the works of other a r t i s t s , such as Roy Vickers, makes the assertion that the land on which the ai r p o r t stands i s Native land i n general, rather than Musqueam land i n p a r t i c u l a r . 3 1 While Grant's discomfort with the inclu s i o n of works by non-Musqueam Indigenous people i s shared by Musqueam weaver Debra Sparrow, i t should be noted that neither Grant nor Sparrow are e n t i r e l y opposed to these inclusions, simply somewhat uncomfortable. 3 2 What, then, motivated members of the Musqueam band to have t h e i r works included i n the new terminal project, considering the obvious and apparent p o l i t i c a l problems inherent i n the si t e ? For Debra Sparrow, the recognition of the Musqueam people seems to be a key factor. Her motivation had l i t t l e to do with building her own reputation as an individual a r t i s t (a t i t l e she rejects to begin with) but i s more about getting "people to recognize Musqueam as part of Vancouver hi s t o r y . " 3 3 By her own admission, her attitude towards the air p o r t i s more p o s i t i v e than anything else. 3 1Grant: Interview November 4th, 1996 3 2Sparrow: Interview, October 17th, 1996 " I b i d . 40 Those things about which she f e e l s uncomfortable Sparrow prefers to think of as issues yet to be negotiated rather than as f l a t out problems. K r i s t a Point, another of the weavers, seems to share Sparrow's views, asserting that the main focus of her p a r t i c i p a t i o n had to do with the o v e r a l l recognition of the Musqueam people and the general appropriateness of t h e i r inclusion i n the a i r p o r t . Point acknowledged the inclusion of works by non-Native a r t i s t s such as Tiko Kerr, but treated them as something of a non-issue. For her, there i s also some discomfort with the c e l e b r i t y of works by Reid and Vickers. Her motivation, too, has to do with making way for a growing intere s t i n and r i s e to prominence of Musqueam S a l i s h works. 3 4 HISTORICAL CONTEXT OF DISPLAY PRACTICES The issues facing the Musqueam people with regards to t h e i r decision to p a r t i c i p a t e i n the YVR project are not uncommon. A r t i s t s of Aboriginal ancestry across Canada have long and often struggled with such dilemmas. The choice to p a r t i c i p a t e i n a venture including the displays of works, h i s t o r i c or contemporary, i s always a loaded one, often complicated by knowledge of the history of display practices around F i r s t Nations work i n Canada i n general. These factors can contribute s i g n i f i c a n t l y to the debate. Before a discussion of the t h e o r e t i c a l and p o l i t i c a l issues around v i s u a l culture and display practices can be addressed i n the 3 4Point: Interview, November 15th, 1996 41 t h i r d chapter, a b r i e f look at how some of the present debates have been informed i s necessary. Canada's relat i o n s h i p to Indigenous peoples i s f u l l of many incidents of repression and attempts to o b l i t e r a t e e n t i r e l y the cultures which pre-dated the a r r i v a l of Europeans. The introduction of the reservation system (which provided the framework for South A f r i c a ' s infamous p o l i c y of Apartheid) i n order to monitor and control the customs and land use of Indigenous peoples i s only one example. Residential schools, designed i n part to assimilate Native children - to 'white wash' t h e i r Nativeness out of them - i s another example of h i s t o r i c a l errors i n relationary t a c t i c s . In addition, the ban on the Northwest Coast Potlatch, and Plains Sundance ceremony, among other s p i r i t u a l l y s i g n i f i c a n t practices, have had a profound impact on the continuing evolution of Indigenous Canadian cultures i n the 20th Century. Though Potlatches were decriminalized by the 1950s and Sundances by the 1960s, and Native people were granted the right to vote f e d e r a l l y i n 1962, the h i s t o r i c methods of dealing with F i r s t Nations people i n Canada have l e f t t h e i r mark i n terms of a series of u n s a t i s f a c t o r i l y resolved issues around c u l t u r a l sovereignty, many of which are further marred by feelings of mistrust for a l l parties involved. In terms of display practices around F i r s t Nations objects and art works, p r i o r to the middle of t h i s century, most of the r e s p o n s i b i l i t y for that task was assumed by the 42 f i e l d of anthropology, with t h e i r 'loot' being displayed i n museums (as opposed to art g a l l e r i e s ) . According to Joane Cardinal-Shubert: "As well as the displacement of ceremonies and language, Native people suffered the loss of t h e i r c u l t u r a l icons, t h e i r r e l i q u i a e . Ceremonial objects were taken from them and systematically c o l l e c t e d by museums and co l l e c t o r s throughout the world as evidence of a dying culture." 3 5 The notion of the motivation for c o l l e c t i o n practices as being the r e s u l t of the perceived decline of Indigenous cultures i s often referred to as the "Salvage Paradigm." Salvage, i n t h i s context, implies the preservation of things presumed or perceived as abandoned. The idea of the salvage paradigm stems from the c o l l e c t i o n practices of ethnologists i n the late 19th and early 20th Centuries. According to V i r g i n i a Dominguez: "When we assert the need to salvage, rescue, save, preserve a series of objects or forms, we announce our fear of i t s destruction, our i n a b i l i t y to trust others to take appropriate action and our sense of entitlement over the fate of the objects. Our best l i b e r a l intentions do l i t t l e other than patronize those slated for c u l t u r a l salvage." 3 6 The implication here i s a s h i f t i n assumed r e s p o n s i b i l i t y from the producer ( i n t h i s case, Indigenous people) to the 'expert' ( i n t h i s case, the anthropologist). 3 5Cardinal-Shubert: 1989, page unavailable 36Dominguez: 1987, 131 43 Writing on the same topic James C l i f f o r d has noted that the underlying l o g i c reads something l i k e " 'we' have history, 'they' have myth."37 Because the attempts to assimilate and acculturate, i f not o b l i t e r a t e , Native peoples were seen as being so successful around the turn of the century, a set of practices evolved whereby the dominant culture was able, to some extent and not without objections, to assume r e s p o n s i b i l i t y for the care and preservation of cert a i n aspects of Native culture. These practices have resulted i n many objects of Native o r i g i n being transferred to, and s t i l l kept i n , museum co l l e c t i o n s . A s h i f t i n focus for some objects from ' a r t i f a c t ' to 'art' (those which could be construed as having notably aesthetic attributes) began to occur f a i r l y early on i n t h i s century. Many early exhibitions, such as Canadian West Coast Art : Native and Modern, organized by anthropologist Marius Barbeau and g a l l e r y d i r e c t o r E r i c Brown for the National Gallery i n Ottawa i n 1927, marks one such early example. The show meshed two and three dimensional work by west coast Aboriginal peoples with the more modernist works by members of the Group of Seven, Emily Carr and others. 