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Non-formal education and development : a critical socio-historical analysis of B.C. First Nations agricultural… Palacios, Alejandro 1996

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NON-FORMAL EDUCATION AND DEVELOPMENT: A CRITICAL SOCIO-HISTORICAL ANALYSIS OF B.C. FIRST NATIONS AGRICULTURAL EXTENSION BY ALEJANDRO PALACIOS B. Sc. in Agriculture, The University of Chile, 1964 M . Sc. in Agricultural Economics, The University of British Columbia, 1978 A THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY in THE FACULTY OF GRADUATE STUDIES (Department of Educational Studies) We accept this thesis as conforming / to the required standard THE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA March 1996 ©Alejandro Palacios, 1996 In presenting this thesis in partial fulfilment of the requirements for an advanced degree at the University of British Columbia, I agree that the Library shall make it freely available for reference and study. I further agree that permission for extensive copying of this thesis for scholarly purposes may be granted by the head of my department or by his or her representatives. It is understood that copying or publication of this thesis for financial gain shall not be allowed without my written permission. Department of ^ D O C f r t < ^ U r \ l S ( u D ' t L $ , The University of British Columbia Vancouver, Canada Date 3 /<?<. DE-6 (2/88) 11 Abstract The colonization of British Columbia by European immigrants beginning in the mid-1800s greatly restricted First Nations access to productive resources. Having lost control of their traditional territories and being able to secure only limited access to financial and agricultural extension services, many First Nations peoples living on reserves in south-central B.C. have had to endure living conditions similar to those usually associated with poor rural populations in less industrialized countries. The focus of this study is First Nations agricultural extension practice. The purpose is to understand why agricultural development has been slow on B.C. reserves despite the many efforts undertaken by governments in the form of financial and extension programs, especially from 1950 to the present. Two worldviews of "development" are discussed: western modernization and holism. These views encompass various streams of thought that helped to characterize - through a structurist historical research approach - the conceptions about development prevalent among First Nations leaders and key government policy-makers. They also assisted in understanding the nature of the relationships between development programs and agricultural extension practice. The study shows that although federal government development programs have enhanced, to a limited extent, the quality of material life on reserves, they have had little impact on non-material aspects of human existence. Development programs often ignored First Nations peoples' worldviews, having relied chiefly on the transfer of advanced modern technologies from the industrialized sectors of the economy. Furthermore, Euro-Canadian society, through the exercise of its social, political and cultural hegemony, has seriously limited First Nations' capacity to maintain their way of life, their economic systems and their cultural traditions. The historical analysis shows that First Nations agricultural development lacked strong support from Indian Affairs prior to 1979. Although the creation of First Nations institutions does not necessarily guarantee the implementation of development programs inspired by indigenous perspectives, the study indicates the need to train First Nations people as field extension personnel. Furthermore, development of agriculture on reserves involves settling the land question and recognizing First Nations' right to self-government so that they can design their own development and extension programs. iv TABLE OF CONTENTS Abstract i i List of Tables vii Acknowledgments viii CHAPTER ONE: INTRODUCTION 1 The Impact of Modernization 3 The Meaning of Development 5 Hegemony, Development and Extension 6 Purpose and Significance of the Study 8 Structure of the Dissertation 10 CHAPTER TWO: THE BACKGROUND 12 The Socio-Historical Background: 1851-1951 12 The Current Situation: Firsts Nations in British Columbia 28 Agricultural Extension in British Columbia 38 One Hundred Years of Colonialism , 46 CHAPTER THREE: HEGEMONY, DEVELOPMENT AND EXTENSION 48 Hegemony as Political and Cultural Leadership 48 An Historical Perspective of Development 51 The Meanings of Development 55 Theories of Development 58 Development Perspectives and Approaches 69 Links between Agricultural Extension and Development 90 V CHAPTER FOUR: METHODOLOGICAL CONSIDERATIONS 104 Structurism as Methodology of Social History 105 The Method of Analysis 109 Data Collection Procedures 111 Conclusion 116 CHAPTER FIVE: 1951-1969: ASSIMILATION, TRANSFORMISM AND RESISTANCE 117 The Post War Equality Revolution 117 Canada Development Policies after W.W. II 120 Agricultural Development Policies and Relations of Power 127 The Relative Importance of Agricultural Production on the Development of the Reserves 133 The Construction of Knowledge and the Nature of the "Indian Problem" 136 Extension Services for First Nations Farmers 140 The AIC Study of First Nations Agriculture: The Voices of the Professionals 150 Cultural Perspectives and Conceptions of Development 152 Structural Predominance in the Maintenance of Economic and Social Dependency on Reserves 159 CHAPTER SIX: 1969-1978: CITIZENSHIP, SELF-DETERMINATION AND THE ORIGIN OF THE BRITISH COLUMBIA INDIAN AGRICULTURAL PROGRAM 162 General Development Policies and Perspectives 162 Agricultural Extension and First Nations Farmers 186 The Power of Human Agency 198 Transformism and Industrialism in the 1970s: Obstacles to First Nations Agricultural Development 209 vi CHAPTER SEVEN: 1978-1994: INCORPORATION, NEO-CONSERVATISM AND FIRST NATIONS AGRICULTURAL EXTENSION 211 The Evolution of Federal Policy on Regional Development: Industrialism, Advanced Technologies, and Market Globalization 211 Federal Policies on First Nations Development 215 First Nations Views of Development in the 1980s and 1990s 230 A New Era in First Nations Agricultural Development 239 Human Agency and its Relative Transformative Capacity 277 CHAPTER EIGHT: THEORETICAL REFLECTIONS AND SOME PRACTICAL CONSIDERATIONS 281 A Brief Summary of the Study 281 First Nations Agriculture and Development Policies 285 Discussion of the Findings 287 Looking from the Past into the Future 317 Limitations of the Study and Areas of Further Research 321 Concluding Remarks 323 REFERENCES 325 Appendix A: Interview Schedule 353 Appendix B: List of Interviewees 355 Appendix C: List of Documents 356 List of Tables Table 1. First Nations Agriculture: Colonial, Federal and Provincial Legislation Table 2. Total Number of Farms in DIAND Agencies in British Columbia Table 3 The Evolution of Regional Development Policies in Canada and its Relation to First Nations Agricultural Development v m Acknowledgments I would like to thank my research committee members - Tom Sork, George Kennedy and Kjell Rubenson - for their guidance and constructive criticism. My appreciation goes to those First Nations people who volunteered their time to provide me with information about their perspectives on development and greatly contributed to broadening my understanding of their worldview. I am also grateful to the memory of my friend Bob James who was instrumental in facilitating access to government documents and files, and to those people in government and non-government organizations who kindly shared their comments about development policies and programs. Special thanks to Ms. Mildred Poplar, Chief Saul Terry, and Chief Gordon Antoine for taking the time to read and comment on my work. I would also like to thank Roger Boshier, Verna Kirkness and Michael Yellowbird who contributed many ideas and suggestions in the early stages of this project. Special thanks to my friends Jorge Nef for his insightful comments and criticisms and Maggie Hosgood for her invaluable contribution as editor of my project. To my colleagues Elizabeth Carriere, Chan Choon Hian, Malongo Mlozi and Cliff Falk with whom I shared many interesting exchanges of ideas that were always a source of inspiration and learning. My appreciation to the Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council of Canada for their financial support. To my wife and daughter for their invaluable support and love that helped me through a sometimes arduous journey, and to my parents who through their actions and their lives have taught me an appreciation for life and to value honesty, pride, forcefulness and struggle. 1 CHAPTER ONE INTRODUCTION All Indian peoples and communities have always planned their socioeconomic and cultural development, since ancient times. Any projects implemented with communities must respect this planning done by each people or community. (World Council of Indigenous People, July 1987, p. 5) For more than 500 years, since the arrival of the first European immigrants in Canada, First Nations people have struggled to keep their cultural identity alive. They have been immersed in a social and political environment where relations between First Nations people and federal and provincial governments have consisted of a long series of conflicts. Since confederation, Canada has implemented policies that, although officially aimed at assisting First Nations to "develop", have been interpreted by many First Nations* and Euro-Canadian^ authors as efforts to promote assimilation. They contend that federal government policies have consistently attempted to consciously reorganize the socioeconomic and cultural world of First Nations communities. These studies describe the local economies, the living conditions, the problem of poverty, the band government institutions, and local factionalism. They conclude that the poor living conditions prevailing on most reserves can be traced to the neo-colonial, dependent relationship between Canada and First Nations resulting in many discriminatory policies that have legitimized unequal access to natural and financial resources. 1 See, Manuel & Posluns, 1974; Erasmus, 1989; Harper, 1991; Watts, 1991; Mercredi & Turpel, 1993. 2 See, Ponting & Gibbins, 1980; Tennant, 1982; Frideres, 1993; Carstens, 1991; Richardson, 1993. 2 Grand Chief George Manuel once wrote that "at this point in our struggle for survival, the Indian Peoples of North America are entitled to declare victory. We have survived" (Manuel & Posluns, 1974, p. 4). Although Chief Manuel was proud that First Nations people have resisted 500 years of domination, the quality of life experienced by the majority of those who have survived is considerably below the living standards •a enjoyed by most people in Western industrialized countries. "Poverty is very widespread on reserve with about half (47.2 percent) of Indian families falling below the poverty line. This is more than three times the rate of Canada overall" (Oberle, 1993, p. 5). The contrast between the general socioeconomic conditions prevailing among the First Nations population and the general population in British Columbia (B.C.) has been the result of many economic, social, and cultural variables that interact to define the current relations of power. It is through these interactions that "previously germinated ideologies ... come into confrontation and conflict, until one of them ... tends to prevail [and] to propagate itself through society ... thus creating the hegemony of a fundamental social group over a series of subordinate groups" (Gramsci, 1971, pp. 181-182). The hegemonic ideas resulting from the interplay of social, economic and cultural factors have shaped the type of production system that has evolved in the First Nations reserves in B.C., and within it, the agricultural system that constitutes the central focus of this study. As such, the relations of power provide the backdrop to this study which is focused on understanding the connections between agricultural development and agricultural extension practice in First Nations reserves located in the agricultural regions of south-central B.C., from 1951 to the present. J "There are 240,000 Canadians registered as Indians, nearly all of them poor and destitute. In addition there are 20,000 non-registered Indians and 13,000 Eskimos who would fall into one of the poverty categories. Our 60,000 MeTis, descendants of marriages between Indian and non-Indians, are also poor" (Schlesinger, 1977, p. 10). 3 The analysis of the interactions between the Canadian state and First Nations people that is rendered concrete through government's actions and the subsequent reaction to them by First Nations people is of great importance in understanding the different conceptions of development held by people who live on reserves and those outside the reserve system. The Impact of Modernization Since 1960, there has been an increase in funding to deal with what the federal and provincial governments have labeled the "Indian Problem." The official construction of the current state of First Nations reserves as a "problem" is an indication that many of those in government think that the origin of the current situation on the reserves is the unwillingness of First Nations people to adapt to the modern era. Although there has been some progress in education, income levels, and material living conditions among the First Nations population, the results have been inauspicious. Generally, they still lag behind the averages enjoyed by the general Canadian population. The available information on living conditions and economic performance indicates that development efforts, in the form of investments in social and economic infrastructures, and agricultural extension programs, undertaken by the Canadian government since 1950, have had a qualified positive effect on the overall material well-being on reserves. However, if development is more broadly defined, incorporating constructs that embody "human values: quality of life, distribution, satisfaction of basic needs and so on" (Nef & Dwivedi, 1981, p. 60), the picture that emerges is substantially different. Over the last two decades researchers have questioned the measurement of development exclusively through macroeconomic indicators, mainly the gross national product of a country, or by the increases in accessibility to public utilities, education, 4 health services, and housing. Beckerman (1984) proposes that the presence of social structure and peoples' participation in the life of a community are among the many important factors that need to be included as indicators of development. The importance on the life of communities and individuals of social support networks and relationships has been documented in studies that show that they "are potential variables that can reduce exposure to stress, promote health, and buffer the impact of stress on health, thus contributing to increases in both quality and quantity of life" (House, 1986, p.267). Hence, if the degree of people's social participation and integration are considered as indicators of the development in a community, as suggested by Beckerman (1984), development should be measured not only in terms of Western standards of material well-being but also by the "subjective feeling of being an integrated part of a social order" (Beckerman, 1984, p. 14). Based on these premises it is possible to distinguish, at least, between two different types of communities: those declared poor ("less developed" or "primitive") according to Western standards of material well-being but that are socially integrated and, hence, "developed" within their own worldview; and, those who are not only poor in terms of material well-being but also have lost their sense of social integration (i.e., those that O. Lewis (1970) describes as belonging to a culture of poverty). Many First Nations communities on reserves can be described as belonging to the latter group. Consequently, the strengthening of social structures and participation networks through the re-establishment of First Nations institutions, and the creation of new modern ones that respect their cultural traditions, can become important factors in the future development of First Nations communities. Summing up, from the perspective of Western modernization it seems paradoxical that investment in social and productive infrastructures, although it has brought "progress" to rural First Nations communities in the form of material well-being for the population 5 and in terms of the total volume of agricultural production (i.e. growth), it has been unable to generate an environment conducive to comprehensive development of local communities. The exploration of socio-cultural and economic factors helpful in understanding the apparent development/growth paradox is the central concern of this study. The M e a n i n g of Development Since the 1960s "development" has been used as a synonym for both economic growth and modernization. This view, supported by traditional economists, public administrators and academics, is challenged by critics who contend that development has a broader meaning that goes beyond material progress (i.e., growth) and must include issues relevant to meaningful values of human existence: equitable distribution of income and wealth, gender and ethnic equality, satisfaction of basic needs (health, education, food and shelter), an ecologically balanced natural environment, and a secure social climate. Under this critical approach, the fundamental nature of "development" projects becomes relevant since the model examines questions such as: What are the aims of development? Who benefits? Who will bear the financial and environmental costs? These are "not merely rhetorical questions. They [highlight] the real fact that development entails prior normative considerations and value choices. Particularly important are the distinctions of development as 'having' as opposed to [development as] 'being' and the fundamental conception of 'development as liberation'" (Nef & Dwivedi, 1981, p. 60). After the Second World War, economic development approaches based on growth theory could not account for the enormous differences in material progress between northern and southern regions. The explanation for this unequal growth was found in the 6 invention of "modernization" as a development construct. Many farming communities, among them First Nations reserves, peasant groups, and small commodity producers were characterized as "backward" and declared in need of "modernization." Modernization in this context should be understood as the utilization of "objective" scientific rational thought to promote continuous economic growth and the adoption of Western cultural values. Modernization in the form of capital investment and the introduction of new technologies was heralded as the solution to the problems prevailing on reserves. Hegemony, Development and Extension Different agricultural extension practices have been utilized by governmental institutions in both heavily-industrialized and less-industrialized countries as instruments to promote agricultural development in so-called "backward" communities. Yet the type of extension programs actually implemented generally reflect "knowledge [that is] a particular representation of the dominant culture, one that was constructed through a selective process of emphases and exclusions" (Giroux, 1985, p. xv). Gramsci's concept of hegemony helps to understand the processes by which the state imposes its worldview (i.e., its notions of development) on civil society by means of its laws, its repressive apparatus, and its educational system (i.e., the formal school and agricultural extension programs in the present analysis). At the same time, his concept of counter-hegemony makes it possible to analyze how different groups and communities resist such 4 Critical theorists give the concept of modernization a different meaning. For them, modernization is a concept that is socially constructed. Critical modernization is based on the utilization of instrumental rationality for the study of the natural world, and communicative rationality for the study of the social world. Critical modernization is therefore critical of the excesses of technology and not of technology itself. 7 impositions. For Gramsci the construction of meaning through systems of communication and signification was central to the production of hegemony (Holub, 1992). "He realized that the state ensures conformity and obedience not only through coercion but also through the insidious penetration of all organs and institutions of society by manufacturing consensus and acquiescence" (Reitzes, 1994, p. 101). It is through the institutions of civil society that the capitalist economy and the liberal state are reproduced. Thus, "It is ...only through contestation in and through the civil society that the state can be confronted and capitalism undermined" (Reitzes, 1994, p. 101). Like most concepts, extension is associated in the literature with different meanings. In the context of this study the term is used in its broader sense, encompassing the ideas of agricultural technology transfer as well as those initiatives directed at facilitating the processes of social and cultural production (Wieler, 1988) and resistance (Aronowitz & Giroux, 1991). In British Columbia, agricultural extension practices under the influence of Western anthropocentric thought and within a liberal, free market economic system have been instrumental in creating spaces for the expansion of the "Western" ideology of modernization. Modernizing the agricultural sector has been pursued through the Provincial Ministry of Agriculture Extension Services. Until 1980 these efforts took mainly the form of technology transfer programs aimed at increasing agricultural production. To a lesser degree the extension programs included activities oriented towards community development and participation (i.e., 4-H Clubs and Farmer's Institutes). However, in recent years there has been a shift toward training farmers in financial management and marketing, (supported by computers and electronic means of transferring information) and in issues related to environmental quality and land use. Similar efforts to modernize the agricultural sector in First Nations communities in British Columbia were carried out until the late 1970s by the federal Department of Indian Affairs and Northern 8 Development (DIAND), and after 1979, through an extension program delivered through a fully owned First Nations institution, the Western Indian Agricultural Corporation (WIAC), with a limited degree of success. Summing up, there are three themes running parallel in the study of the relationships between First Nations farmers and Canada. The three themes are: the concept of development that is closely related to the ideas of growth and modernization; the role played by agricultural extension/ education programs in the transmission of Western modernization ideas; and the concept of hegemony that is related to the notions of self-determination, colonialism and cultural domination. Purpose and Significance of the Study The focus of the study is agricultural extension practice as it relates to First Nations agriculture in different historical periods. The overall purpose of the study was two-fold: a) to understand why agricultural development on B.C. reserves has been slow despite the efforts made to modernize the First Nations agricultural sector through extension and financial assistance programs, and b) to generate new knowledge that can be of assistance to First Nations and non First Nations policy-makers when designing future agricultural extension programs. The research involved: a) studying the historical evolution of the power relationships existing between First Nations and non First Nations communities in both the civil and political spheres, in order to understand how the conceptions of development embedded in extension programs are selected, and 9 b) examining how the selected notions of development have shaped the kind of agricultural extension practices prevalent in development programs offered to First Nations agricultural communities from 1950 to the present. The state, the civil, and the political societies^  are in a relationship that is continuously changing. The way in which their representatives construe the concept of development mediates the relationship between the state and society, framing the way government representatives and farmers interact, hence defining the character of extension practices. In this sense the study also examines the ways in which prevalent ways of thinking (constructs) about development have shaped B.C. First Nations agricultural extension practices. The analysis concentrates on understanding the above relationships in the context of alternative development perspectives that are shaped by different ideologies and political systems, and are made concrete through different extension methods and outcomes. The interaction between state and civil society, and how these interactions influence the various forms in which development is constructed, constitute the backdrop for policy formulation and planning concerning First Nations agriculture. New knowledge generated as a result of this study should contribute to the debate about the role that economic and social variables, and cultural traditions play in determining the success of First Nations extension programs (Wilkins, 1993). 3 Political society is understood in this context as the intermediary between the state and its administrative apparatus, and the civil society. 