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Bordering on the new frontier : modernism and the military industrial complex in the United States and… Howard, David Brian 1993

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BORDERING ON THE NEW FRONTIER: Modernism and the M i l i t a r y I n d u s t r i a l Complex in the United States and Canada, 1957 - 1965 By DAVID BRIAN HOWARD B.A., University of B r i t i s h Columbia, 1978 B.F.A., University of B r i t i s h Columbia, 1982 M.A., University of B r i t i s h Columbia, 1986 A THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY i n THE FACULTY OF GRADUATE STUDIES (Department of Fine Arts) We accept t h i s t h e s i s as conforming to the required standard THE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA A p r i l , 1993 (Q) David Brian Howard, 1993 In presenting this thesis in partial fulfilment of the requirements for an advanced degree at the University of British Columbia, I agree that the Library shall make it freely available for reference and study. I further agree that permission for extensive copying of this thesis for scholarly purposes may be granted by the head of my department or by his or her representatives, it is understood that copying or publication of this thesis for financial gain shall not be allowed without my written permission. (Signature) Department of F i n e A r t s The Unwersity of British Columbia Vancouver, Canada Date March 2, 1993 DE-6 (2/88) ABSTRACT In 1964 Clement Greenberg suffered h i s greatest setback as the c r i t i c a l a r b i t e r of modern painting. The "Post P a i n t e r l y Abstraction" exhibition he had helped to organize at the Los Angeles Museum of Art was c r i t i c a l l y demolished, d e f i n i t i v e l y shattering the myth of i n v i n c i b i l i t y surrounding Greenberg's modernism, an aesthetic which had been a powerful influence i n the United States and Canada i n the post-war period. For many contemporary c r i t i c s , the ea r l y to mid-1960s i s the period i n which a s t u l t i f i e d and i n s t i t u t i o n a l i z e d modernism was f i n a l l y usurped by an approach to culture that was les s e l i t i s t and more s o c i a l l y engaged. The new c u l t u r a l model that was taking shape within the Kennedy Administration's v i s i o n of the New Frontier sought to remotivate a sense of "national purpose" within the United States to counter the nation's preoccupation with consumerism and affluence. The pragmatic l i b e r a l concept of culture sought to rework the r e l a t i o n s h i p between work and play i n order to promote a new r e l a t i o n s h i p between individualism and c i v i c v i r t u e . The impetus to re-shape the boundaries between a rt and society under the New Fron t i e r was a d i r e c t response to the p o l i t i c a l and m i l i t a r y challenge posed by the Soviet Union i n the late-1950s, e s p e c i a l l y a f t e r the launch of Sputnik i n 1957, and the i n a b i l i t y of the Eisenhower Administration to respond to the anxieties generated by the intense superpower r i v a l r y . This i n t e r n a t i o n a l environment also exacerbated the ongoing tensions between Canada and the United States, culminating i n the 1962 Cuban M i s s i l e C r i s i s . Canadian Prime Minister Diefenbaker delayed i n responding to the U.S. alarm over the presence of Soviet medium range nuclear weapons i n Cuba, and the p o l i t i c a l firestorm that followed t h i s delay highlighted the f r i c t i o n s that had developed i n the unequal b i l a t e r a l r e l a t i o n s h i p between the United States and Canda a f t e r World War Two. While the Cold War was approaching i t s ultimate showdown, Greenberg was proceeding to a geographical margin of North America — Saskatchewan — to p a r t i c i p a t e i n the Emma Lake A r t i s t s ' Workshops. I r o n i c a l l y , while Greenberg was e x t o l l i n g the virtues of Canadian abstract painters such as A r t McKay and Kenneth Lochhead, going so f a r as to argue that the Saskatchewan abstract painters were New York's only competition, Los Angeles was asserting i t s e l f as New York's c u l t u r a l r i v a l . As a consequence of the phenomenal post-war growth of the m i l i t a r y - i n d u s t r i a l complex i n the American Southwest, a f i e r c e r i v a l r y was developing with the t r a d i t i o n a l bases of power i n the Northeast. The Southwest, and Los Angeles i n p a r t i c u l a r , was the major ben e f i c i a r y of the accelerated defense spending r e s u l t i n g from the heightened tensions of the Cold War i n the 1950s. P a r t i a l l y i n response to a regional dispute over m i l i t a r y appropriations, the economic and c u l t u r a l e l i t e s of Southern C a l i f o r n i a sought to counter the pragmatic l i b e r a l agenda of the Kennedy Administration by promoting Los Angeles as the Second C i t y of American Art. Greenberg's "Post P a i n t e r l y Abstraction" e x h i b i t i o n was intended to draw attention to the Los Angeles c u l t u r a l renaissance and the maturing of the c i t y ' s independent c u l t u r a l i d e n t i t y . Thus, Greenberg's sojourn to Saskatchewan at the height of the Cold War and during a c r u c i a l period of h i s formulation of h i s theory of modernist painting a f t e r abstract expressionism provides the focus f o r an examination of the status of modernism i n the early 1960s, e s p e c i a l l y i n the context of U.S.-Canadian r e l a t i o n s and i n t e r r e g i o n a l r i v a l r y between the Northeast and the Southwest. This t h e s i s seeks to explain the complex c u l t u r a l and p o l i t i c a l dynamic of modernist painting i n the United States i n the Cold War years of 1957 to 1965 and the e f f e c t of t h i s dynamic on the development of Canadian modernist p a i n t i n g . TABLE OF CONTENTS Abstract i i L i s t of Figures v i Acknowledgement x i v Introduction: L i v i n g on Border Lands: New York - Emma Lake - Los Angeles 1 Chapter One: From the M i s s i l e Gap to the Culture Gap. . . 24 Chapter Two: Between Chesed and Binah: Modernism on the Margins 127 Chapter Three: The Golden Age as Catastrophe: The Los Angeles Cultural Renaissance and the "Post P a i n t e r l y Abstraction" Exhibition 224 Conclusion: Borderline Syndrome: Of Boundaries, Gaps, and I d e n t i t i e s 323 Figures 345 Bibliography 409 LIST OF FIGURES f igure page Chapter One 1. Cover photograph. L i f e magazine, October 21, 1957: American s c i e n t i s t s p l o t t i n g the o r b i t of Sputnik 1 345 2. Photograph, L i f e magazine, October 21, 1957: Orbits made by Sputnik i n i t s f i r s t 24 hours of f l i g h t 346 3. Photograph, L i f e magazine, October 21, 1957: President Eisenhower with space toys and-space fashions 347 4. Vice-President Richard Nixon and Soviet Premier N i k i t a Khrushchev at the American Exhibition, Moscow, 1959 [Source: Elaine Tyler May, Homeward Bound (New York: Basic Books, 1988), p. 17] 348 5. Lincoln Center of the Arts, New York C i t y [Source: V i c t o r i a Newhouse, Wallace K. Harrison, Architect (New York, R i z z o l i , 1989), p.234] . . .349 6. Group p o r t r a i t of "some of the men who made Lincoln Center" [Source: V i c t o r i a Newhouse, Wallace K. Harrison. Architect (New York, R i z z o l i , 1989), p.194] . . .350 7. Robert Moses, President of the 1964 World's F a i r Commission [Source: Remembering the Future. E x h i b i t i o n Catalogue, Queens Museum (New York: R i z z o l i , 1989), p.44] 351 8. Wallace Harrison and Governor Nelson Rockefeller [Source: V i c t o r i a Newhouse, Wallace K. Harrison, Architect (New York, R i z z o l i , 1989), p.258] . . .352 9. Map of the 1964 World's F a i r [Source: "This i s the F a i r , " New York Times Magazine, A p r i l 19, 1964, n.p.] 353 10. Cover photograph, L i f e magazine. May 1, 1964: US Steel Corporation's Unisphere 354 11. The Rocket Thrower (1964) by Donald de Lue Bronze statue, 45 feet [Source: Remembering the Future, E x h i b i t i o n Catalogue, Queens Museum (New York: R i z z o l i , 1989), p.144] 355 12. "The Ci t y : Places and People": ex t e r i o r of the New York State Pavilion [Source: Remembering the Future. E x h i b i t i o n Catalogue, Queens Museum (New York: R i z z o l i , 1989), p.156] 356 13. Two Curves: Blue Red (1964) by Ellsworth K e l l y Painted aluminum, 18 feet by 18 feet. C o l l e c t i o n of the President and Fellows of Harvard College. [Source: Remembering the Future, E x h i b i t i o n Catalogue, Queens Museum (New York: R i z z o l i , 1989), p.163] 357 14. Prometheus (1964) by Alexander Liberman Painted aluminum, 20 feet by 20 feet. C o l l e c t i o n of the University Art Museum, University of Minnesota. [Source: Remembering the Future, E x h i b i t i o n Catalogue, Queens Museum (New York: R i z z o l i , 1989), p.158] 358 15. World's Fa i r Mural (1964) by Roy Li c h t e n s t e i n O i l on plywood, 20 feet by 16 feet. C o l l e c t i o n of the University Art Museum, University of Minnesota. [Source: Remembering the Future, E x h i b i t i o n Catalogue, Queens Museum (New York: R i z z o l i , 1989), p.159] 359 16. World's Fa i r Mural (1964) by James Rosenguist O i l on masonite, 20 feet by 20 feet. C o l l e c t i o n of the University Art Museum, University of Minnesota. [Source: Remembering the Future. E x h i b i t i o n Catalogue, Queens Museum (New York: R i z z o l i , 1989), p.159] 360 17. Thirteen Most Wanted Men (1964) by Andy Warhol (covered i n black cloth) Silkscreen on canvas, 20 feet by 20 feet. [Source: Remembering the Future. E x h i b i t i o n Catalogue, Queens Museum (New York: R i z z o l i , 1989), p.157] 361 18. Robert Moses (1964) by Andy Warhol Silkscreen on canvas. [Source: Remembering the Future. E x h i b i t i o n Catalogue, Queens Museum (New York: R i z z o l i , 1989) , p.157] 362 Chapter Two 19. Map of Saskatchewan. [Source: Atlas and Gazetteer of Canada (Ottawa : Queen's Printers, 1969), p. 13] 363 20. Augustus Kenderdine, f i r s t d i r e c t o r of Murray Point Summer School of Art, ca. 1937 [Source: The F l a t Side of the Landscape. Ed. John 0'Brian. Exhibition Catalogue, Mendel Art Gallery, Saskatoon, Saskatchewan, p.20], . .364 21. Photograph of Emma Lake, Saskatchewan [Source: The Fl a t Side of the Landscape. Ed. John O'Brian. Exhibition Catalogue, Mendel Art Gallery, Saskatoon, Saskatchewan, p.152] . .365 22. Ken Lochhead, Roy Kiyooka, and Art McKay at the Regina College of Art, 1957 [Source: The Fl a t Side of the Landscape. Ed. John O'Brian. Exhibition Catalogue, Mendel Art Gallery, Saskatoon, Saskatchewan, p.12] . . .366 23. Return to Humanity (1955) by Ken Lochhead O i l on canvas, 40.6 by 76.8 cm. Co l l e c t i o n of the Mendel Art Gallery, Saskatoon. [Source: The Flat Side of the Landscape. Ed. John O'Brian. Exhibition Catalogue, Mendel Art Gallery, Saskatoon, Saskatchewan, p.95] . . .367 24. Of Birds and Grass. No. 2 (1953) by J . Shadbolt Ink and casein on paper, 50.5 by 64.5 cm. Co l l e c t i o n of the Art Gallery of Ontario, Toronto. [Source: The Fl a t Side of the Landscape. Ed. John O'Brian. Exhibition Catalogue, Mendel Art Gallery, Saskatoon, Saskatchewan, p.78] . . .368 25. The Edge of the Forest (1957) by Art McKay Watercolour on paper, 43.3 by 58.5 cm. C o l l e c t i o n of the Mendel Art Gallery, Saskatoon. [Source: The F l a t Side of the Landscape. Ed. John O'Brian. Exhibition Catalogue, Mendel Art Gallery, Saskatoon, Saskatchewan, p.77] . . .369 26. Photograph of Barnett Newman at Emma Lake, 1959 [Source: The F l a t Side of the Landscape. Ed. John O'Brian. Exhibition Catalogue, Mendel Art Gallery, Saskatoon, Saskatchewan, p.28] . . .370 27. Image of C l a r i t y (1961) by Art McKay Enamel on masonite, 182 by 121.7 cm. Co l l e c t i o n of the Mendel Art Gallery, Saskatoon. [Source: The F l a t Side of the Landscape. Ed. John O'Brian. Exhibition Catalogue, Mendel Art Gallery, Saskatoon, Saskatchewan, p.101]. . .371 28. The Way One (1951) by Barnett Newman O i l on canvas, 101.6 by 76.2 cm. Co l l e c t i o n of the National Gallery of Canada, Ottawa. [Source: The F l a t Side of the Landscape. Ed. John O'Brian. Exhibition Catalogue, Mendel Art Gallery, Saskatoon, Saskatchewan, p.81] . . .372 29. Woman I (1952) by Willem de Kooning O i l on canvas, 75 7/8 by 58 i n . C o l l e c t i o n of the Museum of Modern Art, New York [Source: Michael Compton, Art Since 1945 (Milton Keynes: Open University Press, 1976), p.93] . . .373 30. The Red Stairway (1944) by Ben Shahn Tempera on masonite, 16 by 23 5/16 i n . C o l l e c t i o n of the St. Louis Art Museum. [Source: Cécile Whiting, Antifascism i n American Art (New Haven: Yale University Press), p.160]. .374 31. Winged Hue by Morris Louis O i l on canvas, 102 by 105 i n . Courtesy of French and Company. [Source: Clement Greenberg, "Louis and Noland," Art International 4 (1960), p.26] 375 32. C r y s t a l by Kenneth Noland o i l on canvas, 94 by 94 i n . Courtesy of French and Company. [Source: Clement Greenberg, "Louis and Noland," Art International 4 (1960), p.29] 376 33. Greenberg's 1962 route through P r a i r i e Canada [Source: Clement Greenberg, "Painting and Sculpture i n P r a i r i e Canada Today," Canadian Art 20 (March-April 1963), p. 91] 377 34. Clement Greenberg at Emma Lake, 1962 [Source: The F l a t Side of the Landscape. Ed. John O'Brian. Ex h i b i t i o n Catalogue, Mendel Art Gallery, Saskatoon, Saskatchewan, p.49] . . .378 35. Dark Green Centre (1963) by Ken Lochhead A c r y l i c on canvas, 208.3 by 203.2 cm. C o l l e c t i o n of the Art Gallery of Ontario, Toronto. [Source: The F l a t Side of the Landscape. Ed. John 0'Brian. Exh i b i t i o n Catalogue, Mendel Art Gallery, Saskatoon, Saskatchewan, p.46] . . .379 36. Enigma (1963) by Art McKay Enamel on board, 48 by 72 i n . C o l l e c t i o n of the Vancouver Art Gallery. [Source: Post Painterly Abstraction. E x h i b i t i o n Catalogue, Los Angeles County Museum of Art, 1964, n.p.] 380 37. Standing: U.S. Secretary of State Dean Rusk, Canadian Ambassador Arnold Heeney, U.S. Ambassador Livingston Merchant; Seated: President John F. Kennedy, Prime Minister John Diefenbaker and Canadian Minister for External A f f a i r s Howard Green. Photograph taken at the Oval O f f i c e , Washington, D.C., February 20, 1963 [Source: Knowlton Nash, Kennedy and Diefenbaker Toronto: McClelland and Stewart, 1990)] 381 38. I n s t a l l a t i o n photograph of the e x h i b i t i o n "Three New American Painters: Louis, Noland, and O l i t s k i , " Norman Mackenzie Art Gallery, Regina, Saskatchewan, 1963 [Source: The F l a t Side of the Landscape. Ed. John O'Brian. Exhibition Catalogue, Mendel Art Gallery, Saskatoon, Saskatchewan, p.40] . . .382 Chapter Three 39. Cross (1957) by Wallace Berman Wood, photograph, chain. [Source: Rebecca Solnit, Secret E x h i b i t i o n (San Francisco: City Light Books, 1990), p.19]. .383 40. U n t i t l e d (1958) by Craig Kauffman O i l on canvas, 62 by 50 i n . Private c o l l e c t i o n . [Source: Peter Plagens, The Sunshine Muse (New York: Praeger, 1975), p.26] 384 41. U n t i t l e d (Trip Series) (1959) by John Altoon O i l on canvas, 53 5/8 by 48 i n . C o l l e c t i o n of the Pasadena Art Museum (The Norton Simon Art Museum). [Source: Peter Plagens, The Sunshine Muse (New York: Praeger, 1975), p.26] 385 42. Photograph of the Ferus Gallery Group: Edward Kienholz, John Altoon, B i l l y A l Bengston, Craig Kauffman (upside down), Robert Irwin, Edward Moses (r e c l i n i n g ) , and A l l e n Lynch, ca. 1959-60 [Source: Peter Plagens, The Sunshine Muse (New York: Praeger, 1975), p.27] 386 43. Blue, Green (1958) by Karl Benjamin O i l on canvas, 44 by 66 i n . [Source: Los Angeles I n s t i t u t e of Contemporary Art Journal. 5 (1975), p.14] 387 44. Magical Space Forms (1951) by Lorser F e i t e l s o n O i l on canvas. [Source: Jules Langsner, "Permanence and Change i n the Art of Lorser Feitelson," Art International^ (1963) , p.76] 388 45. Dichotomic Organization (1959) by Lorser F e i t e l s o n O i l on canvas, 60 by 60 i n . [Source: Los Angeles I n s t i t u t e of Contemporary Art Journal. 5 (1975), p.14] 389 46. Like Unlike (1959) by Frederick Hammersley O i l on canvas, 60 by 40 i n . [Source: Los Angeles I n s t i t u t e of Contemporary Art Journal. 5 (1975), p.14] 390 47. No. 8 (1959) by John McLaughlin O i l on canvas, 60 by 40 i n . [Source: Los Angeles I n s t i t u t e of Contemporary Art Journal. 5 (1975), p.14] 391 48. Photograph of the Contemporary Arts Council of the Los Angeles Museum [Source: C l a i r Wolfe, "A Note on the Contemporary Arts Council," Artforum 2 (1964), p.23] 392 49. Troy (1962) by B i l l y A l Bengsten O i l and o i l lacquer on masonite, 60 by 60 i n . C o l l e c t i o n of Mr. and Mrs. Donald Factor, Beverly H i l l s . [Source: Six More. Exhibition Catalogue, Los Angeles Museum, 1963, p. 7] 393 50. Happy Birthday (1962) by Joe Goode O i l on canvas and milk bottle, 76 by 66.5 i n . C o l l e c t i o n of Rolf Nelson Gallery, Los Angeles. [Source: Six More. Exhibition Catalogue, Los Angeles Museum, 1963, p.13] 394 51. Sinking George (1962) by P h i l l i p Hefferton O i l on canvas, 90 by 67.5 i n . C o l l e c t i o n of Mr. and Mrs. Monte Factor, Los Angeles. [Source: Six More. Exhibition Catalogue, Los Angeles Museum, 1963, p.11] 395 52. Annie (1962) by Edward Ruscha O i l on canvas, 71 by 66.5 i n . Co l l e c t i o n of L.M. Asher Family, Los Angeles [Source: Six More. Exhibition Catalogue, Los Angeles Museum, 1963, p.9] 396 53. Crime Buster (1962) by Mel Ramos O i l on canvas, 3 0 by 2 6 i n . C o l l e c t i o n of Abrams Family, New York. [Source: Six More. Exhibition Catalogue, Los Angeles Museum, 1963, p. 5] 397 54. Statement of a Paradox (1963) by Art McKay Enamel on masonite, 121.9 by 182.9 cm. Co l l e c t i o n of the Norman Mackenzie Art Gall e r y , Regina, Saskatchewan. [Source: The F l a t Side of the Landscape. Ed. John O'Brian. Exhibition Catalogue, Mendel Art Gallery, Saskatoon, Saskatchewan, p.42] . . .398 55. Red Mask (1963) by David Simpson O i l on canvas,.72 by 41 i n . C o l l e c t i o n of David Stuart G a l l e r i e s , Los Angeles. [Source: Post Painterly Abstraction. E x h i b i t i o n Catalogue, Los Angeles Museum, 1964, p.80]. . . .399 56. Peppermint Lounge (1962) by Emerson Woelffer O i l on canvas, 7 2 by 57 i n . Co l l e c t i o n of David Stuart G a l l e r i e s , Los Angeles [Source: Post PainterIv Abstraction. E x h i b i t i o n Catalogue, Los Angeles Museum, 1964, p.92]. . . .400 57. Blue B a l l s (1962) by Sam Francis O i l on canvas, 80.75 by 80.5 i n . Co l l e c t i o n of Martha Jackson Gallery, New York. [Source: Post Painterly Abstraction. E x h i b i t i o n Catalogue, Los Angeles Museum, 1964, p.33]. . . .401 58. Dynasts (1961-2) by Ralph Ducasse O i l on canvas, 60 by 84 i n . Co l l e c t i o n of the a r t i s t . [Source: Post Painterly Abstraction. E x h i b i t i o n Catalogue, Los Angeles Museum, 1964, p.23]. . . .402 59. Pasco-Blue (1963) by Frank Hamilton O i l on canvas, 54 by 60 i n . C o l l e c t i o n of the a r t i s t . [Source: Post Painterly Abstraction. E x h i b i t i o n Catalogue, Los Angeles Museum, 1964, p.37]. . . .403 60. Acropolis (1963) by Mason Wells Liquitex on canvas, 60 by 50 i n . Co l l e c t i o n of the a r t i s t . [Source: Post Painterly Abstraction. E x h i b i t i o n Catalogue, Los Angeles Museum, 1964, p.88]. . . .404 61. U n t i t l e d (1961-2) by Robert Irwin O i l on canvas, 60 by 60 i n . Private c o l l e c t i o n . [Source: Peter Plagens, The Sunshine Muse (New York: Praeger, 1975), p.131] 405 62. T i t l e page. Post Painterly Abstraction Catalogue [Source: Post Painterly Abstraction. E x h i b i t i o n Catalogue, Los Angeles Museum, 1964, p.80]. . . .406 63. U n t i t l e d (1962) by John Ferren O i l on canvas, 54 by 54 i n . Co l l e c t i o n of Rose Fried Gallery, New York. [Source: Post Painterly Abstraction. E x h i b i t i o n Catalogue, Los Angeles Museum, 1964, p.30]. . . .407 64. Photograph of the Los Angeles County Museum of Art, 1965. William Pereira, A r c h i t e c t [Source: Peter Plagens, The Sunshine Muse (New York: Praeger, 1975), p.155] 408 ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS Give me back the B e r l i n Wall give me S t a l i n and St, Paul I've seen the future, brother: i t i s murder. Leonard Cohen "The Future" This d i s s e r t a t i o n i s the culmination of not only s i x years of doctoral studies but of more than a decade of pre-occupations, both as an a r t i s t and as an a r t h i s t o r i a n , with the impact of European and American culture on Canada. I would p a r t i c u l a r l y l i k e to thank my supervisors, John 0'Brian and Serge Guilbaut, f o r t h e i r i n t e l l e c t u a l support and d i l i g e n t c r i t i c i s m as well as t h e i r encouragement while I was pursuing t h i s obsession. Their combined influence and scholarly guidance have helped me d i r e c t my energies i n completing t h i s undertaking. I would also l i k e to acknowledge my friends and colleagues at the University of B r i t i s h Columbia for t h e i r invaluable support and encouragement over the years: Alex Alberro, Mary Jane Cowan, Sandra G i l l e s p i e , Steven Harris, K. Dian K r i z , Maureen Lunn, Ann Morrison, Lora Rempel, Professor Maureen Ryan, Professor Rose Marie San Juan, V i c t o r Semerjian, Colleen Skidmore, Linda Smeins, Shep Steiner, and Andrea Thomsett. My thanks also go to the S o c i a l Sciences and Humanities Research Council of Canada for providing funding support during my doctoral studies. In addition, I would l i k e to thank the Nova Scotia College of Art and Design for granting me the time necessary to r e a l i z e the completion of t h i s project. This project would not have been possible without the support of my families, e s p e c i a l l y Florence Howard and N e i l and Beryl Galbraith. In p a r t i c u l a r , I have to thank J e f f r e y Lee Stevenson for h i s unintended contribution to t h i s project. A s p e c i a l appreciation i s reserved for Vivian Galbraith Howard for her astute c r i t i c a l observations, steadfast companionship, and unlimited patience throughout my many years of graduate studies. And that means pessimism a l l along the l i n e . Absolutely. Mistrust i n the fate of l i t e r a t u r e , mistrust i n the fate of freedom, mistrust i n the fate of European humanity, but three times mistrust i n a l l r e c o n c i l i a t i o n : between classes, between nations, between individuals. And unlimited t r u s t only i n I.G. Farben and the peaceful p e r f e c t i o n of the a i r force. But what now, what next? Walter Benjamin No universal history leads from savagery to humanitarianism; but there i s one leading from the slingshot to the megaton bomb. Theodor Adorno A l l such writing i s an assault on the f r o n t i e r s . Franz Kafka Introduction: L i v i n g on Border Lands: New York - Einina Lake - Los Angeles. I deconcentrate and i t i s the secondary, eccentric, l a t e r a l , marginal, p a r a s i t i c , borderline cases which are ^important' to me and are a source of many things, such as pleasure, but also i n s i g h t into the general functioning of a textual system. Jacques Derrida Yet t h i s i s the point at which I must remind the reader of the obvious; namely, that t h i s whole global, yet American, postmodern culture i s the int e r n a l and superstructural expression of a whole new wave of American m i l i t a r y and economic domination throughout the world: i n t h i s sense, as thoughout c l a s s history, the underside of culture i s blood, torture, death and t e r r o r . Frederic Jameson In August 1962, i n response to an i n v i t a t i o n from the Canadian painter Kenneth Lochhead, the noted American ar t c r i t i c Clement Greenberg made a ten-day journey i n hi s mother-in-law's 1956 Dodge, covering over three thousand kilometers, through the northeast and midwest United States and across Canada. •'• His destination was a small c o l l e c t i o n of wooden huts on the shores of a remote lake i n north central Saskatchewan: Emma Lake, the s i t e 1. The s p e c i f i c d e t a i l s of Clement Greenberg's journey to Emma Lake, Saskatchewan, are taken from the Clement Greenberg correspondence, 1962/63, Archives of American Art (AAA) and the Kenneth Lochhead correspondence of the same period. University of Regina Archives (URA). of a small summer art camp. Long a center of a r t i s t i c a c t i v i t y i n the province of Saskatchewan, the a r t camp had, since 1955, played a major r o l e i n maintaining a dialogue between a r t i s t s i n Saskatchewan and the a r t community across North America, and with New York C i t y i n p a r t i c u l a r . For Greenberg, the t r i p was, i n h i s terms, a sort of " s a f a r i " f o r which he was to receive a modest honorarium of $800.00. After a l i t t l e over a week on the road, Greenberg crossed the world's longest undefended border between two sovereign states to begin the journey across the vast expanse of the Canadian p r a i r i e s . The absence of barbed wire, armed guards or a heavily defended boundary between the United States and Canada belie d the extraordinary events that were unfolding that summer and l a t e r that f a l l , as Greenberg's journey f i n a l l y came to an end. Coinciding with Greenberg's journey to Saskatchewan i n August 1962, forty-two Soviet medium-range nuclear m i s s i l e s were also i n t r a n s i t , on t h e i r way to a secret i n s t a l l a t i o n i n Cuba. In e f f e c t , the world was poised on the edge of a po t e n t i a l nuclear abyss that would come to be known as the Cuban M i s s i l e C r i s i s : i n Canada, the p o l i t i c a l f a l l o u t of t h i s event would inaugurate, i n the words of the Canadian philosopher George Grant, "the strongest stand against s a t e l l i t e status that any Canadian government ever attempted."^ Even while the Canadian government prepared to challenge the alleged imperial authority of i t s neighbour to the south, the g r a v i t a t i o n a l p u l l of the Cold War should have ensured that Canada would follow the standard neo-colonial o r b i t . At such a tumultuous moment in North American and int e r n a t i o n a l a f f a i r s , the presence of the leading modernist art c r i t i c of the United States on the symbolic margin of North America raises compelling questions about the r o l e of modernism within John F. Kennedy's p o l i c i e s of the "New Frontier." Greenberg's " s a f a r i " to the wilds of c e n t r a l Saskatchewan-^ was more than a pleasant holiday, as h i s two-week stay at Emma Lake was supplemented by studio v i s i t s c r i s s - c r o s s i n g the width and breadth of the Canadian p r a i r i e s . Greenberg was commissioned by the journal Canadian Art to write a report on his journey of c u l t u r a l discovery i n western Canada f o r the magazine. In addition, Greenberg himself inc[uired about the p o s s i b i l i t y of teaching i n Regina f o r a year, a proposal which collapsed when the U n i v e r s i t y of Saskatchewan f a i l e d to procure the funding required f o r such a v i s i t i n g lectureship. This was a very strange gesture on the 2. George Grant, Lament for a Nation (Toronto: McClelland and Stewart Limited, 1965; rpt. 1970), p.12. 3. The area around Emma Lake i s a c t u a l l y home to numerous pr i v a t e recreational cottages and summer camps. part of a c r i t i c supposedly at the height of h i s power, p a r t i c u l a r l y since, at t h i s same time, i n t e l l e c t u a l s were migrating from the margins of influence to occupy positions of authority at the symbolic center of state power — Washington, D.C. Yet Greenberg, an exemplar of the c u l t u r a l l y dominant center, desired to relocate himself, momentarily at least, on the margins. The s i g n i f i c a n c e of the t r i p to the development of Greenberg's own conception of art a f t e r abstract expressionism i s revealed i n a l e t t e r to Lochhead, the founder of the Emma Lake A r t i s t s ' Workshops. In t h i s l e t t e r , dated March 10, 1963, Greenberg enthuses: You have no idea of how much I'm betting on Saskatchewan as N.Y.'s only competitor. When I t e l l that to people around here [New York City] there's general amazement — as you might expect — but there's also a willingness to allow f o r me being r i g h t — which i s even more amazing to me . . . . A l l of which means I have something of a stake i n Saskatchewan. This remarkable statement gives the impression of a c r i t i c wishing to challenge the c u l t u r a l dominance of New York Ci t y , a c i t y he had been instrumental i n e s t a b l i s h i n g as the centre of modern a r t production i n the post-war period. The quotation i s astonishing i n i t s assertion of Saskatchewan as a p o t e n t i a l competitor for New York, e s p e c i a l l y i n the l i g h t of Saskatchewan's status as one of the most under-populated. 4. Letter from Clement Greenberg to Kenneth Lochhead, 10 March 1963, URA. over-exploited economic hinterlands of the booming post-war North American economy, part of the n e x t - t o - i n v i s i b l e buffer-zone between the superpowers of the Cold War, and, furthermore, a province which harboured North America's f i r s t , and up to then, only s o c i a l i s t government! The f a c t that t h i s "competition" occurred only a decade a f t e r New York had successfully "stolen" the idea of modern art from Paris i s arguably a d i a l e c t i c a l inversion of comic proportions. After a l l , i f Greenberg wanted to shake up New York's complacency over i t s domination of the post-war art world, surely the burgeoning art scene i n Los Angeles made that c i t y a more l i k e l y contender than the hinterlands of Saskatchewan. Perhaps even more surprising than Greenberg's claim regarding Saskatchewan's role as New York's only competitor was the hesitancy and the self-doubt he expressed i n the l e t t e r to Lochhead. His shock at being affirmed i n h i s opinions by a segment of the a r t i s t i c community of Saskatchewan and the personal stake he placed i n the province occurred during the waning moments of his domination of the post-war a r t scene, a time when the autonomy of modernism was col l a p s i n g . The t r i p to Saskatchewan emerges as a possible t a c t i c a l retreat during which Greenberg could regroup before reclaiming his former pre-eminent r o l e i n art c r i t i c i s m . Greenberg's advocacy of the abstract painters of Saskatchewan extended to include the art public of the province as well. In 1963, his enthusiasm for Saskatchewan as a receptive environment for the l a t e s t developments i n modern painting was r e f l e c t e d i n his suggestion to hold an e x h i b i t i o n e n t i t l e d "Three New American Painters: Louis, Noland, O l i t s k i " i n the p r o v i n c i a l c a p i t a l of Regina. This e x h i b i t i o n , comprised of ten paintings by Jules O l i t s k i , Kenneth Noland and Morris Louis, brought together the three most important painters for Greenberg's concept of art a f t e r abstract expressionism. In the eyes of Gerald E. Finley, acting d i r e c t o r of the Norman Mackenzie Art Gallery i n Regina, the e x h i b i t i o n would e s t a b l i s h Saskatchewan's pre-eminence i n Canada for "the showing of contemporary American pa i n t i n g . " ^ Thus, not only was the t r a d i t i o n a l hierarchy of center and periphery being inverted between Canada and the United States but, within Canada i t s e l f , the t r a d i t i o n a l r o l e of Saskatchewan as a subservient c o l o n i a l hinterland to the c u l t u r a l domination of Central Canada was also being inverted. The question immediately arises, however, as to whether t h i s was a post-colonial moment of s e l f - r e a l i z a t i o n or simply another episode i n the evolution of colonialism, with the margin being f l a t t e r e d by the f l e e t i n g attention paid to i t by a representative of the center. The tentative nature of Greenberg's d e s c r i p t i o n of h i s own influence i n h i s l e t t e r of March 10, 1963 could be 5. Gerald Finley, preface to Three New American Painters: Louis. Noland. and O l i t s k i (Exhibition Catalogue, Regina: Norman Mackenzie Art Gallery, 1963). dismissed simply as f a l s e modesty on h i s part. Likewise the pandering to h i s ego by marginal Canadian a r t i s t s starved for c r i t i c a l attention from New York could have led Greenberg to an insincere assertion of the r e l a t i v e importance of these a r t i s t s to h i s theorization of modern a r t . Yet one month a f t e r h i s s t a r t l i n g l e t t e r to Lochhead, Greenberg backed up h i s claims f o r the significance of the modernist pain t i n g being produced i n Saskatchewan by i n v i t i n g both Lochhead and fellow Saskatchewan painter Arthur McKay to p a r t i c i p a t e i n a major exhibition of painting being organized by him and James E l l i o t t , a curator at the Los Angeles Museum, for the spring of 1964. The exhibition, ultimately e n t i t l e d "Post P a i n t e r l y Abstraction," was to be the unveiling of the next advance i n the teleology of Greenbergian modernism, marking a t r a n s i t i o n from p a i n t e r l y to l i n e a r modes of representation within modernist painting. Thirty-one a r t i s t s were drawn from a v a r i e t y of c i t i e s and regions across North America, including, i n addition to the Saskatchewan representatives, painters from Los Angeles, San Francisco, Washington D.C., Toronto, and New York. In contrast to Greenberg's o r i g i n a l v i s i o n , i n which Saskatchewan was to be equal to other regions included i n the e x h i b i t . Museum Curator James E l l i o t t increased the number of C a l i f o r n i a n contributors, thus d i l u t i n g the s i g n i f i c a n c e of the Saskatchewan contingent within the o v e r a l l scope of the e x h i b i t i o n . As a r e s u l t , the impression of an East Coast-West Coast dialogue was created, marginalizing the c r i t i c a l contributions of other regions. An analysis of Greenberg's v i s i t to Saskatchewan and the presence of Saskatchewan a r t i s t s i n the "Post P a i n t e r l y Abstraction" exhibition w i l l help to unravel some of the mystery surrounding Greenberg's modernist p o s i t i o n i n the e a r l y 1960s. Greenberg's western Canadian sojourn provides key insights into understanding the status of modernism as the hegemonic c u l t u r a l production of the early s i x t i e s . I f Greenberg's modernist position was unequivocably the c u l t u r a l dominant of t h i s period, then the issue of the r o l e of modernism as an instrument of imperial domination of the c o l o n i a l periphery becomes a c e n t r a l concern of any c u l t u r a l analysis of Greenberg's presence on the margins. One interpretation of Greenberg's influence i s offered by Barry Lord i n h i s 1974 book The History of Painting i n Canada, which presents Greenberg as an agent of imperial domination. For Lord, Greenberg's modernism becomes an example of the " c l a s s i c " phase of American expansionism under John F. Kennedy between 1960 and 1963, following i n the footsteps of the u t i l i z a t i o n of abstract expressionism f o r s i m i l a r c o l o n i z i n g purposes under Presidents Harry S. Truman and Dwight D. Eisenhower. Within Lord's Marxist schema, the model of c o l o n i a l subordination i s provided by the s o c i a l democratic government of Saskatchewan. Despite the Saskatchewan government's attention to s o c i a l welfare issues, the p r o v i n c i a l government also provided a point of entry f o r the " l e f t - l i b e r a l , c o n t i n e n t a l i s t outlook" of a v a r i e t y of American l i b e r a l and s o c i a l democrats on the run from McCarthyism. But i t was the Regina campus of the Un i v e r s i t y of Saskastchewan that was, according to Lord, "the r e a l centre of the U.S. invasion,"^ and he named McKay and Lochhead as the c o l o n i a l handmaidens of th i s l a t e s t foreign adventure by the United States. While Lord's construction of the period i s overly s i m p l i f i e d , h i s targetting of l e f t - l i b e r a l s on the run from McCarthyism i n Saskatchewan i s curious. In the ea r l y s i x t i e s , Greenberg was hardly on the run from McCarthyism; i n fac t , at the height of his influence i n the f i f t i e s , he was an outspoken anti-Communist and acquiesced to the goals of McCarthyism. The displacement of Greenberg from the center i n the 1960s would have required more than than right-wing scare t a c t i c s . 