3 8 The practice of r e l a t i n g to objects created by F i r s t Nations people as art, even those objects o r i g i n a l l y created as u t i l i t a r i a n items, has continued; frequently with i n t e r e s t i n g 3 7 I b i d . : 125 3 8 H i l l : 1995, 190 44 r e s u l t s . Factions have developed within the body of Aboriginal Canada. Some factions f u l l y desire the recognition that exhibitions of t h i s nature can bring, while others r e j e c t the exhibition of any objects that have not been produced s p e c i f i c a l l y as a r t . Joane Cardinal-Shubert, Daphne O d j i i g , Jane Ash-Poitras and Alex Janvier staged a protest i n the form of an exhibition to object to what they f e l t was the latent message of The S p i r i t Sings, a show held at the Glenbow Museum concurrent with the 1988 Winter Olympic games i n Calgary and one which featured F i r s t Nation's a r t i f a c t s . According to Cardinal-Shubert, the Glenbow exhibition "pushed the f a l s e assumption that these objects were created for art's sake...pushed the notion that Native culture was dead, wrapped up, over and c o l l e c t e d . " 3 9 As a v i s u a l a r t i s t and writer working with modernist and post-modernist means, Cardinal-Shubert seems to be expressing concerns around the lack of acknowledgement paid to contemporary F i r s t Nations a r t i s t s , seemingly i n favour of continued exhibitions highlighting ' t r a d i t i o n a l ' works and a r t i f a c t s . While the next chapter w i l l address i n more depth the s o c i o - p o l i t i c a l implications of t h i s dichotomy, i t serves here to point to a problematic history around issues of representation and exhibition within Canada. Cardinal-Shubert: 1989, 23 45 INTENTIONS REGARDING ART Considering Cardinal-Shubert's remarks, a new dimension of meaning and interrogation can be added to the discussion of the works i n the new International Terminal building. The works produced by the Musqueam a r t i s t s for the a i r p o r t a l l f i n d t h e i r creative genesis not only within the hands and minds of t h e i r late 20th Century producers, but also i n the h i s t o r i c modes and types of production of t h e i r ancestors. With the exception of Susan P o i n t 1 s huge Spindle Whorl ( c l e a r l y too enormous to be functional) each of the items selected by the Musqueam Cultural Committee and i n s t a l l e d i n the a i r p o r t could e a s i l y , without considering t h e i r obvious newness, have been borrowed from a place such as the Museum of Anthropology. In fact, weaver K r i s t a Point has stated that she frequently uses the f a c i l i t i e s at the M.O.A. to look at some of the old blankets of her people and so glean i n s p i r a t i o n from them.40 The argument here i s not that the Musqueam people are reproducing objects based i n antiquity and therefore they are not creating art, e s p e c i a l l y considering the objections that Debra Sparrow has to the use of that t i t l e . 4 1 Rather, the point i s simply to question whether or not other kinds of work, more modern or post-modern work, might not have been as re a d i l y accepted for display. 4 0Point: Interview November 15th, 1996 "Sparrow: Interview October 17th, 1996 46 My point here i s that the work which ultimately ended up at the airport i s work which i s acceptable and desirable not so much because i t i s Musqueam work but because i t i s Musqueam work which f i t s into the thematics at the a i r p o r t without creating any ruptures i n the perfect picture of a contained r e a l i t y which the a i r p o r t i s t r y i n g to create. The objects, selected through the auspices of both the YVRAA and the Musqueam Cultural Committee, f i t the image of B r i t i s h Columbia and Vancouver that the a i r p o r t i s t r y i n g to s e l l . In addition, they i n no way present a problem to the image of the Musqueam people which the band has worked to b u i l d and maintain. In fact, the Musqueam works in the a i r p o r t might be read as speaking of a quiet dignity that comes from knowing and claiming one's history with pride. However, the nagging question remains as to whether or not t h i s work was approved p r e c i s e l y because of these normative q u a l i t i e s . Contemporary works included i n exhibitions such as Indiqena (a 1992 exhibition focusing on contemporary works by North American Natives held at the Canadian Museum of C i v i l i z a t i o n ) frequently tend to have more p o l i t i c a l and often p o t e n t i a l l y v o l a t i l e connotations. According to co-curators Lee-Ann Martin and Gerald McMaster: "The objective of the project was...to engage indigenous Canadian v i s u a l , l i t e r a r y and performing a r t i s t s to address such issues as discovery, colonization, c u l t u r a l c r i t i q u e and 47 tenacity, from each of t h e i r perspectives." 4 2 While i t may be argued that the Musqueam work i n the a i r p o r t c e r t a i n l y may be said to speak to issues of c u l t u r a l tenacity, an e x p l i c i t treatment of issues around c r i t i q u e , colonization and discovery i s absent from the exhibition. It would be inappropriate to over problematize the apparent absence of these other positions. I t may, perhaps, be said that c u l t u r a l tenacity, i n and of i t s e l f , i n d i r e c t l y addresses those other issues through i t s defiance of them. In addition, there i s no one p a r t i c u l a r way i n which a l l F i r s t Nations a r t i s t s ought to work nor only one body of issues which they should be expected to address. While t h i s i s not a l i n e of inquiry which seeks to accuse either the a i r p o r t or the Musqueam people of boondoggling through avoidance, i t does seem convenient, considering the a i r p o r t ' s goals, that the work selected for incl u s i o n c e r t a i n l y seems to down-play the kinds of s o c i a l and p o l i t i c a l issues with which other Aboriginal a r t i s t s have engaged themselves. One wonders how things would s i t i f an a r t i s t working i n the manner of Lawrence Paul Yuxweluptun, whose works are notably aggressive and p o l i t i c a l l y loaded, were included. On the one hand, the d i r e c t address of p o l i t i c a l issues through v i s u a l art seems to have been a concern for neither the Musqueam people, nor the a i r p o r t . Rather, an exhibition that speaks of long standing t r a d i t i o n and values seems to be more 4 2Martin and McMaster: 1992, 15 48 what both parties had i n mind. On the other hand, (and t h i s harken back to debates c i t e d i n previous sections) the work i n the ai r p o r t i s of a decidedly modernist, not post-modernist, i l k . While I do not intend to argue here that some things 'art' and other things are not, the orientation of works included i n other exhibitions of Indigenous art versus the tone of the works included at the a i r p o r t speaks to some sort of d i s p a r i t y . To value one type of work over the other seems inappropriate, but to acknowledge the differences i n t h e i r approaches and to question what i s at stake for both the a i r p o r t and the Musqueam people by adopting t h e i r p a r t i c u l a r position, remains s i g n i f i c a n t . 49 Chapter Three This portion of the paper seeks to draw together previous sections into a cohesive t h e o r e t i c a l analysis of how the components of the airport function i n terms of t h e i r e f f e c t s on the viewer and i n terms of the latent issues of representation and c u l t u r a l negotiation with which the a i r p o r t has a c t i v e l y involved i t s e l f . Up for discussion here i s not only the a i r p o r t proper, but also the YVR's Art Foundation, whose goals and strategies, while perhaps not always manifest within the airport, c e r t a i n l y inform the larger picture. My inter e s t i n these subjects i s i n the question of what i s at stake for both the a i r p o r t and the Musqueam people i n terms of the art selected and the exhibition t a c t i c s chosen. SEGREGATION AND FETISHIZATION Contemporary mainstream F i r s t Nations a r t i s t s working i n Canada such as Joane Cardinal-Shubert and Gerald McMaster, address the notion that Indian art i n Canada has been consistently f i l t e r e d out of the mainstream and has been defined as i t s own discreet and separate category, that i s to say, ghetto-ized. McMaster and Martin's 1992 