10 Structure of the Dissertation Chapter One outlines some of the major issues in the First Nations socio-political agenda and states the purpose of the study. It also frames the general theoretical approach that is centered around the themes of hegemony, development and extension. Chapter Two provides a general overview of the three main factors that define the context for the analysis. First, it presents a brief review of the expansion and consolidation of the internal colonization process from 1851 to 1951. Second, it describes the people, the land and the living conditions prevailing among First Nations in British Columbia. Third, it presents an historical overview of agricultural extension services in British Columbia. Altogether it provides the background for the in-depth description of the events that took place over the last four decades (presented in the following chapters). Chapter Three presents the theoretical approach of the research. It discusses the themes central to the historical analysis of the relationships between First Nations farmers and Canada. These themes are: the concept of hegemony that can be related to the notions of self-determination, colonialism and cultural domination; the concept of development that is closely related to the ideas of growth and modernization; and the role played by agricultural extension/education programs in the transmission of Western modernization ideas. This section also introduces several agricultural extension approaches and models. In this chapter the foundations of several development perspectives that are used as theoretical signposts to characterize the different development and extension programs are described and analyzed. Chapter Four discusses the research methodology referred to in social history as structurism (Lloyd, 1991). It also describes the sources of information used in the study (archival documents and data collected through personal interviews of First Nations farmers, and political leaders), and outlines how the material regarded as relevant to the study was chosen. 11 Chapters Five, Six and Seven describe the relationships between First Nations farmers and Canada from 1951 to the present. They present the analysis, discussion and interpretation of the historical events concerning the relationships between First Nations farmers and Canada. This period of study was chosen because the post-war era marked the introduction of several government initiatives to promote First Nations development. This epoch also witnessed, after nearly 35 years of relative stagnation, the vigorous renaissance of First Nations cultural and political identity. Chapter Eight presents the main conclusions of this study. It also includes some theoretical reflections and practical considerations and discusses ways in which the findings of this study can contribute to the design of extension programs that support First Nations' agricultural development within the context of their right to self-determination. 12 CHAPTER TWO THE BACKGROUND It is true that our land has been used differently since our contact by white men; it is true that we have had our traditional land stolen from us and have been forced to exist in smaller and smaller pieces of land . . . but it is far from the truth to say that we have no internal security, no morality, no religion, and a nonfunctioning social and community structure. (Bonaparte Indian People, 1985, p.l) To fully comprehend the nature and seriousness of the current circumstances prevailing in First Nations communities in British Columbia, it is important to have an understanding of the historical evolution of the relationships between First Nations people and Euro-Canadian immigrants. Hence, this chapter begins with a review of the expansion and consolidation of the internal colonization process from 1851 to 1951. The colonization process and the struggle of First Nations people to resist and survive under extremely adverse circumstances are essential components of any analysis attempting to understand how the present state of affairs prevalent on the reserves came into being. Alongside the historical material, current information about the people, the productive resources available to First Nations farmers, and the social and economic conditions that exist on the reserves, is also meaningful. In addition, it is important to have information on the most commonly used extension approaches, and on the history of the agricultural extension services in British Columbia. Altogether this chapter provides background for the in-depth description of the events that have taken place over the last four decades. The Socio-Historical Background: 1851 - 1951 From an agricultural perspective, the period covering the one hundred years from the time Douglas was appointed governor of Vancouver Island to the enactment of the new Indian Act of 1951, can be divided into two periods. The first one, ending in 1912, can 13 be described as a time when ranching flourished on the reserves located in the central and southern regions of British Columbia, ^  while subsistence agricultural activities predominated in other areas of the province. The agricultural development of those years took place despite the fact that First Nations lost most of their lands through the process of pre-emption. The second period, between 1912 and 1951, marks the time when the majority of agricultural activities became stagnant. Yet, during those years several First Nations organizations were formed to fight against the ongoing process of dispossession of their personal rights and productive resources. Internal Colonialism and the Land Question: 1851-1912 At the time British Columbia joined Confederation the majority of the population in the province were First Nations people. It was not until the arrival of the railway in 1886 that a big influx of settlers started to come into the new province (Miller, 1989). The railway connection of British Columbia to the rest of Canada marked the acceleration of the colonialist expansion that had been started in 1858, with the arrival of the first gold miners. That was the year that James Douglas, Governor of Vancouver Island since 1851, also became Governor of the newly created colony of British Columbia. Douglas has been generally portrayed in historical accounts as personally sympathetic to First Nations demands. Douglas negotiated fourteen title surrenders with different groups on Vancouver Island "to facilitate settlement... [and] to protect Indian land from encroachment" (Fisher, 1977, pp. 67-68). Moreover, when he allotted reserves to First Nations, he ordered the land commissioner to take into consideration the needs and traditions of the different groups (Fisher, 1977). Carstens (1991), contends that Douglas' " 1912 was the year that the Royal Commission on Indian Affairs for the province of British Columbia was appointed. 14 commiseration for aboriginal rights was more than anything else an extension of his paternalistic views arising from the years he worked for the Hudson's Bay Company in the fur trade. During pre-colonial years First Nations were not perceived as blocking the development of the fur trade. On the contrary, they were the Hudson's Bay Company's business partners. However, when in the 1860s, gold miners and settlers started to move into the interior of the province and onto Vancouver Island, Douglas' policy of compensation for the surrender of First Nations land came under pressure. New Euro-Canadian immigrants wanted the land owned by First Nations to establish their businesses and Governor Douglas thought that the best alternative to avoid interference with the new settlers was to buy more land from First Nations. Since he could not obtain funding from the Crown for new land purchases, he resorted to the allocation of Indian reserves. Land purchases and reserve allocations left the land free for Euro-Canadian settlement and provided an incentive to First Nations to adopt a sedentary life. First Nations that signed the fourteen treaties were left with secure posesion to some relatively small tracts of land, and were "at liberty to hunt over the occupied lands, and carry on [their] fisheries as formerly" (British Columbia, 1875, p.5). The aims of Douglas' policy were similar to that of cultural adaptation pursued by the United States in the early 1800s. The promotion of agricultural activities among First Nations, according to Jefferson, would '"enable them to live in much smaller portions of land ... While they are learning to do better with less land, our increasing numbers will be calling for more land, and thus a coincidence of interest will be produced'" (cited in Hurt, 1987, p.86). The policy of clearing the way for future Euro-Canadian settlements was continued by Joseph Trutch who was appointed Commissioner of Lands and Works in 1864, after Douglas retired as Governor of British Columbia and Vancouver Island. Douglas' successors, however, adopted a very different approach. They "chose to ignore the 15 problem or deny the existence of any Indian title" (Duff, 1964, p. 61). The two new governors, Kennedy in Victoria and Seymour in New Westminster, did not have the personal experience and interest in First Nations affairs that Douglas had. Hence the responsibility to define land policies, and the nature of the relationships between Euro-Canadian settlers and First Nations was left to Trutch, who had a very negative attitude towards First Nations rights. "Trutch not only refused to apportion lands to Indians on reserves; he and his agents worked steadily to despoil those Indians who had taken reserves of much of their lands" (Miller, 1989, p. 147). Trutch's attitude was the response to ongoing settlers' pressures to gain access to First Nations lands that they regarded as being unused. It is also worthwhile to recall that Trutch, when acting as Chief Commissioner of Lands and Works, was instrumental in enacting the 1865 Land Ordinance that regulated the acquisition of land in British Columbia. This Ordinance allowed Euro-Canadian settlers to pre-empt 320 acres of land per family while First Nations individuals were excluded (Indian Consulting Group, no date). "Trutch was very much a part of settler society. He epitomized the developmental mentality which so many men brought to the colonies" (Fisher, 1977, p. 160). First Nations were not only excluded from the right to pre-empt land but also were treated unequally (compared to Euro-Canadian settlers) during the process of reserve allocation. While the federal government was of the opinion that reserves should be allocated based on 80 acres per family, British Columbia insisted on only 10 acres. The final result of the negotiations (where First Nations were not represented) was 20 acres per family (Coffey, Goldstrom, Gottfriedson, Matthew & Walton, 1990). Trutch's policies and the fact that British Columbia developed its own policies to regulate its relationship with First Nations prior to joining confederation, had a lasting impact on the relationships between First Nations and the Federal and British Columbia governments. Until the recent enactment of the B.C. Treaty Commission Act in 1993, the 16 provincial government refused to formally acknowledge First Nations rights to the land resources or, for that matter, any responsibility for their well being as residents in the province. After confederation, First Nations in British Columbia were under the sole jurisdiction of the Canadian government and their activities were regulated by the 1876 Indian Act.' This act, referred to as the first Indian Act, compiled and harmonized all previous legislation regarding First Nations matters. The same year a Board of Commissioners was appointed to study and decide about reserve allotments in British Columbia. Later, in 1880, a new amendment to the act (43 Victoria, c. 28, s. 3) created "a Department in the Civil Service of Canada to be called the Department of Indian Affairs [DIA]" (DIAND, 1981a, p. 33). Despite difficulties, by 1870 the First Nation's agricultural sector had made rapid progress, reaching its peak between 1890 and World War I. According to Commissioner Sproat's reports of 1878, First Nations of the Nicola Valley were present at the 1876 World's Fair, Philadelphia, U.S.A. winning medals and certificates for best sample of wheat (Indian Consulting Group, no date). Similarly, farmers from the Portage and Douglas bands won prizes at the same exhibition for wheat they had grown (Knight, 1978). European settlers felt that First Nations farmers were becoming serious competitors in the expanding farming and ranching industry. It was necessary to put pressure on the Provincial government to secure good pasture lands for settlers' cattle, before First Nations ranchers could claim them. A good example of the success of the lobbying efforts undertaken by settlers was the government decision to revoke the original assignment of the Douglas Lake Commonage Reserve to the Nicola Tribes. The Douglas ' Section 2 of the 1876 Indian Act (39 Victoria, Chapter 18) established that "the Minister of the Interior shall be the Superintendent-General of Indian Affairs, and shall be governed in the supervision of the said affairs, and in the control and management of the reserves, lands, moneys and property of Indians in Canada by provisions of this Act." 17 Lake Commonage Reserve was a tract of 18,555 acres allotted by Indian Reserve Commissioner Sproat in 1878 for the use of First Nations Nicola ranchers in consideration of the grazing needs of their expanding cattle herd. However, nine years later in 1887, on the premise that First Nations did not really need those tracts any more, the land and pastures were taken and sold to white settlers (Indian Consulting Group, no date; Fisher, 1977). Over and above the successful commercial ranching operations in the Cariboo, the Okanagan and the Nicola, First Nations agriculture during this period was characterized by being predominantly a subsistence economy (home gardens, mixed farms, and small orchards). "Of the 20,000 acres cultivated on BC reserves in 1910, about 80 per cent were on reserves in only three (of the twelve) agencies, containing less than one-quarter of the Indian population of the province" (Knight, 1978, p. 72). Compared to other economic sectors, farming was not as important as wage labour as a source of income. Government policies and actions that were destined to accommodate the economic interests of European settlers were not only reflected in the unequal allotment of lands to European ranchers compared to First Nations ranchers. They also had an impact on what today we call agricultural extension services. Indian government agents started dealing, in a limited way, with First Nations farmers and ranchers only around the 1880s, mainly with the purpose of encouraging them to continue farming (Knight, 1978). Prior to this government involvement with First Nations farming, the extension education work was undertaken by Catholic and Protestant missionaries who promoted the establishment of market gardens and orchards in different communities, especially in the Lower Mainland and Vancouver Island. The limited agricultural extension services provided to First Nations farmers were neither supported with much needed capital for productive infrastructure development, nor by legal actions directed at protecting First Nations rights and accessibility to land, water 18 and grazing resources. The combination of the reluctance on the part of the British Columbia authorities to recognize aboriginal rights to the land, and the very limited support services they received from the federal government (in the form of extension education and financial resources) was neither casual nor the result of the government overlooking its trust responsibilities to First Nations. From the information gathered this lack of support (financial and otherwise) can be interpreted as the result of a concerted effort to undermine the competition posed by First Nations ranchers to the new Euro-Canadian settlers. Another facet of the colonization process was the establishment of the Industrial Schools in 1883, that were administered by different religious missions of the Catholic, Anglican, Methodist, and Presbyterian churches (Miller, 1989). These institutions were later amalgamated with the boarding schools in 1923 and became what has been known as Residential Schools that persisted until the 1960s. In these institutions First Nations youngsters were trained, away from the influence of their families and their communities, in the basic skills needed to work in an expanding agricultural sector. The official goal of the Residential Schools training program was to help First Nations individuals progress and become farmers. However, the actual type of instruction was mostly directed towards transforming them into subsistence farmers or cheap labor for the new settlers' farming enterprises. "We spent very little time in the classroom. The longer half of our day was spent in what the brothers called 'industrial training'. [It] consisted of doing all kinds of manual labour that are commonly done around the farm" (Manuel & Posluns, 1974, p. 64). Moreover, First Nations students stayed in the school only until completing grade eight. Another expression of the implementation of the neo-colonial policies that contributed to the creation of economic dependency can be found around the end of the 1880s. At that time, the Federal Government started to implement policies to discourage 19 communal land ownership because it was regarded as a key factor in helping First Nations bands to keep their cultural and ethnic identities alive (Miller, 1989). It was also during these years - 1884 specifically - that the act prohibiting the tribes on the British Columbia coast from holding their "potlatch" ceremonies was passed. The "ethos of the [potlatch] was the antithesis of the individualism and competitive accumulation that underlie European-Canadian society" (Miller, 1989, p. 193). The official policy of forcing First Nations people to abandon their communal way of life can be found in the text of a letter sent by Indian Commissioner Reed to the Superintendent of Indian Affairs in Ottawa. "The policy of destroying the tribal and communist system is assailed in every possible way and every effort made to implant a spirit of individual responsibility instead" (Canada Seasonal Papers (No 12), 1890, 165, Reed to Superintendent General, 31 October, 1889 in Miller, 1989, p. 191). First Nations families resisted these colonization policies by withdrawing their children from the residential schools and by maintaining their customs and way of life in their communities (Miller, 1989). Colonization policies of the late 1880s and 1890s that restricted First Nations access to land and water resources, precluded youngsters from being taught by their parents about their own forms of knowledge, and provided them with only limited information about Western agricultural techniques, had a significant negative impact on the future development of First Nations' agriculture. Consequently, it does not seem unfair to conclude that although the final goal of the colonial policy was to assimilate First Nations people into Western ways of living, they were expected to join British Columbia society only at a subservient level. Furthermore, it can be claimed that because colonial policies slowed down First Nations agricultural growth, they consequently provided an environment with little competition to the new Euro-Canadian settlers who were establishing their farms and ranches in British Columbia. 20 Years of Stagnation in First Nations Agriculture: 1912-1951 Canadian society moved relatively rapidly from the fur trade to a resource-based economy, and then to an urban-industrial economy. The change in the structure and technology of the economy left First Nations unable to participate in the Canadian economy (Duff, 1964) as they had done since time of first contact. "[Until] the great depression of the 30's the Indian people of B.C. were significant participants in the province's general economy. For several decades Indian-owned ranches and fishing fleets were the equal of the settlers" (DIAND, ca. 1983, p. 5). The result of the decline of First Nations participation in the economy was that a two-sector economic system was created: a modern, dynamic sector along with a subsistence economy (Frideres, 1993). The modern sector promoted change and the subsistence sector resisted modernization (Wein cited in Frideres, 1993). Following World War I there was rapid development in the manufacturing sector, the food processing industry, the forest sector and the urbanization of the Lower Fraser Valley. With this development came the possibility of earning wage salaries outside the reserves. This prompted many First Nations farmers to abandon their orchards and vegetable farms and lease the land to outside entrepreneurs. Slowly and irreversibly, ... traditional hunting and fishing rights have been curtailed. ... It is as wage-earners in industries which are in some way related to their former pursuits that the Indians have been able to enter most fully into the modern economy. ... Seasonal and migratory work, such as picking of fruits and hops, draws considerable numbers of Indians to the Fraser Valley and southern interior, and to the adjacent United States. ... The increased mechanization of ... farming, requiring more expensive equipment and higher levels of technical education, is making it doubly difficult for Indians to keep pace in [this] industry. (Duff, 1964, pp. 86-87) 21 The exception to this general pattern of people leaving the reservations, especially in the Fraser Valley, was the cattle ranching that had become established by bands around the Okanagan and Nicola Valleys, and the Chilcotin region (Knight, 1978). First Nations ranchers in the interior were, however, under continuing pressure by colonization policies. As discussed earlier, in the 1880s settlers successfully lobbied government officials and limited First Nations control of their traditional lands. Now the settlers' objective was to limit First Nations access to water and grazing resources (rangelands) which are essential factors in any farming or ranching activities in the interior of the province. A concrete example of how remote for the people living on the reserves were the legal technicalities being discussed between the Province and the Federal government can be found in the Minutes of a conference held on August, 1923, between the Allied Tribes of British Columbia and Dr. D. Scott, Deputy Superintendent General of Indian Affairs. During the event, Mr. Leonard from the Kamloops Indian Band protested against the land "cut-offs"** recommended by the McKenna-McBride Royal Commission on Indian Affairs of 1912-1916, and insisted that First Nations ranchers be granted access to the grazing and water rights they needed. "Instead of cut-offs we ask for grazing lands ... as we are quite a bit short, as for as grazing lands is concerned (Conference Minutes, no date, p. 57) In my own reserve, at one time, according to the records in the books we had five hundred inches of water out of Paul Creek. [About] 1912 or 1913 [the settlers] around us took us to Court ... [That] year a Water Board decision cut us down to 357 inches. A year or so afterwards the same company had us brought up again [to Court]...[After some time of litigation] they told us that they were sorry to say we had lost our water rights entirely, that we had no record in this Paul Creek, the creek where the natural flow is right through the center of the Kamloops Indian Reserve ... water is diverted out and taken to this other place ° In the Union of B.C. Indian Chiefs report (1974c), The Land We Lost, it is stated: "The clearest example of land lost from reserve is the cut-off lands taken by the 1916 McKenna-McBride Commission on Indian Affairs in B.C. This amounted to over 36,000 acres and included the abolition of entire reserves" (p. 1). 22 called the Western Canada Ranching Company [emphasis added]. (Conference Minutes, no date, p. 63) The previous quotation provides insight into how difficult it must have been for the people of the Kamloops Band to accept that a judge, representing the legal authority of the governing groups in society, could use a certain piece of legislation and declare that they had no water rights in a creek they had used for generations. This case and many others^  support the characterization of legal relationships between First Nations and Canada as being "colonial". The deliberate destruction of the buffalo herds in order to starve the plains Indians into submission is well known. The Indians of the interior were now being starved into submission by laws and regulations that combined to destroy the economic base on which we had survived for hundreds of years. . ... Many of these laws were not new. The game laws and hunting and fishing regulations of the province had been on the books for some time. (Manuel & Posluns, 1974, p. 54) The dispute over First Nations rights started when British Columbia joined Confederation in 1871. "Through its regulation of water, timber, grazing, hunting ... the Province has frequently destroyed the functions of a reserve ... The whites are given the water rights and the Indian Reserve falls into disuse from lack of water" (UBCIC, 1974c, p. 68). Although the Dominion of Canada had allotted water to many First Nations reserves in the Railway Belt, the Provincial Government systematically refused to acknowledge Dominion authority over this matter. In 1896, Superintendent of Indian Affairs Vowell wrote to Ottawa requesting that action be taken to protect First Nations water rights. The Provincial government's position was now to recognize Indian rights to water in the Railway Belt if they had been recorded in the Provincial Land Office as required by the Land Act. However, this apparent recognition of rights was more y Other examples are the prosecution and acquittal of two Nanaimo Band members in 1963, the Meares Island ruling, and the Sparrow case. See Solnick (1990). 23 rhetorical than real given that any First Nations claims to water would be superseded by previous white settlers' claims to the same water resources (Union of BC Indian Chiefs, 1991). Several pieces of legislation, including the Indian Water Claims Act of 1922, have attempted to deal with this dispute. However, the question remains to be settled legally and politically. First Nations people claim that their rights were never extinguished by British Columbia and those rights allocated to them by the Reserve Commissioners are to be respected today. Under Section 5 of the [Indian Water Claims] Act, the Government of British Columbia refused to recognize any claim for Indian water on account of any aboriginal or prescriptive right or by virtue of any allotment or recommendation made by any Indian Reserve Commission or Commissioner. (Union of BC Indian Chiefs, 1991, p. 21) Responding to the long standing process of dispossession of their land and other resources, in 1909 First Nations from the southern interior of the province came together in the Indian Rights Association (Drake-Terry, 1989), that later became known as the Interior Tribes of B.C. Also in 1909, coastal First Nations became organized. As a result the Indian Tribes of B.C. was founded around the land question (Tennant, 1982). Later in 1916 the work of Reverend Peter Kelly, a Haida and Methodist clergyman, and Andrew Paull, of the Squamish Band from North Vancouver, led to the organization of the Allied Tribes of B.C. This group sought a settlement of their land claims and provided a vehicle for lobbying for First Nations' rights. The organization broke up after the rejection of their land claims by the Special Joint Committee of the Senate and the House of Commons in 1927 (Patterson, 1978).