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"Take it away, youth" : visions of Canadian identity in British Columbia social studies textbooks, 1925-1989 Clark, Penney Irene 1995

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"TAKE IT AWAY, Y OUTH!" VISIONS OF CANADIAN IDENTITY IN BRITISH COLUMBIA SOCIAL STUDIES TEXTBOOKS, 1925-1989 by PENNEY IRENE CLARK B.A., Simon Fraser University, 1976 M.Ed., The University of Alberta, 1982 A THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY in THE FACULTY OF GRADUATE STUDIES Department of Educational Studies We accept this thesis as conforming to the required standard THE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA December 1995 © Penney Irene Clark, 1995 In presenting this thesis in partial fulfilment of the requirements for an advanced degree at the University of British Columbia, I agree that the Library shall make it freely available for reference and study. I further agree that permission for extensive copying of this thesis for scholarly purposes may be granted by the head of my department or by his or her representatives. It is understood that copying or publication of this thesis for financial gain shall not be allowed without my written permission. Department of \= Q \5c,PfX[ pm -S>TO Pi^-S The University of British Columbia Vancouver, Canada Date ^7 ^-/96 DE-6 (2/88) ABSTRACT Textbooks are a "cultural artifact" in that they are developed and approved for use . in schools within particular sociocultural and educational contexts. As such, they offer a glimpse of those contexts. This study examined 169 social.studies textbooks approved for use in the schools of British Columbia following three educational turning points: the 1925 Putman-Weir Report, the 1960 Chant Report, and the 1970 establishment of the Canada Studies Foundation. The textbooks were examined to ascertain the views of Canadian; identity which they conveyed and how those views were redefined over time. In the Putman-Weir era, Canadian identity involved a sense of increasing independence within an enveloping allegiance to Great Britain and its empire. Textbooks encouraged the adoption of characteristics of good citizenship such as loyalty to country and empire, through the use of heroic figures. The concept of Canadian identity was both inclusive and exclusive; It was a gendered concept, excluding women. It was inclusive of most immigrants because they were needed to people the land. It was exclusive of Oriental inirnigrants because they were viewed as unable to assimilate. It also excluded Native people, who were seen as being unable to contribute to national progress. In the Chant era, Canada's independence from Great Britain began to be taken for granted. Textbooks were more concerned with Canada's relationship to the United States and its role on the world stage. Textbook authors saw a thriving anti-Americanism as an important part of what made Canadians Canadian. "Canadianness" included women only in peripheral roles. Immigrants, other than Oriental, received a joyous welcome in these ii texts. These "new Canadians" were expected to contribute to the ongoing tide of progress in which Canadians were engaged. A negative tone pervaded discussion of Native peoples. The Canada Studies era was characterized by two dominant movements. These were promotion of Canadian nationhood and a greater inclusiveness. Ironically, pride in Canada, as well as optimism for its future, was less evident in the Canada Studies era texts. Inclusion was the watchword of this era. iii TABLE OF CONTENTS ABSTRACT ii TABLE OF CONTENTS iv LIST OF TABLES x ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS x CHAPTER I INTRODUCTION 1 Statement of the ProblemImportance of Textbooks 7 Conceptualization of Textbook Studies 9 Introduction 9 Early Textbook Studies 13 Studies Intended to Detect Bias 18 Recent Studies 26 IntroductionRecent Studies from a Critical Research Perspective 26 Recent Studies from Eclectic Perspectives 29 Recent Historical Studies 34 Conclusion 41 Research Method 2 Primary and Secondary Sources 42 Methodology 4Limitations of the Study 6 i v CHAPTER II PUTMAN-WEIR ERA, 1925-1939: BACKGROUND 48 Putman-Weir Commission Report 48 Social, Economic, and Political Context 49 Educational Context 51 Curriculum Change 5Rhetoric and Classroom Practice: Role of Textbooks 54 Choosing Texts: Contemporary Concerns 58 CHAPTER III PUTMAN-WEIR ERA, 1925-1939: CANADIAN IDENTITY THEMES 63 Texts ExaminedConception of the Ideal Canadian 64 Gender 6Race/Ethnicity 8 The Teaching of Virtue 81 Conception of Canada as a Nation 8 The Part Cooperation and Conflict Have Played in the Development of Canada as a Nation 88 Bonds of Empire 94 Canada's Relationship with the United States 105 Sources of Pride for Canadians 109 Conception of the Student Reader 112 Mirrors of Their World 118 v CHAPTER IV CHANT ERA, 1960-1975: BACKGROUND 121 Chant Commission Report 12Social, Economic, and Political Context 125 Educational Context 127 Educational Debates 12Curriculum Change 129 Rhetoric and Classroom Practice: Role of Textbooks 134 Choosing Texts: Contemporary Concerns 137 Changes in Text Approvals 141 CHAPTER V CHANT ERA, 1960-1975: CANADIAN IDENTITY THEMES 147 Texts Examined 14Conception of the Ideal Canadian 149 Gender 14Race/Ethnicity 158 The Teaching of Virtue 16Conception of Canada as a Nation 177 The Part Cooperation and Conflict Have Played in the Development of Canada as a Nation 177 Canada's Changing Relationship With Great Britain 184 Canada's Changing Relationship With the United States.. 185 Sources of Pride for Canadians 188 Conception of the Student Reader 191 Mirrors of Their World 196 vi CHAPTER VI CANADA STUDIES ERA, 1970-1989: BACKGROUND 199 The Canada Studies Foundation 19Social and Political Context 206 Educational Context 209 Introduction 20Core Curriculum 210 Inquiry Approaches and Values Education 211 Curriculum Change 213 Changes in Text Approval Procedures 217 Choosing Texts: Contemporary Concerns 222 A Legacy for Learners: The Sullivan Royal Commission 223 Rhetoric and Classroom Practice: Role of Textbooks During This Period 225 CHAPTER VII CANADA STUDIES ERA, 1970-1989: CANADIAN IDENTITY THEMES 228 Texts Examined 22Conception of the Ideal Canadian 228 Gender 22Race/Ethnicity 235 Disabled People 24Canada's Seniors 247 Class 249 The Teaching of Virtue 254 Conception of Canada as a Nation 257 The Part Cooperation and Conflict Have Played in the Development of Canada as a Nation 257 Canada's Relationship With Great Britain and the United States 262 Sources of Pride for Canadians 264 Conception of the Student Reader 266 Mirrors of Their World 267 CHAPTER VIII CONCLUSION 271 Stability and Change 27Implications of the Study 281 BIBLIOGRAPHY 288 Primary Sources 28Putman-Weir Era 288 Chant Era 292 Canada Studies Era 301 Secondary Sources 307 APPENDIX SAMPLE TEXTBOOK PROFILES 321 Putman-Weir Era 32Chant Era 328 Canada Studies Era 335 viii LIST OF TABLES TABLE PAGE TABLE 1 Prescribed Textbooks 144 ix ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS I would like to express my thanks to the people who have assisted in the conception and development of this thesis. Dr. J. Donald Wilson, Professor, Department of Educational Studies, has my gratitude for encouraging me to pursue this particular topic in the first place and for his invaluable feedback over the course of the study. I would like to thank Dr. Neil Sutherland, Professor, Department of Educational Studies, for his meticulous comments on each piece of the research and for his generosity in lending resources from his own historical collection. Dr. Ian Wright, Associate Professor, Department of Curriculum Studies, and chair of my supervisory committee, was always ready to provide assistance and support, and it was much appreciated. I would like to thank all three members of my supervisory committee for their generosity with their time. I would also like to mention the Dissertation Working Group, a group of fellow doctoral students who met regularly over the course of a year to discuss our work. I would particularly like to thank Jacqueline Gresko for organizing this group and for her suggestions regarding my work. Tony Arruda, Brian Low, Helen Brown, Ruth Sandwell, and Sue Gibson have my gratitude for their thought-provoking questions and comments. I would like to thank the librarians in the Faculty of Education Library, Howard Hurt, Joanne Naslund, and Lee Ann Bryant, for their cheerful assistance. Dr. Roland Case, Associate Professor, Faculty of Education, Simon Fraser University, kindly provided feedback on parts of the thesis as well. Finally, I would like to acknowledge my husband, Ian White, and my daughter, Emily, who sacrificed a great deal to help bring this study to fruition. Inevitably, a project such as this one becomes a family affair. CHAPTER I INTRODUCTION Statement of the Problem Since 1872, there has been in place in British Columbia a process for the official approval of textbooks. In fact, by 1875, in his fourth annual report, John Jessop, the Superintendent of Schools for British Columbia, reported that "the authorized text books are now exclusively used throughout the Province."1 In spite of other materials which may have been available, these officially approved texts have formed the core of classroom instruction ever since. Textbooks portray particular world views and perspectives. Both by what they include and by what is omitted, textbooks represent choices made from among many possibilities. Approved texts do not represent only the world views and perspectives of their authors and publishers. More importantly, because they have received official sanction for classroom use by those in authority, they represent what is deemed to be legitimate knowledge for students. Furthermore, textbooks are written, published and granted approved status within particular sociocultural contexts, which include "demographic, social, political, and economic conditions, traditions and ideologies, and events that actually or potentially influence curriculum."2 I examined 169 textbooks approved by the British Columbia Department of Education for use with British Columbia elementary and secondary social studies curricula in three identified periods between 1925 and 1989; 1925-1939, 1960-1975, and 1970-1989. The examination w:as conducted to ascertain views of selected aspects of Canadian identity implicit in the texts and how these views were redefined over time. Social studies 1 Department of Education, Fourth Annual Report of the Public Schools of the Province of British Columbia, .1875-76 (Victoria: King's Printer, 1876), 88. Jessop may have been making an exaggerated claim. Nevertheless, the fact. that, the Superintendent of Education saw fir to make this claim illustrates the high status of approved texts in the eyes of those responsible for choosing them. 2Catherine Cornbleth, Curriculum in Context (Bristol, PA: Palmer, 1990), 6. textbooks were selected for this examination because social studies is the curricular area which has been generally recognized as having "good citizenship" as its ultimate goal. Tomkins has said that "the goal of 'citizenship' probably comes closer than any other to identifying the purpose that Canadians have usually believed that the social studies should serve."3 Three turning points in twentieth century British Columbia educational history were chosen as foci for this study. These are Survey of the School System, the 1925 Putman-Weir Commission Report; Report of the Royal Commission on Education, the 1960 Chant Commission Report; and the establishment of the Canada Studies Foundation in 1970. Each of these events heralded a time of intense curricular change in British Columbia social studies programs, resulting in the official approval of new textbooks. The first turning point, the Putman-Weir Commission Report, was the product of a British Columbia commission of inquiry. The second, the Chant Commission Report, was the work of a royal commission. Royal commissions, as Theresa Richardson reminds us, have a "special nuance of authority and prestige."4 British Columbia royal commissions and commissions of inquiry concerned with education have received a great deal of public attention and have generated a great deal of public reaction. The Putman-Weir and Chant Commissions were chosen from the almost fifty official inquiries which have examined aspects of education in British Columbia prior to the recent Sullivan Commission, for two reasons. First, they had the broadest mandates. Second, they each had a significant impact on public education in British Columbia. The Putman-Weir Report has been credited with shaping education in British Columbia until mid-century.5 The Chant Commission, which followed hard on the heels of public reaction in the United States and Canada to the 3George Tomkins, "The Social Studies in Canada," in A Canadian Social Studies, rev. ed., ed. Jim Parsons, Geoff Milburn, and Max van Manen (Edmonton: Faculty of Education, University of Alberta, 1985), 15. ^Theresa Richardson, "Social Change and the Structure of Royal Commissions: An Introduction," Policy Explorations 3 (Winter 1988): 2. 5F. Henry Johnson, A History of Public Education in British Columbia (Vancouver: Publications Centre, University of British Columbia, 1964). launching of the Soviet satellite Sputnik in 1957, also heralded a time of significant educational change in British Columbia. The creation of the Canada Studies Foundation in 1970 is the third turning point of interest here. This turning point is not a royal commission or commission of inquiry. It is national rather than provincial in scope. However, like the other turning points, it had a significant impact on education in British Columbia, and its implications for education in this province, and textbooks in particular, are relevant to this study. Each of the three turning points signifies the beginning of a period in which a new provincial social studies curriculum was implemented. In each case, textbooks were chosen and approved to support the new curriculum in British Columbia classrooms.6 The cutoff date for each period was the year by which new textbooks had been granted approved status and all textbooks which had been previously approved had lost that status. Texts in the period prior to 1925 were not included as part of this study because studies by both Harro Van Brummelen and Timothy Stanley have examined texts approved in British Columbia in the 1872 to 1925 period. These studies will be described in the section of this chapter entitled, "Conceptualization of Textbook Studies." One hundred sixty-nine textbooks were examined and a profile was created for each textbook. The profile was organized around categories formed from the research questions listed below. A sample profile for one text from each of the three periods in which textbooks were examined is provided in the Appendix. The following questions provided a framework for analysis of the textbooks: 1. What is the conception of the ideal Canadian in the texts? • What is the view of gender? • What is the view of race and ethnicity? • What is the view of class? 6The social studies curriculum in British Columbia has been mandatory up to and including Grade Eleven. Elective courses such as History 12, Geography 12, and Law 12 have been offered in Grade Twelve. This study examined textooks approved for the mandatory social studies curriculum. • What is the view of age? • What is the view of disability? • What is the conception of virtue? 2. What is the conception of Canada as a nation in the texts? • What part have cooperation and conflict played in the development of Canada as a nation? • What view of the relationship between Canada and Great Britain is portrayed? • What view of the relationship between Canada and the United States is portrayed? • In what do Canadians take pride? 3. What is the conception of the student reader? • What pedagogical approaches does the text employ? Is the emphasis on passive acquisition of information or on its active use to shape one's environment? Whether all of the above questions were relevant to a particular text depended on the text's topic and scope. If certain questions were irrelevant to a particular text they were omitted from its profile. In addition, the categories of class, age, and disability will not be discussed until the Canada Studies era. These categories yielded little data in the previous eras. As can be seen, the view of Canadian identity was categorized in three ways: the conception of the ideal Canadian, the conception of Canada as a nation, and the conception of the student reader. In each category selected aspects of Canadian identity were examined. With regard to categories within the conception of the ideal Canadian, gender, race, ethnicity, and class have gained the interest of social historians in recent years because they are powerful aspects of identity. Therefore, it seemed important to examine how they are presented in textbook discourse. Age and disability are aspects of identity which have received less attention. However, they too are defining characteristics of identity and it was of interest to me to determine if, and if so how, they are portrayed in texts. Social studies, and particularly the history component, has been viewed as the curricular area in which citizenship 'virtues' are inculcated.7 Therefore, it was important to consider the role of the teaching of virtue in the production of the ideal Canadian. The conception of Canada as a nation was examined in terms of the themes of conflict and cooperation, relationship to Great Britain and to the United States, and sources of pride for Canadians. Events which centre around conflict are often viewed as major turning points in a nation's history. For instance, in our own history, the War of 1812, the Rebellions of 1837 and 1838, the Riel Resistances, our participation in the two World Wars, and the Quebec crisis of 1970, among others, are seen as defining moments in the journey toward Canada becoming what it is today. Cooperation is often less visible than conflict. However, it can be as effective in resolving disputes and is worthwhile examining as a counterbalance to conflict. The relationships between Canada and Great Britain and Canada and the United States were examined because each of these nations has, in different ways, acted as a foil against which our identity has been defined over time. Last, the qualities, accomplishments, and visions in which a nation takes pride, are an important window into that nation's identity. The conception of the student reader was examined in terms of the pedagogical approaches explicit, and at times implicit, in the texts. These approaches reflected the dominant views about how students learn, in each period. They also reflected beliefs about how students become good citizens. 'See, for example, Department of Education, Programme of Studies for the Junior High Schools of British Columbia, 1927-1928 (Victoria: King's Printer, 1927), 18-19. This document lists eleven "right ideals and attitudes" which should be inculcated through the social studies curriculum. These include "tolerance and respect for other nations and races," "appreciation of the dignity of labour and its part in the development of character," and "a whole-hearted love for Canada." I do not claim to have examined all aspects of Canadian identity. I decided to forfeit the opportunity to explore all the major themes related to Canadian identity in depth for the opportunity to explore selected themes over time. One theme in particular, which I might have examined, and did not, at least as a separate theme, is that of the depiction of Quebec and French-English relations in Canada. The dichotomy of the two founding nations has created a powerful tension in Canadian society dating from long before Canada became a nation. Although its treatment in the texts was not explored as a separate theme, it could hardly be avoided entirely. It appears in at least two ways. French-English relations following the Riel Resistances are explored under the theme of "Cooperation and Conflict in the Development of Canada as a Nation." In addition, the differing depictions of Canadian history presented in textbooks prepared for French-speaking and English-speaking students are discussed in the section entitled, "Conceptualization of Textbook Studies." I chose not to explore this as a separate theme, because it probably warrants a thesis on its own. To give this topic its due, one could update Trudel and Jain's 1970 study,8 carried out for the Royal Commission on Bilingualism and Biculturalism, and compare current Canadian history textbooks intended for French-speaking and English-speaking students. That is another study. In reporting my findings, I have done what Ruth Miller Elson, author of Guardians of Tradition, described as "letfting] the textbooks speak for themselves as much as possible, in the hope that their charm as well as their diction and sentiments will interest the reader."9 8Marcel Trudel and Genevieve Jain, Canadian History Textbooks: A Comparative Study. Royal Commission on Bilingualism and Biculturalism, Staff Study No. 5 (Ottawa: Queen's Printer, 1970). 9Ruth Miller Elson, Guardians of Tradition: American Schoolbooks of the Nineteenth Century (Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 1964), ix. Importance of Textbooks Textbooks have been central to the quality and content of education since the inception of public schooling in Canada. They are ubiquitous in classrooms and have formed, and continue to form, the basis of instruction. Tomkins, in his extensive review of Canadian curricular history, has called the single authorized textbook "the norm and the major determinant of curriculum."10 As early as 1925, the authors of the Putman-Weir Report lamented the fact that schools in British Columbia were relying too much on textbooks as the single source of information in classrooms.11 In his 1986 study of elementary schooling in Vancouver from the 1920s to the 1960s, Neil Sutherland points to the practice of having students read in sequence from history and geography textbooks during this period. Another common practice was to have students copy from the blackboard paragraphs which summarized sections from the textbook, placing correct words in "blanks."12 A.B. Hodgetts reported in his 1968 book, What Culture? What Heritage? that the majority of the 850 secondary school history and civics lessons observed in a nationwide study "were trapped within the pages of a single textbook."13 A 1989 study in British Columbia found that the instructional strategy of choice for teachers of Grade Ten social studies was use of the single authorized text. For Grades Four and Seven social studies teachers, use of a single authorized text was second only to full classroom discussion as the most commonly used teaching strategy.14 '^George S. Tomkins, A Common Countenance: Stability and Change in the Canadian Curriculum (Scarborough: Prentice-Hall Canada Inc., 1986), 409. 1 'J.H. Putman and G.M. Weir, Survey of the School System (Victoria: King's Printer, 1925), 94-95. 12Neil Sutherland, "The Triumph of 'Formalism': Elementary Schooling in Vancouver from the 1920s to the 1960s," in Vancouver Past: Essays in Social History, Vancouver Centennial Issue of BC Studies, ed. R.A.J. McDonald and Jean Barman, 175-210 (Vancouver: UBC Press, 1986). 13 A.B. Hodgetts, What Culture? What Heritage? A Study of Civic Education in Canada (Toronto: OISE, 1968), 116. 14 Wanda Cassidy and Carl J. Bognar, More Than a Good Idea: Moving from Words to Action in Social Studies (Victoria: Assessment, Examinations and Reporting Branch, Ministry of Education, 1991), 75-76. A number of American studies have examined the role of textbooks in classrooms as well. The 1983 national study of schooling, A Nation At Risk, points to the crucial role of textbooks in the way in which curriculum is experienced by students.15 De Silva concluded that texts determine seventy-five to ninety-five percent of classroom instruction.16 A. Graham Down described the situation graphically when he said: Textbooks, for better or worse, dominate what students learn. They set the curriculum, and often the facts learned, in most subjects. For many students, textbooks are their first and sometimes only early exposure to books and to reading. The public regards textbooks as authoritative, accurate, and necessary. And teachers rely on them to organize lessons and structure subject matter.17 As a Canadian writer once said about textbooks—"There were never any mistakes . . . because God wrote them; or if He didn't He most certainly knew the authors."18 The power of textbook messages was appreciated many years ago by Lord Durham. With regard to the influence of American textbooks on the students of British North America, he said that "tinctured as they are with principles which however fit for dissemination under the form of government which exists there [United States], cannot be inculcated here without evil results."19 More recently, distinguished British historian Arnold Toynbee, remarked that: The most influential of the history books published are not the most advanced ones.. . . The really influential history books are the elementary ones. These are read by children who are still at an age at which they are likely to take for granted that anything printed must be true; and for the majority of these juvenile readers this is the last, as well as the first, account of history that comes their way. Accordingly it stays with them for life. It has a life-long effect on their behavior, 15National Commission on Excellence in Education, A Nation at Risk: The Imperative for Educational Reform (Washington, DC: U.S. Department of Education, 1983). 16J3. De Silva, "Better Textbooks: Dim Outlook Ahead," Curriculum Review 26 (1986): 8-11. 17 A. Graham Down, "Preface," in A Conspiracy of Good Intentions: America's Textbook Fiasco (Washington, DC: The Council for Basic Education, 1988), viii. 18Lorne R. Hill, "Clio in the Classroom," Books in Canada 9 (March 1980): 21. 