6. Barry Lord, The History of Painting i n Canada (Toronto: New Canada Publications, 1977), p.209. While I am c r i t i c a l of Barry Lord's reductionist Marxism with i t s s i m p l i f i e d base-superstructure scaffolding, he at least draws attention to the c o l o n i a l r e l a t i o n s h i p and i t s impact on culture within Canada. Furthermore, he attempts to analyze the r o l e of Emma Lake within a broader h i s t o r i c a l analysis, unlike the usual treatment of the subject i n Canadian art h i s t o r y wherein Emma Lake i s b r i e f l y mentioned but not analyzed to any degree (e.g. David Burnett and Marilyn Schiff, Contemporary Canadian Art (Edmonton: Hurtig Publishers Ltd., 1983), pp. 126-140). The lack of c r i t i c a l attention towards Emma Lake has changed recently with the exhibition and catalogue on Emma Lake, curated and edited by John 0'Brian, which i s the most extensive work yet published on the subject. See The F l a t Side of the Landscape: The Emma Lake A r t i s t s ' Workshops (Exhibition Catalogue, Saskatoon: Mendel Art Gallery, 1989). The complexity of Greenberg's p o s i t i o n i n the early s i x t i e s forces a re-examination of the c u l t u r a l and p o l i t i c a l dynamic of that period. The p o s s i b i l i t y of Greenberg's "de-centering" i n the early s i x t i e s has not been of much i n t e r e s t to many postmodernists who tend to portray the period between the p u b l i c a t i o n of Greenberg's c l a s s i c text Art and Culture i n 1961 and the republication of the essay "Modernist Painting" i n 1965 as i n d i c a t i v e of the domination of Greenberg's theories of modernism within c u l t u r a l i n s t i t u t i o n s of the center. Rarely do postmodern c r i t i c s note that the text for "Modernist Painting" had been f i r s t broadcast and published by the Voice of America f i v e years e a r l i e r i n 1960. Thus, as early as 1960, Greenberg was responding to the de-centering of h i s modernist p o s i t i o n by firmly redrawing the boundary l i n e between modernism and mass culture. The desire of postmodernist c r i t i c s to read the period between 1961 and 1965 as a continuation of Greenberg's e a r l i e r influence i s a s i m p l i f i c a t i o n of the early s i x t i e s as a h i s t o r i c a l moment. Such an interpretation does not exceed, by very much, the conclusion drawn by Barry Lord (that i s , that Greenberg was an imperial agent) and does l i t t l e to elevate the dialogue on the complex interplay between modernism and p o l i t i c s i n t h i s period. Andreas Huyssen, for example, l i n k s the i n s t i t u t i o n a l domination of t h i s p a r t i c u l a r mode of Greenbergian modernism with the liberal-conservative consensus of the 1950s as providing the rationale behind the r e j e c t i o n of modernism i n the 1960s: The modernism against which a r t i s t s r e b e l l e d was no longer f e l t to be an adversary culture. I t no longer opposed a dominant class and i t s world view, nor had i t maintained i t s programmatic p u r i t y from contamination by the culture industry. In other words, the revolt sprang p r e c i s e l y from the success of modernism, from the f a c t that i n the United States, as i n West Germany and France, f o r that matter, modernism had been perverted into a form of affirmative culture.^ While Huyssen's observations regarding the transformation of modernism into a form of affirmative culture are important, Greenberg was, as well, an exemplar of the a l l i a n c e of modernism with a liberal-conservative consensus i n the f i f t i e s . Is t h i s the same consensus Lord r e f e r r e d to as " l e f t - l i b e r a l " ? Was modernism the only contemporary a r t p r a c t i c e that functioned as affirmative culture? I f not, how does t h i s complicate the theorization of decenteredness and the preservation of Utopian hopes within mass culture (as a strategy for transforming everyday l i f e ) that Huyssen advocates as an oppositional p o s i t i o n to the c u l t u r e industry and modernism? I wish to propose that the either/or p o s i t i o n of Huyssen and Lord could be replaced by the t r i p a r t i t e structure advocated by Raymond Williams. Williams theorizes culture as being composed of a set of dynamic i n t e r r e l a t i o n s between the overlapping of dominant, residual and emergent cultures. I f 7. Andreas Huyssen, After The Great Divide (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1986). t h i s approach i s applied to the period between 1961 and 1965, then the i n t e r p r e t a t i o n of modernisin as the c u l t u r a l dominant within a liberal-conservative or l i b e r a l - l e f t consensus begins to erode.^ I f Greenberg and his theory of modernism were so t i g h t l y ensconced at the center of power, then h i s appearance on the margins i n Saskatchewan i n 1962 and the launching of the f l a g s h i p exhibition of "Post Painterly Abstraction" from Los Angeles i n 1964 could point to h i s de-centering and transformation into a residual c u l t u r a l moment. By replacing Greenberg's dominant voice with a more marginalized one, an uncertainty about the c u l t u r a l hegemony of the period i s created. This de-centering looms as an important h i s t o r i c a l problem for establishing the precise c u l t u r a l dominant, i f 8. Raymond Williams, Marxism and Literature (Oxford: Oxford Un i v e r s i t y Press, 1977). Williams discusses the d i f f e r e n c e s between dominant, residual, and emergent cultures i n Chapter Two, pp. 121-129. Some of Williams' more h e l p f u l comments that I have adapted i n my reformulation of Greenbergian modernism i n the early s i x t i e s include his argument that a r e s i d u a l c u l t u r a l moment w i l l exist, "usually at some distance from the e f f e c t i v e dominant culture, but some part of i t , some version of i t . . . w i l l i n most cases have had to be incorporated i f the e f f e c t i v e dominant culture i s to make sense." (p.122) Referring to ^emergent' culture, Williams argues, ". . . i t i s exceptionally d i f f i c u l t to d i s t i n g u i s h between those which are r e a l l y elements of some new phase of the dominant culture . . . and those which are s u b s t a n t i a l l y a l t e r n a t i v e or oppositional to i t : emergent i n the s t r i c t sense, rather than novel. Since we are always considering r e l a t i o n s within a c u l t u r a l process, d e f i n i t i o n s of the emergent, as of the residual, can be made only i n r e l a t i o n to a f u l l sense of the dominant" (p.123). This d i s s e r t a t i o n contextualizes Post Painterly Abstraction within Williams' construction of the " f u l l sense of the dominant" by mapping Clement Greenberg's concept of modernist painting within the t r i a n g u l a t i o n of New York - Emma Lake - Los Angeles. any, of the liberal-conservative consensus against which the counter-culture of the s i x t i e s rebelled. The ease with which Greenberg's theories have been dissected by postmodernist c r i t i c s for t h e i r t e l e o l o g i c a l e s s e n t i a l i z i n g , h i e r a r c h i a l i z e d oppositions, outmoded epistemology and other forms of logocentrism masks the need for a more thorough c r i t i c a l and h i s t o r i c a l understanding of the way modernism and postmodernism can both be centered and de-centered at p a r t i c u l a r h i s t o r i c a l junctures. This d i s s e r t a t i o n should not be misunderstood as an e f f o r t to redeem Greenberg's interpretation of modernism, on the one hand, nor to downplay the legitimacy of the questions being posed by postmodernist and p o s t s t r u c t u r a l i s t c r i t i c s a l i k e , on the other. Yet too many questions remain unanswered about the r o l e of modernism i n the period of the early 1960s f o r me to be comfortable with the h i s t o r i c a l constructions c u r r e n t l y a v a i l a b l e . The lengthy c o l o n i a l h i s t o r y of Canadian culture, and i n p a r t i c u l a r the role of Greenberg's theory of modernist painting a f t e r abstract expressionism as a p o s s i b l e instrument of c u l t u r a l hegemony, cannot be adduced without some e f f o r t at confronting the p o t e n t i a l of the neo-colonizing moment within American postmodernism as well.^ The urgent need to reassess 9. As Gayatri Spivak argues, i f the objective of t e r r i t o r i a l a c q u i s i t i o n i s no longer the dominant imperative of imperialism, then " i t i s no longer necessary to c u l t i v a t e a l o c a l l y - r e s i d e n t community of cultured ideologues who w i l l disseminate c u l t u r a l imperialism." Under neo-colonialism, the objective of imperial control i s waged through much more sophisticated, mediated and i n t e r n a l i z e d forms of s u r v e i l l a n c e the period and r a i s e these questions i s demonstrated by the authors of a recent text on post-colonial l i t e r a t u r e , e n t i t l e d The Empire Writes Back, who have cogently observed that even i f one accepts the description of the present as a postmodern era, " l i t t l e genuine decolonization i s yet i n s i g h t . "•'•^  Indeed, recent events i n Canadian history, such as the signing of the Free Trade Agreement with the United States and the j o i n i n g of the Organization of American States, would tend to confirm the opposite: an acceleration of the post-war neo-colonizing process and the reduction of Canada to the r o l e of a d i s c i p l i n e d imperial a u x i l i a r y f i r m l y within the grasp of the United States. This i s a f a m i l i a r and common experience for a society that had previously witnessed the h i s t o r i c a l ebb and flow of the French and B r i t i s h Empires. By analyzing the h i s t o r i c a l t r a j e c t o r y of Greenberg's int e r p r e t a t i o n of modernist theory during the period between 1957 and 1965 as Greenberg crossed and recrossed the f r o n t i e r between the United States and Canada and then by enlarging the discussion to include the tension generated by the i n t e r n a l regional c o n f l i c t between New York and C a l i f o r n i a leading up to the "Post Painterly Abstraction" e x h i b i t i o n , the f l u i d and d i s c i p l i n e , both of countries and of whole populations. Gayatri Spivak, The Post-Colonial C r i t i c . Ed. Sarah Harasym (New York and London: Routledge, Chapman, and H a l l , 1990), p.140. 10. B i l l Ashcroft, Gareth G r i f f i t h s , and Helen T i f f i n , The Empire Writes Back (New York and London: Routledge, 1989), p. 3. nature of the terms modernism and postmodernism w i l l become more apparent. As geographer David Harvey writes: We then get to see the categories of both modernism and postmodernism as s t a t i c r e i f i c a t i o n s imposed upon the f l u i d interpénétration of dynamic oppositions. Within t h i s matrix of i n t e r n a l r e l a t i o n s , there i s never one fixed configuration, but a swaying back and f o r t h between c e n t r a l i z a t i o n and decentralization, between authority and deconstruction, between hierarchy and anarchy, between permanence and f l e x i b i l i t y , between the d e t a i l and the s o c i a l d i v i s i o n of labor (to l i s t but a few of the many oppositions that can be i d e n t i f i e d ) . The sharp categorical d i s t i n c t i o n between modernism and postmodernism disappears, to be replaced by an examination of the flux of i n t e r n a l r e l a t i o n s within capitalism as a whole. 11. David Harvey, The Condition of Postmodernity (Oxford: B a s i l Blackwell Ltd., 1989), pp.339-340. Susan Buck-Morss, i n her i n s i g h t f u l analysis of Walter Benjamin, notes that Benjamin's Passagen-Werk alludes to the same point, namely, . . . that i t makes no sense to divide the era of capitalism into formalist "modernism" and h i s t o r i c a l l y e c l e c t i c "postmodernism," as these tendencies have been there from the s t a r t of i n d u s t r i a l culture. . . . Modernism and postmodernism are not chronological eras, but p o l i t i c a l positions i n the century-long struggle between a r t and technology. I f modernism expresses Utopian longing by a n t i c i p a t i n g the r e c o n c i l i a t i o n of s o c i a l function and aesthetic form, postmodernism acknowledges t h e i r nonidentity and keeps fantasy a l i v e . Each p o s i t i o n thus represents a p a r t i a l t r u t h ; each w i l l recur "anew," so long as the contradictions of commodity society are not overcome. Susan Buck-Morss, The D i a l e c t i c s of Seeing (Cambridge, Mass.: MIT Press, 1989), p.359. While t h i s argument contradicts Frederic Jameson's periodization of postmodernism as the c u l t u r a l expression of Late Capitalism, I s t i l l f i n d Jameson's attempt at th e o r i z i n g the s i x t i e s , with the benefit of Ernest Mandel's t r i p a r t i t e d i v i s i o n of the history of c a p i t a l i s t development i n Late Capitalism (London: Verso Books, 1987), and h i s usage of the c u l t u r a l theory of Raymond Williams, very h e l p f u l . Mandel's suggestive analysis of the impact of the "permanent arms economy" upon the post-war development of capi t a l i s m enables Jameson to supplement e a r l i e r theories of The intimate r e l a t i o n s h i p of Canada with the p o l i t i c s of f l u x emanating from the United States places Canada at a s t r a t e g i c point i n the discussion of American postmodernism. As the Canadian c u l t u r a l t h e o r i s t Arthur Kroker has noted, i t i s p r e c i s e l y the location of Canada at the i n t e r s e c t i o n of these various imperial moments throughout h i s t o r y that makes such a c o l o n i a l f r o n t i e r country as Canada "a barometer of c i v i l i z a t i o n a l discourse, old and new."-^ ^ In the post-World War Two period, Canada faced a "space-oriented" American society. Because of i t s p a r t i c u l a r geographical and i d e o l o g i c a l proximity, Canada becomes a case study i n the transformation of a great perceptual s h i f t i n western society: the ascendancy of "monopolies of knowledge, s p e c i a l i z i n g i n the domination of space over time."-'--^ The proximity of Canada to the United States and the dynamic of United States-Canadian r e l a t i o n s at that time are important fact o r s i n an analysis of the consequences of the domination of the p o l i t i c s of space over the p o l i t i c s of time. The l i t e r a l take-off point f o r the conquest of space was the launch of the f i r s t Soviet ICBM i n the summer of 1957, soon followed by the launch of the world's f i r s t o r b i t a l the m i l i t a r i z i n g of capitalism such as those proposed by C. Wright M i l l s i n The Power E l i t e (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1955, rpt. 1977). 12. Arthur Kroker, Technology and the Canadian Mind (Montreal: New World Perspectives, 1984), p.118. 13. Kroker, pp.120-21. s a t e l l i t e , Sputnik 1, in October of 1957. The shock to the United States of the advanced state of Soviet technology accelerated the compression of time and accentuated the p r i o r i t y of space i n theorizing the ramifications of t h i s technological advance.^'* For the f i r s t time i n the post-war period, the technological pre-eminence of the United States i n the p o l i t i c s of s p a t i a l control and sur v e i l l a n c e was c a l l e d into question. Furthermore, the p r i o r i t y of Canadian t e r r i t o r y as a buffer-zone between the Soviet Union and the United States turned up the heat on the Canadian government to acquiesce to the security demands of the U.S. p o l i t i c i a n s and the U.S. m i l i t a r y . Between 1957 and 1963, the prerogatives of s p a t i a l control and the securing of the airspace of the United States against the threat of Soviet surveillance and nuclear attack witnessed an ongoing struggle between the Canadian government of John G. Diefenbaker, elected i n 1957, and the requirements of the m i l i t a r y - i n d u s t r i a l complex within the United States. By 1962, r e l a t i o n s between the Canadian and the United States governments had reached t h e i r lowest ebb. Diefenbaker's 14. Much of my own analysis of the s h i f t from the p o l i t i c s of time to the p o l i t i c s of space i s derived from Edward Soja, who i n h i s book Postmodern Geographies (London: Verso Books, 1989) argues f o r a reassessment of the r o l e of space i n c r i t i c a l s o c i a l theory, i n part, to help explain the longevity and success of the evolutionary transformation of c a p i t a l i s m i n the twentieth century. Drawing upon the i n s i g h t s of such t h e o r i s t s of space as the French s o c i a l philosopher Henri Lefebvre, Soja see Los Angeles and Southern C a l i f o r n i a as emblematic of the transformation of c a p i t a l i s t s p a t i a l i z a t i o n . disagreement with the U.S. interpretation of events surrounding the Cuban M i s s i l e C r i s i s , the sole n a t i o n a l leader i n the Western Hemishpere to take issue with the Unites States, compounded the i r r i t a t i o n of the Kennedy Administration with the Canadian leadership. However, i n protecting the northern boundaries of the United States against the threat of long-range bombers, the thorny issue of Canadian sovereignty over the c o n t r o l of i t s geography and airspace could not be overlooked. The decision of Canadian A i r Force commanders to respond to the American mob i l i z a t i o n of continental defenses i n the Cuban M i s s i l e C r i s i s , against the express wish of the Canadian government to wait f o r further information, was symbolic of the pressures that could be placed on the sovereignty of a j u n i o r member i n a b i l a t e r a l defense arrangement. •'•^  Yet long before the Soviet Union had exploded i t s f i r s t atomic bomb i n 1949, the securing of Canadian airspace against a Soviet bomber threat had been the subject of an ongoing discussion between the commanders of the Royal Canadian A i r Force and the United States A i r Force. As General Charles 15. Kennedy declared the heightened state of m i l i t a r y a l e r t , c a l l e d Defensive Condition (Defcon) 3, i n a speech delivered on October 22, 1962. Diefenbaker refused to authorize DefCon 3 f o r the Canadian m i l i t a r y , subsequently s t a t i n g "We were not a s a t e l l i t e state at the beck and c a l l of an imperial master." As Nash observes, the Canadian m i l i t a r y were i n f u r i a t e d by Diefenbaker's decision and disobeyed h i s i n s t r u c t i o n s , putting the Canadian m i l i t a r y on f u l l a l e r t . Knowlton Nash, Kennedy and Diefenbaker (Toronto: McClelland and Stewart, 1990), p.191. Foulkes, Chairman of the Canadian Chiefs of S t a f f Committee i n 1957, wrote: There were no boundaries upstairs, and the most d i r e c t a i r routes to the U.S. major targets were through Canada. Therefore, a i r defence was to be a j o i n t e f f o r t from the s t a r t . •'•^  The absence of boundaries "upstairs" ( i . e . i n airspace) s i g n a l l e d both a threat and an opportunity. I n i t i a l l y the American government needed to detect and intercept Soviet bombers over Canada to secure the defense of the continental United States. This meant that Canada was an unsuspecting accomplice i n the development of new techniques of surveillance and s p a t i a l control. With the development of s a t e l l i t e technology, the impediment of opaque national boundaries girding secure national f r o n t i e r s and i d e n t i t i e s was e a s i l y bypassed by the i n s t a l l a t i o n of a s e r i e s of transparent membranes, arrays of radar and other s u r v e i l l a n c e equipment stretching across thousands of square miles of Canadian t e r r i t o r y , a working model of the p r o j e c t i o n of neo-c o l o n i a l space around the globe. The world's longest undefended border between two sovereign nation states concealed layers of sophisticated early warning radars that s i g n a l l e d only too well to Canadian n a t i o n a l i s t i n t e l l e c t u a l s the implications of the i n v i s i b l e p o l i t i c s of s p a t i a l c o n t r o l . The transparent boundaries of continental defense concealed a 16. Quoted i n Joseph T. Jockel. No Boundaries Upstairs (Vancouver: University of B r i t i s h Columbia Press, 1987), p.4. U.S.-controlled m i l i t a r y establishment of 170,000 personnel i n over four hundred bases i n Canada. As the transparent web of Fortress America spanned the North American continent, propelled by the increasing m i l i t a r i z a t i o n of the economy of the United States, New York C i t y and the Northeast began to be challenged by Los Angeles and Southern C a l i f o r n i a for the r o l e as the center of what the geographer Anne Markusen has termed the "Defense Perimeter." A huge amount of national wealth was transferred to the development of the aerospace industry i n Southern C a l i f o r n i a . T h e surprising emergence of the ^sunbelt' — 17. Nash, p.73. 18. Ann Markusen, Regions:The Economics and P o l i t i c s of T e r r i t o r y . (New Jersey: Rowman and L i t t l e f i e l d Publishers, 1987), p.106. The r e l a t i o n s h i p between regionalism, m i l i t a r i s m and the p o l i t i c s of space has received a considerable amount of c r i t i c a l attention over the l a s t f i v e years. Anthony Giddens, i n the second of h i s three volume c r i t i q u e of h i s t o r i c a l materialism, has updated the discussion of the r e l a t i o n s h i p between capitalism, m i l i t a r i s m and surveillance. See Anthony Giddens, The Nation-State and Violence (Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of C a l i f o r n i a Press, 1987). An i n s i g h t f u l analysis of the ramifications of Giddens' argument i s presented by Martin Shaw i n the essay, "War and the nation-state i n s o c i a l theory," i n David Held and John B. Thompson [Ed i t o r s ] , Social Theory of Modern Societies: Anthony Giddens and h i s C r i t i c s (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1989) pp.129-146. Shaw argues: The transformation of modern warfare c l e a r l y has major implications for the r e l a t i o n s h i p of war and society. Nuclear m i l i t a r i s m c l e a r l y requires general i d e o l o g i c a l mobilization, i n the context of Cold War r i v a l r y , and t h i s can give the impression of s o c i e t i e s which are s t i l l highly m i l i t a r i z e d . At the same time there i s a need for s p e c i a l i z e d dominated by Los Angeles — as a regional challenge to the hegemony of New York City i n the s i x t i e s was propelled by the technologies of transparency including the massive aerospace, m i s s i l e and e l e c t r o n i c industries that were l o c a t i n g i n Southern C a l i f o r n i a i n the f o r t i e s and f i f t i e s . The r i v a l r y between the East and West coasts of the United States forms a complicated aspect of changing r e l a t i o n s between older forms of c o l o n i a l domination based on universalism and o b j e c t i v i t y and the newer subjectivism and regional dynamic c h a r a c t e r i s t i c of neo-colonial strategies i n the Cold War, aimed i n t e r n a l l y within the continental United States as well as e x t e r n a l l y i n the Third World. Frederic Jameson r e f e r s to t h i s changed p o l i t i c a l and s p a t i a l dynamic as the " l a t e s t mutation i n space" — postmodern hyperspace — which has " f i n a l l y succeeded i n transcending the capacities of the i n d i v i d u a l human body, to locate i t s e l f , to organize i t s immediate surroundings perceptually, and c o g n i t i v e l y to map i t s p o s i t i o n i n a mappable external world. "-^ ^ The subsequent erasure of the older h i e r a r c h i c a l boundaries demarcating center and periphery, subject and object, and avant-garde and mass m i l i t a r y industries of a high order of technological so p h i s t i c a t i o n , which l i e behind the concept of a ^ m i l i t a r y - i n d u s t r i a l complex.' Indeed, these two c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s , taken together, have led E.P. Thompson to assert that s o c i e t i e s i n the Cold War ^do not have m i l i t a r y - i n d u s t r i a l complexes; they are m i l i t a r y - i n d u s t r i a l complexes.' (pp.144-145) 19. Frederic Jameson, Postmodernism, or the C u l t u r a l Logic of Late Capitalism (Durham, N.C.: Duke University Press, 1991), p.44. culture within postmodern hyperspace was exploited by the United States as a necessary t r a n s i t i o n a l phase towards the development of a new p o l i t i c s of s p a t i a l c o n t r o l . This phase led to the projection of a decentered c a p i t a l i s t t o t a l i t y (a nascent "new world order") that, according to John F. Kennedy, would a i d i n America's anti-communist mission and, " i n e f f e c t , reshape the world i n our [America's] image."^° Within the parameters of the regional c o n f l i c t between the Northeast and Southwest, Greenberg's attempt to re-enter the dialogue on contemporary art with a reworked concept of abstract painting that r e l i e d on maintaining the borderlines between the avant-garde and the growing middle-class consumer culture was p a r t i c u l a r l y appealing to a small group of Canadian painters who, l i k e many Canadian i n t e l l e c t u a l s , associated mass consumer culture with the worst aspects of the technology and industry flowing from the society south of the Canadian border. The e f f o r t s to maintain a d i f f e r e n c e of approach, even one that drew upon the questionable legacies of the European philosophical t r a d i t i o n and the "triumph of American painting," became conceivable as a counter-discursive strategy; the postmodern universe was unravelling to reveal i t s complicity with the "reshaping of the world." The breakdown of the r i g i d modernism/postmodernism dichotomy r e f l e c t e d the paradoxical p e r i p h e r a l i z a t i o n of resistance 20. Louise Fitzsimmons, The Kennedy Doctrine (New York: Random House, 1972), p.8. within c a p i t a l i s t development even as fragmentation and heterogeneity increased. However, the p a r t i c u l a r relationship between Greenberg and the painters of Emma Lake i n the early s i x t i e s provides a case study i n the complex and contradictory h i s t o r y of cosmopolitan modernist painting. Caught between the decline of New York-based modernism and the r i s e of Los Angeles as the "second c i t y of American a r t , " Saskatchewan a r t i s t s found themselves once again on the margins, between the d i s s o l u t i o n of c u l t u r a l and h i s t o r i c a l boundaries and the disappearance of national boundaries "upstairs." Chapter One: From the M i s s i l e Gap to the Culture Gap A p a i n f u l notion: that beyond a c e r t a i n precise point i n time h i s t o r y ceased to be r e a l . As i f , without being aware of i t , the whole human species had suddenly taken o f f from r e a l i t y , but without our knowing i t . Now our task and our duty must be to single out that moment and, u n t i l we have done so, we are forced to persevere i n the present destruction. E l i a s Canetti To every c i v i l i z a t i o n , at some moment i n i t s existence, the mortal challenge comes. Now Red Russia's dictatorship has thrust such a challenge upon the West. The challenge i s not simply m i l i t a r y ; i t i s t o t a l — i n t e l l e c t u a l , s p i r i t u a l , and material. To survive, the free world, led by the United States, must répond i n kind. Amid a clamor of alarm and s e l f c r i t i c i s m , America i s preparing to shoulder t h i s burden of great h i s t o r i c a l r e s p o n s i b i l i t i e s . Technical problems which were long ago the province of i s o l a t e d s p e c i a l i s t s have become the concern of a whole c i t i z e n r y . Newsweek January 20, 1958 On Friday, October 4, 1957, the stunned populace of the United States reeled under the news of the successful launch of the f i r s t Soviet s a t e l l i t e . Sputnik 1. The launch of t h i s s a t e l l i t e , o f f i c i a l l y baptized " A r t i f i c i a l T r a v e l l e r Around the Earth," r e c a l l e d the nightmarish period of national insecurity that followed the successful Japanese attack on Pearl Harbor. Sputnik symbolized a new l e v e l of technological and s c i e n t i f i c achievement, not to mention an unsurpassed p o t e n t i a l power of surveillance, a l l achievements that the United States had previously considered marks of i t s own unchallenged technological leadership. The government now faced a period of intense public scrutiny seeking to answer the question: "How could the United States have f o r f e i t e d i t s leadership i n s c i e n t i f i c expertise and jeopardized the security of the Free World?" Furthermore, with the v i s i b l e p o t e n t i a l of Soviet technology to breech Fortress America, many U.S. c i t i z e n s believed nuclear Armageddon was only minutes away. A period of intense national self-examination queried the d i r e c t i o n and goals of both the domestic and foreign p o l i c y of the United States. No sphere of l i f e was exempt from t h i s c r i t i c a l re-evaluation. Not s u r p r i s i n g l y , t h i s re-evaluation was to have s i g n i f i c a n t implications for the r o l e of high culture and, s p e c i f i c a l l y , for the r e l a t i o n s h i p between Clement Greenberg's p a r t i c u l a r interpretation of modernist painting and the evolution of t h i s new phase of the Cold War. Was i t conceivable that the culture gap between modernist painting and mass culture so e s s e n t i a l to Greenberg's understanding of modernism was not an i n d i c a t i o n of the triumph of American pain t i n g but, rather, a r e f l e c t i o n of the United States' decadence and i n a b i l i t y to triumph i n the Cold War? From 1957 to the 1960 p r e s i d e n t i a l campaign, concerns over the Soviet technological lead i n b a l l i s t i c m i s s i l e s , nicknamed the " M i s s i l e Gap," led both Democratic and Republican p o l i t i c i a n s to question the nation's w i l l i n g n e s s to focus on s p e c i f i c objectives and national goals. Had an o v e r a l l preoccupation with affluence and consumerism i n the 1950s somehow robbed the nation of i t s w i l l to meet the Soviet challenge? Was the triumph of abstract expressionism i n demonstrating the United States' c u l t u r a l leadership of the West a hollow v i c t o r y i f i t was achieved at the price of moral decay? For many American p o l i t i c i a n s , the solution to winning the Cold War i n t e r n a l l y and externally meant c l o s i n g both the m i s s i l e gap and the culture gap. In analysing the relationship between the m i s s i l e gap and the culture gap, I w i l l explore i n some depth the h i s t o r y and p o l i t i c s of the arms race i n the Cold War between 1957 and 1964, not simply because i t provides an i n t e r e s t i n g background but because i t i s i n t e g r a l to a f u l l e r understanding of the development of contemporary art i n the United States. The threat implied by the m i s s i l e gap was symptomatic of the psychological c r i s i s i n American society which led to a recasting of national and regional i d e n t i t i e s as the state mobilized i t s e l f for the Cold War. I believe that a key aspect of t h i s recasting of i d e n t i t i e s was the r e h a b i l i t a t i o n of the nineteenth century concept of the f r o n t i e r , a concept which had been c r u c i a l i n the westward expansion of the United States. In 1893, the American h i s t o r i a n Frederick Jackson Turner declared the continental f r o n t i e r "closed," stimulating the overseas m i l i t a r y and economic expansionism of the United States. In the Cold War era, with the expansion of the c o n f l i c t with the Soviet Union to the Third World, Kennedy's continual invocation of the New Frontier throughout h i s speeches i n the 1960 p r e s i d e n t i a l campaign and into h i s presidency s i g n a l l e d a new r e l a t i o n s h i p between the government and the a r t s based on the need to mobilize the American population to meet the Soviet threat both at home and abroad. I f e e l that a d e t a i l e d examination of the evolution of the concept of the f r o n t i e r , from the nineteenth century to the early 1960s, provides the l i n k between pragmatism and culture that was forged by pragmatic l i b e r a l s as a v i t a l component of t h e i r Cold War strategy. Following the launch of Sputnik 1, p u b l i c anxiety was quickly exploited by c r i t i c s of the Eisenhower Administration and was further heightened through the mass media. Three days aft e r the launch of Sputnik 1, the New York Times e d i t o r i a l column raised the spectre of a world i n which the Soviet Union held the lead i n weapons technology: Is the world faced with a r a d i c a l change i n the m i l i t a r y balance of power at that time, presumably to be measured i n months or a small number of years, when the Soviet Union has enough such missiles to place every major United States c i t y and base under threat of annihilation? Is the p o l i c y of putting domestic budgetary and p o l i t i c a l considerations ahead of secur i t y considerations i n a l l o c a t i n g funds f o r defense s t i l l a tenable p o l i c y i n the present situation? Are we making a maximum e f f o r t at the present time . . . to assure that we too have intercontinental b a l l i s t i c m i s s iles at the e a r l i e s t possible time? I f not, should we not increase our e f f o r t so that i t i s the maximum possible, u t i l i z i n g a l l the r i c h resources of our science, technology, and industry?^ This e d i t o r i a l expressed a c r i t i c i s m of the Eisenhower Administration which had been commonplace even before the launch of Sputnik, but which now assumed a new urgency and p o l i t i c a l s i g n i f i c a n c e . C r i t i c s of the Eisenhower Administration exploited c i t i z e n s ' anxieties, some using 1. New York Times. October 7,1957, p.26. Richard Aliano notes that i n the 1950s the Times was an accurate barometer of Cold War psychology i n America and a leading advocate of the l i b e r a l c r i t i c s ' attack on the Eisenhower Administration's low defence spending targets. See Richard Aliano, American Defence Policy from Eisenhower to Kennedy (Athens, Ohio: Ohio University Press, 1975), pp.151-57. these fears to further t h e i r own p o l i t i c a l goals. The pragmatic l i b e r a l s , i n p a r t i c u l a r , c a l l e d f o r a union of s c i e n t i f i c s p e c i a l i z a t i o n with industry to counter the Soviet threat. The October 21, 1957 issue of L i f e magazine also used Sputnik to c r i t i c i z e the Eisenhower Administration. The cover photograph displayed the planet Earth with three U.S. s c i e n t i s t s p l o t t i n g the o r b i t a l t r a j e c t o r y of Sputnik, (figure 1) The s c i e n t i f i c s p e c i a l i s t s appear at a loss, two of them painstakingly examining a large crumpled sheet of mathematical c a l c u l a t i o n s while t h e i r colleague maps out the o r b i t of the s a t e l l i t e . A sin g l e o r b i t i s indicated moving around the globe on a North-South axis, sweeping over the two most populous nations of the Earth: l i n k i n g together the successful communist revolution i n the People's Republic of China with the p o t e n t i a l communist subversion of the Third World, at that time becoming an increasing focus of the Cold War. Even more ominously, the o r b i t of Sputnik leads d i r e c t l y to North America. The Soviets had s u c c e s s f u l l y launched t h e i r f i r s t Intercontinental B a l l i s t i c M i s s i l e (ICBM) only two months before the launch of Sputnik, while s c i e n t i f i c s p e c i a l i s t s i n the United States had f a i l e d to preserve national security and had jeopardized the freedom of the West. The same issue of L i f e magazine included a representation of the number of or b i t s made by Sputnik i n i t s f i r s t twenty-four hours of f l i g h t , (figure 2) Beneath the headline "The Orbit Weaves A Web As Whole World Watches," the Earth i s shown encased i n a dense weave of red l i n e s , but t h i s time the image focuses on the d i r e c t r e l a t i o n s h i p between Sputnik's o r b i t a l web and the immediate threat Sputnik posed to the United States. As one veteran of the U.S. Vanguard rocket project stated on the October 21st e d i t o r i a l page: "I think t h i s i s the f i r s t step toward the u n i f i c a t i o n of the peoples of the world, whether they know i t or not"^. This e d i t o r i a l a t t r i b u t e d blame for the calamity to those i n the Pentagon who "confuse s c i e n t i f i c progress with freezer and l i p s t i c k output."-^ Ultimate r e s p o n s i b i l i t y f e l l on the shoulders of President Eisenhower whose photograph within the same issue of L i f e showed a weary president next to a series of photographs representing the l a t e s t i n space toys and space fashion, (figure 3) This juxtaposition provided an i m p l i c i t c r i t i q u e of the Eisenhower Administration, tying the s c i e n t i f i c inadequacy of the United States' space e f f o r t to the d e b i l i t a t i n g influence of consumerism and mass cult u r e . 2. "Common Sense and Sputnik," L i f e , October 21, 1957, p.35. 