project for the Canadian Museum of C i v i l i z a t i o n , Indigena, brought these issues c l e a r l y to centre stage. Throughout the show, which was designed to be a forum for self-representation and the interrogation of an apparently oppressive system, McMaster posited his underlying problem as being about the reasons that 50 "art museums have excluded aboriginal art i n Canada and the United States," 4 3 although, of course, the show's intention was to challenge those boundaries. While 1992 saw the r e a l i s a t i o n of many exhibitions of F i r s t Nations work across the country (formulated to mark the anniversary of f i v e hundred years of occupation and contact), the years preceding and proceeding from that one watershed year continue to be plagued by issues of separation, segregation, and f e t i s h i z a t i o n . Cultural c r i t i c Homi Bhabha refe r s back to Freudian theory when he defines f e t i s h i z a t i o n as a "non-repressive form of knowledge that allows for the p o s s i b i l i t y of simultaneously embracing two contradictory b e l i e f s , one o f f i c i a l and one secret, one archaic and one progressive, one that allows the myth of o r i g i n s , the other that a r t i c u l a t e s difference and d i v i s i o n . " 4 4 This reading of f e t i s h i z a t i o n i s pertinent to the project at hand and one which i s , i n some ways, embodied by the YVR. In the f i r s t instance, there are c l e a r l y two forms of knowledge and two sets of practices employed with regards to the International Terminal building. The display and exhibition of F i r s t Nations work may be seen to act as a sort of homage to the a r t i s t s , t h e i r heritage, and t h e i r c r e a t i v i t y ; a celebration of the Indigenous cultures within 4 3McMaster: 1992, Page Unavailable 44Bhabha: 1994, 80 51 the province. However, the very fact that the YVR went out of i t s way to include works by Aboriginal a r t i s t s indicates that there were non-progressive motivations behind the project as well. The Vancouver International Airport has further implicated i t s e l f i n the project of defining culture through contemporary v i s u a l culture by the establishment of the YVR Art Foundation. Though the Art Foundation i s not responsible for the placement of the Musqueam works within the a i r p o r t i t s associations with i t s parent i n s t i t u t i o n are made clear by the reference to the a i r p o r t within the Foundation's t i t l e , i n that i t a c t u a l l y contains the airport's name. In addition, the Foundation used the a i r p o r t ' s Jade Canoe during the summer of 1995 i n order to raise funds to support i t s goals (Figure 12), a move which further l i n k s the two e n t i t i e s . The Art Foundation's mandates provide some insight into the idea of f e t i s h i z a t i o n being linked here to the a i r p o r t . In the YVR Art Foundation Newsletter of Summer, 1995, the following description of the purpose and mandates of the Art Foundation was provided: "The YVR Art Foundation, established i n 1994, was created to foster the development of Northwest Coast Native Art. Funds from the Foundation w i l l be used to commission work from emerging and well known a r t i s t s . The Vancouver International Airport Authority (YVRAA) has taken t h i s i n i t i a t i v e because Northwest Coast Native art can play an important role i n defining the unique character of our Province and i t s heritage, and can make a major contribution to the increase of international awareness and tourism to Canada. The YVR Art Foundation, through use of the a i r p o r t f a c i l i t i e s w i l l have an opportunity to display and promote our c u l t u r a l heritage to many m i l l i o n s of international, national and l o c a l t r a v e l l e r s 52 and v i s i t o r s . " 4 5 Here, the attitude i s one of patronization, as opposed to patronage, with the assumption being that the producers of t h i s art needed extra or special help i n marketing i t . In addition, the idea that F i r s t Nations work has been s p e c i f i c a l l y targeted for fostering, contributes to the very sort of segregation and separation against which many Aboriginal a r t i s t s are working; but not any of those included i n the a i r p o r t . Frank O'Neill made clear i n an a r t i c l e i n the Vancouver Sun that a good part of the purpose of the art was to stimulate economic p r o f i t s at the a i r p o r t . His statement extended beyond the Art Foundation to include the work act u a l l y i n place at the terminal. "I think i t [Native Art] w i l l provide a competitive advantage over an a i r p o r t that looks upon i t s e l f as a processing factory.. .What art can do i s create an ambience and a f e e l i n g that puts people i n a good mood. That, by the way, has a great commercial sp i n o f f . " 4 6 Here one of the 'secret' b e l i e f s , seemingly counted by the a i r p o r t as a 'progressive' one, i s made manifest. While one of the s o c i o - p o l i t i c a l 'spinoffs' may be a heightened awareness of F i r s t Nations people within the province and the Musqueam people i n p a r t i c u l a r , what l i e s at the heart of the enterprise i s r e a l l y a matter of commerce. "Vancouver International Airport: 1994, 4 (emphasis mine) "Vancouver Sun: A p r i l 26th, 1996, D2 53 REPRESENTATION Although the Musqueam people f u l l y p a r t i c i p a t e d i n the inclus i o n of t h e i r work within the new International Terminal building, there i s an underlying problem around the lack of s e l f representation, fundamentally a question of the construction of i d e n t i t y . C o l l e c t i o n and display practices often t e l l us much more about the exhibitor rather than about the exhibitee, as asserted by V i r g i n i a Dominguez i n a 1986 a r t i c l e , and others. Even had the selection of works for the air p o r t been e n t i r e l y at the insistence and d i s c r e t i o n of the Musqueam Cultural Committee, and every aspect of i t e n t i r e l y under t h e i r control, the context of the terminal building i s r e f l e c t i v e of ideas pertaining to the philosophical west more so than of the Indigenous people of Canada; a phenomenon which art h i s t o r i a n Svetlana Alpers refers to as the "museum ef f e c t " . This describes the way i n which the very presence of an object within a western display context has a transformative e f f e c t on that object, immediately decontextualizing i t and thereby rendering i t 'art' regardless of any and a l l p r i o r meaning.47 This inherent s h i f t i n meaning i s es p e c i a l l y true when the objects i n questions are, i n f a c t , once c u l t u r a l l y useful h i s t o r i c a r t i f a c t s such as those one might f i n d at an ethnographic museum. Function, i n that case, recedes i n deference to form so that the focus of the viewer i s directed to an aestheticised examination of the 4 7Alpers: 1991, 26 54 object which may take such issues as intent and function for granted. Although i t remains true that the air p o r t i s a business and not a museum, the idea of transformation of objects through the 'museum e f f e c t ' i s s t i l l useful as, es s e n t i a l l y , i t refers not just to transformations which occur within the realm of a formal museum but to the way i n which any display context changes the meaning of an object. With t h i s i n mind the concept of the 'museum e f f e c t ' can be applied to the works i n the YVR as regards t h e i r display context. However, the o v e r a l l issue of display practices and representation i s rendered much more complex due to the f a c t that the objects on display were, indeed, created s p e c i f i c a l l y for the purpose of exhi b i t i o n . In other words, t h e i r primary function was not to be c u l t u r a l l y useful, but, rather, to be decorative t o u r i s t a t t r a c t i o n s , allowing the ai r p o r t to c a p i t a l i z e on Native authorship and benefit from the absence of p o l i t i c a l l y loaded messages. Really, then, the objects are performing as they were intended to by the producers; or are they? REDUCTION To answer t h i s i n t r i g u i n g question, i t i s useful to return to the subject of the tropes of tourism. Kenneth L i t t l e discusses the relationship of Indigenous peoples to the t o u r i s t industry: "In the t o u r i s t discourse, for example, there i s a s t r i k i n g o b j e c t i f i c a t i o n of indigenous people that i s a focal part of the production of t o u r i s t 55 spectacles...Tourists...never meet indigenous people within a contemporary s o c i a l context. Rather, the ' t r i b a l natives' of the sort i n the t o u r i s t text remain categorized as 'native', ' t r i b a l ' , ' p r e h i s t o r i c 1 , and 'primitive'." 