19C.J. Eustace, "Developments in Canadian Book Production and Design," in Royal Commission on Book Publishing: Background Papers (Toronto: Queen's Printer, 1972), 38-61, quoted in Rowland Lorimer and Patrick Keeney, "Defining the Curriculum: The Role of the Multinational Textbook in Canada," in Language, Authority and Criticism: Readings on the School Textbook, ed. Suzanne de Castell, Allan Luke, and Carmen Luke (London: The Falmer Press, 1989), 171. both private and public. It plays a big part in making them either good or bad neighbors, and either wise or foolish voters.20 Research makes clear that students do not question what is presented to them in texts. Peter Seixas quotes a high school student as saying, "You can't disagree with it [the text] . . . it's what you are supposed to learn." As Seixas pointed out, "this assumption relieved the student of any inclination to question or test that information against other standards."21 Samuel S. Wineburg prepared and then compared protocols of historians' and academically able high school students' comments as they read textbook passages about the American Revolution. His courtroom metaphor is an apt illustration of the differences between the two approaches to the texts: Historians worked through these documents as if they were prosecuting attorneys; they did not merely listen to testimony but actively drew it out by putting documents side by side, by locating discrepancies, and by actively questioning sources and delving into their conscious and unconscious motives. Students, on the other hand, were like jurors, patiently listening to testimony and questioning themselves about what they heard, but unable to question witnesses directly or subject them to cross-examination. For students, the locus of authority was in the text; for historians it was in the questions they themselves formulated about the text.22 Conceptualization of Textbook Studies In recognition of the important role which textbooks play in the school curriculum, there is a lengthy history of textbook analysis both in Canada and in the United States. Social studies textbook studies can be conceptualized in terms of their dominant concerns, attendant methodologies, and sponsoring organizations (the 'why', the 'how', and the 'who'). There is a chronological component to this conceptualization, with different concerns and methodologies prevalent at different times during the twentieth century. This review will trace the evolution of textbook studies from early in the century to present-day. There will 20Dr. Arnold Toynbee, "The Impact of Elementary History Books," Montreal Star, 6 October 1965. 21 Peter Seixas, "Preservice Teachers Assess Students' Prior Historical Understanding," The Social Studies 85 (March/April 1994): 93, 94. 22Samuel S. Wineburg, "On the Reading of Historical Texts: Notes on the Breach Between School and Academy," American Educational Research Journal 28 (Fall 1991), 511. inevitably be some overlap in the conceptual categories as some studies were 'ahead of their time' or conversely, continued to use a particular methodology beyond its period of common use. While the focus of this discussion will be on analyses which have been carried out in a Canadian context, key American studies will also be acknowledged. Until the 1960s, social studies textbook studies had three predominant concerns. These were the degree to which the texts successfully represented citizenship goals; the way in which the United States was represented in Canadian textbooks and Canada in American texts; and the differing versions of Canadian history represented in the history textbooks of English and French Canada. These studies were mainly carried out under government sponsorship. Occasionally, a study was done under the auspices of a private organization, such as one by the Women's International League for Peace and Freedom, which will be discussed here. Studies in this period generally used a descriptive approach with guiding questions. During the 1970s and early 1980s there was a multitude of studies intended to determine whether, and in what ways, texts were biased toward particular societal groups.23 The ultimate purpose of these studies was to remove texts from provincial approved lists if they were deemed to be too biased for student eyes. These studies were usually sponsored by provincial human rights commissions, provincial departments of education, or special interest groups such as native organizations, which had particular concerns regarding the depiction of their constituencies in the texts. The methodology of choice to assess texts for their bias was most often quantitative content analysis. This methodology was heralded as the answer to the subjectivity and nonreplicability of previous textbook studies. 23These studies used the term "bias" to mean "distorted or missing information which causes the mind to incline toward or in favour of a particular group of people." Leela Mattu and Daniel Villeneuve, "Eliminating Group Prejudice in Social Studies Textbooks: A Study Conducted for the Human Rights Commission of B.C.," 1980, 4 [Microlog 82-0617]. 1 0 During the last fifteen years there have been several different strands of textbook analysis. First, studies within a critical paradigm have emerged. Drawing on the work of such theorists as Bourdieu and Passeron, Bernstein, Bowles and Gintis, Williams, and Apple,24 and often neo-Marxist in orientation, these studies look for the underlying societal structures inherent in the texts. These studies ask questions such as "What knowledge is presented as legitimate in the texts?" "Whose interests are being served through the presentation of this knowledge?" The view of these university-based researchers is "that the knowledge disseminated in schools is a highly selective representation of the totality of available knowledge and not simply neutral sets of facts and information as has been assumed by much previous educational research."25 These studies reject quantitative approaches, viewing the concept of research objectivity as highly problematic. As Romanish points out in his discussion of the methodology used in his stuctural study of American secondary economics textbooks, "While the investigator is not free of certain value choices when setting up and conducting an analysis of texts, such a subjective process provides opportunities to examine, probe and analyze in a way purely quantitative and experimental methods cannot."26 We cannot leave the critical paradigm without a brief mention of poststructuralism. In contrasting structuralism and poststructuralism, Cherryholmes points out that structuralism views meaning to be external to the individual, while poststructuralism "shows meanings to be shifting, receding, fractured, incomplete, dispersed, and deferred."27 "Poststructuralists celebrate uncertainty."28 The work of Foucault and 24P. Bourdieu and J.C. Passeron, Reproduction in Education, Society, and Culture (London: Sage Publications, 1977); Basil Bernstein, Class, Codes and Control, Vol. Ill, Towards a Theory of Educational Transmissions (London: Routledge and Kegan Paul, 1977); S. Bowles and H. Gintis, Schooling in Capitalist America (New York: Basic Books, 1976); R. Williams, Marxism and Literature (London: Oxford University Press, 1977); Michael W. Apple, Teachers & Texts: A Political Economy of Class & Gender Relations in Education (New York: Routledge, 1988). 25Joel Taxel, "The Outsiders of the American Revolution: The Selective Tradition in Children's Fiction," Interchange 12 (1981): 207. 26Bruce A. Romanish, "Modern Secondary Economics Textbooks and Ideological Bias," Theory and Research in Social Education XI (Spring 1983): 4. 27Cleo H. Cherryholmes, Power and Criticism: Poststructural Investigations in Education (New York: Teachers College Press, Teachers College, Columbia University, 1988), 61. 1 1 Derrida, each in a different way, is seminal to poststructural thought. Michel Foucault's concern is with the influences which have produced a particular discourse rather than with interpretation of its meaning. His 'interpretive analytics' argues that knowledge is a product of the combined influences of history, power, and social interests. Textbooks, as a result of power, position, and tradition, represent a privileged way of viewing the world. Jacques Derrida's deconstructivism views words and meanings as indefinite and equivocal constructions. The implications of this view are that any discourse can be interpreted in multiple ways, all of which are valid.29 A second strand is composed of a rather eclectic mix of 'other' contemporary studies. The emergence of studies from a conservative, often religious, perspective is noted, as well as studies from a feminist perspective. A study of how Canada is portrayed in American social studies textbooks, reminiscent of earlier studies, is discussed; as is a major American study which explores ideological management in the context of schools, radio, television, and movies. These studies use a variety of quantitative and qualitative approaches to data analysis. Third, are recent historical studies, usually carried out by historians of education, which either look at the texts in terms of continuity and change over time, or examine them within the sociocultural context of the period in which they were published. Few historical studies have been carried out in Canada. Historical research on textbooks has, for the most part, eschewed quantitative approaches. Most historians take an interpretive stance to 28Norman K. Denzin, "The Art and Politics of Interpretation," in Handbook of Qualitative Research, ed., Normam K. Denzin and Yvonna S. Lincoln (Thousand Oaks, CA: SAGE Publications, 1994), 511. 29M. Foucault, The Archaeology of Knowledge (New York: Harper & Row, 1972), and J. Derrida, "Discussion: Structure, Sign and Play in the Discourse of the Human Sciences," in The Structuralism Controversy, ed. R. Macksey & E. Donata, 247-272 (Baltimore: John Hopkins University Press, 1972). 1 2 historical data, viewing history as "constructed reality"30 in the words of historian Joan N. Burstyn, and at least partly "an exercise of the imagination."31 This review will discuss studies of social studies texts (including history, geography, and civics). A few studies of reading texts will be included because they address similar themes or illustrate important points. The focus of this review will be on studies of textbook content. Studies of textbook production, textbook adoption, textbook reform, or the analysis of textbooks from the perspective of reading theory will not be discussed. Early Textbook Studies An example of an early textbook study carried out by a private organization to determine if its own objectives were being met in school texts is one done by the Women's International League for Peace and Freedom in 1933.32 This study analyzed forty history textbooks used in Canadian schools in order to determine if they promoted "peace, tolerance, non-militarism, and mutual understanding among peoples and governments."33 Fifty-seven readers evaluated the texts using a checklist of questions designed to ascertain whether they conveyed those messages.34 The conclusion of the final report was that texts were, for the most part, satisfactory, but dull. Ken Osborne likens reading the report to "viewing a long sought after beauty spot through a thick fog."35 He attributes this problem to the researchers' efforts to keep the report as "objective" and "scientific" as possible. 30Joan N. Burstyn, "History as Image: Changing the Lens," History of Education Quarterly 27 (Summer 1987): 167. 31W.H. Oliver, Letter to the Editor, N.Z. Listener, 24 March 1950, quoted in Robin Fisher, "Matter for Reflection: BC Studies and British Columbia History," BC Studies (Winter 1993-94), 70. 32Women's International League for Peace and Freedom, Toronto Branch, Report of the Canadian School History Textbook Survey (Toronto: The League, 1933), in Ken Osborne, "An Early Example of the Analysis of History Textbooks in Canada," Canadian Social Studies 29 (Fall 1994): 21-25. 33Ken Osborne, "An Early Example of the Analysis of History Textbooks in Canada," Canadian Social Studies 29 (Fall 1994): 23. 34Dr. Peter Sandiford, Director of Educational Research at the University of Toronto, designed the study. Dr. Sandiford had earlier conducted extensive I.Q. testing in British Columbia on behalf of the Putman-Weir Royal Commission on education. The commission report was published as Survey of the School System in 1925. 35Osborne, "An Early Example of the Analysis of History Textbooks in Canada," 24. 1 3 Another early study was concerned with the effectiveness of history textbooks in embodying citizenship goals. This study was sponsored by the Canada and Newfoundland Education Association and published in 1941 under the title, A Report on Text-Books in Social Studies in the Dominion of Canada and Their Relation to National Ideals. It employed such western Canadian educational luminaries as A.R. Lord, principal of the Provincial Normal School in Vancouver and H.C. Newland, Supervisor of Schools in Alberta. The study operated on the premise that "history is to be used as an educational medium for the rearing of good citizens in a democratic state, . . . [and must] impress him [the reader] with the importance and dignity of citizenship in his own country."36 Each text was examined by three readers using a questionnaire. Of the six questions provided on the questionnaire, four were concerned with appropriateness for intended students. The mere two which were about 'national ideals' leave no doubt as to the perspective from which the study was done: 1. Has the author tried to inspire his readers with a feeling of admiration for the achievements of great Canadians and great British leaders.. . 2. Has the author indicated a positive effort to develop in his readers a love of free institutions, for democracy and all its concomitants, for free speech, for free press, etc.37 The study concluded that too often the elementary texts focused on the intrinsic merits of history as a study, forgetting the broader goals. The secondary texts neglected to indicate to students the importance of the privileges and responsibilities of each citizen to the proper functioning of a democratic state. In 1947, the Canada-United States Committee on Education38 published the findings of its examination of national history texts used in both countries, under the title, A 36Canada and Newfoundland Education Association, A Report on Text-Books in Social Studies in the Dominion of Canada and Their Relation to National Ideals (Toronto: The Association, 1941), 87. 37Ibid., 1. 38Some background information on this committee is provided in "The Canada-United States Committee On Education," Canadian Education I (October 1945): 44-48. 1 4 Study of National History Textbooks Used in the Schools of Canada and the United States. This committee, which consisted of nine educators from Canada and nine from the United States, was set up in 1944 by the American Council on Education, the Canadian and Newfoundland Education Association, the Canadian Teachers' Federation, and the National Conference of Canadian Universities. The purpose of this study, which was funded by the Marshall Field Foundation, was to determine if each country's texts dealt adequately with the history of the other country. Teachers attending workshops at Harvard University and the Ontario College of Education recorded the amount of space devoted to the other country, excluding any pictorial or graphic content. They appraised the quality of the written information, noting the nature, organization, distribution, emphasis, and tone of all references. They also noted omissions. The Canadian content in the American texts was criticized for a lack of a clear conception of Canadian development and a failure to acknowledge the significance of Canada to the development of the United States historically. American content in Canadian texts was criticized for its undue emphasis on war and conflict in Canadian-American relations, omissions of important content, such as background information relating to the growth of cooperation and goodwill between the two countries. The study offered recommendations "for the improvement of national history textbooks as instruments of international goodwill between Canada and the United States."39 A major finding of the early studies was that the French language history textbooks used in Quebec presented a different version of Canadian history than did the English language textbooks used in Quebec and the other provinces. In 1945, the Canada and Newfoundland Education Association published a report entitled Report of the Committee for the Study of Canadian History Textbooks. A major finding of this study was that "generally speaking, French-language texts tend to pass quickly over the history of the 39The American Council on Education, The Canada-United States Committee on Education, "A Study of National History Textbooks Used in the Schools of Canada and the United States," Canadian Education II (June 1947), 2. English provinces, while English-language books do not give sufficient attention to events or persons important in French Canadian history." The study concluded that "a foreigner would have an altogether different view of Canadian history according to whether he read a school textbook in the French language or in the English language."40 Richard Wilson, in his 1966 Master's thesis, found a focus on the development of parliamentary democracy and nationhood within a Canadian frame of reference, in texts used in English-Canada. The frame of reference of texts used in French Canada was Quebec and the survival of French culture, language, and the Roman Catholic religion 41 In 1965, A.B.Hodgetts, a history master at Trinity College School in Port Hope, Ontario, began the National History Project, a two-year Canada-wide study of civic education, sponsored by his school. Hodgetts' report, published as What Culture? What Heritage?, was based primarily on observations of some 850 teachers in 247 schools in twenty cities across Canada. He also administered student questionnaires, carried out interviews with students and teachers, and examined courses of study, textbooks, and provincially set examinations for Canadian Studies courses in all provinces.42 Hodgetts found a "white, Anglo-Saxon, Protestant political and constitutional history" in the schools and textbooks of English-Canada, while courses of study, textbooks, and instruction in French Catholic classrooms were "peopled with saintly, heroic figures motivated by Christian ideals and working almost exclusively for the glory of God." He concluded that "successive generations of young English- and French-Canadians raised on diametrically 40Canada and Newfoundland Education Association, "Report of the Committee for the Study of Canadian History Textbooks," Canadian Education 1 (October 1945), 9, 10. 4'Richard D. Wilson, "An Inquiry into the Interpretation of Canadian History in the Elementary and Secondary School Textbooks of English and French Canada" (Master's thesis, McGill University, 1966). 42Hodgetts' study has been criticized for its methodology. See H. Brown, "Sometimes Fridays: The Secondary School History Program in Ontario 1962-1973" (Master's thesis, Carleton University, 1974) and Goldwin French, Robert M. Stamp, Margaret Prang, and Christian Laville, The Canadian Historical Review L (Sept. 1969): 300-302. Stamp mentions "the unscientifically designed questionnaires and the inadequately trained research assistants" (p. 301), although he points out that the value of the study outweighs these flaws. It is unfortunate that a handbook which was to contain the research instruments was never published, so others could form their own judgements. 1 6 opposed views of our history, each of which creates an entirely different value system, cannot understand fully each other or the country in which they live."43 Twenty-five years after the Canada and Newfoundland Education Association study, a 1970 study commissioned by the Royal Commission of Bilingualism and Biculturalism, and carried out by Marcel Trudel, a Professor of History at the University of Ottawa, and his assistant, Genevieve Jain, again found different realities being presented to Francophone and Anglophone students. This is evident in the focus on different periods of Canadian history. The period previous to 1663, the period of French colonization, receives very full treatment in the French-language textbooks, but is given little notice in the English-language texts. The 1663-1760 period receives about the same treatment in each. Beyond 1760 Trudel and Jain note that the texts "do not even seem to be talking about the same country! The English-speaking authors do their best to give an overall history of Canada, while the French authors. . . . hardly talk about anything but the history of Quebec and its expansion beyond its borders."44 When these authors do refer to other regions it is primarily to deal with the role of French Canadians in those locations. Two prominent themes in the French-language texts do not enjoy equal status in the English-language texts. One of these themes is the survival of French culture. This is the focal point of all their preoccupations. The survival of their group is repeatedly expressed in terms of resistance to a threat; as response to the challenge, they preach withdrawal into the collective shell and perpetuation of traditional structures, and they vigorously denounce any of their number who venture to offer a different, dynamic response.45 The other prominent theme in the French-language texts is that of religion and the Roman Catholic Church. "The Church is everywhere; the study of its role, in the nineteenth century for example, supplants the consideration of other very important matters. . . . Protestantism is cast in the role of villain."46 In the English-speaking texts religion is 43Hodgetts, What Culture? What Heritage? 20, 31, 117. 44Trudel and Jain, Canadian History Textbooks: A Comparative Study, 124. 45Ibid., 125. 46Ibid., 126. 1 7 treated, for the most part, as something which does not bear directly on history. These researchers recommended that a national history textbook be developed by a team of French- and English-speaking historians, in order to counteract this situation. This "socialization into discord" was corroborated by researchers such as Lamy47 and Richert,48 as well as Conley and Osborne.49 Studies Intended to Detect Bias As newspaper headlines such as "Slanted Textbooks" and "Tell it the Way it Was"50 attest, there was a great deal of public interest in the late 1960s in the way in which Canada's changing social reality was being portrayed in textbooks. Beginning at this time, a number of studies were conducted to determine the extent to which textbooks were biased against minority groups in Canadian society. Prior to this period researchers in Canada used a primarily descriptive approach to textbook analysis. In the 1970s researchers began to employ more quantitative approaches, as part of a broader quest for greater rigour in educational research. An approach to quantitative analysis called Evaluative Coefficient Analysis (ECO Analysis), developed by David Pratt, a professor in the Faculty of Education at Queen's University, was viewed as a major step forward because its use of mathematical formulae enabled replication of research procedures.51 This instrument involved the determination of a percentage score 47Paul Lamy, "Political Socialization of French and English Canadian Youth: Socialization into Discord," in Values in Canadian Society, Vol. 1, ed. E. Zureik and R.M. Pike, 263-280 (Toronto: McClelland and Stewart, 1975). 48J.P. Richert, "The Impact of Ethnicity on the Perception of Heroes and Historical Symbols," Canadian Review of Sociology and Anthropology VIII (May 1974): 159-163. 49Marshall Wm. Conley and Kenneth Osborne, "Political Education in Canadian Schools: An Assessment of Social Studies and Political Science Courses and Pedagogy," International Journal of Political Education 6 (1983): 65-85. 50"Slanted Textbooks," Toronto Telegram, 18 January 1967, p. 6; and "Tell it the Way it Was," Toronto Daily Star, 15 October 1968, p. 6. 51 Little replication has actually occurred. However, David Pratt found a .98 correlation between his analysis of five social studies textbooks using an earlier version of ECO Analysis called EARS, with the same five texts analyzed as part of a 1977 B.C. study which used ECO Analysis. (Glenys Galloway, Carol LaBar, and Joanne Ranson, "A Report on the Analysis of Prescribed British Columbia Textbooks for Racism," Submitted to the Human Rights Commission of British Columbia, 1977.) Personal communication, Dave Pratt to Carol LaBar, 27 July 1983. 1 8 for evaluative terms, ranging from zero for a totally negative affective treatment of a topic to one hundred for a totally positive treatment. In its original form ECO Analysis was called evaluative assertion analysis52 and was used in Teaching Prejudice, Garnet McDiarmid and David Pratt's 1971 landmark study of 143 authorized social studies textbooks in Ontario. This study began in 1965 and was carried out at the Ontario Institute for Studies in Education by McDiarmid, a professor in the Department of Curriculum, and his doctoral student, David Pratt. Sponsors were the Ontario Human Rights Commission, in cooperation with the Ontario Ministry of Education and the Ontario Institute for Studies in Education. McDiarmid and Pratt analyzed what they called "evaluative assertions" about minority groups, scoring them according to frequency of use and also weighting them according to a predetermined set of numerical values from -3 to +3. For instance, "eloquent" was given a +1 weighting and "primitive" a -2.53 Evaluative Assertion Analysis evolved into the more sensitve measurement device called the Evaluative Assertion Rating System (EARS) devised by David Pratt in his doctoral study.54 EARS was later modified to make it simpler to employ. This final instrument, called Evaluative Coefficient Analysis (ECO Analysis),55 was used in a number of theses and other textbook analysis studies in the 1970s and early 1980s.56 52McDiarmid and Pratt obtained the instrument, evaluative assertion analysis from C.E. Osgood, S. Saporta, and J.C. Nunnally, "Evaluative Assertion Analysis," Litera 3 (1956): 47-102. 