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Modern education in postmodern times: British Columbia’s community colleges at the fin de millennium Falk, Cliff 1994

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MODERN EDUCATION IN POSTMODERN TIMES: BRITISH COLUMBIA'S COMMUNITY COLLEGES AT THEFINDEMILLENNIUM by CLIFF FALK B.A., The University of Manitoba, 1975 B.A., Simon Fraser University, 1987  A THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTERS OF ARTS in THE FACULTY OF GRADUATE STUDIES Department of Educational Studies We accept this thesis as conforming' to the required standard  THE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA June, 1994 (c) Cliff Falk, 1994  In presenting this  thesis  in partial fulfilment  of  the  requirements  for an advanced  degree at the University of British Columbia, I agree that the Library shall make it freely available for reference and study. I further agree that permission for extensive copying of this thesis for scholarly purposes may be granted by the head of department  or  by  his  or  her  representatives.  It  is  understood  that  copying  my or  publication of this thesis for financial gain shall not be allowed without my written permission.  Department of ^dura^'i^Mal ^ CAUra S'/Maf The University of British Columbia Vancouver, Canada  Date  DE-6 (2/88)  ^  ' 94  ^?'  ^uJie ^udf^S  11  ABSTRACT The sureness of the modern educational project has been undermined by shifting epistemological and material conditions. The shift from modernity to postmodernity develops its own incongruencies and anomalies as well as highlighting those extant during modernity. Institutions like British Columbia's community colleges cling to the artifacts of modernity, leaving postmodern environments and discourse unacknowledged.  This study applies rhetorical strategies, devices and the methodologies of literature and poststructural social studies, including the use of deliberate ambiguity and unstable signification, to write in opposition to the plain prose privileged by the technical instrumentality of mainstream adult education discourse in the North American academy. This de-centring of traditional academic discourse reframes and challenges prevailing constructions of Canada, education in Canada and community colleges in British Columbia.  Exhuming and exposing some of the operational myths of modernity as they found expression in Canada through academic discourse and quotidian practice while offering an alternate story is the means by which my narrative proceeds. This re-storying, in turn, is used as a strategy to challenge modern mainstream educational and educational administrative practice, while attempting to normalize ways of seeing community colleges in British Columbia based outside of modernist orthodoxies.  iii  TABLE OF CONTENTS  ABSTRACT  ii  ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS  vi  CHAPTER ONE: MODERN PRACTICES IN POSTMODERN TIMES The Modern Community College System in British Columbia Naming Community Colleges Purpose Significance  1 10 16 21  CHAPTER TWO: METHODOLOGY Foregrounding the Study Foregrounding the Methodology Deconstruction as Methodology Genealogies of Knowledge and Power as Methodology Limitations of Methodologies  26 29 32 38 41  CHAPTER THREE: THE BRITISH COLUMBIA COMMUNITY COLLEGE IN A POSTMODERN CANADIAN HISTORY Rehistoricization Canadian Modernity Modern Canadian Institutions From Condoms to Community Colleges  45 46 59 65  CHAPTER FOUR: IMMIGRATION, TECHNOLOGICAL CHANGE AND THE COMMUNITY COLLEGE Recontextualization Immigration - From Premodernity to Postmodernity Immigration - From Modernity to Postmodernity Postmodern Society  70 71 76 77  iv  CHAPTER FIVE: ECONOMICS, TECHNOLOGICAL CHANGE AND EDUCATION Resituating the Community College Education is not an Unmitigated Good Education, Modernity and Metaphor Education and Postmodern Economics  82 86 87 94  CHAPTER SIX: THE COMMUNITY COLLEGE IN BRITISH COLUMBIA The Postmodern Post-Secondary Landscape  103  Reconstructing the Internal Institutional Environment  Ill  CHAPTER SEVEN: DECONSTRUCTING CANADA'S COMMUNITY COLLEGES The Authors and the Text The Tenor of the Times - (Con)TEXTual-I-zations 121 The Authors 124 The Authors and Authority 130 Critiquing Critical Analysis Critical Theory 133 Modern Critical Theory 134 Postmodern Critical Research 136 Deconstructing Dennison's and Gallagher's Community College The Book Cover 140 The Text 141 CHAPTER EIGHT: A POSTCOLONIAL AND POSTHUMANIST COMMUNITY COLLEGE: UNOFFICIAL AND OFFICIAL TEXTS The Quaintness of Canada and Its Symbolisms The Quaintness of Institutional Education The Quaintness of Community Colleges Postmodern Luddism Postopics and Analgesics  148 153 156 163 165  REFERENCES  169  APPENDICES  174  V  Appendix A. Choices Options For Your Future In Post Secondary Education In British Columbia. Vol. 2 (48-63) July, 1991. Ministry of Advanced Education, Training and Technology  174  Appendix B. News Stories in The Vancouver Sun, March 7, 1994  191  Appendix C. Profile, Published by College Institute Educators' Association of B.C., May, 1994:5(4)  194  Appendix D. Kwantlen College Fact Book, 1993/94 (20-21) Second Edition, April, 1994  211  Appendix E. News Story in The Vancouver Sun, May 7, 1994  215  Appendix F. News Story in The Vancouver Sun, April, 14, 1994  217  Appendix G. Access for Equity and Opportunity. Prepared by the Advanced Education Council of British Columbia Access Task Force. August, 1992  219  Appendix H. News Story in The Vancouver Sun, May 4, 1994  255  Appendix I. Advertisements in the Vancouver Sun, June 3 & 10, 1994  257  Appendix J. News Story in The Vancouver Sun, June 17, 1994  260  Appendix K. Environmental Scan. Ministry of Skills, Training and Labour, November, 1993  262  Appendix L. College and Institute Amendment Act, 1994  306  VI  ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS  I would like to acknowledge and thank Roger Boshier for his encouragement and support. This support made it possible for me to explore postmodernism and its relation to adult education. It also allowed me to complete this project.  1 CHAPTER ONE  MODERN PRACTICES IN POSTMODERN TIMES  .. .postmodernism/poststructuralism is the code name for the crisis of confidence in Western conceptual systems. It is borne out of the uprising of the ex-centrics, the revolution in communication technology, the fissures of global multinational hyper-capitalism, and our sense of who we are and what is possible. Patti Lather Getting Smart  The Modern Community College System In British Columbia  Neglect marked the development of post secondary education in British Columbia during the modern period. From the first white settlement until the mid 1960's, post-secondary education languished while other strategies were employed to address the needs of a modern resource based economy for skilled and educated workers and citizens. Immigration rather than inprovince education and training of local people was the usual means by which colonial and then provincial governments answered local needs for Higher Education and Trades Training.  Until federal initiatives found expression in the Technical and Vocational Assistance Training Act of 1960 and the Adult Occupational Training Act of 1967, provincial trades and training  2 needs were very inadequately addressed, mostly through union work site apprenticeship programs in traditional construction and marine trades programs, often run in conjunction with vocational schools. Until 1963, when a charter was granted to the University of Victoria, academic credentials could be obtained provincially only through the University of British Columbia. Professional credentials often could be obtained through professional associations alone. In the 1960's the universities, in conjunction with those associations, took direct responsibility for most professional training. Historically British Columbia, during the modern period, to use the imagery of functionalism, used workers trained and educated elsewhere to help erase local skills and education deficits. These policies created an unhealthy dependency on knowledge from other places. This dependency is still not being comprehensively addressed in spite of various initiatives over the last thirty years.  