3. "Common Sense and Sputnik," p.35. Now the Soviet Union was ahead i n waging "technological imperialism" against humanity. The issue of the resolve and national purpose of the United States to meet t h i s challenge became a key element of the p o l i t i c a l maneuvering from the launch of Sputnik to the 1960 e l e c t i o n . I n i t i a l l y the p o l i t i c a l attack came from the Democrats, i n p a r t i c u l a r Democratic Senators Lyndon Johnson and Stuart Symington, and from elements i n the A i r Force eager to secure the necessary funding f o r t h e i r m i s s i l e program'^. In quick succession, the attack was joined by John F. Kennedy, who had been informally campaigning f o r the i960 p r e s i d e n t i a l e l e c t i o n since 1956, and a host of Republicans representing the l i b e r a l establishment of the Northeastern wing of the Republican party including Senator Jacob K. J a v i t s and Nelson Rockefeller J r . ^ With Eisenhower a lame duck president, the p o l i t i c a l opportunity to take advantage of, and even promote, public anxiety a r i s i n g from the m i s s i l e gap was i n v i t i n g . For both Republican and Democratic p o l i t i c i a n s as well as elements within the defense bureaucracy known as the Iron Triangle (the three Armed Services of the United States), Eisenhower's v u l n e r a b i l i t y o ffered an 4. Desmond B a l l , P o l i t i c s and Force Levels (Los Angeles: University of C a l i f o r n i a Press, 1980), p.7. 5. In 1956 Nelson Rockefeller resigned as Special Assistant to the President. One reason for h i s resignation was the lack of funding for the m i l i t a r y . opportunity to wrench society i n a very d i f f e r e n t d i r e c t i o n . Following the launch of Sputnik, the Eisenhower Administration continued to pursue a defense strategy known as the "long p u l l , " a euphemism for an approach that attempted to l i m i t excessive defence spending rather than d i v e r t i n g resources from the private sector e s p e c i a l l y as the economy was entering i t s most severe recession since World War Two. In f a c t , the Administration attempted to lower the defence budget for the f i s c a l year af t e r Sputnik. This meant that the U.S. m i l i t a r y doctrine was limited i n 1957/8 to s t r a t e g i c " s u f f i c i e n c y , " which i n nuclear terms was a r e j e c t i o n of Secretary of State John Foster Dulles' s t r a t e g i c doctrine of "massive r e t a l i a t i o n . " Rather than s t r a i n i n g national resources to achieve nuclear s u p e r i o r i t y over the Soviet Union, long p u l l s trategic doctrine opted f o r equivalency with Soviet m i l i t a r y c a p a b i l i t i e s , including a c e i l i n g of two hundred missiles on the U.S. ICBM program. Such f i s c a l r e s t r a i n t on issues of national defence alienated a l l three branches of the Armed Services and i n very short order s p l i t the Iron Triangle into two main competing factions: the Army and the Navy on one side with the A i r Force on the other.^ 6. The Army and Navy both supported the concept of nuclear s u f f i c i e n c y but advocated further defence appropriations for limited war c a p a b i l i t i e s and the Both fa c t i o n s ' positions represented opposing s t r a t e g i c doctrines but even within these two large segments of the m i l i t a r y were smaller f a c t i o n a l i z e d p o s i t i o n s . Within the A i r Force, for example, some factions organized around a s t r a t e g i c doctrine based on heavy bombers while others pushed the new ICBM technology. Divisions within the m i l i t a r y a lso coalesced around p a r t i c u l a r geographical regions, with the increasingly powerful A i r Force centred i n the Southwest, e s p e c i a l l y i n the Los Angeles area. Consequently, the changing technological demands of the Cold War meant that the A i r Force, and therefore the Southwest, played a growing r o l e i n national p o l i t i c s at the expense of the northeastern manufacturing base. Thus, Eisenhower's d e f i n i t i o n of a middle way between the requirements of the national economy and national security was jeopardized by the e x p l o i t a t i o n of the public's fear of the m i s s i l e gap by fellow Republicans, Democrats, and the Iron Triangle.^ However, s h i f t i n g of resources away from the A i r Force. See Aliano, p.272. 7. Eisenhower's adherence to the defence doctrine of the "long p u l l " was based on the s t r a t e g i c r a t i o n a l e that long-term defence needs would be more e f f i c i e n t l y and e f f e c t i v e l y met by a defence p o l i c y which d i d not respond to each p a r t i c u l a r m i l i t a r y c r i s i s but aimed to eliminate extreme o s c i l l a t i o n s within defence budgets over the long term. This strategy was consistent with Eisenhower's conception of l i b e r t y and freedom within America and how they could be most adequately defended and nurtured. Liberty and freedom were jeopardized eit h e r by the a f t e r Sputnik, a pragmatic consensus began to coalesce between Republicans such as Nelson Rockefeller J r . and Jacob J a v i t s and Democrats such as John F. Kennedy, a consensus with a strong connection to one arm of the Iron Triangle: the A i r Force. For three years p r i o r to the launch of Sputnik, the A i r Force had successfully used the threat of a manned bomber attack on North America to press f o r increasing autonomy within the defence bureaucracy, supplanting i t s previous r o l e of supporting the Army. The r a p i d l y increasing impact of the A i r Force on defence doctrine and m i l i t a r y appropriations combined with the extensive economic and p o l i t i c a l impact of the aerospace industry on p o l i t i c a l constituencies within the United States resulted i n the formation of an a l l i a n c e between the A i r Force and the Democrats i n Congress by 1956. For many Democrats, the e l e c t o r a l f a i l u r e of A dlai Stevenson i n 1956 meant that a new strategy had to be adopted by the party to secure any hope of success i n 1960. By supporting the A i r Force, conservative Democrats were a l l y i n g themselves with what Cold War t h e o r i s t Walt Rostow termed the New A i r Romanticism: " r e l i a n c e on a i r power [which] f i t t e d other elements i n the n a t i o n a l s t y l e m i l i t a r y s u p e r i o r i t y of a foreign power or by turning America into a garrison state dominated by the m i l i t a r y -i n d u s t r i a l complex. Eisenhower believed that the "long p u l l " was the middle way between the two threats. and t r a d i t i o n . " S p e c i f i c a l l y , Rostov pointed to the broad national appeal of t h i s New A i r Romanticism: The substitution of c a p i t a l and machinery f o r manpower . . . f i t t e d the nation's i n d u s t r i a l character; and the image of American s e c u r i t y f i r m l y i n the hands of an American A i r Force and American weapons suited the national temper, appealing strongly to residual i s o l a t i o n i s t elements.° Democrats and l i b e r a l Republicans were p o s i t i o n i n g themselves f o r an assault on the "long p u l l " strategy of Eisenhower by emphasizing the need for s t r a t e g i c s u p e r i o r i t y i n ICBMs which, they argued, could be most e f f i c i e n t l y pursued by giving the A i r Force a c l e a r mandate and adequate funds. The p o l i t i c a l dividends to the A i r Force and to the Democrats were enormous as an economic recession took hold of the country during the same year as the launch of Sputnik. Since World War Two, the aerospace industry had 8. Walt W. Rostow, The United States i n the World Arena (New York: Harper and Brothers, Publishers, 1960), p.223, The close r e l a t i o n s h i p between the A i r Force, NASA, and the Democratic party was a form of airpower romanticism, as Rostow argues: Airpower romanticism was a natural successor to the naval romanticism which had sprung up h a l f a century or so e a r l i e r ; i t s advocates were i n the d i r e c t l i n e of the Mahanist proponents of the big navy of the f i r s t decade of the century. A preponderant Strategic A i r Command — l i k e the Great White Fleet — appeared a device f o r performing as a world power without getting too deeply enmeshed i n the complex, dangerous, i n t e r i o r of Eurasia, (p.224) The r e l a t i o n s h i p between mili t a r i s m , the f r o n t i e r and pragmatism w i l l be discussed l a t e r i n Chapter 1. dramatically influenced the urban-suburban r e l a t i o n s h i p of America. Large aerospace plants and support companies were often located outside of major c i t i e s or i n regions remote from the Northeast, where land and labour costs were much lower. The rapid growth of A i r Force appropriations, f i r s t i n response to the bomber gap and then the m i s s i l e gap, resulted i n the arming of suburbia i n the mid to l a t e 1950s, as Geoffrey Rossano observes: "Almost despite i t s e l f , suburbia U.S.A. became the home of attack bombers, production l i n e s and giant f a c t o r i e s . Suburbia armed was suburbia transformed."^ Democrats were s t r a t e g i c a l l y positioned to exploit both the impact of an economic recession within the suburbs as well as the Cold War anxieties caused by Sputnik by a l l y i n g with the A i r Force to push Congress for greater aerospace appropriations. Giving further c r e d i b i l i t y to the Eisenhower Administration's p o l i t i c a l r i v a l s , s t a t i s t i c a l estimates of the Soviet Union's lead i n the m i s s i l e gap were published i n the mass media by the summer of 1958. According to these figures, beginning i n 1959, the Soviet Union's lead i n ICBMs would be 100 to 0. P r o j e c t i n g t h i s rate of development, even taking into account concerted 9. Geoffrey Rossano, "Suburbia Armed: Nassau County Development and the Rise of the Aerospace Industry, 1909-1960," p.82 i n Roger W. Lotchin [Ed]., The M a r t i a l Metropolis (New York: Praeger Publishers, 1984), pp.61-88. American e f f o r t s to close the gap, the United States i n 1963 would s t i l l be considerably behind, with 130 weapons as compared to 2,000 for the Soviet Union. By 1958, A i r Force o f f i c e r s and Democratic and l i b e r a l Republican congressmen were advocating a m i s s i l e force i n the thousands. Yet c i v i l i a n and m i l i t a r y planners had not previously considered the importance of space as propaganda. Nor had they previously considered the s i g n i f i c a n c e of s c i e n t i f i c achievement i n terms of i t s p o l i t i c a l consequences both domestically and i n t e r n a t i o n a l l y . •'•2 In the period following Sputnik, when 10. By 1959 the Russian su p e r i o r i t y was being downgraded. CIA estimates at t h i s time put the United States and the Soviet Union force levels at par, approximately ten m i s s i l e s per side. However, i n order to keep f u e l l i n g the American defense build-up, estimates f o r the early 1960s show the persistence of a d i s t i n c t numerical s u p e r i o r i t y on the Soviet side: i n 1960 approximately 100 m i s s i l e s to the American 30; and by 1962 500 m i s s i l e s to the American estimate of 1-3 00. For a further discussion of the p o l i t i c s of missile numbers see B a l l , pp.3-40 and Roy E. L i c k l i d e r , "The M i s s i l e Gap Controversy" i n P o l i t i c a l Science Quarterly 85 (December 1970), 600-15. For c r i t i q u e s of the role of the m i l i t a r y and m i l i t a r y spending i n American society that consider the post-war period see Seymour Melman, The Permanent War Economy (New York: Simon and Schuster, 1974) , and also by Melman, Our Depleted Societv (New York: Holt, Rinehart and Winston, 1965); Emile Benoit [Ed.], Disarmament and World Economic Interdependence (Oslo: Scandinavian Uni v e r s i t y Books, 1967); Arthur Herzog, The War-Peace Establishment (New York: Harper and Row Publishers, 1963); Emile Benoit and Kenneth E. Boulding [Eds.], Disarmament and the Economy (New York: Harper and Row Publishers, 1963) . 11. B a l l , p.44. 12. Aliano, p.47. the propaganda e f f e c t s of space were only too apparent, a strategy that combined both c i v i l i a n and m i l i t a r y objectives seemed the most expedient way of pursuing American objectives i n the Cold War. Rostow, a leading Cold War adviser to.both Rockefeller and Kennedy, suggested the term "New Frontier" to describe the new pragmatic l i b e r a l strategy forged for the 1960 e l e c t i o n . Rostow also conceptualized the new space and weapons technology as s t r a t e g i c elements i n the Cold War c o n f l i c t : Three forces are conspiring to create i n the second h a l f of the twentieth century a world arena i n which the a f f a i r s of nations are more intimately interacting than i n the past and, simultaneously, one within which power i s progressively diffused. Those forces are the accelerated technological revolution i n communications, the revolution i n weapons of mass destruction and means of delivery, and the revolutionary movement toward modernization i n Asia, the Middle East, A f r i c a , and L a t i n America. ^-^  Through an a l l i a n c e with the A i r Force between 1958 and 1961, pragmatic l i b e r a l s seized the Cold War agenda away from the Eisenhower Administration by promoting a mobilization of American resources to meet the Soviet threat i n the three areas which Rostow deemed s t r a t e g i c : communications, weapons technology, and T h i r d World modernization. Exploiting these new factors became a goal of Cold War planners and an important concern within 13. Rostow, p.411. the r e - t h e o r i z i n g of pragmatism under the concept of the New Front i e r . Of the multitude of published c r i t i q u e s of the Eisenhower Adminstration's waging of the Cold War, the two most s i g n i f i c a n t i n terms of creating a pragmatic consensus were the Gaither Committee Report and the Rockefeller Brothers' Report, e n t i t l e d "International Security: The M i l i t a r y Aspect." Together, these two reports galvanized a pragmatic l i b e r a l response to Sputnik that would provide the ammunition to undermine the Eisenhower legacy p r i o r to 1960. Both Kennedy and Nelson Rockefeller J r . derived c r u c i a l aspects of t h e i r p o l i t i c a l platforms from these reports attacking Eisenhower and hi s legacy as embodied by Republican p r e s i d e n t i a l candidate Richard M. Nixon. I r o n i c a l l y , the Gaither Committee•'•'^  (named a f t e r the Chairman H. Rowan Gaither, Chairman of the Rand Corporation's Board of Trustees) was formed by Eisenhower himself seven months before the launch of Sputnik to consider the merit of constructing $40 b i l l i o n worth of nuclear b l a s t shelters i n America. The release of the Committee's report, e n t i t l e d "Deterrence and S u r v i v a l i n the Nuclear Age," one week af t e r the launch of Sputnik 14. The Committee's formal designation was the "Security Resources Panel of the Science Advisory Council to the FCDA." added f u e l to the c r i t i c s of the Eisenhower Administration. The report emphasized the v u l n e r a b i l i t y of the United States' s t r a t e g i c deterrent to a surprise Soviet attack and advocated r e i n f o r c i n g Strategic A i r Command's defenses against such a possible surprise assault. The report also recommended a rapid increase i n production and deployment of medium and long-range nuclear m i s s i l e s f a r exceeding the numerical projections of Eisenhower's strategy of the "long p u l l . " A l l u s i o n s to American v u l n e r a b i l i t y therefore combined i n the mass media with images of another Pearl Harbour as symbolized by Sputnik. The Eisenhower Administration was e a s i l y depicted as weak and v a c i l l a t i n g on questions of national security. Eisenhower, however, exacerbated t h i s c r i t i c i s m by ignoring the recommendations of the Gaither Committee Report and even t r i e d to reduce the defence budget fo r the next f i s c a l year. The Rockefeller Brothers' Committee was also formed p r i o r to the launch of Sputnik, i n November 1956, under the d i r e c t i o n of Henry Kissinger and the Rockefeller Brothers' Fund chairman Laurence Rockefeller. The Committee dealt as well with national security issues but served as a more public forum than the Gaither Committee for discussing these issues. The f i n a l Report of the Committee, ("International Security: The National Aspect"), pointed towards the increasing v u l n e r a b i l i t y of the United states to maintain m i l i t a r y s u p e r i o r i t y over the Soviet Union given the present p r i o r i t i e s of the national economy. As with the Gaither Committee Report, the Rockefeller Brothers' Report advocated a r e -o r i e n t a t i o n of national defence p r i o r i t i e s towards the greater production of nuclear missiles, both medium and long range, which undermined Eisenhower's "long p u l l " strategy. With the Report's release on November 6, 1958, the Eisenhower Administration was buffeted by c r i t i q u e s of i t s f a i l u r e to defend America by panels of experts from within the Administration and the Republican Party. The two reports were often mentioned together, serving as key documents i n the months leading up to the 1960 e l e c t i o n . The s i m i l a r i t y of views shared by Kennedy and Rockefeller on national defence served to buttress the formation of a pragmatic l i b e r a l consensus on defense issues with subsequent influence on the s t r u c t u r i n g of the domestic economy and on the waging of the Cold War. From the ranks of the Gaither and Rockefeller Committees were drawn many of Kennedy's future p o l i t i c a l advisers including Jerome Wiesner, s t a f f d i r e c t o r on the Gaither Committee who became his major science adviser; Paul Nitze, s p e c i a l adviser to the Gaither Committee and future national security adviser to Kennedy; as well as Walt Rostow, Dean Rusk, and Chester Bowles among over a dozen other members of these Committees who ult i m a t e l y worked for Kennedy either during the 1960 e l e c t i o n or i n his Administration.•'•^ Both committees were also linked with the Council on Foreign Relations, a l i b e r a l think-tank on foreign a f f a i r s , i n which David Rockefeller was a vice-president.-^^ Thus, while these two Committees were formed p r i o r to the launching of Sputnik 1, t h i s unexpected event coalesced the p o l i t i c a l opposition to the Eisenhower Administration, p r i m a r i l y by l i b e r a l Republicans and Democrats, who sought to manipulate and take advantage of the missi l e gap anxiety generated by Sputnik. As Henry Kissinger noted i n 1960, "For a l l the heat of the controversy, i t i s important to note that there i s no dispute about the m i s s i l e gap as such. I t i s generally admitted that from 1961 u n t i l at l e a s t the end of 1964 the Soviet Union w i l l possess more m i s s i l e s than the United States."^'' In addition, the launch of Sputnik provided 15. The content and p o l i t i c s of the Gaither Committee and the Rockefeller Brothers Reports are discussed i n Chapter One of B a l l , e specially pp.15-58. 16. Of the twenty-four men serving on the Gaither Committee, twelve were members of the Council on Foreign Relations; including John J. McCloy, Chairman of the Board of the Council. Of the t h i r t y - t h r e e members of the Rockefeller Brothers Report Committee, twenty-one were members of the Council. 17. L i c k l i d e r , 610. Rockefeller and Kennedy with the means to secure the p o l i t i c a l support of the A i r Force and i t s constituencies i n the suburban areas of the economy dependent on m i l i t a r y appropriations based on new aerospace and m i s s i l e technologies. Communities i n the Northeast"^^, but p a r t i c u l a r l y areas of the country experiencing the greatest suburban growth, such as Los Angeles and other major c i t i e s of the South and West, were p a r t i c u l a r l y well situated to take advantage of the new high technology i n weapons and communications advocated by the pragmatic l i b e r a l s . However, because the economic i n f r a s t r u c t u r e of Los Angeles and Southern C a l i f o r n i a was already so well attuned to the needs of aerospace and high technology service industries, the Northeast was i n danger of rec e i v i n g fewer aerospace and m i l i t a r y appropriations. This regional imbalance i n the d i s t r i b u t i o n of m i l i t a r y spending was the A c h i l l e s heel of the pragmatic l i b e r a l defense and economic program: achieving the rate of m i l i t a r y build-up required by the A i r Force to close the m i s s i l e gap p o t e n t i a l l y meant an unintentional p r i v i l e g i n g of some regions of the country over others. Between the Korean War and 1961, the Northeast saw i t s 18. In New York State, for example, between 1950 and 1960 the population of Nassau county more than doubled, from 660,000 to 1.3 m i l l i o n , largely as a r e s u l t of the economic impetus provided by the aerospace industry. o v e r a l l percentage of prime m i l i t a r y contracts decline from 27.4 percent to 11.8 percent; the Northeast f e l l from being number one, the prime regional beneficiary of m i l i t a r y contracts, to number three i n terms of o v e r a l l percentage, while during the same period the P a c i f i c region's share of defense contracts rose from 17.9 to 2 6.9 percent, going from the t h i r d highest l e v e l to number one within eight years. •'•^  The unequal regional d i s t r i b u t i o n of the defense budget was an unforeseen consequence of the tremendous lead Southern C a l i f o r n i a had already achieved i n a i r c r a f t production since World War Two. Thus while the push to close the m i s s i l e gap could benefit l i b e r a l s of both parties, the economic in f r a s t r u c t u r e of aerospace manufacturing, centered i n C a l i f o r n i a , was inadvertently weakening the the economy of the Northeast. In 1959 two members of the New York congressional delegation who were also a l l i e s of New York Governor Rockefeller, Senators Jacob K. J a v i t s and Kenneth B. Keating, attempted to redress the regional imbalance i n defence spending, before increased defence expenditures had been permanently siphoned to other regions of the country. "Today, with U.S. defense expenditures of $45 19. Joseph D. P h i l l i p s , "Economic Ef f e c t s of the Cold War," i n David Horowitz [Ed.], Corporations and the Cold War (New York: Monthly Review Press, 1969), pp.183. b i l l i o n representing over h a l f of the federal budget, defense contract awards and procurement p o l i c i e s have a profound impact on the economic well-being of almost every major i n d u s t r i a l region i n the country," Senator J a v i t s t o l d a meeting of a subcommittee of the Senate Armed Services Committee. " I t i s for t h i s reason that every member of New York's congressional delegation i s v i t a l l y concerned with the d e c l i n i n g percentage of defense d o l l a r s spent i n New York as compared with other states, p a r t i c u l a r l y California."^° In May 1959, J a v i t s and Keating introduced the Armed Services Competitive Procurement Act, an attempt to open up defence contracting to a more competitive bidding procedure which would t h e o r e t i c a l l y steer a larger share of the defence budget towards New York. The New York Times noted that t h i s dispute, primarily between New York and C a l i f o r n i a , was threatening to erupt into a domestic co l d war.^ -'- The economic d i s l o c a t i o n r e s u l t i n g from the strategy of 20. Martin J. Schiesl, "Airplane to Aerospace: Defense Spending and Economic Growth i n the Los Angeles Region, 1945-60," i n Roger W. Lotchin [Ed.], The M a r t i a l Metropolis (New York: Praeger, 1984), p.144. 21. "State Maps Fight for Arms Orders," i n the New York Times, March 8, 1959, p . l . The consequences of the cold war between New York State and C a l i f o r n i a over defence spending extend beyond the m i l i t a r y realm and has a considerable influence on c u l t u r a l spending and patronage i n the state of C a l i f o r n i a . The r e l a t i o n s h i p between the arms industry and c u l t u r a l partronage and i n s t i t u t i o n s i n C a l i f o r n i a w i l l be explored i n d e t a i l i n Chapter 3. overcoming the m i s s i l e gap exacerbated old and new f i s s u r e s within American society, producing gaps not only i n regional p o l i t i c s on a national l e v e l but u l t i m a t e l y extending throughout the society from i n t e r n a t i o n a l r e l a t i o n s to the family unit: gaps which pragmatic l i b e r a l i s m under Rockefeller and Kennedy sought to e x p l o i t p r i o r to the 1960 e l e c t i o n and to contain thereafter. The pragmatic l i b e r a l opponents of the Eisenhower Administration succeeded i n exploiting the p u b l i c ' s perception of the missile gap. Their c r i t i c i s m of Eisenhower was linked to a c r i t i q u e of mass cu l t u r e as the domestic equivalent of the m i s s i l e gap. The apparent unwillingness or i n a b i l i t y of the Administration to mobilize the populace to face the new challenges of the Cold War was traced to the lack of national purpose which the United States had never previously experienced u n t i l the era of rampant consumerism had undermined the "family system". The relationship between the domestic sphere and foreign p o l i c y was highlighted i n a 1960 Ford Foundation study i n which two Harvard s o c i o l o g i s t s examined family l i f e to ascertain the key to domestic success: Early i n January, 1957, Russia exploded an atomic bomb, and American s c i e n t i s t s monitored i t s f a l l o u t of f i s s i o n products. Non-stop simulated bomber f l i g h t s i n the upper atmosphere were now reported by the U.S. as t r a v e l i n g around the world i n about f o r t y - f i v e hours. Troubles arose i n the Middle East. Hungary broke into revolution. Then came Sputnik, space vehicles, ICBM's and crash programs for t r a i n i n g more s c i e n t i s t s . The world i s l i k e a volcano that breaks out repeatedly. . . The world approaches t h i s c r i t i c a l period with a grave disruption of the family system. . . .The new age demands a stronger, more resolute and better equipped i n d i v i d u a l . . . To produce such persons w i l l demand a reorganization of the present family system and the building of one that i s stronger emotionally and morally. Thus, the Eisenhower Administration's f a i l u r e to address the m i s s i l e gap became associated with the f a i l u r e of family l i f e : the securing of national boundaries became equated with a secure family l i f e and with c l e a r l y i d e n t i f i e d gender r o l e s . This f a i l u r e of the Eisenhower Administration i n both domestic and m i l i t a r y realms i s succinctly captured i n the following 1959 statement by foreign p o l i c y s p e c i a l i s t George Kennan: If you ask me . . . whether a country i n the state t h i s country i s i n today: with no highly developed sense of national purpose, with the overwhelming accent of l i f e on personal comfort and amusement, with a dearth of public services and a s u r f e i t of p r i v a t e l y sold gadgetry, with a chaotic transportation system, with i t s great urban areas being gradually disintegrated by the headlong switch to motor transportation, with an educational system where quality has been extensively s a c r i f i c e d to quantity, and with i n s u f f i c i e n t 22. C a r l C. Zimmerman and Lucius F. Cervantes, Successful American Families (New York: Pageant Press, 1960), p.13, c i t e d i n Elaine Tyler May, Homeward Bound (New York: Basic Books, Inc., Publishers, 1988), pp.108-9. s o c i a l d i s c i p l i n e even to keep i t s major industries functioning without grievous interruptions ^- i f you ask me whether such a country has, over the long run, good chances of competing with a purposeful, serious, and d i s c i p l i n e d society such as that of the Soviet Union, I must say that the answer i s ^no.'^-' I r o n i c a l l y , the suburban middle-class l i f e s t y l e was now targeted as a source of weakness. This p r i v i l e g e d l i f e s t y l e was seen to be undermining the d i s c i p l i n e d s o c i e t a l infrastructure that had triumphed over fascism, r e s u l t i n g i n a self-indulgent population i l l - e q u i p p e d to counter the discplined w i l l of the Soviet Union. However, i n the suburbs (an outgrowth of the rapid expansion i n high technology and manufacturing associated with the military) the m i s s i l e gap and the culture gap overlapped to reinforce the equation that m i l i t a r y weakness and undisciplined consumerism were cumulatively sapping the nation's w i l l to r e s i s t . Arthur Schlesinger J r . , author of the 1949 l i b e r a l text The V i t a l Center, and s t r a t e g i c spokesman fo r the pragmatic c u l t u r a l p o l i c y of the new l i b e r a l i s m , traced the decline of the United States i n the 1950s to the collapse of i n d i v i d u a l i d e n t i t y i n the suburbs with the attending consequence of undermining masculinity. In a 1958 essay e n t i t l e d "The C r i s i s of American Masculinity," Schlesinger c i t e s the homogenizing influence of mass 23. Quoted i n John W. J e f f r i e s , "The Quest For National Purpose," i n American Quarterly 30 ( F a l l 1978), 457. media and i t s a b i l i t y to undermine i n d i v i d u a l spontaneity as a key to understanding the weakened influence of the United States abroad and the emasculation of the American male at home. What was needed, according Schlesinger, foreshadowing Kennedy's c a l l for a New F r o n t i e r , was a reclamation of the "American male i d e n t i t y " exemplified by the f r e n t i e r s m a n . T h e invoking of the mythological f i g u r e of the frontiersman could, as Richard S l o t k i n observes, "embody the negative p o t e n t i a l of economic development and the attendant s o c i a l change, as well as i t s progressive and p o s i t i v e aspects. The dangerous or dubious form of the bourgeois could be made to disappear into the mystique of the buckskin pioneer. I t i s f o r t h i s reason that the Frontiersman became a v i a b l e center fo r a ^myth of concern' that sought to explain and j u s t i f y the processes and exigencies of c a p i t a l i s t development."^^ Such a recovery of male i d e n t i t y could be i n i t i a t e d by three "techniques of l i b e r a t i o n " , including s a t i r e , art and p o l i t i c s : How can masculinity, femininity, or anything else survive i n a homogenized world, which seeks s t e a d i l y and benignly to eradicate a l l differences between the i n d i v i d u a l s who compose i t ? I f we want to have men again i n our theatres and our films and our novels — we 24. Arthur M. Schlesinger, J r . The P o l i t i c s of Hope (Boston: Houghton M i f f l i n Company, 1962), p.245. 25. Richard Slotkin, The Fatal Environment (New York: Atheneum Publishers, 1985), p.45. must f i r s t have a society which encourages each of i t s members to have a d i s t i n c t i d e n t i t y . ° The assumption that national security, both domestically and externally, r e l i e d on a secure d e f i n i t i o n of masculine i d e n t i t y was an e f f e c t i v e strategy to wield against an Administration that appeared sexually impotent i n the l i g h t of Sputnik and that undermined secure gender i d e n t i t i e s by promoting the un r e s t r i c t e d expansion of mass l e i s u r e , as e s s a y i s t Herbert Gold noted i n 1962: "The consumer c u l t u r e — i n which l e i s u r e i s a menace to be met by anxious and continual consuming — devours both the masculinity of men and the femininity of women."^^ The image of the frontiersman led to the renewal of secure gender boundaries and national boundaries by tapping the renewing vigor of the f r o n t i e r myth as a bridge to overcoming the miss i l e gap, the culture gap and the c r i s i s of American masculinity. In addition to Sputnik, two other major events a f t e r 1957 questioned the Republican strategy i n the Cold War and reinforced the party's image as being too r e l i a n t on promoting e f f e t e images of consumerism to counter the potent Soviet combination of national purpose and 26. Schlesinger, J r . , The P o l i t i c s of Hope, p.246. 27. Quoted i n Barbara Ehrenreich, Fear of F a l l i n g (New York: Pantheon Books, 1989), pp.33-4. increasing technical a b i l i t y . The f i r s t was the co l o s s a l f a i l u r e of the American display at the Brussels Universal and International Exhibition of 1958. The second was the triumph of Richard Nixon over N i k i t a Khruschev i n the famous "kitchen debate" held at the 1959 American National Exhibition i n Moscow i n an e x h i b i t i o n promoting the "American way of l i f e . " Attended by over forty-one m i l l i o n people, the Brussels Exhibition was the f i r s t Class One World's F a i r to be held i n Europe since the war. I t provided a c l a s s i c Cold War confrontation between r i v a l conceptions of the good l i f e and the key to s o c i e t a l modernization, a prime consideration of newly independent countries i n Asia and A f r i c a . The Soviet p a v i l i o n p r i m a r i l y presented displays of heavy machinery within a structure that was short on s t y l e but very e f f e c t i v e as a promotion of the Soviet path to modernity: The building was big, crass and vulgar, of semi-monumental design. Inside, were symbols of giantism. Everything was larger than l i f e s ize, from the huge statue of Lenin to the huge cut away model of the Tupolev plane. A l l t h i s was dominated by models of Sputnik.^° The American p a v i l i o n , on the other hand, drew c r i t i c i s m from the business community, the American media, and the Director of the United States Information 28. Walter Joyce, The Propaganda Gap (New York: Harper and Row Publishers, 1963), p.9. Agency because i t displayed signs of "decadence and effeteness"^^ that undermined e f f o r t s to promote the s u p e r i o r i t y of the American way of l i f e . A three-and-a-half-page l e t t e r written by an i r a t e businessman to President Eisenhower complained that the American e x h i b i t i o n contained an image of a naked woman, several examples of Grandma Moses-era f o l k a r t , and a female fashion show "that [did] not compare favorably with what I have seen put on by a department store i n Park Forest, I l l i n o i s . "-^ ^ The juxtaposition of scenes and images from f o l k and popular culture with examples of abstract expressionist a r t emphasized the gap between the American people and the nation's c u l t u r a l e l i t e s . The U.S. j o u r n a l i s t David Brinkley, i n h i s review of the F a i r , agreed that too many ab s t r a c t i o n i s t paintings were on display i n the U.S. p a v i l i o n which, along with "milk shakes inexpertly served and grossly overpriced. . . [ f a i l ] to present any clear idea of j u s t what i t i s we are t r y i n g to say. I t i s perhaps too s o f t a s e l l . " " ^ ^ The Soviets, by e f f e c t i v e l y demonstrating "symbols of t h e i r rapid growth and power,"^^ conveyed a sense of 29. Joyce, p.9. 30. Quoted i n David Brinkley, "Downright Shameful, That Brussels E x h i b i t , " i n The New Republic. July 7, 1959, p.8. 31. Brinkley, p.8. national purpose that was p a r t i c u l a r l y appealing f o r newly independent developing countries. The 1959 American National Exhibition i n Moscow was an opportunity for both the Soviets and the Americans to contrast t h e i r respective approaches to the good l i f e . Vice-President Richard Nixon extolled the v i r t u e s of the suburban l i f e s t y l e i n America which the e x h i b i t presented i n an i d e a l i z e d fashion, (figure 4) This l i f e s t y l e was characterized by the greatest range of consumer items possible, as Nixon stated: To us, div e r s i t y , the r i g h t to choose. . . i s the most important thing. We don't have one decision made at the top by one government o f f i c i a l . . . We have many d i f f e r e n t manufacturers and many d i f f e r e n t kinds of washing machines so that the housewives have a choice . . . Would i t not be better to compete i n the r e l a t i v e merits of washing machines than i n the strength of rockets?-^-^ As Elaine Tyler May notes, the exhibit presented an image of American superiority by demonstrating "the ^model home' with a male breadwinner and a f u l l - t i m e female homemaker, adorned with a wide array of consumer goods. "-^ ^ Nixon's strategy was an attempt, j u s t p r i o r to the 1960 el e c t i o n , to turn the missi l e gap from a l i a b i l i t y into an asset. By emphasizing the q u a l i t y of 32. Joyce, p.9. 33. This quote i s drawn from "The Two Worlds: A Day-Long Debate," New York Times, July 25, 1959, pp.1,3; c i t e d i n May, p.17. l i f e i n the suburbs along with well-defined gender r o l e s , each s a f e l y contained i n i t s own sphere of expertise, Nixon struggled to redeem the Eisenhower Administration's "long p u l l " strategy by defusing the anxiety about affluence which the l i b e r a l establishment was t r y i n g to exploit. In demonstrating that American male potency was enhanced by suburban l i v i n g while female sexuality was safely contained i n the domestic sphere, Nixon hoped to bypass the c r i t i q u e of Republican Strategic Doctrine made by the Rockefeller Brothers' Report and the Gaither C o m m i t t e e . Y e t as Barbara Ehrenreich observes, "[The Soviets'] very lack of consumer goods was also disquieting. I t ra i s e d the suspicion that Americans had been treacherously softened by affluence while the Russians were s t i l l strong enough to cope with deprivation on a d a i l y basis. "-^ ^ Neither could Nixon shake the anxiety about the m i s s i l e gap, with two out of three Americans s t i l l l i s t i n g nuclear war as 35. American c u l t u r a l s u p e r i o r i t y was also on disp l a y i n Moscow with an exhibition of abstract expressionist paintings, including works by Pollock, Motherwell, Guston, Rothko, and de Kooning as well as non-abstract painters such as Grant Wood, John Curry and Peter Blum. Again the emphasis was on pluralism, presenting the Soviet audience with a se l e c t i o n of American a r t i s t i c s t y l e s that r e f l e c t e d that pluralism of the domestic sphere. 