53Garnet McDiarmid and David Pratt, Teaching Prejudice: A Content Analysis of Social Studies Textbooks Authorized for Use in Ontario (Toronto: OISE, 1971). 54David Pratt, "An Instrument for Measuring Evaluative Assertions Concerning Minority Groups and Its Application in an Analysis of History Textbooks Approved for Ontario Schools" (Ph.D. diss., University of Toronto, 1969). Pratt examined the treatment of Arabs, French Canadians, Indians, and Negroes (Blacks) in sixty-nine history textbooks authorized for use in Ontario. 55ECO Analysis is described in David Pratt, "Value Judgments in Textbooks: The Coefficient of Evaluation as a Quantitative Measure," Interchange 2 (1971): 1-14. It is described in even greater detail in David Pratt, How to Find and Measure Bias in Textbooks (Englewood Cliffs, NJ: Educational Technological Publications, Inc., 1972.) 56See, for example, Hyacinth Irving, "An Analysis of Ontario's Junior Division Social Studies Textbooks in Relation to Multiculturalism" (Master's thesis, University of Ottawa, 1985); Galloway, LaBar, and Ranson, "A Report on the Analysis of Prescribed British Columbia Textbooks for Racism," 1977; and G. Patrick O'Neill, "Prejudice Towards Indians in History Textbooks: A 1984 Profile," The History and Social Science Teacher 20 (Fall 1984): 33-39. Teaching Prejudice reports many examples of bias and prejudice against certain groups. While Christians and Jews were treated very positively, other groups were presented in a negative light. One of the conclusions was that "we are most likely to encounter in textbooks devoted Christians, great Jews, hardworking immigrants, infidel Moslems, primitive Negroes, and savage Indians."57 McDiarmid and Pratt also found that the texts evaded sensitive issues. A recommendation of this study was that the Ontario Department of Education develop guidelines to assist textbook publishers and authors to present minorities fairly. Such a set of guidelines appeared in 1980 in the form of Race, Religion, and Culture in Ontario School Materials: Suggestions for Authors and Publishers.5^ Pratt greeted this document with the comment, "[It] virtually ensures the elimination of racial, ethnic, cultural, and religious bias in future Ontario textbooks."59 This remark seems naive from the perspective of a decade later. It reflects the optimistic view, prevalent at the time, that first, bias-free texts were achievable; and second, this achievement was a simple matter of locating bias through quantitative content analysis and then rooting it out. A major area of concern at this time was the portrayal of Native peoples in social studies textbooks. Studies such as Prejudice in Social Studies Textbooks, published by the Saskatchewan Human Rights Commission in 1974,60 Textbook Analysis: Nova Scotia, published the same year by the Nova Scotia Human Rights Commission,61 and The Shocking Truth About Indians in Textbooks, by the Manitoba Indian Brotherhood in 57McDiarmid and Pratt, Teaching Prejudice: A Content Analysis of Social Studies Textbooks Authorized for Use in Ontario, 45. 58Ontario Ministry of Education, Race, Religion, and Culture in Ontario School Materials: Suggestions for Authors and Publishers (Toronto: The Ministry, 1980). 59David Pratt, "Bias in Textbooks: Progress and Problems," in Multiculturalism in Canada: Social and Educational Perspectives, ed. Ronald J. Samuda, John W. Berry, and Michel Laferriere (Toronto: Allyn and Bacon, Inc., 1984), 155. 60L. Paton and J. Deverell, ed., Prejudice in Social Studies Textbooks (Saskatoon: Saskatchewan Human Rights Commission, 1974). 61 Nova Scotia Human Rights Commission, Textbook Analysis - Nova Scotia (Halifax: Queen's Printer, 1974) 20 1977,62 found that many texts contained errors of fact, glaring omissions, and negative stereotyping about Native people. However, progress was made over time. The 1981 "Native People in the Curriculum" report, conducted for Alberta Education by faculty and graduate students in the Department of Educational Foundations at the University of Alberta, found "problems of factual error, stereotyping, contextual problems, errors of implication, the representation of theory as fact, and unclear and confused tribal distinctions."63 Despite these findings, the researchers conceded that texts had improved over the decade since the McDiarmid and Pratt study. Two 1984 studies, both of which used ECO Analysis, compared the results of an earlier textbook study with a current one. Pratt compared the results of an earlier study in which he had examined Canadian history texts authorized in Ontario between 1952 and 1967, with texts from the 1981 authorized list. He found a significant improvement in the portrayal of Native peoples. For instance, the word "massacre" occured seventy-six times in the earlier textbook sample and not at all in the 1981 set. He attributed this to increased scholarship and sensitivity on the part of authors.64 The same year, O'Neill examined ten history textbooks approved in Ontario for their treatment of Native peoples, and compared his results to those of earlier studies. His results were encouraging, although he noted that authors and publishers could still do better. He attributed the improved treatment of Native people to "attitudinal changes, greater public awareness and increased native assertiveness."65 Following the publication of the "Native People in the Curriculum" Report in 1981, Alberta Education conducted an assessment of all of Alberta's approved texts, as well as support materials, using what were called "tolerance and understanding" criteria. These criteria were used to determine depiction of people according to age, sex, race/ethnicity, 62Manitoba Indian Brotherhood, The Shocking Truth About Indians in Textbooks (Winnipeg: Textbook Evaluation and Revision Committee of the Manitoba Indian Brotherhood, 1977). 63A.M. Decore, R. Carney, and C. Urion, with D. Alexander and R. Runte, "Native People in the Curriculum" (Edmonton: Alberta Education, 1981), 12. 64Pratt, "B ias in Textbooks: Progress and Problems," 154-166. 6sO'Neill, "Prejudice Towards Indians in History Textbooks: A 1984 Profile," 37. 2 1 religion, handicap, socio-economic status and political belief. Of 328 social studies learning resources reviewed, five texts were deemed to be unacceptable and twenty received a "problematic" rating. Eight of these were removed from approved lists. Native groups were particularly influential in this process. Several texts were declared unacceptable or problematic due to their inadequate depiction of Native peoples. Settlement of the West, an elementary social studies text, was delisted "due to serious problems in the presentation of Native peoples and culture."66 One of these problems was in the text's treatment of the Beringia Theory (the theory that Native people first crossed from Asia to North America by means of a land bridge where the Bering Strait is now) as fact67 In British Columbia, two reports submitted to the Human Rights Commission in 1977 and 198068 found racial bias in a great many of the texts examined. One study 66Curriculum, Alberta Education, "Teacher Reference Manual for Learning Resources Identified as 'Unacceptable' or 'Problematic' during the Curriculum Audit for Tolerance and Understanding" (Edmonton: Alberta Education, April, 1985), 133 (ii). 67A.M Decore, et. al., "Native People in the Curriculum," 37. It should be noted that the "Native People in the Curriculum" report referred to the problems with Settlement of the West as "minor difficulties" (p. 37). However, in a letter to Alberta school principals, dated April, 1983, Frank Crowther, Associate Director of Curriculum, Social Studies, for Alberta Education, announced that Settlement of the West, Life in New France (also published by Fitzhenry & Whiteside), and Flashback Canada were no longer to be authorized provincially as of June 30, 1983. Crowther stated that this decision was in response to the findings of the "Native People in the Curriculum" report. On September 9, 1983, Crowther sent elementary principals a letter stating that Settlement of the West and Life in New France would now be delisted as of the end of the 1983-84 school year because they had been identified in the "Native People in the Curriculum" report as "particularly offensive in their treatment of Native people and culture." This seems odd. However one does not have to look far to see a possible link between this particular decision and other events on the education scene in Alberta at the time. This decision was made during the trying period when James Keegstra was prominent in the national news. Keegstra was an Eckville high school social studies teacher whose contract was terminated because for many years he had been using teaching materials which conveyed the message that there was a Jewish conspiracy to take over the world. Keegstra had appealed and the judicial decision which upheld his termination was handed down in April of 1983, the same month as the first letter notifying principals of the text delisting. This was clearly a time when public sensitivity to issues related to the depiction of racial minorities was very high. Dr. Crowther, the Alberta Education official who had written the letter notifying principals of the delisting, had earlier reviewed curricular materials used by Keegstra and concluded that they were inappropriate. After declaring that Keegstra's materials were inappropriate, Alberta Education was in a rather vulnerable position as to its own provincially authorized materials. A point in support of a conclusion that the Keegstra affair was a major impetus in the decision to delist the resources is the fact that the "Native People in the Curriculum" report was published in September of 1981 and the first delisting letter was not sent out until April of 1983 when the Keegstra affair was at its height. 68Galloway, LaBar, and Ranson, "A Report on the Analysis of Prescribed British Columbia Textbooks for Racism," 1977; and Mattu and Villeneuve, "Eliminating Group Prejudice in Social Studies Textbooks," 1980 [Microlog 82-0617]. 22 concluded that "social science school textbooks are becoming more polite in their teaching of prejudice,"69 indicating that the bias had simply gone underground. The British Columbia Ministry of Education did not conduct a formal analysis of its approved social studies texts at the time. Texts were simply subject to wholesale removal from approved lists and replaced by newly approved texts to accompany the 1983 and 1985 curricula. In a 1975 study carried out for the Ontario Ministry of Education, Patrick Babin, an Associate Professor in the Faculty of Education of the University of Ottawa, examined 1719 textbooks listed in Ontario's Circular 14 for bias. Babin, and his Research Officer, Robert Knoop, also of the University of Ottawa, employed 211 readers to assess the texts for their treatment of the aged, labour unionists and political minorities. Babin's choice of research groups was quite unique. Previous Canadian research had been concerned with Americans, English Canadians, French Canadians, and Native peoples. This study was carried out in response to David Pratt's call for research on political minorities, social class, and ethnic groups. However, Babin rejected Pratt's call for quantitative evaluation of bias because feedback from the three minority groups whose representation in the texts was to be examined, indicated that bias by omission might be the dominant form of bias found. Babin decided that, if this was the case, it would be difficult to employ a quantitative approach. Therefore, he made the decision to use checklists of specific criteria, supplemented by evaluators' comments and examples, as the means of analysis. Babin found some bias against the aged and political minorities in texts, but the strongest bias was found in the treatment of labour unions and unionists. Unfavourable features of labour unions were stressed, while their contributions to society were rarely mentioned.70 It is odd, in view of societal developments, that there was little consideration of gender in the major studies of Canadian social studies textbooks carried out during the 69Mattu and Villeneuve, "Eliminating Group Prejudice in Social Studies Textbooks," 18. 70Patrick Babin, "Bias in Textbooks Regarding the Aged, Labour Unionists, & Political Minorities: Final Report to the Ontario Ministry of Education" (Ottawa: University of Ottawa, 20 January 1975). 23 1970s and 1980s. This category of analysis has been mainly confined to readers and children's literature.71 One exception was the 1970 Report of the Royal Commission on the Status of Women in Canada. This Commission, under the leadership of author, broadcaster, and later senator, Florence Bird, examined elementary reading, social studies, mathematics and guidance texts. This study concluded: "This analysis of sex role imagery in a representative selection of elementary school textbooks clearly indicates that a woman's creative and intellectual potential is either underplayed or ignored in the education of children from their earliest years."72 A second exception was the 1985 Alberta Education application of "tolerance and understanding" criteria to all its approved texts. Evaluative Assertion Analysis and variations of Pratt's ECO Analysis were used in several American studies. One such study, carried out in 1972 by Fox, examined ways in which social conflict associated with racial, economic, political, and ecological policies was presented in social studies texts in wide use in Grades Three, Five, and Seven.73 A study by Garcia and others used a version of Pratt's ECO Analysis (identified as such), as well as other techniques, to examine five eighth-grade United States history textbooks with regard to their treatment of both white and nonwhite ethnic groups. The study reported an increase in the proportion of ethnic content in textbooks after 1956.74 The use of such quantitative approaches as ECO Analysis has never been sufficient to provide a thorough analysis of textbooks. This can be seen in various studies which ' 'See V. Wright, "Hidden Messages: Expressions of Prejudice," Interchange 7 (1976-1977): 54-62; Elaine Batcher, Alison Winter, and Vicki Wright, The More Things Change. . . The More They Stay the Same (Toronto: Federation of Women Teachers' Associations of Ontario, 1988); S.W. Pyke, "Children's Literature: Conceptions of Sex Roles," Socialization and Values in Canadian Society, vol. II, Socialization, Social Stratification and Ethnicity, ed. Robert M. Pike and Elia Zureik (Toronto: McClelland and Stewart, 1975), 51-73; and Rowland Lorimer and Margaret Long, "Sex-Role Stereotyping in Elementary Readers," Interchange 10 (1979-80): 25-45. 72Canada, Report of the Royal Commission on the Status of Women in Canada (Ottawa: Information Canada, 1970), 175. 73Thomas F. Fox, "Using Evaluative Assertion Analysis for Social Studies Research," Paper presented at the Annual Meeting of the National Council for the Social Studies, Boston, MA, November, 1972, ERIC, ED 073 963. 74Jesus Garcia, Walter Stenning, and Peggy Cooper-Stenning, "Images of Named and Non-White Ethnic Groups as Presented in Selected Eighth Grade U.S. History Textbooks," Paper presented at the Annual Meeting of the Interamerican Congress of Psychology, Miami Beach, Florida, December, 1976, ERIC, ED 145 379. 2 4 were carried out following the landmark work of McDiarmid and Pratt. The 1974 Nova Scotia Human Rights Commission analysts decided after a year of using ECO Analysis that it was not yielding the data required. The researchers then began again at the beginning and spent a further year analyzing each text using a descriptive approach which focused on general ideas rather than particular words. The researchers concluded that the "new approach was . . . more satisfactory in that it discussed specific texts more fully in its evaluation."75 The 1977 Galloway, LaBar, and Ranson study for the Human Rights Commission of British Columbia also used ECO Analysis, but supplemented each text's analysis with a set of general comments, as well as, where appropriate, comments pertaining to the way in which the text approached the issue of ethical relativism. These authors point out that there are issues for which a subjective analysis is more suitable. "For example, in most textbooks, Indian history begins with the coming of Europeans to North America, and ends approximately when the reservation system is established. The ECO analysis could not deal with this type of prejudicial attitude."76 By the 1980s many researchers were deliberately abandoning quantitative approaches to textbook analysis, finding these approaches inadequate to their purposes. The 1981 Alberta "Native People in the Curriculum" report, for instance, rejected quantitative approaches on the basis that its purpose of examining the adequacy of the portrayal of Native people in the curriculum required statements of overall impression as well as specific examples. The evaluators took the position that, since they were not intending to rank materials according to their faults, they did not require a quantitative rating system. Also, in their view, written comments allowed for the emergence of observations which would not have appeared had they restricted their analysis to predetermined categories.77 75Nova Scotia Human Rights Commission, Textbook Analysis - Nova Scotia, 8. 76Galloway, LaBar, and Ranson, "A Report on the Analysis of Prescribed British Columbia Textbooks for Racism," vii. 77A.M. Decore, et. al., "Native People in the Curriculum," 9-11. 25 Recent Studies In the last ten to fifteen years the topics of textbook studies have been many and varied. They can be visualized in terms of three dominant strands. The first strand consists of studies done in a critical research paradigm. These studies are concerned with determining the ways in which knowledge is selectively represented in texts. Structuralist and poststructuralist work will be discussed in this context. A second strand is an eclectic mix of studies based on new concerns such as the portayal of women or whether the texts adequately promote conservative values. Historical studies are the third strand. Another change of note in recent years is that textbook studies have become the purview of university based researchers. Private organizations, provincial human rights commissions, and provincial Ministries of Education have lost their place at the forefront of text studies after their flurry of activity in the 1970s. This relates to purpose. Most studies no longer have the immediate purpose of locating biased texts in order to have them removed from provincial approved lists. In the last ten to fifteen years textbook studies have become more sophisticated in nature. It is generally accepted that texts cannot be unbiased and that perspective permeates discourse. These studies go beyond attempts to determine numbers of biased statements, and the presence or absence of various groups. They attempt to determine the broader vision of society which is presented to the reader. Recent Studies from a Critical Research Perspective A seminal structural study is George Orwell's examination of boys' twopenny weeklies in England, published between approximately 1910 and 1939. Orwell concluded that these 'penny dreadfuls', published by corporate conglomerates, were intended to present messages to their young readers of submission to the status quo. "There is being pumped into them the conviction that the major problems of our time do not exist, that there is nothing wrong with laissez-faire capitalism, that foreigners are unimportant comics and that the British Empire is a sort of charity-concern which will last for ever."78 78George Orwell, "Boys' Weeklies," chap, in Selected Essays (Harmondsworth: Penguin 26 An early Canadian structural study is Ken Dewar's 1972 examination of six popular Canadian history texts published between 1960 and 1962. Dewar concluded that the texts romanticize Canadian history, with the purpose of socializing the reader with conservative nationalist values. Imperialism is ignored as a major factor in Canadian history. There is an assumption of European superiority over Native peoples. Finally, "by their portrayal of Canada as [the] best of all possible worlds they constitute, in effect, a defence of the essential features of the present status quo in Canadian society, and thereby uphold the interests of the contemporary ruling classes."79 The purpose of Bailey's 1975 doctoral thesis examination of 123 Canadian elementary school social studies textbooks, carried out at the University of Oregon, was to determine their contribution to the socialization of Canadian students. This socialization process was examined in terms of the development of a sense of Canadian identity. Findings were that textbooks presented the physical parameters of social experience—for instance, defining community only in terms of its geographic features—rather than social dimensions. Dominant assumptions about technology, environment, and progress were taken for granted rather than explored.80 A 1986 Master's thesis by Murray is a structural study using critical theory to analyze five elementary social studies textbooks currently prescribed in British Columbia. The study developed a conceptual framework employing three dimensions of content: social conflict, social discourse and social knowledge. Murray concluded that the texts supported a consensus view of society. They did not adequately promote citizenship education because they did not reflect the societal tensions that result from a plurality of interests and value positions.81 Group, 1957), 104. 79Ken Dewar, "The Road to Happiness: Canadian History in Public Schools," This Magazine is about Schools 6 (Fall 1972): 127. 80Gordon Archibald Bailey, "Education and the Social Construction of Reality: Canadian Identity as Portrayed in Elementary School Social Studies Textbooks" (Ph.D. diss., University of Oregon, 1975). 8'Valerie Mary Murray, "Ideology of Content in Social Studies Texts" (Master's thesis, 27 Gilbert's 1984 structural study examined the images of human nature and society and the disciplinary knowledge and perspectives presented in 180 British textbooks published in the decade after 1969. Gilbert concluded that an impression of social equality is created by the lack of discussion of inequalities in wealth and power.82 Jean Anyon has examined the role of social studies and history textbooks in legitimating knowledge in the United States. In a 1978 study, Anyon examined four commonly used elementary social studies textbook series. She concluded that the knowledge that "counts" in elementary social studies tends to be that "which sanctions and justifies prevailing institutional arrangements."83 In a 1979 study Anyon examined seventeen American history texts. Beginning with the idea that "textbooks are social products that can be examined in the context of their time, place, and function," she considered their treatment of economic and labor union developments during the period from 1865 to 1917. She was interested in the groups not represented in the texts as well as those represented, since the omissions reveal the groups which are marginal in society. "Omissions, stereotypes, and distortions that remain in 'updated' social studies textbook accounts of Native Americans, Blacks, and women reflect the powerlessness of these groups."84 According to Anyon, these textbooks promoted the belief that a working class does not exist, and the impoverished deserve their poverty. Textbook studies have been criticized for their discussion of textbooks in isolation from the classroom context.85 Jean Anyon has conducted one of the few studies involving texts in the classroom setting. Anyon conducted a case study of five elementary schools University of British Columbia, 1986). 82Rob Gilbert, The Impotent Image: Reflections of Ideology in the Secondary School Curriculum (London: The Falmer Press, 1984). 83Jean Anyon, "Elementary Social Studies Textbooks and Legitimating Knowledge," Theory and Research in Social Education 6 (September 1978): 50. 84Jean Anyon, "Ideology and United States History Textbooks," Harvard Educational Review 49 (August 1979): 361, 382. 85See James Anthony Whitson, "The Impotent Image: Reflections of Ideology in the Secondary School Curriculum," Educational Studies 17 (Summer 1986): 290-297 and Carmen Luke, James Cook, Suzanne de Castell, and Allan Luke, "Beyond Criticism: The Authority of the School Textbook," in Language, Authority, and Criticism: Readings on the School Textbook, ed. Suzanne De Castell, Allan Luke, and Carmen Luke (London: The Falmer Press, 1989), 245-260. 28 situated in contrasting social class settings in two school districts in New Jersey. Two were labelled working-class, a third middle-class, a fourth was called affluent professional, and a fifth executive elite. She investigated curriculum, pedagogy, and pupil evaluation practices in order to gather data on the nature and distribution of school knowledge. The fifth-grade social studies texts used in the working class schools, "contained less information, fewer inquiry or independent research activities, and more of an emphasis on social studies knowledge as facts to be remembered than the texts used in any other school of this study." The affluent professional and executive elite schools used the same text series, one which "emphasizes what it calls 'higher concept' learning. Unlike the series in the working-class and middle-class schools, it discusses at length such topics as social class, the power of dominant ideas, and 'competing world views.'"86 Anyon concluded that there were profound differences in the curriculum and views of knowledge in the schools. Teachers viewed students' curriculum needs as differing according to the future lives they were expected to lead. These expectations were based on social class. Poststructuralism is new to social studies and no extensive analyses of social studies textbooks have been carried out in this tradition. However, Cherryholmes, influenced by Foucault, has analyzed the effects of power on social studies rationales and textbooks. He concluded that social studies practitioners behave as though social studies education is an autonomous enterprise; whereas, in fact it is profoundly affected by external social and economic forces.87 Recent Studies from Eclectic Perspectives Recent textbook research has been eclectic in nature. There has been far more such research in the United States than in Canada. For instance, a 1975 bibliography by Uribe and Aaron listed approximately 200 American textbook studies.88 A 1987 review by 86Jean Anyon, "Social Class and School Knowledge," Curriculum Inquiry 11 (1981): 8, 19. 