4 8 What L i t t l e i s asserting here i s that the potential problems of inequitable relationships between t o u r i s t s (as 'dominant' society figures) and Natives (as marginal 'others') i s diffused by the reduction of Natives to the pos i t i o n of unthreatening t o u r i s t commodities. Rather than representing themselves as contemporary people who occupy the same vari e t y of roles assumed by the dominant society, Natives are represented by the t o u r i s t industry i n a vari e t y of ways, many of which render them as non-participants i n contemporary l i f e . In the case of the YVR, the reduction of F i r s t Nation's people occurs when t h e i r art (visual evidence of t h e i r existence) i s l e f t to stand i n for them; the objects replace the people. By presenting a picture of the Indigenous populations of B r i t i s h Columbia which only allows for the acknowledgement of certain aspects of t h e i r culture ( i n t h i s case, a r t i s t i c production) the air p o r t has presented a cropped image. While outside of those things which apply to the t o u r i s t discourse r e l a t i o n s between the Musqueam ( s p e c i f i c a l l y ) and the air p o r t may i n fact be very open and broadly informed with much potential for growth, the image presented by the YVR at the air p o r t does not indicate t h i s . " L i t t l e : 1991, 152 5 6 Rather, the display of the work within the YVR renders t h i s representation of the Musqueam people as a s t a t i c one. Although the display of the Jade Canoe i s mediated by the presence of F i r s t Nations 'Art Ambassadors' which allows for the presentation of the physical presence of members of the Indigenous population, the reduction e f f e c t s t i l l occurs. Drawn from a variety of Indigenous Nations and, i n some cases, academic d i s c i p l i n e s , the art ambassadors, usually working two at a time, are at the s i t e i n order to respond to public questions about the sculpture. Though t h e i r p osition as marginal within the larger society i s somewhat m o l l i f i e d by t h e i r actual presence within the a i r p o r t a reduction s t i l l occurs. By having them on s i t e s p e c i f i c a l l y to act as 'informants' ( i n the h i s t o r i c a l ethnographic sense) the t o t a l i d e n t i t i e s of the ambassadors are again compromised by the absence of any i n d i c a t i o n that they occupy other roles as well. Their designation as 'ambassadors' presents an image of Indigenous people i n which they only relate to the dominant society in order to explain themselves and t h e i r differences. It i s the c u r i o s i t y of the viewer, an external factor, which i s allowed to provide meaning to t h e i r roles, and not the kinds of internal impetuses which are allowed to inform the roles of everybody e l s e . 4 9 4 9As a point of interest, contrary to what was expected in terms of public questions, Rosalie Wilson, one of the Art Ambassadors, confirmed that the majority of the questions were 57 TOKENISM Here, we f i n d not only that the incl u s i o n of the art acts as a form of tokenism, as asserted e a r l i e r i n t h i s work, but that, further, the 'art ambassadors' as human subjects themselves, also become tokenised; e s s e n t i a l l y tokenism, here, i s a form of reduction. Cultural c r i t i c Gayatri Spivak has written extensively on the problems facing diasporic peoples, who also face marginalization i n contemporary post c o l o n i a l society. On the subject of the relationship of 'dominant' to 'marginal' people she states that "certain people are elevated very quickly to those who speak for a l l immigrants: i n terms of funding, and i n terms of the dissemination bf t h e i r work, etc. As a re s u l t , you don't hear about the rest, because 'we have covered that,' and those few token figures function as a very secure a l i b i . " 5 0 What Spivak i s t a l k i n g about i s the way i n which cert a i n people, objects, and ideas become tokenized. Although she refers s p e c i f i c a l l y to immigrants, e s s e n t i a l l y , Spivak i s speaking of the po s i t i o n of any marginalized people; a position which the F i r s t Nations of Canada are quite f a m i l i a r with. She further asserts that "when you are perceived as a token, you are also silenced i n a certain way because...if you have been brought there [to participate] i t has been covered, they [dominant society] needn't worry about about materials, weight, the a r t i s t , the amount of time i t took to create the sculpture and the work's t o t a l cost. (Interview, October 25th, 1996) 5 0Spivak: 1990, 60 58 i t anymore, you salve t h e i r conscience." 5 1 The notion of a p a r t i c u l a r kind of 'silencing' i s a valuable one i n terms of what i s happening with regards to the display practices at the a i r p o r t and i n terms of thinking about display practices i n general. As referenced with the e a r l i e r idea of the 'museum e f f e c t ' an exhibit often t e l l s us much more about exhibitor than exhibitee; an e f f e c t which, i n many ways, does silence the object and any references to the object's producer. In a case l i k e that of the YVR, the issue of exhibiting intentions and silences becomes even more complex as the variable of c u l t u r a l representation i s introduced to the equation. Michael Baxandall, i n his a r t i c l e "Exhibiting Intentions" discusses the ways i n which exhibitions are both organized and informed: "The purpose of the exhibitor's a c t i v i t i e s are complex. They include putting on a good show and i n s t r u c t i n g the audience, but i f these purposes come under the rubric of representing a culture then they also include, functionally, v a l i d a t i n g a theory - namely, a theory of culture. There seems nothing s i n i s t e r i n t h i s . But c l e a r l y the exhibitor has purposes and conditions d i f f e r e n t from those of the f i r s t agent, the maker of the objects exhibited." 