Simon Fraser University took its place on the educational landscape in 1965. The University of Northern British Columbia opened its doors in 1994. And a comprehensive provincial community college system developed slowly throughout the 1960's and 1970's. Meritorious though these efforts undoubtedly were, they fell much short of the valorization given the project of post-secondary education in other relatively wealthy jurisdictions, especially in central Canada and the United States, and especially through the development of large scale college systems of various distinctions.  Federal monies funnelled to the provinces through Established Programmes Financing and through the National Training Act and its successor programs (Dennison & Gallagher, 1986:  3 183-185) forced provincial governments to devote more of their taxbase to education and training. At the provincial level, these federal monies were mixed with the provincial funds necessary to trip the sluice gates for the federal money. In British Columbia, at the local level, these funds were combined with monies collected through local school taxes to provide for the establishment of community colleges. The colleges originally developed through these means were loosely amalgamated in 1977 with passage of the Colleges and Institutes Act.  The resulting community college system resembled the one placed on the social and physical landscape in California much earlier. It was a graft though a graft that differed considerably from the original stock - a hybrid might be more metaphorically correct. Differences included governance and funding. Federal and local initiatives had framed provincial initiatives in British Columbia, whereas in California, during the same period, the presence of the state government was felt more directly in their community colleges through a central board of governors and more state control of financing. In 1977 the province, following on what had happened in most other jurisdictions in North America, finally became the central player in the construction of the drama of British Columbia's community colleges. Dennison and Gallagher (1986), the joint authors Canada's Community Colleges: A Critical Analysis, the work of record on the development of colleges in Canada, put it this way:  The period of 1977 to 1983 witnessed a consistent pattern of increasing provincial responsibility for the colleges. Both the spirit and the reality of community involvement which had characterized the early years of the colleges slowly faded: and provincial government priorities for the colleges took precedence over the local and regional interests (93).  4 Four publicly funded post-secondary institutes remained unamalgamated though subject to the same enabling legislation passed in 1977. These were the Emily Carr College of Art and Design, the Justice Institute of British Columbia, the British Columbia Institute of Technology, and the Pacific Marine Training Institute. The Open Learning Agency was established as an "open college" to provide distance education (see Appendix A). Subsequently two other colleges were created in response to population growth and perceived local, and indeed, national and international needs.  In 1994, growth in the lower mainland and southern interior of the province (see Appendices B), the splitting apart of the most prestigious and largest college in the system, and the awarding of independent degree granting status to four of the sixteen colleges in the system changed the provincial community college profile quite dramatically. Kwantlen College, incorporated in 1981 and still unsure of where it fit in the system, suddenly found itself the largest college. Vancouver Community College, long used to privileged status in terms of funding and institutional profile, found itself threatened from all directions as federal and provincial funding became much more constrained than anything previously experienced. Langara College, the newest college in the system, hived off from Vancouver Community College in 1994, found itself looking at an unanticipated role as other colleges, long seen as second cousins, now had degree granting status denied it. Malaspina College, now a degree granting institution, developed a liberal arts program that was the most innovative of any academic programming in the province's colleges. The University College of the Fraser Valley, perhaps the most changed of the community colleges, began offering various undergraduate degrees, including a degree in adult education. Okanagan  5 and Cariboo Colleges, located in the interior of the province, also received degree granting status. Something of sea change had occurred since the college system was created by provincial edict in 1977.  In most parts of the United States and Canada, growth in post-secondary education occurred earlier and was better funded than in British Columbia. In British Columbia college growth began later and continued after it had been curtailed in many other places. While paying lip service to restraint, the Social Credit government of the 1980's, to its social credit and with one severe interruption, went on building up the colleges while other jurisdictions were cutting them back or even closing them down. The New Democratic Party government, elected in 1991, kept increasing provincial funding for the college system. Population growth explained some of this as did chronic underfiinding and retarded development as compared to other college systems in Canada, especially Quebec. But more than this, the enhanced status given community colleges in 1994 through allowing some colleges to grant degrees independent of the universities, speaks to these institutions as a favoured means by which to accomplish the educational objectives of various provincial governments.  The colleges given degree granting status were Malaspina University College in Nanaimo on Vancouver Island, Okanagan University College, University College of the Cariboo with a main campus in Kamloops and the University College of the Fraser Valley (see Appendix C). Colleges located in greater Vancouver not given such status are Langara College, Douglas College, Capilano College, Kwantlen College and Vancouver Community College. Those outside this  6 region not given degree granting status are Camosun College in Victoria, the College of New Caledonia in Prince George, East Kootenay Community College in the south east of the province, Selkirk College in south central British Columbia, North Island College, Northwest Community College and Northern Lights College in the north east of the province. A new order has emerged within the college system. Colleges offering third and fourth year university programming are looked upon with envy by those offering only two year "university transfer" programs.  Those in the umversities, realizing they could not meet the demands for more formal education without changing in ways many in society perceived as undesirable, can now go their own way with a clean conscience as community colleges answer popular demands for academic education. Direct competition between universities and university colleges, rightfully, is minimized as only one new university college is adjacent to an existing university. For the most part universities can continue their practice of skimming off the students who are granted the highest grades in high school, though their hegemony may be challenged soon by the fledgling university colleges.  