^ In spite of their unsuccessful attempt to seek a settlement of 1° "The Committee's report has been called 'the Great Settlement of 1927.' It found that the Indians 'have not established any claim to the lands of British Columbia based on aboriginal or other title,' and decreed that the question of Indian title should now be regarded as closed" (Duff, 1964, p. 69). 24 First Nations land claims the Allied Tribes of B.C. marked the initiation of a movement towards reasserting the First Nations' long standing program to regain control of their own destiny. By the late 1930s the policy of assimilation through the transformation of First Nations people into farmers had succeeded in freeing the land for the use of new Euro-Canadian immigrants, but had failed to accomplish its goal of making First Nations in British Columbia disappear as distinct people, melting into the general Canadian population. Hence, it seems conceivable to think that one of the reasons for the DIA to become in 1936 a branch of the Department of Mines and Resources was to implement a new economic development policy. The approach to be followed considered going beyond the training of youngsters in residential schools and the encouragement of people to engage in farming. To counter the decline in agricultural activities on the reserves the new policy considered the provision of financial resources that would encourage the introduction of Western agricultural production technologies. Within the new structure of DIAND, the Medical Welfare and Training Service became responsible for schools, employment and agricultural projects. A few years later, in 1938, the first revolving loan fund was established (Sanders, 1976). This "Fund operated on an 'ad hoc' basis with the only service being the provision of loans" (DIAND, 1985a, p.l). Apparently, the development approach favored by the Indian Affairs Branch assumed that the availability of funds was a sufficient condition for First Nations farmers to adopt new technologies which, from a Canadian perspective, had advantages that were self-evident. It appears that the DIAND approach to economic development attributed to the provision of loans and grants a meaning equivalent to that of an extension education program. Consequently, it was expected that the availability of capital investment funds for the purchase of machinery and equipment, breeding stock and other productive investments, in spite of not being supported by extension education and advisory 25 programs, would have a positive effect on some key agriculturally-related economic indicators. Furthermore, revenue from agricultural production would have an effect on the performance of the socioeconomic indicators describing the general living conditions on the reserves. During the war years the federal government did not undertake any major policy revision with respect to economic development on the reserves. The first significant change came in 1951 when a revised Indian Act was enacted based on the 1946 report by the Special Joint Committee of the Senate and the House of Commons, created to study the 1927 Indian Act. Although the new Act did not bring any major change in the relationships between First Nations farmers and Canada, it showed a tendency to move away from a policy of total assimilation towards one more in line with the emerging social concerns of the post-war. The new Act allowed bands to have more responsibilities over local affairs and signaled an "increased imposition of provincial laws and standards on Natives" (Frideres, 1988, p. 35). First Nations Agriculture. Pre-Confederation Legislation and the Indian Act This section presents a brief account of pre-confederation legislation and amendments to the Indian Act that are relevant to the First Nations agricultural sector. It also describes changes in the colonial, federal and provincial government administrative organization dealing with First Nations affairs during the period of 1851 to 1951. Table 1 provides an overview of the major pieces of legislation and administrative changes that had an impact on the development of agriculture. It does not attempt to provide an extensive historical summary of the evolution of the Indian Act. Brush Ash, the first professional agrologist was hired by D IAND in 1957. 26 Table 1 First Nations Agriculture: Colonial. Federal and Provincial Government Legislation 1851 - James Douglas, Chief Factor of the Hudson's Bay Company at Fort Victoria, was appointed Governor of Vancouver Island. Douglas kept his dual responsibilities (loyalties) until 1858 when he was also appointed Governor of British Columbia. Douglas retired as Governor in 1864. Governor Douglas signed, between 1850 and 1854, fourteen treaties (land purchases) around Victoria, Nanaimo and Fort Rupert. Douglas also created the first reserves that were "located on southern Vancouver Island, the Fraser Valley, The Fraser Canyon, Kamloops, the Nicola Valley, the Okanagan, and the Shuswap Lakes areas" (Union of British Columbia Indian Chiefs, 1974c, p. 4). 1864 - Joseph Trutch was appointed Commissioner of Lands and Works. 1866 - An ordinance was passed to prevent First Nations people from pre-empting land "without written permission of the governor" (Fisher, 1977, p. 165). 1869 - An Act for the gradual enfranchisement of Indians was passed (32-33 Victoria, C. 6), (DIAND, 1981a, p. 6) 1870 - An amendment to the Land Ordinance [British Columbia] was enacted establishing the right to any male British subject, eighteen years and over, to pre-empt any tract of unsurveyed, unoccupied land not exceeding 320 acres. 1871 - British Columbia joined Confederation. First Nations affairs came under Canada's Department of the Secretary of State, responsible for the management of Indian and Ordnance Lands (31 Victoria, c. 42, s. 5) since 1868 (DIAND, 1981a, p. 1). 1873 - The Department of the Interior was created (36 Victoria, c. 4, s. 1) "and shall, ... have the control and management of the lands and property of the Indians of Canada" (s. 3) (DIAND, 1981a, p. 10). 1876 - An act consolidating all previous legislation related to First Nations was passed and "shall be known and may be cited as 'The Indian Act, 1876;' and shall apply to all Provinces" (39 Victoria, c. 18, s. 1), (DIAND, 1981a, p. 14). "A Board of Reserve Commissioners was set up to settle the Indian reserve question in British Columbia" (Frideres, 1988, p.32). 1880 - An amendment to the Indian Act (43 Victoria, c. 28, s. 3) created the Department of Indian Affairs (DIAND, 1981a, p. 33). 1884 - An amendment to the Indian Act of 1880 (47 Victoria, c. 27, s 3) criminalized the celebration of the Potlach and ceremonial dances (DIAND, 1981a, p. 52). 27 1909 - The Department of Indian Affairs structure changed over the years to reflect its expanding responsibilities. In 1909, new branches were set up. "These were the Secretary's Branch, Accountant's Branch, Land and Timber Branch, Survey Branch, Records Branch, and Schools Branch" (Frideres, 1988, p. 33). 1912 - J.A. McKenna was appointed Dominion Commissioner with the mandate to discuss the differences between the federal and provincial government regarding the land question (Duff, 1964). 1913 - A Royal Commission on Indian Affairs for the Province of British Columbia was appointed. A five person commission was "appointed to make the final and complete allotment of Indian lands in the Province" (Duff, 1964, p. 68). 1916 - The report of the Royal Commission on Indian Affairs for the Province of British Columbia was completed. The Allied Tribes of British Columbia was formed. They reject the report of the Reserve Commission. 1926 - A Special Joint Committee of the Senate and House of Commons was appointed to examine the claims continued to be made by the Allied Tribes. 1927 - The Joint Committee rejected the Allied Tribes claims and "decreed that the question of Indian title should now be regarded as closed" (Duff, 1964, p. 69) An amendment to the Indian Act is passed that criminalized the soliciting of payments or contributions for the purpose of First Nations claims (17 George V, c. 32, s. 6) (DIAND, 1981a, p. 142). 1936 - "The Department of Indian Affairs was made a branch of the Department of Mines and Resources. The branch included [among other] components [the] Medical Welfare and Training Service (responsible for schools, employment, and agricultural projects)" (Frideres, 1988, p. 33). 1946 - A Joint Committee of the Senate and House of Commons was appointed "to study the 1927 Indian Act and make suggestions for change" (Frideres, 1988, p. 35). 1949 - First Nations were given the right to vote in British Columbia provincial elections (Hawthorn, 1966). The Indian Affairs Branch was reallocated to the Department of Citizenship and Immigration. 1951 - A new amended Indian Act was enacted following the recommendations of the 1946 Joint Committee of the Senate and House of Commons. The section that criminalized the Potlach and ceremonial dances was left out, and "[in] matters not specifically covered by treaties or the Indian Act [italics in text], Indians are subject to the ordinary Provincial laws" (Duff, 1964, p. 72). 28 During the period summarized in Table 1, the changes in the Indian Act, provincial legislation, and the structure of the Department of Indian Affairs are a reflection of the changes in government policy with respect to First Nations. Legislation moved from an attempt at total assimilation to a more moderate view of First Nations' integration into Canadian society. However, the fundamental issues of land ownership and self-determination remained unresolved. "Not only has [the Indian Act] structured inequality, poverty, and under-achievement among Natives, but it has seriously encroached upon the personal freedom, morale, and well-being of Native people" (Frideres, 1988, p. 37). A similar claim can be made regarding the long standing position of the British Columbia government on First Nations issues. The Current Situation: First Nations in British Columbia The People The British Columbia First Nations population has fluctuated widely since the time of contact with the initial European immigrants. Although no accurate population figures are available before 1835, from the information available it can be estimated at 80,000 or 19 more (Duff, 1964).1-6 Following 1835 the total number of First Nations people declined sharply until 1890 as a result of the damage to First Nations fishing and other resource areas created by the influx of miners and settlers, and the many disease outbreaks (Fisher, 1977). After that, the population continued to decline but at a lower rate, reaching a minimum of 22,605 in 1929. V l Other studies estimate the First Nation population in what is known today as British Columbia at 300,000 to 400,000 (Cassidy, 1992). 29 Today the total registered First Nations population in British Columbia is estimated at 87,135 of which 46,093 live on reserves and 41,042 off reserves (DIAND, 1992, p. 9, 11, 13). The DIAND (1992) figures are based on the department's own projections and include those individuals whose status was restored under Bill C-31, which in 1985, amended the Indian Act to correct previous discriminatory clauses against women who had married non-Natives. The First Nations people of British Columbia belong to 26 different Nations that speak ten major aboriginal languages, and have occupied for thousands of years the territory today known as the province of British Columbia. They live in small communities (Bands) dispersed throughout the province. Some are organized politically into 33 Tribal Councils (that generally follow national boundaries), while others operate as independent Bands (British Columbia Ministry of Aboriginal Affairs, 1992). The Nations occupying the central British Columbia plateau, the Peace River area, and the south coastal areas - where most agricultural activities take place - are the Kootenais, the Okanagans, the Carrier (North Cariboo), the Nlaka'pamux Nation (Fraser Canyon and Nicola Bands), the Chilcotin Nation (West Cariboo), the Shuswap Nation (Thompson district and east Cariboo), the Lillooet Nation, the Sto'lo Nation, in the Lower Fraser Valley (McMillan, 1988), and the Bands belonging to the Treaty 8 Tribal Council in Fort St. John. On Vancouver Island, and in the north west coastal and north central regions of the province there are limited agricultural activities. Agriculture is concentrated on the east 13 The 1992 I N A C figures, when compared with those of 1929, must be treated with caution since the former refer to an arbitrary legal categorization of individuals under the Indian Act, and do not include many people who regarded themselves as having Native origin (i.e. non-status Natives), while the latter is likely to have been referring to the totality of the First Nations population at the time. Moreover, when utilizing figures reported by the 1991 Census of Population it must be kept in mind that the census questions emphasized ethnic origin, distinguishing between people of aboriginal origin, of North America Native ancestry, Inuit and Metis, rather than legal status (i.e., they are not directly comparable with those of INAC) . 30 coast of Vancouver Island, between Victoria and Nanaimo, where the Cowichan Band in Duncan controls a large section of prime agricultural land. Other areas with limited agricultural activities are located in Prince George (Carrier-Sekani Tribal Council), Hazelton (Gitksan Wet'suwet'en Government), New Aiyansh (Nisga'a Tribal Council), and Bella Coola (Oweekeno/Kitasoo/Nuxalk Tribal Council). Agriculture and Land Resources In British Columbia the land question is especially important because, in contrast to the rest of Canada, First Nations in the province never legally surrendered their lands to the Crown. The only treaties (or land purchases) signed by First Nations and the Crown were 14 made by Governor Douglas, between 1850 and 1854 on Vancouver Island. The other exception is Treaty Eight that included a section of the north-eastern corner of British Columbia, in the Peace River district (Cassidy, 1992). Treaty Eight, signed in 1899, was later expanded in 1900 to include the Beaver group, and in 1910, to include the Slave group (Duff, 1964; Fisher, 1977). The remaining First Nations groups were allocated reserves for their use by Governor Douglas, until the Joint Committee on Indian Reserves was established in 1876. After the establishment of the Federal/Provincial reserve committee, reserves were assigned through a process that lasted four decades. "The allocation of reserves was all but completed by 1916, and at the time 231 bands were recognized and they [were] allotted some 1,900 reserves" (Duff, 1964, p. 50). A single band was allotted anywhere from one to 50 reserves or more. For example, the Lytton Band covers an area of 14,778 acres and is formed by 54 reserves that stretch 56 miles along the Fraser river canyon. At the other extreme, the Osoyoos Band is formed by one large reserve of 32,073 acres located in the southern Okanagan Valley (DIAND, 1974). Today there are 196 Bands in British Columbia with a total of 1,634 reserves that occupy an area of 849,385 acres (DIAND, 1990). 31 Traditionally, First Nations in British Columbia were fishers, hunters and collectors of different natural foodstuffs. Agricultural activities as such did not play an important economic role in First Nations life until after first contact with European immigrants. This condition negatively influenced the allocation of land in British Columbia during the colonization period. Consistent with the importance of fishing, settlement policies allocated several small reserves to First Nations communities along the Pacific Ocean and the main rivers in British Columbia. Meanwhile, in Western Canada, where agriculture was an important economic activity, "it was the policy to allot each tribe a single tract of land (either 160 cares or 1 square mile per family), on which they were expected to settle and establish farms" (Duff, 1964, p. 67). Today, for the majority of the Bands in the central regions of the province, agriculture is an important component of their economic activities. Agricultural production is concentrated in an estimated total of 85 Bands that have approximately 530 thousand acres of agricultural land (WIAC, no date). On Vancouver Island and the North Coast, although some Bands have the potential for certain agricultural production, they have not played a significant role in the development of First Nations agriculture in British Columbia. There are, however, historical records of agricultural production in the north coastal region, especially in the Queen Charlotte Islands. There, the Haida Nation cultivated potatoes for exchange after the decline of the maritime fur trade in the early 1800s (Fisher, 1977). The main production activity among First Nations is cattle ranching characterized by cow/calf operations with average herds of 50 to 80 cows. Alfalfa production is another important activity, both for internal use as feed or for sale as hay. Over the years there have been attempts to diversify the commodities produced. Examples are a strawberry farm and a hazelnut orchard in the Lower Fraser Valley, a fallow deer operation north of Kamloops, a tomato and mixed-vegetable farm in the Kamloops Band, a greenhouse at 32 Neskainlith in Salmon Arm, and vineyards and apple orchards in the southern Okanagan Valley. Living Conditions Many reports and chapters in books have been written by Euro-Canadians ^  to describe the socioeconomic and material living conditions prevailing on First Nations reserves in Canada and British Columbia. ^  By contrast, First Nations statements focus on identifying the causes of the present situation. ^  The indicators presented below were selected to focus the analysis on how living conditions on the reserves have generally changed over time, and in comparison with those of the general population, rather than in attempting to present a very detailed description of the prevailing circumstances. The goal was to gain an understanding of how "modernization" attempts by the Canadian government affected living conditions on the reserves. First Nations people, especially those living on reserves, are still today among the most disadvantaged socioeconomic groups in Canada. Although progress has been made in the material living conditions prevailing on the reserves, measured in terms of type of housing, and the availability of running water, sewage and other services, the values of these indicators consistently falls behind those of the general population. In 1954 sanitary conditions among the British Columbia on-reserve population were precarious as signaled by the fact that only 50% of dwellings had (potable) running water compared to 87% in 14 It is not an easy task to find the appropriate word to name the society around First Nations. The word chosen was Euro-Canadian following Richardson (1993), because although Canada is rapidly becoming a multiethnic/multicultural society, its hegemonic values are still driven by European (Western) values, especially in its relationship with First Nations people. 1 5 See, Hawthorn, H.B. , Belshaw, C.S. & Jamieson, S .M . (1958); Hawthorn, H.B. (Ed.). (1966); Ponting, J.R. & Gibbins, R. (1980); Frideres, J . (1993); Hagey, N.J . , Larocque, G & McBride C. (1989), Part II and Part III; Richardson, B. (1993), Chapter 12. 1 6 See Erasmus, G . (1989); Harper, E. (1991); Joseph, S. (1991); Manuel, G . & Poslums, M . (1974); Mercredi & Turpel, (1993); Watts, G . (1991). 33 the general British Columbia population (Hawthorn, Belshaw, & Jamieson, 1958). By 1992 the number of houses on-reserve, across Canada, with running water had increased substantially reaching 91.4%, and the gap between the on-reserve population and the general population had narrowed (DIAND, 1993a, p.73, Table 30). A similar pattern was found when the infant mortality rate among Canada's First Nations population was compared to that of the general Canadian population. The infant mortality rate for First Nations in Canada declined from 82 per thousand in 1960 to 10.2 per thousand in 1990 (DIAND, 1992). Although the infant mortality rate for First Nations in Canada compares more favorably in 1990 than in 1960 (DIAND, 1992) with the overall Canadian population, it is still 3.4 per thousand higher (Statistics Canada, Catalogue 82-549). Formal educational attainment is another indicator that showed considerable advance. Between 1961 and 1986 the percentage of the population fifteen years of age and over with less than grade nine education declined among the overall B.C. First Nations registered population from 81% to 30% (Fields & Stanbury, 1970; Statistics Canada, 1989). Nevertheless, the number of people among the First Nations population with less than grade nine education was almost three times that of the British Columbia general population, which according to the 1986 population census was only 11% (Statistics Canada, 1989). Another area where the gap between the overall non-aboriginal population and First Nations has narrowed is annual personal income. In 1964, according to Hawthorn's (1966) study, the annual personal income for First Nations on-reserve in Canada was $300 compared to $2,100 among the general Canadian population. In 1985, the difference that in 1964 was equivalent to a proportion of one to seven, decreased to one to two. First Nations people on reserve had an annual personal income of $9,300 compared to $18,200 for the general population. The important point to keep in mind once again is that 34 although the difference has narrowed over time, First Nations personal income is still only half that of non-aboriginals. "According to the 1986 Census, in 1985 Indians on reserve had the lowest average individual income of all groups, ... one-half the Canadian average ... and two-thirds that of people living near reserves" (Hagey, Larocque and McBride, 1989, p. 16). 1 7 Nevertheless, if the quality of life among First Nations people living in rural communities includes indicators other than material conditions, such as the number of people on social assistance and the number of those unemployed, a dismal picture emerges. Although unemployment rates among First Nations people have generally followed the trends in the general non-aboriginal population, their rates have always been considerably higher. In 1961, for example, the unemployment rate among B.C. First Nations registered population was 15.5%, three times higher than that of the B.C. general population. In 1986, the unemployment rate among the B.C. registered First Nations population was 39.0%. The difference was still three times higher, although in absolute terms the gap had widened from 10.0% in 1961 to 26.0% in 1986 (Frideres, 1993; Statistics Canada, 1989; Statistics Canada, Catalogue 71-001). The figures reporting the number of people receiving social welfare transfers is even more telling of the real social conditions prevailing among First Nations. Among the general non-aboriginal population in Canada, the percentage of welfare recipients has remained relatively stable, fluctuating between six and eight percent, depending on the general economic conditions of the country. Among Canada's First Nations population 1 7 For Aboriginal people "the census income data do not always accurately reflect their 'real' total level of income ... [because they] receive goods and services from the federal government, such as housing, which are not reported as income. Notwithstanding this reporting problem, on-reserve Indians are visibly one of the most disadvantaged groups in Canadian society" (Hagey, Larocque and McBride, 1989, p.22). 35 living on-reserve this figure has increased steadily, from 30% in 1962 to close to 50% in 1991 (Fields & Stanbury, 1970; DIAND, 1992). In British Columbia the situation in 1966 was slightly better than in Canada, but the numbers were still substantially higher that those of the general population. "The incidence of social welfare dependency among Indians living on reserves is about eight times that of the general population of B.C. [Survey data] shows that in February of 1966 from 25.4% to 29.4% of the on-reserve population were recipients of social financial assistance" (Fields & Stanbury, 1970, p. 45, italics in original). Furthermore, according to the figures provided by the DIAND Vancouver Regional office for February of 1967, the percentage of the population receiving social assistance varied greatly among agencies. It was 14.8% in Kamloops, 18.8% in the Kootenay-Okanagan, 37.4 % in the Nicola and 45% in Cowichan (Fields & Stanbury, 1970, p. 46, Table 2). The lack of proper access to medical facilities because of inadequate transportation routes and poor housing conditions are contributing factors in maintaining the difference in quality of living. In the late 1980s nearly 90% of Native houses across Canada had electricity but only 40% had running water (Frideres, 1988). Life expectancy among the First Nations population is on average ten years shorter than that for the overall population. First Nations male life expectancy is 62 years compared to 72 years for non-aboriginals, whilst that for First Nations females is 69 years compared to 78 years for non-aboriginals (Frideres, 1988). High levels of unemployment, family violence, teenage suicide and poor housing are distinctive characteristics of many First Nations communities in British Columbia (Ponting, 1986). From the information presented four points emerge. First, there has been an increase over time in the standard of material conditions in many rural First Nations communities. Second, in all cases the data show that selected indicators of material well being were considerably lower among First Nations than those of the population at large. 