5 2 Here, Baxandall also points to a presumed s i l e n c i n g of what he c a l l s the ' f i r s t agent.' This view, while true to the idea that the exhibitor has, almost invariably, an agenda, also b e l i e s the agency and agenda of the ' f i r s t agent.' Because i n 5 1 I b i d . , 61 "Baxandall: 1991, 37 59 the case of the YVR, the Musqueam people were a c t i v e l y involved i n negotiating the terms of the inclu s i o n of t h e i r work, the idea of 'exhibiting intentions' i s much more complex. Before discussing these complexities, i t should be known that the actual process of negotiation between the air p o r t and the Musqueam people began i n 1992 when the airport's control was transferred to the YVRAA. I t was at t h i s point that the Musqueam Cultural Committee was established. Several proposals were put forth to the YVR from the committee, most of which c a l l e d for more pieces than are currently i n s t a l l e d i n the terminal. After much discussion the current format was approved by both parties and commissions were formally assigned. CULTURAL NEGOTIATION AND THE THIRD SPACE This leads to a discussion of the idea of c u l t u r a l negotiation which i s a part of the very core of my thesis. In keeping with Baxandall's remarks, when an i n s t i t u t i o n displays works which are c l e a r l y products of a s o c i a l 'other', that i n s t i t u t i o n i s , indeed, p a r t i c i p a t i n g i n a discourse which ultimately seeks to validate a p a r t i c u l a r l y theorized idea of culture. The involvement of the producers i n t h i s case, however, indicates t h e i r investment i n that same process of negotiation. The YVR i s i n the business of a t t r a c t i n g t o u r i s t s . The Musqueam people wish to heighten the awareness of t o u r i s t s to t h e i r existence. The YVR has an outsiders view 60 and understanding of the Musqueam people; the Musqueam's view of themselves i s informed from within. The YVR has on display some of the works of the Musqueam people, thereby, taking on the role of representing them. The Musqueam were involved i n the construction of that exhibition, thereby, taking r e s p o n s i b i l i t y for representing themselves. Two sets of goals, two agendas and two perspectives went into the creation of the Musqueam exhibition at the air p o r t i n order to come up with a working model of culture. What they have created together, then, i s a hybrid moment i n the history of c u l t u r a l negotiation. Homi Bhabha states that the hybrid moment i s one of p o l i t i c a l change. "Here the transformational value of change l i e s i n the r e a r t i c u l a t i o n , or tra n s l a t i o n , of elements that are neither the One...nor the Other...but something else besides, which contests the terms and t e r r i t o r i e s of both." 5 3 This creation of a 'third space' through a moment of hybrid negotiation i s r e a l l y what we are speaking of when we speak of the exhibition practices, e s p e c i a l l y as they pertain to the Musqueam people, at the a i r p o r t ; the t h i r d space i s the plateau of the moment of c u l t u r a l hybridity created through negotiation. The p a r t i c i p a t i o n of both parties allowed the placement of the work to be informed by both exhibitor and f i r s t agent so that the message that we receive as viewers i s t r u l y a "Bhabha: 1994, 28 61 matter of 'neither the one nor the other' but a complex meshing of both, as indicated in the description of the actual process of negotiation. For example, the placement of the 'welcome poles' in a position where they do actually perform their function as 'welcomers' (rather than, say, being pushed up against the walls where they would be present but out of the path of pedestrian t r a f f i c ) is an example of the way in which a third space has been created at the airport. At the most base level, the very inclusion of Musqueam work in the f i r s t place, outside of the airport' passenger strategy in i t i a t i v e s , also represents the creation of a third space; one in which two cultures, perhaps with l i t t l e in common other than a shared interest in the land on which the airport stands, are brought together to be represented in tandem (one by the creation of the space and one by the art within the space) on a common ground. While the idea of the third space, cultural negotiation and p o l i t i c a l change through moments of hybridity are valid and can be clearly seen at the airport i f one approaches the subject with a c r i t i c a l mind, this is not where the discussion ends. Although i t is clear that the Musqueam people did exercise some agency, there are many other factors within the airport (that i s , the airport as a business) to be considered. 62 Chapter Four It i s at t h i s point that discussion may expand outwards from dealing s o l e l y with the Musqueam examples. Because they involve the idea l i z e d moment of hybridity, they cannot be said to r e f l e c t the a i r p o r t as a whole. In t h i s chapter I w i l l deal with some of the ways i n which the i n t e g r i t y of that hybrid moment i s compromised by other strategies employed by the YVR. CREATION OF TOURIST MOMENTS As asserted i n previous sections, the t o u r i s t industry consists of a whole set of practices which aim to provide the t o u r i s t with a p a r t i c u l a r kind of experience; one which i s t i e d c l o s e l y to both l e i s u r e and pleasure. Tourist industries, e s p e c i a l l y l o c a l i z e d ones such as ai r p o r t s , c l e a r l y recognize the s e l l i n g p otential that Indigenous communities lend to the larger community. The question, then, often becomes one of how to u t i l i s e Indians as a 'natural resource' while f i l t e r i n g out some of the p o t e n t i a l l y 'displeasurable' aspects of the r e a l i t y of t h e i r relationships to the 'dominant' society. The answer i s obvious; use not the Indians themselves, who may speak i n t h e i r own voices and provide a disjuncture i n the perfect community picture, but use instead the v i s u a l signs of t h e i r presence - ar t . This i s a t a c t i c which has already been addressed, but now i t can be evidenced through a 63 discussion of the way i t has been employed by the a i r p o r t at one of the e a r l i e r planning stages; i n t h i s case, s p e c i f i c a l l y with regards to the YVR Art Foundation and the S p i r i t of Haida Gwaii/Jade Canoe. In order for an endeavour such as the Art Foundation, or even the creation of a conceptually l o c a l i z e d sense of place to be successful, i t must be s t r i c t l y controlled and thoroughly explained and r a t i o n a l i s e d both for the i n s t i t u t i o n and f o r the viewing public. The set of practices t h i s e n t a i l s , at least on the part of the i n s t i t u t i o n concerned, might generally be referred to as 'public r e l a t i o n s . ' In the case of the YVR Art Foundation, text seems, thus f a r , to be the mainstay of any kind of public r e l a t i o n s a c t i v i t i e s surrounding the Foundation. Prior to i t s inves t i t u r e at the new International Terminal building, B i l l Reid's sculpture was i n s t a l l e d at a temporary home on Granville Island. The sculpture i t s e l f was housed i n a post-modern version of the t r a d i t i o n a l Coastal s t y l e cedar Longhouse, open e n t i r e l y to the public (Figure 1 0 ) . V i s i t o r s to the Island were free to walk around the sculpture at t h e i r l e i s u r e , much as they are now at the a i r p o r t . I n i t i a l l y , many v i s i t o r s even f e l t free enough to mount the platform on which the sculpture stood i n order to achieve (presumably) something l i k e a more physical communion with the work. (Apparently, t h i s s t i l l occurs even within the more formal setting of the ai r p o r t , much to the chagrin of 64 those i n charge.) Tour guides from various Native bands throughout the province were hired by the YVR to act as interpreters for the sculpture, the s i t e , and the Art Foundation. Unlike the Art Ambassadors currently employed within the YVR, the nature of t h e i r roles seemed much more formal. In speeches of approximately twenty minutes i n length, the guides circumvented the sculpture, always followed by eager t o u r i s t s , as they explained and defined each of the figures i n Reid's colossal bronze work. Though they were ' l i v e action' figures, designed to invigorate the s i t e with a contemporary F i r s t Nation's presence, t h e i r speeches were e n t i r e l y scripted, even down to the answers to random questions posed occasionally by equally random t o u r i s t s . Their sharing of information seemed text based and inorganic and, i n that respect, d i f f e r e d very l i t t l e from the panels posted throughout the s i t e . E s s e n t i a l l y , the same process of s i l e n c i n g occurs here i n much the same manner as does with the Art Ambassadors. Rather than allowing for an organic and free flowing dialogue (or even a monologue which r e f l e c t s something of the personality of the speaker) presentations were so cropped and constructed as to leave one with the impression that what one was hearing was not even the speaker's re a l voice. At i t s s i t e on Granville Island, the Canoe was accompanied by two main bodies of text. One of these was an 65 explanation of the figures in the Canoe written in a poetic style by B i l l Reid (Figure 11). In the conclusion of Reid's musings, he states: "Is the t a l l figure, who may or may not be the Spirit of Haida Gwaii, leading us, for we are a l l in the same boat, to a sheltered beach beyond the rim of the world as he seems to be or is he lost in a dream of his own dreamings. The boat goes on, forever anchored in the same place." 