Many prospective students, even those with high grades, might find the university colleges more attractive. Staying at home in the Okanagan, for example, may prove more enticing for a variety of reasons than moving to the lower mainland of the province to attend the University of British Columbia. The prestige attached to a credential granted by that university may pale beside the financial, social, aesthetic and cultural advantages potentially attached to local university  7 colleges. For example, possible valorization of local knowledges through teaching courses grounded in local history, geography, economics, aesthetics and art may prove more compelling for local students than the supposed bright lights (and high rents) of the big city.  The provincial community college system in 1994 looks very different from the system extant when enabling legislation was passed in 1977. The subaltern popular status that resulted from community colleges being identified with educational activities like trades education discursively constructed as second rate is being replaced by a popular recognition of community colleges as distinct and valuable institutions in their own right. This valorization has occurred as much in spite of rather than because of those working in the colleges. Many in the colleges acritically took on roles given them by others and played out the great social struggles of the 1980's within the parochial perimeters of provincial college discourse. Community colleges for the most part remained resolutely focused on internal imperatives with struggles between faculty and management for institutional control being the major organizational theme during this period. Energy and creativity that could have been directed outward was consumed inside the walls of many of these colleges. Perhaps the time has come to remove some of those walls so that the colleges are by definition forced to be more outward looking, more community oriented.  Except for the occasional strike and funding crisis that lead to employee layoffs, the colleges in British Columbia, even in terms of their internal norms, have done well compared to colleges in other jurisdictions and compared to other institutions in the provincial education sector (see Appendices C & D). They have managed to maintain favoured status amongst provincial  8 bureaucrats and politicians. By default they often became the post secondary policy vehicle of choice. Their malleability proved their saving grace. Neither beast nor fowl, they could take on the anti-intellectualism of both left and right wing governments that the grade schools and universities during the modern period would not.  The independent power bases of locally elected public school boards, the ire of parents and, more generally, of taxpayers, and the powerful British Columbia Teachers' Federation meant expenditures of political capital were very high when changes were introduced at that level. The neutering by the New Democrats of important reforms stemming from the Sullivan Commission report, purchased at high political cost by the Social Credit government, is a case in point. Seemingly, the New Democrats found the cost of maintaining these particular reforms at the primary and secondary level too high. The governing bodies of universities, high profile tenure and academic freedom, and powerful allies in the private sector mitigated against universities being the chosen policy vehicle. The ability of David Strangway, the president of the University of British Columbia, in 1993 to ignore dictates regarding university campus development from Tom Perry, the minister then responsible for universities, provides a case in point here. Development as defined by the governing authorities in that university proceeded apace, resistance from the minister notwithstanding. This is not to say governments did not attempt to place these institutions under more strict provincial control, only that the colleges, for these reasons and more, were more easily controlled from Victoria. Of course, recent initiatives regarding teacher collective bargaining are in practice placing the grade school system under more direct provincial control. As well, cut backs in university funding dating back some years  9 now are leading to marked deterioration in physical plant and in teaching activities, as least at the University of British Columbia. Undoubtedly more telling effects of postmodern attacks on the prime institutions of modernity will be visible on the social and physical landscape of the province soon.  The community colleges found themselves in the right place at the right time. The current symbolic subaltern ministerial status forced upon the universities, and upon academic education in general, made manifest in 1993 when colleges and universities were rolled into a "super" Ministry of Skills, Training and Labour, is only one in a long line of bureaucratic moves designed to use the college system to valorize technical, functional education by placing it in a binary opposition to the liberal humanist academy. In spite of being relatively privileged for what I consider many of the wrong reasons, colleges in British Columbia can overcome certain dependencies to develop distinct identities by answering different, indistinct and shifting community needs. They can incorporate the postmodern understandings necessary to leave their modern moorings behind. To do so might lead to conflict more similar to that witnessed in the grade schools and universities as they restructured to meet what they perceived as the needs of the future. Between 1977 and 1994 the colleges took on the stories given them by others; now, if the community, so to speak, is to return to the college, these institutions must write their own stories, using all the flexibility, creativity and independence at their disposal to create even more flexibility, creativity and independence. Only these attributes will allow the colleges to answer the varying needs of their disparate communities.  10 This disparity exists college region by college region as well as within each region. For example, newly arrived Koreans or Salvadorans place very different demands on the colleges than do unemployed loggers, young adults moving into the community college straight from grade school, or middle aged women developing a first career. The needs expressed by local chambers of commerce may be incommensurable with those expressed by the economically marginalized. The needs of the global economy for docile and technically skilled employees might prove irreconcilable with the needs of citizens in the province for academic and general education as well as for clean water and air. As the community college continues to increase in stature and as more is asked of it, it will increasingly provide a focal point where these disparities and differences are played out in postmodern British Columbia.  Naming Community Colleges  Naming community colleges after First Nations peoples, extinct or alive, is a popular practice in British Columbia. Six of the sixteen colleges incorporate First Nations references, while another five, interestingly, incorporate the names of white-skinned "explorers" who initiated the process of colonizing indigenous peoples. Geographic location in English and First Nations languages provides reference for the others. The history, physical and human geography of the province is played out in the names of its community colleges. College names are a symbolic coding through which discursive practices in British Columbia can be mapped.  11 During the modem period indigenous peoples in what is now named British Columbia were suppressed, most often by disease, sanitized, rendered benign, and then safely incorporated into the mainstream meaning system. This incorporation, named tokenism by the victims, is a powerful means of legitimizing privilege because such acts, when accepted acritically, mean that the mainstream is equally open to all and respectful of difference, at least now if not in the past.  