36. Ehrenreich, p.33. the greatest problem facing society. ' (A reminder of the Soviet technical a b i l i t y i n rocketry came with the collapse of the proposed superpower summit that was to be held i n the United States a f t e r the Moscow E x h i b i t i o n because of the shooting down of the U2 f l i g h t of Francis Gary Powers by an advanced Soviet a i r defence missile.) In the spring of 1960, L i f e magazine took d i r e c t aim at the Eisenhower Administration strategy by publishing a series of ten essays on "The National Purpose" which highlighted the "excessive materialism, complacency, flabbiness, selfishness, apathetic and aimless affluence, and moral confusion [that needed to be addressed] because they impaired America's global performance and reputation. "-^ ^ The Republican claims of material w e l l -being as the basis of national security both i n domestic and foreign p o l i c y were severely shaken, and the Republican philosophy that had dominated the 1950s was c r i t i c i z e d f or i t s complacency i n the face of obvious threats to freedom that included communist successes i n the Third World, internal moral decay bred by complacency and material success, and the r e s u l t i n g i n a b i l i t y to close the gap between new h i s t o r i c a l r e a l i t i e s and o l d p o l i t i c a l solutions. What was needed at home and abroad was, as h i s t o r i a n John W. J e f f r i e s noted, an a b i l i t y to 37. May, p.23. "transcend affluence and r e v i t a l i z e the American w i l l and s p i r i t , and so turn domestic into global success. "-^ ^ John F. Kennedy's New Frontier was a strategy designed to prod and cajole Americans from t h e i r m a t e r i a l i s t malaise by means of a complex renegotiating of the t r a d i t i o n s of pragmatism, progressivism, and l i b e r a l i s m that retained some c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of the post-war l i b e r a l " v i t a l center" t r a d i t i o n of Arthur Schlesinger, reworked to c a p i t a l i z e on the p o l i t i c a l opportunities of the late 1950s. Schlesinger's c a l l for a return to the s p i r i t of the frontiersman i n the modern age was exploited, i n the Kennedy campaign, to promote a new individualism that would transcend the shortsighted materialism of the Eisenhower era and provide an a c t i v i s t - o r i e n t e d philosophy that would t a c k l e the gaps The ten contributors to the volume included John K. Jessup, chief e d i t o r i a l writer f o r L i f e ; A d l a i E. Stevenson, twice the democratic p r e s i d e n t i a l nominee who ran against Eisenhower i n 1952 and 1956; A r c h i b a l d MacLeish, poet; David Sarnoff, board chairman of the Radio Corporation of America; B i l l y Graham, evangelist; John Gardener, president of the Carnegie Corporation; Clinton Rossiter, Professor of Government at C o r n e l l University; Albert Wohlstetter, associate d i r e c t o r of projects at the Rand Corporation; James Reston, Washington correspondent of the Times; Walter Lippmann, l i b e r a l s o c i a l c r i t i c and writer f o r the New York Herald Tribune. Albert Wohlstetter i s a prime example of the m i s s i l e gap advocate working at the juncture between the aerospace industry,.the A i r Force and the Rand Corporation which formed a key component of both Rockefeller's and Kennedy's c r i t i q u e of Republican defense p o l i c y . i n American society while avoiding a complete l e v e l l i n g of c u l t u r a l values that the short-sighted Republican defense of the suburbs arguably promoted. By emphasizing the q u a l i t a t i v e aspects of an engaged c i v i c l i f e as opposed to the quantitative emphasis of the Eisenhower regime, or of the legacy of the New Deal, l i b e r a l i n t e l l e c t u a l s sought to redefine the parameters of a new v i t a l center f o r l i b e r a l i s m i n the late 1950s. Schlesinger's focus on the c e n t r a l i t y of a r t , s a t i r e , and p o l i t i c s as the key "techniques of l i b e r a t i o n " f o r l i b e r a l society was adapted to the Kennedy e l e c t i o n strategy a f t e r Schlesinger had abandoned the Stevenson p r e s i d e n t i a l campaign. Responding to Kennedy's desire for a d i s t i n c t p o l i t i c a l i d e n t i t y for the 1960 campaign, Schlesinger and Thomas K. F i n l e t t e r c i r c u l a t e d a memo e n t i t l e d "The Shape of National P o l i t i c s to Come," which located the h i s t o r i c a l precedents f o r the li b e r a l i s m of the 1960s i n the Progressive p o l i t i c s of the turn of the c e n t u r y . T h e depiction of the Progressive period as the h i s t o r i c a l precedent f o r the New Frontier was a clever s o l u t i o n to the problem of defining a p o l i t i c a l center f o r l i b e r a l s , a solution that avoided the excesses of both Republican l a i s s e z - f a i r e consumer capitalism and the materialism and 40. Arthur Schlesinger J r . , A Thousand Days (Boston: Houghton M i f f l i n Company, 1965), pp.17-18. r e l i a n c e on large-scale state interventionism of the New Deal 193 0s. However, the equation of art, s a t i r e and p o l i t i c s i n the 1960s with the concept of the f r o n t i e r and the contradictory history of the Progressive period i n American p o l i t i c s required a creative reworking of l i b e r a l and progressive doctrine to bring together the elements of the Republican and Democratic p a r t i e s interested i n pragmatic l i b e r a l i s m — a l l under the banner of the New Frontier. The concept of the f r o n t i e r has ever been one of the most persistent national myths extending from the c o l o n i a l o r i g i n s of the United States to the present, d i s p l a y i n g a remarkable a b i l i t y to adapt to r a p i d l y changing s o c i a l and technological spheres. The f r o n t i e r i s also the foundation of the myth of national exceptionalism, of a group of colonists, " p h y s i c a l l y removed from the Metropolis, [who], although they were ^modern' people l i k e the c i t i z e n s of the Metropolis, [were forced by emigration] to accept a temporary regression i n conditions of l i f e and work, which were necessarily more primitive i n the colonies."'*^ An examination of the h i s t o r i c a l development of the concept of the f r o n t i e r i n the United States provides a necessary linkage between the aggressive expansionism of the l a t e nineteenth century and the neo-pragmatism of Kennedy's New Frontier. In my opinion the legacy of the f r o n t i e r concept i n the history of the United States, e s p e c i a l l y from 1893 up to the New Frontier, i s c r u c i a l to an inv e s t i g a t i o n of the i d e o l o g i c a l underpinnings of the domestic and foreign p o l i c y of the Kennedy Administration. Mediating between the Metropolis and the Wilderness'*^, the myth of the f r o n t i e r provided the c o l o n i a l s e t t l e r s with a b e l i e f system that could r a t i o n a l i z e t h e i r precarious toehold on the North American continent as a p o s i t i v e new development i n c i v i l i z a t i o n . The two poles of experience, the metropolitan and the wilderness, were transformed, with the tension of the h i s t o r i c a l s i t u a t i o n of the c o l o n i s t becoming a productive ideology f o r the formation of a new i d e n t i t y . This new identi t y became the basis f o r the c o l o n i a l struggle against the B r i t i s h Empire and provided the colonists with a nascent p o s t - c o l o n i a l i d e n t i t y : "The completed American was therefore one who remade h i s fortune and h i s character by an emigration, a s e t t i n g f o r t h for newer and richer lands; by i s o l a t i o n and regression to a more primitive manner of l i f e ; and by establishing his p o l i t i c a l p o s i t i o n i n opposition to both the Indian and the European, the New World savage and the Old World aristocracy."'*-^ The f r o n t i e r myth thus e f f e c t i v e l y bridged the gap between the center and the periphery by creating a hybrid i d e n t i t y out of the c o l o n i a l s i t u a t i o n . The marginality of the colonies was transformed into an e f f e c t i v e model for constructing a workable language of s e l f - i d e n t i t y that would become a paradigm for c o l o n i a l struggles i n the future.'*'* Adapted to the context of the Cold War, t h i s language of s e l f -i d e n t i t y provided the United States with an e f f e c t i v e instrument f o r appealing to the newly emerging s o c i e t i e s of the so-called Third World seeking t h e i r own models of po s t - c o l o n i a l development. The meaning of the f r o n t i e r was encoded from the beginning with an e f f e c t i v e combination of two contradictory impulses: f i r s t , the desire f o r a post-c o l o n i a l i d e n t i t y with an i n - b u i l t h o s t i l i t y to imperial designs^^; second, a r a t i o n a l i z a t i o n for the expansive 43. Slotk i n , p.34. 44. B i l l Ashcroft, Gareth G r i f f i t h s , and Helen T i f f i n , The Empire Writes Back (New York and London: Routledge, 1989), p.2. 45. My usage of the term "post-colonial" i s derived from that of Ashcroft, G r i f f i t h s , and T i f f i n , who use the term "to cover a l l the culture affected by the imperial process from the moment of colonization to the present day." (p.2) Using t h i s d e f i n i t i o n , the authors see the United States as being paradigmatic of p o s t - c o l o n i a l l i t e r a t u r e s everywhere because "[the United States and other post-colonial cultures] emerged i n t h e i r present designs of the s e t t l e r population i n the New World. This contradictory message provides a clue to the longevity of "American exceptionalism" and to the appeal of the myth of "America" on developing s o c i e t i e s attempting to e s t a b l i s h t h e i r own i d e n t i t i e s , mediating between t h e i r former imperial masters and t h e i r new r e l a t i o n s h i p to the centers of the c a p i t a l i s t economic order. The contradictory message of the f r o n t i e r and i t s a b i l i t y to o s c i l l a t e between the two poles of resistance and domination enabled the myth to mutate i t s message i n d i f f e r e n t geographical and h i s t o r i c a l contexts. This f l e x i b i l i t y provided an invaluable instrument f o r projecting the myth of "America" across the continent and ultimately i n forging an imperial ideology applicable to the Third World i n the post-colonial context of the l a t e 1950s and early 1960s. In the decade between 1890 and 1900, the f r o n t i e r myth was reformed: from the l o g i c underlying the conquest of the continental United States to the a p p l i c a t i o n of the f r o n t i e r myth beyond national boundaries, the myth now served to r a t i o n a l i z e imperial expansion. In t h i s decade, Progressivism i n the United States, to which Schlesinger turned as a model for the neo-liberalism of form out of the experience of colonization and asserted themselves by foregrounding the tension with the imperial power, and by emphasizing t h e i r differences from the assumptions of the imperial center." (p.2) the New Frontier, began to develop alongside the actual c l o s i n g of the f r o n t i e r i n the continental United States. The possible end of the f r o n t i e r myth as a motivating force i n the United States coincided with the development of pragmatism and progressivism as overlapping phenomena at an important t r a n s i t i o n point i n i t s h i s t o r y : the i n t e r i o r imperial expansion of the f r o n t i e r within the continental United States was coming to an end j u s t as systematic overseas expansion was beginning. Thus, the f r o n t i e r was not only the guardian of c i v i l i z a t i o n mediating between the metropolis and i t s periphery, but also the guarantor of c l a s s harmony, be d i s p l a c i n g class c o n f l i c t onto economic and t e r r i t o r i a l expansion. The closing of the westward expansion of the f r o n t i e r symbolized expulsion from the material and s p i r i t u a l Eden of the f r o n t i e r myth and deposited the United States i n a s t r i f e - r i d d e n present that jeopardized individualism and freedom with c l a s s warfare. In 1893 the United States hosted a major World's F a i r i n Chicago that presented part of the s o l u t i o n to the c r i s i s of the f r o n t i e r l e s s society, as Robert Rydell notes: "The f a i r . . . served as an exercise i n educating the nation on the concept of progress as a w i l l e d national a c t i v i t y toward a determined, Utopian goal."'*^ 46. Robert W. Rydell, A l l The World's a F a i r (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1984), p.46. The concept of Progress promoted at the Exposition was intended to harness the advances of science and technology into an educational apparatus which would contain the f i s s u r e s ripping open the s o c i a l f a b r i c of the United States. G. Brown Goode, the Smithsonian I n s t i t u t e representative appointed to organize the Exposition's educational function, noted the educational imperative i n his " F i r s t Draft of a System of C l a s s i f i c a t i o n for the World's Columbian Exposition," s t a t i n g : "The exhibition of the future w i l l be an e x h i b i t i o n of ideas rather than of objects, and nothing w i l l be deemed worthy of admission to i t s h a l l s which has not some l i v i n g , i n s p i r i n g thought behind i t , and which i s not capable of teaching some valuable lesson."*^ The valuable lesson, i n t h i s instance, was "to formulate the Modern.""*^ Integral to Goode's conception of the Exposition was the c e n t r a l i t y of the v i s u a l a r t s . According to Goode, museums i n the nineteenth century United States were too few and t h e i r purpose was too i l l - d e f i n e d yet "[the museum was] . . . the most powerful and u s e f u l a u x i l i a r y of a l l systems of teaching by means of object lessons."^^ 47. Quoted i n Rydell, p.45. 48. Rydell, p.47. Furthermore, Rydell notes: The Museum of the past must be set aside, reconstructed, transformed from a cemetery of b r i c -a-brac into a nursery of l i v i n g thoughts. The museum of the future must stand side by side with the l i b r a r y and the laboratory, as part of the teaching equipment of the college and u n i v e r s i t y , and i n the great c i t i e s cooperate with the p u b l i c l i b r a r y as one of the p r j n i c i p a l agencies f o r the enlightenment of people. Thus, education, science, culture, and l i t e r a c y were to secure a path by which the gaps within society could be traversed. This early formulation of the r o l e of middlebrow culture as an instrument of s o c i a l adjustment, education, and the i n s t i l l i n g of c i v i c v i r t u e occurred at a time i n the h i s t o r y of the United States when the gap between highbrow and lowbrow culture had become an immediate concern. The Columbian Exposition proposed a r e s o l u t i o n to the c o n f l i c t between high and low culture by s p l i t t i n g the F a i r ' s exhibits into two d i s t i n c t zones: the high c u l t u r a l zone of the White City and the popular c u l t u r a l zone of the midway. The e l i t e loathing of popular culture, apparent at the 1876 Centennial Exposition i n Philadelphia, gave way to mere ambivalence i n Chicago. 50. Consequently, the museums of the future must be "adapted to the needs of the mechanic, the f a c t o r y operator, the day laborer, the salesman, and the c l e r k , as much as to those of the professional man and the man of l e i s u r e . " (Rydell, p.45) The creation of a separate zone for popular culture was a s p e c i f i c strategy to contain and educate the s o c i a l class threatening the s t a b i l i t y of the established order: [The development of popular culture zones] into components of the expositions r e f l e c t e d the growing e f f o r t s by the upper classes, threatened by class c o n f l i c t at every turn, to influence the content of popular culture. [The c e n t r a l i t y of these zones] to American culture and to the e f f o r t s by American e l i t e s to e s t a b l i s h t h e i r c u l t u r a l hegemony i s c e r t a i n . World's f a i r s midways constituted " l i v i n g proof" for the imperial c a l c u l a t i o n s by exposition sponsors. Thus science, education, and culture were adapted by l i b e r a l e l i t e s to turn the concept of the f r o n t i e r outward, to r a t i o n a l i z e what had o r i g i n a l l y been an a n t i -imperial discourse into a new imperial worldview, and to contain the stresses building within by expanding outwards. The relationship between the concept of the f r o n t i e r and the containment of s o c i a l contradictions within the United States was made unmistakably c l e a r i n a famous t a l k given by progressive h i s t o r i a n Frederick Jackson Turner to a meeting of the American H i s t o r i c a l Association held i n conjunction with the 1893 Chicago F a i r . The t a l k , e n t i t l e d "The Significance of the Frontier i n American History," alarmed the h i s t o r i a n s present i n the audience with i t s claim that the f r o n t i e r had now drawn to a close with p o t e n t i a l l y disastrous consequences for the future. According to Turner, democracy and individualism were dependent on the f r o n t i e r which, i f they were to be preserved, required the continual expansion of the United States: "So long as free land ex i s t s , the opportunity f o r a competency ex i s t s , and economic power secures p o l i t i c a l power. But the democracy born of free land, strong i n s e l f i s h n e s s and individualism, intolerant of administrative experience and education, and pressing i n d i v i d u a l l i b e r t y beyond i t s proper bounds, has i t s dangers as well as i t s benefits. "^ -^  The r e a c t i v a t i o n of the f r o n t i e r myth by Schlesinger and Kennedy during the Cold War served a s i m i l a r function. In the 1960s as i n the 1890s, the United States required a powerful unifying myth to overcome in t e r n a l s o c i a l contradictions and r a t i o n a l i z e 53. Frederick Jackson Turner, "The S i g n i f i c a n c e of the Frontier i n American History," i n Martin Ridge [Ed.], Frederick Jackson Turner (Madison: The State H i s t o r i c a l Society of Wisconsin, 1986), p.44. An important c o l l e c t i o n of essays analysing Turner by several i n t e l l e c t u a l s of the Eisenhower and Kennedy era i s contained i n Richard Hofstadter and Seymour Martin Lipset [Eds.], Turner and the Sociology of the F r o n t i e r (New York and London: Basic Books, Inc., Publishers, 1968). For more information on Turner, see also Ray A l l e n B i l l i n g t o n , The Genesis of the F r o n t i e r Thesis (San Marino, C a l i f o r n i a : The Huntington Library, 1971). For a comparative analysis of the f r o n t i e r myth i n the United States, Canada and A u s t r a l i a , see Paul F. Sharp, "Three Frontiers: Some Comparative Studies of Canadian, American, and Australian Settlement," P a c i f i c H i s t o r i c a l Review 24 (1955), 369-377. overseas expansion i n the name of l i b e r t y and progress. In the 1964 New York World's Fa i r as i n the 1893 Chicago Exposition, l i b e r t y , progress and a middlebrow cu l t u r e were mobilized i n the form of the f r o n t i e r myth to counter both r e a l and imagined enemies. In the 1890s, "American exceptionalism" required a renewal of f r o n t i e r mythology. This renewal was a v a i l a b l e by overseas expansion. Naval th e o r i s t A l f r e d Mahan r a t i o n a l i z e d t h i s extension of the f r o n t i e r when he advocated the production of a Great White Fleet capable of transporting the Utopian dreams of the White C i t y at the Columbian Exposition around the world. New F r o n t i e r t h e o r i s t Rostow noted that naval power was d e c i s i v e to continuing the expansion of the f r o n t i e r i n the 1890s, thus providing a complex h i s t o r i c a l model f o r the r e l a t i o n s h i p between new weapons technology and overseas domination. The Kennedy Administration s u c c e s s f u l l y exploited a s i m i l a r relationship i n i t s a l l i a n c e with the A i r Force between 1958 and 1961 as well as i n i t s promotion of the conquest of outer space as a metaphor fo r the New Frontier^^. 54. The c l a s s i c p r i n c i p l e s of naval strategy that Mahan developed i n h i s g e o p o l i t i c a l theory are summarized as follows: (1) The balance of the world's power l i e s i n the landmass of Eurasia; and i t i s subject to unending competitive struggle among nation st a t e s . (2) Although the balance of world power hinges The progressive period of 1890 to 1920 to which Schlesinger referred provided the i n t e l l e c t u a l foundations f o r h i s re-evaluation of pragmatism and on control of Eurasian land, the control over the sea approaches to Eurasia has been and can be a decisive factor, as the hi s t o r y of many nations, most notably B r i t a i n demonstrates. (3) In the end, naval power consists i n the a b i l i t y to win and to hold t o t a l dominance at sea, which, i n turn, requires a naval force i n being capable of meeting and defeating any l i k e l y concentration of counterforce. A naval power must, therefore, maintain as a concentrated t a c t i c a l unit at readiness an adequate f l e e t of c a p i t a l ships with adequate underlying support. (4) Support for such a force includes forward bases, coaling stations, a merchant f l e e t adequate for overseas supply, and, perhaps, c e r t a i n t e r r i t o r i e s whose friendship i s assumed at a time of c r i s i s . I t follows, therefore, that a naval power should be prepared a c t i v e l y to develop an empire as well as substantial foreign trade and a pool of commercial shipping. (5) The United States stood at a moment i n i t s h i s t o r y and i n i t s r e l a t i o n to the geography of world power when i t s f u l l scale development as a naval power was urgent. (6) The pursuit i n times of peace of the prerequisites for naval power would have the following advantages: the challenge of commercial and imperial competition would maintain the vigor of the nation; acceptance of r e p o n s i b i l i t y f o r -C h r i s t i a n i z i n g and modernizing the s o c i e t i e s of native people within the empire would c o n s t i t u t e a worthy and elevating moral exercise; and the whole enterprise would be commercially p r o f i t a b l e . (Rostow, pp.21-22) Mahanism, for Rostow, provided a moral, m i l i t a r y and economic j u s t i f i c a t i o n s for the re t o o l i n g of the f r o n t i e r concept so that i t could successfully make the t r a n s i t i o n from i n t e r n a l to external domination. In 1898 the destruction of the battleship Maine i n Havana harbour provided the p o l i t i c a l r a t i o n a l i z a t i o n f o r the beginning of the Spanish-American War and the expansion of American power into the western P a c i f i c and the Caribbean i n the earl y twentieth century. l i b e r a l i s m i n the United States. However, the p o l i t i c s of Schlesinger's V i t a l Center derive from a s e l e c t i v e i n t e r p r e t a t i o n of that period. Harmonizing the concept of the New Frontier with progressivism, l i b e r a l i s m , and pragmatism i n the late 1950s required a sloughing o f f of many important concepts from the o r i g i n a l development of pragmatic philosophy i n the United States. An analysis of the legacy of the pragmatic t r a d i t i o n from the 1890s onwards i s necessary to understand the o r i g i n s of Schlesinger's very skewed construction which purged pragmatic theory of i t s r a d i c a l elements i n favour of a much more conservative interpretation. The progressive era's s h i f t from entrepreneurial to corporate capitalism inaugurated many e f f o r t s to negotiate a middle path between l a i s s e z - f a i r e individualism and deterministic Marxism. Despairing of the e f f e c t s of unrestricted capitalism upon the q u a l i t y of l i f e but suspicious of determinist and t e l e o l o g i c a l conceptions of s o c i a l progress, progressive era pragmatists developed a broad range of approaches to mediate the relationship of the i n d i v i d u a l to corporate capitalism. In general terms, however, these writers renounced s o c i a l revolution for v a r i a t i o n s of democratic s o c i a l reformism, deconstructed the d u a l i s t i c bias of European philosophy, p a r t i c u l a r l y of Kant and Hegel, and emphasized the unintended consequences of human action which undermined Utopian vi s i o n s of s o c i a l progress derived from Marx. There was, however, broad disagreement among pragmatic thinkers about the extent of s o c i a l progress that could r e a l i s t i c a l l y be expected from human actions; even i n d i v i d u a l philosophers were inconsistent i n t h e i r treatment of t h i s issue. In the 1880s, John Dewey, for example, u t i l i z e d a Hegelian framework, with i t s attendant abstractions and t e l e o l o g i c a l approach to h i s t o r y , that persisted in a subterranean way throughout h i s work, even a f t e r his repudiation of Hegel i n the mid-1890s. This Hegelian residue provided him with an ongoing optimism about s o c i a l progress and the p o t e n t i a l f o r profound s o c i a l democratic reform even while h i s pragmatism rejected such a t e l e o l o g i c a l conception of progress. Other progressive l i b e r a l s , such as Max Weber or Wilhelm Dilthey, were profoundly pe s s i m i s t i c about the long-term p o t e n t i a l for s o c i a l reform i n the face of the increasing bureaucratization and r a t i o n a l i z a t i o n of c a p i t a l i s t society. The development of the progressive era and i t s attendant move away from European phi l o s o p h i c a l t r a d i t i o n s towards a home-grown pragmatic philosophy coincided with the closing of the f r o n t i e r . Dewey, f o r example, abandoned his reliance on Hegelian p h i l o s o p h i c a l idealism one year before the Chicago Columbian Exposition. However, while i t i s too easy to assume that the h i s t o r i c a l overlapping of these developments automatically i n d i c t s progressive and pragmatic approaches as variations of f r o n t i e r ideology, Schlesinger's advocacy of the New Frontier as an umbrella term describing V i t a l Center pragmatic l i b e r a l i s m under Kennedy points to a purging from h i s thought of those aspects of the pragmatic t r a d i t i o n that would contradict the r a t i o n a l i z a t i o n s by which the United States sought to j u s t i f y outward expansion. The h i s t o r i a n William Appleman Williams, however, makes the point that even i f l i b e r a l s and progressives such as Dewey and Charles Beard were opposed to imperialism, they were s t i l l entrapped within the conceptual framework of Turner's f r o n t i e r t h e s i s which, Williams argues, "made democracy a function of an expanding f r o n t i e r . " ^ ^ I f progressives and l i b e r a l s were determined to advance the spread of American democracy to the rest of the world, they were merely r a t i o n a l i z i n g the imperial implications of the f r o n t i e r behind the veneer of individualism and freedom. Schlesinger made the conscious decision to adapt those elements of the progressive period that did not question the r e l a t i o n s h i p of democracy with capitalism, s p e c i f i c a l l y t a i l o r i n g his philosophy of the V i t a l Center 55. Quoted i n David.W. Noble, The End of American History (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1985), p.121. within the a l l i a n c e of those elements of the progressive and pragmatic t r a d i t i o n s that were incorporated i n t o the f r o n t i e r myth. Schlesinger thus combined the remaining legacy of the progressive era into an a l l i a n c e with Kennedy's conservative l i b e r a l i s m and the l i b e r a l Republicanism of New York State Governor Rockefeller. In the 1962 "Introduction" to the r e - p u b l i c a t i o n of V i t a l Center, Schlesinger outlined the process of reconstruction that pragmatism, l i b e r a l i s m and progressivism had undergone i n the intervening t h i r t e e n years. The day of monolithic Communism was d e f i n i t e l y over: History thus shows p l a i n l y that Communism i s not the form of s o c i a l organization toward which a l l societies are i r r e s i s t i b l y evolving. Rather i t i s a phenomenon of the t r a n s i t i o n from stagnation to development, a "disease" ( i n Walt Rostow's phrase) of the modernization process. Democratic, regulated c a p i t a l i s m -the mixed economy - w i l l be f a r more capable of coping with the long-term consequences of modernization.^° However, Schlesinger was also c r i t i c a l of the legacy of New Deal liberalism. The New Deal emphasized problems e s s e n t i a l l y "quantitative," focusing on the issues of production and consumption. Schlesinger, therefore, altered the major focus of l i b e r a l i s m under the New Deal and reoriented the q u a l i t a t i v e concerns of 56. Arthur M. Schlesinger, J r . , The V i t a l Center (Boston: Houghton M i f f l i n Company, 1962), x i i i - x i v . the e a r l i e r pragmatists to counter the rampant consumerism of the 1950s. In the early 1960s, Schlesinger thus described the change from quantitative to q u a l i t a t i v e l i b e r a l i s m : "The impending s h i f t from quantitative to q u a l i t a t i v e l i b e r a l i s m emphasizes once again the hazards involved i n the degeneration of l i b e r a l i s m into ideology. By t r a d i t i o n American l i b e r a l i s m i s humane, experimental and pragmatic; i t has no sense of messianic mission and no f a i t h that a l l problems have f i n a l solutions."^^ According to Schlesinger, q u a l i t a t i v e l i b e r a l i s m focused on the proper balance between public and private enterprise: "The r e s u l t i n g improvements i n opportunities i n education, medical care, s o c i a l welfare, community planning, culture and the arts w i l l improve the chances for the i n d i v i d u a l to win h i s s p i r i t u a l f u l f i l l m e n t . " ^ ^ Within h i s conception of the New Frontier, the r e a l i z a t i o n of American democracy and freedom was once again t i e d to the expanding f r o n t i e r : an i n t e r n a l f r o n t i e r of a q u a l i t a t i v e l y improved l i f e under capitalism, an external f r o n t i e r of Cold War c o n f l i c t i n the Third World and a symbolic exterior f r o n t i e r i n outer space. Securing these various f r o n t i e r s was the objective of the New 57. Schlesinger, The V i t a l Center, xv. 58. Schlesinger, The V i t a l Center, xv. Frontier. The external f r o n t i e r was to be secured by the A i r Force, NASA, and the exploitation of the m i s s i l e gap. The i n t e r n a l f r o n t i e r was to be secured through an a l l i a n c e of government and corporate funding nurturing a pragmatic l i b e r a l conception of c i v i c v i r t u e i n which the gap between e l i t i s t high culture and mass cultur e would be closed by the r e d e f i n i t i o n of the r o l e of work, pleasure and l e i s u r e i n the United States. The m i s s i l e gap helped to h i g h l i g h t the inadequacy of the Eisenhower Administration i n coping with the s h i f t to q u a l i t a t i v e concerns. Now Schlesinger invoked the S p i r i t of the New Frontier, with the r o l e of the new frontiersman being f i l l e d by the "Harvard educated Rhodes Scholars," s c i e n t i s t s and i n t e l l e c t u a l s who were increasingly being drawn into the Kennedy Administration.^^ The migration of these i n t e l l e c t u a l s from the periphery to the center corresponded to the enormous s h i f t of national resources to the m i l i t a r y i n d u s t r i a l complex and i t s recruitment of s c i e n t i s t s from the u n i v e r s i t i e s into massive aerospace corporations and r e l a t e d m i l i t a r y industries. 59. Seymour Harris notes that of Kennedy's f i r s t two hundred appointments, nearly h a l f came from backgrounds i n government, whether p o l i t i c s or public service, 18% from u n i v e r s i t i e s and foundations and 6% from the business world; the figures for Eisenhower were 42% from business and 6% from u n i v e r s i t i e s and foundations. Cited i n Schlesinger, A Thousand Days, p.211. Schlesinger unveiled the o u t l i n e of h i s new formula f o r the i n t e r a c t i o n of culture, business, and government i n an a r t i c l e e n t i t l e d "Notes on a National C u l t u r a l P o l i c y , " published i n the journal Daedalus i n the spring of 1960. In t h i s a r t i c l e , Schlesinger argued that r e l i a n c e s o l e l y upon private i n i t i a t i v e was t a i n t e d by i t s "impotence" to sustain the economic support necessary for a national c u l t u r a l strategy. Schlesinger avoided, however, the massive government intervention of the New Deal by advocating a limited r o l e f o r the Federal government i n the arts with p a r t i c u l a r attention to Western European models of government support programs. Recognizing the h i s t o r i c a l opposition f o r such government support i n the post-war period, Schlesinger recommended the formation of a Federal Advisory Council on the Arts to explore the avenues that would a r r i v e at the d e l i c a t e balance between q u a l i t a t i v e and quantitative concerns. To repeat, p i v o t a l to a l l these issues was a redefined individualism that invoked a new sense of c i v i c v i r t u e , an individualism whose r e l a t i o n s h i p to the f r o n t i e r was not d i s s i m i l a r to that of the f r o n t i e r mythology c h a r a c t e r i s t i c of "American exceptionalism" i n the nineteenth century, but adapted to an urban context as opposed to a wilderness s e t t i n g . Schlesinger's ongoing reconstruction of l i b e r a l i s m led to a growing convergence of l i b e r a l opinion between V i t a l Center l i b e r a l s and the l i b e r a l Republican establishment of Governor Rockefeller, Senator J a v i t s , and New York Mayor John Lindsay. The growing consensus between these two groups on a variety of issues, including government support of the arts, was a r e s u l t of t h e i r intense analysis of the Eisenhower Administration following the launch of Sputnik. The increasingly s i m i l a r pragmatic l i b e r a l approaches to culture were formulated by i n t e l l e c t u a l s associated with the Rockefeller Brothers' Fund and the Twentieth Century Fund, both financed by the Rockefeller family. These i n t e l l e c t u a l s developed a c u l t u r a l strategy based on an increased l e v e l of public support for the arts that would supplement that of the private sector, creating a model that would usher i n a new c u l t u r a l renaissance. In the immediate post-war period, government funding fo r the arts was only a remote p o s s i b i l i t y . Funding for c u l t u r a l programs had to be arranged by pr i v a t e foundations or individuals: the Cold War e f f e c t i v e l y quashed hopes of a resurgence of government support f o r the arts as had existed i n the New Deal because of the association of such support with Soviet-style state intervention i n culture. On several occasions, the b a t t l e f o r government funding was fought by Republican representative J a v i t s , who introduced b i l l s advocating funding f o r the arts throughout the late 1940s and 1950s. " In 1957, for example, he co-sponsored a b i l l c a l l i n g f o r the formation of a f e d e r a l l y funded a r t s foundation with grant-making a b i l i t y modelled a f t e r the B r i t i s h and Canadian Arts C o u n c i l s . I n each instance, the proposed l e g i s l a t i o n was defeated, but the need f o r government support of the arts was perceived by J a v i t s , John and Nelson Rockefeller, and even Henry Luce as a natural addition to the economic, s c i e n t i f i c and m i l i t a r y s u p e r i o r i t y of the United States i n the Cold War. The launching of Sputnik provided an urgent impetus to mobilizing the c u l t u r a l sector more e f f e c t i v e l y than privat e sources had previously been able to do. In A p r i l 60. For a discussion of the f r u s t r a t i o n s experienced by l i b e r a l advocates for government funding of the a r t s , see Gary 0. Larson, The Reluctant Patron: The United States Government and the Arts. 1943-1965 (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1983), e s p e c i a l l y chapter one. 61. J a v i t s was one of Cold Warrior George Dondero's most ardent opponents on arts issues. In 1949, i n response to Dondero's art t r e a t i s e "Modern Art Shackled to Communism," he stated, "In seeking to descredit modern a r t by i t s wholesale condemnation as communistic my colleague — I am sure unwittingly — f a l l s i n t o the trap of the same propagandistic device the influence of which we have a l l decried i n the Soviet Union, Nazi Germany and F a s c i s t I t a l y , for i t i s condemnation by c l a s s and broad-scale l a b e l i n g without individual evaluation and, beyond everything else, without a patient confidence i n the ultimate judgement of our people and t h e i r c a p a b i l i t y for discerning the good from the e v i l , the a r t i s t i c from the propagandistic and the true from the f a l s e . " C i t e d i n Elaine King. Pluralism i n the Visual Arts i n the United States 1965-1978; The National Endowment fo r the Arts, an I n f l u e n t i a l Force. Unpublished PhD Dissertation, Northwestern University, 1986, pp.45-46. 