5 4 Here, the semi-satirical intent of the sculpture comes to the fore. Reid places us a l l within the same boat and then begs us examine our direction, or lack thereof, and specifically asks just who i s doing the steering. The abridged version of this text which appears just adjacent to the sculpture in the airport includes these last couple of lines. The lines and the question they pose seem something of an ironic twist considering the questions about just who i s steering the boat with regards to the project of cultural representation, with which this paper is concerned. The other set of text panels at the Granville Island site were promotional texts intended to inform the public about the Art Foundation and i t s goals (Figure 12). The Foundation's mission statement, as quoted earlier in this paper also appears now at the airport. Here, once again, problems of language and power relations become readily apparent. With the expression of sentiments which relate the potential positive impact of the role that First Nations art can play within the province, the mandate, although a l t r u i s t i c in 5 4Reid: 1994 66 essence, may have been helped by the i n d i c a t i o n of some sense of history. While the Art Foundation's newsletter stated, within the body of the Chairman's message, that the YVR acknowledges that many t o u r i s t s w i l l have had no p r i o r exposure to Northwest Coast Aboriginal a r t no s p e c i a l s e n s i t i v i t y i s used i n consideration of t h i s f a c t . 5 5 Perhaps the Board of Directors forgot, momentarily, that a large part of tourism i n t h i s province has already been b u i l t on the backs of F i r s t Nation's peoples (the rest of i t having been b u i l t on the landscape, the mounties, the idea of Canada as 'pure', natural and sublime i n general). These two texts play o f f of one another i n an i n s t r u c t i v e manner within the context of the a i r p o r t . Their s p a t i a l i s o l a t i o n from one another ( i n the sense that they do not appear on the same panel) allows them to be read d i s c r e e t l y so that the 'voice' of the YVR and the 'voice' of the sculptor may be viewed only as l a t e n t l y incohesive, since t h e i r presence together within the Canoe s i t e forces them to be read, on that l e v e l , as manifestly cohesive. While the informational text about the YVR f u l f i l l e d i t s function more or less manifestly by acting as an e x p l i c a t i v e t o o l , Reid's text, the one which presumably works to authenticate the s i t e by the employment of 'the Native voice', was cut down to the bare minimum. The l o g i c seems to be that by using Reid's voice to explain the sculpture, the YVR a l l e v i a t e s (or, at "Vancouver International Airport: 1994, 1 67 least, attempts to) some of the problems around representation which may otherwise have been more prevalent. YVR ON THE INTERNET The advent of increasing access to the Internet has provided yet another forum to which i n s t i t u t i o n s such as the YVR may look i n the process of disseminating information. Here, as langauge i s the predominant means of explication, issues around the use of language i n constructing the user's understanding of whatever information i s contained within the text becomes increasingly important. The Internet i s , i n and of i t s e l f , a quagmire of s p a t i a l l y unanchored data, e a s i l y accessible to anyone with a modem. Sit e s on the 'net' provide users with both v i s u a l and textual bytes organized into discreet compartments which allow an easy flow of information, exponentially expanding as the user c l i c k s onto key words within the body of a given text. The YVR has taken advantage of t h i s technology by establishing i t s own s i t e on the World Wide Web (WWW). The s i t e begins with a Home Page which e s s e n t i a l l y provides a menu of the informational items available throughout the rest of the s i t e . Organized into categories such as 'Welcome', 'Gateway', Terminals', 'Route Network', 'Photo Gallery', and 'Ground Transportation', the user may c l i c k onto any one of these headings i n order to probe the information available therein. This paper, being mainly concerned with the new International Terminal building, 68 u t i l i s e d that menu item to generate a search (a d i f f e r e n t menu choice would r e s u l t i n a d i f f e r e n t search pattern). From the f i r s t page, e n t i t l e d "New International Terminal Building: Summary of Features," flow various sub-headings; 'A Taste of B r i t i s h Columbia 1, 'Passengers on the Move with Spectacular Connections', 'Smart use of Space', 'Baggage Handling', 'Exciting R e t a i l Development', and 'Improved Customs F a c i l i t i e s ' . In p a r t i c u l a r , 'A Taste of B r i t i s h Columbia' deals with the e a r l i e r referred to idea of thematics. Here, within the 'Taste of B r i t i s h Columbia' page, the text allows the reader to c l i c k onto information regarding 'Musqueam' art works and 'The S p r i t of Haida Gwaii'; i t i s within t h i s f i r s t page that the continuing investigation of both the kind of language and the way i n which language i s used by the YVR can resume. Within the body of text i n the souvenir e d i t i o n of "Skytalk Magazine" the Reid sculpture i s the only work referred to as a 'masterpiece. 1 5 6 Although t h i s obvious accolade i s absent from the Internet s i t e , a more subtle form of h i e r a r c h i c a l i z a t i o n i s nonetheless employed. The text on the web s i t e reads: "Captivating displays, including giant murals, museum a r t i f a c t s and s p e c i a l l y commissioned Musqueam and Haida Nation art, including B i l l Reid's The S p i r i t of Haida Gwaii, the Jade Canoe, depict B r i t i s h Columbia's past and Present." 5 7 Here, the omission 5 6SkyTalk: 1996, 58 57http.//www.yvr.ca/itb/itbsumm.htm: January 22nd, 1997 69 of s p e c i f i c references to i n d i v i d u a l a r t i s t s of the Musqueam Nation, juxtaposed to the s p e c i f i c mention of Reid's name and work indicates the presumed prevalence of both his reputation and work. Although on subsequent pages i n the web s i t e , such as the Photo Gallery, do mention both Susan Pointe and Shane Point and even place the Musqueam work before the Reid sculpture, t h i s i n i t i a l omission i s troubling. While Reid's international reputation doubtless lends him some name recognition, the lack of o v e r a l l consistency i s t e l l i n g . In addition to t h i s problematic moment of representation, several other equally problematic moments surfaced as the scope of the search broadened. On the page e n t i t l e d "A Musqueam Welcome to the World" i t i s asserted that the viewer " w i l l experience the impressive a r t i s t i c talents and natural r e f l e c t i o n s of the Musqueam, the aboriginal people who s t i l l today l i v e at the mouth of the Fraser River." 