36 Third, social indicators such as dependency on welfare transfer payments and unemployment rates reveal an increase over the years and the gap between First Nations and the general population has widened. Four, social and economic conditions prevailing among First Nations populations on-reserve are generally poorer than those living in urban centers. Unresolved Issues More than 110 years had passed since the enactment of the first Indian Act in 1876. Nonetheless, the majority of the pressing issues that were relevant at that time remain still unresolved. First Nations leaders have indicated that the most pressing issues faced today by First Nations people are those related to their association with Canada (Erasmus, 1989; Mercredi & Turpel, 1993; Harper, 1991; Watts, 1991). In the sphere of the relationships with the state, aboriginal rights (individual and collective), the land question, and self-government continue to be of utmost importance since they are crucial elements in the quest for self-determination. These fundamental issues are closely inter-related since any form of government is meaningless without an economic base that involves control over productive and financial resources, and without political rights. First Nations ownership and control of a tangible and significant resource base is a fundamental pre-requisite for the design and implementation of comprehensive social, cultural and economic policies (Cassidy, 1992; Erasmus, 1989; Frideres, 1993; Mercredi & Turpel, 1993; Miller, 1991). The resolution of the fundamental question of aboriginal right to self-determination is of particular interest with respect to resource utilization. In this domain, the contrasting views of First Nations and Western scholars regarding the relation between humans and the natural environment is very important (Gitksan and Wet'Suwet'en Chiefs, 1987; Jenness, 1991). Environmental Impact Assessment (EIA) studies of renewable and non-37 renewable resource development projects in First Nations territories provide a concrete example of the contradictory views of aboriginal culture and that of many planners operating in mainstream Canadian institutions. The discourse of the "experts" exposes their bias and the limitations of the Western environmental sciences that are "foreign to Natives whose language and expertise are based upon knowledge of custom, experience accumulated by wise elders over centuries, and a spiritual sense of unity with nature" (Shapcott, 1989, p. 79). Gaining authority to decide how productive and financial resources should be utilized is very important, because the type of financial assistance and extension education programs that are subsequently implemented will likely reflect the worldview embedded in the policy approach. In the realm of the political society an important issue that has long been debated refers to the relationships among First Nations organizations. There has been an ongoing tension between the creation of central, province wide, political organizations and local Tribal and Band Councils. In the economic realm a similar debate has subsisted between the creation of central economic development institutions (usually organized around production sectors) and the proliferation of locally controlled organizations. An important element in this debate has been the distribution of regional economic development funds. Some Tribal Councils have supported a per capita distribution of those funds while others would like to see them going to finance specific sectoral programs. In the private sphere, the role of women in the family and society has also been publicly discussed. During the last round of constitutional discussions (Charlottetown Accord) some First Nations women's organizations expressed their concern about gender equality and the possibility of losing the protection of the Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms (Turpel, 1993). The existence, still today, of many outstanding issues indicates the need to establish a new relationship between First Nations and Canada. These negotiations ought 38 to resolve the land question definitively, and simultaneously guarantee individual rights and the legitimate First Nations right to maintain their cultural identity. Agricultural Extension in British Columbia Different phases in the development of agriculture, along with the relative importance of the sector in the overall economy of a country have shaped the adaptation of diverse approaches to agricultural extension. During the second half of the 19th century, up until World War I, the expansion and consolidation of the American frontier and the establishment of family farms led to the creation in the United States of the system of land grants that resulted in the creation of educational institutions dedicated to the teaching of agriculture and mechanics (Boone, 1989). Later, in 1914 the land grant system was expanded to the provision of services through the Cooperative Extension Service. Prior to the United States, Japan was the first country to establish a national policy of extension in 1893 (Rivera, 1991). In Canada, the 1867 British North America Act (BNA) stated that education was a provincial responsibility and since then each province has worked in the organization of their own agricultural extension services. The province of Ontario was the first to establish a Department of Agriculture in 1888, following the creation of the Ontario School of Agriculture and Experimental Station in Guelph, in 1874. However it was not until 1906 that the first Agricultural Representatives were hired to work with the farming community. The remaining provinces organized their Departments or Ministries of Agriculture and extension services during the early 1900s (Blackburn & Vist, 1984). Except for the most industrialized countries, agricultural extension services did not become formally organized until the 1950s, following the end of World Warll. 39 An Historical Overview In British Columbia, until the beginning of World War I, adult education programs were carried out through non-government institutions, churches, unions, community and voluntary organizations (Selman, 1988). In the agricultural sector, prior to the British Columbia Department of Agriculture (BCDA) taking an active role in the delivery of extension services around 1909, Farmers' and Women's institutes played an important role. Their activities were oriented towards the improvement of agricultural production but included also an important component aimed at improving the quality of life in rural communities. The dual orientation of their efforts reflects the growing importance of agriculture as an economic activity in the province and the need to bring to rural areas some of the services existing in urban centers. The period between World War I and 1950 can be described as a time when the activities of the BCDA grew along with the importance of agriculture as a provincial economic activity. The growth of the agricultural sector required that information on new technological developments and on investment opportunities be transferred to the farming community. "Since the early 40's particularly, technological advances and mechanization have revolutionized agriculture" (BCDA, 1959, p. 19). This is a period when extension programs were structured around a mix of technocratic and community-oriented approaches to development. The services, although mainly directed towards technology transfer and improving management skills to increase production (i.e., were growth oriented), continued to provide services that supported the strengthening of local communities, family farms, and farming as a way of life. In 1959, Newton P. Steacy, Minister of Agriculture, submitted a brief to the Special Committee of the Senate on Land Use in Canada, addressing B.C. concerns about the problems faced by small full-time farmers who earn an "inadequate income ... that imposes an extremely low 40 standard of living" (BCDA, 1959, p. 40). The report later suggested that what was needed to improve the situation of this group of farmers were educational programs related to record keeping and farm management. BCDA continued during the 1970s to base its agricultural policy on the concepts of development as growth and modernization, striving for increases in production for self-sufficiency of food products. It also stressed cost-of-production controls and supply management through Marketing Boards. The three ARDA Agreements signed by Canada and British Columbia between 1963 and 1977 played an important role in this development process. "[The] total number of projects approved since the ARDA programme was launched here in 1963 [was 147], involving a total expenditure of close to $30,000,000" (BCDA, 1970, p. 22). 1 8 In the early 1970s, official BCDA documents began to include statements about the need to preserve natural resources and the environment. In 1973, the notion of resource preservation resulted in the establishment of the B.C. Land Commission and the Agriculture Land Reserve, along with a series of programs destined to help farmers in the modernization and expansion of their farms. These programs included the Agriculture Land Development Act (ALDA), the Farm Income Assurance Program (FIAP), and the Demonstration of Agricultural Technology and Economics (DATE). Toward the end of the 1970s the B.C. Ministry of Agriculture (BCMA) 1 9 continued to emphasize the policy of food self-sufficiency, working with farmers to increase agricultural production. In 1979 the area cultivated grew to 2.0 million acres, a 1 8 The following two A R D A agreements, 1969/1973 and 1973/1977, were also signed for funding similar to the one in 1963. In the 1973/77 agreement financing was provided for rural electrification and irrigation projects on First Nations reserves in British Columbia. The first A R D S A program for the period of 1977/1983, funded projects related to the development of agricultural production infra-structure (irrigation, electrification and flood protection). In 1976 the B.C. Department of Agriculture became a ministry. 41 5% increase over the area estimated in 1978. The protection of the environment also continued to be an important aspect of the BCMA agricultural development policy. S.B. Peterson, Deputy Minister of Agriculture, wrote in the 1979 BCMA Annual Report: "As public concern grew over the need to protect the environment, Ministry programs continued to be developed to reflect these concerns" (BCMA, no date, p.5). A year earlier, the 1978 BCMA Annual Report indicated that research, planning, training and market promotion aimed at identifying new opportunities for B.C. agriculture were becoming new areas of concern. This expression of interest can be regarded as the signal for the initiation of the trend on market-demand oriented extension that will dominate the work of the BCMA for the next two decades. The report of the British Columbia Legislative Assembly Selected Standing Committee on Agriculture (1979) on the Extension services offered to farmers in British Columbia indicated that U.S. county agents (who in their view had similar activities to those of the B.C. District Agriculturalist or DA) expended nearly 50 per cent of their time in youth (4-H) activities, programs to improve family living and other community development activities (p. 12). Although the BNA assigns responsibility for agricultural extension services to the provincial governments and for research and development mainly to the federal government, Agriculture Canada was involved in the early 1970s in extension activities through Canfarm (a management/accounting service offered to farmers across Canada), and the Small Farm Development Program (SFDP), that was established in 1973. A report prepared for the SFDP in British Columbia (Hill, Palacios & Andison, 1976) indicates that the federal and provincial governments were during those years not only preoccupied with increasing production and productivity (efficient resource use), but also with the social welfare of the farming community. The SFDP was concerned with helping a substantial number of part-time and small farmers improve their incomes (those 42 falling below a certain poverty level defined in the program), and when that was not possible, helping them to leave farming. During the 1970s, the BCDA's main preoccupation continue to be centered on production levels, costs of production and supply-management schemes that would provide agricultural producers with what was considered an adequate level of income. "Extension [personnel] ... continued this year to carry out a wide range of activities aimed at the promotion of sound farming practices. These included a continuing emphasis ... in such areas as farm management and live-stock and field-crops production, in addition to the long-standing association with 4-H Club work in the province" (BCDA, 1971, pp. 17-18). In 1973, the election of a New Democratic government brought new policies oriented towards the preservation of the agricultural land base. David D. Stupich, then Minister of Agriculture, wrote: "There are those among us who tend to assume that British Columbia is a land of boundless resources to be freely exploited under the guise of "progress. ... [Today] we know that is patently untrue" (BCDA, 1973, p.2). This new policy orientation resulted in the establishment of the B.C. Land Commission and the Agricultural Land Reserve. By the late 1970s there was an increased public concern about the preservation of the natural environment that prompted the BCMA to initiate programs based on biological pest controls that tended to lessen the use of chemicals. Extension services continue to be provided mainly through on-farm personal advice to individual farmers. The 1979 BCMA Annual Report indicated that "[advice] was provided to more than 3,500 individual producers. About 20,000 farmers were counselled in the branch's district offices" (BCMA, no date, p.50). ^ u In 1974, under the Small Farm Development Program agreement, Agriculture Canada seconded five staff members to the British Columbia Department of Agriculture to provide services to an estimated 2,000 to 4,000 B .C. small and emerging commercial farmers (approximately 10 to 20 per cent of the total). 43 In 1980, the Ministry of Agriculture underwent a reorganization and expanded its mandate to include the food processing sector. The Ministry was now to be known as Ministry of Agriculture and Food (BCMAF), incorporating into its mandate the provision of services to the food processing sector. In spite of the changes in mandate and structure the BCMAF extension services continue to be "production" driven. Five new regional extension services were created that planned and organized their work around a commodity or commodity group (Blabckburn & Vist, 1984; Sork et al., 1991), with the participation of provincial specialists and local District Agriculturalists and Horticulturalists. By 1982, the BCMAF started to move away from supporting agriculture as a "way of life" towards emphasizing the commercial aspects of the sector. The pressure to "industrialize" agriculture, taking advantage of economies of scale and new technologies, translated into the "need" to make agricultural production more sensitive to market demands. This change in the agricultural development policy orientation resulted in a gradual change in the direction of extension programs. The role of the extension agent - a personal agricultural advisor to individual farmers in matters related to physical output -shifted to business expert, stressing the organizational and financial management aspects of the enterprise. "Economic and marketing services [will] receive strong emphasis to ensure the exploration of new export market opportunities" (BCMAF, 1982, Foreword). The process of changing the Ministry's program objectives that started in 1982, continued during this decade. "Emphasis was shifted from maintaining existing agri-food production, to assisting the industry to improve competitiveness, ... to establish an aggressive marketing program" (BCMA, 1987, p. 4) ... and "to become more competitive in the world marketplace" (BCMA, 1987, p. 14). Extension programs have since been restructured and moved away from the concept of development as growth where the emphasis was on the technical aspects of 44 increasing physical output (increased yields), to the consolidation of the ideology of development as modernization. Advanced technologies, such as biotechnologies and information management, are portrayed as the embodiment of efficiency and profits, and as such have become symbols used to justify a market-oriented strategy. Following this overall approach the Ministry's Extension services concentrated on servicing the most "competitive" and technologically advanced sectors of B.C. agriculture: the flower and vegetable greenhouse "industry"; dairy and poultry; ginseng, game farms (bison, deer, ostriches), and similar exceptional enterprises. In its 1987-88 Annual Report the BCMA indicated that its main concern was to encourage "the aggressive development of new markets, products, and processes; a total 'food system approach'; enhancing competitiveness through effective technology transfer; and aggressively pursuing new opportunities such as aquaculture, game farming and specialty crops/livestock" (BCMA, 1989a, p. 4). In the meantime more "traditional" small and medium size farmers (i.e. beef ranching and hay) received less and less attention. The Evolution of BCMA Extension Programs: From Production Levels to Market Demand Over the years, the extension services of the BCMA have operated within a modernization development perspective, characterized by an initial emphasis on increasing levels of output within a technocratic approach to development. "Since the inception of the first British Columbia Department of Agriculture Act in 1894, activities have centred on developing farms to improve yields and quality" (BCMAF, 1982, Foreword). It can be said that the British Columbia extension services have generally followed the U.S. model of Cooperative Extension, where the extension agents served not only as technical advisors, but also participated in other community activities such as youth development clubs (4-H program) and home economics. The local extension agent was the point of 45 entry into the extension system, and was usually regarded as a member of the local community. In regions where agricultural production is still extensive, the role of the local extension agent has not substantially changed. However, in areas where agricultural production has become capital intensive a different situation prevails. Where farmers use high technologies and their earnings have been integrated into global markets the role of the local agent has become more like that of a "sales agent" than an educator. Although the objective of extension services might have changed from its emphasis on growth to an emphasis on markets (from supply-driven to demand-driven extension), the overall philosophical foundation - modernization - remains unchanged. Even when modernization has been challenged by environmentalists and public concerns about healthy products, the response has been to accommodate these concerns within the technocratic approach to development. The BCMAF extension service has since the early 1980s incorporated in its extension program certain aspects that Pepper (1993) has called technocentric environmentalism. These are actions intended to correct problems created by intensive agricultural practices needed to respond to market demands (i.e., waste management, water management, biological controls) rather than actions designed to deal with the actual causes of the problem. As a result of the interactions among the different social forces intervening in the agricultural production process the nature of the BCMAF extension services is changing. The commodification of new production and management technologies, accessible predominantly to the large "industrial" agricultural complexes, and the most technically advanced sectors of agriculture, challenges public agricultural extension to define its role. One of the themes pervading ... models of Extension is the value of rural or agricultural life. In cases ... in which the national ethos glorifies the industrialized city to the disparagement of the countryside, Extension has little impact (Boone, 1989, p.6). 46 From the perspective of technocratic modernization, within a neo-conservative political and economic system, market forces are the mechanism that socially allocate productive resources and wealth. From the perspective of a liberal welfare state, eco-socialist and eco-anarchist policies, the extension system must be responsive to the concerns raised not only by market forces but also by environmentalists, consumers groups, small and medium size commercial producers, part-time farmers, and First Nations farmers, and non Euro-Canadian producers; all of whom demand access to information. One Hundred Years of Colonialism The years covered in this historical summary can be characterized as an era where colonial domination, by both England and Canada, was fundamentally oriented towards achieving total assimilation of First Nations living in British Columbia. The Indian Act and its subsequent amendments promoted "Christianity, education, and agriculture. - the holy trinity of British colonial policy on aborigines" (Fisher, 1977, p. 68) in their efforts to reach their objective. After First Nations acquired the cultural values and norms of the Euro-Canadian society it was expected that they would disappear as distinct groups within Canada. Agricultural activities, with the support of religious indoctrination and education, were expected to play an important role in the dual process of freeing land for Euro-Canadian businesses and the transition between a nomadic life to a more "civilized" style of living in permanent settlements. To facilitate the process of acculturation, Canada, through different pieces of legislation, attempted to destroy First Nations traditional social and cultural norms. These norms, being based on principles of communal life and leadership founded "on respect rather than authority" (Fisher, 1977, p. 173) were a hindrance for a new economic system based on individual rights and competition. 47 Also important, although apparently not directly related to agricultural activities, is the issue of political rights. When First Nations, at the turn of the century, organized to protest the discriminatory policies of land pre-emption and the lack of a definite settlement to the land question, legislation was enacted to criminalize their right of association and expression. Moreover, First Nations peoples in spite of being "invited" to join Canadian society were denied the right to elect and be elected for public office until 1949 in British Columbia and 1960 in Canada (Hawthorn, 1966). Overall, the policies of assimilation failed to accomplish their objectives and the government of Canada decided to try a new approach with the enactment of the new Indian Act of 1951. The study and analysis of the relationships between Canada and First Nations institutions, the influence of Euro-Canadian settlers in shaping provincial land ownership policies (pre-emption and water and range rights), the impact of the personal views of Governors and civil servants on shaping the colonization process among other factors requires, as stated in Chapter One, an understanding of three central themes: hegemony, development, and extension. Accordingly, these themes are the object of the discussion presented in Chapter Three. 48 CHAPTER 3 HEGEMONY, DEVELOPMENT AND EXTENSION The people who get to tell their stories will rule the world. (Hopi elder woman in Chambers, 1992, p.2) This chapter describes the theoretical approach utilized to understand the complex socio-political interactions that characterize the relationships between First Nations farmers and non-aboriginal communities in British Columbia. The focal point in this process is to conceptualize the above relationships within the boundaries of propositions nested in theories of development, political science, sociology and education, using the constructs of hegemony, development, and extension as central elements in the analysis. This chapter also introduces different agricultural extension approaches and models, and discusses the foundations of various development perspectives that are used to characterize the different development and extension programs. Hegemony as Political and Cultural Leadership The concept of hegemony has been utilized in politics with many different meanings, although the most common relates to political leadership. In orthodox Marxism, hegemony is used to signify control over the state apparatus. It conveys the idea of the coercive power of the state that is used by a certain class (the bourgeoisie in the capitalist mode of production and the proletariat in the socialist mode of production) to impose its own economic interests over other sectors of the national population through the ownership and control of the means of production. In the Gramscian conception of hegemony its meaning is expanded to include not only political but also cultural and ethical leadership (Bobbio, 1988). In Gramsci's political system hegemony is achieved when a class or sector within civil society is able to 49 agglutinate around its position the majority of the population. In this latter case the primary moment of the socio-historical process resides in the superstructure of society, and is guided by those able to provide cultural leadership. It is the active subject of history who fulfils the task of recognizing and of pursuing an end and in so doing operates within the superstructural phase, using the base itself as an instrument. Therefore the base is no longer the subordinating moment of history, but becomes the subordinate one. (Bobbio, 1988, p.87) Gramsci's propositions about the meaning of hegemony as cultural and political leadership help to focus the analysis on the importance of the generation of discoursive formations. Day to day interactions in society create bodies of concepts and themes that can be described as discursive formations when they display some form of regularity (Barrett, 1991). They are created not only through everyday interactions among "regular people" but also in the different scientific and technical disciplines by academics and technocrats, a majority of whom are (or have become) the organic intellectuals of the hegemonic classes. Everyday and scientific discursive formations eventually become part of people's daily experiences that are illuminated by traditional popular conceptions or common-sense (Gramsci, 1971). In Bourdieu's (Bourdieu & Eagleton, 1992) words they also become elements in people's spontaneous (sub-conscious) opinions and beliefs (or Doxa). Through this mechanism, discursive formations eventually become part of the symbolic capital of society^ influencing the day to day social happenings, and in the process producing new discoursive formations. "The discourse of sociology and the concepts, theories, and findings of the other social sciences continually 'circulate in and ^ Bordieu (1994) defines symbolic capital as "any property (any form of capital whether physical, economic, cultural or social) when it is perceived by social agents endowed with categories of perception which cause them to know it and recognize it, to give it value. (For example, the concept of honor in Mediterranean societies is a typical form of symbolic capital which exists only through repute)" (p. 8). 