87Cleo H. Cherryholmes, "Knowledge, Power, and Discourse in Social Studies Education," Journal of Education 165 (1983): 341-358. 880. Uribe, Jr. and J.V. Aaron, Sourcebook: A Compilation of References Related to the Content Analysis of School Books for Racism/Sexism (San Francisco: Far West Laboratory for Educational Larkins, Hawkins, and Gilmore covered 154 articles concerning textbooks. Eighteen dealt with readability, twelve with procedures for evaluating texts, thirty-seven with topics other than text content, thirty-two looked at biases such as gender and race, seventeen examined the treatment given other countries, and twenty-two considered the way values were handled.89 Marker and Mehlinger, in a review of American textbook studies, found two common threads. First, many studies focus on social concerns of the times such as the Vietnam War, propaganda, terrorism, global interdependence and heroes and heroines. Second, textbooks do not meet the researchers' beliefs as to what they should contain. Using the presentation of women in texts as an example, Marker and Mehlinger point out that it is predictable that textbooks won't measure up to the standards of the researcher. These reviewers also point out that studies almost always conclude that texts "are bland, lack controversy, cover too much material superficially, and are written too simplistically."90 In a 1990 collaborative project reminiscent of earlier bilateral studies, Marion Salinger of Duke University and Donald C. Wilson of the University of British Columbia sought to determine how Canada is portrayed in American social studies textbooks. Salinger and Wilson sent questionnaires to a group of Canadians and Americans who were knowledgeable about Canada in order to determine what they considered to be important understandings American students should have about this country. A set of "idea statements" was developed based on the questionnaire responses. Twelve American textbooks were then analysed in terms of these major desired ideas. A written profile of each text was developed, as well as a bar graph which charted the various ideas in terms of their intensity in the text. Four major themes were found to highlight the portrayal of Research and Development, 1975), ERIC, ED 191 953. 89A.G. Larkins, M.L. Hawkins, and A. Gilmore, "Trivial and Noninformative Content of Elementary Social Studies: A Review of Primary Texts in Four Series," Theory and Research in Social Education, 15 (Fall 1987): 299-311. 90Gerald Marker and Howard Mehlinger, "Social Studies," in Handbook of Research on Curriculum, ed. Philip W. Jackson (Toronto: Maxwell Macmillan Canada, 1992), 835. Canada. These were: Canada as a diverse landscape; Canada as a world player; Canada as a cultural mosaic, and Canada as a unique society. One important conclusion of this study was the predominant conceptualization of Canada as 'neighbour' in the texts; a concept which, because it implied a particular political stance, inhibited any focus on issues which might be controversial.91 Several studies, both Canadian and American, are worthy of note here because they examine texts from a conservative perspective, quite different than the structural studies discussed above. In spite of the concern, often voiced, that textbooks promote conservative values, conservative critics do not find that such values are promoted to their satisfaction. Harro Van Brummelen examined the perception of society and its ideals portrayed in elementary school readers, mathematics, science and social studies texts used in British Columbia in 1989. He used a quantitative content analysis approach making notes on verbal and pictorial content in each of twenty-eight predetermined categories. These notes were with regard to "the knowledge, skills, attitudes, values, and dispositions described in the textbooks." From the notes made, recurring or prominent themes were determined. Frequency counts of quantifiable items such as types of families and homes portrayed; the number of situations involving adults, children, or both; and the number of portrayals of members of minority groups were used to verify the prevalence of the identified themes. He concluded that current texts used in British Columbia give almost no attention to moral issues and dilemmas, nor to the place of religion in Canadian society. They portray an incomplete view of social reality, due to an inappropriate degree of emphasis on the power of individuals to achieve their goals without the help of other members of society or the support of social institutions. Being a Canadian means being "mutedly patriotic within a multicultural setting." "A saccharine version of Canada's multicultural experience"92 is 9'Marion Salinger and Donald C. Wilson, The Portrayal of Canada in American Textbooks (Durham, NC: Center for International Studies, Duke University, 1990). 92Harro Van Brummelen. "The World Portrayed in Texts: An Analysis of the Content of Elementary School Textbooks," Journal of Educational Thought 25 (December 1991): 205, 211, 211. presented because the conflicts and tribulations experienced by immigrants are not depicted. Van Brummelen also found what he considered to be far too much emphasis on the power of technology. The benefits of a technologically-advanced, materialistic society are depicted without a counterbalancing emphasis on the responsibilities of its members both to the community itself and the environment in which it exists. Other studies from a conservative perspective are two by Vitz and O.L. Davis and colleagues. With funding from the United States federal government, Paul C. Vitz's 1986 study examined eighty-eight elementary and secondary social studies texts, as well as twenty-two elementary readers. Vitz found that religion, traditional family values, and conservative political and economic positions are absent from textbooks. He considered and rejected the notion of a conscious conspiracy, attributing these results to a widespread secular and liberal educational leadership.93 An examination of thirty-one Grade Eight and Nine United States history texts by O.L. Davis and others, in a study sponsored by People for the American Way, also revealed an absence of any emphasis on religion as an important part of an individual's value system or as a way of deepening students' understanding of American culture.94 In recent years there has been greater interest in the portrayal of women in social studies texts. Beth Light, Pat Staton, and Paula Bourne examined sixty-six Canadian history textbooks and reported their findings in a 1989 article which formed part of a special edition on women's issues of The History and Social Science Teacher, the premier journal for social studies educators in Canada. These texts, published in 1980 or after, displayed a range of less than one percent women's content to just over forty-three percent. A less serious tone was evident when describing women's activities. Also, there was a 93Paul C. Vitz, Censorship: Evidence of Bias in Our Children's Textbooks (Ann Arbor, MI: Servant Books, 1986). 94O.L. Davis Jr., Lynn M. Burbaw, Maria Garza-Lubeck, Alfred Moss, and Gerald Ponder, "Looking at History: A Review of Major U.S. History Textbooks" (Washington, DC.: People for the American Way, 1986), ERIC, ED 326 474. 3 2 tendency to blame female family members for men's faults and failures.95 Patricia Baldwin and textbook author, Douglas Baldwin, in a 1992 article in the same journal (now called Canadian Social Studies), analyzed four Grade Seven Canadian history textbooks. They concluded that women are relegated to minor roles of supporting men's endeavours. They suggested that traditional categories and periodization of history be abandoned in favour of new formats which allow for a fairer portrayal of women. In addition, both teachers and students should be taught to recognize bias and how to counteract it.96 In a 1986 article in the American journal, The History Teacher, Mary Kay Thompson Tetreault proposed a sophisticated schema for thinking about women in history, which she applied to twelve American history textbooks published between 1979 and 1981. The stages in Tetreault's schema range from a male history where the absence of women is not noted, at one end, to a multi-focal, relational history, which fuses women's and men's experiences into a holistic view of human experience, at the other. She pointed out that "the anomalies of women's history push us not only to challenge our historical paradigms but also to challenge the way we conceptualize knowledge and what we consider worth learning." She suggested a structural perspective which would acknowledge the French historians' concept of the 'longue duree', "the slow glacial change which represents paradigmatic shifts in the way people think that require hundreds of years to complete."97 This approach would allow for incorporation of such structural changes as the transition from a patriarchal to an egalitarian perspective. Another important American study is Joel Spring's Images of American Life, published in 1992. Spring links textbooks to the wider society, exploring ideological management in the context of schools, radio, television, and movies. He defines 95Beth Light, Pat Staton, and Paula Bourne, "Sex Equity Content in History Textbooks," The History and Social Science Teacher 25 (Fall 1989): 18-20. 96Patricia Baldwin and Douglas Baldwin, "The Portrayal of Women in Classroom Textbooks," Canadian Social Studies 26 (Spring 1992): 110-114. 97Mary Kay Thompson Tetreault, "Integrating Women's History: The Case of United States History High School Textbooks," The History Teacher 19 (February 1986): 249, 249. 33 ideological management as both propaganda-the manipulation of information for the purpose of ideological control— and the attempts by various public and private groups to influence the ideas and information conveyed to the public. A major point of interest which Spring discusses is the way in which the inclusion of racial and ethnic minorities, women, and other political minorities in recent textbooks has not changed the vision of an idyllic society, lacking conflict and controversy, which has always been portrayed in texts.98 Recent Historical Studies Two historical studies of a structuralist nature are worthy of note. The earlier one was carried out by Kenneth Osborne, a professor of history education at the University of Manitoba. Osborne used what he called a "determinedly impressionistic"99 approach to examine twenty-nine Canadian history textbooks published between 1886 and 1979 to determine how Canadian workers were portrayed. Osborne concluded that textbooks have little to say about the working class as a class, but much to say to workers. Their ideological message is one of acceptance of the status quo. The texts transmit a clear moral message, emphasizing the inter-related virtues of perseverance and determination, hard work, moderation and restraint, and cheerfulness. Particularly in earlier texts, missionaries and Loyalists are held up as exemplars of these virtues. Fur traders are not idealized because they are less concerned with the growth of Canada as a nation and more with personal gain. Finally, texts either minimize or completely omit the existence of conflict within Canadian society, past or present. For instance, very little content is provided 98Joel Spring, Images of American Life: A History of Ideological Management in Schools, Movies, Radio, and Television (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1992). "Kenneth Osborne, "Hard-working, Temperate and Peaceable"—The Portrayal of Workers in Canadian History Textbooks. Monographs in Education Series, ed. Alexander Gregor and Keith Wilson (Winnipeg: University of Manitoba, 1980), 3. 34 whereby students can understand working class militancy in the early twentieth century. In terms of continuity, these aspects of textbooks did not change in important ways over the period examined. In terms of change, texts have become visually more attractive, contain more social history, and the moralizing is less overt. Robert J. Graham has examined the Irish Readers in their historical context of nineteenth century Upper Canada. Graham places his research firmly in the structuralist camp. He examined representative lessons that dealt with issues of gender and race, as well as with political economy and its relationship to class structure. He concluded that these lessons were meant to reproduce the society of the time on fixed lines of race, class, and gender.100 In another "determinedly impressionistic" study, Nancy Sheehan has examined reading series authorized in Alberta in terms of the vision of the world they present to young readers. The three reading series authorized consecutively prior to World War II, the Alexandra Readers, the Canadian Readers, and The Highroads to Reading Series, contained selections with a moral message, had stories from countries around the world, and stories about heroes from British and European history. Many of the stories were excerpts from literature by well-known British and Canadian authors such as Shakespeare, Charles Dickens, Robert Louis Stevenson, and Stephen Leacock. The "hidden curriculum" of the texts promoted Judaeo-Christian traditions and veneration for the British Empire and its ideals. What the readers did not promote was "creativity, originality, and anything that would upset the planned scheme of things."101 With the advent of progressive education in the 1930s, these texts were no longer suitable. New textbooks were authorized, which 100Robert J. Graham, "The Irish Readers Revisited: The Power of the Text(book)," Canadian Journal of Education 14 (1989): 414-426. 10'Nancy Sheehan, "Character Training and the Cultural Heritage: An Historical Comparison of Canadian Elementary Readers," The Curriculum in Canada in Historical Perspective, ed. G. Tomkins, Canadian Society for the Study of Education 1979 Yearbook, 6 (May 1979), 79. 35 had immediate appeal for children, with their colourful illustrations and stories which centered around common childhood experiences. However, the good literature of the previous texts was sacrificed for a controlled vocabulary intended to promote technical mastery of vocabulary and concepts. Sheehan concludes that, as a result of this changed emphasis, and with the profusion of new resources available to students and teachers, the authorized reader lost its influence in terms of teaching about life beyond the formal curriculum. Two studies have examined textbooks approved for use in British Columbia in the 1872 to 1925 period. Timothy Stanley describes how school readers, history, and geography texts used in British Columbia prior to 1925 "fostered an 'ideology of difference' which legitimated the white occupation of the province as both natural and morally necessary, at the same time that it rendered First Nations people and Asians as 'Other.'" According to Stanley, imperialism was central to this process of indoctrination. Imperialism was presented as a moral enterprise in which British Columbia students had a role to play. Subject peoples were presented as genetically inferior to the superior imperialists in terms of both intellect and character. Thus the Empire "was really a moral crusade bringing civilisation and enlightenment to millions."102 Few studies have examined continuity and change in textbooks over time and considered the texts within the sociocultural contexts in which they have been written and published. One such study is described in Harro Van Brummelen's 1986 article entitled, "Shifting Perspectives: Early British Columbia Textbooks from 1872 to 1925." Van Brummelen traces the world view represented in British Columbia texts from the year when textbooks were first prescribed in this province until the year of publication of the 102Timothy J. Stanley, "White Supremacy and the Rhetoric of Educational Indoctrination: A Canadian Case Study," in Children, Teachers and Schools in the History of British Columbia, ed. Jean Barman, Neil Sutherland, and J. Donald Wilson (Calgary: Detselig Enterprises Ltd., 1995), 39, 44. Putman-Weir Report. Van Brummelen used all the readers, many of the history and geography books, and a selection of the science, health and mathematics texts prescribed during this period to analyze "the extent of change in the views of religion and morality, of Canada as a nation, of science, culture and progress, and of the child and his society."103 Van Brummelen found that the content of the textbooks changed from an unquestioned acceptance of traditional Christian beliefs to a much more secular orientation, although an emphasis on the teaching of morality remained evident. He also found an implicit faith in Canada's continuing economic progress. In the early years of the study the concept of Canadian nationhood was presented in terms of the British heritage. In later years, links to the mother country were not forgotten, but a focus on Canada as an independent nation was beginning to develop. Ahsan used a quantitative content analysis to examine selected primers used in British Columbia between 1880 and 1980 to determine the extent to which British Columbia school texts "reflect the changing character of British Columbian society, the altering sense of how it was to be viewed by its members, and the shifting manner in which patterns of behaviour and attitudes deemed acceptable in it disintegrated and re formed." He examined three themes: "first, the extent to which an egalitarian message found increasing expression in school texts; second, the extent to which, over time, texts encouraged acceptance of ethnic and racial pluralism; and, third, the extent to which they suggest British Columbia society was becoming increasingly secularized." Unfortunately, his limited sample (twelve texts) and use of trivial measurement devices make it difficult to credit his findings. For instance, his first hypothesis is that "B.C. Primers Will Picture An l03Harro Van Brummelen, "Shifting Perspectives: Early British Columbia Textbooks from 1872-1925," in Schools in the West: Essays in Canadian Educational History, ed. Nancy M. Sheehan, J. Donald Wilson, and David C. Jones (Calgary: Detselig, 1986), 17. 3 7 Increasingly Egalitarian Society."104 One of the measures of egalitarianism was the percentage of children, adults and animals in both text and pictures. If children appear increasingly in peer groups, rather than with adults, the inference is that both family and society are becoming less hierarchical. Animals are considered to represent an inferior group. Therefore an increase in the appearances of animals is likely to indicate a trend towards egalitarianism in the sense of an increased mingling of superior and inferior groups.105 In a 1989 article dealing with theories and attitudes towards political education in Canada, Marshall Conley provided a number of examples from Canadian history texts used throughout the century to support his conclusion that these texts have the political function of promoting a national Canadian identity. History is viewed as a vehicle to inculcate national ideals. An idealized picture of Canadian life and culture is presented. This picture does not include conflict because this would detract from the view of national unity which the texts portray. There is a focus on the hardships which Canadians have faced, and overcome, in building their nation. The picture of the ideal Canadians which emerges is one of "people who intend to better themselves, who will work hard without complaint, who can make a virtue out of necessity, who are moderate, self-reliant, respectable and temperate."106 Two American studies which I rank as classics are Guardians of Tradition, Ruth Elson's elegant discussion of nineteenth century schoolbooks, and America Revised, Frances FitzGerald's examination of twentieth century American history texts. No comparable work of the magnitude of these studies has yet been done in Canada. Elson makes the point that the nineteenth century schoolbooks selected what they considered 104Syed Aziz-Al Ahsan, "School Texts and the Political Culture of British Columbia, 1880-1980," BC Studies 63 (Autumn 1984): 56, 56, 58. 105Ibid.,58. 106Marshall W. Conley, "Theories and Attitudes Towards Political Education," in Canada and Citizenship Education, ed. Keith A. McLeod (Toronto: Canadian Education Association, 1989), 147. most essential to preserve in America and offered this as an image for students to guide their future. Elson concluded that the world created in nineteenth-century schoolbooks was a fantasy one peopled by ideal characters; a simplistic world on a journey to material and moral perfection. The fact that it was an unrealistic, and for most readers, unattainable, picture of reality was of no importance.107 Frances FitzGerald's pithy discussion of continuity and change in twentieth century American history textbooks is essentially a political economy of textbooks. FitzGerald discusses the broad contexts of changing educational, political, and societal expectations, and their effects on the textbook publishing industry and, in turn, the texts themselves.108 Although neither researcher describes methodology, both studies seem to be "determinedly impressionistic," in the sense in which Osborne uses this phrase. James Barth and Samuel Shermis take issue with other researchers such as FitzGerald, who have concluded that texts are dull and vacuous. These researchers reject the "textbooks-are-dull-and-dumb-no-they-are-not debate."109 It is not, we argue, that one is right and the other wrong, that social studies texts are or are not bland, neutral, homogenized, objective or what have you. It is rather that if one wishes to understand how social studies texts came to be what they are, one must understand the 19th century historical background. One must understand the persistence of a set of assumptions from philosophical Positivists, social scientists, and social studies educators. And if this is the more important reality, then the present debate is beside the point.110 Barth and Shermis compared a set of United States history and civics textbooks written between the years 1874 and 1927 with a set written between 1960 and 1980. They found 107Ruth Miller Elson, Guardians of Tradition: American Schoolbooks of the Nineteenth Century (Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 1964). 108prances FitzGerald, America Revised: History Schoolbooks in the Twentieth Century (Toronto: Little, Brown and Company, 1979). 109James L. Barth and S. Samuel Shermis, "Nineteenth Century Origins of the Social Studies Movement: Understanding the Continuity Between Older and Contemporary Civic and U.S. History Textbooks," Theory and Research in Social Education 8 (Fall 1980): 30. 110Barth and Shermis, "Nineteenth Century Origins of the Social Studies Movement," 47. 3 9 that authors of each cohort group shared fundamental assumptions. History "is a series of events, in linear order, revolving around major political, military, and diplomatic events and featuring individuals who tend to function as exemplars, idealized, bigger-than-life heroes. History texts are therefore not analysis or interpretation but rather celebrations of great men, great events and a great destiny."111 According to Barth and Shermis, the reason the perspectives of the nineteenth century have persisted in the social studies texts of the 1960 to 1980 period is because the celebratory nature of the early texts was not disturbed by the addition of logical positivism. The certitude of the social sciences merely added legitimacy to the existing structure of the texts. In a 1980 doctoral thesis at Columbia University, carried out under the supervision of Hazel Hertzberg, Micheline Fedyk examined high school American history textbooks published during the period, 1913-1977, for their conceptions of citizenship and nationality. The study used both direct and indirect evidence of these concepts. Explicit clues were drawn from format, style, words, phrases, relative amount of space, student questions and activities, illustrations, and captions. Implicit clues were found in comparisons, analogies, metaphors, inferences, allusions, and omissions. Fedyk found that textbook conceptions of citizenship and nationality were surprisingly stable over the sixty-four year period. Second, the way in which these concepts were presented made them difficult to distinguish, one from another. Third, an ideal representation of the "good" citizen and the "typical" American is created in the texts. Moreover, there is an undercurrent of optimism and progress in the texts and authors attempt to nurture in students a sense of pride in American citizenship. Finally, as authors representative of formerly marginal groups write more texts, there is an increasing lack of consensus regarding the nature of American nationality.112 11'Barth and Shermis, "Nineteenth Century Origins of the Social Studies Movement, " 45. 