5 8 Here, the Musqueam encounter the same kind of reduction referred to e a r l i e r i n t h i s work; in which t h e i r i d e n t i t i e s are e s s e n t i a l l y collapsed into the singular role of ' a r t i s t ' . The mental image created of the Musqueam l i v i n g ' s t i l l today at the mouth of the Fraser River' i s equally reductive as i t implies that t h e i r lifeways have remained unchanged i n a l l of the time they have existed here. No reference i s made to the fact that they a l l l i v e i n modern houses with central heating and so on. 58http.//www.yvr.ca/itb/musqueam.htm: January 22nd, 1997 70 Each of the pieces created by the Musqueam are i d e n t i f i e d within the body of the text, but once again, with no reference to the names of the ind i v i d u a l a r t i s t s . In order to get at that information the user must c l i c k onto each of the works i n d i v i d u a l l y , c a l l i n g up the applicable page. What t h i s means i s that, for many, access to the names of s p e c i f i c Musqueam a r t i s t s i s gained only through the persistence of the user; a stark contrast to the ease with which the user may f i n d information regarding B i l l Reid's work. Unlike "Skytalk Magazine", the WWW text does mention, on the Photo Gallery page, the fact that the two welcome figures were i n fact carved by two d i f f e r e n t a r t i s t s . 5 9 What i s absent from both bodies of text, however, i s the fact that Susan Point also created the glass disks which adorn the backs of both figures. Here, the latent message i s that not only are the Musqueam works under rated i n terms of t h e i r a c c e s s i b i l i t y , but the drive to get the information out accurately would appear to be absent. The page regarding the Jade Canoe i s the only one which has a section s p e c i f i c a l l y devoted to the transmission of " A r t i s t i c D e t a i l s " which are, i n r e a l i t y , simply the pragmatic d e t a i l s regarding the work's dimensions and materials. Information regarding the materials and dimensions of other works within the air p o r t i s included i n the bodies of the texts which deal with them. However, that information i s not 5 9http://www.yvr.ca/itb/figures.htm: January 22nd, 1997 71 l a i d out i n the same d e f i n i t i v e and professional manner which i s used i n the treatment of Reid's work. While these problems may be a matter of oversight the latent detriment which results from the physical difference between the pages i s not ameliorated by such an excuse. Perhaps the Reid sculpture r e a l l y i s more highly valued than the other works and has, as a r e s u l t , been treated d e f e r e n t i a l l y both within the a i r p o r t as a whole and within the context of the Internet s i t e . Regardless of what the reasons may be for these discrepancies, the e f f e c t remains the same; there i s a d i s p a r i t y i n the ways that the Musqueam and Haida works are treated. It i s my suggestion that t h i s contributes to the o v e r a l l reduction of the Musqueam people. In a f i n a l irony, only two pages on the s i t e use the a r t i s t s own voice to describe t h e i r work. One i s the page devoted to the "Great Wave Wall" by Lutz Haufschild 6 0 while the other i s by B i l l Reid, and d e t a i l s the figures i n the canoe. Although Haufschild's name i s misspelled, i t appears at the bottom of the text and i s dated September 7, 1995; an apparent indica t i o n of his authorship. Here, once again, issues of s i l e n c i n g , h i e r a r c h i c a l i z a t i o n and p r i v i l e g i n g become apparent. The idea that Haufschild, as the only non-aboriginal a r t i s t treated on the s i t e , and Reid, as the Master Haida carver, are the only two a r t i s t s who are allowed to represent 60http://www.yvr.ca/itb/wavewall.htm: January 22nd, 1997 7 2 themselves through text c e r t a i n l y says something about the agency of the other a r t i s t s involved. Haufschild and Reid speak for themselves while the other a r t i s t s are spoken for by someone else. Further, and once again, Reid i s mentioned by name at the e a r l i e s t possible juncture, while the Musqueam people are only named i f the reader i s w i l l i n g to continue with a more detailed search. I t i s apparent that the maze of segregation, f e t i s h i z a t i o n and silence exists even i n one of the world's most modern and accessible means of data deployment. Barriers e x i s t here not due to p r e f e r e n t i a l access but through the p r i v i l e g e of self-representation (or lack thereof) and the language used to construct that representation. 6 1 6 1 I t should be noted that t h i s section was written based on the WWW pages as they appeared i n January of 1997. Subsequent research revealed that the YVR had plans to change the format of t h e i r web s i t e , e f f e c t i v e i n mid-April of 1997. However, the updated information was unavailable at the time of t h i s writing so my analysis stands on the basis of my i n i t i a l research. In addition, I was able to learn that the new web s i t e i s slated to have s i g n i f i c a n t l y less information on the art within the terminal so that the focus can be s h i f t e d to more pragmatic t o u r i s t concerns such as ground transportation and parking. 7 3 CONCLUSION Throughout t h i s work, I have referred to the idea of the 'third space' as being a t h e o r e t i c a l plateau of mutuality achieved by the negotiation of two p a r t i e s . In t h i s p a r t i c u l a r case that negotiation has to do with the coexistence of two cultures which, for d i f f e r e n t reasons, have sought to occupy the same space. In Bhabha's Utopian th e o r e t i c a l i d e a l , that hybrid space i s dominated by neither party, but equally informed by both. Though t h e i r agendas may c o n f l i c t , the p o t e n t i a l for a power struggle i s ostensibly assuaged through the negotiating process and the r e s u l t i s a working model of hybrid culture which allows room for both. In t h i s instance the discussion has focused on a snap-shot moment of the Vancouver scene involving the Vancouver International Airport and the Musqueam S a l i s h Nation. The international " A r r i v a l Passengers Only" area of the new terminal building has become, I have argued, a s i t e of c u l t u r a l negotiation, resolving i t s e l f i n a moment of hybridity. Because the a i r p o r t must function as a business competing in the t o u r i s t industry many of the marketing strategies i t employs i n order to be competitive ultimately b e l i e the p o s i t i v e advancements made during the p r i o r negotiation of that 'third space.' One of the ways i n which the agency of the Musqueam people - t h e i r r i g h t and a b i l i t y to represent 7 4 themselves - has been undermined by the ai r p o r t has to do with the very act of placing the work within the terminal building. Not a museum but a business, the a i r p o r t , by v i r t u e of that fact, has p a r t l y co-opted the agency of the Musqueam people, and ends up presenting them as a people metonymically reduced to an art form - despite the fact that the Musqueam participated i n negotiations aimed at representing themselves. Although they did exercise t h e i r agency and were able to p a r t i c i p a t e i n t h e i r own representation, the success of that f i n i t e e x hibition space i s compromised by the larger matrix of the a i r p o r t as a whole. The works selected for exhibition, though contemporary, a l l f i n d t h e i r s t r u c t u r a l genesis i n forms which can be traced back to common items from e a r l i e r times; spindle