50 out1 of what they are about. In so doing they reflexively restructure the subject matter" (Giddens, 1990, p.43). Understanding how this process evolves, and how discursive formations become part of everyday life provides an insight into the social relationships between the creation of knowledge and the exercise of power. Given the capacity of discoursive formations to create and recreate social ideological fields, discourse can be utilized to control and normalize people and social processes. According to Gramsci the evolution of language and the circulation of discoursive formations is closely related to the hegemonic relations between classes, to the role of intellectuals, and to the formation of a national cultural identity . Discoursive formations and the language that they are part of are not created mechanically. New discoursive formations are the result of the evolution of social processes. They provide an insight into how power is exercised by the state and the hegemonic groups. "The essence of language is not to be found in the aesthetic creation of individuals but in a historical dimension bound to a determined social context" (Mansfield, 1984, p. 121). The persistence of great inequalities (both nationally and internationally) in the distribution of the new wealth created after the industrial revolution required a convincing explanation that was credible to the national-popular masses. Every day language required new concepts (words) to explain the persistence of "lack of development". Concepts such as "modernization", "third world", "ethnic minorities", "deviants", and so on were "invented" (Escobar, 1987) and entered the realm of everyday language "in terms of symbolic domination, [where] resistance is more difficult, since it is something you absorb like air, ... it is everywhere and nowhere, and to escape from that is very difficult" (Bourdieu & Eagleton, 1992, p. 115). Through uncritically entering the realm of 'common sense knowledge' these concepts helped to create the impression among the 51 popular masses that the problem of lack of development was not rooted in structural economic causes but in the resistance of groups (or countries) to becoming modern. In today's modern societies the creation and evolution of discoursive formations plays an ever increasing and important role in the dissemination of ideas that will eventually determine the consolidation of a new historical bloc. It is in this context that the use of language needs to be analyzed to make it more transparent and to help one to fully understand how the relationships between the state and civil society are formed. In this study, the analysis of the discourse formations used in documents, interviews, and policy statements produced by government officials and by First Nations people helps one to understand - keeping in mind the concept of hegemony - the kind of power relationships that dominate the interactions among these groups. Given the capacity of discourse formation and evolution to create and recreate social ideological fields, discourse can be utilized to control and normalize people and social processes. It is in this context that the analysis of the meanings attributed to the concept of development becomes important to understanding the role it has played in the generation of economic development and extension programs "offered" to First Nations farmers. An Historical Perspective of Development After the industrial revolution the United Kingdom became the world imperialistic-capitalist industrial power. Although the expansion of its internal market was the basis for the initial accumulation of wealth, it was during the mercantilist era that England, through the control of the international seas and the imposition of free international trade policies, achieved a level of capital accumulation that provided the basis for the first industrial revolution during the 18th century (Brookfield, 1975). England's economic expansion can be described as a special case of spontaneous growth that resulted from a unique combination of factors: the accumulation of capital from the mercantilist years, her 52 endowment with the type of raw materials needed for the technologies of the 18th and 19th centuries and, the appearance of a merchant class that could voice their socioeconomic interests through a parliamentary system (Jaguaribe, 1968). This type of economic growth (based on laissez-faire economics), that was generated by the confluence of the unique conditions prevalent in British society at that time is construed by liberal economists as ahistorical, non-normative and culturally neutral. Consequently, it is suggested as a process that could be replicated everywhere with the same expected results (Rostow, 1960). In continental Europe during the 19th century Germany and France followed a pattern of economic development different from that of England. Although they operated according to liberal capitalist principles, faced with expanding British control of international trade, they tried to overcome their deficiencies through policies of state intervention (Jaguaribe, 1968). In eastern Europe Russia, although for different reasons, also followed the industrialization path at the beginning of the 20th century. Industrialization, Lenin argued was essential to the formation of a revolutionary industrial proletariat that would at the same time expand the internal market. Russia's economic growth was based upon an industrialization process largely funded by the agricultural sector (Kitching, 1989). The period following the Second World War saw the consolidation of the United States as the hegemonic state in the international division of labor. Its expanding economy needed new markets and cheap raw materials to feed the growing industrial capacity of its emerging international business concerns. Based on its need for economic expansion the United States promoted the development of the primary resource sector in the less industrialized regions of the world. By the late 1970s the expanding world capitalist economic system was entering a new phase characterized by the realization that human activities had the potential to 53 radically alter the planet's ecological balances, threatening "the lives of many species upon it, including the human species" (World Commission on Environment and Development (WCED), 1986, p. 2). As stated in the WCED's (1986) report, Our Common Future, there was "a growing realization in national governments and multilateral institutions that it [was] impossible to separate economic development issues from environmental issues" (p. 2), and from issues related to the rights of Indigenous Peoples. The growing international pressure exercised by environmentalists on the detrimental effects of modernization development projects on the livelihood of Indigenous Peoples and the environment (Redclift, 1987) led the World Bank in 1982 to issue a policy statement recognizing that in Bank-financed projects ... experience has shown that, unless special measures are adopted, tribal people are more likely to be harmed than helped by development projects that are intended for beneficiaries other than themselves. Therefore, whenever tribal peoples may be affected, the design of projects should include measures or components necessary to safeguard their interests, and, whenever feasible, to enhance their well being, (cited in Davis, 1994, p. 75, emphasis in text) Although this World Bank policy direction acknowledged for the first time the potential damage that so-called development projects could have on the well-being of indigenous populations, it did not escape the paternalistic views previously advocated in the International Labour Organization Convention 107 of the 1950s that favored the protection of Indigenous Peoples until they could became fully integrated into society (Davis, 1994). Recently, in 1991, the World Bank issued a revised policy direction on Indigenous Peoples. This new policy following current trends on the implementation of development models, took into consideration the rights of local populations after "the failure of traditional top down or statist approaches to economic development and poverty alleviation" (Davis, 1994, p. 82). Bank critics, however, maintain that the bank only paid attention to environmental studies when they involved little cost while the "primary 54 consideration governing World Bank actions was the need to increase foreign exchange in developing countries; hence the support given to ranching and export crops in the projects the bank supported" (Redclift, 1987, p. 146). Furthermore, the bank has not abandoned its fundamental modernization approach based on the advocacy of free markets and international trade. According to Elson (1994), World Bank development policies follow three general principles. First, that markets can generate sufficient employment opportunities to alleviate poverty; second, that labour and people are separable and labour is "not... a human activity but... an alienable asset" (p. 63); and third, development planning and implementation are an apolitical process where "people are motivated [only] 99 in terms of immediate material interest" (p. 63). Since the Bretton Woods Conference that provided the basis for the creation of the World Bank, Canada has actively participated in international aid programs through bilateral and multilateral agreements. Overall, Canada has favored the latter because its membership in several regional development banks has given it an effective instrument to promote among less industrialized countries the principles of a market economy.^ Furthermore, Canada's participation in these agreements gives a competitive advantage to Canadian companies that are awarded contracts by those organizations. "In recent years the amount paid into MDBs [Multilateral Development Banks] by the Canadian government has been less than the amount spent by MDBs on Canadian goods and services" (Therien & Robert, 1993, p. 132, emphasis added). It follows that the 2 , 1 For a critical analysis of the ecological limits of capitalism and free-market economies, see M . O'Connor (1994). 23 Although Canada has been a strong supporter of "foreign aid" polices that link structural adjustments (i.e., budgetary restrains and austerity measures) in less industrialized countries to the allocation of development funds, it has also acknowledged that they have had negative effects on the poorest social classes in those countries. "Canada at the World Bank has contributed to a refinement of the evaluation of the impact of structural adjustment on Third World government social spending" (Therien and Robert, 1993, p. 123). Canadian aid policies have also been linked to issues of women and development and human rights. 55 structures of the international aid programs that support development programs in less-industrialized countries and regions are mainly subject to the interests of the industrialized nations (Therien & Robert, 1993; J. O'Connor, 1994). The Meanings of Development As previously discussed, different people in different epochs have attributed to the concept of development various meanings. The analysis of these meanings helps us to understand how the ideological foundations of this concept influence the design and implementation of economic development and extension programs. In everyday language, the "common-sense" meaning of "development" conveys the idea of progress (understood as progressive positive change). In the realm of the natural sciences it is used in its broader meaning to indicate transformation (a process) that can take either the form of "progression" (i.e., from an embryo to a grown human being) or "regression", as would be the case of a crippling disease. As a concept development has helped to characterize the gradual (always positive) progression from the lower steps of a hierarchy to its higher levels. In the domain of economic development, rural, traditional or "underdeveloped" societies were to achieve industrialization (progress) by following the steps previously undertaken by the industrial nations (Larrain, 1989). When "development" ideas were unsuccessful in producing the desired growth effects and failed to explain the persistence of "underdeveloped" societies the concept of "modernization" was brought into the discourse. The concept of Modernization has to be distinguished from that of Modernity and Modernism. Modernity can be associated with three different, although related, aspects of the same theme: with the philosophical project that is the continuation of the Enlightenment, with the historical period after the Renaissance characterized by the advent 56 of "technological progress" and "development" (i.e. modernization), and with the aesthetic project of modernism (Harker, 1993; Osborne, 1992).^ In this study references are made to the philosophical project of modernity as the rational foundation for modernization, that represents modernity's economic and social expression. In this context modernization is understood as the application of the principles of "objective scientific" rationality and "technology", within the context of a market economy, to resolve the problems of "lack of development" prevalent in less industrialized areas in the world. According to modernization theory, the solution to lack of development is to be found, not only in more growth, which by definition corresponds to progress (Escobar, 1987), but also in the restructuring of the social and economic institutions of the country or region. These are the conditions necessary to accommodate the advent of the new modern era. Countries in the less industrialized world need to "grow" and become "modern." Among socialist countries in Eastern Europe the idea of modernization was also adopted, although within a different model of economic development. After the Russian Revolution, the planning process initiated through the Five Year Plans was oriented towards the industrialization of the country as the initial step towards providing the general population with a better quality of life. The ideas of modern development, embedded in the pursuit of an always increasing material well-being, were also present in the countries belonging to the socialist bloc. The main difference between modernization in the socialist and capitalist systems is that in the former a planned economic system was adopted as an alternative to the supposed neutrality of the market to allocate wealth and resources in society. ^ For a complete discussion on the concepts of Modernity, Modernism and Modernization see Habermas (1985/1987) and Giddens (1990). 57 "Industrialism encompasses the 'state capitalism' of communist nations as well as the largely privately-controlled market capitalism of Western nations, both of which [rest] upon the ideologies of growth and technological optimism" (Eckersley, 1992, p. 23). In spite of their ontological differences,^ both systems are based on a positivistic epistemology and a set of teleological, universal principles and laws that postulate that the ultimate goal of humans beings is the conquest of the objective world around them to achieve an ever increasing material well-being. Modernization, under capitalism or state socialism, is an anthropocentric undertaking, centered on the contradiction between capital and labor. Sociologically, a modernization perspective on development can be connected to a structuralist point of view that proclaims the predominance of social structures over individual actions in the determination of the social world.^ Hence, from the point of view of the formulation of development policies, state socialist and capitalist modernization are very similar. Their differences arise only when social, economic and political goals are brought to bear. While state socialist modernization is founded on classical Marxism and has as its political expression a form of authoritarian socialism (one party state) based on a planned economic system, capitalist modernization is inspired by a ^ Capitalism and state socialism are both based on a transcendental ontology, although they differ with respect to the nature of the referent chosen. State socialism is founded in a objective ontological category where existence is understood as being constructed with reference to a given independent external physical world (i.e. materialism as based on Marxist socialism). In capitalism, existence is understood as being constructed with reference to some a priori knowledge that exists in the mind of the observer independent of any sense experience (i.e. idealism as the basis of Judeo-Christian capitalism). For an interesting deliberation on the subject of the constitution of reality see Maturana (1992). 26 Capitalist modernization (best reflected in the structural functionalism paradigm) propounds that social structures and systems operate as self-regulating entities, always moving to equilibrium. This homeostatic social condition that resembles the mechanism that keeps the human body functioning in almost perfect equilibrium, implies favoring the maintenance of the current social structures prevalent in a class society, which wi l l eventually evolve through a process of social evolution. Parsons' work is one of the most prominent exponents of this sociological paradigm (Ritzer, 1991). The state socialist version of modernization is nested within the radical structuralist paradigm (Burrell & Morgan, 1979), and although it acknowledges to a certain extent the capacity of the human agent to construct his/her own history, its main thrust is on the social structures that dominate the social processes. 58 neo-conservative ideology that has as its practical expression a form of liberal democracy (i.e. representative democracy) and a market-driven, profit-maximizing economic system. The ideas of development and modernization have since been incorporated into different scientific discourses. Western social science discourse has used modernization to explain, from a sociological perspective, the creation of increasingly complex social structures (Parsons, 1951), and from an economic point of view to equate modern development with ongoing material growth (Rostow, 1960). They have also been used in education to explain individual human transformation in the realm of cognition (Gagne\ 1968 and Perry, 1988), in the sphere of ethics to explain moral growth (Kohlberg, 1963), and in the field of social psychology to explain affective or emotional progression (Erikson, 1959). The development and modernization constructs, as integral components of the Western philosophical discourse of modernity, provide the rational base for advocating the necessity to "progress" from "underdeveloped savage" to "enlightened modern being". Theories of Development The Dominant Paradigm: Growth and Modernization The impressive advances of productive forces achieved by industry and technologies as a result of the accumulation of capital after the industrial revolution in England, led economists to conceptualize development "as progress." Consequently, from the beginning of the 18th century to the present, Western industrialized countries have taken for granted the need for a continuous capitalist development (Larrain, 1989), mainly understood as material progress. 59 Development as Economic Growth and Material Progress Development theories centered upon economic growth dominated Western international "aid" policies through the 1960s. From then on international "aid" and national, regional or sector-specific development programs that emphasized "progress" through scientific rationality and technology were implemented to promote the expansion of those areas that had lagged behind. Following the logic of "development" as sustained economic growth, the so-called aid programs were aimed at promoting the continuous industrialization and urbanization of society, and the restructuring of the social and economic institutions of the country. "Progress" was something to be measured in terms of its contribution to material well-being and profit maximization at the microeconomic level, and to maximization of the Gross National Product (GNP) at the macroeconomic level. Economists argued that through the injection of capital and technologies less industrialized regions would "progress" from their current state of "backwardness" to become "developed" nations similar to those of the Western "advanced" democracies. Rostow's (1960) book, The Stages of Economic Growth: a Non-communist Manifesto, was very influential with the new generation of North American economists. Working from an North American perspective that overlooked the particularities of the histories of different regions and nations in the world, Rostow postulated that all societies follow a similar path to "development" and, therefore, they can be historically placed along a path that starts with the "traditional society" and progresses to maturity in the form of a full fledged "modern developed" industrial capitalistic society of mass consumption. According to Rostow the United States of America was, in the 1960s, the only country that had "reached the end of this road" (Brookfield, 1975, p.37). More recently, Fukuyama (1992) has expanded Rostow's original thesis and claims that the world has now reached a stage in its development that cannot be surpassed and 60 therefore humanity has reached the "end of history". Fukuyama, like many others before him, links the idea of development as progress to the existence of a liberal democratic political system and a free market economic system as the guarantors of the concretization of the human "innate" desire for personal success. In Fukuyama* s argumentation there is no room for particularism or any form of cultural relativism (Halliday, 1992). Fukuyama's thesis is in marked contrast to the current world division of labour that acknowledges the increasing disparity among industrialized and less industrialized countries and between different regions and social groups within the national boundaries of many so-called developed nation-states. The consolidation of capitalist expansion after the Second World War manifested itself in increased wealth in the northern industrialized countries that sharply contrasted with increasing poverty in the southern regions. The awareness of the increasing disparity between the benefits of development that accrued to north and south forced north-Western scholars, administrators and international "technocrats" to search for a new "logical" explanation. Development as Modernization Western economic sciences found the answer to the unequal growth between the northern and southern regions in the concept of "modernization." Development was reconceptualized as "modernization" by expanding its original meaning through a process called 'juxtaposed associations' (Bowers, 1993). This consists of the application of concepts from one field of knowledge in a different context to permit the expansion of the previous meaning. "Metaphors always have an ideological basis that gives them their special symbolic power to expand meaning. ... Metaphors then can be switched without seeming to involve contradictions or the misuse of image or framework" (Bowers, 1993, p.21). By borrowing the construct of "modern" from philosophy, history and the arts, 61 and introducing it into the discourse of economics, sociology and political science, it became possible for the industrial powers of the Western world to provide a "rational" justification for the existence of what they labeled "non-modern third world countries" and "backwards" communities and regions. The modem/non-modern dichotomy allowed technocrats and politicians in Western industrialized countries to define "other" countries, regions and ethnic groups as deficient in terms of what they (self-named "developed" nations) regarded as the right standards. "The argument then is not simply that our descriptions are evaluative judgments, but the implicit standard by which such judgments are made is the outcome of power and serves to maintain that power" (Sampson, 1993, p. 1219). The incorporation of the concept of "modernization" into the discourse of development (i.e. the invention of modernization) was a necessary condition for the continuous expansion of the world capitalist system. The success of the Marshall Plan in post-war Europe encouraged international development agencies to send their experts to the "Third World" to study the causes of their "problems" and to formulate comprehensive development plans based on two basic forces: financial capital and technologies. The International Bank for Reconstruction and Development sent its first economic "mission" of this kind, composed of 14 "experts", to Colombia in 1949. Its purpose was to study the whole country's economic systems, institutions and relationships in order to formulate an extensive development plan (Escobar, 1987). The selection of the word "mission" to name the group of "experts" from the International Bank can be interpreted as a regression into religious discourse. The old religious "missions" of priests sent to convert the indigenous population of the "Third World" into Western Christianity were being replaced by missions of "experts", this time working to convert the poor countries into developed ones through Western modernization. 