112Micheline Fedyck, "Conceptions of Citizenship and Nationality in High School American History Textbooks, 1913-1977" (Ph.D. diss., Columbia University, 1980). Conclusion This study will demonstrate what Cherryholmes has referred to as the "unremarkable but unduly ignored idea"113 that "textbooks are social products that can be examined in the context of their time, place, and function."114 The preceding review of textbook studies over time has shown that they too represent their time, place, and function. The types of concerns expressed by educators, as well as members of the society-at-large, to which textbook studies are a response, change as society changes. Hence, early studies, prior to the onset of greatly increased ethnic and racial diversity, concern themselves with the 'dual' nature of Canadian society. There was a proliferation of textbook analyses in the 1970s and early 1980s in response to Canada's changing demographics and concerns about how various racial and ethnic minorities were being represented in the texts. Next, as society became more aware of inequities related to 'structural' characteristics such as class and gender, these concerns began to form the basis of textbook analyses. Certain concerns have retained their place, such as the representation of Canada in American textbooks. Researchers have examined texts from different perspectives, with different purposes in mind, and using different methodologies. Perspectives and purposes have determined methodological decisions. However, quantitative methodologies have tended to dominate the field. 113Cleo H. Cherryholmes, "Critical Research and Social Studies Education," in Handbook of Research on Social Studies Teaching and Learning, ed. James Shaver, (New York: Macmillan, 1991), 44. 114Jean Anyon, "Ideology and United States History Textbooks," 361. 4 1 Research Method Primary and Secondary Sources The major primary source used in this study is the provincially approved textbook. 'Approved' is a general term I have chosen to indicate an official status granted by the British Columbia Ministry of Education. Various terms have been used over the years to indicate different levels of approval. These terms are 'prescribed', 'authorized', 'recommended', and 'supplementary'. The meanings of these terms vary from one period to another. Thus, Ministry of Education definitions, if it has made such definitions available, will be provided in each period under discussion. This study did not analyze teacher guides. First, they are not a factor until the mid-1980s. Prior to this, the few that were written were very brief and did not receive approved status. Second, they do not include the subject matter content that is of greatest interest here. Rather, they are primarily collections of objectives and teaching and assessment strategies. Other primary source materials include the Putman-Weir and Chant Royal Commission Reports; pertinent Canada Studies Foundation documents; social studies programmes of study and curriculum guides; and Department of Education annual reports, bulletins, and lists of officially approved textbooks. Newspaper articles; as well as articles from pertinent journals such as Exploration (later Horizon), the B.C. social studies teachers' journal; BC Teacher, and The History and Social Science Teacher (later Canadian Social Studies), the national social studies educators' journal, were also consulted. Methodology According to Gilbert, quantitative content analysis is the most frequently employed approach to textual analysis in the social sciences.115 In an effort to achieve objective, 1 l5Rob Gilbert, "Text Analysis and Ideology Critique of Curricular Content," in Language, 42 systematic and statistically reliable findings from textual analysis, researchers using this approach engage in frequency counts, and categorize in various ways, particular semantic units such as words, phrases, or sentences, or items in illustrations. This method can be highly reliable, given use of techniques designed to encourage objectivity, such as specific rules of classification and adequate training of coders. However, it has serious limitations. For instance, in a study discussed earlier, of Grade One readers used in British Columbia, Ahsan calculated percentages of non-Anglo-Saxon names or other references to non-Anglo-Saxons and the frequencies of pictorial representations of non-whites in the texts, in order to test the hypothesis that the texts would depict an increasing tolerance of ethnic diversity over time. Presumably a greater number of references to non-Anglo-Saxons would indicate greater tolerance.116 A limitation of this, and some other studies using quantitative content analysis, is that mere frequency of reference to a particular topic is inadequate to indicate the nature of those references. In this example, the texts could have a greater number of references to non-Anglo-Saxons over time, but in a negative context. For instance, the texts might consistently depict them in one set of economic circumstances or engaging in antisocial acts. A quantitative content analysis, on its own, cannot bring out, or interpret, such information. In addition, the general tenor of a passage can be very different than quantitative content analysis would indicate. The following passage from George Tait's 1973 text, One Dominion, a Canadian history text used extensively in Canada, illustrates this point: Authority and Criticism: Readings on the School Textbook, ed. Suzanne de Castell, Allan Luke, and Carmen Luke (London: The Falmer Press, 1989), 62. 116The methodology used in this study was criticized in a letter to the editor of BC Studies: His statistical analyses do not go beyond dealing with the number of occurrences of certain types of references. Yet, what is more significant than the number of occurrences is the way in which specific descriptions reveal beliefs and attitudes. For example, the ways in which children address parents, how the role of the church and religion is discussed, and whether non-whites are referred to as "savages" or "natives"—all these tell us more about commonly-held conceptions than the frequency of reference to such situations. (Harro Van Brummelen. "Correspondence," BC Studies 65 (Spring 1985), 90-91. 43 It was obvious that something had to be done to assist the Indians and to prevent dangerous disturbances. Eventually, it was decided that the Indians should sign treaties in which they gave up claim to much of their old hunting-grounds and agreed to live on reservations [sic]. In return for these promises, the tribesmen would receive farming tools, seed, food stores and annual gifts of money. Before the end of the 1870's, the Indians had given up their claims to a great belt of land running through the southern part of the North west. In the difficult task of persuading the Indians to adopt a new way of life, the Police played an important part. They succeeded because they were respected and admired by the tribesmen of the plains.117 This passage reveals a paternalistic attitude toward Native peoples in its praise of the North west Mounted Police and in its underlying tone of pride at having solved a difficult problem in a way that met the best interests of all concerned. There is no mention of the way of life which is being forfeited in exchange for the goods and money received, nor of the hardships which were to ensue. Both what is implied and what is omitted are more important than what is actually stated here. Again, these aspects would not be revealed by means of a quantitative content analysis. Mattu and Villeneuve use the example of the treatment of women in texts to elaborate on the inability of quantitative content analysis to deal with omission of information. They point out that women are discussed primarily in terms of physical attributes, with the use of words such as "attractive," "graceful," and "lovely." ECO Analysis would yield a positive score, failing to take into account the condescending implications of such terms and the omission of other characteristics of women.118 Other limitations to quantitative content analysis have been discussed by Gilbert, who has called this approach "reductionist and methodologically superficial."119 Gilbert points out that the process of choosing a unit of analysis, such as a word or phrase, 117George E. Tait, One Dominion, 2ed (Toronto: McGraw-Hill Ryerson, 1973), 245. (Note that 'reservations' is the American term for land set aside for Native people. The Canadian term is 'reserve'.) 118Mattu and Villeneuve, "Eliminating Group Prejudice," 18. 119Gilbert, "Text Analysis and Ideology Critique of Currricular Content," 63. 44 oversimplifies the way a reader produces textual meaning. First, this approach ignores the way the reader progressively constructs meaning through processes such as repetition and anticipation. Second, this approach does not take into account the way in which a text is sequenced and organized, aspects which are as important to meaning construction as are individual elements of the text. Another weakness is the assumption that the meanings of semantic units do not vary according to context, that they will be the same regardless of their location within a continuous discourse. This assumption is also applied across texts. Gilbert cites a study by de Charms and Moeller in which the values expressed in American children's readers from 1800 to 1950 were examined.120 "Identities of meaning are . . . taken to be timeless, so that comparisons are made across documents spanning a century and a half, ignoring the complex ways in which meanings change in history." Finally, Gilbert points out that the fact that the categories for analysis must be chosen by the researcher detracts from the much touted objectivity of this approach. "The apparent 'objectivity' of content analysis is, even on its own terms, spurious, as the highly controlled frequency counts can be based only on earlier arguments of interpretation."121 Pratt has pointed out that a quantitative approach, such as he used in his studies of social studies texts, is useful only when evaluative terms which can be subjected to classification and counting, are present. He cautions that this approach "does not analyze every component of textbooks through which attitudes may be communicated. . . . For these other elements, a subjective critical technique may be appropriate."122 For the reasons discussed above, this study used a descriptive analysis approach or "a subjective critical technique," as Pratt calls it. It will be, to use Osborne's term, "determinedly impressionistic." This approach has been used successfully in many of the 120R. DeCharms and G. Moeller, "Values Expressed in American Children's Readers: 1800-1950," Journal of Abnormal and Social Psychology 64 (1962): 136-142, in Gilbert, "Text Analysis and Ideology Critique of Curricular Content," 61-73. 121Gilbert, "Text Analysis and Ideology Critique of Curricular Content," 62, 63. 122Pratt, How to Find and Measure Bias in Textbooks, 14. studies discussed earlier, including Osborne's study of the portrayal of workers in Canadian history texts and Ruth Elson's study of nineteenth century American textbooks. Limitations of the Study It is evident that much of classroom experience has been in the past, and still is, determined by an approved text or texts. Nevertheless, I did not consider the complexities of text-in-use. This study was concerned with the discourse in the texts themselves—texts as 'cultural artifacts'—rather than with texts in the classroom context. There is no doubt that individual experiences with written texts differ. In the case of classroom textbooks, the teacher's role as mediator between text and student is an important one. Tone of voice, level of enthusiasm, examples and anecdotes provided to elaborate on points made in the texts, and the time the teacher chooses to spend on various segments of the text, are all examples of ways in which the teacher mediates. Teachers' subject matter knowledge also has an effect on use of textbooks.123 As Gilbert put it, "readings given to texts vary with the discursive practices of different social sites."124 In addition, even in the context of a single classroom, each individual student's experience with a text is unique.125 These are important areas of investigation. However, they are not the focus of this study. As Francis FitzGerald said: No matter what degree of influence the texts actually have on children, they have their own intrinsic interest as historical documents.. .. they are tailored to please a public that extends even beyond the vast educational 123See Suzanne M. Wilson and Samuel S. Wineburg, "Peering at History through Different Lenses: The Role of Disciplinary Perspectives in Teaching History," Teachers College Record 89 (Summer 1988): 525-539. 124Gilbert, "Text Analysis and Ideology Critique of Curricular Content," 68. 125See Isabel L. Beck and Margaret G. McKeown, "Substantive and Methodological Considerations for Productive Textbook Analysis," in Handbook of Research on Social Studies Teaching and Learning, ed. James P. Shaver, (New York: Macmillan, 1991), 496-512. Beck and McKeown, reading researchers at the University of Pittsburgh, have investigated ways that readers interact with social studies texts. Two foci of their investigations have been the role of prior knowledge in understanding new material and characteristics of texts that promote or impede comprehension. See Ruth Garmer and Patricia A. Alexander, ed. Beliefs About Text and Instruction With Text (Hillsdale NJ: Lawrence Erlbaum Associates, Publishers, 1994) for discussions of the influence of both teacher and student beliefs on interaction with text. establishment. Consensus documents, they are themselves a part of history, in that they reflect the concerns, the conventional wisdom, and even the fads of the age that produced them.126 26FitzGerald, America Revised, 20. CHAPTER II PUTMAN-WEIR ERA, 1925-1939: BACKGROUND Putman-Weir Commission Report The year, 1925, was a landmark year for education in British Columbia, in that it marked the presentation to the legislature and the public of the Survey of the School System, a comprehensive review of education in the province carried out by two nationally prominent educators, J.H. Putman and G.M. Weir. Weir was a former principal of the Saskatoon Normal School and had recently been appointed a professor of education at the University of British Columbia. Putman was a former normal school instructor in psychology and English, and was currently the senior inspector of schools for the city of Ottawa. Both men had doctoral degrees in education. The Survey was a response to concerns expressed by a variety of community groups such as the B.C. Union of Municipalities, the B.C. Trustees' Association, the B.C. Teachers' Federation, the B.C. Parent-Teachers' Federation, and the Property-Owners' Association of Vancouver. The commissioners held over 200 public hearings and visited 150 schools around the province, logging almost 10 000 miles in order to do so. They also administered I.Q. tests to the province's students, with the help of Peter Sandiford of the University of Toronto, an international expert in educational psychology and student of Edward Thorndike. The Survey of the School System, or the Putman-Weir Report, as it is more commonly known, has been called the most thorough examination of any Canadian school system undertaken to that time.127 The 1925 Survey of the School System is an interesting blend of two strands of the progressive education movement; the child-centered strand and that of social efficiency. The commissioners made a number of recommendations for curricular revision and for 127C.E. Phillips, The Development of Education in Canada (Toronto: W.J. Gage, 1957), 263. 48 reorganization of the school system. In keeping with their concern that "the doctrine of formal discipline has influenced either consciously or unconsciously, the academic and professional side of the educational system" the commissioners recommended that greater emphasis be placed on subjects such as domestic science and manual training. The history of Canada and of British Columbia was to have an important place in the curriculum, but with a "less 'factual' and more thought-stimulating"128 approach, involving greater stress on civics, current events, and projects. i Another major recommendation of the report involved the creation of junior high schools, with reorganization of the school system into 6-3-3 grade groupings, to coincide with the three major developmental stages of childhood and youth. This recommendation was implemented immediately, with a new Programme of Studies for the Junior High Schools appearing in the 1927-28 school year, and for high and technical schools in 1930. Major curricular recommendations took longer to implement. This may well have been related both to a change of government in 1928, and to the onset of the Depression in 1929, with the ensuing difficulties with educational finance. In any event, curricular reform received impetus from the election, in 1933, of T.D. Pattullo's Liberal government. Weir was appointed Provincial Secretary and Minister of Education. As such, he supervised a major process of curricular revision, producing new curricula for elementary, junior and senior high schools between 1936 and 1939. Social, Economic, and Political Context Jean Barman calls the period from the end of World War One to the end of World War Two in British Columbia, "the best and worst of times."129 The period rocketed back and forth from economic recession following World War One, to prosperity in the mid to 128 J.H. Putman and G.M. Weir, Survey of the School System (Victoria: King's Printer, 1925), 42, 150. '29Jean Barman, The West Beyond the West: A History of British Columbia (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1991), 236. the late 1920s, to disaster with the stock market crash of October, 1929, and finally, to prosperity again with the coming of World War Two. Hence, the Putman-Weir Commission operated during a time of prosperity, but the onset of the Depression in 1929 was operative in slowing down the implementation of its curriculum recommendations. This will be discussed later. There was much political activity as well, with three governments in power during this period. The Liberal party held power for a decade, from 1918 to 1928; first under Premier John Oliver, who died in 1927, and then under John Duncan MacLean. In 1928 the Conservatives, under Simon Fraser Tolmie, were elected. In 1933 the mantle of power went back to the Liberals under Duff Patullo. This period also saw the creation in 1932 of a socialist federal political party, the Co-operative Commonwealth Federation, under the leadership of James Woodsworth. The CCF was able to mount candidates in British Columbia's provincial election of 1933 and elected seven members, becoming the official opposition—much to the surprise of many British Columbia citizens. The percentage of Asians in the population of British Columbia was 7.6 percent in 1921 and 7.3 percent in 1931. This was down from a high of 10.9 percent in 1901.130 This drop was due both to an increase in the white population and to an exclusion act passed in 1923 which reduced Chinese immigration to a trickle. By the 1920s the Chinese had a monopoly on market gardening near Vancouver and Victoria. Many others worked as small-scale merchants, running grocery stores and other small shops, laundries, and restaurants, both for the Chinese community alone and for the white community. The Japanese were prominent in the fishing industry, both on the boats and in canning. Many farmed in the Fraser and Okanagan valleys. Oriental economic success and the increasingly high levels of education of the Japanese were seen as a threat by many white British Columbians. Racism was blatant and resulted in much anti-Oriental agitation. Census of Canada statistics cited in Barman, The West Beyond the West, 363. 50 Educational Context Curriculum Change The Putman-Weir commission was at work during a time when the ideas of the American progressive education movement were becoming prevalent in Canadian educational discourse. Both Putman and Weir were known as progressive educators. Weir has been called "the province's most authoritative voice on the theory and practice of progressive education."131 The 1930s witnessed Canadian provincial Department of Education officials, curriculum developers, and Normal school instructors embrace features of the American progressive education movement. During this decade every province in Canada initiated major curricular revision reflecting this progressive philosophy. Saskatchewan, in 1931, was the first to begin this process, followed by Nova Scotia in 1933, Alberta and British Columbia in 1936, Ontario in 1937, and Manitoba, New Brunswick, and Protestant Quebec over the next three years. The new child-centred approach implied correlation of subject matter around the needs and interests of the child. Emphasis was on the "whole" child, not simply intellectual functioning. Each child was to be helped "to develop mentally, morally, physically, and spiritually to the most of his132 capacity."133 The curricula which were being developed at this time were "activity" oriented, with a focus on group investigations, which were intended to promote cooperation, communication, and democratic decision making skills. Some provinces chose to call these group investigations "enterprises," a term taken from the British Hadow Report of 1926. British Columbia used the American 131Jean Mann, "G.M. Weir and H.B. King: Progressive Education or Education for the Progressive State," in Schooling and Society in Twentieth Century British Columbia, ed. J. Donald Wilson and David C. Jones (Calgary: Detselig Enterprises, 1980), 92. 132Historical quotes use the masculine pronoun to refer to both genders in a way that is unacceptable today. I have chosen not to insert "sic" after each use of the masculine pronoun due to the frequency of its use. 133R.S. Shields, "Schools of the City of New Westminster," Sixty-Eighth Annual Report of the Public Schools of the Province of British Columbia, 1938-39 (Victoria, BC: King's Printer, 1939), H 60. term, "project"134 taken from William Kilpatrick's project method in the 1920s and 1930s. It was not until the 1940s that the term "enterprise" began to appear in educational literature in this province.135 This was following publication of "the bible of the activity program in Canada,"136 The Enterprise in Theory and Practice by Alberta educator, Donalda Dickie.137 The term "unit of work" was also used in this province. The 1943 Programme of Studies for the Elementary Schools of British Columbia devotes six pages to discussing the organization of instruction around (it hedges its bets) "a new unit of work, project or enterprise."138 The enterprise approach is described in The Rural School, a journal sent by the Ministry of Education to all rural teachers in the province, as "a thrilling experience for both teacher and pupils."139 The enterprise approach was described most succinctly in the Alberta 1936 Programme of Studies for the Elementary School. This document defined an enterprise as: a definite undertaking; teacher and pupils agree upon it and tacitly promise to carry it through as agreed. An enterprise is an undertaking chosen, after consideration, for its interest and value; carefully planned in advance, carried out according to plan, and brought to a definite conclusion, after which some reckoning of gains is made.... A well chosen enterprise-Is centred in the interests of the pupils. Is within the range of their ability. Suggests several kinds of work to be done. Provides different types of social experience. 134Putman and Weir, Survey of the School System, 120-121. 135The term "enterprise" appears occasionally in school inspectors' reports and in articles in the B.C. Teacher journal in the early to mid-1940s. A course entitled "Activity or Enterprise in Elementary School" was offered as late as 1952 at the Summer School of Education in Victoria. Sample enterprises appeared in copies of The Rural School and British Columbia Schools, journals sent by the Department of Education to teachers in British Columbia. The Rural School was sent to teachers in rural schools from December, 1944 to December, 1945. It proved to be so popular that it was replaced by British Columbia Schools, Elementary Edition (Feb., 1946 - Sept., 1952) and British Columbia Schools, Secondary Edition, (Oct., 1946 - Oct., 1952), which were sent to every teacher in the province. 136Nancy Sheehan, "Education, the Society and the Curriculum in Alberta 1905-1980: An Overview," in Schools in the West: Essays in Canadian Educational History, ed. Nancy M. Sheehan, J. Donald Wilson, and David C. Jones (Calgary: Detselig, 1986), 44. 137Donalda James Dickie, The Enterprise in Theory and Practice (Toronto: W.J. Gage, 1940). 138Department of Education, Programme of Studies for the Elementary Schools of British Columbia (Victoria: King's Printer, 1943): 14-19. 139Gladys M. Hogg, "The Enterprise," The Rural School 1 (February 1945): 26. 5 2 Ic (sic) capable of being completed within a reasonable length of time.140 There was more emphasis on an activity approach in the elementary schools than there was in the secondary. H.B. King, Chief Inspector of Schools, lamented this situation in his 1942-43 Annual Report, saying that the overdepartmentalization of the junior high schools stood in the way of the implementation of an enterprise program.141 However, it was in the junior high schools that the integrated curricular area of social studies first appeared. The creation of social studies in British Columbia, with its integration of history, geography, and civics, was a direct product of the progressive reform initiated by the Putman-Weir Report. The term "social studies" first appears in the 1927-28 Programme of Studies for the Junior High Schools. It is described as "a unified course in geography, history, and citizenship [and] a new departure in curriculum-making."142 Its introduction into the high school curriculum followed in 1930 and the elementary in 1936. According to the 1927-28 Program of Studies for the Junior High Schools, the purpose of social studies was citizenship education—"to develop intelligent, responsible, and socially conscious citizens."143 To achieve this end the "right ideals and attitudes to be developed" included "love for the other nations of the British Empire and for our constitutional monarchy," "an appreciation of the necessity for government; the meaning of liberty, of citizenship, and of co-operation," and "recognition of the fact that the British and Canadian tradition is to abide by the law," "a reasoned but deep-seated patriotism, and that a Canadian can best serve the other nations of the British Empire and the rest of the world by doing what it is in his power to do towards making Canada greater and nobler."144 The 140Department of Education, Alberta, Programme of Studies for the Elementary School (Edmonton: King's Printer, 1936), 288. 