1959, one month afte r introducing the Defence Appropriations B i l l i n Congress, J a v i t s noted the importance of culture i n waging the Cold War: Our p o l i t i c a l i n s t i t u t i o n s , our i n d i v i d u a l freedoms and our way of l i f e serve as examples, even as an i n s p i r a t i o n , to the peoples of the world. We have expended untold t o i l and countless b i l l i o n s to give our nation t h i s stature to preserve i t . Yet i n t h i s tremendous progress, one v i t a l element of our national character has been l e f t to struggle with l i t t l e p ublic e f f o r t and assistance to aid i t . The c u l t u r a l heritage of America — one of the great building forces holding together and enhancing our varied national l i f e — has been relegated to a lesser r o l e i n the pageant of America.°^ In response to c r i t i c i s m s of h i s "long p u l l " strategy and his lack of l e g i s l a t i v e action on the ar t s . President Eisenhower organized a P r e s i d e n t i a l Commission on National Goals. However, the r e s u l t i n g Report on National Goals did l i t t l e to a l l e v i a t e the p u b l i c ' s anxiety and was e a s i l y surpassed by the r i v a l Rockefeller Brothers' Report Prospects for America, a l i b e r a l Republican c r i t i q u e of the Eisenhower Administration and i t s legacy i n the form of p r e s i d e n t i a l hopeful Nixon. Furthermore, i n countering t h i s c r i t i c i s m , the Eisenhower Administration was handicapped by i t s lack of d i r e c t experience with c u l t u r a l issues. Thus, Eisenhower had l i t t l e option but to appoint a knowledgeable and high 62. Quoted i n King, p.51. p r o f i l e c u l t u r a l adviser from Rockefeller's experienced team to lead the Presidential Commission's i n v e s t i g a t i o n of culture: the pragmatic l i b e r a l August Heckscher, J r . , Director of the Twentieth Century Fund and c u l t u r a l adviser to Nelson Rockefeller. Not s u r p r i s i n g l y , i n h i s new r o l e , Heckscher would promote the Rockefeller c u l t u r a l program while i n d i r e c t l y c r i t i q u i n g the c u l t u r a l p o l i c i e s of the Eisenhower Administration. A v i t a l component of the Report on National Goals was Heckscher's essay "The Quality of American Culture," a b r i e f summary of the V i t a l Center c r i t i q u e of the Eisenhower Administration from a l i b e r a l Republican perspective. The essay opens with a comparative analysis of "Material and C u l t u r a l Progress," contrasting the wealth and l e i s u r e of the modern United States with the nation's c u l t u r a l evolution. To Heckscher, the pattern was c l e a r : while the o v e r a l l material progress of the United States had prospered, c u l t u r e had lagged behind. Heckscher did not question that some i n d i v i d u a l a r t i s t s had been successful but he did not mention any such in d i v i d u a l a r t i s t s by name. Although both Heckscher and Rockefeller were advocates of abstract expressionism, the gap between the huge new middle class of the post-war era and the c u l t u r a l productions of these few a r t i s t i c i n d i v i d u a l s had increased not decreased, g i v i n g "cause for serious uneasiness." Heckscher concluded that the United States had yet "to prove that i t [could] nourish and sustain a r i c h c u l t u r a l l i f e . . . As the incomes of the people have r i s e n , a proportionate share has not been devoted to i n t e l l e c t u a l and a r t i s t i c pursuits. "^ -^  In the post-Sputnik environment of national i n s e c u r i t y , Heckscher delivered the following c r i t i q u e : As l e i s u r e has increased, so has the amount of time given to unproductive and often aimless a c t i v i t i e s . Many of these leisure-time a c t i v i t i e s may properly be c a l l e d r e c r e a t i o n a l ; too few can be judged to hold r e a l meaning i n the l i v e s of individuals or of the community. Amid concern for what the c i t i z e n does under conditions of modern in d u s t r i a l i s m , there i s at a deeper l e v e l concern for what he i s . The general advance i n well-being seems to have 63. August Heckscher J r . , "The Quality of American Culture," i n The Report of the President's Commission on National Goals, Goals For America (New York: Columbia University Press, 1960), pp. 127-146. At the time of the writing the report, Heckscher was the Director of the Rockefeller-funded Twentieth Century Fund as well as a member of the Art Commission of the C i t y of New York, and Chairman of the Board of the Internat i o n a l Council of the Museum of Modern Art. Heckscher's father was also a close colleague of Nelson Rockefeller and a f r i e n d of the Rockefeller family i n the 1930s. Both Heckscher Sr. and Rockefeller were a l l i e s against Robert Moses, the most powerful figure i n the h i s t o r y of New York c i t y planning and organizer of the 1939 World's F a i r i n New York. This c o n f l i c t , c e n t r a l to d e f i n i n g the ongoing relevance of the New Deal to the 1950s and 1960s, would culminate i n the c o n f l i c t between the a l l i e d f a m i l i e s of Rockefeller and Heckscher with Robert Moses over the organization of the 1964 World's F a i r i n New York C i t y . brought with i t a lessening of moral i n t e n s i t y and a readiness to indulge i n secondhand experience. The ethic of the contemporary economic system emphasizes consumption, with "happiness" and "comfort" as the objectives to be sought. The end product seems to be a great mass prepared to l i s t e n long hours to the worst of TV or radio and to make our newsstands — with t h e i r d i e t of mediocrity — what they are. The state of the arts i n a society may be judged, among other things, by the beauty of i t s p u b lic monuments, the scale and f i t n e s s and the ease of human contacts provided by the squares and streets of i t s c i t i e s , the pleasantness of i t s country landscape. A people caring about d i g n i t y and excellence i n i t s private l i v e s may be expected to care about the embodiment of these q u a l i t i e s i n the public environment. The American scene today i s not reassuring i n t h i s regard. In such a c u l t u r a l environment, Heckscher disparaged those i n t e l l e c t u a l s who were c r i t i c a l of mass culture while only o f f e r i n g i n i t s place a reliance on a e l i t i s t defense of modernist p r a c t i c e s . T h u s , i n Heckscher's arguments, m i l i t a r y preparedness and the governmental subsidy of culture were depicted as equal partners i n promoting the security of the United States; the m i s s i l e gap and the culture gap were now seen as i n t e r r e l a t e d . The production of America's nuclear arsenal and the backbone of national security lay i n the expanding suburbs, the home of a predominantly mass culture. 64. Heckscher, "The Quality of American Culture," p.127. This text was the co-operative r e s u l t of a panel of part i c i p a n t s who included A l f r e d Kazin, free-lance writer and author; Leo C. Rosten, e d i t o r i a l adviser to Look magazine; and Aline Saarinen, a r t c r i t i c f or the New York Times. Schlesinger's depiction of the c r i s i s of masculinity and i t s r e l a t i o n s h i p to the homogenizing e f f e c t s of mass culture received i t s most cogent expression i n Heckscher's analysis. Mass culture and the u n d i s c i p l i n e d use of l e i s u r e time combined to cross the boundary between private and public l i f e , weakening the potency of both and ultimately jeopardizing the s e c u r i t y of the United States. As Heckscher noted, the gap between the i n d i v i d u a l a r t i s t and society had widened in t o l e r a b l y , threatening the whole of society with a culture that promoted senseless play and l e i s u r e , a culture " l e s s contemplative and more keyed to more material ends,"^^ u l t i m a t e l y 64. Heckscher wrote i n the New York Times Magazine on the tendency of some c r i t i c s to attack mass cu l t u r e : The fashion has been to decry ^mass c u l t u r e . ' Indeed the temptation to do so recurs almost every time we s i t for any length of time before a t e l e v i s i o n set or subject ourselves to the kind of v u l g a r i t y spawned by the ^gray areas' of the modern c i t y . I t i s not o r i g i n a l and authentic ugliness which i s most di s t r e s s i n g i n these encounters. I t i s not absolute badness of taste or s t y l e , but the sense that something p o t e n t i a l l y good has been corrupted and weakened. The i n e v i t a b l e question a r i s e s whether excellence can be transmitted to a vast population without debasing i t . From that sobering question c r i t i c s of modern cu l t u r e have gone on to i n d i c t nearly everything that i s being done, or could be done, to develop the a r t s i n a highly i n d u s t r i a l i z e d society. Heckscher, "The Nation's Culture: New Age f o r the A r t s , " New York Times Magazine^" Sept. 23, 1962, p.15. 66. Heckscher, "The Quality of American Culture," p.129. undermining the w i l l of the country to r e s i s t more d i s c i p l i n e d s o c i e t i e s such as the Soviet Union. Leisure had l o s t i t s e a r l i e r a r i s t o c r a t i c meaning, subsumed by a r a d i c a l transformation of time under i n d u s t r i a l capitalism. In Heckscher's view, "[The] machine [of i n d u s t r i a l capitalism] sets i t s own rhythm and exacts i t s p r i c e i n terms of s e n s i b i l i t i e s blunted and energies drained. "^ "^  Heckscher's solution was not to r e l y s o l e l y on the success of the avant-garde to keep culture moving; such a strategy would merely marginalize those a r t i s t s i n much the same way s c i e n t i s t s had become marginalized before the launch of Sputnik. The key was to move these ind i v i d u a l s from the periphery to the center of national 67. Heckscher, "The Quality of American Culture," p.129. The spread of a debased form of l e i s u r e , the mechanization of time, and the impulse to consume mass culture thus combined to a l t e r the q u a l i t y of l i f e under capitalism: . . . time i n the modern world tends to be increasingly harried and gadget-ridden. Free time becomes the occasion, not so much fo r deeply f e l t human relationships and the experience of i n t e l l e c t u a l rewards, as f o r e f f o r t s to escape from boredom and f o r a seemingly endless pursuit of t r i v i a l d i s t r a c t i o n s . Leisure, which should be the seed-bed of the arts, the source both of creation and enjoyment, too often becomes a round of a c t i v i t i e s undertaken as a r e s u l t of disguised or overt pressure and f o r ends which appear to have less and less to do with enrichment either of the i n d i v i d u a l or of society. concern not merely by v a l o r i z i n g a few i n d i v i d u a l s but by advocating the development of a culture i n which the gap between work and culture was f i l l e d by a meaningful concept of l e i s u r e . For Heckscher, t h i s meant advocating a p l u r a l i s t i c approach towards culture that preserved the e l i t e r o l e of high art while at the same time encouraging a greater i n t e r a c t i o n of high art with more popular a r t forms so as to r a i s e the ov e r a l l l e v e l of c u l t u r a l l i t e r a c y i n the United States: V a l i d forms attuned to the requirements, l i k e those springing from the i n d u s t r i a l machine, may well be evolving under the very eye of those who discount mass culture as neces s a r i l y degraded and second-rate e f f o r t s . The movies, often i n t h e i r less pretentious forms, can be examples of popular a r t at i t s best; a form of expression freshly created out of fresh needs, for an audience as broad as the community i t s e l f . Whether t e l e v i s i o n has evolved, or i s evolving, as a comparable a r t form i s more d i f f i c u l t to say. But the opportunity exists for creative innovation, as i t does i n popular music and the musical theatre. The very rootlessness and restlessness of American l i f e , i t s changefulness and d i v e r s i t y , may shape a culture admittedly d i f f e r e n t from anything known before, yet l i k e folk art i n being popular without being degraded.°° Heckscher's defence of aspects of popular cultu r e was combined with his desire to preserve the "Creative Few," those who create the culture by which a c i v i l i z a t i o n achieves ultimate d i s t i n c t i o n . ^ ^ Achieving 68. Heckscher, "The Quality of American Culture," p.132. 69. Heckscher, "The Quality of American Culture," p.133. Heckscher l i s t s four points as essential f o r a society to maintain i t s c u l t u r a l health: 1. Art i s for professionals. I t s p r a c t i c e requires t r a i n i n g , d i s c i p l i n e and the most unflagging dedication. Nothing i s more appealing i n the United States today than the enthusiasm with which do-it-yourself culture i s followed by the people. The a c t i v i t i e s of Sunday painters, amateur actors, weavers, wood-workers, musicians, etc. — a l l have t h e i r value. They are part of that constructive use of l e i s u r e of which we spoke e a r l i e r . But they do not at t a i n , except i n the most professional, the l e v e l of true a r t . The l i n e between the professional and the amateur, between the a r t i s t and the audience, i s one which any f i r s t -rate culture must maintain. 2. Art i s not self-evident nor of necessity immediately enjoyable. I t requires i n the spectator an e f f o r t of the s p r i r i t and of the mind, s u f f i c i e n t to put himself i n harmony with a v i s i o n other than hi s own. Americans have grown accustomed to say that they know what they l i k e . We have had dinned into us that the customer i s always r i g h t . These attitudes may be adequate for the consumer of mass-produced merchandise; they have very l i t t l e to do with the person capaijle of appreciating a r t i n any of i t s subtle forms. 3. Art i s not a matter of numbers. The museum i n our contemporary society may f i n d i t necessary for economic reasons to cater to a wide p u b l i c . They may f i n d i t tempting and a t t r a c t i v e to engage i n various educational a c t i v i t i e s . Insofar as they do these things they may be community centers or educational i n s t i t u t i o n s , both of which we would be poorer without. But to the large degree that they perform such services they are not concerned with a r t i n the sense i n which we have been speaking of i t . Numbers and popularity are not r e l a t e d to t h i s kind of a r t ; indeed the preservation of excellence and the setting of ultimate standards may be incompatible with e f f o r t s to broaden p u b l i c appreciation. 4. Art i s not self-expression. Just as a r t cannot be understood without e f f o r t , so i t cannot be created without t r a v a i l . I t l i v e s by laws of i t s own, laws not always easy to communicate or to understand. But the true a r t i s t i n any f i e l d i s bound by these laws and i s responsible f o r keeping them by a s t r i c t inner d i s c i p l i n e . This i s as true of the most abstract or experimental a r t as of such a l e v e l of "ultimate d i s t i n c t i o n " required the l i m i t e d intervention of government support for the a r t s on the federal, state and l o c a l l e v e l s along with increasing support from the private sector. Heckscher echoed Schlesinger's c a l l for an emphasis on the q u a l i t a t i v e aspects of culture over the quantitative when he concluded h i s a r t i c l e : "The ultimate dedication to our way of l i f e w i l l be won not on the basis of economic s a t i s f a c t i o n s alone, but on the basis of an inward q u a l i t y and i d e a l . ""^ ^ Another Research Director of the Twentieth Century Fund who worked with Heckscher to formulate a l i b e r a l a r t s constituency and a new r o l e for culture i n the Kennedy era was Sebastian de Grazia, whose book Of Time. Work and Leisure was published by the Fund i n 1962. The book i n part examines the differences i n the concepts of work and play i n c a p i t a l i s t society and analyses the consequences for l e i s u r e . De Grazia notes that as consumerist society gained momentum i n the 1950s, the concepts of l e i s u r e and play became conflated while the concepts of work and play became increasingly estranged. De Grazia's text emphasizes the v i r t u e s of an elevated concept of l e i s u r e , a synthesis of work and play achieved objective and t r a d i t i o n a l a r t . Above a l l , a r t i s i t s own end, and has nothing to do with therapy or emotional release, (pp.135-136) 70. Heckscher, "The Quality of American Culture," p.145. through the combined e f f o r t s of education and government-supported culture. De Grazia employed the h i s t o r i c a l analogy of the Spartan Empire to i l l u s t r a t e the dangers of the separation of work and play i n the modern United States and to argue for the value of an integrated concept of l e i s u r e , making extensive use of Schlesinger's comparison of the c r i s i s of masculinity to the state of culture. Sparta, successful at war, was a society with c l e a r l y defined gender roles: the male warrior waged war away from home while the female remained i s o l a t e d i n the domestic sphere with "no education i n s e l f c o n t r o l . " Thus the Spartan female resorted to a l i f e of " l i c e n s e and luxury. "^•'- Echoing the concerns of Schlesinger and Heckscher, the p a r a l l e l s with the Eisenhower era of the 1950s are evident i n De Grazia's d e s c r i p t i o n of the decline of the Spartan Empire as being characterized by "...the growth of luxuriousness, avarice, m a l d i s t r i b u t i o n of property, shortage of warriors, and a female population that i n war caused more confusion than the enemy."^^ Thus, according to De Grazia, the greatest challenge for an Empire was managing periods of peace so that 71. Sebastian de Grazia, Of Time. Work, and Leisure (New York: Twentieth Century Fund, 1962), p.11. collapse did not re s u l t from affluence and a corresponding decadence. The task was a matter of educating c i t i z e n s to remain d i s c i p l i n e d and a c t i v e l y engaged i n society to f o r e s t a l l the possible i l l e f f e c t s of prosperity. Leisure was the key by which work and play could be bound together and, De Grazia concluded as di d Heckscher and Schlesinger, a p l u r a l i s t i c democratic and decentralized culture was the most e f f e c t i v e vehicle f o r perpetuating the strength of the United States at home and abroad. The p o t e n t i a l l y harmful e f f e c t s of massification, which to a large extent motivated the modernist avant-garde, would be overcome by r a i s i n g the o v e r a l l educational standards of the populace through the medium of a more d i s c i p l i n e d , work-oriented conception of l e i s u r e . Therefore, government support of the arts as a reworked synthesis of work and play became a lynchpin for the New Frontier strategy of deploying a reoriented concept of l e i s u r e as the s o c i a l glue of Imperial America. The f r u s t r a t i o n of p o l i t i c i a n s such as J a v i t s who advocated more active government support f o r the arts but who could not pass arts l e g i s l a t i o n i n the American Congress led to the formation of more modest examples of state funding for the arts to bypass the p o l i t i c a l log-jam on the federal l e v e l . ^ -^  Upon being elected governor of New York State i n 1958, Rockefeller was able to promote the concept of government funding as a state model for an ultimate federal program, drawing upon the recommendations of the Rockefeller Brothers' Fund Report and the Twentieth Century Fund. In 1961 Rockefeller pushed through the New York l e g i s l a t u r e his proposal for a State Council of the Arts, modelled i n part on the B r i t i s h and the Canadian Arts Councils. His intention was to promote the pragmatic l i b e r a l c u l t u r a l model^'* that emphasized a democratizing 73. In 1958 Congress approved the b u i l d i n g of a National C u l t u r a l Center i n Washington D.C, but i t would have to be b u i l t with private funds. While Rockefeller and J a v i t s f e l t t h i s was a step i n the r i g h t d i r e c t i o n , without actual governmental f i n a n c i a l aid, i t was s t i l l l a r g e l y a symbolic gesture, 74. The key elements of Rockefeller's pragmatic l i b e r a l i s m were: "the conviction that a l l problems can be solved, a b e l i e f that a c t i v i s t big government i s necessary for solving s o c i e t a l problems, a b e l i e f that the executive branch of government has the key r e p o n s i b i l i t y for leading the attack on p u b l i c problems, a b e l i e f i n the e f f i c a c y of j o i n t e f f o r t s between the p u b l i c and private sectors i n solving s o c i e t a l problems, and a b e l i e f i n an executive's outflanking p u b l i c and l e g i s l a t i v e resistance i n order to achieve what one perceives to be i n the best i n t e r e s t s of s o c i e t y . " (James E. Underwood and William J . Daniels, Governor Rockefeller i n New York: The Apex of Pracrmatic Liberalism i n the U.S. (London: Greenwood Press, 1982), p.252) The idea for a state arts council was part of a proposal that originated i n the 1957 gubernatorial campaign. While the o r i g i n a l budget proposal i n 1961 was quite modest, one year after the extablishment of the NYSCA that budget expanded by 900% to $450,000 and by 1965 had reached $562,000. By 1976 the figure had r i s e n to $35,653,000. For additional information on the funding of the NYCSA, see Dick Netzer, The Subsidized Muse (Cambridge University Press, 1978), p.80. of American high culture through a co-operative partnership of government and private support. The b a r r i e r s between a dynamic concept of l e i s u r e f o r the whole society embodied by the culture gap could be overcome, as Rockefeller noted: The arts are not for the few — they are f o r the many, for the people as a whole. This i s the c entral fact and the essence of the strength of the arts i n a democratic soci e t y . The values of art are universal. Everyone can f e e l the impact of c u l t u r a l experiences once hi s eyes and ears have been opened and h i s mind sen s i t i z e d . There i s no reason why anyone i n our society should be denied the opportunity for the same experiences, the s p i r i t u a l e x h i l a r a t i o n that the arts can o f f e r . I n i t i a l l y funded for a modest $50,000, the New York State Arts Council (NYSCA) provided a working model of a government-supported arts agency that s u c c e s s f u l l y negotiated the previous hands-off approach to the arts while avoiding the kind of public support that had existed i n the days of the New Deal Works Projects Administration. In order to promote the understanding of the a r t s throughout the state, the NYSCA also sought to d i s t r i b u t e i t s funding on a geographically equitable basis. This meant an emphasis on regional centers for For further extensive history and information on the NYSCA, see Anthony Leonard Barresi, The History and Programs of the New York State Council on the A r t s . Unpublished PhD. Dissertation, The University of Michigan, 1973. 75. Nelson A. Rockefeller, Our Environment Can Be Saved (New York: Doubleday and Company, Inc., 1970), p.123. the a r t s , with the Lincoln Center for the Arts as the model, and yet de-emphasizing New York C i t y as a center with i t s c u l t u r a l l y e l i t i s t garrison mentality. The centerpiece of Rockefeller's c u l t u r a l program was the Lincoln Center, a multi-purpose f a c i l i t y that demonstrated the aggressive activism of l i b e r a l s i n addressing the r o l e of culture i n society, (figure 5) The area of the proposed center was a run-down part of New York C i t y formerly used as the s e t t i n g f o r the f i l m version of West Side Story, a musical based on the l i v e s of the Puerto Rican inhabitants of the area. Constructing the center i n that location symbolized the benefits of the arts to America's inner c i t i e s as well as the w i l l of the state government i n aggressively dealing with the s o c i a l inequities of urban l i f e . The a r c h i t e c t of the United Nations building — Wallace Harrison, a longtime f r i e n d and architect for the Rockefeller family — was commissioned to oversee the project. Harrison had previously served on the Board of Trustees of the Museum of Modern Art as well as the Rockefeller Brothers Fund Special Study Group, headed by Henry Kissinger, (figure 6) The intent of the Lincoln Center was, according to i t s President William Schuman, to embody an idea "rooted i n the b e l i e f that the role of the arts i s to give more than pleasure; that music, drama and dance provide enrichment beyond understanding — encounters with q u a l i t i e s of perfection, n o b i l i t y and splendor which engage the heart, the s p i r i t , the i n t e l l e c t . " ^ ^ To r e a l i z e t h i s l o f t y intent, the Lincoln Center was conceptualized as a regional arts center, providing a new model of c u l t u r a l interaction i n the community outside of the older forms of art patronage. The ever-present threat of the Cold War meant that t h i s e d i f i c e to the freedom of expression was promoted as a p o l i t i c a l , much as abstract expressionism had been promoted by Cold War l i b e r a l s , i n order to provide an e f f e c t i v e contrast between the freedom of the a r t i s t i n the United States and the heavily state-financed c u l t u r a l apparatus of the Soviet Union. Of the t o t a l c a p i t a l expenditures on the Center, approximately $40 m i l l i o n was to derive from the public sector while the remaining amount of $102 m i l l i o n was to be raised by the private sector. The regional focus of the Lincoln Arts Center was an 76. New York Times, Sept. 23, 1962, p. 11. William Schuman replaced General Maxwell D. Taylor who was c a l l e d to Washington on a special assignment pertaining to the aftermath of the Bay of Pigs. Nelson Rockefeller became chairman of the board of the Lincoln Center i n January, 1961. 77. By 1962 over $74 m i l l i o n had been r a i s e d from the private sector. For information on the funding of the Lincoln Center as well as i t s projected r o l e i n the society, see the 1962 volume of the journal Arts i n Society, e s p e c i a l l y the a r t i c l e by Edgar B. Young, the Executive Vice-President of the Lincoln Center. important aspect of the o v e r a l l pragmatic l i b e r a l c u l t u r a l agenda, as explained by Max Kaplan, Director of the Arts Center at Boston University: Our concept of a regional arts center must grow out of perspectives from the past, analyses of the present, and hopes for the future. "Regional" suggests that we deal with history, space, time; " a r t " bids us to define i t s values and uniqueness for these conditions, and the term "center" implies a statement of function for a new kind of i n s t i t u t i o n . The Center was projected as the performing a r t s extension to the New York World's F a i r : the New York State Theatre, an i n t e g r a l component of the Lincoln Center complex, a c t u a l l y opened concurrently with the F a i r . Both the Lincoln Center and the World's F a i r affirmed the c u l t u r a l project of the New Frontier. In t h i s same a r t i c l e , when discussing the r e l a t i o n s h i p between e l i t e and popular a r t , Kaplan argued that a middle path must be found between the conservative Republican Barry Goldwater's opposition to f e d e r a l funding of arts programs and the remnants of a past Golden Age of state support for the arts i n the New Deal. According to Kaplan, the c r u c i a l function f o r a regional The planning and a r c h i t e c t u r a l debates surrounding the Lincoln Center and the r o l e of Nelson Rockefeller's a r c h i t e c t , Wallace K. Harrison, are discussed extensively i n V i c t o r i a Newhouse, Wallace K. Harrison. A r c h i t e c t (New York: R i z z o l i International Publications, 1989) , e s p e c i a l l y chapter 16. 78. Max Kaplan, "The Regional Arts Center — A S o c i a l and Aesthetic Synthesis," Arts i n Society 1 (1962), 90. arts center was: . . . to affirm an aesthetic, democratic value i n the r i g h t and p o s s i b i l i t y of every man emerging from what one writer c a l l s the "waist-high culture" to the culture of the f i n e eye, ear, heart, s p i r i t , and mind. I t must supplement a s o c i o l o g i c a l premise that every man has a h i s t o r y with the philosophical premise that every man has an essence. The Center must become an i n s t i t u t i o n i n which a synthesis even more than an accomodation i s sought between excellence and a f f l u e n c e . B y mediating between the i n d i v i d u a l and the community, the business sector and public i n s t i t u t i o n s , the a r t i s t and the public, the center and the periphery, and between notions of art as pure entertainment or as e l i t i s t high culture, the Lincoln Center was the epitome of the pragmatic l i b e r a l c u l t u r a l strategy. By the time construction of the Lincoln Center had finished, over s i x t y a r t s centers were being constructed across America, supplementing a growing number of arts councils that followed the example of Rockefeller's NYSCA. John F. Kennedy's e l e c t i o n campaign was slowly b u i l t along the l i n e s of a New Frontier that u t i l i z e d culture as a key method of n e u t r a l i z i n g the contradictions within 79. Kaplan, p.93. Kaplan i s r e f e r r i n g to Thomas G r i f f i t h , The Waist-Hiah Culture (New York: Universal Library, Grosset and Dunlap, 1959). society that undermined America's a b i l i t y to f i g h t the Cold War. I n i t i a l l y , i n his campaign, the actual r e l a t i o n s h i p of the arts to government support was vague, but the symbolic role of culture was i n t e g r a l to the use of f r o n t i e r imagery as was made clear i n an a r t i c l e written by Kennedy i n 1960: If the government must not i n t e r f e r e i t can give a lead. There i s a connection, hard to explain l o g i c a l l y but easy to f e e l , between achievement i n public l i f e and progress i n ar t s . The age of Pe r i c l e s was also the age of Phidias. The age of Lorenzo de Medici was also the age of Leonardo da V i n c i . The age of Elizabeth also the age of Shakespeare. And the New Frontier for which I campaign i n p u b l i c l i f e , can also be a New Frontier for American Art. For what I decree i s a l i f t f or our country: a surge of economic growth; a burst of a c t i v i t y i n rebuilding and cleansing our c i t i e s ; a breakthrough of the b a r r i e r s of r a c i a l and r e l i g i o u s discrimination; an Age of Discovery i n science and space; and an openness toward what i s new that w i l l banish the suspicion and misgiving that have tarnished our prestige abroad. I foresee, i n short, an America that i s moving once again. And i n harmony with that creative burst, there i s bound to come the New Frontier i n the Arts. For we stand, I believe, on the verge of a period of sustained c u l t u r a l brilliance.°° With Kennedy's election, the change i n emphasis regarding the r o l e of culture i n the New Fr o n t i e r was v i s i b l y demonstrated by the presence of 155 "frontiersmen" i n the arts and sciences at the 80. John F. Kennedy, "A New Frontier i n the Arts — the Why and the How," Musical America 80 (December 1960), 8. Quoted i n Larson, pp.149-150. P r e s i d e n t i a l Inauguration. Writers such as Hemingway, Faulkner, and Steinbeck, playwrights such as Arthur M i l l e r , Thornton Wilder, and Tennessee Williams, a r t i s t s such as Alexander Calder, Stuart Davis, Mark Rothko and Edward Hopper, and composers such as Hindemith, Stravinsky, and Bernstein were issued written i n v i t a t i o n s which stated: "During our forthcoming Administration we hope to seek a productive r e l a t i o n s h i p with our writers, a r t i s t s , composers, philosophers, s c i e n t i s t s and heads of c u l t u r a l i n s t i t u t i o n s . " ^ ^ A new "Golden Age" was beginning, proclaimed poet Robert Frost at the inauguration. The contrast between the c u l t u r a l a ttitudes of the Eisenhower and Kennedy Administrations was noted by Arthur Schlesinger J r . who stated i n a speech to the American Federation of Arts i n 1962 that "In the Executive Mansion, where Fred Waring and h i s Pennsylvanians once played, we now f i n d Isaac Stern, Pablo Casals, Stravinsky, and the Oxford players."^^ The formative stages of Kennedy's c u l t u r a l p o l i c y began i n December 1961 when Heckscher was i n v i t e d to Washington to formulate the c u l t u r a l strategy of the New Fron t i e r . His appointment to the White House s t a f f was c h a r a c t e r i s t i c of the reliance of the Kennedy 81. Quoted i n Larson, p.151. 82. Quoted i n Larson, p.151. Administration on the more pragmatic "hard i n t e l l e c t u a l s " that had worked on the Rockefeller Brothers' Reports c r i t i q u i n g the Eisenhower Administration. While i n t e l l e c t u a l s were moving from the periphery of state power to positions of influence within the White House, these i n t e l l e c t u a l s were not the s o f t progressives of the New Deal. I d e a l i s t s were shunted aside on the road to the White House i n favour of hard-nosed l i b e r a l s , many of whom had served on the Rockefeller Commissions, When Schlesinger and economist John Kenneth Galbraith switched t h e i r allegiances to Kennedy from Stevenson i n 1960, the t r a n s i t i o n from New Deal "soft progressives" to New Frontier pragmatism was c o m p l e t e . T h e appointment of Dean Rusk, a member of the Rockefeller Brothers' Fund, as Secretary of State instead of Kennedy's Democratic p r e s i d e n t i a l r i v a l Adlai Stevenson was the most powerful in d i c a t i o n of t h i s philosophical s h i f t within the Democratic party a f t e r 1960. In p a r t i c u l a r , Heckscher's appointment to the White House meant that the main arch i t e c t for the c u l t u r a l p o l i c y for the New Fr o n t i e r would come from the l i b e r a l Republican camp of Rockefeller and not from the progressive wing of the Democratic Party. Between Heckscher's appointment to the White House 83. Both Galbraith and Schlesinger had supported A d l a i Stevenson i n 1952 and 1956. as the President's special consultant on the a r t s and the release of h i s report on culture, The Arts And the National Government, i n the spring of 1963, Heckscher outlined h i s conception of the r o l e of culture i n a book e n t i t l e d The Public Happiness, published i n 1962. Heckscher's diagnosis of the i l l s of society followed Schlesinger's schema: Americans had over-emphasized the quantitative aspects of material l i f e at the expense of the q u a l i t a t i v e . The central issues of society rested not on material well-being but on the dangers of boredom, loneliness, and alienation which threatened to tear apart the f a b r i c of post-war society. The i n d i v i d u a l c i t i z e n , according to Heckscher, was experiencing the loss of h i s or her own i n d i v i d u a l i t y , becoming "an abstraction i n the midst of meaningless change and a c t i v i t y . " ^ ^ Such a loss of i n d i v i d u a l i t y symbolized the loss of w i l l to overcome the contradictions i n the United States, whether i n terms of the functioning of the m i l i t a r y - i n d u s t r i a l complex and the existence of a missile gap, a culture gap, or a gender gap, each capable of threatening national s e c u r i t y and well-being. The spread of the suburban middle-class l i f e s t y l e and value system was, for Heckscher, the greatest challenge to the supremacy of the United States: 84. August Heckscher, J r . , The Public Happiness (New York: Atheneum Publishers, 1962), v i i . The danger today i s that t h i s comfortable middle realm w i l l p r e v a i l over everything el s e i n the s o c i a l order, swallowing up the p r i v a t e man and the public man a l i k e and making way f o r the great mass that i n the end dominates a l l . Then everyone w i l l have become so well adjusted to everyone else that no one can any longer be a person i n the old sense. Compromise and conformity w i l l have been so f a r developed that there remain no v a l i d issues worth compromising and nothing to conform to except a vague and general standard of mass morality. Unless there are countervailing forces drawing men strongly toward privacy on the one hand, and toward a meaningful p o l i t i c a l l i f e on the other, the s o c i a l sphere comes to be taken as an end i n i t s e l f . Unless there are a few a n t i s o c i a l people, a l l i s l o s t . ^ ^ Consensus and conformity under Eisenhower were responsible for taking the United States to the brink of the decline of the empire, but thanks to the a n t i s o c i a l presence of the abstract expressionists and the Beatniks, a breathing space for individualism had been preserved. But Heckscher proposed an i n c l u s i v e conception of culture that promoted the contradictory aspects of i n d i v i d u a l i t y on the a n t i s o c i a l margins within the sphere of middle-class l i f e , transcending the r i g i d separation of the public and private l i f e while not c o l l a p s i n g both realms into one homogeneous mass. Heckscher argued that t h i s dynamic interplay between the public and p r i v a t e sphere of suburban middle-class l i f e promoted the r e v i t a l i z e d mythology of f r o n t i e r individualism f o r the urbanized context of postwar America: "Only then can we hope to l i f t ourselves out of the yawning p i t which reduces a l l values to communal values, and loses both the c i t i z e n and the person i n the mass man."