Among other things, postmodern theory labels these naming practices as colonial, discursive strategies of containment. Michel Foucault, whose postmodern thought has reshaped the global intellectual landscape of the late twentieth century, has powerfully critiqued these social constructions of meaning. He posits that persons incorporate these socially constructed meanings into their very physicality, into their corporeal as well as mental existence. In a process much like capillary activity, meanings move into every comer of the human body. This incorporation into the very fibre of human existence constructs individuals themselves, limits, contains and defines what people are and what they might be. In Foucault's schema, power operates on persons both positively and negatively through its intrinsic relations to knowledge. This inseparability grounds Foucault's ideas of the modem construction of docile bodies and minds that come "to be" because of the "normalizing technologies" of modem bureaucracies expressed through systems of regulation and control like health care, criminal justice and education.  Easy access to mainstream culture through educational opportunity based in respect for difference is one of the tenets of modem, liberal-humanist educational practice that is both an artifact and manifestation of these normalizing technologies of education. An underlying  12 assumption, one of the major symptoms of the modern condition, is that persons want to be mainstreamed, want to be the same as "everyone else". This mainstreaming, or, what are theoretically termed the totalizing and universalizing tendencies of modernism, is significantly challenged within postmodern theory developed mostly in France since the 1960's. Jacques Derrida, another major postmodern theorist and the progenitor of deconstructionism, labels these practices "logocentric" as they are uncritically centred within the logic of the European Enlightenment, even if much of the foundational knowledge for the "Enlightenment" came from the times of the Greeks if not before.  Enlightenment logic, of course, holds that rationalism is the inevitable result and. a final expression of the inexorable, progressive movement of history, and that modern Western values are universal values. Their immutable superiority, by definition, cannot be denied by rational persons. Rationality, to complete the tautology, is assumed to be the highest intellectual condition possible. Those who were not white and (North)European and who had not internalized this western logic, that is those who had not been colonized by logocentrism, were relegated to inferior status. Many of the victims of this imposed "master status" of inferiority that automatically marginalized their corporeality as well as their intellectuality are only now struggling out from under this totalizing and racist discourse of modernity.  Enlightenment knowledge, developed in Northern Europe and taken around the globe over the last two hundred years, constructed and justified many economic and cultural imperialisms. Here in British Columbia, the post secondary educational system provides an excellent example of the  13 colonized taking on imperial stories as their own, through the process described by Foucault and deconstructed through concepts given shape by Derrida.  In contrast, postmodern theory, develops the idea of modern rationalism as a "meta-narrative", a grand story. Jean Lyotard (1984), another French theorist of the same genre, developed this idea of all knowledge as narrative, as story. This concept removes the privilege automatically accorded the modern story based in logocentrism. It encourages alternative narratives that work outside of modern knowledge. For example, within postmodern theory, groupings, like women or persons of colour, termed "minorities" within the modern frame of reference, are encouraged to construct educational opportunities that answer their desires or needs as they define them, rather being required to adapt to the normalizing agenda of educational projects developed by others. Postmodern theory questions citizenship education based in modern principles of progressive education, the goal of which is the reconstruction of persons by eradicating differences and constructing enough commonalities so that individuals can be recognized, for example, as citizens of the same country, as citizens of a modern nation state.  In Canada, one of the first casualties of what are postmodernly termed the foundational and universalizing tendencies of modernism, such as the seemingly benign naming of colleges in British Columbia, is the burial of the genocidal consequences of the modern, European migration to this place. In such seemingly insignificant ways, and there are many, meaning is tamed and controlled, that is, meaning is constructed and reconstructed in an on-going, dynamic process that mitigates in favour of social and economic status quos. Such development and manipulation  14 of symbols is one way by which culture, that is the systems of meanings held in common that define existence for peoples, is constructed and maintained in a manner that privileges segments of particular populations while marginalizing others.  Pierre Bourdieu, a French sociologist of modernist persuasion, identified and labelled these practices too. His concept of "symbolic power", which stands in opposition to the totalizing Marxist convention wherein "symbols" are always subservient to and reflective of material conditions, provides another inroad. Within his modernist perspective, such acts are termed "official namings", which carry with them all the strength of the collective, of the consensus, of common sense, because it (naming) is performed by a delegated agent of the state, that is, the holder of the monopoly of legitimate symbolic violence (Bourdieu, 1991:239). Though the modernist monopoly on legitimate symbolic violence once enjoyed by the state has no doubt loosened, with the private sector powerfully constructing popular meanings alongside or even in opposition to the constructions of the state, nonetheless, Bourdieu's identification of "symbolic violence" as an originary practice of oppression rather than a second order practice dependent upon a particular material condition, helps move the totalizing Marxist "narrative", which is one expression of the more overarching modern "meta-narrative", into a more postmodern epistemological stance. In doing so it provides a perspective on social "naming practices" that removes their seeming apolitical character. These namings, which appeared so natural and so distant from everyday life, when viewed critically, becomes charged political and ideological acts with meanings embedded in them that could spring up to discomfit and disconcert those whose privilege they so efficiently protect. Until recently, such Official Namings perpetuated the  15 invisibility of the dominant group of colonizers, that is, of the white European and American immigrants who until very recently defined British Columbia in their image, by safely incorporating "Otherness" into mainstream meaning systems. However, this practice may be abruptly terminated if the "Other" meaningfully challenges modern, hegemonic relations, if British Columbia, for example, is visited by "Okas" of its making. Perhaps European surnames like those recently given to local geographic features like rivers, mountains, sloughs and plains that once carried names given them by indigenous peoples, but now carry names like Fraser and Whistler, Deas and Ladner, will once again provide the preferred image for Official Namings. Or perhaps surnames names like Dhaliwal, Singh, Lee and Lam will prove inspirational as persons of non-European backgrounds increasingly decide what will comprise postmodern systems of meanings here in British Columbia as most everywhere else. Or perhaps the hegemonic tendencies of transnational capital will overwrite any localized namings. The Apple, Samsung, VTech, Microsoft, Pepsi or Coke, or perhaps most plausibly, the Stentor Community College of British Columbia may be lurking on the corner of the street, waiting for the right moment, that is waiting until the fiscal crisis of the state, which in large part they created, is such that their totalizing, corporate agenda will appear as a saving grace.  