141H.B. King, "Inspection of Schools," 72nd Annual Report of the Public Schools of British Columbia, 1942-43 (Victoria: King's Printer, 1943), B 34. 142Department of Education, Programme of Studies for the Junior High Schools, 1927-28 (Victoria: King's Printer, 1927), 18. 143 Ibid. 144Department of Education, Programme of Studies for the Junior High Schools, 18-19. 5 3 1936 Programme of Studies for the Elementary Schools continues this theme, stating that, while the training of good citizens is not limited to any one particular subject, "the field of the Social Studies does, however, offer especially suitable opportunities for training in citizenship." The history portion of the social studies program was viewed as especially appropriate; the use of biographical stories as the best vehicle. Students "should be told stories of the great men of the past, their struggles and achievements, their success and failures; stories of action and romance, of discovery and invention. By this means we translate the realm of the legendary (literature) into the realm of the real (history)."145 This is in keeping with the Putman-Weir Report, which advocated inculcation of the ideals of manly citizenship through the study of history. Rhetoric and Classroom Practice: Role of Textbooks . The progressive orientation of the Putman-Weir Report had a major impact on the perception of the role of textbooks in curriculum and instruction. Teachers were encouraged to abandon their traditional reliance on the single, authorized text, and to make use of a variety of resources. Texts were viewed as information sources useful in providing data for dealing with problems under investigation rather than as a source of facts for all students to memorize. The result of this view was a profusion of textbooks listed as supplementary readers or reference books, rather than only a few designated as authorized or prescribed, in the programmes of study which followed the report. For instance, between 1925 and 1939, only twelve social studies texts were listed as prescribed for Grades One to Eleven, and only two were authorized. The remaining texts were referred to as, "supplementary readers," "reference books," or listed under the heading of "bibliography." Neither the programmes of study nor the textbook catalogues provide definitions of these textbook categorization labels. Definitions must be inferred from the way in which 145Department of Education, Programme of Studies for the Elementary Schools of British Columbia Bulletin II (Victoria: King's Printer, 1936), 58, 57. 54 the categorizations are used and from information found in other sources. For instance, the 1936 Manual of School Law is instructive in this regard. The Council of Public Instruction was "to prescribe courses of study and select, adopt, and prescribe a uniform series of text books and authorize supplementary readers for the public schools and normal schools of the Province."146 It seems clear from this statement that certain textbooks, those deemed to be "prescribed," enjoyed the same exalted status as courses of study. Since courses of study were mandatory, it can be inferred that these textbooks were as well. Other textbooks, deemed "supplementary," were of a lesser rank. The term "authorize" also denotes a lesser rank, since it is the supplementary texts which are authorized. The Act further instructs teachers that they are "to use or permit to be used as text-books in the public schools only such books as are prescribed or authorized by the regulations"147 and school districts are threatened with a reduction of grant funds if any other books are used.148 All of the prescribed, authorized, and supplementary texts, were made available to schools through the Department of Education. From 1931 the Text-Book Branch purchased prescribed texts from publishers and then made them available to schools, either by selling them to local booksellers or to the schools directly. The local booksellers were bound to sell the books at the same price, whether in "the most remote village of the province [or in] the largest centre."149 In addition, certain texts were provided free of charge to the schools. The "laboratory method" was recommended as the approach to be used with textbooks. The laboratory will consist of a small class-room library; the apparatus, of books, pictures, magazines, etc. A well-selected collection of general histories, monographs, biographies, magazines, etc; portraits of historical personages, pictures of groups and scenes, modern imaginative pictures 146Department of Education, Manual of School Law (Victoria: King's Printer, 1936), 13. 147Ibid., 86. 148Ibid.,20. 149Department of Education, British Columbia, Educational Movements and Changes, 1936-38 (Victoria: King's Printer, 1938), 4. Prior to 1931 prices varied considerably from place to place. portraying historical scenes are indispensable"150 The programmes of study urged teachers to "socialize" the daily work, to have students work together to prepare reports. "Learn[ing] by doing"151 was to be the order of the day. Department of Education Curriculum Advisor, H.B. King, spelled out the role of textbooks in his list of "Instructions to Members of the Junior and Senior High School Curriculum Committees," who were undertaking the major curriculum revisions produced in the late 1930s. In this document he clearly states that "a textbook is not a Course of Study but is one of the means whereby the aims of a course or the units within a course may be achieved. The aim is not the mastery of the content of a textbook, but the mastery of the principles, concepts, generalizations which constitute the heart of the unit."152 It should be noted that, while there may have been teachers who implemented the Department of Education's recommendations regarding the employment of texts in the classroom, indications are that the textbook remained the major determinant of classroom practice during this period. School inspector, H.H. MacKenzie, in 1923, deplored the reliance on the textbook in the majority of the schools in his Inspectorate, which consisted of both urban and rural schools in Vancouver and the Fraser Valley.153 Putman and Weir, in 1925, refer to "soul-dwarfing, Gradgrind methods of instruction," where teachers "slavishly relied on the book—generally the prescribed text—as a substitute for [their] own selection and organization of the materials of instruction."154 They found this approach to be particularly noticeable in history and geography instruction. The Canada and 150Department of Education, Programme of Studies for the Elementary Schools of British Columbia, 1925-26 (Victoria: King's Printer, 1925), 49-50 151 Department of Education, Programme of Studies for the Elementary Schools of British Columbia, 1930 (Victoria: King's Printer, 1930), 72. 152H.B. King, Curriculum Advisor, "Instructions to Members of the Junior and Senior High School Curriculum Committees," Unpublished, n.d. 153H. H. MacKenzie, "Elementary Schools—Inspectorate No. 5," Fifty-Third Annual Report of the Public Schools of the Province of British Columbia, 1923-24 (Victoria, BC: King's Printer, 1924): F 29. 154J.H. Putman and G.M. Weir. Survey of the School System, 43, 325. 56 Newfoundland Education Association, in a 1945 report on history textbooks used in Canada, stated: The textbook is the most important aid in teaching and learning history. It determines the facts to be taught and the manner of teaching them. If well prepared, fair, complete, and adapted to the abilities of the pupils, it contributes greatly to a better knowledge of history. Both teachers and pupils rely upon it and it is hard for them to overcome its deficiencies.155 Research on classroom practice during the period indicates that most teachers continued to rely on the approved textbooks. Sutherland, in his discussion of the "formalism" of elementary schooling in Vancouver from the 1920s to the 1960s, based on interview data from adults who had attended school during this period, mentions children reading in sequence from history and geography textbooks and filling in blanks in notes taken by the teacher from the textbook.156 Patterson, based on questionnaire data obtained from retired teachers in the four western provinces, concludes that the activity approach, the projects and the enterprises, were more a matter of official rhetoric than actual classroom practice.157 What is also clear, is that it was not just teachers who spurned the activity approach. Many in the upper echelons of the education system were sceptical as well. Particularly compelling are remarks by former school inspectors who, once the bonds of occupational obligation were removed, felt free to criticize government policy. Enlightening in this regard are the reminiscences of former Vernon School Inspector, A.S. Towell, in which he confesses that he was torn between departmental edicts and classroom realities during his time as an Inspector:. He [H.B. King] strongly advocated . .. much greater use of the 'Activity' or 'Enterprise' method. In respect of these I found myself in a 155Canada and Newfoundland Education Association, "A Report of the Committee for the Study of Canadian History Textbooks," 9. 156Neil Sutherland, "The Triumph of 'Formalism': Elementary Schooling in Vancouver from the 1920s to the 1960s," in Vancouver Past: Essays in Social History, ed. R.A.J. McDonald and Jean Barman, (Vancouver: UBC Press), 175-210. 157R.S. Patterson, "The Implementation of Progressive Education in Canada, 1930-1945," in Essays in Canadian Education, ed. N. Kach, K. Mazurek, R.S. Patterson, and I. De Faveri (Calgary: Detselig Enterprises, 1986), 79-96. 5 7 rather unhappy position. As a loyal servant of the Department I felt bound to urge my teachers to use the techniques which the Department officially favoured, but as a realist I was sure that successful use of these techniques required a degree of skill, ingenuity, industry, and background which only a minority of teachers possessed. I saw a very few 'Enterprises' which were well planned and well carried out, and which therefore produced admirable results; but most teachers seemed reluctant to attempt the tech nique, and when they did try the results were far short of satisfactory. These people were much happier and much more successful when they stuck to the more traditional and more conventional methods.158 The influential, A.R. Lord, School Inspector in the Cariboo and Chilcotin areas, textbook author, and Vancouver Normal School Principal, revealed a bias against ideas that smacked of "progressive" influences in his journals. Lord referred to the "objectionable educational jargon"159 used to describe these ideas. There is no doubt that the textbook retained its prominent place in the classroom experience of children during this period in spite of the rhetoric about projects, units of work, and enterprises.160 Choosing Texts: Contemporary Concerns The major, over-riding concern of the day was that texts be written and published by Canadians. The educational ministry was particularly sensitive to criticism regarding use of American texts. In 1925, Dr. J.D. MacLean, Minister of Education, was forced to explain at length in the legislature that the fifteen American textbooks which the government had been found to be using were "minor texts, some of which could not be 158A.S. Towell, "A Report on Curriculum Developments in British Columbia," Presented to the Royal Commission on Education, June 2, 1959. PABC, GR 683, Box 16, File 12. 159John Calam, ed., Alex Lord's British Columbia: Recollections of a Rural School Inspector, J915-36 (Vancouver: UBC Press, 1991), 114. See p. 22 for a brief discussion of this comment by editor, John Calam. 160 A microcosm of rhetoric versus reality in the context of progressive education in Canada is described in Brian Low, "Lessons in Living: Film Propaganda and Progressive Education in British Columbia, 1944," (Paper presented at "New Directions in British Columbia History Conference," University of Northern British Columbia, May, 1995). Low describes how the National Film Board of Canada, with the cooperation of the British Columbia Ministry of Education, filmed the implementation of progressive education practices in the Lantzville, B.C. elementary school. The changes depicted, although presented as authentic, were actually contrived for purposes of filming. Following the filming, the school returned to its original state. secured here, and others which were used only by a few students in highly-specialized subjects"161 and that his department used Canadian texts whenever possible.162 Contemporary authors capitalized on this concern. George Cornish, author of A Canadian School Geography, declared in the Preface to his text, that "Canadian schools have been too long tied down to United States text-books in Geography, either adapted or made over. ... To write a text-book from the Canadian standpoint has been the purpose of the present author. The subject matter, the comparisons, the maps, and the illustrations have the Canadian atmosphere."163 Publishers, too, were not shy about using this angle to promote their products.164 The concern regarding the use of American texts did not carry over to British texts. A text such as Highroads of History, Book IV—Other Days and Other Ways, a book of stories about British history, must have been written for British school children. It refers to "our great writers," "our British liberties," and "our island."165 In fact, at least part of Cornish's later text, Canadian Geography for Juniors, must have originally been written for British readers. At one point the author refers to France as "our neighbour across the Channel."166 This is particularly interesting upon examination of the Preface of his earlier text, A Canadian Geography, in which he states that "every paragraph of a good text-book in geography is permeated with the atmosphere of the country in which it is to be used. To 161 "MacLean Plans Big Reforms in Schools; New Officials to be Named Immediately," Times, 13 Nov. 1925. 162Only two of the social studies texts examined here, The Story of World Progress and Civilisation in Europe and the World, were American in origin. Both were revised for Canadian editions by Canadian historians. See "B.C. Pupils Are Better Than American," The Evening Sun, 13 November, 1925. 163George A. Cornish, A Canadian School Geography (Toronto: J.M. Dent & Sons, 1923), v. 164See Advertisement, BC Teacher V (May 1926): 196. Ginn and Company, located in San Francisco at this time, declares that their New Geography text is "a truly Canadian edition [which] maintains the Canadian point of view." 165 Highroads of History Book IV-Other Days and Other Ways, The Royal School Series (Toronto: Thomas Nelson and Sons, 1929), 222, 222, 223. 166George A. Cornish, Canadian Geography For Juniors, B.C. ed. (Toronto: J.M. Dent & Sons, 1928), 206. 59 adapt or make over such a book for another country quenches its fire, and it becomes lifeless and uninteresting."167 There was also concern that the printing of texts take place in British Columbia.168 That the government listened to this concern is evident in correspondence from P.B. Barr, Officer In Charge of the Text-Book Branch, to Dr. S.J. Willis, Superintendent of Education, in which Barr reports on a trip to Montreal and Toronto where he called on educational publishers. According to Barr, "The object of the trip was to obtain their co operation in the Department's policy, which is to have as much of the printing and manufacture of text-books done in British Columbia as is consonant with sound business and educational policy."169 The texts could hardly be reasonably criticized for being anti-monarchical, although, on one occasion, a legislator did try. In February 1927, the Hon. Joshua Hinchcliffe, stood up in the legislature and moved to have English Prose Selections altered or eliminated because of a selection therein which he deemed to be anti-British in nature.170 It turned out to be an example of Stephen Leacock humour, in which the author described members of the House of Lords as visiting a bar "where they sipped dry sherry, nibbled a biscuit and then went into the Upper Chamber; rejected such bills as were before them, and adjourned for two years." According to Hinchcliffe, this passage struck "at the very foundations of the British parliamentary system." In response, Captain Ian Mackenzie "moved a resolution condemning Mr. Leacock's foul libel on the House of Lords particularly in its statement that the members of that Chamber 'nibbled' their biscuits when in reality they gobbled them outright." The response of the Minister of Education, the Hon. J.D. 167Cornish, A Canadian School Geography, v. 168 A.V. Lofting, "Our School System," Labor Statesman, 4 Dec. 1925, 4. The article refers to "Patronize Home Industries," which indicates greater concern with job creation than Canadian nationalism. I69P.G. Barr to S.J. Willis, 19 May 1939, PABC, GR 451, Vol. 29, File 5. 170"Says School Books Casts [sic] Reflection on British System," 10 Feb. 1927, PABC, B-363, B.C. Legislative Assembly Clipping Books. [Newspaper not identified.] 60 MacLean, was to launch into a potentially "lengthy and academic discussion of what really constitutes humour,"171 which had to be cut short by the Speaker. The lists of texts remain remarkably consistent throughout this period. For instance, Canadian Geography for Juniors by Cornish was prescribed for use in Grades Five and Six for a period of almost twenty years, from the 1928-29 school year until the mid 1940s. The criteria for textbook selection are not made explicit. However, two such criteria are evident in a letter from Dr. H.B. King to a textbook publisher in which he criticizes Copp Clark for not concerning itself with the attractiveness of its publications and allowing them to become out-of-date. He concludes that "naturally the compant [sic] [company] lost out."172 It seems from this comment that visual appeal and currency of content were two criteria for textbook selection then as now. It does not seem to have been particularly difficult for a text to obtain a supplementary listing. In a letter to a Miss Sonia Coffin, H.B. King advises her that he saw no "reason why a book on the Minoan civilization could not be put on the supplementary reading lists authorized for the Department of Education if you should write such a book."173 Authorship of texts chosen for use in schools during this period was limited to a narrow segment of humanity. Authors were, for the most part, either Canadian university historians or employees of a provincial Department of Education. A.L. Burt, I. Gammell, Duncan McArthur, George Wrong, Mack Eastman, and Frederic Soward were Canadian historians. Schapiro and West were American historians. Eastman and Soward were historians at the University of British Columbia. H.F. Angus was an economist there. Of 171 "Members Laugh at Hinchcliffe's Fears of School Heresy," 3 Mar., 1927, 55, 55, 55, 55, PABC, B-363, B.C. Legislative Assembly Clipping Books. [Newspaper not identified.] The passage is taken from Stephen Leacock, My Discovery of England (London: John Lane The Bodley Head, Ltd., 1922). 172H.B. King to CR. Green, J.C. Winston & Co., 3 Jan. 1939, PABC, GR 452, Box 1, File 11. 173H.B. King to Sonia Coffin, 30 March 1939, PABC, GR 452, Box 1, File 9. 6 1 Department of Education employees, most were Normal School instructors (Donalda Dickie and Arthur Anstey) or principals (V.L. Denton and A.R. Lord). H.B. King worked for the Department of Education under several titles, including Curriculum Advisor and Chief Inspector of Schools. George Cornish was somewhat of an exception in that he was an Associate Professor in the College of Education at the University of Toronto. 6 2 CHAPTER III PUTMAN-WEIR ERA, 1925-1939: CANADIAN IDENTITY THEMES Texts Examined I examined thirty-three textbooks approved in this era. This list includes all elementary, junior and senior high (to junior matriculation) history, geography, civics, and social studies texts prescribed or authorized between the 1925-26 and 1939-40 school years. Also included in this list are texts in the following categories: where the purchase of fifteen or more copies was recommended; where the text was in a supplementary listing at three or more grade levels; or where a strong recommendation was made; i.e., "may be used as a basis for the course."174 In addition, at least one text from the Supplementary List or Bibliography at each grade level was examined. It was common practice for publishers during this period to provide the date of each printing of a text, in addition to the first copyright date and the dates of various revised editions. The decision was made to use the copyright date of the latest edition here, rather than the date of the last printing. Using the last printing date would be misleading since it would cause the reader to believe that the text came into use later than may have been the case. (It was not uncommon for a text in this period to have four or five printings.) Also, in some cases, only one date appears, although it is not the first date of publication. In this case I used the date in the version of the text which I had in hand. 174Department of Education, Programme of Studies for the Elementary Schools of British Columbia, Bulletin II (Victoria: King's Printer, 1936), 67. Conception of the Ideal Canadian Gender: "The women at home"115 Women are virtually invisible in most texts, history or geography. They simply are not a presence in the geography texts. In Canada's early history, the texts concentrate primarily on the exploits of European males, European women being present in very small numbers. After European women do arrive, their tasks are not acknowedged as contributing to the building of the nation (the ongoing theme of the texts). Native women receive short shrift as well. Exceptions can be found in history texts by female authors. In Cornish's A Canadian Geography for Juniors, prescribed for Grades Five and Six from 1928 until the mid 1940s, women play no role. Children ask their fathers for information on topics of interest. Father and son discuss the merits of mountain passes. Father takes his children to visit a dairy farm in Chilliwack. Mother packs the lunch basket and stays home, presumably to do household chores. In the history texts, only a few time-honoured heroines such as Laura Secord, Madeleine Vercheres, and Marguerite Bourgeoys appear quite regularly on the pages. The King's "Daughters" ("filles du roi") embark from their ships into the eager arms of young male habitants, and then fade away, while the texts move on to the more important affairs of the male fur traders and explorers. When pioneer women are visible, they are often presented as weak and dependent or as onlookers. This is the picture presented of one female pioneer. She took one look at her new home and "leaned her head against a tree and wept despairingly, 'Oh, Robert,' she cried, looking at her children, 'take me back! take me back!'"176 During a logging bee whenever a giant log had to be pulled, "word was passed to the women, who flocked out and, perched upon convenient log piles, watched their men with admiring eyes."177 175I. Gammell, History of Canada, B.C. ed., Gage's New Historical Series (Toronto: W.J. Gage, 1921), 271. 176D.J. Dickie, In Pioneer Days, Dent's Canadian History Readers, Book Six (Toronto: J.M. Dent & Sons, 1928), 115. I77lbid., 218. 64 Women's invisibility in the texts is understandable in the case of Canada's very early history, since women were present in very small numbers. However, by early settlement times, although women were not involved in political affairs, they were obviously an important part of pioneer life. For the most part, this is not acknowledged in these texts. References are made to "the pioneer and his [italics added] family"178 as if, somehow, other family members are not also pioneers. The men's work of clearing land and planting crops is the central core of the story. The rest of the work occurs around this. This other work seems to just happen. The texts do not make clear that this work involves the day-in and day-out toil of women. For instance, McArthur mentions that, following a logging bee, "the women took great pride in providing a sumptuous feast as reward for the strenuous labours of the men."179 McArthur is not acknowledging the "strenuous labours" involved in putting together a "sumptuous feast" for a large number of people, with no electricity, no running water, and no grocery stores. Tasks carried out by women are simply not acknowledged as work. The tasks of Native women living on the prairies prior to European contact are described by Burt in The Romance of the Prairie Provinces as "very light, except when the village struck or pitched camp, and then she had to be house mover and builder." At the same time he describes the women as having "to be on duty constantly,"180 presumably gathering food and fuel, preparing food, caring for children, tending the sick, making clothing, and sundry other 'light' duties! There are some exceptions. George Wrong's History of Canada is one such exception. Wrong points out that while the men "cleared the ground and tilled the fields, . . . most of what was used within, the women had to make—the daily bread, the candles, the soap, not least the clothing, for the spinning-wheel was in every household. When there 178Duncan McArthur, History of Canada for High Schools (Toronto: W.J. Gage & Co., 1927), 210. 179McArthur, History of Canada for High Schools, 214. 