whorls, blankets and welcome poles. Although t h i s speaks p o s i t i v e l y of c u l t u r a l perseverance and the carrying on of t r a d i t i o n , i t also serves to render the Musqueam as atemporal; s t a t i c . Further, none of the works deal with contemporary p o l i t i c a l issues of the sort which many Northwest Coast Natives and other aboriginal Canadians are engaged i n . Therefore, the Musqueam are rendered not only atemporal, but a p o l i t i c a l as well. This i s not to suggest that Native a r t i s t s must deal with s o c i o - p o l i t i c a l issues i n t h e i r a r t . On the contrary, i t i s my intention to point to the fact that by leaving such references out of the exhibition, the a i r p o r t excuses i t s e l f 75 from having to engage i n a more a c t i v e l y p o l i t i c a l way with the issues that face contemporary Native people. As Gayatri Spivak has suggested, the fact of inclu s i o n of marginalised peoples acts to salve the conscience of the dominant society so i t can relax into thinking that a l l i s as i t should be and nothing more needs be done. In addition to the d e p o l i t i c i z i n g of the Musqueam, the location of t h e i r work within the air p o r t also speaks to the way i n which the o v e r a l l benefits of the negotiated space are damaged. The physical prominence allowed to B i l l Reid's work by i t s placement i n a very central high t r a f f i c area of the airp o r t , juxtaposed to the more limited access allowed to the Musqueam work i s problematic. What i s the point of undertaking an important project such as the negotiation of a t h i r d space i f only a p r i v i l e g e d set of people are allowed to see i t ? And those who are allowed to see i t are indeed p r i v i l e g e d as they must f i r s t be able to afford the cost of an international f l i g h t . Here again the relationship of the Musqueam to the ai r p o r t i s undermined and the one step forward i s followed c l o s e l y by the proverbial two steps back. It i s not only the Musqueam as a people who are affected by these problems of representation within the airport, but th e i r work i s affected as well. Created s p e c i f i c a l l y for the purpose of exhibition, the works f i t into the category of ar t . However, t h e i r function within the air p o r t i s much more complicated than that. The work provides a certain element of 76 decoration i n what might otherwise be a very cold and impersonal space. However, i t s s p e c i f i c designation as 'Indian Art' expands, or perhaps reduces, i t s r o l e from decoration to curio. What the airport wanted the art i t purchased to do was to a s s i s t i n the creation of a sense of place s p e c i f i c to Vancouver. The Musqueam agreed to p a r t i c i p a t e on the basis of t h e i r desire to be formally recognized as a v i t a l part of the lo c a l community and with the understanding that they would have a say i n how the work was treated within the a i r p o r t . However, any contextualizing information about who the Musqueam are and why t h e i r work i s i n the a i r p o r t , any impact that i t might have made on the viewer, i s s i g n i f i c a n t l y reduced and the work becomes f e t i s h i z e d as a source of l o c a l colour rather than a reference to a vibrant and on-going culture. The difference that context makes became apparent to me on a recent v i s i t to the Museum of Anthropology at U.B.C. where two exhibitions dealing with the h i s t o r i c lifeways of the S a l i s h Musqueam people were being held. Both exhibitions, "Written i n the Earth: Images of Ancient Art" and "Under the Delta: Wet Site Archaeology i n the Lower Fraser Region of B r i t i s h Columbia" dealt with some of the material products of the S a l i s h forebears. The Musqueam people themselves were involved with both exhibitions here as well. Though the explanatory texts associated with the exhibitions were not 77 voluminous, they did do an excellent job of explaining the history of the region and of highlighting the ongoing existence of contemporary S a l i s h people. This i s , on a certain l e v e l , to be expected. Both of those exhibitions took place within a museum, one of the primary functions of which i s education. Once again, i t i s to be remembered that the a i r p o r t i s not a museum. However, the point remains that because the a i r p o r t adopted the r e s p o n s i b i l i t y of p a r t i c i p a t i n g i n contemporary v i s u a l culture and the process of c u l t u r a l negotiation by choosing to exhibit works by Musqueam people (the 'other 1 ) with the involvement of the Musqueam, i t should also have adopted i t s share of the r e s p o n s i b i l i t y for education which goes along with that. Instead of using the exhibition of Musqueam work as an opportunity to be proactive i n informing the public at large about Musqueam and i t s people, the a i r p o r t shirked that mantle and opted instead for a format which ultimately cheapens an otherwise p o s i t i v e moment. The in c l u s i o n of the art within the new terminal building does mark some sort of advancement for c u l t u r a l r e l a t i o n s within Canada, and, t h e o r e t i c a l l y speaking, the idea i s a commendable one. A foundation has been l a i d , but the process of c u l t u r a l negotiation i s one which i s constantly i n flux and therefore v i g i l a n c e i s required i n order to ensure i t s growth. The 'third space 1 created within the a i r p o r t i s not a s t a t i c one, temporally and t h e o r e t i c a l l y i s o l a t e d . It i s involved, 78 l i k e a l l hybrid spaces, i n a constant c r i t i q u e ; i t s focus and meaning are permeable and s h i f t i n g i n chameleon l i k e fashion. What I have been c a l l i n g a hybrid moment i s perhaps better defined as the beginning of a new eternity with a l l of the uncertainty such a proposition provides. In the l a s t chapter I suggested that the necessary manipulations of t o u r i s t i c interests employed by the a i r p o r t , such as the tokenizing of objects/people and the f e t i o n i z a t i o n inherent i n that process, were working against what was otherwise a successfully negotiated t h i r d space. Ultimately, t h i s matter seems to be one of r e l a t i v i t y . As the Barry Lopez quote i n the introductory chapter suggests, a t r a v e l l e r ' s (or t o u r i s t ' s ) impression of a region i s informed not only by what they see upon contact, but also by t h e i r general d i s p o s i t i o n and imagination. Though the air p o r t ' s attempt to construct a p a r t i c u l a r atmosphere, reinforced by c a r e f u l l y selected objects, makes for an implied meta-narrative which presents an ideal image of Vancouver, the response of individuals within the s i t e remains variable. No more s t a t i c as a s i t e than the culture within which i t e x i s t s , the continued evolution of the a i r p o r t as both a container of necessary services and a t o u r i s t a t t r a c t i o n w i l l continue to s h i f t and change. FIGURE 1 79 80 FIGURE 2 81 82 FIGURE 4 8 3 F I G U R E 5 F I G U R E 6 85 F I G U R E 7 86 FIGURE 8 87 FIGURE 9 88 FIGURE 10 89 F I G U R E 11 90 91 92 REFERENCES Alpers, Svetlana. 1991. "Ways of Seeing," Exhibiting Cultures: The Poetics and P o l i t i c s of Representation. Eds. Ivan Karp and Stephen Levine. Washington: Smithsonian Press. Ames, Michael. Spring, 1986. "Indians as Resources: The Changing Relations Between Indians and Anthropologists, 1 1 Wicazo Sa Review. Vol. 2. No. 1 . 1992. Cannibal Tours and Glass Boxes. Vancouver: University of B r i t i s h Columbia Press. Arnold, Grant, Monika Kin Gagnon and Doreen Jensen. 1996. Topographies. Vancouver: Douglas and Mclntyre Press Atleo, E. Richard. 1991. 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