16 Purpose  Having regard to the foregoing, the purposes of this study were to use postmodern theory to: 1) conceptualize the economic and cultural environment of the lower mainland of British Columbia; 2) contextualize and historicize the community college in British Columbia; 3) resituate practice in the community college  through a postmodern reframing of the  community college and its epistemological and ontological as well as material environments.  These purposes find expression in a personalized, postcolonial narrative wherein, postmodernly, the "tail has chased the dog all around the block". Bhabha in Nation and Narration, drawing upon the writings of the two American social theorists whose seminal works have themselves gone some way in the construction of "postmodernity", provides a theoretical stance for what, within modernist terms, might well be viewed as "anti-method". To quote:  Edward Said aspires to such secular interpretation in his concept of 'worldliness' where 'sensuousparticularity as well as historical contingency...exist at the same level of surface particularity as the textual object itself. Fredric Jameson invokes something similar in his notion of 'situational consciousness' or national allegory, 'where the telling of the individual story and the individual experience cannot but invoke the whole laborious telling of the collectivity itself (Bhabha 1990:292). And so with this story, where I "retale" the story of the "collectivity itself" to construct a contingent, sensuous particularity where the textual object, the paper you are reading, exists at  17 the same level as my story. That is, both are objects and artifacts of a space, that combination of geographies, topologies and typologies of them, that co-exists with a postmodern time that legitimately (that is in terms of the grand story called Science) compresses, stretches, slows or goes fast, depending on the meanings that fill time in the here and now. The here and now is all time can be, past and future, recognized only as artifice constructed in the present, that, at the same time, ironically, limits that present through the imposition of discursively constructed pasts and futures.  For example, the 1960's went on for a long time here on the West Coast of North America, whether you were for or against "them", because so much happened then; the 1980's, that decade of modern, class-based re-entrenchment, where, like the 1950's, most everything interesting happened "off-camera" passed fast, at least for me. In the postmodern, time is contingent upon reality as constructed, relatively and relationally, by each person in each moment, modern measurement notwithstanding.  This paper though, and the marks on it, are material and carry meanings common to the artifact this culture names "book", though "book" itself is undergoing revision as it becomes one means among many of storing and conveying "information". The meanings though, the "information" carried by these marks on the paper, and "re-meant" or "re-heard" by each reader are resoundingly immaterial and specific to each individual within a particular milieu. Reception of productions like this is dependent on the whimsy of scholarship, or, increasingly, popular taste, the public less willing to take its cues from an academy that has seen its epistemological sureness  18 and, with that, its hegemonic cultural control wither on the vine (Lather, 1991, Spanos, 1993, Atkins, 1992, Gergen, 1991, Giroux, 1992, Jones, Natter & Schatzki (eds.), 1993, Kecht (ed.), 1992, Smart, 1993, Zavarzadeh & Morton, 1991). In this new academy, a thesis writer (a cultural producer) throws his oars in amongst many others, all thrashing about in an attempt to clear or calm even a small surface of particularity, if only for an instant.  Attempting to place my understandings at the centre of a small clearing in the turgid and increasingly turbid waters of a disordered and dishevelled postmodern academy, I argue that the community college in British Columbia exists in a landscape devoid of texture, flattened by the theoretical and material strictures of modernity. I argue that it exists in a de-historicized and decontextualized educational landscape that limits roles it could assume. I reposition the community college in British Columbia, arguing it is both a metaphor and a manifestation of the modern American re-colonization of British Columbia. I argue that the project of modernity is so interwoven with the project of education that separating the two is indispensable to a postmodern revaluation of the latter. This redefinition and de-privileging of the educational project, in turn, leads to different ways of conceptualizing the role of the community college.  The modern college floats in a postmodern environment, its moorings to the external environment artifacts of a past time. Can the kind of education so privileged within modernity connect with the inhabitants of postmodern space? Education itself has been stood on its head, with "schooling" or formal education the marginalized activity and non-formal and informal education the newly privileged arena existing as a central component of a newly defined  19 knowledge industry that answers almost exclusively to the dictates of global hypercapitalism.  Are traditional institutional frames of reference like institutional goals and mission statements of any use today? Or are they "throwbacks", mere formalisms that in practice get in the way of meaningful change?  What can guide institutional practice, when the tenets of modern  organizational theory, as well as the philosophy undergirding them, have been tossed into the dustbin of history, revealed as smoke and ash, as a component of a totalizing patriarchal and classist discourse? Should college administrators work according to priorities set in Victoria, their role reduced to that of liaison, postmodern bridge building? Or should professional administration itself be tossed into dustbin along with the theories that justified it, the college given over to the communities it is to serve?  Is new physical plant necessary, even when it pays homage to postmodernism through some of the most appalling new architecture in the province? The architecture itself, when deconstructed, symbolizes the death of modernity rather than the vitalization of postmodernity. The architects, ironically, have closed rather than decentred the circle of modernity. Their constructions, approved by administrators who look to these self-same symbolically illiterate architects for interpretations and guidance, are manifestations of ignorance congealed and conflated under the guise of expertise, such expertise itself less and less respected as it, often as not, leads to institutional dysfunction. Or are "virtual colleges" more efficient and efficacious, no matter what standards of judgement are used to define and measure these terms? Should the employee profile match the ethnic makeup of the student body? Should Hindi and Pharsee, Cantonese and  20 Mandarin be offered, electronically delivered to students when they want, in big doses or small? Should accounting, or anthropology, for example, be offered in Cantonese or should resources be directed to English Language Training? Should postmodern pedagogical practice privilege the student when such privileging meets with resistance, because, for example, it conflicts with Confucian values? Should Confucian values, because they contravene Enlightenment notions of freedom and liberty that form part of the modern liberal-humanist curriculum be directly challenged, or tacitly accepted, because to challenge them might appear, and undoubtedly, in instances, would be racist?  