62 In Canada, during the 1970s and 1980s, the developed/underdeveloped (North/South) debate was paralleled by studies and propositions that searched for reasons to explain the differential rate of economic development existing between central Canada and the regions (Matthews, 1983). Another area of concern was economic development in First Nations reserves, in all regions of Canada. They were showing a very slow rate of development compared with the rest of the Canadian economy. The Department of Indian Affairs and Northern Development (DIAND), during that period, decided to adopt an economic development policy of "induced development" or government intervention (Jaguaribe, 1968) to confront this problem. Through the Indian Economic Development Fund (IEDF) it stimulated the creation of employment and business opportunities for First Nations people (Ponting & Gibbins, 1980). However, as discussed earlier, these policies did not accomplish the central objective of "modernizing" the reserve system in British Columbia (and elsewhere in Canada). Consequently, it seems appropriate to search for the possible causes of their failure, outside the developmental approach (in progressive stages) theorized by Rostow (1960). Other Theories of Development: Dependency and Neo-populism Critical scholars from North America, Europe, and especially from Latin America and Africa challenged the validity of modernization as the "scientific" and "objective" solution to the problems of lack of development. They tried to explain the gap between rich and poor countries based on the analysis of macro (international) and micro (national/ internal) relationships, outside the growth/modernization paradigm. In like manner, the failure of Canadian government policies to "modernize" the reserve system in British Columbia (and elsewhere in Canada) can be analyzed using a similar theoretical framework. 63 A different, although complementary perspective to the study of unequal development is offered by neo-populist propositions. They suggest that development understood as growth, profit maximization, and modernization is a Western concept that many local communities (some First Nations among them) reject. These communities, according to neo-populist theorists, prefer to follow their cultural traditions, choosing to stay outside the market system. Dependency and Underdevelopment At the macroeconomic level the concepts of dependency, underdevelopment, and unequal exchange provide an alternative theoretical approach to explaining the unequal rates of growth and modernization existing between countries and regions. Frank's (1970) dependency theory postulated that less-industrialized regions of the world become dependent for their economic activities on the financial resources, the provision of capital goods, and the more expensive consumer goods from the industrialized American and European metropolises. Meanwhile, agriculture and local manufacturing industries concentrate on the intensive monocultivation of cash crops and on the production of low value-added consumer goods, for the international market. So far the result of these practices has been a net flow of capital from the less-industrialized world to the industrialized countries (Galeano, 1980; World Commission on Environment and Development, 1990). Underdeveloped countries have thus greatly contributed to the development of the central metropolises through the transfer of their surpluses. Wallerstein's (1974) world system theory expanded Frank's ideas of dependency emphasizing that the central characteristics defining a mode of production were not the production relations but their integration to the markets and the generation of profits. "If slave production is oriented to the market in order to make a profit, then it becomes a form of capitalism" (Larrain, 1989, p. 122). In Wallerstein's theoretical approach, this 64 international framework of analysis is replicated at the national level and utilized as a frame of reference to account for the disparities in the quality of life prevalent among different regions, communities and ethnic groups within a country. Based on such a theoretical approach, Frideres (1993) postulated that "the Indian reserve [is] an internal colony that is exploited by the dominant group in Canada. Canadians are seen as the colonizing people, while Natives are considered the colonized people" (p. 3). Differences in development have also been explained based on what the Economic Council of Canada calls the staples approach. According to this interpretation, countries and regions prosper depending upon the availability of natural resources (furs, agricultural land, fisheries, minerals). However, the staples approach does not account for instances where poverty continue to persist despite the existence of plentiful natural resources (Matthews, 1983), as is the case of the Atlantic provinces in Canada, and most countries in Africa and Latin America. Another way to approach modernization and development is to follow Cardoso and Faletto's (1979) thesis on associated-dependent development. These economists claim that differences in development patterns cannot be explained solely by dependency, unequal exchange or resistance concepts. The analysis needs to incorporate a search for understanding of how mechanisms that influence the internal social structures of society work, influence society's own development patterns, and are integrated into and influenced by the world capitalist system. Cardoso and Falleto's (1979) critique of Frank and other dependency approaches presents a more comprehensive analysis of the causes of "underdevelopment". Their analysis stresses that the causes of lack of development in many countries and regions of the world (in the general sense of the term, including not only material growth but also social and gender equity and environmental considerations) can be explained only partially by the "dependency" of these countries resulting from the exploitation to which they have 65 been subjected by the world capitalist system. Lack of development results also from internal contradictions and specific characteristics prevailing in each country or region. The current state of development of the less-industrialized countries cannot be explained by a general theory of underdevelopment, but needs a more restricted analysis that takes into consideration the particular historical conditions that characterize each country, region, social or ethnic group. In Canada, Innis (1930) used a staples perspective to explain economic development, especially with reference to the impact of the fur trade. However, in contrast to the Economic Council of Canada formulation, he incorporated into his analysis sociological, political and structural aspects. Innis was one of the first Canadian economists to explain regional discrepancies in growth through a combination of staples and dependency approaches that "consistently [distinguish] between the 'center' and the 'margin' in Canadian society" (Matthews, 1983, p. 74). The work of Innis (1930), and Cardoso and Falleto (1979) warns researchers against reducing the explanation of the differences in regional economic growth to either "dependency" or the presence in a region of a particular type of natural resource, in a certain historical period. Their approaches could serve as the framework for analyzing differences in development patterns in Canada, specifically between various regions and sectors by incorporating the role of social classes, ethnic groups, and other social forces into the economic analysis. Neo-populism and the peasantry From a different perspective, neo-populist theories of development attribute resistance to modernization in rural communities to the non-capitalist character of the peasant economy (Harrison, 1979; Kitching, 1989). These communities, among them First Nations enclaves, have generally been linked to what is referred to in the literature as 66 "the rural way of life", "traditional" agricultural communities or peasant societies (Bodenstedt, 1990). The explanation for the "modern" existence of these societies in many regions of the world, and the persistence of a "rural way of life" mentality in industrialized countries can be found in theories that use economic relations and cultural values as a base for explanation. Peasants' actions, neo-populists posit, are driven by an economic rationale not guided by profit and capital accumulation but by local traditions and family consumption demands. Moreover, because of the absence of a wage system, small producers in the traditional enterprises of the agricultural sector are able to relax the need to earn the average rate of profit in the country's economy and remain outside the market. Chayanov (1986) in his book, Theory of Peasant Economy, developed an explanation to the persistence of peasant economies whose members refused to be transformed into petty producers within a market-oriented economy. The central argument in Chayanov's (1986) theory was that peasants would work for as long as it was necessary to reach the level of subsistence the local community regarded as acceptable. "For the peasant the central concern [was] not the extra output which he [obtained] from working another hour, but the total output which [gave] him and his family their minimum subsistence" (Kitching, 1989, p. 48). Critics of Chayanov's theory point out that it fails to accommodate the case of peasant communities where scarcity of land is prevalent and family members are driven to engage in wage labour (Wilson, 1989). Moreover, peasant resistance theory does not recognize that the role of household members is not solely determined by internal forces, but is also dependent on external relations with other households and social groups. Given the theoretical limitations derived from the utilization of the household as the central element in the study of peasant formations, Friedmann (1980) suggested as a new unit of analysis the concept of "simple commodity production" which "identifies a class of combined labourers and property owners within a capitalist economy" (p. 162). The 67 persistence of agrarian communities not fully integrated into the capitalist market economy cannot be explained exclusively by cultural resistance arguments, especially in cases of limited availability of productive resources. The explanation needs the double specification of the unit of production (family farm, sharecropping, commercial farm) and the social formation in which the unit operates (i.e., the conditions that define the availability of productive resources, product markets, labour power, credit). Commoditization is another concept that, in Friedmann's (1980) scheme, is needed to explain the persistence of non-capitalist (i.e., underdeveloped) units of production in many rural communities. She defines commoditization as the degree of dependency of the unit of production on market relations (of products and factors of production) over local, personal and community ties. "For the various forms of 'peasant' production to undergo commoditisation, changes must occur in the social formation leading to factor markets, in particular markets in labour power" (Friedmann, 1980, p. 176). Friedmann's modification of the neo-populist perspective brings into the analysis a dual view that incorporates elements pertaining to the local traditional economy and to the capitalist market forces. McMichael and Buttel (1990) also criticize neo-populist explanations, disregarding them as unconvincing arguments. They assert that propositions maintaining that agriculture is a special sector where the laws of capitalist capital accumulation do not apply, might have been valid propositions "five decades or more ago [but] are no longer appropriate theoretical signposts" (pp. 96-97). From their perspective, the new issues confronted by agriculture are related to the expansion of biotechnologies, and "about agro-industrial complexes, the global division of labor in agricultural production and circulation, and their relationships with states and political processes" (p. 97). 68 Gender and Development Until 1970 theories on development did not addressed women's contributions to the economy (Wasilewski, 1993). Although modernization and world-system theories have provided a theoretical framework for analyzing development issues on a global scale, they have generally overlooked gender and ethnicity as important micro-level analytical categories. Two recent studies on world poverty, one by the United Nations Development Program and the other by the World Bank (cited in Elson, 1995) indicated that women are over-represented among the world poor. Despite this fact, "the strategies recommended for poverty alleviation are not based on analysis that systematically takes into account gender relations and the way they are biased against women" (Elson, 1995, p. 59). Development plans have generally overlooked that men and women, because of their traditional roles in society, have different "levels of control over resources, [and] therefore often have different needs" (Moser, 1993, p. 37). Furthermore, development projects have tended to "[ignore] women's agricultural, artisanal and domestic contributions to the peasant household economy" (Wilson, 1990, p. 26). In Canada, the disruption of the local traditional economies created by the arrival of the first European immigrants and the colonization process that followed resulted in the displacement of women from their role in society. "The socioeconomic changes that have served to marginalize many aboriginal men have also wreaked havoc in the lives of aboriginal women" (Chiste, 1994, p. 25). An important misconception about Native women and economic development is that the traditional role of Native women was narrowly confined to home activities which were apolitical and supportive. In fact, Native women in traditional societies held positions which were important in decision making and necessary to the survival of their people. (Canadian Intergovernmental Conference Secretariat, 1986, p. 2) 69 The insertion of the local traditional First Nations economies into the national and international market system has resulted in the incorporation of many men into "commodity production, [while] women have been confined to household production, [including] subsistence farming and the procurement, production, and sale of handicrafts" (Harris, 1990, p. 19). This is a phenomenon not confined to Canada's First Nations rural communities, but can be observed in the majority of rural societies (Redclift, 1987). In closing, it can be said that because government institutions working on development projects generally operate under the assumption that agricultural activities are performed mostly by men, women's concerns do not normally become part of data collected to define policies, hence contributing to the perpetuation of their marginalization. From Theory to Practice The development theories previously discussed provide a conceptual horizon by which to understand and characterize the agricultural development policy approaches found during the period being researched in this study. These policy approaches provide the focus for the analysis of the relationships that take place in civil and political societies and with the state, which in the end define the character of the education extension programs offered to First Nations farmers along with the technical and financial packages to "modernize" the reserves. Development Perspectives and Approaches The theories of development previously discussed provide a deductive macroeconomic and macrosociological interpretation of the possible causes of unequal rates of development existing among nations, regions, and communities. However, at the micro level, the analysis of how agricultural development policies and extension programs are structured requires a more detailed understanding of how they visualize two basic 70 relationships: the exchange between social agents and the physical environment (i.e. material reproduction of societies), and those relationships representing the transmission of culture (i.e. the symbolic reproduction of societies) (Fraser, 1989). The latter corresponds to the relationships among agents, and between agents and social structures, as defined by Giddens (Cohen, 1987). These relationships are the ones that determine the types of development policies that are implemented, and influence the distribution of power and wealth in society, and the responses to the ecological question. Consequently, the study of these relationships is considered central to understanding how different development policies and extension programs have been affected by the interactions between First Nations farmers and Euro-Canadians. Although the boundaries between different approaches to development are difficult to trace, a characterization of those most commonly described in the literature is presented because of its usefulness in guiding the analysis of the data. Two main schools of thought are distinguished according to how the relationship between humans and nature is formulated: modernization, based on an anthropocentric vision, and holism, based on an ecocentric point of view. Moreover, within each development perspective different policy approaches can be identified. Technocentrism and eco-socialism are described as development policies inspired by modernization, while deep ecology, eco-anarchism and First Nations Holism encapsulate a holistic world-view. This analysis stems from the premise that the essence of the agent/nature relationship shapes the economic base on which civil and political societies are founded (Gramsci, 1971), and in this sense it defines the social-cultural values upon which development is construed. The modernization perspective is based on an anthropocentric proposition that regards humans as having moral superiority in the world because of their capacity to think, to reflect and to communicate. On the other hand, holism is based on an ecocentric viewpoint that posits that "the world is an intrinsically dynamic, 71 interconnected web of relations in which there are no absolutely discrete entities and no absolute dividing lines between living and non-living, the animate and the inanimate, or the human an the nonhuman" (Eckersley, 1992, p. 49). The analysis of the interactions between agents and social structures followed Giddens' view that agents and structures are always interacting, creating, and re-creating the social system (Giddens, 1984). Giddens theory of Structuration (Cohen, 1987) provided a theoretical framework for understanding the relationships between micro and macro perspectives and for sensitizing "social researchers to the fact that structure and agency are inextricably intertwined and that one cannot be considered without reference to the other" (Baber,1991, p.229). The relationships between agents and structure are theorized from the standpoint of the agents' transformative capacity, that is their capacity to intervene in all circumstances (Cohen, 1987). From this perspective, the structures impose some limits on social agent actions, and at the same time there is not a certain future pre-determined by the social structures. Consequently, the description of the relationships between humans and nature and between humans and social structures led to the conclusion that out of the five development policy approaches identified, two represent variations within the Western modernity tradition (civilization), and three are the result to an attempt to synthesize a new ecological cosmovision based on principles and values advanced by First Nations and the environmental movement. A summary characterization of the five main development approaches is presented in the following section. Each development policy approach is described according to ontological, epistemological, sociological, economic and political dimensions that are regarded as important, not only because they allow the identification of common 72 characteristics and differences, but also because they help to clarify that, in some instances, apparently opposing development approaches have common foundational roots. Modernization; An Anthropocentric World View Although modernization is generally regarded as a distinct development world-view characterized by industrialism and technological progress, policy approaches founded on modernization can assume various forms as they are rendered concrete under diverse circumstances. In the context of this study two policy approaches founded on modernization are identified: technocentrism and eco-socialism. The following section describes both approaches. The Dominant Development Perspective: Technocentrism Technocentrism postulated on the idea of continuous growth regulated by market forces is today the dominant development paradigm. Although it admits that there are threats to the biosphere derived from human activities, it is confident that research and technological developments will eventually overcome them (Pepper, 1993). The rational base for technocentric development policies is provided by modernization theory that attributes the "problem" of lack of development in less industrialized areas and communities to their incapacity to adopt new technologies, and to their insistence on maintaining traditional ways of living. Through selectively describing certain groups as "abnormal" ("invisible minorities", "Indians", "illiterates" or "welfare recipients") (Escobar, 1984-85), and via the construction of hierarchical categories like "Third World countries" or "underdevelopment", technocentrism transforms the symptoms of the "problem" (illiteracy, poor housing conditions, lack of essential medical services, low productivity) into its causes. Accordingly, the solution to poverty and backwardness is to be found in the implementation of development programs that are aimed at eliminating its 73 "scientifically" and pre-identified causes. Capital and technologies from the industrialized world are thus introduced to these regions and countries by means of extension programs on the assumption that they would necessarily have the (positive) effect of bringing economic growth and progress (Escobar, 1987). In recent years, technocentrism has also been utilized to suggest alternative solutions to problems posed by the contradictions between capital and the natural environment (J. O'Connor, 1991). 97 The modernization concepts embedded in technocentnsirr are important since they define, at a fundamental level, the type of relationships governing the interaction between humans and nature and the role of technology in its appropriation. Although modern development can take several forms, all of them consider humans as the center of scientific and philosophical efforts. Their differences become apparent only regarding the use of technologies to further the cause of human material well-being, and to the socioeconomic and political systems with which they preferred to be associated. Modernization conceptualizes humans as superior beings "on [their] way to becoming gods, supreme beings who could create a second world, using the natural world only as building blocks for our new creation" (Fromm, 1976, p.xxiii). For those who subscribe to this conception of the relationship between humans and external nature, the fundamental elements are science and technology, power and control. Humans through their capacity to think and reflect have consistently undertaken the task of dominating the natural world and as a result have become "separated from nature." Under these circumstances there is only one objective scientific rationality (scientism) that allows humans to acquire "true knowledge." Modernization's central preoccupation is the ^ ' Technocentrism is premised on modernization concepts based on an ontology that Maturana (1992) calls "transcendental" because it defines existence with respect to a referent outside of the subject (i.e. independent from the observer). In the case of modernization the outside independent referent are the universal laws of nature. 