^^ Within Heckscher's schema, the arts were a key l i n k i n remotivating c i v i c v i r t u e and achieving p u b l i c happiness. As Heckscher r e a d i l y admitted, t h i s implied an intimate l i n k between art and p o l i t i c s that avoided overt propagandizing or i s o l a t i o n within a for m a l i s t ivory tower. High culture and popular culture were to engage i n a dynamic dialogue, c h a r a c t e r i s t i c of the great c i v i l i z a t i o n s of Greece, Rome and the I t a l i a n Renaissance, that would provide a concept of cre a t i v e l e i s u r e , keeping work and play i n a dynamic tension, animating the in d i v i d u a l out of his or her boredom. Heckscher's pragmatic l i b e r a l aesthetic emphasized a p l a y f u l , i r o n i c and detached approach to art i n order to pursue the objective of a dynamic c i v i c c ulture. He was sympathetic to the frontiersman approach of the modernist avant-garde, the a n t i s o c i a l individuals who preserve a fragment of self-expression during the darkest moments, but h i s civic-minded pragmatism required that an active c i v i c c ulture must press beyond the defensive p o s i t i o n s of the avant-garde and the a n t i - i r o n i c p o s i t i o n of the formalists i f a c u l t u r a l renaissance i n the United States were to be achieved without d i l u t i n g i t s complexity: Now t h i s s t y l e of ar t , though i t seems at f i r s t " d i f f i c u l t " and i s frequently obscure, i s i n many ways closer to the people than what i s on the surface more comprehensible and f a m i l i a r . Indeed I would go so far as to say, d i r e c t l y contradicting Ortega, [Ortega Y Gasset, the Spanish philosopher and modernist] that such art — which i s e s s e n t i a l l y "modern" art — i s popular by necessity and fate. For i t i s the essence of the dramatic and s a t i r i c a l s t y l e that i t does not exclude anything; i t takes i n a l l aspects of l i f e , not moralizing about them but setting them f o r t h i n t h e i r own l i g h t . Heckscher outlined a concept of culture that was to a degree d i a l o g i c a l but which always remained within the l i m i t a t i o n s of enhancing the l i f e of the c i t i z e n within the New Frontier, a defensive and offensive mechanism capable of preserving the expanding f r o n t i e r of the concept of freedom and f o r e s t a l l i n g the decline of previous empires such as Rome. The pessimism of 87. Heckscher, Public Happiness, p.255. The pragmatic approach of Heckscher neatly grafts a d i a l o g i c a l approach to culture into a defense of the New Fron t i e r : The s p i r i t u a l and the sensual, the serious and the ludicrous, the elevated and the base, could f i n d themselves heighbours i n Shakespeare or Donne. The language of the street and the most divine poetry went side by side, t h e i r incongruity being on the surface, while they car r i e d the hint that i n some higher judgement they could be reconciled as es s e n t i a l aspects of man's nature and of the world. Puns and quips played t h e i r part, for they i n t e n s i f i e d the fee l i n g that opposites were never quite as opposed as they appeared; they suggested i n unexpected ways that verbal s i m i l a r i t i e s f e f l e c t a deeper harmony, even when "common sense" had decreed that they were unrelated, (p.255) pragmatic l i b e r a l s about the idealism of s o c i a l i s t or progressive theory was c l e v e r l y camouflaged behind the optimism of piecemeal s o c i a l reform secured by the dynamism of a r e v i t a l i z e d f r o n t i e r . Pragmatic l i b e r a l advocates of government support of the arts continued, however, to be stymied i n t h e i r e f f o r t s to pass l e g i s l a t i o n authorizing the establishment of a federal arts agency. In 1962, three separate b i l l s promoting federal involvement i n the arts " [ i n order] to disseminate the arts to the p r o v i n c e s " w e r e introduced by Hubert Humphrey, Joe Clark and Jacob J a v i t s : each was in turn defeated by a skeptical Congress. On May 28, 1963, Heckscher's Report to the President, "The Arts And The National Government," was released, providing the foundation for a concerted implementation of a fed e r a l c u l t u r a l p o l i c y o r i g i n a t i n g out of the P r e s i d e n t i a l o f f i c e with a consequently greater p r o f i l e and enhanced chance being passed by Congress. Heckscher's primary recommendation i n the Report was to e s t a b l i s h an Advisory Council on the Arts as a preliminary stage i n establishing more far-reaching federal support. Heckscher was laying the groundwork for a nationwide arts foundation that would s o l i d i f y the l i b e r a l c u l t u r a l agenda of Rockefeller and Kennedy. 88. King, p.54. Although i t was never authorized by Congress, the Advisory Council indicated o f f i c i a l p r e s i d e n t i a l sanctioning of federal involvement i n the a r t s . Heckscher's blueprint for a federal r o l e i n a r t s support highlighted the contradictory nature of pragmatic l i b e r a l philosophy i n the Kennedy era. Great care was taken to downplay the extent and r o l e of the government's involvement while the private sector was s t i l l expected to carry the main burden of c u l t u r a l patronage, as Heckscher c l e a r l y explained: "Although government's r o l e i n the art s must always remain peripheral, with i n d i v i d u a l c r e a t i v i t y and private support being c e n t r a l , that i s no reason why the things which the government can properly do i n t h i s f i e l d should not be done confidently and expertly."^^ While deemphasizing the r o l e of the federal government, Heckscher's advocacy of a national ar t s foundation represented a s i g n i f i c a n t s h i f t i n the str u c t u r i n g of American culture. By dispensing fe d e r a l funds to aid i n the establishment of arts councils across the United States, Washington D.C.'s National C u l t u r a l Center would become the national model "promoting 89. From the Report to the President, May 28, 1963, by August Heckscher, Special Consultant on the A r t s . United States Senate. (Doc. no.28) 88th Congress, 1st session, Supt. of Docs. Washington 25, D.C. '63. pp.2-28. Quoted i n Vineta Colby, American Culture i n the S i x t i e s (New York: The H.W. Wilson Company, 1964), p.106. c u l t u r a l d i v e r s i t y , innovation, and excellence."'" The modest r o l e of the federal government b e l i e d the sweeping changes envisaged e a r l i e r i n Heckscher's report i n the section e n t i t l e d "Impact on the C u l t u r a l Environment," a capsule summary of the thrust of pragmatic l i b e r a l philosophy. Social contradictions were to be grasped i n t h e i r t o t a l i t y , not approached i n a piecemeal fashion, by fashioning new federal-urban a l l i a n c e s l i n k i n g private and public p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n national problem solving. The pragmatic l i b e r a l c u l t u r a l program was to become a model of profound s o c i a l change that would marginalize adherents to older forms of l a i s s e z - f a i r e capitalism or socialism: The scale upon which modern Government acts makes i t v i t a l that t h i s r e s p o n s i b i l i t y to the t o t a l environment be acknowledged. The constant tendency i s to think only of the immediate task, forgetting the wider implications of governmental action. The economics of roadbuilding too often threaten to run highways across h i s t o r i c towns, park lands, or even across-a college campus. The urgency of slum clearance often means that a wrecking crew destroys i n the process a humanly scaled and i n t r i c a t e l y woven community l i f e . . . The Renaissance state has been referr e d to as "work of a r t . " Today the whole environment, the landscape and the cityscape, should be looked on as p o t e n t i a l l y a work of art — perhaps man's largest and most noble work. The power to destroy provided by modern organization and machinery i s also, i f i t i s wisely used, an unprecedented power to create. To create humanely i n the service of man's highest needs i s a supreme task of modern statesmanship. In response to Heckscher's report, President Kennedy issued Executive Order 11112 on June 12, 1963, announcing the establishment of the President's Advisory Council on the Arts.^^ The President's statement (drafted by 91. Quoted i n Colby, pp.98-99. Heckscher's references to the ravages of roadbuilding are i n part a c r i t i q u e of the Baron Haussmann of New York City, Robert Moses, whose extensive promotion of freeways i n and around New York Ci t y was a constant i r r i t a t i o n to Heckscher and h i s father. I r o n i c a l l y , both the construction of the Lincoln Center and the building of the State C a p i t a l complex i n Albany, promoted by Nelson Rockefeller, required the extensive demolition of slums composed of the t i g h t l y interwoven communities which pragmatic l i b e r a l i s m purportedly sought to benefit. In the s p e c i f i c case of the state c a p i t a l complex, over 7,000 units of low r e n t a l housing were bulldozed. 92. Kennedy opened his statement on the Council as follows: Establishment of an Advisory Council on the Arts has long seemed a natural step i n f u l f i l l i n g the Government's r e s p o n s i b i l i t y to the a r t s . I acknowledge the support of members of the Congress i n both Houses for t h i s measure. I am hopeful that the Congress w i l l give the Council a statutory base, but, meanwhile, the setting up of the Council by Executive action seems timely and advisable. Accordingly, I am establishing the President's Advisory on the Arts within the executive o f f i c e , to be composed of heads of Federal departments and agencies concerned with the arts and t h i r t y private c i t i z e n s who have played a prominent part i n the ar t s . P r i v a t e members w i l l be drawn from c i v i c and c u l t u r a l leaders and others who are engaged professionally i n some phase of the a r t s such as p r a c t i c i n g a r t i s t s , museum d i r e c t o r s , producers, managers, and union leaders. An executive order i s being issued today d e f i n i n g the scope and structkure of the Council, and I Heckscher^^-^) made extensive use of the arguments that had been developed by pragmatic l i b e r a l i n t e l l e c t u a l s r a t i o n a l i z i n g the s t r a t e g i c importance of Federal involvement i n the arts. As h i s t o r i a n Gary Larson observes, the President c i t e d the following pragmatic arguments i n support of culture: [Culture provides] opportunities for a r t s t r a i n i n g and p a r t i c i p a t i o n of the young; emerging forms and i n s t i t u t i o n s , including the growing number of state arts councils; the impact of government operations on the arts, including tax and copyright laws, public works, housing, and urban renewal; public recognition of excellence i n the a r t s , including prizes, competitions, f e s t i v a l s , tours, and exhibitions; and the implications of the national c u l t u r a l scene for the c u l t u r a l exchange projects.^ Unlike the e a r l i e r debates on the question of Federal funding for the arts p r i o r to 1960, supporters of government aid for the arts could point to both s h a l l shortly announce the names of those private c i t i z e n s I am asking to serve. The creation of t h i s Council means that for the f i r s t time the arts w i l l have some formal Government body which w i l l be s p e c i f i c a l l y concerned with a l l aspects of the arts and to which the a r t i s t and the a r t s i n s t i t u t i o n s can present t h e i r views and bring t h e i r problems. Quoted i n Colby, pp.106-107 For a in-depth discussion of the p o l i t i c a l skirmishing around the issue of Federal support f o r the a r t s see Fannie Taylor and Anthony L. Barresi, The Arts at a New Frontier (New York and London: Plenum Press, 1984), esp e c i a l l y chapter two. 93. Larson, p.178. 94. Larson, p.179. p r e s i d e n t i a l backing and the v i s i b l e success of the various p i l o t projects i n c u l t u r a l funding inaugurated by Rockefeller i n h i s term as governor of New York State since 1958. Now for the f i r s t time, backers of government funding for the arts could take advantage of the combined Democratic and Republican support f o r a program of Federal aid for the arts, enabling the arts b i l l to pass through Congress successfully. On August 20, 1964, the arts b i l l came before the House of Representatives and passed by a vote of 213 to 135, with many of the Republicans lo y a l to Rockefeller supporting the Democratic b i l l . Passed by the Senate the following day, the art s b i l l paved the way for the establishment of a National Foundation on the Arts which would f i n a l l y put into place the machinery necessary to r e a l i z e the c u l t u r a l agenda of pragmatic l i b e r a l i s m . While the ba t t l e over the Federal r o l e i n a r t s 95. Representative William Ryan (Democrat-New York) noted the s i m i l a r t i e s between the r o l e of art s l e g i s l a t i o n within Kennedy's New Frontier and Johnson's Great Society: L e g i s l a t i o n to encourage the arts and humanities i s v i t a l i n working toward that improved q u a l i t y of l i f e that i s the essence of the Great Society . . . We a l l can remember how dear t h i s subject was to President Kennedy. As a monument to him — and as an expression of t h i s body's concern with the future of our national culture, we should quickly enact t h i s b i l l into law. Quoted i n King, p.59 support was being fçught i n Congress i n the e a r l y to mid-1960s, planning and construction were underway f o r the New York World's Fa i r that was set to open on May 1, 1964 i n conjunction with the opening of the Lincoln Center f o r the Performing Arts. Both were cornerstones of the l i b e r a l c u l t u r a l agenda essential to Democratic and l i b e r a l Republican hopes within the northeastern establishment to defeat Barry Goldwater i n the 1964 federal e l e c t i o n . The troubled history of the 1964 World's F a i r i n New York i s a cle a r indication of the fractured p o l i t i c a l environment within which the pragmatic l i b e r a l i s m of Kennedy and h i s successor Lyndon Johnson had to function. While i t was the newly emerging p o l i t i c a l force i n the United States, the l i b e r a l program was s t i l l opposed by both the vestiges of a New Deal form of urban p o l i t i c s and by the increasing strength of a resurgent r i g h t wing.^^ The former "new Deal" p o l i t i c a l p o s i t i o n was embodied by Robert Moses (figure 7), who had been the powerful New York City representative i n the 1939 New York World's F a i r Corporation. In 1964, Moses was Director of the Lincoln Center, New York C i t y Parks Commissioner, President of the 1964 New York World's F a i r 96. E s p e c i a l l y a f t e r the economic i n t e r e s t s of C a l i f o r n i a were jeopardized by Secretary of Defense Robert S. MacNamara's e f f o r t s to c u r t a i l the power of the A i r Force. Corporation, and a r c h - r i v a l of New York Governor Rockefeller. Largely because of Moses' opposing v i s i o n , although i t s t i l l demonstrated the influence of the New Frontier, the 1964 World's F a i r f a i l e d to delineate c l e a r l y the new p o l i t i c a l and c u l t u r a l values of the l i b e r a l s . B u i l t on the s i t e of the 1939 New York World's F a i r at Flushing Meadows, New York, the 1964 f a i r was intended to be a showcase of the New Frontier l i b e r a l i s m forged i n the l a t e 50s and early 1960s. At the ground-breaking ceremonies held i n 1962, Kennedy declared: This i s going to be a chance for us i n 1964 to show 70 m i l l i o n v i s i t o r s — not only our countrymen here i n the United States but people from a l l over the world — what kind of people we have. What our people are l i k e and what we have done with our people. And what has gone on i n the past, and what i s going on i n the future . . . That i s what a world's f a i r should be about and the theme of t h i s world's f a i r — Peace Through Understanding — i s most appropriate in'these years of the 60s.^' Whereas the 1939 Fai r had g l o r i f i e d the advent of the consumer society and the benefits of corporate capitalism by huge corporate p a v i l i o n s e x t o l l i n g c a p i t a l i s t themes and values, pragmatic l i b e r a l i s m sought to provide the human face of c a p i t a l i s t modernization i n 1964. The chairman of the design commitee. Rockefeller's a r c h i t e c t Wallace Harrison (figure 8), hoped to bypass 97. Quoted i n Lawrence Zimmerman, "World's F a i r s 1851-1976," Progressive Architecture 8 (1974), 69. the corporate emphasis of the e a r l i e r F a i r by emphasizing cohesion and unity within the F a i r ' s o v e r a l l design. The committee, composed of f i v e architects including Harrison, Gordon Bunshaft, Henry Dreyfuss, Emil H. Praeger, and Edward Durrell Stone, suggested a c e n t r a l theme and plan similar to the 1867 Paris World's F a i r that would promote capitalism as well as global unity by suppressing individual corporate and national i d e n t i t i e s . However, the proposal for a single structure housing the whole F a i r was defeated by Robert Moses, who suggested the committee more closely adhere to the complete theme of the F a i r , which had the awkward t i t l e of "Man's Achievements on a Shrinking Globe i n an Expanding Universe and his Desire for Peace through Q Q Understanding."' Moses, who represented the urban p o l i t i c s of the New Deal, wished to maintain c o n t r o l over F a i r planning i n his ongoing power struggle with Governor Rockefeller^^ and rejected the concept of one p a v i l i o n housing the F a i r . Instead, he argued that the F a i r should be constructed on the older e x h i b i t i o n strategy of 1939 with i t s corporate c a p i t a l i s t emphasis. 98. Newhouse, p.237. 99. The p o l i t i c a l battles between Rockefeller and Moses came to a head i n 1962 when Rockefeller attempted to replace Moses as Chairman of the State Council of Parks with Laurence Rockefeller. See Underwood and Daniels, p.313. Ultimately out of the two hundred p a v i l i o n s on the fairgrounds, only three were designed by the F a i r Corporation, including the H a l l of Science p a v i l i o n designed by Harrison. The e f f e c t of t h i s polyglot assembly of pavilions was to d i l u t e the F a i r ' s new l i b e r a l message to a celebration of 1930s corporate capitalism. Despite h i s intention to repeat h i s success of 1939, Moses modified his strategy for the 1964 F a i r i n one important way that was to have a bearing on the r o l e of culture at the F a i r . In opposition to the conceptual and organizational parameters of the 1939 F a i r , Moses wanted to promote the impression of a "de-centralized" world's f a i r that would give the maximum amount of leeway to the "endless v a r i e t y " of culture i n the United States. Moses and h i s c o t e r i e of planners then blended d e c e n t r a l i z a t i o n and e c l e c t i c i s m of exhibits with the legacy of the successful promotion of the Average American from the 1939 F a i r . The r e s u l t was a form of p o p u l i s t e c l e c t i c i s m h o s t i l e to the l i b e r a l pluralism of Kennedy and Rockefeller: 100. Robert A. Caro points out that the f a i l u r e to develop a more united and cohesive e x h i b i t i o n strategy r e s u l t e d i n Great B r i t i a n (and three-quarters of the Commonwealth), France and I t a l y p u l l i n g out of the F a i r , destroying any sense of international co-operation. See Caro, The Power Broker (New York: A l f r e d A. Knopf, 1974), p. 1094. Caro's book i s an all-encompassing biography of Robert Moses. I get a l i t t l e weary of the avant-garde c r i t i c s who see i n a World's F a i r only an opportunity to advance t h e i r l a t e s t ideas, to e s t a b l i s h a new school of American planning, architecture and art and place t h e i r i n d i v i d u a l seal on one grand, u n i f i e d , integrated concept which w i l l astonish the v i s i t o r from the hinterland and rock the outer world . . . The f a i r administration belongs to no a r c h i t e c t u r a l clique, subscribes to no esthetic creed, favours no period or school and worships no a r t i s t i c shrine.-^^-^ Moses' form of c u l t u r a l populism was i n d i r e c t opposition to the pragmatic l i b e r a l model of culture slowly being developed under the aegis of Heckscher: i n i t s e c l e c t i c i s m i t ignored the id e o l o g i c a l imperatives of education and c i v i c v i r t u e which l i b e r a l s sought to pursue i n t h e i r p a r t i c u l a r v i s i o n of the f i n e a r t s . Immediately aft e r h i s appointment to the Presidency of the F a i r Corporation, Moses intimated h i s h o s t i l i t y to ce r t a i n forms of modern art by stating, "I should hope we could a f f o r d . . . considerable statuary . . . [with] no freak s t a b i l e s and mobiles i n the park, I beg you."-'-^^ In October 1960, f i v e months a f t e r h i s appointment, Moses gave another i n d i c a t i o n of the public support he intended 101. These remarks by Moses are from his t a l k "Implications of the New York World's F a i r : Remarks of Robert Moses to Students at Brandeis University, Waltham" and are included i n Marc H. M i l l e r ' s essay "Something f o r Everyone: Robert Moses and the F a i r , " Remembering the Future, Exhibition Catalogue organized by The Queens Museum, (New York: R i z z o l i Publishers, 1989), p.57. 102. Quoted i n Helen A. Harrison, "Art for the M i l l i o n s or Art f o r the Market?" i n Remembering the Future, p.142. f o r a r t at the F a i r by noting, " . . . as to a r t . . . sponsored and paid for by the Fa i r , very l i t t l e of t h i s sort of thing i s contemplated." As fa r as Moses was concerned, the r o l e of art was to be of minimal i n t e r e s t to h i s o v e r a l l c u l t u r a l strategy, which would remain l a r g e l y dependent on private patrons and pu b l i c museums in the c i t y of New York. Moses' attitude to a r t was a holdover of h i s c u l t u r a l strategy at the 1939 New York World's Fair , an attitude which he expressed i n a 1938 a r t i c l e written for the Saturday Evening Post: There may be no public announcement of i t , but the shows, the entertainments, the amusements, fun, food, drinks, and everything else that goes with i t ; a gigantic c i r c u s , are going to come out f i r s t . . . Business w i l l run a close second. Culture, which i s somehow associated with long walks and aching feet, w i l l be t h i r d . At the 1939 Fair, class d i s t i n c t i o n s were buried under Moses' r u b r i c of the "Average American" and "the Average American Family." This averageness, of course, corresponded to the values of the middle c l a s s , which the 1939 F a i r constructed in such a manner as to appeal to a l l the so-called "masses." Grover A. Whalen, the F a i r ' s President, argued that, unlike any other such e x h i b i t i o n , values of s c i e n t i f i c progress were to be wedded to the l i f e of the Average American. This union would, i n turn, promote the ideals of the World of Tomorrow, e s p e c i a l l y 103. Quoted i n Miller,_p.71. since the F a i r "conveyed the picture of the interdependence of man on man, class on c l a s s , nation on nation. I t attempted to t e l l of the necessity of enlightened and harmonious co-operation to preserve and save the best of modern c i v i l i z a t i o n as i t was then known."104 The oblong-shaped s i t e of the F a i r was dominated by a long central axis anchored at one end by a c i r c l e of corporate pavilions surrounding the Fountain of the Planets, including IBM, B e l l Telephone, and General E l e c t r i c , (figure 9) The axis was defined by a long landscaped mall bordered by the Hoover and Eisenhower promenades and transversed by the Avenue of Commerce ultimately merging with two other major pedestrian a r t e r i e s , the Avenue of the Americas and the Avenue of A f r i c a . A l l three converged on the c e n t r a l symbol of the F a i r , the US Steel Corporation's Unisphere which appeared on the cover of the May 1, 1964 issue of L i f e magazine, (figure 10) The Unisphere was a model of the Earth shown with three or b i t s of successful American space launches e n c i r c l i n g the globe. The cover photo of the p a v i l i o n mirrored the photographs of the earth from the October 21, 1957 issue of L i f e symbolically revealing the 104. Cited i n Warren Susman, Culture as History (New York: Pantheon Books, 1973), p.214. triumphant reversal of the Soviet launching of Sputnik. The illuminated or b i t s of three space launches encompassed the globe, navigated by the new frontiersmen: the American astronauts. The foundation of t h i s triumphant symbol of a r e v i t a l i z e d f r o n t i e r was constructed on the old base of the Trylon and the Perisphere, the centerpiece p a v i l i o n of the 1939 World's F a i r which had been melted down during World War Two to make weapons of war. However, the victory of United States technology and corporate capitalism was promoted at the World's F a i r at the expense of the message of the New Frontier. The pa v i l i o n s of the United States Federal Government and of New York State, the twin i n s t i t u t i o n a l backers of New Frontier l i b e r a l i s m , were located roughly equidistant from one another on opposite sides of the Unisphere forming a cross axis with the central promenade as they converged at the Unisphere. At the apex of the cruciform layout of the major promenades extending from the conglomeration of corporate pavilions was the New York Ci t y P a v i l i o n , the center of Moses' p o l i t i c a l power. The F a i r was l i t e r a l l y bifurcated by Moses' strong corporate message with the l i b e r a l message deflected to the opposing cross axis. V i s u a l l y and i d e o l o g i c a l l y at cross-purposes with one another, the r i v a l p o l i t i c a l camps also clashed over t h e i r respective choices f o r the types of v i s u a l art which would encode the message each wished the F a i r to promote. Symptomatic of the c o n f l i c t over the r o l e of a r t at the 1964 F a i r was a competition held for the f i v e a v a i l a b l e commissions for public sculpture to be located at s t r a t e g i c points around the fairgrounds. The sculpture committee was chaired by Gilmore D. Clarke, a close f r i e n d of Moses' who had helped design the layout of the 1939 F a i r . The panel was composed of three members: James Rorimer of the Metropolitan Museum, Rene d'Harnoncourt of MOMA, and Thomas Buechner of the Brooklyn Museum. For Clarke, the intention of the committee was to ensure that the sculpture selected for the F a i r s a t i s f y a majority, i f not necessarily a l l , of the f a i r g o e r s . The Committee as a whole recommended "a range of sculptures from contemporary conservative to the conservative avant-garde." However, a f t e r submitting a s h o r t l i s t of possible sculptors, D'Harnoncourt, an a l l y of Rockefeller, Heckscher and P h i l l i p Johnson (the designer of the New York State Pavilion) resigned from the committee i n protest over the aesthetics of the sculptors being selected as well as i n protest over the general aesthetics of the Fair, including h i s immense di s t a s t e f o r the US Steel Corporation's Unisphere. The most st r a t e g i c location f o r a sculpture, on the grand plaza between the Hoover and Eisenhower Promenades which formed the central axis between the Unisphere and the Fountain of the Planets, went to Donald de Lue. Located on the central mall to the West of the Unisphere, the 43-foot bronze sculpture of the Rocket Thrower (figure 11), a heroic c l a s s i c a l male figure symbolizing the mythological conquest of space, characterized the not-too-subtle influence exerted by Moses on the r o l e of ar t at the F a i r . John Canaday, art c r i t i c of the New York Times, characterized de Lue's sculpture as "an absurdity that might be a s a t i r e of the kind of sculpture already discredited at the time of the 1939 F a i r . " ^ ^ ^ In a l e t t e r to Moses, De Lue responded, "The intemperance of [Canaday's] comments i s an i n d i c a t i o n , I believe, of fear and f r u s t r a t i o n . " De Lue further stated that i t would be hard for Canaday and his "pals . . . to tout t h i s poverty st r i c k e n and stupid abstract sculpture with the Rocket Thrower so much i n evidence."^°^ Moses, eager to j u s t i f y h i s s e lection of De Lue, r e p l i e d to the sculptor i n the following way: "Those whose opinion I respect l i k e your contribution. I t w i l l be conspicuous long a f t e r the Canadays are f orgotten. "-^ ^^  Moses was perhaps revealing h i s own private strategy for coping with the short term 105. Quoted i n Harrison, p.146. 106. Quoted i n Harrison, p.146. 107. Quoted in_Harrison, p.146. virulence of oppositional c r i t i c i s m to h i s conception of the F a i r . A c r u c i a l aspect of Moses' approach to f i n e a r t s included procuring an exhibit of Vatican treasures. Thanks to Moses' lobbying e f f o r t s with Pope John XIII, the Pieta by Michelangelo was to be exhibited f o r the f i r s t time outside of Rome i n nearly f i v e hundred years alongside a va r i e t y of other Vatican a r t treasures. The Vatican treasures would be displayed i n a s p e c i a l p a v i l i o n d i r e c t l y across the Truman Promenade from the New York State Pavilion, which was en c i r c l e d by the new l i b e r a l aesthetic i n the form of an externally mounted modern a r t e x h i b i t . Thus, fairgoers l i n i n g up to view the Vatican Treasures would be subject to the a r t i s t i c display on the outside of the New York State P a v i l i o n before being whisked inside the Vatican P a v i l i o n on a moving sidewalk. Once inside, the viewer could observe the Pieta bathed with special l i g h t i n g and l i s t e n to a soundtrack designed to enhance the s p i r i t u a l experience. Art News noted that the statue appeared "amid Gregorian Muzak, under f l i c k e r i n g blue l i g h t s which turned the creamy marble to sugary white. "•'•'^^ In the l i g h t of 108. Despite h i s a b i l i t y to lobby the Pope, Moses could not secure the Hirshorn sculpture c o l l e c t i o n because of the lack of funding for a structure on the s i t e . Moses i n s i s t e d that the only obligation of the F a i r was to provide the actual land for the exhibit; p a v i l i o n funding would have to come from a private sponsor. Such an Moses' aesthetic choices for the F a i r , Thomas B. Hess, the e d i t o r of Art News, la b e l l e d Moses the "Art Slayer" whose F a i r "combine[d] the tone of a carney s h i l l with the s p i r i t of a black marketeer" making a mockery of i t s pledge to display "the f i n e s t products of the s p i r i t , mind, and hand of man."-*-^ ^ In contrast to Moses' primary focus on amusements and the promotion of capitalism as the lynchpins of h i s e x h i b i t i o n philosophy, the New York State P a v i l i o n provided one of the few examples of the new pragmatism of New York Governor Rockefeller. The a r c h i t e c t , P h i l i p Johnson, had previously been worked for the Rockefeller family as the a r c h i t e c t of the dance theatre at the new Lincoln Center of the Performing Arts. For the F a i r , a t t i t u d e towards the role of art led Art i n America to state i n an e d i t o r i a l what Nelson Rockefeller and August Heckscher, J r . most dreaded to hear, that the F a i r "would serve to confirm the frequent c r i t i c i s m of our country as an e n t i r e l y m a t e r i a l i s t i c nation." Cited i n Harrison, p.150. 109. Thomas B. Hess, " E d i t o r i a l : Moses the Art Slayer Wins One Round," Art News 63 (April 1964), 25. Hess accused Moses of having an "arrogant hatred of modern a r t which only a firm grounding i n ignorance can produce." While there were several further e f f o r t s to e s t a b l i s h contemporary art exhibits at the F a i r , such as the "Art 65" exhibition i n the second year of the F a i r , t h e i r e f f e c t was diminished by the lack of funding, poor loc a t i o n or the lack of p u b l i c i t y i f they were exhibited. "Art 65", for example, was an exhibit of 59 l e s s e r known contemporary a r t i s t s who were displayed i n the American Express Pavi l i o n , a p a v i l i o n whose major a t t r a c t i o n was a huge "Money Tree." As Dore Ashton observed, the corporate sponsorship meant that, "commercial motives of a big company inevitably intervene and d i g n i t y f l i e s out the window." Johnson designed a c i r c u l a r p a v i l i o n which highlighted, both i n i t s i n t e r i o r and exterior exhibits, the c e n t r a l i t y of the arts to the a r c h i t e c t and the ideology of the pavilion's major patron. The exterior art display, e n t i t l e d "The C i t y : Places and People," was one of two exhibits sponsored by the NYSCA to promote the s t r a t e g i c relevance of modern art to contemporary l i f e i n the United States (figure 12) and included murals and sculptures by some of the most important contemporary a r t i s t s i n New York, such as James Rosenquist, Roy Lichtenstein, Andy Warhol, Robert Indiana, Ellsworth Kelly, Alexander Lieberman, Peter Agostini, John Chamberlain and Robert Malloy. Works included i n t h i s display had been commissioned by P h i l l i p Johnson s p e c i f i c a l l y for t h i s i n s t a l l a t i o n . The second a r t exhibit, located on the inside of the p a v i l i o n , was curated by Katherine Kuh, editor of Saturday Review. E n t i t l e d "The River: Places and People," i n contrast to the contemporaneity of the e x t e r i o r e x h i b i t i o n , t h i s e x h i b i t was an h i s t o r i c a l show of 17th to 19th century paintings focusing on the h i s t o r y of New York on the Hudson River. The two art displays complemented one another to a c e r t a i n extent by suggesting the important legacy of the European influence on the a r t of the United States while demonstrating, on the outside face of the p a v i l i o n , the extent to which contemporary painting was both sophisticated and grounded i n the experiences of post-war America. Unlike the pre-war aesthetic of Moses or the increasing remoteness of Clement Greenberg's turn to the formalism of Post Painterly Abstraction, the New York State P a v i l i o n art exhibitions sought to avoid the extremes of nationalism and internationalism i n culture through populist eclecticism. In i t s p l u r a l i s t guise, the New York State P a v i l i o n sought to educate the f a i r g o i n g public to the relevance of higher cultu r e — e s p e c i a l l y i n an international F a i r promoting "Peace Through Understanding" i n the midst of the Cold War. "The C i t y " art exhibition was composed of a s e r i e s of immense murals and sculptures, several measuring twenty feet square. While t h i s e x h i b i t i o n was dominated by Pop a r t i s t s , the presence of an abstract p a i n t i n g such as Two Curves; Blue Red by Ellsworth K e l l y (figure 13) or an abstract sculpture such as Prometheus by Alexander Liberman (figure 14) helped to emphasize the p l u r a l i s m of contemporary high culture i n the Pop era while s i g n a l l i n g the diminution of the modernist paradigm to the r o l e of a d u t i f u l but subservient a u x i l i a r y i n the c u l t u r a l renaissance of the United States i n the 1960s. K e l l y was the only a r t i s t exhibited on the e x t e r i o r of the New York State P a v i l i o n whose paintings had also been included i n Clement Greenberg's "Post Painterly Abstraction" e x h i b i t i o n i n Los Angeles e a r l i e r that same year. At New York, K e l l y was the exception that proved the r u l e : Greenbergian modernism was reduced to a marginalized accent amidst a myriad of styl e s , ranging from the Pieta to The Rocket Thrower to Pop. Abstract shapes and images hinted at the remoteness of modern art, but were juxtaposed with riotous colours and mass media-influenced Pop works such as the World's F a i r murals by Roy Lic h t e n s t e i n and James Rosenquist. (figures 15 and 16) The p l u r a l i s t i c mix of Pop a r t i s t s and modernist accents i n t h i s e x h i b i t i o n undermined the h i e r a r c h i c a l status of modernism while elevating popular culture and mass media imagery to the l e v e l of the f i n e a r t s . The c u l t u r a l t h e o r i s t Dick Hebdige has commented upon the implications of t h i s i n t e r a c t i o n of c u l t u r a l forms on p o l i t i c s : . . . the p o l i t i c s of Pop reside i n the f a c t that i t committed the cardinal s i n i n a r t by puncturing what Bourdieu c a l l s the "high seriousness" upon which bourgeois a r t depends and through which i t asserts i t s difference from the "debased" and "ephemeral" forms of "low" and "non" a r t . ^ ^ ^ And Hebdige further states i n regards to the a n t i -h i e r a r c h i c a l status of Pop art: Pop d i d not break down that opposition, f a r from i t , but i t did manage to smudge the l i n e more e f f e c t i v e l y than most other modern a r t movements. For whereas pure taste i d e n t i f i e s i t s e l f i n the active ^refusal of the vulgar, the popular, and the sensual,' Pop reaches out to close those gaps i n order to produce not ^ p o l i t i c s ' opposed to 110. Dick Hebdige, Hiding in the Light (New York: Routledge, 1988), p.141. ^pleasure' but rather something new: a p o l i t i c s of pleasure. However, i n h i s theorizing of the p o l i t i c s of Pop, Hebdige ignores the potential s i m i l a r i t i e s between the smudging of c u l t u r a l boundaries as a c r i t i c a l act and the b l u r r i n g of boundaries pursued by pragmatic l i b e r a l s to further a l i b e r a l Cold War agenda. The desire of the pragmatic l i b e r a l s to promote a c e r t a i n understanding of the function of culture within capitalism i n the New York State P a v i l i o n was not t o t a l l y r e a l i z e d . The apparent cohesiveness of the e x h i b i t i o n was disrupted by controversy over one work: Andy Warhol's Thirteen Most Wanted Men series (figure 12) (which, much to the chagrin of Robert Moses, earned the F a i r i t s nickname: "the Pop Art Fair.")