Questions such as these suggest the profound change that envelopes the community college in British Columbia and point to options available already or rapidly approaching. That society in the lower mainland of British Columbia, as well as many other places, is increasingly postmodern has yet to be recognized, much less incorporated into institutional planning and operations. That these changes are more profound than concepts such as "information age", or those developed by the ex-Marxist Toffler, perhaps the most credible of those involved in the "futurism" industry, allow hasn't yet been thought out loud. The community college itself is an artifact of the past, trapped in an acritical acceptance of the myth and metaphor named modernity.  21 Significance  Significance accrues to this project because redefining, recontextualizing and rehistoricizing the community college suggest changes to practice that can lead to greater congruency between the postmodern environment of the next millennium and institutional responses to it. The community college, as it is presently constructed, I suggest, cannot respond positively to the changes that have enveloped it. Paradoxically, I suggest, anti-intellectualism including a fear of theory that escapes the functionalist and technical-rational thought that frames current practice, shackles those working in the community college, prevents meaningful explorations into new ways of seeing and doing things.  This said, significance is no longer a textual artifact to be measured by some universalizing criteria that can, theoretically at least, be applied uniformly. Traditional modern judgements wherein significance usually lay in incremental contributions to specific academic discourses have, within postmodern theory, been shadowed by attempts at rupture rather than continuity. For example, this study presents a novel synthesis of theory, context and practice that is meant to provide a rupture with instrumental frames of reference. Yet this rupture can't be too unsettling for the reader or I will lose my audience.  You, the reader, as postmodern literary theory holds, are an active participant in the construction of the meaning that develops through the act of reading - my paper is as meaningful as persons,  22 individually and in groups decide it will be, as language, meaning, value and authorship are all contingent discursive constructions (Foucault, 1970). This active reading leads to a somewhat different meaning for each reader. In effect a dialogue is created wherein you bring your intellectual and affective life, your joys and fears and frustrations to my text and read out that which is too incongruent, or meaningless to you. You read in that which complies with your way of seeing, or, at least, isn't too far outside your cosmology. By this measure, significance is largely in the eye and ear, for paradoxically we hear what we read, of the beholder, a conceit between you and me.  Significance cannot be assumed, but only addressed as a textual artifact, present or absent in varying degree, depending upon each individual reading as well as the particular social circumstance that each particular production floats around in. Indeed modern literary criticism, as well as academic judgements pretending to objectivity or quasi-scientific status have been called into question and largely de-legitimized within postmodernism. Significance now is as much an existential individual decision as it is a communal decision brought readers via experts, expert judgements often reduced to resources to be drawn upon when the reader, as a member of the audience for particular cultural productions, decide what is or is not significant.  Silverman, as quoted by Linstead in "Deconstruction in the Study of Organizations" (Hassard & Parker 1993:58) addresses this contingent act-(of)-ive reading that escapes the totalizations of modern liberal humanism, noting:  23  writing and reading are always acts of production - of societies, of selves. And that production is both mine and not mine alone. Mine because in my acts of production I re-member myself . Not mine because T exist in and through a dialogue with a tradition that always precedes me, and with an emerging social order that will be the readings of my text. (1975:42)  In this production I attempt to "re-member" myself as a postcolonial Canadian human and male who has had humanness and maleness defined for him by the colonizer only to have it taken away by the "subject" coming to an awareness of his status as "object". This political awareness leads me to a sense of personal betrayal by the discourse of modernity, especially as expressed by the functionalism and instrumentalism of the American academy, by what Moguddhan (Sampson, 1993) has identified as United Statesian discourse. Positively, it also leads me to a sublimity, and, with that, a sense of freedom, as the signposts from a time past become illegible, scribbled over by the graffiti of the destructive hermeneutics emanating from the centres of modern project itself, from Wittenburg and Paris, Boston, Austin, Texas and the University of California.  Postmodern theory, unlike high-modern American discourse from David Reisman and Walt Rostow to Talcott Parsons and Malcolm Knowles, has room for a contingent humanness, for writing stories outside the walls of modern binary oppositions (Lather, 1991). As the millennium approaches, the central question for cultural producers becomes, who will believe anything from imperial centres anymore as people working there write over their own inheritance, using spray paint to blot out the interiors of a decrepid modern home even while it still provides them a shelter of sorts from the gathering postmodern Maelstrom.  24 Finally, the rhetorical strategies that ground this narrative are based in the concept of "writing against the grain", the grain being epistemological and ontological strictures of modernity finding expression, for example, in linearity of argument, in romantic heroic epics, in belief in progress, in Hegelian or Marxist ends to history, in Kantian categorizations that in turn ground the instrumental rationality of modern educational practice. To write against all this means I must as best I can ground my discourse in the sagas of postmodernity - in the writings of Derrida and Foucault, Lyotard, Jameson and Said, Lather, Weedon, Kristeva and Cull, in those who inhabit the epistemological "afterworld" that so frames our understandings of our material existence now called "postmodern".  To write against all this means I must leave the comfort of the modern shore, perhaps to be wrecked upon the shoals of a postmodern reef, but, more positively, and more breathlessly, to build a vehicle with which to surf on over the shoals, for finding a passage through them, as a skilled sailor would, or blasting them out of the way, as those responsible for marine safety might, would be grounding my story within the very logocentrism it is attempting to circumcise, or at least, circumnavigate.  Incorporating metaphors of the sea into cultural productions can move beyond the modern patriarchal narrative wherein a "boy" can become a "man" through elemental confrontation with an unpredictable and devious and female "sea". Though "men" have been going down to the "sea" for some time now, perhaps some of the premodern and modern luggage can be thrown overboard. Travelling light more fits postmodern transit anyway, as disposable artifacts of every  25 sort, from dial-a-prayer to dial-up-sex and from clean shirts to fresh breath are available in any large airport or hotel anywhere.  