180A.L. Burt, The Romance of the Prairie Provinces (Toronto: W.J. Gage & Co., 1931), 18, 18. 65 was illness the doctor was often remote."181 Many of Donalda Dickie's texts are also somewhat of an exception. Here is her description of the female experience of pioneer life in New France: the housekeepers spent their lives in crushing toil. They were usually married at sixteen and brought up families ranging from twelve to twenty in number. Remember, they not only cooked and washed for their families, but spun, wove, and made everything they wore as well. The dairy and garden work was always done by the women. In summer, during the busy season, they helped the men in the fields; in winter, they knitted caps, mits [sic], scarfs, sashes, and wove homespun linen and flannel for sale.182 In another text, Dickie says,"women had to have steady hands and level heads as well as brave hearts in those days."183 In Dickie's text, In Pioneer Days, fourteen of ninety-three chapters are about females. This may seem scanty, but when placed against other texts, it becomes significant. As an example, GammeH's History of Canada lists three women in its index, Laura Secord, Queen Elizabeth, and Princess Louise, only one of whom is a Canadian. Perhaps, as a female, it seemed only natural to Dickie to include female experience, where it was missing from other texts. It is illuminating to compare Dickie's treatment of the King's "Daughters" ("filles du roi") with that of Gammell. In the Dickie text, When Canada Was Young, the reader is taken into the minds of these young women who are embarking on a new life: Often they were daughters of men with very large families who could hope to do little for them at home. Sometimes they were orphans brought up in homes or convents. Strong, healthy girls were chosen. They must have had brave hearts as well as strong bodies to dare, all alone, the ocean, the wilderness, the savages, and a land of strangers. . .. .Very lonely they must have been as the ship put out to sea, and the pleasant snores of France faded from their sight forever. It was indeed forever, for well they knew they were never likely to return. No doubt they wept long and sadly, comforting one another 18'George M. Wrong, History of Canada (Toronto: The Ryerson Press, 1921), 214. 182D.J. Dickie, When Canada Was Young, rev. ed., Dent's Canadian History Readers, Book Five (Toronto: J.M. Dent & Sons, 1927), 211. ' 83Dickie, In Pioneer Days, 244. as best they could, while the nuns reminded them that the good God was as near to Canada as to France.184 Under a subtitle called "Increase of Population," Gammell says that "shiploads of girls were then dispatched, also at the king's expense, to provide them with wives."185 Nothing more is said on the topic. The text might as well have been referring to shiploads of seed to provide the settlers with wheat as to young women with thoughts and feelings! Gammell's treatment is the more typical of the two. Dickie includes topics which are not touched in other texts. These include contributions of Women's Institutes to "inculcating Canadian ideals and principles,"186 and experiences of women teachers. In one text she includes a rather strange story entitled, "The Blue Silk Dress,"187 which lovingly, and in immense detail, describes a dress made as part of the trousseau of a young bride. It is difficult to imagine such a story in one of the other texts. Another difference one notes in the Dickie texts is a tendency to be slightly more explicit about sexual matters. For example, Dickie is the only author to mention the Scottish woman who was the first white woman in western Canada. She was a young woman from the Orkney Islands who, in 1806, disguised herself as a man and came out in a Hudson's Bay ship to join her lover. Her baby, a fine boy, was born in December 1807 at Henry's post, Pembina. The Scottish woman took her little son home the following summer and nothing more is known of them.188 She also deals more explicitly with the topic of inter-racial sexual relationships than do other authors. This point will be discussed in the next section. Whether this was a 184Dickie, When Canada Was Young, 104. 185Gammell, History of Canada, 45. ,86D.J. Dickie, How Canada Grew up, rev. ed., Dent's Canadian History Readers, Book Eight (Toronto: J.M. Dent & Sons, 1927), 324. 187Dickie, How Canada Grew Up, 264. 188D.J. Dickie, The Canadian West, rev. ed., Dent's Canadian History Readers, Book Seven (Toronto: J.M. Dent & Sons, 1927), 88. Dickie does not name this woman. She was Isabel Gunn [aka Mary Fubbister]. 6 7 characteristic of Dickie herself, or generally of female textbook authors, it is impossible to say since so few women wrote textbooks at this time. In spite of the fact that Dickie seems somewhat of an anomaly among all of the male authors, she was a woman of her time. In her supplementary reader for primary students, All About Canada For Little Folks, the little girls help their mothers clean and cook; they are polite and obedient. Boys pretend to be farmers, while girls pretend to be their wives. Boys do not cry, at least "not very much."189 Another interesting anomaly is found in a very early text by Alexander Mclntyre, World Relations and the Continents, published in 1911, but still used in B.C. schools until the mid 1920s. In a discussion of manufacturing, this text makes the point that women, in the course of their daily homemaking duties, may well have invented such common domestic appliances as the churn, the spinning wheel, and the weaving loom.190 The paucity of females in these texts, and the belittling of the roles they play, indicate that citizenship was predominantly a concept applicable to males. Males built the country and male figures provide the role models for emulation. It was the public arena which 'counted'. Race/Ethnicity: "These little strangers among us"191 This section will consider the texts' treatment of two groups—immigrants to Canada in the late nineteenth century or later and Native peoples. Immigrants, other than those from the Orient, are presented in a positive light. Native peoples of the past are viewed either from a paternalistic perspective or with undisguised repugnance. Contemporary Native peoples are, for the most part, ignored. When present, they are viewed from a negative perspective. 189D.J. Dickie, All About Canada for Little Folks, Dent's Canadian History Readers, Book One (Toronto: J.M. Dent & Sons, 1926), 37, 47, 35, 36. 190 Alexander Mclntyre, World Relations and the Continents: An Elementary Geography for the Junior and Middle Grades of the Public Schools (Toronto: The Educational Book Co., 1911), 45. 191 Stella Macklin, "Daughters of the Empire: I.O.D.E. Educational Work Amongst Foreign Districts in Canada," The School, VII (1919): 582. 68 Imrnigrants to Canada are viewed quite positively for the most part in texts during this period. One text comments that each band of settlers has had some special gift to offer to the country of their adoption .... gift of music or of art... . splendid folklore. . .. handicraft of a much older civilisation than that of Canada. Added to these gifts are others of endurance, thrift and honesty, all of which grace and strengthen a nation.192 H.B. King credits immigrants with "doing their part in building a prosperous and happy Canada."193 Wallace points out that "some mistakes were made in the types of immigrants obtained. The Doukhobors, for example, a kind of Russian Quaker, have proved especially unreceptive to Canadian ideals."194 He concedes, however, that "on the whole the settlers were of an excellent type, with a high percentage of people of British and American origin. Their industry and success has been phenomenal."195 The Romance of the Prairie Provinces refers optimistically to "the greatest romance of all. It is the romance of a multitude of people who have left for ever their homes in other parts of the world, and commenced life all over again in a new country which they are making and which is making them."196 This would seem far removed from J.S. Woodsworth's hierarchy of immigrants in Strangers Within Our Gates, published in 1909, in which he ranked irnmigrants according to their desirability as citizens of Canada. Immigrants from northern Europe were considered superior to immigrants from southern or eastern Europe because of their perceived ability to assimilate easily into Canadian society. Oriental immigrants were at the bottom of the list. Their lowly status was because: "they constitute an entirely distinct class 192D.J. Dickie and Helen Palk, Pages From Canada's Story, rev. ed. (Toronto: J.M. Dent & Sons, 1931), 448. 193H.B. King, A History of Britain (Toronto: The Macmillan Co. of Canada, 1937), 15. 194W. Stewart Wallace, A New History of Canada (Toronto: The MacMillan Co. of Canada Ltd., 1928), 102. This text is actually called A New History of Great Britain and Canada. It is two texts bound together, each of which is numbered separately. Therefore, when footnoting quotes from this text, the note will refer to A New History of Great Britain or A New History of Canada to avoid confusion regarding page numbers. 195 Ibid. 196Burt, The Romance of the Prairie Provinces, 256. 69 or caste. They have their own virtues and vices; their own moral standards and religious beliefs. The Orientals cannot be assimilated."197 Closer examination of the texts, however, reveals a perspective which is not all that far from that of Woodsworth. It is clear that Anglo-Saxon immigrants are still perceived to possess the highest value. Wallace says that "on the whole the settlers were of an excellent type," only because a high percentage of them are of British and American origin. King points out that "immigrants from the British Isles and from other countries bring with them very often a culture and skill valuable in the making of a new country."198 It is interesting that immigrants from the British Isles are singled out in this way. In earlier texts, the author would not have bothered to add "and from other countries," but the message is much the same. When immigration and immigrants are discussed, Oriental immigrants are seldom mentioned. This is because they were a presence only in British Columbia in this period, and the texts were not written solely for British Columbia students. They were authorized in other provinces as well. Usually Asian immigrants receive mention only in texts which have a segment devoted to the history of British Columbia tacked onto the end in order to pass the approval process in this province. The Oriental presence in B.C. is presented as a problem. Anstey, in his add-on section to Burt's Romance of Canada, calls it "a social and economic problem [which] will need to be solved by wise and patient effort."199 In his own text, The Romance of British Columbia, Anstey says the situation "bristles with difficulties."200 In Lessons on the British Empire, written under the auspices of the Department of Education, the reader is told that East Indian immigrants in Natal have created an economic problem because they sell their goods and services at a lower price 197J.S. Woodsworth, Strangers Within Our Gates (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1972; orig. ed., 1909), 154-155. 198King, A History of Britain, 14. '"Arthur Anstey, "British Columbia," in A.L. Burt, Romance of Canada (Toronto: W.J. Gage, 1937), 63. 200Arthur Anstey, The Romance of British Columbia (Toronto: W.J. Gage, 1924), 206. than the white people It is pointed out that "this problem in Natal resembles the Oriental problem in British Columbia."201 British immigrants, on the other hand, are "jolly-looking people. . . .We are glad they have come. We hope they will like it here."202 In All About Canada For Little Folks, a text intended for primary students, Donalda Dickie introduces her readers to William and Wilhelmina from Holland, who are "New Canadians." However, Tar-Lee and Har-mee from Japan and Poy from China are merely "visitors in Canada."203 even though their parents, like those of William and Wilhelmina, are engaged in agricultural production here in Canada (growing strawberries). Through her descriptions of Tar-Lee, Har-mee, and Poy, Dickie captures two aspects of the social reality of the Oriental presence in British Columbia at this time. First, is the important place which Orientals had assumed in the production and distribution of fruits and vegetables in B.C. By the early 1920s, the Chinese exercised control over market gardening and the distribution of fresh vegetables; while the Japanese controlled thirty-nine percent of the acreage devoted to small fruit growing in the Fraser Valley by 1924.204 The second point conveyed by Dickie is the vehement desire of many white British Columbians for the Orientals to turn around and go back to whence they had come. This desire was communicated through almost constant anti-Asian agitation in the inter-war years, resulting in laws limiting Asian employment opportunities and numbers allowed into the country.205 20'Department of Education, Lessons on the British Empire (Victoria: Department of Education, 1936), 71. 202D.J. Dickie, The Book of Wonders, Dent's Canadian Geography Readers (Toronto: J.M. Dent & Sons, 1928), 45. 203Dickie, All About Canada For Little Folks, 37, 42. 204J3ritish Columbia, Legislative Assembly, Report on Oriental Activities Within the Province (Victoria: King's Printer, 1927). 205See W. Peter Ward, White Canada Forever: Popular Attitudes and Public Policy Toward Orientals in British Columbia (Montreal: McGill-Queen's University Press, 1978). Also see Harold Keith Hutchinson, "Dimensions of Ethnic Education: The Japanese in British Columbia, 1880-1940" (Master's thesis, University of British Columbia, 1972). 7 1 While these texts portray a more positive attitude toward immigrants, on the whole, than did earlier texts, it is evident that some immigrants are preferred to others.206 British immigrants get top preference, with those from western Europe and the United States coming next. Then we proceed on down to the Orientals. Within the Oriental group, there is some evidence that the Japanese were preferred to the Chinese.207 Certainly, in the texts the Chinese are referred to more frequently in the context of being a problem than are the Japanese. According to Patricia Roy, the hostility toward Asians lay primarily in a fear of Oriental intellectual superiority and the economic gains which could be achieved by it.208 This fear found official voice in the Putman-Weir report. The student intelligence testing that formed part of the information gathering for this report had interesting results. Japanese students earned the highest intelligence scores. The Chinese were second in line, with Caucasian students, a somewhat distant third. Within the Caucasian group, students from the British Isles outscored students from continental Europe. The commissioners attempted to rationalize the high scores of the Oriental students with the explanation that self-selection was a factor, since only the best of the lot would have had the "cleverness, resourcefulness, and courage [to] emigrate to British Columbia; the dullards and less enterprising are left behind."209 It is interesting to note, that while this conclusion was trotted out to explain Oriental superiority, it is not at all useful in explaining the inferior scores of the children of continental European immigrants. 206See Tim Stanley, "White Supremacy and the Rhetoric of Educational Indoctrination," for a discussion of racism toward Chinese in British Columbia textbooks prior to 1925. 207J. Donald Wilson has found evidence that teachers in B.C. appreciated their Japanese students. See J.Donald Wilson, "The Visions of Ordinary Participants: Teachers' Views of Rural Schooling in British Columbia in the 1920s," in A History of British Columbia: Selected Readings, ed. Patricia E. Roy (Toronto: Copp Clark Pitman Ltd., 1989), 239-255. Also see J.E. Brown, "Japanese School Children," The B.C. Teacher VII (June 1928): 8-11. J.E. Brown was the principal of Strathcona School in Vancouver, which enrolled over 550 Japanese children. His article has high praise for these students. 208Patricia E. Roy, "British Columbia's Fears of Asians, 1900-1950," in British Columbia: Historical Readings, ed. W. Peter Ward and Robert A.J. McDonald (Vancouver: Douglas & Mclntyre, 1981), 656-670. 209Putman and Weir, Survey of the School System, 508. Although the Survey commissioners were frantically looking for explanations, they acknowledged that Oriental superiority was a problem, one "which calls for the highest quality of statesmanship if it is to be solved satisfactorily."210 This was a common concern of the times. A newspaper article published the same year as the Putman-Weir report pointed out that "the 'yellow peril' is not yellow battleships nor yellow settlers, but yellow intelligence."211 J.Donald Wilson has pointed out that, with the exception of their attitude toward Japanese immigrants, rural teachers of the 1920s reflected the society as a whole in their views regarding ethnic background.212 Wilson drew this conclusion from School District Information Forms filled out by rural school teachers in 1923 and 1928. Certainly, comments such as, "The redeeming feature in this district is that there is a nice class of children. They are all white and fairly well brought up;" or "Most of the children are either Ukranians or half-breed Indians and their standards of living are somewhat lower than that of the few white people,"213 speak volumes. Between the textbooks and their teachers, racist attitudes were instilled in students throughout their day-to-day experiences at school. Class consciousness is yet another way of creating 'otherness'. With reference to early English settlers in Upper Canada, Wallace, in his 1928 A New History of Great Britain and Canada, states: Not a few of them were retired naval and military officers who took up land in the Upper Canadian "bush," and tried to supplement their pensions by farming. They did not, as a rule, make a great success of their farms; but they proved a valuable element in the life of both Upper and Lower Canada. Their high ideals and superior ed ucation marked them off from many of the immigrants. . . . Settlers of this type helped to lift life in Upper Canada out of the level of a mere struggle for existence.214 210Ibid., 508. 211 "The Real 'Yellow Peril,'" The Vancouver Sun, 24 July 1925, 8. 212J. Donald Wilson, "The Visions of Ordinary Participants," 239-255. 213School District Information Form, Bonaparte Valley District, 1928, PABC 461, Box 2, File 1, and Kitwanga Public School, 1928, PABC 461, Box 2, File 6. 214Wallace, A New History of Canada, 77-78 7 3 Wrong, in his History of Canada, is no less elitist in his outlook. He notes that "more than the ignorant, the educated man showed an adaptability for these new conditions. He used his reason, and he had a wider range of ideas."215 It is not evident why this class of settler necessarily had higher ideals than other immigrants who did not have their level of education. It would seem that high ideals and superior education were presumed'to go hand in hand. W. Stewart Wallace, the textbook author, was certainly not alone in this assumption. G.M. Weir claimed that intelligence tests served as a fairly reliable if not infallible guide to an individual's moral worth. Weir wrote that "dullness and moral delinquency are related almost as closely as twin brothers. The investigation of numerous cases has proved this statement beyond reasonable doubt. The converse also, with certain exceptions, appears true. Intelligent people usually have the greatest moral worth."216 Native peoples were the other "strangers among us" in these texts. In contrast to the light treatment received by Orientals in the texts, Native peoples play an important role, at least during the European exploration, fur trade, and early settlement periods. From then on, the phenomenon of the "disappearing Native" comes into play. There was no particular reason for the readers of the texts to wonder what had happened to them. They were not a factor in their own lives. For the most part, Natives lived on reserves, physically far removed from urban centres. Even in those cases where the reserves were located in close proximity to white settlement, interaction was limited. Schools did not provide opportunities for mingling of the races since Native children almost always attended reserve day schools or residential schools funded by the federal government. Native adults took little part in the white economy, preferring for the most part to carry on traditional occupations such as hunting, fishing, and trapping. 215Wrong, History of Canada, 213. 216G.M. Weir, Survey of Nursing Education in Canada (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1932), 210. 7 4 When contemporary Native people do find their way into the texts, the depictions have a negative tone. Their totem poles are referred to as "strange-looking pillars."217 Differences rather than similarities are pointed out. A caption for a photograph of Inuit children at Great Slave Lake directs the reader to "notice their dark complexion and long, coarse black hair."218 In Dickie's, All About Indians, a supplementary reader for primary students, only two of sixty-seven stories and poems are about contemporary situations. One describes a sawmill run by Natives. "It takes a long time to cut logs in this way, but Indians have plenty of time. They are seldom in a hurry."219 The second little vignette describes a group called Rabbit Skin Indians, who, when they are cold and hungry in the winter, "go to the Mission. It is near their camp. A Minister and his wife live at the Mission. They bring the Rabbit Skin children in and make up a big fire to warm them. They make soup and cocoa for them. They give them warm coats and caps."220 Two predominant attitudes toward Native peoples of the past are prevalent in these texts. These are paternalism and repugnance. The paternalism is not a matter of 'reading between the lines'. It is blatant. Native peoples were "curious as children."221 They sometimes went without food, not because of the harsh climate, but because "they were very improvident children."222 They "were like troublesome children but the Hudson's Bay Company was a wise father to them."223 They were "almost child-like in their simplicity."224 Champlain "knew that Indians are like children who do not know very much yet, and so must be treated gently."225 The poem, "Who Calls?" epitomizes this paternalistic attitude toward Native people. 217Dickie, The Book of Wonders, 73. 2l8Cornish, Canadian Geography for Juniors, 7. 219D.J. Dickie, All About Indians, rev. ed., Dent's Canadian History Readers, Book Two (Toronto: J.M. Dent & Sons, 1926), 34. 220Ibid., 65. 22'Dickie, The Canadian West, 154. 222Burt, The Romance of the Prairie Provinces, 18. 223Ibid., 181. 224Anstey, The Romance of British Columbia, 50. 225D.J. Dickie, The Long Trail, rev. ed., Dent's Canadian History Readers Book Four (Toronto: J.M. Dent & Sons, 1928), 27. 75 Who calls? The Red man, poor and sick, He calls. Who comes? The White man, rich and strong, He comes. Who watches? To see that pity reigns, God watches.226 The perception of North American aboriginal people as children had its roots in the late nineteenth century biological theory of recapitulation, which was based on the idea that the physical development of a human embryo repeats the evolutionary stages of development of the human race. This theory influenced the new science of psychology, with the idea that the social and intellectual development of an individual replicates the developmental stages through which the human race as a whole has passed. Inferior' groups represented an earlier stage in the evolution of adult white males. It is not much of a leap to conclude that adult members of 'uncivilized' groups must be like children of 'civilized' groups. America's leading psychologist at the time, G. Stanley Hall, said in 1904 that, "Most savages in most respects are children, or, because of sexual maturity, more properly, adolescents of adult size."227 E.D. Cope, the American paleontologist, identified four adult groups of lower human beings: races other than Caucasian, all women (who were emotionally like children), southern European Caucasians, and lower class Caucasians. It was this thinking which formed the basis of J.S. Woodsworth's ranking, in Strangers Within Our Gates 1909), of immigrant groups according to their desirability as contributors to Canadian society and breeding stock. It also provided the pseudo-scientific basis for the ranking of 226D.J. Dickie, How Canada Was Found, Dent's Canadian History Readers Book Three (Toronto: J.M. Dent & Sons, 1925), 110. 227Quoted in Stephen Jay Gould, The Mismeasure of Man (New York: W.W. Norton & Co., 1981), 116-117. races in texts such as Mclntyre's World Relations and the Continents, published in 1911. This type of blatent categorization was abandoned in texts published in the 1920s. However, one of the remnants which remained was in the likening of Native peoples to children. In this, the texts reflected the prevailing view of the greater society.228 This paternalistic attitude toward Native peoples is evident in the texts' treatment of the Metis Resistances of 1869 and 1885. Burt's The Romance of the Prairie Provinces says, "No one explained to them [the Metis] that Canada intended to treat them fairly."229 According to Gammell's History of Canada, the Indians "had always been treated justly and kindly by the Dominion government." The Metis "thought [union with Canada] meant the coming of settlers, the decrease of game, and the imposition of taxes. Canadian surveyors were already at work running lines through their settlements and the ignorant occupants feared that the loss of their lands would follow." 