74 resolution of the contradiction between capital and labor, treating nature as external to the production process. By making visible the relationship between modernization and a positivist epistemology it is possible to understand that the supposedly "neutral" and technical recommendations of technocentric programs are ideologically normative. Behind the modernization paradigm is the assumption that all societies recognize that their members should develop and progress to a certain level of individual self-actualization, and that all of them must strive for the highest possible level of material well-being. Modernization can thus be characterized by its linear sense of time, its progressivism, its focus on causality, its dichotomous way of thinking (only opposites exist), its anthropocentrism and humanistic view, and its strong belief in the power of rationalism. Rationalism in the modernization context is closely associated with the idea of purposive-rational action (Bernstein, 1991) and development as progress through mastering and controlling the world. "[Weber] described as 'rational' the process of disenchantment which led in Europe to a disintegration of religious world views that issued in a secular culture" (Habermas, 1985/1987, p. 1). Through the work of science, the universal laws that govern nature and social processes have progressively become known and subsequently have been used as norms for action, applied equally to all fields of knowledge (economics, political, social, management, biology, chemistry, and so on). For Western rationalism human actions are judged as "rational" or "irrational," utilizing as a standard of measurement the universal natural laws discovered by science. In recent years a variation within the technocentric approach has emerged trying to address the increasing contradiction between capital and nature. Their advocates have been called by Pepper (1993) "light greens" or technocentric environmentalists. They are usually committed to sustainable agriculture and organic farming. Although these are concepts that imply a shift in the conception of how to balance the use of renewable 75 resources with growth, these new constructs are being co-opted by technocentric programs, and used as a new form of "scientific technical rationality." The concept of sustainable development can be considered a concrete expression of this development perspective. It does not reject the possibility of continuous growth and its main concern is related to new environmentally conscious technologies (or appropriate technologies). Eco-socialism: an anthropocentric critique of modernization Eco-socialism is an emerging approach to development that tries to escape from the excesses of both state socialism (Eastern Europe) and market capitalist modernization. Eco-socialism is nonetheless an anthropocentric undertaking based on an humanist modernization approach. It propounds the idea of balanced ecological growth that is based on technologies whose applications are socially controlled for the collective good. Eco-socialism takes its ideological foundations from different strands of critical theory and Western Marxism. "[Many] theorists within this tradition occasionally draw on Western Marxist insight alongside other older traditions and contemporary strands of socialist thought, including Utopian socialism, the self-management ideas of the New Left, and socialist feminism" (Eckersley, 1992, p. 119-120). Eco-socialism is founded on a critically reflective epistemology^ and a constitutive ontology that privileges the idea of 28 A critically reflective epistemology steins from the general tradition of critical theories (Griffin, 1989). Its main features are the affirmation of relativity and subjectivity as the basis of its method of inquiry. Critical theory can be distinguished from the relativity and subjectivity of hermeneutics in that it goes beyond an individual construction of knowledge from the ahistorical perspective of the subject. For critical theorists social phenomena are socially constructed, starting from the historical material conditions in which they occur. It is critical in that it tries to uncover the underlying interest that motivates social activities. In order for the conditions of critical modernization to become realized, what is required is intersubjective reasoning that constitutes the basis for a communicative rationality that is translated into forms of knowledge construction that are intersubjectively agreed upon. Intersubjective rationality is therefore contextual and does not apply equally to all knowledge domains (economics, politics, sociology, management, biology, and so on). Instrumental scientific rationality allows humans only to acquire "true knowledge" with regard to the natural world, liberating them from their "false knowledge". However, in the realm of practical knowledge (i.e. of social relations and the self), critically reflective learning (Welton, 1993) based on an intersubjective rationality helps to understand that sociologically constructed knowledge is contextual and relative and therefore one can only discuss the validity of a concept in terms of "false consciousness" but not in terms of "false knowledge" (Israel, 1990). 76 several overlapping interpretations of reality that result from different personal experiences.^9 Through critically reflecting on their experiences, humans can learn to live in a conscious controlled balance with external nature, with themselves and with the actually existing social structures. Critical modernization postulates that history is being continually constructed through a dialectical relationship between subject, the natural world, and social structures. Early critical theorists maintained that modernization, under the illusion of a science built upon an objective rationality that ignored the subjectivity of human existence, generated technologies that turned themselves against the aims of the modern project. Modernization, whose aim was to produce greater individual freedom and happiness, generated instead a society subjugated by work due to an obsessive quest for material progress (Kellner, 1990; Marcuse, 1989). In contrast with technocentrism, eco-socialism theorizes that humans, in their constant interaction with the physical environment, are in a state of "conscious control [of] nature" (Grundman, 1991, p.111). Under this circumstance what is needed is a rationality that it is not absolute but contextual since it must accommodate, within distinct cultural environments, different economic, gender and ethnic relationships. In order to reach any form of contextual (as opposed to objective) rationality, and to avoid the impossibility of creating a complete new science, Habermas proposes a framework of analysis where humans use instrumental rationality in their relation to the external world and a communicative rationality to govern their internal nature (Whitebook, 1979). Humans as social beings need to communicate among themselves to make sense of their reality. This 29 A constitutive ontology presupposes a relativistic conception of reality, rejects the idea of universal principles and, on the basis of a philosophy of language, postulates that the external reality and the self are socially constructed based on ever-changing negotiated referents resulting from each individual experience (nominalism). The various interpretations of reality (or bracket objectivities) are constituted in language in the praxis of living (Maturana, 1992). 77 necessarily requires some form of communicative action based on a form of intersubjective rationality (Habermas, 1968/1971; 1988/1992a). Habermas' proposal lies within the boundaries of modernity and his critique is directed at the excesses of scientism and not at instrumental rationality that governs the study of the relations with external nature. Being within the modern tradition, Habermas' proposal is anthropocentric and rejects the idea of an environmental ethics based on a conception of nature that regards an egalitarian treatment of all beings, human and non-human, as the foundation of human moral actions (Eder, 1990). For Habermas, the solution to the ecological crisis lies in the social arena because the end to the conflicts between humans will mean the end to the conflict between humans and nature. "A solution to the ecology crisis would therefore follow from a solution to the 'social question' and it would not be necessary to develop a qualitatively new relationship to the natural world" (Whitebook, 1979, p. 61). Confronting the current environmental problems brought about by mass consumption does not require a new science but a different way of living. "The world will be different only if we live differently" (Maturana & Varela, 1987, p. 245). Development programs that follow a eco-socialist approach are to be based on an environmental ethic that proposes the concept of conscious controlled growth. Development, in the critical paradigm, is to be based on technologies that are aimed not at the mastery of nature for itself but, as Benjamin wrote, "of the relation between nature and man" (cited in Grudmann, 1991, p. 113, footnote 51). Eco-socialism (Red/Greens)-^ is not only critical of the negative impacts on the environment of the short term nature of the profit maximization efforts of capitalism, but also of Marxist theory. Eco-socialism claims that Marx's almost exclusive concentration 30 For an interesting discussion about the differences between red-greens or ecosocialists with a Marxist orientation; green-greens, radical ecologists or ecocentrics; and light-greens, or technocentric environmnetalists, see Pepper (1993), Chapters 1 and 2. 78 on the commodification of labour, neglects not only the significance of the commodification of land but also the need to preserve natural resources and ecological balance (Leff, 1993). The contradiction between the forces of production (i.e., capital and labour) is no longer sufficient to explain social processes. Today, as the destruction of the conditions of production (natural and urban environments and labor power itself) becomes evident, it is necessary to incorporate a new contradiction. This new contradiction is between capital, labour and external nature, a condition that J. O'Connor has called The Second Contradiction of Capitalism (J. O'Connor, 1988; 1991). What eco-socialism is advancing, is the need to expand Marxist analysis to include the originally overlooked value of natural processes in the determination of the value of commodities. As the foundation of development programs critical modernization does not deny its anthropocentric character. Given that what constitutes an "ecological problem" is shaped by the cultural values of each society, to reach any form of collective understanding (locally, nationally and internationally) it is necessary to use some common reference point. Critical modernization posits that the referent should be human actions measured against their effects on nature and the benefits or damages to humans. To value human actions only on their effects on nature, as advanced by deep ecologists, would require society to adopt a form of mystical standpoint. As indicated elsewhere, critical modernization can be regarded as part of the modern tradition but within the stream of a radicalized modernity (Giddens, 1990) that is critical of the excesses of classical modernity, whether liberal or Marxist. From a critical modernization development perspective the preservation of renewable and non-renewable resources is a pivotal concern. "Ecological sensibility would, if developed fully, involve a transformation in the human perception of nature together with a revolution in ethics" (Torgerson, 1985, p.34). Ecological sensibility and communicative ethics are the foundations for developmental policies based on the concepts 79 of ecological agriculture and appropriate technologies (Madden, 1988). They can constitute the point of contact between the critical modernization perspective on development and the holistic world-view of many First Nations. Development programs based on a critical modernization perspective attempt to change society's social structures through changing people's modes of cognition and understanding (Burrell and Morgan, 1979; Adams, 1988).-^  Eco-socialism, as development approach, advocates social changes by means of intellectual persuasion rather than political means. It aims at building an egalitarian society where the civil society is expanded beyond the economic sphere to include other groups, becoming the vehicle through which the hegemonic control exercised by the bourgeoisie or the industrial workers can be undermined. It provides an opportunity to "undermine [their] position in the realm of ideas, values, culture, education, and ... thus prepare the way, gradually and over a long period, for a political, revolutionary struggle against the capitalist state and property relations" (Pelczynski, 1988, p.365). To achieve the goal of consciously controlled ecological growth, under new social, economic and political structures and organizations, eco-socialism propounds a form of participatory democracy, within a socially-controlled market economy (Habermas, 1990). Eco-socialism has been criticized, from within the paradigm, by feminists who denounce "the male domination of socialist organizations, their authoritarian political style, and their masculinist modes of thought" (Kirk, p. 127), that continue to ignore the importance of women's unpaid work at home and in the care of the family. Socialist i 1 Sociologically, critical modernization is associated with the radical humanist paradigm (Burrell & Morgan, 1979) that emphasizes the humanist notion of human agencies capable of creating their own history Radical humanism aims to free humans from any type of oppression (political, economic, gender, ethnic or religious) through an increased level of consciousness that should be the result of a permanent dialogue. For an in-depth discussion about reason as dialogical, intersubjective and communicative, see Bernstein (1991), Chapter 7; Habermas (1968/1971), Appendix; Habermas (1985/1987), Chapter 11; Habermas (1988/1992), Chapter 6. 80 ecofeminists emphasize the need to incorporate into an eco-socialist program the "centrality of women's life-sustaining work" (Morris, 1993, p. 132), and the social recognition of such work as an economic activity to be included in the national accounts. They also advocate that women's interests and experiences must be incorporated into a red/green feminist program, where aesthetic, intellectual and physical work are recognized as socially productive. They warn, however, against falling into the trap of romantically equating women with nature's "harmony", and thus creating a celebration of femininity with strong mystical connotations that might overshadow gender, economic, and ethnic exploitation. Holism: Non-anthropocentric Approaches to Development The increasing concerns with the excesses of technological development and its impact on the natural and social worlds have prompted many researchers and social activists to advance alternative views on the modernization project. They posit a holistic view of life, captured by the ontological position that Fromm (1976) described as the Being Mode, that conceptualizes humans as "part o f and "in balance with" nature. Holism claims that human beings are an integral component of the external (natural) world, and therefore rejects the dichotomy of subject and object. Holism must be thought of as an attempt to articulate an alternative cosmovision or civilizing project different from modernization. It it based on a different set of social values, social organization and relationship with nature. i l Advocates of a holistic development perspective can be characterized by their affirmation that systems are constituted by parts that are interrelated in a circuit in such a way that the whole is not equal to the sum of its parts. Moreover, those who espouse holism reject the Cartesian dualist approach to the construction of knowledge and postulate that "mind/body, subject/object, are each two aspects of the same process" (Berman, 1981, p. 237). See James Lovelock's (1989) formulation of the Gaia hypothesis. 81 Holism's new ecological world-view breaks away from the philosophical project of modernity and advances a new rationality that requires the enunciation of a fresh approach to the construction of knowledge arid technological development that does not conceive nature exclusively as an object of domination (Whitebook, 1979). According to Bagarolo (1992), [ecology] is becoming [such] a science [going] beyond a single biological discipline, presenting itself as an interdisciplinary science of that unitary entity called the Biosphere, of which human societies are an integral part, and whose impact has become the primary factor in the Biosphere's evolution, (p. 140) As an emerging world-view, holism is being used as an umbrella to bring under one roof different, although related, ways of defining the relationship between humans and the natural environment. Among the many ways through which holism is being currently expressed, three will be discussed in the following section, given their relevance to this study. They are, eco-anarchism, First Nations holism, and deep ecology. The first is advanced by social ecology and bio-regionalist groups, the second by many aboriginal leaders and groups, and the third by the biocentric environmental movement. The understanding of how development based on a naturalistic approach is conceived by First Nations people; by environmental groups that support biocentrism, and by Canada's governmental institutions, whose policies and programs are broadly based on the Western European tradition, is essential to grasping the meaning of agricultural extension practice on the reserves of British Columbia. It is also a pre-requisite to gaining an insight into the formulation of future policies. Holism is based on an epistemology that is reflective and hermeneutical. Such an epistemology corresponds to a construction of knowledge based on the premise that the social sciences, rather than trying to find regularities in an analytical-normative manner, 82 should attempt to understand how social phenomena are apprehended from the subjective perspective of the observers within their own cultural traditions.^ From a reflective hermeneutic perspective there are not privileged epistemologies because of the relationship of the "epistemological subject to an object domain that itself shares the structures of subjectivity" (Habermas, 1970/1988, p.90). In the following section a brief discussion of the holistic economic development approaches is presented. Eco-anarchism: A Non-Marxist Approach Anarchist ideas extend over a wide range of political convictions that makes it difficult to reduce them to a single congruous development approach. To side step this problem, following Eckersley (1992), the name of eco-anarchism is chosen to designate the brand of anarchist ideas that can be said to be broadly linked to postmodernization,-^ and "defines itself, by and large, as a distinct alternative to, rather than an extension, reformulation, or revision of ... Marxist heritage" (p. 145). Eco-anarchism must then be distinguished from anarcho-syndicalism and anarchist communism. Within the eco-anarchist perspective two main tendencies can be identified: social ecology and ecocommunalism, both having strong ecofeminist support (Eckersley, 1992). A reflective epistemology is founded on the notion that the cultural sciences need a method that can produce valid information based on understanding rather than explanation, and "provide a means of studying the world of human affairs by reliving or re-enacting the experience of others" (Burrell and Morgan, 1979, p.230). 34 In this study, postmodernization represents the use of postmodernist analysis in the field of economic development, especially with regard to agriculture and the ecological crisis. Postmodernity rejects the idea of any specific foundation and represents a direct assault on the unity of reason. It stands in opposition to transcendental ontologies, adhering to a nihilistic conception of the world that negates any possibility for a consensual understanding of a collective existence, based on the use of reason to choose one moral value over another (a form of radical individualism or absolute nominalism). Drawing heavily from existentialism, postmodern thought focuses on human existence, rejecting any attempt to define the individual through scientific, philosophical, or political totalizing essences (or concepts). 83 Eco-anarchism can be connected to postmodernizing ideas because of its rejection of authority and adherence to cultural relativism. "They reject universals (apart from laws of ecology) being imposed on groups, in favor of self-determination, and they reject, in green theorizing, the hidden and structural in favor of the superficial" (Pepper, 1993, p. 57). The social ecologist form of eco-anarchism proclaims that agents and external nature should be treated as discrete, separate entities, implying that their program is neither anthropocentric nor biocentric. J They recognize the interconnection between nature and the social, emphasizing the idea of balance between the elements that form the biosphere. They favor limited natural growth, locally controlled, where there is no need for external experts, the state or any other form of centralized control (Pepper, 1993). Social ecology differs from other anarchist tendencies because it subscribes to utopianism. "[To Bookchin] dialectics are nor merely about explaining how and why things have been, ... they are about potentiality: what could and ought to be" (Pepper, 1993, p. 165). This Utopian vision that requires an ethical normative stand is a departure from postmodern thought that negates the possibility of reasoning to arrive at moral decisions. For Bookchin the current ecological crisis does not stem from the domination of nature by humans (in capitalist and state socialist systems alike), but from the domination of humans by humans through the creation of social hierarchies. Hence the solution to the ecological crisis is the dismantling of all social stratifications. Social ecology advocates an ecological ethic as the foundation of society, rejecting capitalism as an economic system. Economic activities, based on small scale projects would be carried out through production and food cooperatives, land would be collectively owned and held Murray Bookchin is probably the best known social ecologist. For detailed information on the foundations of eco-anarchist social ecology, see Bookchin (1980) and (1990). 84 in trust by the local members of the community, with financial capital under the control of local credit unions. The new system would function based on a form of radical democracy exercised through regular town/community meetings and referenda. The second eco-anarchist approach is ecocommunalism that according to Eckersley (1992), has two streams: bio-regionalism and monasticism. Although both streams emphasize local control and regional self-reliance, they differ from social ecology in their emphasis on the individual over the social. Bio-regionalism emphasizes the liberation of the self and the realization of the potential of the defined bio-region. The success or failure of development projects is judged on their capacity to help human communities to adapt to an ecosystem, rather than by their ability to change an environment to accommodate human needs or wants. From this perspective bio-regionalism is basically a conservative project that differs from technocentrism only in the scale of the projects and its emphasis on decentralization. An Aboriginal Cosmovision: First Nations Holism Although there are many differences concerning how various First Nations people articulate their particular world-views on development, this section describes the main features that permit characterizing First Nations cultural traditions as constituting part of a holistic world-view. One of the essential components in a First Nations' view of development is the relationship between humans and the natural world. From a First Nations cultural perspective, humans and other living beings are regarded as an integral part of the universe. "There is a harmony in the universe, among our relatives, among the animals and among all creatures. ... We believe all should be cared for in our Nations, that caring and sharing, not self-interest, must be our overriding aims" (Mercredi and Turpel, 1993, pp. 44-45). 85 From this naturalistic project flows an integrated approach where it is difficult to separate the social sphere from the economic sphere, myth from knowledge. Ovide Mercredi, National Chief of The Assembly of First Nations has stated that for First Nation's people the relationship to the land is a sacred one, since Turtle Island, the land where they have always lived, was given to them by the Creator, the Great Spirit. "We have a responsibility to care for and live in harmony with all of [land] creations" (Mercredi and Turpel, 1993, p. 16). The profound sense of wholeness and connectedness that characterize the holistic First Nations world-view not only defines the relationship between humans and nature, but also the way knowledge is constructed. In opposition to the fragmentary and quantitative approach that characterizes modernization epistemologies, First Nations and other aboriginal peoples make it explicit that they consider knowledge construction as closely linked to (an extension of) their culture and value system. What I am saying is that Inuit have always thought in a very ecological way about everything, not just ecology. When we think of something or discover a new fact, we also think of all interconnections between fact and everything else. And so it is with our science: it is going to be connected to everything within our culture. If scientists have trouble with this idea, I think they should take time to understand it better. I think we have something important to teach them that will make them much better researchers and help them solve problems more easily. (D.W. Inukjuaq, cited in Brooke, 1993, p. 33) First Nations conceive their relationship with the land very differently from a Western modernization perspective that regards the natural world mainly as a means to satisfy human needs and wants. From a Western modernization perspective, land is looked upon as a commodity or object that can be manipulated, possessed and traded in the market place. In traditional First Nations and aboriginal societies, land is considered a living entity that humans relate to, "subject to subject" (Couture, 1978, p. 129). The fundamental difference between the Western modernization world-view and First Nations 86 holism can be summarized in Ovide Mercredi1 s words: "Our struggle is not about power or greed; it is about understanding and taking responsibility for the land" (Mercredi and Turpel, 1993, p. 19). The relationship of First Nations with the natural world is spiritual. It is founded in maintaining a balance of nature through respecting all living beings. "To the Gitksan and Wet'suwet'en human beings are part of an interacting continuum which includes animals and spirits" (Gitksan and Wet'suwet'en 1987, p. 18). In a world where humans are an integral part of nature and the universe, and where accumulation of material wealth based on greed is not the ultimate goal, work is not regarded as an unpleasant punishment but a task to be performed to live in harmony with the cosmos (Bonfil, 1987). The way of understanding their position in the world is symbolized by a "master schema of understanding (root metaphor)" (Bowers, 1993, p. 152) that is described by Walens (in Bowers, 1993, p. 152) as follows: [The] Kwakiutl moral universe becomes united ... by the fact that the entire universe contains all beings within its bounds, and that all beings are subject to the principle of being both hungry and the food of other beings that are themselves hungry. The Kwakiutl universe is a universe of related beings, all of whom have the moral responsibility to control their eating. Eating is a universal property of the world, and thus it is the basis of morality. From a sociological perspective, First Nations Holism can be characterized as a system where structures take preference over individual members who are organized in an egalitarian society. In this type of society, the welfare of individual members of the group is a communal responsibility. Social institutions are created through the daily praxis of living and preserved by written and oral traditions. Communal life (the interaction of individuals and institutions) is organized through social structures based on principles of consensus and harmony. The rule of the majority, through the exercise of the right to vote, is only one form of democracy (i.e., representative democracy); most First Nations 87 people understand democracy differently. In their communities, prior to the arrival of European immigrants, collective decisions were reached through a hereditary system based on ample consultation and participation of the members of the community (i.e., a form of participatory democracy). Privileging individual rights over those of the community is also a Western idea that was forced on to the First Nations communities in Canada with disastrous consequences. "Progress as individuals does not guarantee progress as a group; some people will be left behind. ... Individualism is, by its very nature in a capitalistic society, nothing more than survival of those who are most competitive" (Mercredi and Turpel, 1993, p. 114) Traditionally, First Nations institutions have been thought of not as separate units responsible for specific aspects of the social life in the community, but as non-discrete units that look at all aspects of the social system. A good example of the application of this principle can be found in the administration of justice. The Canadian (Western) legal system of justice is based on punishment and the protection of individual rights (the guarantee of a fair trial). Among First Nations the emphasis is placed on the reintegration of the offender into society and on a healing process that brings together the offender and the victim. From a development point of view, First Nations Holism results in a form of living that is in balance with the Biosphere, where the emphasis is not on accumulating material wealth but on the distribution of it. Social authority is gained by distributing wealth and by working to improve the welfare of the collective (Bonfil, 1987). Therefore, development is to take place in the form of technological systems that follow the laws of nature (World Council of Indigenous Peoples [WCIP], 1987) within a system where structures that regulate society's institutions take precedence over the individual agent. Moreover, "development" is founded in a social ethic that has as its central concepts 88 sharing, giving and collective survival. For First Nations people knowledge and traditions have for generations defined development as a balanced process where humans, as an integral part of Nature, have to live in harmony with the surrounding environment. In Chief George Manuel's words: The present concern with ecological disasters visited upon Western man by his failure to recognize land, water, and air as social, not individual, commodities, testifies to aboriginal man's sophistication in his conception of universal values. ...