Having regard to the foregoing (seagoing) narrative, this thesis is organized as follows. Chapter 1 supplies an introduction to British Columbia's post secondary education system and places the community colleges in it. It outlines the purposes and significance of the thesis while giving the reader warning regarding the vertigo and seasickness that may occur at times during the journey. Chapter 2 provides the methodology. Chapter 3 historicizes B.C.'s community colleges within my history of Canada. Chapter 4 provides a historical and sociological perspective on the ways immigration and technological change have helped define the community college. Chapter 5 addresses the modern project of education. Chapter 6 landscapes the educational environs of the community college. Chapter 7 continues with this theme, deconstructing an example of the theoretical rather than material environment. Chapter 8 reads aspects of commumty college practice as text, while providing a "postopic" rather than a modern dystopic or utopic analgesic.  26 CHAPTER TWO  METHODOLOGY  In a context where the notions of reason, universality, and progress at the centre of the project of modernity are widely recognized to be attributes of a specific European cultural formation the idea of a progressive universal reason can no longer be sustained. Barry Smart Postmodernity  Foregrounding The Study  Various assumptions foreground this study of community colleges as they do any other study. Articulating these assumptions is a valuable exercise because assumptions are always ideological and an exposition of ideology can lead to more open inquiry. For example, a study of community colleges framed by instrumental and functional approaches to education assumes the systems we live in are fundamentally sound and that incremental systemic and individual adjustments will ensure a future that is an improvement upon the present. These approaches to education carry within them the bankruptcy that Derridean logocentrism places at the core of modernity.  Work conducted lately, especially in France by Foucault and Derrida, this work based in the  27 sourness of Nietzsche, Heidegger, and even Weber, who first identified a modernity gone wrong (Smart, 1993), has exposed modernity as hollow at the centre. The author assumes modernists have been betrayed in their belief in linear progress in human affairs, in ever greater liberty accruing to ever more individuals, in an ever greater control over nature producing ever greater material wealth, this wealth being increasingly more available to ever more individuals. Instead, the author sees a planet on the brink of destruction, this destruction symbolized and in part made manifest by failing social systems and the institutions that helped define them. I conceive of institutions so deeply pathological, that they, because they were conceived in modern times in response to modern needs, are congenitally unable to respond to pressing social and economic needs that even the most optimistic, that is the most propagandized, can no longer ignore. I conceive of modern community colleges as institutions incapable of responding to their communities, because those working in the college system don't know what comprises their communities in the first place, and if they did know, wouldn't let those communities define their needs in their own terms anyway.  The institutional paralysis of the community college, in turn, is a symptom of a much broader cultural impasse. Similar impasses have developed often in history. Sailors from the mainland of China were never quite able to routinely leave the comfort of the shorelines for deep sea journeys though they possessed the navigational aids that made this possible long before the Portuguese; for years the French didn't understand that English longbowmen would again and again shoot the pride of French knighthood from their horses; nor do we believe yet that, symbolically at least, the Tet offensive changed "history" when a colonized people finally and  28 decisively defeated white imperialism, if only to see another more polyglot imperialism established in its stead. Nor do we yet believe, in spite of all evidence to the contrary, that the centre of global economic development now rests in Asia, or that 1968 represents the date that modernity, and, with that, Western culture failed when measured by the terms within which it defined itself.  An epochal shift (Hassard & Parker 1993:16-18) in human affairs and in the epistemologies and ontologies that frame these affairs has occurred since the 1950's. A state of crisis exists that creates an existential moment wherein (within the irony that is history) the modernist conceit that individuals can write their own history is actualized, at least temporarily - a "window of opportunity" in human affairs wherein agency is privileged, in theory and in practice. This assumption is personally important as it allows me to escape the inertia and fatalism that the modern drift created within me. Relatedly, it assumes that it is legitimate to personalize academic productions like this study, and that such personalization symbolizes the recognition of the ideological and contingent nature of any cultural production, including a master's thesis.  The current reconstitution of human affairs on a global scale can privilege notions of freedom and equality emanating from modernity, or maintain and strengthen and once again revitalize domination and repression. Ideas of human liberty and respect for difference can be salvaged from a failed modernity and reconstructed more powerfully than modernity allowed. The reconstruction of the concepts of education and citizenship (and educating for citizenship) is one of the focal points, one of the sites of struggle, in which the shift from the modern to the  29 postmodern becomes transparent and where the crucial question "whose postmodernism?" is being played out.  To restate, I posit that we live during a (dis)juncture when what is said and done matters more than during periods of relative social stasis, that is during periods wherein uniform meanings systems outweigh disparate systems. I posit that ethical and moral engagement through cultural production is the only means by which individuals, person by person, can deconstruct modern edifices of thought and replace them with smaller and more various structures that contain more room for social and individual difference and freedom.  Foregrounding The Methodology  Modernists teach that method should match the problem and the purpose of a study, not the other way around. As the purposes of this study are to reconceptualize, rehistoricize, recontextualize, and, with that, resituate modern collegial practice in British Columbia, my methodology must be disconnected as best as possible from modern method. By moving from method based in the belief that a knowable empirical reality informs our existence and that language can accurately portray this reality, I can write a narrative that can better stand away from modernist method that would preclude such a narrative in the first place.  30 The idea that there is "out there" an ultimately knowable immutable reality that can be approached and reflected objectively through reason and science is a distinctly modern notion. Postmodern theory does not deny an immutable, material universe, but does deny the possibility that there can be anything other than various interpretations of it. It sees use of language as always imperfect, with meanings varying person by person, situation by situation.  