-'-^^ I n s t a l l e d A p r i l 17, Warhol's piece was composed of twenty-five a c r y l i c and silkscreened panels, including three l e f t blank, displaying the f r o n t a l and side p r o f i l e s of the most wanted criminals i n New York State.•'••'•^  Comprised mainly of images of M a f i o s i , the 111. Hebdige, p.141. 112. Newhouse, p.237. The unity and coherence desired by the F a i r planners would not be attained u n t i l three years l a t e r at the Montreal World's F a i r i n 1967. At t h i s F a i r , i n the American P a v i l i o n space exhibits and Pop Art combined to provide a p l a y f u l educational environment that validated the o r i g i n a l plan f o r the 1964 F a i r defeated by Moses. mural was e a s i l y v i s i b l e to fairgoers l i n i n g up f o r entry into the Vatican Treasures p a v i l i o n . Within a few days, the piece was covered by a black c l o t h before Warhol covered i t e n t i r e l y i n s i l v e r paint, (figure 17) Shortly thereafter, the work was removed altogether. I n i t i a l p u b l i c i t y was s l i g h t but the A p r i l 18 New York Times published a statement issued an Warhol's behalf by P h i l l i p Johnson. •'••^'^  This statement indicated that Warhol himself was displeased with the e f f e c t of the i n s t a l l e d work and was contemplating having i t removed from the p a v i l i o n . However, Johnson l a t e r modified h i s i n t e r p r e t a t i o n of events noting that "The names [of the subjects] got to Governor Rockefeller; [the men] were a l l I t a l i a n . . . Most of these ^Thirteen Wanted' were Maf i o s i . "-'••'•^  Thus Johnson suggested that the p o t e n t i a l f o r lawsuits from the i n f l u e n t i a l New York I t a l i a n community was so overwhelming and p o t e n t i a l l y so d e b i l i t a t i n g to Governor Rockefeller that there was no 113. Charles F. Stuckey, "Warhol i n Context," i n Gary Garrels [Ed.], Warhol i n Context (Seattle: Bay Press, 1988), pp.3-33. As Stuckey notes, Warhol selected the theme of h i s a r t work a f t e r r e j e c t i n g the Heinz p i c k l e as a motif based on a souvenir from the 1939 World's F a i r . Stuckey also points out that the "Thirteen Most Wanted Men" piece alluded to WANTED/$2,000 REWARD, a 1923 work by Marcel Duchamp. (p.16) 114. Martin Tolchin, "World's F a i r Guards Increased to Curb Pi l f e r a g e at Pavilions," New York Times, A p r i l 18, 1964, p.16. 115. Quoted i n Harrison, p.157. other choice except to remove the mural. "Thus," concludes Helen A. Harrison, "the mural was removed fo r p o l i t i c a l rather than aesthetic reasons. "•'••^^ However, i t seems uncharacteristic that the Rockefeller family would have capitulated to such pressure unless they were facing an overwhelming conservative backlash. In t h e i r e f f o r t s to understand the removal of Warhol's mural, previous analysts have overlooked the d i v i s i v e i n t e r n a l p o l i t i c s of the F a i r . The 1964 New York World's F a i r was, i n part, a r e f l e c t i o n of the p o l i t i c a l combat that emerged i n the post-Sputnik United States as the neo-liberalism of Rockefeller and Kennedy emerged as a potent p o l i t i c a l force. The temporary union of progressive Republicans and Democrats challenged the outworn representations of the United States c r a f t e d by urban planners such as Moses in the e a r l i e r part of the century and forged an up-to-date pragmatic l i b e r a l strategy on the domestic and foreign p o l i c y f r o n t s . Given Rockefeller and Moses' opposing v i s i o n s of the meaning of the F a i r ' f o r American society, i t seems more l i k e l y that the removal of Warhol's mural was yet another chapter i n the d i v i s i v e (but well-hidden) i n t e r n a l p o l i t i c s of the F a i r rather than a r e s u l t of e i t h e r aesthetics or external p o l i t i c a l pressure alone. Warhol himself alluded to t h i s possible explanation with h i s suggestion that the removed mural be replaced by a new mural composed of the silk-screened image of a smiling Robert Moses, (figure 18) Not suprisingly, Johnson vetoed Warhol's suggestion. Robert Moses momentarily s t a l l e d the ambitions of the pragmatic l i b e r a l s to make the F a i r a monolithic e d i f i c e s a n c t i f y i n g the New Frontier. He i n s i s t e d on the relevance of an older equation of F a i r ideology based on populism, amusements and the blatant promotion of capitalism. Moses believed he could eliminate the culture gap by refusing to make high a r t a p r i o r i t y at the F a i r . In contrast. New Frontier l i b e r a l i s m f e l t the culture gap could be narrowed with the passing of the National Art and Cultural Development Act four months after the opening of the F a i r . Within a year, two decades of p o l i t i c a l wrangling over public support for the arts and the so-called culture gap would reach an important watershed with the establishment of the National Endowment for the Arts (NEA) on September 29, 1965. Chapter Two: Between Chesed and Binah: Modernisin on the Margins. Kitsch has not been confined to the c i t i e s i n which i t was born, but has flowed out over the countryside, wiping out fo l k culture. Nor has i t shown any regard f o r geographical and na t i o n a l - c u l t u r a l boundaries. Another mass product of Western industrialism, i t has gone on a triumphal tour of the world, crowding out and defacing native cultures i n one c o l o n i a l country a f t e r another, so that i t i s now by way of becoming a universal culture, the f i r s t u niversal culture ever beheld. Clement Greenberg The d i s d a i n f u l amusement I and thousands l i k e me f e l t for Canadian achievement i n any f i e l d , e s p e c i a l l y those of the imagination, was a d i r e c t r e f l e c t i o n of our self-hatred and sense of i n f e r i o r i t y . And while we dismised American mass culture, we could only separate ourselves from i t by soaking up a l l the e l i t e American culture we could get at. Dennis Lee Between 1957 and 1965, pragmatic l i b e r a l i s m s uccessfully redefined the " v i t a l center" of U.S. p o l i t i c s by outmaneuvering i t s p o l i t i c a l opponents on the r i g h t and on the l e f t . The course established to negotiate the treacherous shoals of both the m i s s i l e gap and the culture gap.contributed s i g n i f i c a n t l y to the success of John F. Kennedy's 1960 p r e s i d e n t i a l campaign. Kennedy's l i b e r a l strategy on foreign and domestic p o l i t i c s would reorient both the Cold War and cosmopolitan modernism within the United States. Located on the margins of North American society, the Emma Lake A r t i s t s ' Workshops were situa t e d on the border-line separating work and play i n c e n t r a l Saskatchewan (with Emma Lake's l e i s u r e a c t i v i t i e s juxtaposed to the sprawling staple economy of wheat production i n southern Saskatchewan). This outpost was the l a s t place that one would expect to f i n d North America's leading art c r i t i c during one of the d e c i s i v e periods of his career. The a r r i v a l of Clement Greenberg at Emma Lake i n 1962 provides a key example of the fl u c t u a t i n g environment of North American cultu r e at the moment the two superpowers were poised to a n n i h i l a t e one another. Canada would be the buffer-zone over which such a c o n f l i c t would be waged and whose t e r r i t o r y could be used as a sh i e l d and a decoy f o r incoming nuclear m i s s i l e s and bombers. The symbolic d i s s o l u t i o n of national boundaries and the decay of the boundaries that Greenberg had erected to safeguard h i s modernist tenets curiously overlap at t h i s point. Emma Lake i n 1962 becomes a complex case study of the i n t e r r e l a t i o n s h i p between art and p o l i t i c s at a time when modernism i n the United States was being deposed from i t s e a r l i e r domination of high culture and as the world was hovering on the brink of catastrophe with the Cuban M i s s i l e C r i s i s . As the pragmatic l i b e r a l i s m of John F. Kennedy's New Fr o n t i e r began to support a q u a l i t a t i v e concept of c i v i c culture that dissolved the boundaries between work, play and l e i s u r e , the i n t e l l e c t u a l s c a f f o l d i n g that since 1948 had united Greenberg's modernist avant-garde with the l i b e r a l causes of freedom, individualism and internationalism began to buckle. The d i s s o l u t i o n of t h i s informal a l l i a n c e did not occur overnight but was the r e s u l t of a gradual modification of U.S. Cold War strategy i n the wake of Sputnik 1. With the invocation of the discourse on the f r o n t i e r alongside a newly reformulated interpretation of pragmatism, however, the v i a b i l i t y of any aesthetic that r e l i e d on the t r a d i t i o n of European philosophical idealism, e s p e c i a l l y that of Kant, Hegel or Marx, was i n serious jeopardy. In the early 1950s, New York modernism had been adequate to e s t a b l i s h the c u l t u r a l superiority of the United States over the Soviet Union i n Europe. By the early 1960s, however, the r o l e of modernism i n U.S. Cold War p o l i c y was being displaced by a neo-liberal c u l t u r a l strategy cognisant of the impact of technological change and of the increasing importance of the Third World as a buffer-zone and arena of competition i n the Cold War. Paradoxically, as Greenberg's i n t e r p r e t a t i o n of modernism began to lose favour with Cold War c u l t u r a l planners i n the United States government, h i s power as a c r i t i c had never been greater. P r i o r to Kennedy's e l e c t i o n , Greenberg's i n f l u e n t i a l essay "Modernist Painting" was published and was also broadcast by the Voice of America's international shortwave transmission network, reaching a potential audience of between t h i r t y and f i f t y m i l l i o n l i s t e n e r s . Then i n 1961 came the p u b l i c a t i o n of h i s c o l l e c t i o n of essays e n t i t l e d Art and Culture, presenting a highly edited and s e l e c t i v e i n t e r p r e t a t i o n of the l a s t two decades of Greenberg's c r i t i c a l a c t i v i t y . This anthology also extended the reach of h i s influence: Saskatchewan a r t i s t Ken Lochhead suggested that the text was c r u c i a l reading material for a l l the p a r t i c i p a n t s i n Greenberg's 1962 Emma Lake workshop. Greenberg's t r i p to Saskatchewan and h i s subsequent organization of the "Post P a i n t e r l y Abstraction" e x h i b i t i o n i n 1964 for the Los Angeles 1. John 0'Brian, "Introduction," The F l a t Side of the Landscape (Exhibition Catalogue, Saskatoon, Saskatchewan: Mendel Art Gallery, 1989), p.19. The p u b l i c a t i o n and broadcast information on "Modernist Painting" was drawn to my attention by Professor John O'Brian, who was the f i r s t to note that the essay was broadcast i n the spring of 1960 and published a short while l a t e r i n the Voice of America's Forum Lectures (Washington, D. C.: United States Information Agency, 1960). The essay was republished i n Arts Yearbook 4 (1961), 101-8, and then i n Art and L i t e r a t u r e 4 (Spring 1965), 193-201. I would l i k e to thank Professor O'Brian for making avai l a b l e to me his introduction to volumes three and four of h i s edited c o l l e c t i o n of essays and c r i t i c i s m of Clement Greenberg. Museum highlight the p o s i t i v e responses to h i s influence i n the early 1960s. In contrast, during t h i s time, the influence of his version of modernism was challenged as never before, leading to a p o l a r i z a t i o n between those i n favour of loosening the grasp of modernism on high culture and Greenberg's own " c i r c l i n g of the modernist wagons." Greenberg's " s a f a r i " to Saskatchewan i n August 1962 also assumes importance i n the modernist dialogue with the culture of pragmatic l i b e r a l i s m , as Greenberg himself noted i n h i s 1965 a r t i c l e "America Takes the Lead: 1945-1965." In the a r t i c l e , a summing up of the triumph of American painting i n the post-war period, Greenberg stated: In the spring of 1962 there came the sudden collapse, market-wise and p u b l i c i t y -wise, of abstract expressionism as a c o l l e c t i v e manifestation. The f a l l of that year saw the equally sudden triumph of pop a r t , which, though deriving i t s v i s i o n from the a r t of Rauschenberg and e s p e c i a l l y Johns, i s much more markedly opposed to pain t e r l y abstraction i n i t s handling and general design.^ Greenberg's decision to go to Saskatchewan, and then to entertain the idea of teaching at the Univ e r s i t y of Regina for one year, occurred at an important junction. Nineteen sixty-two was the midpoint between the collapse 2. Clement Greenberg, "America Takes the Lead: 1945-1965," Art i n America 53 (August-September 1965), 108-109. of abstract expressionism and the emergence of Pop a r t , and between the publication of two of Greenberg's most i n f l u e n t i a l texts — "Modernist Painting" and Art and Culture — and the unveiling of Greenberg's proposed next phase of modernist painting, "Post Pai n t e r l y Abstraction," at an important exh i b i t i o n i n Los Angeles. At such a c r u c i a l moment i n the s h i f t i n g of c u l t u r a l paradigms within the United States, Greenberg's appearance on the margins i n Saskatchewan consequently make the 1962 Emma Lake Workshop and his two-month d r i v i n g tour of Western and Central Canada appear as more than a l e i s u r e l y excursion on the way to a remote summer camp i n the bush. Rather, Emma Lake and the subsequent "Post Pa i n t e r l y Abstraction" e x h i b i t i o n i n Los Angeles r e f l e c t Greenberg's increasing disenchantment with New York. Thus, the margins and t h e i r remoteness from the center presented a counterpoint to the hub of a fading modernism and the emerging hegemony of Kennedy's New Frontier. The development of Emma Lake as a center f o r the promotion of v i s u a l culture within Saskatchewan began i n the darkest days of the Great Depression (figure 19). P r i o r to 1934, Saskatchewan had had only one degree-granting post-secondary i n s t i t u t i o n : the U n i v e r s i t y of Saskatchewan i n Saskatoon. By 1934, thanks to the f i n a n c i a l incentive of the Carnegie Corporation of New York, which provided a grant of $50,000 and thousands of l i b r a r y books, the University of Saskatchewan was able to take the f i n a n c i a l l y troubled Regina College under i t s jurisdiction-^, thus extending the a v a i l a b i l i t y of post-secondary education to the southern part of the province, A northern extension of the post-secondary educational system seemed a l o g i c a l step i n the e f f o r t s of the University of Saskatchewan to co-ordinate higher education across the province, as Ann Morrison notes: "With a northern extension, the u n i v e r s i t y would not only increase and strengthen t h i s growing network of influence, but would also suggest the importance i t wished to give the spread of c u l t u r a l ideas through the educational system, even i n the worst year to date of the Depression."^ This northern extension took the form of a summer school of fin e arts. The school's f i r s t director, B r i t i s h painter Augustus Kenderdine (1870-1947) (figure 20), a l e c t u r e r i n Fine Arts at the University since 1928, selected 3. Ann K. Morrison, "Beginnings: The Murray Point Summer School of Art 1936-1955" i n O'Brian [Ed.], The F l a t Side of the Landscape, p.22. Ann Morrison's essay for t h i s catalogue contains the most comprehensive background on the early h i s t o r y of a r t workshops at Emma Lake pr i o r to the formation of the Emma Lake A r t i s t s ' Workshops i n 1955. 4. Morrison, p.22. Murray Point as the s i t e for the Art School at Emma Lake.^ Located f i f t y kilometers north of Prince Albert, the s i t e was a twenty acre parcel of land that included f i v e acre peninsula.stretching out into Emma Lake. Enclosed by a dense forest, the future Murray Point Summer School of Art provided the perfect s e t t i n g for Kenderdine's p a r t i c u l a r brand of nineteenth century landscape painting, geographically and psychologically removed from the economic and s o c i a l carnage of the collapsed wheat-growing economy i n the southern part of the province. The reshaping of the p r o v i n c i a l economy due to the collapse of the international wheat market resu l t e d i n the d i s l o c a t i o n of over 250,000 individuals across the three p r a i r i e provinces between 1931 and 1941. Saskatchewan's population suffered the most, and s t a t i s t i c s recorded a net loss i n population f o r the f i r s t time since 1870. As a r e s u l t of the drought and the economic f a i l u r e of wheat farming, the 1936 census recorded that over 8200 farms i n Saskatchewan had been abandoned.^ While the Great Depression embraced the 5. Kenderdine was educated at Blackpool and Manchester before a s t i n t i n the Académie J u l i a n i n Paris i n 1890. As Morrison has pointed out, the more c l a s s i c a l l y European woodlands of Emma Lake were p a r t i c u l a r l y s uitable for Kenderdine's h i e r a r c h i c a l conception of landscape, as opposed to the vast expanse of the f l a t p r a i r i e grasslands of the south. e n t i r e Canadian economy, no other region of the country suffered as s i g n i f i c a n t a loss of growth and pr o d u c t i v i t y as the p r a i r i e region comprised of Alberta, Saskatchewan and Manitoba. In a sense, capitalism was receding, leaving an economic, p o l i t i c a l and c u l t u r a l vacuum that presented p o l i t i c a l opportunities f o r both the r i g h t and the s o c i a l democratic l e f t across the p r a i r i e provinces, r e s u l t i n g i n the r i s e of the conservative S o c i a l Credit movement of William Aberhart i n Alberta and the b i r t h of the s o c i a l i s t Co-operative Commonwealth Federation (CCF) i n Saskatchewan. The i n s t a l l a t i o n of the Murray Point Art School at Emma Lake i n 1936 symbolized the move north by many farm fa m i l i e s who, after having abandoned the southern grasslands, turned to the northern parkland areas of the province that bordered the grain-producing areas of cent r a l and southern Saskatchewan. Over 15,000 f a m i l i e s ultimately moved to the northern margins of Saskatchewan to r e - e s t a b l i s h some kind of a g r i c u l t u r a l economic base i n the province. I r o n i c a l l y , the landscape that t y p i f i e d Emma Lake and geographical areas s i m i l a r to i t were subject to government-sponsored programs of deforestation and water drainage that threatened to draw the parkland into the same economic whirlwind that had devastated the 6. Gerald Friesen, The Canadian P r a i r i e s (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1984), pp.383-388. south.' To appeal to potential students from the southern part of the province, the Murray Point Art School emphasized the contrast between northern and southern Saskatchewan i n terms of recreation and l e i s u r e . The i d y l l i c aspect of the location was featured i n the 1936 brochure for the f i r s t summer school which stated that the s i t e was "well timbered" with "water frontage on three sides," thus providing the students with "ample and varied material for either land or water sketching."^ The i l l u s i o n of wilderness and the access to l e i s u r e at Emma Lake also "represent[ed] a geographical ^other' to [the workshop leaders from New York such as W i l l Barnet, Barnett Newman, Herman Cherry, and Clement Greenberg], a place of physical and s p i r i t u a l r e t r e a t , a wilderness r e s p i t e from the madding crowd,"^ an e f f e c t i v e combination i n attra c t i n g such a cosmopolitan modernist as Greenberg to the s i t e as the psychological and physical antithesis to New York (figure 21). Within the v i s u a l arts p r i o r to World War Two and i n the decade following the war, the legacy of European (esp e c i a l l y B r i t i s h ) academic landscape painting 7. Friesen, p.390. 8. Morrison, p.22. 9. John 0'Brian, "Where the Hel l i s Saskatchewan, and Who i s Emma Lake?" i n The Fl a t Side of the Landscape, p.31. dominated painting i n Saskatchewan. The a r r i v a l of two B r i t i s h a r t i s t s i n p a r t i c u l a r — I n g l i s Sheldon-Williams (1870-1940), who taught at Regina College from 1913-1917, and James Henderson (1881-1951), who worked i n Regina from 1911 to 1916 — oriented a r t i n the province toward the B r i t i s h landscape t r a d i t i o n , an or i e n t a t i o n that was reinforced by Kenderdine's appointment as a l e c t u r e r at the University of Saskatchewan i n 1928. The legacy of that t r a d i t i o n extended to the la t e 1950s when the Saskatchewan painter Art McKay, one of the leading modernist innovators i n the province, described h i s s t y l e as "an abstract version of English landscape painting. "•'•^  In 1944 the p o l i t i c a l fortunes of the province took a dramatic turn that would inexorably a l t e r the re l a t i o n s h i p of the v i s u a l arts with the p u b l i c sphere. In the p r o v i n c i a l e l e c t i o n of 1944, the Co-operative Commonwealth Federation, led by T.C. "Tommy" Douglas, became the f i r s t democratically elected s o c i a l i s t government i n North American history. The reverberations of t h i s e l e c t i o n were f e l t throughout the continent, even i n s p i r i n g the establishment of an American version of the CCF i n the state of Michigan that same year. American mass media was also fascinated by t h i s phenomena of 10. Terry Fenton, A. F. McKay: Paintings and Drawings. 1959-1967 (Exhibition Catalogue, Regina: The Norman Mackenzie Art Gallery, 1968), i i . socialism next door: the New York Times. Time magazine, and Newsweek a l l published a r t i c l e s analyzing the e l e c t i o n of the CCF.-^ -*" The c r i t i c a l a t t e n tion devoted by the mass media and i n t e l l e c t u a l s to the e l e c t i o n of a s o c i a l i s t government meant, according to John O'Brian, "[that] while Saskatchewan remained geographically distanced from major economic and i n t e l l e c t u a l centers i n the U.S. with the r i s e to power of T.C. Douglas and the CCF, i t was not imaginatively distanced. "•'•^  Despite the pos i t i v e r o l e model provided by the e l e c t i o n triumph of the CCF i n Saskatchewan, the post-war p o l i t i c a l environment i n the United States proved to be anathema to the establishment of a vi a b l e democratic s o c i a l i s t t h i r d party alternative to the Democrats and the Republicans. While two d i s t i n c t t h i r d party proposals appeared on the l e f t i n the United States within two years of the end of World War Two, including the National Education Committee for a New Party that hoped to emulate s o c i a l democratic movements i n Europe, the d i s i n t e g r a t i o n of the Progressive movement and the 11. John O'Brian's research on the impact of the CCF el e c t i o n i n the United States reveals that the New York Times published s i x a r t i c l e s on the CCF i n 1944 and that Time and Newsweek published a t o t a l of ten a r t i c l e s between 1944 and 1948 on the CCF and Saskatchewan. See O'Brian, "Where the He l l i s Saskatchewan, and Who i s Emma Lake?" The F l a t Side of the Landscape, p.30. 12. O'Brian, "Where the H e l l i s Saskatchewan, and Who i s Emma Lake?" The F l a t Side of the Landscape, p.31. subsequent defeat of Henry Wallace's Progressive Party i n the 1948 e l e c t i o n sounded the death-knell f o r any s o c i a l i s t third-party a l t e r n a t i v e i n the United States. From Greenberg's perspective, the lack of a s o c i a l i s t a l t e r n a t i v e f o r American society combined with the r i s e of the middle cl a s s , "surging toward culture under the pressure of anxiety, high taxes, and a shrinking i n d u s t r i a l f r o n t i e r , . . constitute[d] a much greater threat to high culture than Kitsch i t s e l f . " Greenberg i d e n t i f i e d two a l t e r n a t i v e s : "a new c u l t u r a l e l i t e . . . with enough money and enough consciousness to counterbalance the pressure of the new mass market," or socialism. However, i n reference to the l a t t e r option, Greenberg p e s s i m i s t i c a l l y concluded, "but r i g h t now who t a l k s of socialism i n America?"^^ Despite r e f e r r i n g to himself as early as 1948 as an "ex- or disabused Marxist," Greenberg was cognizant of the deplorable colonizing e f f e c t s of American k i t s c h (Canada, of course, was a prime example of t h i s c u l t u r a l c o l o n i z a t i o n given the geographical proximity of the two countries). The appearance of socialism i n Saskatchewan, on the margins of North America, must have appeared as much of a curious 13. Clement Greenberg, "Review of the Water-Color, Drawing, and Sculpture Sections of the Whitney Annual" The Nation. February 23, 1946, i n Clement Greenberg: The Collected Essays and C r i t i c i s m Volume 2, Ed. John O'Brian (Chicago and London: The University of Chicago Press, 1986), p.58. incongruity as Greenberg's own e f f o r t s to e s t a b l i s h a v i a b l e avant-garde movement at the center i n New York C i t y . On February 1, 1948, the s o c i a l i s t government of Saskatchewan i n i t i a t e d a p o l i c y of formal government support of the arts, the f i r s t such p o l i c y i n North America. While the United States was paralyzed i n i t s e f f o r t s to secure government support for the a r t s by the "red scare" and the opposition of conservative congressmen such as George Dondero, the Saskatchewan government established i t s mandate "to make a v a i l a b l e to the c i t i z e n s of the province greater opportunities to engage i n creative a c t i v i t i e s i n the f i e l d s of drama, v i s u a l a r t s , music, l i t e r a t u r e and handicrafts, with q u a l i f i e d guidance and leadership, and to e s t a b l i s h and improve the standards for such a c i v i t i e s i n the province. "•'•'* Inspired i n part by the successful formation of the B r i t i s h Arts Council several years e a r l i e r , the Saskatchewan Arts Board (SAB) was a hybrid i n s t i t u t i o n adapted to the p e c u l i a r i t i e s of a l a r g e l y r u r a l , agrarian-based staple economy, as noted i n the Annual Report of the SAB i n 1951: The form . . . was tempered by Western Canadian conditions, the comparative smallness 14. Quoted i n Walter A. R i d d e l l , Cornerstone f o r Culture: A History of the Saskatchewan Arts Board (Regina: Saskatchewan Arts Board, 1978), p.6. of the c i t i e s , the thinly-spread population and the various l i m i t a t i o n s due to distances. Rather than the Old Country Plan of having panels for each of the Arts, i t was considered best to have each of the Arts Board members contribute to the whole f i e l d of i n t e r e s t i n order strengthen the Board's plans and projects. The fundamental p r i n c i p l e of the Arts Board . . . i s i t s ultimate f a i t h i n human c r e a t i v i t y , the unique resources of each person, which gives meaning, d i s t i n c t i o n and d i r e c t i o n to l i f e . - ^ ^ Despite the SAB's miniscule 1948 budget of $4,000 provided by the Department of Education, the CCF demonstrated i t s determination to go against the t i d e of the Cold War by p u b l i c l y subsidizing the a r t s . Saskatchewan was s o l i d i f y i n g i t s r o l e i n North America as Canada's "red province," a fact which had a bearing on the attractiveness of the Emma Lake Workshops f o r New York painters who remained sympathetic to the l e f t . - ^ ^ The more democratic orientation of the SAB contrasted sharply with the actions of the Federal Government of Canada. After World War Two, the Canadian government became increasingly alarmed by the i n f l u x of U.S. mass culture, including books, radio programmes, and shortly thereafter, t e l e v i s i o n programmes. This c u l t u r a l bombardment contributed to anxiety about the 15. Quoted i n R i d d e l l , p.6. 16. O'Brian c i t e s Barnett Newman as one Workshop leader who was f u l l y aware of the p o l i t i c a l o r i e n t a t i o n of the province. See "Where the He l l i s Saskatchewan, and Who i s Eituma Lake?" The F l a t Side of the Landscape, p.31. status of the Canadian i d e n t i t y , e s p e c i a l l y given Great B r i t a i n ' s weakened a b i l i t y to act as a counterweight to U.S. influence. S p e c i f i c a l l y , these concerns focused on how exposure to American mass culture would influence the Canadian public towards i d e n t i f y i n g with American, as opposed to Canadian, p o l i c y both domestically and i n t e r n a t i o n a l l y . In response, the Canadian government i n i t i a t e d a review of post-war c u l t u r a l developments, focusing on the threat of American mass culture to Canadian c u l t u r a l i d e n t i t y . As early as 1945, the Arts and Letters Club (a luncheon club i n Toronto made famous by the membership of the central icons of Canadian painting, the Group of Seven) began lobbying the federal government f o r support for Canadian culture. These concerns culminated one year af t e r the formation of the SAB, when L i b e r a l Prime Minister Louis St. Laurent asked Vincent Massey, the former Canadian High Commissioner to London, to lead a group of eminent Canadian i n t e l l e c t u a l s to survey Canada's c u l t u r a l resources. The Massey Report, formally t i t l e d The Report of the Royal Commission on National Development i n the Arts. Letters and Sciences, was published i n 1951. This report warned of: . . . the d i f f i c u l t y of developing Canadian culture because of the enormous i n f l u x of a r t i s t s from the United States. The Commission recommended that federal f i n a n c i a l aid be given to the u n i v e r s i t i e s and that a government agency be established to encourage the arts and s o c i a l sciences by awarding grants and scholarships. The St. Laurent government agreed to help the u n i v e r s i t i e s , but waited another s i x years before announcing the formation of the Canada Council.^' Canadian hist o r i a n s such as W.L. Morton, Donald Creighton, and Arthur Lower f e l t that as a r e s u l t of the pressures of foreign ( p a r t i c u l a r l y U.S.) influence, concrete steps could be taken to assure the formation and preservation of a d i s t i n c t i v e c u l t u r a l i d e n t i t y . However, the pervasiveness of American mass c u l t u r a l influence within Canada caused h i s t o r i a n Frank U n d e r h i l l (one of the framers of the CCF platform i n 1932) , to question the a b i l i t y of Canadian culture to d i f f e r e n t i a t e i t s e l f from t h i s pressure to conform to the U.S. image. He believed the Massey Commission's l a b e l l i n g of American mass culture as ^ a l i e n ' to be a fundamental d i s t o r t i o n of the r e l a t i o n s h i p of mass culture to l i b e r a l c a p i t a l i s m . For Underhill, mass-culture was the in e v i t a b l e r e s u l t of the processes of modernization, not an aberration s o l e l y a t t r i b u t a b l e to the United States, and to r e j e c t t h i s culture as "unbearably vulgar and a n t i - i n t e l l e c t u a l " ^ ^ was to misunderstand the relat i o n s h i p of contemporary culture to i n d u s t r i a l society. The e f f e c t of such a 17. Joseph L e v i t t , A Vision Beyond Reach (Ottawa: Deneau Publishers, 1982), p.151. 18. Quoted i n L e v i t t , p.152. misunderstanding would skew federal government p o l i c i e s away from coping with the implications of mass culture towards a preoccupation with high culture. However, Underhill's dissenting voice was drowned out by the majority opinion of the Massey Commission. For example, W.L. Morton, i n h i s book The Canadian Identity (published one decade a f t e r the Massey Commission Report) r e f l e c t s the attitude of the Commission's majority who f e l t that: [It does not] . . , greatly matter that Americans and Canadians share the same popular culture; a f t e r reading the same comic s t r i p s , and the same peri o d i c a l s , Canadians remain as d i s t i n c t as they ever were. What d i f f e r e n t i a t e s the two people are things f a r deeper than the mass culture of North America which both countries share and both created. •'•^  One of the Massey Commission's recommendations f o r defending Canadian c u l t u r a l i d e n t i t y was the establishment of a nationwide arts funding agency. Between the Massey Commission and the creation of the Canada Council, the National Gallery of Canada i n Ottawa i n i t i a t e d a series of exhibitions to bring Canadians up-to-date with the l a t e s t trends i n modern painting: namely the various forms of abstract expressionism that had developed i n the wake of the triumph of American painting i n New York City a f t e r World War Two. The change i n focus at the National Gallery from a t r a d i t i o n a l emphasis 19. Quoted i n J.M. Bumsted, "Canada and American Culture i n the 1950s," B u l l e t i n of Canadian Studies 10 ( A p r i l 1980), 59. on f i g u r a t i v e and representational art ( l a r g e l y landscape) to a preoccupation with abstraction occurred within a very short amount of time. For example, the F i r s t B i e n n i a l of Canadian painting held at the National Gallery i n Ottawa i n 1955 was predominantly regional and representational, yet, at the Second Biennial i n 1957 (the year the Canada Council was established), abstract painting counted for over sixty per cent of the t o t a l e x h i b i t i o n . The t r a n s i t i o n from r e g i o n a l i s t forms of representation to cosmopolitan modernism was explained by the Associate Director of the National Gallery, Donald Buchanan, who noted at the opening of the Second Bien n i a l : Canadian painting i s no longer linked to Canadian geography . . . The romantic aspects of raw nature are depicted less and l e s s frequently, for as we mature our art passes from the objective to the subjective and i n i t the personal, the more intimate, even the introspective take control. [The a r t i s t s i n t h i s exhibition are] are of the generation that has reacted to an unthinking nationalism i n culture. Painters as well as writers have begun to doubt that we can b u i l d undisturbed any obvious or fixed Canadian pattern i n t h i s world of flux and change. Although delayed six years from the p u b l i c a t i o n of the Massey Report, the creation of the Canada Council i n 20. Donald Buchanan, "Canadian Art Today," Contemporary Canadian Painters (Exhibition Catalogue, Ottawa: National Gallery of Canada, 1957), p.3. 