[A First Nations holistic perspective supports] the utilization of technology and its life-enhancing potential within the framework of the values of the peoples of the Aboriginal World. (Manuel & Posluns, 1974, p. 11) The nature of the relationships between humans and the environment is one of the issues that highlights the contradictory views of local culture (First Nations and counter-culture groups) and the culture of Westernized "modern" planners and of the hegemonic sectors within Canadian society. Deep Ecology: A Biocentric Approach Deep ecology's ideas are being articulated through social and political movements whose main interest is the conservation of natural habitats in order to maintain the biological diversity that still exists on Earth.^ Deep ecology, however, has been criticized from inside and outside the environmental movement^ because it has not advanced clear and concrete proposals about the organization of society. Despite Naess's (1988) eight point platform for deep ecology, eco-philosophy has criticized the general vagueness of the premises and their general mystic tone. If the emerging deep ecology The group called Earth First!, active in the Pacific Northwest regions of the United States exemplifies an active, uncompromising approach to the protection of wilderness areas. See Tokar (1988). 37 Deep ecology must be distinguished from social ecology that is closer to bioregionalism and ecoanarchism. For a glimpse at the debate between deep ecologists, social ecologists, and ecosocialists, see Tokar (1988); Light (1993a); Bookchin (1993); Light (1993b), and Benton (1989). 89 movement is undertaking the task of articulating a new world-view, it has still to advance a clear alternative to the mechanistic and empirical basis of modernization. Any new world view, to be convincing, needs to go beyond a mystical approach and be able "to propose and articulate its own cosmology, its own ethics, and its own eschatology" (Skolimowski, 1988, p. 124). From a deep ecology perspective the relationship between humans and nature is a naturalistic proposal where the preservation of the natural environment becomes the ultimate goal. Deep ecology presents itself as an alternative biocentric civilizatory project that transcends critical modernization by making humans a non-priviliged member of the Biosphere (Naess, 1988). Deep ecology's absolute rejection of the principle that humans are in any sense privileged within the biosphere has directed them to rally against the utilization of animals in research and against First Nations hunting practices. Their pronouncement that the flourishing of non-human life needs a decrease in human population, has led some extremist groups within the environmental movement to proclaim that the famine in Ethiopia or the AIDS epidemic are just natural processes to biologically control population growth (Tokar, 1988). These misanthropic statements, although shared by only a minority of deep ecologists, need to be taken seriously. For deep ecologists, societal changes and the long-term solutions to environmental problems will be the result of changes in human consciousness rather than in the material conditions and structures of society. Their biocentric program supports a no-growth approach to economic development that stems from the principle that "humans have no right to reduce [the] richness and diversity [of life forms], except to satisfy vital needs" (Naess, 1988, p. 130). Deep ecologists disagree with social ecologists whose propositions regarding the nature of the so-called ecological crisis perceive it as a fundamentally social issue with its solution lying in ecocentrism (Tokar, 1988). For them, what is needed is a planning 90 process that "is based not in the realm of the rational, but rather in those realms of consciousness that lie beyond the rational" (Markley and Harman, 1982, p. 154). Deep ecology maintains that societal transformation (i.e. collective transformations) will come as a result of individual transcendental changes based on intuition/emotions rather than rational decisions. It can hence be characterized as a solipsist world-view that grants a privileged position to the self over social relationships, and consequently tends to maintain the status quo. Although deep ecology posits that the ecological crisis has resulted from the excesses of industrialism, it does not question the dominant capitalist Western socioeconomic system based on a liberal political ideology. Deep ecology's proposal of a biocentric approach to resolving environmental problems has failed to advance an alternative program to confront the social problems related to poverty, ethnic inequality, gender oppression and others created by industrialism. Their proclamation of the rights of the non-human populations, "except to satisfy vital needs" (Naess, 1988, p. 130) requires further analysis. To decide which needs are to be considered as "vital" as opposed to "non-vital" would necessarily require the existence of some socially-agreed parameter to be used as a measuring standard. For many deep ecologists who belong to the upper classes in the industrialized world (and the less-industrialized world) the preservation of wilderness areas for their aesthetic enjoyment can be considered a vital need, while the cutting of wood in Central Africa would probably be regarded as essential for survival. Links between Agricultural Extension and Development This study's theoretical approach upholds the existence of a close relationship between the ideology hegemonic in society (in the Gramscian's sense) and the 91 development programs that are proposed and implemented as a result. 8 Furthermore, it follows Habermas' proposition "that there is no fixed boundary between philosophy and the critical social sciences. There is - and ought to be - a symbiotic relationship between philosophy and the social sciences, although they are not reducible to each other" (Bernstein, 1991, p. 223). Hence, the analysis assumes that there is a dialectical, dynamic, inescapable link between political, developmental and extension perspectives and approaches (i.e., between power, knowledge, and actions). The study and analysis of these relationships is "fundamental to understanding the reproductive character of adult education and its emancipatory possibilities' (Torres, 1990, Preface). As stated elsewhere, during the late 1950s and early 1960s policy makers in the industrialized countries were searching for mechanisms to lessen the significant differences that continued to exist between Western "developed" countries and those in Africa, Asia and Latin America regarding the creation and accumulation of wealth. Working from the assumption that education was the key element in facilitating social upward mobility and the integration of marginalized groups into main stream society, policy makers found the answer to "underdevelopment" in the provision of formal and informal educational programs in cities and rural areas. The human capital approach advanced in 1962 by T.W. Schultz "provided a framework for incorporating the economics of education, the economics of discrimination, and the economics of poverty ... into an applied branch of micro-econmics, loosely termed 'the economics of human resources'" (Sobel, 1982, p. - } ° The term "ideological orientations" is used in the Gramscian sense to describe the ideological superstructure or the totality of forms of social consciousness and manifestation in collective life of a group or society. For a brief and clear discussion on the different meaning of ideology, see Bottomore (1983, pp. 218-223). 92 56). As Saint-Germain (1985) stated, "[human] capital and modernization have played a major role over the last twenty years in justifying development actions, the growth of resources for education, and the role of foreign expertise" (p. 19). While human capital ideas have served as the theoretical basis for the implementation of programs aimed at the modernization of "backward" communities, education has been one of the instruments utilized to implement them. Hegemonic groups in industrialized and less-industrialized countries visualize education not only as the means to teach technical skills to marginalized individuals and groups, but more importantly, to induce changes in their attitudes, values and beliefs so that they become part of a common goal of nation building (Sobel, 1982). Torres (1990) contends, citing a number of studies, that the contribution of adult education programs to development has not been as significant as originally claimed by human capital and development advocates. Although adult education programs in farming communities have had an effect on improving productivity through better decision making, the correlation between education and earnings depends on many other variables. "[Available] evidence tends to suggest that the wage [earning] structure depends upon variables exogenous to individual productivity. These variables include gender, race, the nature of the firm's market, and/or social class background" (Torres, 1990, p. 116). As an instrument for national unity educational programs presuppose common national development goals. In Canada, however ^  modernization efforts of First Nations communities have not met this condition. While First Nations conceive education and agricultural extension programs as an instrument for their empowerment (self-government and self-reliance), Canada sees those programs as an instrument to transmit Western modernization ideas aimed at their assimilation. The association among different areas of political, economic and social activity stems from their common foundation on a social science paradigm that illuminates all of 93 them. "In this sense, a particular type of Extension - both theory and practice - is inserted in a political project of development and is therefore intrinsically political" (Nef, 1989, p. 38). Therefore, the type of extension education approach ascribed to each particular development program could be expected to be congruent with the development perspective guiding it. So is the role of the extension agent. "All educational efforts since the early 1960s have been made in light of 'certain theories of development'"(Saint-Germain, 1985, p. 17). Furthermore, each development and extension program can be assumed to be guided by a policy approach that represents a set of specific intentions that depend on particular socioeconomic, cultural, structural, gender, and political affiliations (Carruthers, 1994). This theoretical perspective warrants the proposition that the state, and groups within the government and the political society utilize agricultural extension education programs to promote their own worldvisions in society. Agricultural Extension as "Cultural Invasion" Elsewhere it is stated that a number of political scientists and educational theorists (Aronowitz & Giroux, 1991; Bourdieu, 1994; Freire, 1973; Gramsci, 1971; Torres, 1990) maintain that there is a close association between ideologies, policies and programs in government and private institutions, and every day life activities. The notion of political sociology suggests the study of power and relations of authority as structures in the various levels of social organization. It suggests an analytical approach concerned with the connections among religion, kinship relations, social classes, interest groups (of the most diverse type), and the political culture (ideology, value system, Weltanschauung) of actors and social groups in the determination of political decisions, and in the constitution of social consensus - or failing that, a confrontation and distancing - of actors and social classes with respect to the legitimation of public policy. (Torres, 1990, Preface) In the agricultural sector, these connections can be rendered visible through an analysis of the policies guiding existing development programs and the extension 94 education services associated with them. Moreover, from a critical perspective, it can be argued that extension education programs can serve as instruments through which the conceptions of development of those in hegemonic positions in the state and government, are transmitted to farming and rural communities. The connections among power, knowledge and extension are particularly relevant to the study of First Nations development and extension programs. These links become especially significant if we consider them in light of Freire's (1973) reflections on the meaning of extension. They provide insight into the nature and potential implications of DIAND extension activities. It appears that the act of extension ... means that those carrying it out need to go to "another part of the world" to "normalize it," according to their way of viewing reality: to make it resemble their world. Thus, in its "field of association" the term extension has a significant relation to transmission, handing over, giving, messianism, mechanical transfer, cultural invasion, manipulation. All these terms imply actions which transform people into "things" and negate their existence as beings who transform the world, (p. 95) Freire's (1973) critical analysis of the meaning of extension maintains that programs, where the extension agent "seeks to penetrate another cultural-historical situation and impose his system of values on its members" (p. 113) represent a case of what he calls "cultural invasion". Under these circumstances, many (often government-sponsored) agricultural extension education programs can be characterized as being designed to reproduce and strengthen the current social structures and the existing cultural systems (class culture, power structures, cultural capital) prevalent in society. Contrarily, initiatives directed at facilitating the processes of social and cultural production, like those advocating non-mainstream ideas (Weiler, 1988), or those aimed at creating a local nucleus of "postmodern resistance" (Aronowitz & Giroux, 1991, p. 118) are generally found only in private institutions operating in the realm of the civil and political society. 95 The connection between power, knowledge and education stresses the importance of language as a form of establishing or contesting power relationships, (i.e. language can be used for domination or liberation), especially if we consider that the full comprehension of social actions can only occur "in an objective framework that is constituted conjointly by language, labor, and domination (Habermas in Gallagher, 1992, p. 242). Furthermore, if we accept Habermas1 proposition that human beings acquire knowledge as a result of their technical, practical and emancipatory interests, and that these "knowledge-constitutive interests take form in the medium of work, language and power" (Habermas, 1968/1971, p. 313), we should recognize that although all interpretations take place in language, they can also be distorted by "extrahermeneutical factors: material and hegemonic factors such as economic status and social class" (Gallagher, 1992, p.242).: Therefore, from the perspective of Habermas' framework, it can be maintained that the creation of discursive formations that are continuously being incorporated into the day to day language of extension programs is used to persuade farmers to adopt new technologies. The transmission, for example, of new technological packages (i.e., use of bovine somatotropin to increase milk production in cows) requires that the farming community become convinced of the advantages of adopting them. To accomplish this goal, extension programs incorporate into their educational material discoursive formations (Sampson, 1993) in the form of metaphors (Bowers, 1993) that, after being regularly transmitted to a farming community, become part of their symbolic capital. In a majority of cases the adoption of new technologies is predicated on the premise of increased profits where "profit" becomes the metaphorical representation of a "prosperous good life". 96 Metaphors like ... the technicist metaphors of "efficiency" and "rationality" [are] used ... as though they have the same meaning to every cultural group. One of the purposes of ... examining the metaphorical nature of the language/thought connection, and how language encodes the schemata (ideological orientation) of a cultural group, [is] to clarify ... the dangers of basing theory and classroom practices on a conduit view of language. (Bowers, 1993, p. 1) In the case of the British Columbia's agricultural extension program it is possible to claim that, responding to the worldwide expansion of neo-conservative ideologies (Resnick, 1989), the British Columbia Ministry of Agriculture, Fisheries and Food (BCMAFF) began to emphasize in the early 1980s the importance of markets, efficiency and individual entrepreneurship, using them as symbolic representations of future prosperity. The goal of incorporating B.C. agriculture into a market-oriented economy required that the premise that new local and global specialized markets were essential elements in the future of B.C. agriculture became part of agricultural producers' "common sense" knowledge. In line with this approach, in 1984 the B.C. Ministry of Agriculture and Food (BCMAF) stated that its "extension education programs ...[were] designed to accelerate the adoption of new technology, information and management skills by B.C. farmers, agri-business, and food processors, and therefore help improve their competitiveness and profitability [emphasis added]" (BCMAF, 1984 Annual Report, p.3). More recently, concepts such as "our society moves towards a global economy", "looking beyond traditional markets", "identifying niche markets", "expanding trade," and so on, have been incorporated into the B.C. Ministry of Agriculture and Fisheries (BCMAFI) extension program discourse (BCMAFI, 1989-90 Annual Report, p. 9) to enhance the metaphorical representation of markets and profits and reaffirm their symbolic value. To achieve its policy goals and objectives, any development program requires a high degree of consistency with the extension service being utilized to implement it. For example, modernization policies (either Capitalist or State Socialist), that propound the 97 industrialization of agriculture and the utilization of advanced technologies, are usually associated with extension programs based upon reproductive educational theories. Hence the transmission of these ideas requires a top-down extension program where the extension agent is the "expert" delivering knowledge. It would be incongruous to structure a technocentric modernization program of a participatory nature, where extension agents play the role of social activists encouraging farmers to challenge the prevailing structures of power, economic dominance, and knowledge construction. Agricultural Extension Approaches and Models The description of extension approaches and models that follows was considered necessary given this study's proposition that certain extension models are better than others for implementing a specific development perspective. Extension models can be characterized depending on their goals, the role of the extension agent, the educational approach used, their clientele, and their relation to research and development. Based on the emphasis placed on program policy orientation Rivera, Seepersad & Pletsch (1989) distinguish three types of approaches: Agricultural (production-oriented) Performance, Rural Community Development, and Comprehensive Non-formal Continuing and Community Education. These approaches are not to be regarded as being mutually exclusive since diverse aspects of various approaches can be found within the same extension system. The United States Cooperative Extension System provides an example of such an integrated approach. A World Bank (1990) publication on extension suggests that although differences in extension approaches can take many forms, an important one is the one that reflects "the distinction between profit-oriented and public service extension" (p. 7). Extension programs based on a profit oriented approach are usually linked to services aimed at providing technical advice to specific groups of farmers on a single commercial crop or 98 production enterprise. These programs are usually run by private firms (and in some cases by farmers' organizations) that tend to use a top-down educational approach given that their main interest is in transmitting technical information. Nonetheless, profit-(demand) oriented extension programs are also run by governments. In this case they can be viewed as part of the state apparatus of material and cultural reproduction, and as such tend to rely more on top-down educational approaches. Today, "[as] agriculture evolves and becomes more commercialized, the scope of profit-oriented extension broadens. [Moreover,] commercial farmers and farming groups increasingly make extensive use of paid agricultural consultants" (World Bank, 1990, p. 8). Public service extension (i.e., government and private not-for-profit programs) developed in Japan, the United States and Canada in the late 19th century in response to the need to consolidate a growing agricultural sector. In the United States and Canada the generation of new technologies was thought to benefit society at large and hence the products of research and the delivery of new technical information were regarded as public goods. Until the 1970s agriculture was an important economic activity in most countries (even developed ones) "and raising productivity to improve the lives of farm families was seen as a public good for which significant public support was appropriate" (World Bank, 1990, p. 9). In a number of cases the perceived public benefits resulting from the implementation of development policies resulted in the adoption of a multipurpose rural development approach (World Bank, 1990). In this type of approach agricultural improvements are only one aspect of the scheme, while the overriding consideration is the well-being of the local rural community (health issues, distribution of agricultural inputs, credit, youth activities). Although multipurpose rural development programs, when government sponsored, tend to rely on top-down educational approaches, they are also well-suited for participatory forms of extension that can be locally controlled and address the needs of the rural communities at large. 99 Extension approaches are indicative of the general policy orientation of a program and can be structured around different specific models^9 and diverse institutional settings. Boone (1989) distinguishes four basic models of extension that he claims can encapsulate the majority of other extension models. The four models are: Developing Country Extension System, Training and Visit Model (T&V), Farm System Research and Development and the United States Cooperative Extension System (USCES). The model called Developing Country Extension System is characterized as having the professiona