230 If one is to believe these texts, the rebellions were based on an unfortunate misunderstanding on the part of Native people. If someone had only explained to these "ignorant occupants" that Canada intended to treat them fairly and that union with Canada would not mean the coming of settlers, the decrease of game, and the imposition of taxes, a lot of unnecessary fuss could have been avoided. The Gammell text presents the Metis as being naive pawns in the hands of a clever Louis Riel. Gammell says, "Their excitement was fanned into rebellion by the craft and ambition of Louis Riel. He had received more education than his half-breed231 countrymen, but his judgement was weak, and his temper violent."232 Riel's violent 228por a discussion of recapitulation theory and its implications, see Gould, The Mismeasure of Man, 112-122. 229Burt, The Romance of the Prairie Provinces, 169. 230Gammell, History of Canada, 235, 223. 23'The term "half-breed," was commonly used in texts at this time as a label for people of European and Native descent. This term was generally abandoned in texts by the 1950s and the term, "Metis," used in its place. It is interesting to note that Jean Barman has chosen to return to the use of the term, "half-breed," in her 1991 book, The West Beyond the West. She states that her reason for choosing to use this term is due to the fact that Metis was a Prairie term and almost never used in British Columbia (p. 170). Barman has a book-length manuscript on this subject in preparation. 232Gammell, History of Canada, 224. 77 temper led him to order Thomas Scott's execution while "in a rage" at Scott's defiance of his authority, and to carry the execution out "in a most barbarous manner."233 Some of the authors are willing to recognize the role the Canadian government played in allowing events to go as far as they did. They point out the legitimate land title grievances of the Metis. Wallace, in his 1928 text, says "This rebellion [1885] arose from the failure of the government and its surveyors to respect the claims of the half-breeds who had settled on the banks of the Saskatchewan River, and who feared that they would be dispossessed of their lands."234 Burt, in Romance of the Prairie Provinces, makes his condemnation of the government's choice of William McDougall as lieutenant-governor prior to the 1869 Resistance, clear with his statement that, "If Canada had desired to stir up a rebellion in the North-West, she could not have picked a better man." He denounces the government of Canada as "really very stupid." With regard to the 1885 Resistance, Burt says that "once more the Canadian government was very stupid." He goes so far as to declare that "the government away off in Ottawa was deaf to the cry of the half-breeds for justice."235 Repugnance is the second attitude toward Native peoples conveyed in these texts. Repugnance is evident in phrases such as "like veritable demons,"236 "worthless Indian,"237 "unreasonable savages,"238 "savage hearts,"239 "blood-thirsty nature,"240 "ignorant savages,"241 and "savages stood round in gaping wonder."242 Living with native peoples qualified white men for sainthood. Burt, in Romance of Canada, says, 233Gammell, History of Canada, 224. 234Wallace, A New History of Canada, 88. 235Burt, The Romance of the Prairie Provinces, 171, 169, 221, 222. 236Dickie, In Pioneer Days 36. 237Ibid., 122. 238Dickie and Palk, Pages From Canada's Story, 11. 239Gammell, History of Canada, 37. 240McArthur, History of Canada for High Schools, 66. 24'Celesta Hamer-Jackson, Discoverers and Explorers of North America (Toronto: Thomas Nelson and Sons, 1937), 149. 242Wrong, History of Canada, 13. "Worse than travelling with the Indians was living with them. Only beasts or saints could survive being cooped up in "a birch-bark hut with unclean savages, half-tamed dogs, and myriads of fleas, eating filthy food, and having their eyes continually blinded by smoke. These missionaries were heroic saints."243 The paternalism does not change, but the repugnance softens somewhat in later texts of this era. For instance, Anstey, in Romance of British Columbia, published in 1934, points out to the reader that "knowing them better, we shall understand them better. We shall sympathize with them, and perhaps think more highly of these 'lords of the lake and the forest' of the days before the white man."244 Ethnocentrism sometimes prevents textbook authors from seeing value in the practices of Native cultures, or in fact, from seeing these practices for what they were. Anstey, in The Romance of British Columbia, states with all sincerity that the Native people of the west coast had little or no religion "apart from their belief in the spirit world and its influence on their lives [italics added]."245 The topic of inter-racial sexual relationships is generally avoided or dealt with in passing.246 Burt's Romance of the Prairie Provinces and Gammell's History of Canada are two where the topic of cohabitation between white male fur traders and native women is dealt with briefly. Burt is disapproving. "Away off in the wilds, they only too commonly cast off the customs and restraints of civilized society. There were no white women; therefore, the great majority of the traders found Indian wives."247 Gammell is more understanding. He says, "It is not surprising that these exiles sought society among the Indians and sometimes took wives from among the daughters of the forest."248 Dickie, too, is somewhat of an exception. She devotes an entire play to the topic. The play 243 A.L. Burt, The Romance of Canada (Toronto: W.J. Gage & Co., 1937), 47. 244 Anstey, The Romance of British Columbia, 37. 245Ibid., 50. 246For a discussion of this topic, see Sylvia Van Kirk, "Many Tender Ties": Women in Fur-Trade Society in Western Canada, 1670-1870 (Winnipeg: Watson & Dwyer Publishing Ltd., 1980). 247Burt, The Romance of the Prairie Provinces, 113. 248Gammell, History of Canada , B.C. Supplement, 21. is about the arrival of fur trader, Henry Kelsey, and his native wife, Wind-of-Dawn, at Fort Nelson. Kelsey is invited to speak to the Governor, but refuses to enter the fort until his wife is allowed to accompany him. Eventually, she is invited in as well.249 However, even Dickie does not always present these relationships in a positive light. She says that many coureurs de bois "sank quickly to the level of the savages with whom they hunted. They married Indian wives, lived in filthy huts, never washed; they drank, gambled, and fought like the savages."250 None of the texts examined reveal the information that Governor James Douglas' wife, Amelia Connolly, was the mixed race daughter of William Connolly, the chief factor in New Caledonia, and a Native woman. Anstey mentions that she was familiar with an Indian custom, but does not say why this is the case.251 Dickie, in The Canadian West, says, "Young Douglas had not been long at the fort when he fell in love with . . . the chief factor's daughter. It was looking high for a clerk; most of the men had to be content with Indian wives."252 It is interesting to note the intriguing references made to Douglas's physical appearance. Two texts mention that he was known as "Black Douglas"253 among his companions in the fur trade. A text refers to him as having a "dark, proud face."254 Another text calls him a "huge, bronzed man."255 A third text says that his father had "lived for some years in British Guiana, where he had a sugar estate."256 It is generally accepted now that Douglas was born of a relationship between a Scottish merchant and a 249Dickie, The Long Trail, 126-128. 250Dickie, When Canada Was Young, 143. 25'Anstey, The Romance of British Columbia, 128. 252Dickie, The Canadian West, 134. 253Dickie and Palk, Pages From Canada's Story, 346. (This quote is from the section of the text written by Palk.) Hamer-Jackson, Discoverers and Explorers of North America, 294. Both Palk and Hamer-Jackson attribute the source of the nickname to a famous Scottish ancestor. 254Hamer-Jackson, Discoverers and Explorers of North America, 294. 255Wrong, History of Canada, 319. 256Anstey, The Romance of British Columbia, 126. 80 woman of Demarara, now Guyana. He was born in Demarara and received his schooling in Scotland. The racial origins of Douglas' mother are not definitely known.257 The Teaching of Virtue: "brave, determined hearts "258 Jean Mann has argued that the interest in social reform in the mid-thirties by educational leaders such as Minister of Education, G.M. Weir, can be interpreted as a means of ensuring the smooth running of the state, rather than as evidence of concern for the progressive goal of self-realization of the individual. The means to social reform was the socialization of the individual, to be "accomplished by inculcation of the 'right' social values by means of the curriculum, teachers, principals, indeed by the whole social structure of the school."259 Textbooks played a major role in this process. Van Brummelen has made the point that texts in the period between 1872 and 1925 were a vehicle for the teaching of morality. He noted a transition from a religious basis for moral teaching to a secular one. Rather than a result of serving God and a means to avoid the wrath of God, virtues became characteristics of good citizenship.260 Throughout the 1925 to 1939 period, characteristics of good citizenship such as loyalty, patriotism, honesty, self-sacrifice, justice and courage continued to be promoted through the texts. The moral adages found in earlier textbooks were no longer considered appropriate in this period, but textbook authors had their means of compensating. Two primary means were used. The first was the use of authorial voice intervening to make a point and the second was the use of heroes (and the occasional heroine) as role models exemplifying the desirable qualities.. 257For discussions of Douglas' origins and early life, see W. Kaye Lamb, "Some Notes on the Douglas Family," British Columbia Historical Quarterly XVII (Jan.-Apr. 1953): 41-51; Charlotte S.M. Girard, "Sir James Douglas' School Days," BC Studies 35 (Autumn 1977):56-63; and Charlotte S.M. Girard, "Sir James Douglas' Mother and Grandmother, BC Studies 44 (Winter 1979-80): 25-31. The Lamb article quotes from contemporary documents that refer to Douglas as a mulatto and to his mother as a Creole (a term which does not necessarily indicate race). 258Dickie, In Pioneer Days, 184. 259Mann, "G.M. Weir and H.B. King: Progressive Education or Education for the Progressive State," 115. 260Harro Van Brummelen, "Shifting Perspectives: Early British Columbia Textbooks from 1872 to 1925," 17-38. Authorial intervention occurs to emphasize the point that virtue is rewarded and evil receives its just deserts. Pioneer women may have worked hard, but they had their reward in the appreciation of their husbands and sons.261 (The appreciation of daughters is not mentioned, but presumably it is not important because they, like their mothers, are, or perhaps will be, the fortunate recipients of appreciation rather than the ones to do the appreciating.) At one point Dickie ends a tale of transgressors with the comment, "One almost feels like saying 'Serves them right.'"262 The tale of Henry Hudson's evil crew provides a perfect scenario to teach the moral lesson that evil receives its just deserts; and several of the authors take full advantage of it. Although the mutineers on Henry Hudson's ship turned him and the faithful crew members out to certain death, "the mutineers paid dearly for their crime. . . . Juet, like Greene before him, came to a fitting end. He died of starvation."263 In another text we are told that "all the ringleaders of the mutiny had paid the supreme price."264 Dickie assures the reader that "the wicked men in the big ship did not come to any good, you may be sure."265 Dickie and Palk expound on this point again in another text, where they explain to the reader that "those who reached home were ever after looked upon as shameful men by all the people. No one would ever have anything to do with them. No doubt they often wished that they had died with poor Hudson in Canada."266 It is not clear where these authors would have found historical evidence to support this point. It would seem it has been included solely to teach a moral lesson. The primary means of teaching morality during this 1925 to 1939 period was through the use of heroes and occasionally, heroines. These "hardy and fearless"267 men and women were used as role models to emulate. The relationship between heroes and 261Dickie, In Pioneer Days, 151. 262Dickie, How Canada Was Found, 114. 263Burt, The Romance of the Prairie Provinces, 31. 264Hamer-Jackson, Discoverers and Explorers of North America, 115. 265Dickie, How Canada Was Found,, 126. 266Dickie and Palk, Pages From Canada's Story, 53. 267Dickie, In Pioneer Days, 116. 82 citizenship goals is made explicit in McCaig's Studies in Citizenship. He says stories of the past teach us valuable lessons which bear directly on our own lives and conduct. They teach us how to depend upon ourselves, how to get along with our neighbors, and how to live better and more wisely. In the lives and in the actions of the really great men and women of history, we have splendid examples of the great virtues—courage, unselfishness, loyalty, patience, and justice. The lives of such men and women fill us with admiration, and inspire us with the desire to play a similar part in our own world of to-day.268 McCaig provides students with a list of heroes such as Achilles, Leonidas, Laura Secord, and Champlain (only three of thirty-two are women) and asks students to name the qualities of citizenship which are illustrated in their lives.269 The heroes in these texts exhibited at least one, and often more, of four predominant characteristics: loyalty, both to Great Britain and its empire and to Canada itself; physical bravery, demonstrated in battle or in exploration; the ability and willingness to work hard; and a firm belief in God. Loyalty to Great Britain and its empire was cherished above all else. It hurt Lord Selkirk's "loyal heart to see British men and women settling down under an alien flag"270 in the United States. In spite of the fact that many of his 'soldiers' "were ragged and without shoes" during the War of 1812, Sir Isaac Brock did not despair because "most of them were of United Empire Loyalist stock, and their devotion to their flag was unquestioned."271 The Shawnee chief, Tecumseh, who was an ally of the British during the same war, is lauded in these texts as the epitome of brave and virtuous manhood. Gammell says "he was a warrior of great courage and skill, and had remarkable influence over his own and other tribes. Humane and honourable himself he set his face sternly 268James McCaig, Studies in Citizenship, B.C. ed. (Toronto: The Educational Book Co. 1930), 1-2. 269Ibid., 5. 270Dickie, The Canadian West, 98. 27'Dickie and Palk, Pages From Canada's Story, 278. 83 against the usual cruelties of Indian warfare."272 One wonders if he actually possessed all of these qualities or if he was simply assumed to possess them because he was loyal to Great Britain. The texts are very explicit about the use of role models to instil both nationalist and imperial sentiments: The spirit which these heroes displayed was the spirit of Canada, the same spirit that animated the pioneers as they laboured to build up this great Dominion. It is for us, as we read the story of the fur-traders, prospectors, and road-builders of by-gone days, to emulate their spirit, if not their deeds, and to uphold the traditions which have been wrought into the fabric of both the Dominion and the Empire.273 Connected with loyalty to the mother country is loyalty to Canada, itself. Sir Wilfrid Laurier was "in the first rank of great Canadians. ... his great object in life was the welding together of the people of every section, race, and creed in Canada in the spirit of common patriotism."274 Such loyalty could quite nicely compensate for other character flaws. Wrong says of John A. Macdonald, "in spite of his faults, some of which he freely acknowledged, Macdonald was a great patriot."275 Dickie characterizes him as "not a man of high principle. . . . [However] to his one professed principle, that of keeping Canada within the British Empire, he remained true. . . . Undoubtedly he earned the place which he holds in the front rank of Canadian statesmen."276 These heroes and heroines "were young and brave" and accomplished great deeds through "courage and industry." 277 Bravery in battle is particularly important because it is coupled with love of country. In Power's Great People of the Past, Book II, which, with Book III, was the basic text for Grade Four from 1936 on, six of the eleven "great people" show exceptional courage in battle. It is interesting to see that the one woman chosen for 272Gammell, History of Canada, 134-135. 273Anstey, The Romance of British Columbia, 207. 274Gammell, History of Canada, 279. 275 Wrong, History of Canada, 337. 276Dickie, How Canada Grew Up, 270. 277Dickie, The Long Trail, 168, 67. 84 inclusion is Joan of Arc, who is noted for her accomplishments in battle. In Highroads of History Book IV, five of the seven poems intended for recitation by students, focus on courage displayed in battle. Wolfe and Montcalm were "two great soldiers and gallant gentlemen. . . . Their names shall ever be linked in close association, not as enemies but as great patriots, who gave their lives in the service of Canada."278 The contribution of Canadian men in World War I is marked out for special tribute. Of these men, one text points out that "the records are full of their fearless heroism, their splendid valor."279 Another says, "they covered themselves in glory."280 Courage in exploration is also held up for emulation. Sir John Franklin "was a man who did not know the meaning of fear."281 "No survivor remained to tell of the courage and endurance of Franklin and his brave companions, of their sacrifice of life itself that knowledge of our country might be extended."282 The foolish risks which he took with the lives of his crew members, as well as his own, are not mentioned. The virtue of hard work is extolled. In a discussion of Dr. Banting's discovery of the use of insulin to treat diabetes, the reader is told, "When you grow up, if you study hard, you too may find out some great thing, just as he did."283 Father Lacombe was hard working. "His strong body was built for the work, his soul keyed to it. Never did knight of old ride forth more joyously to his adventure; never did paladin more gloriously achieve it than did Father Lacombe his mission."284 There is another virtue which can be found in the majority of the heroes and heroines held up for emulation, but is not necessarily made explicit in the texts. Heroes are Christians. Their love of God is often the chief motivator for their actions. For instance, in 27 8McArthur, History of Canada For High Schools, 137. History of England for Public Schools, The Western Canada Series (Toronto: The MacMillan Co. of Canada, 1923), 326. 280Wallace, A New History of Canada, 193. 28'Ibid., 32. 282McArthur, History of Canada For High Schools, 289. 283Dickie, The Book of Wonders, 41. 284Dickie, The Canadian West, 201. 85 Powers' Great People of the Past, Book II, seven of the eleven heroes chosen for inclusion in the text, act on the basis of religious motives—Mohammed, Richard the Lion Heart, Charlemagne, St. Francis of Assisi, Louis IX of France, Joan of Arc, and Martin Luther. The missionaries in New France were heroes;285 as was Champlain. "He was faithful to his Church, his country, and his work. The name of Samuel de Champlain is written in golden letters on the frontispiece of Canadian history."286 Pasteur was "a simple, devout man"287 and Livingstone was "a devout Christian."288 This emphasis on the inculcation of certain citizenship values may, in part, have been a reaction to a prevailing (and surprisingly strong if one can judge by the number of newspaper editorials concerned with the matter) concern that the schools could become "hotbeds of political propaganda as they are in Russia."289 This concern received impetus from comments made by C.C.F. candidates in the 1933 provincial election. Jean Mann, in her Master's thesis, "Progressive Education and the Depression in British Columbia," describes how some C.C.F. candidates predicted that if the C.C.F won the election, children would be "generally trained from an early age to socialist theories and ideals, and teachers would be trained in socialism and textbooks revised to include socialist teachings."290 A 1937 editorial in The Daily Colonist accused the Department of Education of embarking "upon a Socialistic adventure"291 in the major curricular revisions which it was undertaking. The editorial referred to Dr. Weir as someone who "is commonly supposed to hold advanced views upon some subjects" and, in the next breath, stated that "the standpoint of some very advanced Liberals is not far removed from that of 285Dickie and Palk, Pages From Canada's Story, 74-75. 286Hamer-Jackson, Discoverers and Explorers of North America, 143. 287J. Salwyn Schapiro and Richard B. Morris, with Frederic H. Soward, Civilisation in Europe and the World, Can. ed. (Toronto: Copp Clark Co., 1936), 611. 288Ibid., 549. 289"An Educational Survey," The Daily Colonist, 10 July 1924, 4. 290Vjcton'a Daily Times, 2 October, 1933, quoted in Jean Mann, "Progressive Education and the Depression in British Columbia" (Master's thesis, University of British Columbia, 1976), 83. 29'"The New School Programme," The Daily Colonist, 13 July 1937, 4. the Socialists."292 Presumably in response to public concern, the teacher is cautioned in the 1937 Programme of Studies for the Senior High Schools to "watch his own attitude. . . . On no account should the discussion on propaganda become propaganda itself."293 Regardless of particular concerns, it is not surprising that social studies texts during this period emphasize the teaching of social values. When social studies was introduced as a school subject in the 1927-28 school year, its purpose was stated as citizenship education. According to the 1936 Programme of Studies for Elementary Schools, "biography forms an approach to citizenship. . . . This affords opportunity for developing appreciation of the necessity for social regulation and the benefits which follow from it. This appreciation modifies social conduct, and intelligent social conduct is citizenship."294 Concepts such as "sharing of privileges and responsibilities," "right and wrong," "social approval and disapproval," "co-operation," and "personal and social conduct"295 were to be developed through the study of historical incidents and people. Since social studies was intended to teach social values, the texts chosen to implement the social studies curriculum would be those which were seen as carrying out this purpose. This idea that using heroes as role models was a valuable way to promote good character, and ultimately citizenship, was shared by members of the public. Constance Laing, the education secretary of The Imperial Order Daughters of the Empire (IODE), made this same point: Let the boy roam with Hiawatha, sail the seas with Sinbad, build stockades with Crusoe, fight dragons with Jason, let him play at quoits with Odysseus and at football with Tom Brown. These playmates will never quarrel with him or bully him, but from whom [sic] he will learn to be brave, self-reliant, manly, thoughtful of others, straightforward, with his face toward the light.296 292Ibid. 293Department of Education, Programme of Studies for the Senior High Schools of British Columiba, Bulletin I (Victoria: King's Printer, 1937), 146. 294.Department of Education, Programme of Studies for the Elementary Schools of British Columbia Bulletin II (Victoria: King's Printer, 1936), 59. 295Ibid. 296Vancouver City Archives, 255 Vol. \9\,IODE in B.C. 1900-1925, 24, quoted in Nancy M. Sheehan, "Philosophy, Pedagogy, and Practice: The IODE and the Schools in Canada, 1900-1945," 87 Conception of Canada as a Nation The Part Cooperation and Conflict Have Played in the Development of Canada as a Nation Cooperation: "the kindly help of neighbours"297 Cooperation is a concept which receives little attention in the textbooks of this era. Four aspects of cooperation will be discussed here. These are cooperation between Europeans and Native peoples in Canada's early history; the pioneer practice of organizing work 'bees'; international cooperation; and the conception of citizenship duties presented to students in this era. The first two aspects of cooperation are discussed more to note their absence than their presence. These two aspects appear more prominently in the Chant and Canada Studies eras. These texts do not emphasize cooperation between Native peoples and European explorers and fur traders in the way that later texts do. For instance, few texts even give Native peoples credit for the saving of Cartier's men from death by scurvy.298 Gammell's History of Canada states that, "they were attacked by the dreadful disease of scurvy, which carried off many of their number until a cure was found in a medicine made from the leaves and twigs of the spruce tree."299 Wallace refers to "the chance discovery of the Indian remedy of a medicine made from the bark of the white spruce."300 Burt's The Romance of the Prairie Provinces, and Gammell's History of Canada, point out that explorers and fur traders used the paths previously broken by Native peoples in their travels.301 However, this is not really an example of cooperation since it was not through a 'by-your-leave' that these actions were taken. Dickie's The Canadian West, is an exception Historical Studies in Education," 2 (1990): 309. 297McArthur, History of Canada for High Schools, 215. 298See Dickie, How Canada Was Found, 111. 299Gammell, History of Canada, 17. 300Wallace, A New History of Canada, 9. 301 Burt, The Romance of the Prairie Provinces, 8; Gammell, History of Canada, 14. 88 in that this text mentions numerous examples of help provided by Native peoples to Europeans in need. Again, the pioneer practice of having 'bees' in order to accomplish tasks which would have been tedious, if not impossible, for individual families is not discussed as frequently as in some later texts. Most authors in this era ignore this aspect of pioneer life entirely. As Osborne says, t