1957 symbolized resistance to the increasing p u l l to the south even as the Cold War and the threat of nuclear a n n i h i l a t i o n accelerated i n response to Soviet achievements i n space technology. Paradoxically, Canadian resistance to American c u l t u r a l influence through p u b l i c support of the arts drew the i n t e r e s t of American pragmatic l i b e r a l i n t e l l e c t u a l s , also concerned with the issue of public support for the a r t s . P r i o r to Kennedy's e l e c t i o n , pragmatic l i b e r a l c u l t u r a l s t r a t e g i s t s from the United States were a c t i v e l y promoting t h e i r concept of an "arts constituency" i n Canada, attempting to formulate a workable model of p u b l i c and private consensus on government funding for the a r t s . The irony of the Canada Council's o r i g i n a l goal — to be an instrument of support for a Canadian c u l t u r a l i d e n t i t y — was apparent at the very f i r s t meeting of the Council. The Canada Council f i r s t met on A p r i l 3 0 and May 1, 1957; representatives of the Ford, Carnegie and Rockefeller Foundations, including Dean Rusk, l a t e r Kennedy's Secretary of State, were present to observe and contribute suggestions on c u l t u r a l p o l i c i e s . F r o m the combined energies of the Canadian and American par t i c i p a n t s i n the i n i t i a l meeting, a governmental r o l e 21. J.L. Granatstein, Canada 1957-1967 (Toronto: McClelland and Stewart Limited, 1986), pp.146-147. f o r culture emerged, s i g n a l l i n g a departure from the Massey Commission's e a r l i e r defence of a B r i t i s h model of high culture. The extent of the American influence on the formation of the Canada Council can be i n f e r r e d from the emphasis placed on regional d i s t r i b u t i o n of funding f o r the a r t s . This position of using state-sponsored culture to mediate between the center and the hinterlands of North America was a hallmark of American n e o - l i b e r a l thinking and was designed to avoid r e i n f o r c i n g the strength of the already c u l t u r a l l y advanced metropolitan areas of the United States. I believe that t h i s legacy of American influence symbolizes the confluence of l i b e r a l thinking on both sides of the border at that time: both U.S. and Canadian l i b e r a l s viewed the p u b l i c support of culture as a necessary instrument of n a t i o n a l p o l i c y . However, the regional focus of federal governmental arts p o l i c y did not a c t u a l l y begin i n Canada u n t i l a f t e r the defeat of the John Diefenbaker Conservative government i n 1963 by the pro-Kennedy L i b e r a l party led by Lester B. Pearson. Cu l t u r a l developments i n Saskatchewan, though on the margins, were not stunted i n t h e i r growth thanks to the p r o v i n c i a l l y supported SAB and the i n f l u x of new young painting instructors determined to be active p a r t i c i p a n t s i n the dialogue on modern art. Following the death of Augustus Kenderdine i n 1947, the s h i f t to modernism at the University of Saskatchewan was i n i t i a t e d by Gordon Snelgrove, who had o r i g i n a l l y been hired by Kenderdine i n 193 6 a f t e r completing his doctorate at the Courtauld I n s t i t u t e i n London, England. Snelgrove appointed two modernists to the faculty i n 1948: Nikola B j e l a j a c and the American painter E l i Bornstein. The Regina College of Art was also experiencing a turnover of s t a f f . Kenneth Lochhead, a 24-year-old painter from Ottawa^^, was appointed the new d i r e c t o r i n 1950. Two years l a t e r , Lochhead hired fellow Canadian painter Arthur McKay; both Lochhead and McKay were to be key figures i n the transformation of the Murray Point Summer School of Art into the Emma Lake A r t i s t s ' Workshops (figure 22). Lochhead also took steps to e s t a b l i s h the f i r s t "A" gall e r y i n Saskatchewan^-^: the Norman Mackenzie Gallery, which opened i n 1953 under the di r e c t o r s h i p of Richard Simmins, formerly of the National Gallery i n Ottawa. Thus within several years, Saskatchewan was poised to develop and promote a concept of modern art f u l l y cognisant of the developments occurring i n the United States and the c u l t u r a l dialogue i n the nation's foremost gallery, as Simmins stated i n 22. Lochhead received much of h i s advanced a r t t r a i n i n g i n the United States, especially at the Barnes Foundation and at the Pennsylvania Academy of Fine Arts i n Philadelphia. 23. Morrison, p.25. the catalogue for the "Ten A r t i s t s of Saskatchewan" ex h i b i t i o n : Saskatchewan up to the present period has remained outside the main stream of Canadian a r t . This has been due to a number of fa c t o r s . . . At the present time, however, there are a large number of young a r t i s t s i n Saskatchewan, well-trained, energetic and conscious of the necessity of improving standards and competing on a national rather than regional l e v e l . This willingness to engage i n a dialogue with the most complex c u l t u r a l discourses of the period was not, however, to be f i l l e d solely by long-distance communication with c u l t u r a l centers through the mass media. Rather, as Lochhead argued, " I f we can't get out, then l e t ' s bring someone from the outside to us." In personal terms he then explained why the idea f o r an a r t i s t s ' workshop appealed to him: "I needed t h i s f o r myself i n terms of the idea of getting together and exchanging ideas with people who had more experience than myself."^^ The desire for self-improvement and education 24. Ten A r t i s t s of Saskatchewan (Exhibition Catalogue, Regina: Norman Mackenzie Gallery, 1955), p . l . 25. Quoted i n John D. H. King, A Documented Study of the A r t i s t ' s Workshop at Emma Lake. Saskatchewan. Unpublished BFA Thesis, University of Manitoba, 1972. Ann Morrison's research has found that discussions surrounding the o r i g i n a l idea of the Emma Lake school were quite f r a c t i o u s with disagreements concerning the school's o v e r a l l philosophy, and questions concerning whether the school should emphasize only p r o f e s s i o n a l a r t i s t s or include those individuals aiming f o r a teaching career. There was also considerable i n s t i t u t i o n a l bickering between r i v a l educational bureaucracies. Ultimately control of the s e l e c t i o n of brought the mountain of modern art c r i t i c i s m to Saskatchewan. In the mid-1950s, the early work of Lochhead and McKay had characterized the embryonic state of modern painting on the P r a i r i e s . While both a r t i s t s had been exposed to a range of v i s u a l languages i n the course of t h e i r a r t education, the Emma Lake A r t i s t s ' Workshops accelerated both t h e i r a r t i s t i c development and t h e i r dependency on New York. Lochhead, i n 1955, the year of the f i r s t Workshop, was producing works such as Return to Humanity (figure 23), a S u r r e a l i s t i c o i l painting depicting a procession of depersonified human beings clad i n academic robes passing an audience of frozen monumental automatons i n a threateningly barren landscape with white doves f l y i n g into an ominously dark sky. While conversant with most aspects of modern art, Lochhead was obviously not u t i l i z i n g the abstract expressionist s t y l e so popular i n New York at t h i s time. Instead, he was r e l y i n g upon a S u r r e a l i s t f i g u r a t i v e s t y l e inspired i n part by the work of other Canadian painters of the time including Jack Shadbolt, a Vancouver-based painter who was also the f i r s t Emma Lake Workshop Leader (figure 24) . By the time of h i s Workshop, Shadbolt had been working within a fac u l t y and the philosophical orientation of Emma Lake came under the j u r i s d i c t i o n of Regina College. Morrison, pp.26-27. S u r r e a l i s t vernacular for almost a decade. When the f i r s t American painter. W i l l Barnet, was in v i t e d to be Workshop Leader i n 1957, Art McKay was s t i l l evoking the English watercolour t r a d i t i o n on the P r a i r i e s with works such as The Edge of the Forest (figure 25), a watercolour sketch of a t i g h t l y compressed group of trees i n a shallow p i c t o r i a l space. While h i s watercolour technique was moving towards abstraction, references to the landscape were unmistakable and McKay did not seem overly influenced by the abstract expressionism of New York at t h i s time. With the f a c i l i t i e s already i n place at Murray Point and with i n i t i a l financing provided by the p r o v i n c i a l SAB, the f i r s t Emma Lake A r t i s t s ' Workshop was held i n 1955 and ran from August 15 to 29, with eighteen p a r t i c i p a n t s ; Lochhead was the Workshop Co-ordinator. Following Shadbolt, another Canadian painter, Joe Plaskett, was chosen as workshop leader i n 1956, but the Workshop organizers had already begun to look beyond the boundaries of Canada: not only to New York, extending an i n v i t a t i o n to Barnet, but also to Mexico, with i n v i t a t i o n s sent to David A l f r e d Siquieros and Jose G u t i e r r e z . B a r n e t ' s presence at the 1957 Workshop established d i r e c t contact between Emma Lake and New York 26. Appendix, The Flat Side of the Landscape, p.140. f o r the f i r s t time.'^' Attendance increased dramatically, to thirty-one f u l l and part-time p a r t i c i p a n t s . The success of the 1957 workshop i n bridging the a r t i s t i c centre and the margin i s encapsulated by the comments of Saskatchewan a r t i s t and workshop p a r t i c i p a n t Ernest Lindner i n a l e t t e r written to Lochhead s h o r t l y a f t e r the conclusion of workshop: Mr. Barnet's understanding help has done more for me than I ever dared hope f o r . I believe he has helped me to a d e f i n i t i v e breakthrough i n my work and I hope, no, I am convinced that my contact with Barnet w i l l prove a d e f i n i t e turning point i n the q u a l i t y of my work. The association with other a r t i s t s from outside the Province, who seemed equally enthusiastic and appreciative was of course also invaluable. I f e l t that the whole atmosphere was e l e c t r i c a l l y charged, making everybody work at top capacity. There i s no doubt i n my mind, that these workshops have passed the experimental stage and have established firmly the value and the need for such work-meetings under expert guidance. Far away as we are from the great Art Centres of the world i t i s one way to r a i s e our standards of work and to keep i n touch with contemporary trends.^° 27. Indirect contact with New York had been established through Jack Shadbolt, who had studied with W i l l Barnet. 28. Quoted i n King, p.64. Another l e t t e r sent to Lochhead by Marion N i c h o l l (a teacher at the Alberta P r o v i n c i a l I n s t i t u t e of Technology i n Calgary) emphasized those q u a l i t i e s that made Emma Lake unique i n Canada: The invaluable experience of studying with W i l l Barnet at Emma Lake persuades me to write to you of my profound gratitude. The University of Saskatchewan shows an unusually The enthusiasm that Lindner expressed f o r t h i s contact with the outside c u l t u r a l community betrays no self-consciousness concerning the s h i f t of l o y a l i t i e s from Great B r i t a i n to New York. S i m i l a r l y , Workshop Leaders were unselfconsciously frank (and unapologetic) about t h e i r New York bias. Barnet, for example, described h i s view of the purpose of the Workshops as follows: "[The Workshops function as a] dissemination of ideas with the v i s i t i n g a r t i s t who i s usually from the center of the art world. New York C i t y . " While Barnet saw himself as a representative of the l a t e s t New York ar t trends. Workshop Co-ordinator Lochhead emphasized the u n i v e r s a l i t y of modern art, writing that "Mr. Barnet brought f o r t h a profound insight of the u n i v e r s a l values i n a r t thus enabling the participants to grasp a clea r e r understanding of the st r u c t u r a l order embodied i n any successful work of art."-^° In the l a t e 1950s, i t was enlightened attitude i n promoting such a project. I only wish the Banff School had followed your pattern. I doubt that there i s such an opportunity f o r p r a c t i s i n g a r t i s t s anywhere else i n Canada and you are to be congratulated for conceiving and carrying through such a farsighted and future-building idea. I hope, very much indeed, that you w i l l continue on t h i s path with the obviously sympathetic backing of the University of Saskatchewan. Quoted i n King, p.66. 29. Cited i n King, p.250. 30. Cited i n King, pp.60-1. c r i t i c a l l y important for those a r t i s t s attending the workshops to establish contact and have access to information. Dependency on the center was e s s e n t i a l u n t i l they were fluent i n the vernacular of modern a r t and could contribute t h e i r own voices to cosmopolitan modernism. The tentative connection established between Emma Lake and New York by the 1957 Barnet Workshop was further va l i d a t e d by the 1959 Workshop led by the New York abstract painter Barnett Newman (figure 26).^^ The a r r i v a l of Newman, a New York a r t i s t i c luminary, represented, i n the words of John O'Brian "a p i v o t a l moment i n the development of the Workshops."^ McKay described Newman's impact i n the following way: [He was] a power t r i c k — l i k e king baboon knows how to wake up young baboons who are s i t t i n g on t h e i r asses not doing t h e i r thing (to put i t i n Desmond Morris's terms). It's r i d i c u l o u s , but i t ' s an animal reaction. There i s some e l e c t r i c a l thing that goes and says: Jesus! Like, wake up! — Because t h i s i s important! This i s a guy who knows! •^"^  Newman's influence on many of the Workshop pa r t i c i p a n t s i s best i l l u s t r a t e d by McKay's 1961 painti n g 31. As King notes, the New York abstract e x p r e s s i o n i s t Franz Kline declined an i n v i t a t i o n to p a r t i c i p a t e as Workshop Leader i n 1959. His r e f u s a l r e s u l t e d i n the i n v i t a t i o n being extended to Barnett Newman. 32. O'Brian, "Where the Hell i s Saskatchewan and Who i s Emma Lake?" The F l a t Side of the Landscape, p.34. 33. Cited i n King, p.90. Image of C l a r i t y (figure 27), a large format abstract image dominated by a Newman-like v e r t i c a l " z i p . " This c h a r a c t e r i s t i c zip deviates s l i g h t l y i n i t s gentle c u r v i l i n e a r form from the s t r i c t p a r a l l e l i s m of Newman's own work, as i n The Way 1. for example (figure 28). The background of McKay's painting also deviates i n the application of enamel paint to a masonite surface, r e s u l t i n g i n a more d i f f e r e n t i a t e d and dynamic v i s u a l f i e l d than would be found i n Newman's painted canvases. McKay attributed t h i s v a r i a t i o n on Newman's technique to the influence of fellow Workshop p a r t i c i p a n t Ronald Bloore: "I owe to Ron Bloore the idea of glazing stove enamel over latex which I use to t h i s day."-^^ Thus, despite the desire of the "young baboons" to follow the lead of "king baboon," they also exerted a modifying influence on one another. Nonetheless, these young Canadian painters were increasingly predisposed towards New York a r t i s t s , and the Newman Workshop represented an acceleration of the influence of New York p r i o r to Greenberg's a r r i v a l at Emma Lake i n 1962.-^^ 34. Catalogue notes. The F l a t Side of the Landscape, p. 80. 35. Not a l l the participants at the Newman Workshop f e l t as p o s i t i v e l y about the experience as did McKay. Some partici p a n t s c r i t i c i z e d Newman because of various professional and pedagogical issues. For example, one partic i p a n t , Robert Bruce, noted i n a l a t e r interview that "There wasn't any workshop as f a r as that goes," in d i c a t i n g h i s f r u s t r a t i o n with the whole experience. Bruce added, "As far as I was concerned, he [Newman] However, i n t h e i r eagerness to be up-to-date with the centers of art, primarily New York, Saskatchewan a r t i s t s embraced the inherent bias within U.S. post-war modern a r t of emphasizing the universal and the i n t e r n a t i o n a l over the p a r t i c u l a r and the r e g i o n a l . As long as cosmopolitan modernism was the hegemonic s t y l e of contemporary art during the 1950s within the United States, and increasingly around the world, the dominance of universalism and.internationalism remained r e l a t i v e l y unquestioned by many Canadian a r t i s t s . However, that hegemony began to be questioned by more and more Canadian a r t i s t s and p o l i t i c i a n s i n the early 1960s. In the wake of t h i s analysis, the dialogue established between Saskatchewan and New York began to seem anachronistic. The p a r t i c u l a r ideological implications of the cosmopolitan modernist discourse could no longer remain transparent i n the tumultuous decade of the 1960s; thus modernist a r t i s t s were reintroduced to the p o l i t i c a l realm from which they had sought, through t h e i r contributed absolutely nothing a r t i s t i c a l l y . " Bruce's a r t i s t i c i n c l i n a t i o n s were towards the de Kooning-inspired abstract expressionists and, i n h i s view, the Newman-inspired modernist work at Emma Lake "didn't seem to have any meaning." (Quoted i n King, p.71) Modernism became the dominant tendency at Emma Lake from 1957 u n t i l 1965, but i t s influence was never complete amongst a l l p a r t i c i p a n t s . However, although the focus of t h i s study i s the modernist s t r a i n at Emma Lake, i t i s important to remember that voices of dissent were present at every workshop. allegiance to Greenberg's formalism, to separate themselves. The turn i n the 1950s towards internationalism was almost unavoidable for many Canadian painters given the b i f u r c a t i o n of the post-war New York a r t scene into progressive modernism and representational forms of painting. The l a t t e r , however, were perceived by most North American a r t i s t s and c r i t i c s as t a i n t e d by nationalism and/or regionalism. The association of nationalism with fascism had, as early as 1942, tarnished the e f f o r t s of progressive a r t i s t s i n the United States who, l i k e Ben Shahn, attempted to maintain the a n t i -f a s c i s t message of American r e g i o n a l i s t art.-^^ As Cécile Whiting has observed, t h i s p r e d i s p o s i t i o n to associate regionalism and fascism was too hard to shake: "Neither continuing to paint r e g i o n a l i s t imagery — u n i v e r s a l i z e d or not — nor painting f i g u r a t i v e works documenting the international war e f f o r t succeeded i n adapting regionalism to the i d e o l o g i c a l imperatives of America during the war and post-war eras."^^ Despite the e f f o r t s of r e g i o n a l i s t s to proclaim t h e i r support of the war 36. For an i n s i g h t f u l analysis of the debates over regionalism and internationalism i n the 1930s and 40s see Cécile Whiting, Antifascism i n American Art (New Haven and London: Yale University Press, 1989). The p a r t i c u l a r r e l a t i o n s h i p between regionalism and Ben Shahn i s the subject of Frances K. Pohl's excellent study e n t i t l e d Ben Shahn (Austin: University of Texas Press, 1989). e f f o r t and represent the a n t i f a c s i s t struggle, freedom, individualism, and internationalism continued to be associated with non-regionalist art forms. Thus, r e g i o n a l i s t sympathies i n the v i s u a l a r t s were e x i l e d to the margins of l i b e r a l c u l t u r a l discourse. In the immediate post-war years, being up-to-date f o r painters i n both Canada and the United States meant subsuming regional and national sympathies to the a l l u r e of universalism despite the i m p l i c i t national agenda of the United States that was promoted by t h i s very discourse. By 1948, Greenberg's formulation of a modernist avant-garde provided the rationale for an e l i t e modernism that was the v i s u a l equivalent of the advanced l i b e r a l ideology that was so eloquently expressed i n the o r i g i n a l version of Arthur Schlesinger's The V i t a l Center, published i n that same year. "Alienation," "freedom" and "individualism" became the catchwords of an a l l i a n c e of p a r t i c u l a r strands of l i b e r a l i s m and avant-garde a r t production i n the post-war period, an example of what art h i s t o r i a n Serge Guilbaut sees as "perhaps the f i r s t r e c o n c i l i a t i o n of avant-garde ideology with the ideology of i n d i v i d u a l i t y , r i s k , and the new f r o n t i e r as forged by Rothko and Newman, Greenberg and Rosenberg, with the 38. Serge Guilbaut, How New York Stole the Idea of Modern Art. Trans. Arthur Goldhammer (Chicago and London: The University of Chicago Press, 1983), e s p e c i a l l y Chapter 4. advanced l i b e r a l ideology set f o r t h by Schlesinger i n The V i t a l Center; the p o l i t i c s of freedom. "-^ ^ Mark Rothko and other New York modernists, such as Adolph G o t t l i e b and Barnett Newman, could not abide the asso c i a t i o n of regionialism with fascism nor i t s geographical rootedness and i t s r e j e c t i o n of international a r t i s t i c s t y l e s . Despite the modernist aversion to regionalism and nationalism because of t h i s association with fascism and the concomitant destruction of freedom and individualism, American modernist a r t i s t s were un i n t e n t i o n a l l y drawn into a defense of U.S. nationalism under the guise of internationalism, as Whiting explains: " I r o n i c a l l y , since democracy was most closely associated i n t h e i r minds with the United States, the ideal of democratic universalism most often ended up as the propagation of American nationalism."^^ In the early 1950s, t h i s cloaking of 39. Guilbaut, p.189. 40. Whiting, p.195. 41. Whiting, p.199. After the c a n c e l l a t i o n of the 1958 Emma Lake workshop, the workshop organizers were able to a t t r a c t Barnett Newman as the workshop leader i n 1959. Newman's own position on regionalism and nationalism i s expressed i n the a r t i c l e "What about I s o l a t i o n i s t A r t , " i n which he states: Isolationism, we have learned by now, i s H i t l e r i s m . Both are expressions of the same intense, v i c i o u s nationalism. . . . [Both use] the ^ great l i e , ' the i n t e n s i f i e d nationalism, f a l s e patriotism, the appeal to race, the re-emphasis of the home and homey sentiment. The art of the world, ranted [the i s o l a t i o n i s t ] , as focused i n the Ecole de Paris, i s nationalism within i n t e r n a t i o n a l i s t aspirations was a powerful i d e o l o g i c a l instrument for the United States, as i t represented i t s e l f as the bastion of c u l t u r a l freedom. Canadian a r t i s t s i n Saskatchewan eager to learn about the l a t e s t tendencies i n modernist painting regarded the move to abandon Canadian art's preoccupation with regionalism and nationalism as progressive. The re j e c t i o n of regionalism and nationalism was not that d i f f i c u l t f or young a r t i s t s such as Lochhead and McKay, given t h e i r boredom with the n a t i o n a l i s t legacy of the landscape school of the Group of Seven which had dominated English Canadian art since World War One. With the advent of the Cold War, cosmopolitan modernism seemed a legitimate means of r e j e c t i n g nationalism and of providing a means of p a r t i c i p a t i n g i n the i n t e r n a t i o n a l modernist movement, i d e a l l y not as a c o l o n i a l outpost but as an equal contributor. Emma Lake Workshop Co-ordinator Art McKay expressed the h o s t i l i t y of Saskatchewan modernists to nationalism i n a 1961 catalogue statement, one year p r i o r to Clement Greenberg's a r r i v a l i n Saskatchewan: There i s no such thing as a d i s t i n c t l y Canadian a r t ; there are only a r t i s t s who happen to be Canadian. Each person makes h i s world which he shares with those who are interested, and people share only those things i n which degenerate art , fine for Frenchmen, but not f o r us Americans. Quoted i n Whiting, p.195. they have common awareness. McKay's assertion of an a n t i - n a t i o n a l i s t individualism presented the strongest i n d i c a t i o n of how smoothly and e f f o r t l e s s l y the Saskatchewan painters were moving towards the individualism and universalism of New York modernism at a time when the r e l a t i o n s h i p between Canada and the United States was under tremendous s t r e s s . However, Greenberg's colonizing influence must be assessed i n the l i g h t of the changing nature of the Cold War. I f Greenberg had been successful i n the early days of the Cold War, the late 1940s and early 1950s, i n asserting the superiority of American painting and i n providing the c r i t i c a l equivalent of Schlesinger's V i t a l Center for the v i s u a l arts, then why did h i s influence i n the a r t world not continue unabated up u n t i l the moment of h i s a r r i v a l i n Saskatchewan? Positioning Greenberg within the evolution of the Cold War, on the borderline between h i s post-war success and the decline of h i s dominance i n the early 1960s, w i l l provide a more accurate assessment of what r o l e , i f any, h i s aesthetic played i n the U.S. e f f o r t s to bring Canada i n l i n e with the American Cold War strategy. Between the end of World War Two and 1955, Clement 42. Arthur McKay, Catalogue Statement, Five Painters from Regina (Exhibition Catalogue, Ottawa: National G a l l e r y of Canada, 1961), p.10. Greenberg developed his p a r t i c u l a r variant of modernist c r i t i c i s m i n reaction to the changing c u l t u r a l context of the United States. One important aspect of the post-war s o c i a l environment was the threat and the promise of the phenomenal growth of the middle class which simultaneously was "surging toward culture" as well as demanding c u l t u r a l experiences that were "not too hard to consume."'*-^ Whereas i n his famous 1939 a r t i c l e "Avant-Garde and Kitsch," Greenberg had warned of the u n i v e r s a l i z i n g tendencies of the culture of k i t s c h as a by-product of Western i n d u s t r i a l c i v i l i z a t i o n , by 1946, Greenberg foresaw the e f f e c t of the g r a v i t a t i o n a l p u l l of an expanding middle class culture on h i s concept of the modernist avant-garde: This state of a f f a i r s constitutes a much greater threat to higher a r t than k i t s c h i t s e l f — which usually keeps the d i s t i n c t i o n s c l e a r . The demand now i s that the d i s t i n c t i o n s be blurred i f not e n t i r e l y obliterated, that i s , the vulgarization be more subtle and general.'*^ Just as k i t s c h was sweeping the globe on i t s triumphal post-war tour, so too was k i t s c h smashing the boundaries of everyday l i f e , extending the exchange p r i n c i p l e to i t s ultimate conclusion: "penetrating," as Henri Levebvre 43. Clement Greenberg Volume 2, Ed. O'Brian, p.57. This argument was made by Greenberg i n an a r t i c l e f o r The Nation o r i g i n a l l y published on February 23, 1946. 44. Clement Greenberg Volume 2, Ed. O'Brian, p.58. argues, "the d e t a i l s of everyday l i f e . " The threat of t h i s extension of k i t s c h from the smallest p a r t i c u l a r to the global structuring of c u l t u r e could be countered by modernist d i s a f f i r m a t i o n and negation as a means of c r i t i q u i n g exchange value and alienated labour. However, without the r e a l i z a t i o n of socialism or the existence of a c u l t u r a l e l i t e able to counterbalance the p u l l of the new middle c l a s s market within the United States, the foundations f o r such a c r i t i c a l strategy were shaky at best. One strategy for disaffirmative p r a c t i c e with which Greenberg was undoubtedly f a m i l i a r was the c r i t i c i s m of the neo-Marxist philosopher Theodor Adorno.'*^ However, faced with the torn halves of a culture which d i d not add up, Greenberg chose to defend his d i s a f f i r m a t i v e aesthetics on substantially d i f f e r e n t foundations than had Adorno i n the 1950s. Adorno's concept of a c r i t i c a l modernist practice embodied two options. Modernism could react against the u n i v e r s a l i z a t i o n of k i t s c h and exchange value by posing as a disaffirmative practice, thereby 45. Henri Lefebvre, "Toward a L e f t i s t C u l t u r a l P o l i t c s , " p.75. i n Lawrence Grossberg [Ed.], Marxism and the Interpretation of Culture (Urbana and Chicago: U n i v e r s i t y of I l l i n o i s Press, 1988), pp.75-88. 46. This i s argued by John O. Brian, Introduction, Clement Greenberg. Volumes 3 and 4, p.9. O'Brian high l i g h t s Greenberg's fluency i n German and the overlapping of many of h i s arguments with those of Adorno i n the 1940s. " o f f e r i n g i t s e l f as a ^negative knowledge' of commodity fetishism."^^ A l t e r n a t i v e l y , modernism could c a p i t u l a t e to capitalism, "presenting i t s e l f — e i t h e r c o g n i t i v e l y or i n a l l innocence — as that world's aff i r m a t i v e agent." Adorno's attempt to a r t i c u l a t e a sophisticated Marxist p o s i t i o n within modernism as a negative knowlege of modern l i b e r a l capitalism meant, as Martin Jay argues, stubbornly r e s i s t i n g , "choosing between flawed al t e r n a t i v e s or p o s i t i n g a harmonious mediation between them: Negative ontology or hi s t o r i c i s m , transcendant or immanent c r i t i q u e , autonomous art or art i n the service of the revolution, speculative theory or empirical i n v e s t i g a t i o n . " Adorno adhered to these and other "antimonies," r e s i s t i n g the temptation to e s s e n t i a l i z e the i d e n t i t y of modernism's c r i t i q u e or to f a l l back upon the s u b j e c t i v i t y or i n t e r s u b j e c t i v i t y of taste derived from Kant's Critique of J u d g e m e n t . R a t h e r than withdrawing into Kant's arguments Adorno inverts them. 47. Martin Jay, Adorno (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1984), p.163. 48. Jay, pp. 118 and 163. Despite Adorno's well-known reputation for c u l t u r a l and s o c i a l pessimism, which derived from the mangled nature of the modern subject, his subject p o s i t i o n at the i n t e r s e c t i o n of contrasting antinomic relationships gave him more c r i t i c a l f l e x i b i l i t y than Greenberg's l a t e r o s s i f i e d modernism. This enabled Adorno.to write, at the end of h i s l i f e , i n 1969: "The integration of conciousness and l e i s u r e i s obviously not yet e n t i r e l y successful. The r e a l i n t e r e s t s of the i n d i v i d u a l are s t i l l strong enough at the margins, to r e s i s t t o t a l control." Quoted i n Jay, p.128. performing a service similar to Marx with Hegel, keeping the m a t e r i a l i s t dimension a l i v e . Rather than attempt to maintain such an antinomic structure that kept open the m a t e r i a l i s t option f o r Adorno's c r i t i c a l theory, Greenberg increasingly opted for the Kantian c r i t i q u e of subjective taste as the foundation f o r h i s c r i t i c a l m o d e r n i s m . T h i s b e l i e f i n the s u b j e c t i v i t y of taste was the c r i t i c a l paradigm Greenberg brought with him to Emma Lake, Saskatchewan. The Kantian p o s i t i o n had several advantages f o r Greenberg, as the Cold War deepened and Marxism became anathema not only to l i b e r a l i n t e l l e c t u a l s , i n c l u d i n g the ^soft progressives' v i l l i f i e d by Schlesinger i n the V i t a l Center. but to Greenberg himself. The Kantian turn allowed Greenberg to r e t a i n the European p h i l o s o p h i c a l t r a d i t i o n within h i s c r i t i c i s m without appearing too s o f t on communism or too lax i n his defence of freedom. Thus Greenberg could maintain the e s s e n t i a l i s t and foundationalist arguments of European philosophy to form 49. Lambert Zuidervaart, Adorno's Aesthetic Theory (Cambridge: The MIT Press, 1991), p.141. 50. O'Brian notes that Greenberg refers to Kant f o r the f i r s t time i n 1943 and continued to use Kant's philosophy i n formulating h i s c r i t i c i s m . In 1950 t h i s r e l i a n c e on Kant extended to the use of Kant's C r i t i q u e of Aesthetic Judgement as the key text i n a seminar taught at Black Mountain College. (O'Brian, Introduction, The F l a t Side of the Landscape, p.9.) an a r t i s t i c c r i t i c i s m that would continue to keep culture moving forward even afte r hope i n the material transformation of the society had diminished. More importantly for Greenberg, the d e l i c a t e formulation of a progressive concept of culture divorced from Marxism would allow his teleology of c u l t u r a l development to coexist within the l i b e r a l p o l i t i c a l culture of the United States i n the 1950s. Greenberg's strategic choice of Kant over Marx i s perhaps understandable i n a culture l i k e that of the United States, which afte r 1948 held out l i t t l e promise for the r e a l i z a t i o n of socialism and l i t t l e more fo r the construction of a c u l t u r a l e l i t e that would support the idea of a modernist avant-garde. In addition, the increasing e f f o r t s by some l i b e r a l s to distance themselves from the European philosophical legacy f o r the sake of the pragmatic current i n American thought made the progressive t e l e o l o g i c a l side of Greenberg's modernism vulnerable to l i b e r a l c r i t i c i s m . While Greenberg's move to Kant would resonate sympathetically with the subterranean progressive teleology of a pragmatic l i b e r a l such as the early John Dewey^-^, he 51. For an in-depth discussion of the complex r e l a t i o n s h i p between the aesthetics of Kant and Dewey, see Casey Reed Hoskin, Kant. Dewey and the Autonomy of Art; Reading a Tradition, Unpublished PhD. D i s s e r t a t i o n , University of Pennsylvania, 1989. would have more serious problems with the anti-Kantianism of the pragmatic l i b e r a l thought of William James. Greenberg's a b i l i t y to maneuver between the competing strands of pragmatism and l i b e r a l i s m would determine the success or f a i l u r e of his interpretation of modernism for Cold War l i b e r a l s . As the interpretation of John Dewey and the ^soft progressives' was replaced by Schlesinger's ^hard' pragmatic liberalism, i t became imperative f o r Greenberg to reconcile modernism and the European ph i l o s o p h i c a l t r a d i t i o n within an increasingly pragmatic 1ibera1 environment. In the Cold War environment of the l a t e 1940s and early 1950s, Greenberg's growing advocacy of a s e l f -r e f l e x i v e modern art was a suitable complement to a 52. Despite the fa c t that the anti-Kantian r e v o l u t i o n i n the United States was led by William James, recent scholarship has demonstrated the existence of hidden a f f i n i t i e s between both the dualism of Kant and the a n t i -dualism of James. For an analysis of Kant's pragmatism and James' trancendéntalist presuppositions, see Thomas Bruce Carlson, The Pragmatic Individual: from Kant to James, Unpublished PhD. Dissertation, Harvard University, 1990. The most outspoken contemporary exponent of the anti-Kantian turn i n American neo-pragmatism i s Richard Rorty. Since the publication of h i s f i r s t a r t i c l e on pragmatism, during the Kennedy Administration, Rorty has been the staunchest advocate within the United States of the anti-foundationalism and anti-correspondist theories of knowledge contained i n the pragmatic philosophies of 1950s, including those of Willard Quine, W i l f r i d S e l l a r s , and Donald Davidson. For a discussion of the impact of the pragmatic philosophers of the 1950s on contemporary pragmatism, see C.G. Prado, The Limits of Pragmatism ( A t l a n t i c Highlands, New Jersey: Humanities Press International, Inc., 1989). foreign p o l i c y geared to holding the Soviet Union at bay i n Europe and convincing Europeans of the s o p h i s t i c a t i o n and s u p e r i o r i t y of American a r t . Domestically, Greenberg's theories of modernism were also acceptable on the basis of t h e i r anti-communism and t h e i r attractivesness to a l i b e r a l e l i t e intent on maintaining a c u l t u r a l d i s t i n c t i v n e s s from the expanding middle class and i t s suburban middlebrow culture. In 1953 Greenberg published a lengthy essay e n t i t l e d "The P l i g h t of Our Culture" i n two consecutive issues of the journal Commentary. The essay rates as one of h i s f i n e s t pieces of c r i t i c a l exposition but t e l l i n g l y sets out the implications of a c r i t i c a l strategy now f a r removed from the Marxism of the 1939 essay which established h i s reputation, "Avant-Garde and K i t s