Language, metaphorically, is not the modern mirror that undistortedly reflects the same meaning in the same way to each corporeal subject surrounded by the same reality. Rather language, if a mirror at all, is cracked, fogged and discoloured. Members of audiences discover meaning in this mirror as best they can, searching for clear spots. Often though, as McLuhan told us long ago now, the medium becomes the message, specific content increasingly irrelevant. The spots and cracks in the mirror constantly distort, edify, amplify, silence, erase and rewrite the messages that get through to audiences. These media, language itself often comprised of discourses mediated at second and third hand through books and communications electronics, are ideological in themselves. Specific content of the specific medium is another form of ideology, audiences propagandized firstly by ways of seeing, that is by the perspective supplied them by these social instruments of communication and control. What is seen, conventionally referred to as "content" is wrapped up in how it is seen, the "medium" to produce a seemingly seamless mediated discourse that appears to postmoderns as natural, if not more natural, than the rising sun. Jean Baudrillard (1983), another French postmodernist, has identified this postmodern condition of mediated communication as one of "hyperreality".  31 Approximations of various interpretations of realities, then, are all there are to work from. These shifting and unstable formations, like eddies below the ocean waves, that most often remain below the level of consciousness, foreground postmodern theory and practice. Foucault's idea of regimes of truth grounded in specific discursive practices of specific times and spaces, rather than, for example, in universalized, modern, rational thought, together with Derrida's development of logocentrism shows rational thought itself to be a cultural artifact of the European Enlightenment. On at least one level, their poststructural constructs collude with Althusser's idea of ideology as "the representation of the subject's imaginary relationship to his or her real conditions of existence" to expose the partial and contingent and always political form that knowledge cannot but assume.  More than one hundred years ago now, Nietzsche identified the nihilism at the core of modernity and identified the irrational modern "will to power", the modern attraction to control simply for the sake of control. Heidegger talked of centred circles, or put another way, the unconscious (subconscious, acritical, unreflexive) acceptance of certain concepts that foreground a seemingly seamless and immutable reality. De-centring these circles, in the process constructing persons whom Patti Lather refers to as "ex-centrics", made the social construction of "reality" transparent, thereby laying the foundation for so much of what Foucault and Derrida have accomplished.  Within postmodern theory, "reality" itself has been re-problematicized, as the metaphysics of modernity, the ideas taken for reality itself, have been philosophically destroyed. Modern  32 thought based in ideas of scientific objectivity leading to removal of bias from academic productions investigating an empirical reality is considered naive and innocent thought. This casts modern method into doubt as most of it still assumes positivist values, that, because of the destructive hermeneutics outlined above, can no longer be maintained.  Because of this, finding method congruent with purpose is problematic. Modernism still forms the waves, if not the ocean postmodernism surfs on. Therefore method must, epistemologically and ontologically, have at least two masters, or two mistresses, or more postmodernly something new that combines both. As the premodern story, backed up by so many modern ones tells: "man cannot serve both God and Mammon" until acritical postmodernity anyway.  Deconstruction As Methodology  Deconstruction is a formal method of inquiry developed by Jacques Derrida. Developed as a "philosophy of literature, or, literature as philosophy", deconstruction is a favoured method of inquiry in literary studies. To elaborate:  Coined by its founding father, Jacques Derrida, deconstructionfirstemerged on the American literary stage in 1966 when Derrida, a French philosopher and teacher, read his paper Structure, Sign and Play at a Johns Hopkins University symposium. By questioning and disputing in this paper the metaphysical assumptions held to be true by Western philosophy since the time of Plato, Derrida inaugurated what many critics believe to be the most intricate and  33 challenging method of textual analysis yet to appear. (Bressler, 1994:71-72) Derrida's proposals incorporated a revolution in the understanding of what constitutes meaning in western society. To quote again:  ....he (Derrida) boldly asserts that the entire history of Western metaphysics from Plato to the present is founded upon a classic, fundamental error: the searching for a transcendental signified, an external point of reference upon which one may build a concept or philosophy. (Bressler: 75)  By naming and thereby exposing transcendental signification itself, Derrida delegitimized philosophical and epistemological appeals to an overarching, immutable Truth, whether that truth was found in God, Reason, or modern concepts of Self. Building on the work of Wittgenstein as well as Heidegger, what had previously been perceived as Truth was reduced to "regimes of truth" based in "language games". Reality itself becomes a social construction based in the play of language. However, the terms "play" and "game" take on new seriousness. Language games are perhaps the most serious of endeavours as they are both a means of developing and maintaining hegemony while simultaneously expressing that self-same hegemony. The question becomes "whose reality" rather than who will get to control an existing reality. The workings of the transcendental signified always predefined reality, gave it meaning as already there rather than as always being constructed. Deconstruction is based in the denial of the legitimacy of any transcendental signified while at the time providing the methodology to legitimize that denial.  Lately this method of inquiry into language has become much vulgarized and the art of  34 deconstruction is being applied to reading most any social construction as text. For example, Foucault's work in aspects parallels Derrida's work to render history a text and narrative, a story constructed and oft reconstructed, based in the discursive and quotidian practices of those alive, rather than in a quasi-scientific representation of what actually occurred in a uniform past. All other academic arenas, including the physical sciences, are similarly stories to be read variously; for example biology has been deconstructed to expose an easily visible patriarchy embedded in its core scientific and supposedly empirically verifiable concepts (Sampson, 1993). Institutions and even whole societies are texts to be deconstructed; individual lives become stories to be told and problematicized, and then, if the life narrative is found wanting, therapeutically re-storied. And so with organizations (Hassard & Parker, 1993) and even the World itself, which as the Scholastics taught and moderns forgot, can be viewed as Text.  Deconstruction begins with the premise that any text is indeterminate, a product of writing and reading, and therefore open to many interpretations - there is no "real" or "right" meaning; each reading produces a new meaning that can never be complete. Cultural producers who read and write do so not as "individuals" interpreting "reality" through language with assumed representational possibilities. Rather "reality" writes the reader and writer, reading and writing more a "symptom" of society than formative of it.  Deconstructive reading as methodology proceeds by searching out binary oppositions. Some common binary oppositions include good/bad, love/hate, progress/tradition, science/myth, man/woman, truth/fiction. A hierarchical ranking is embedded in these oppositions. "Good", for  35 example, is always assumed to be superior to the other, in this instance "bad". What Derrida refers to as "violent hierarchies" are implicit in this process. It supplies one of the central means by which westerners make "sense" through language. Derrida claims that identifying binary oppositions and inverting them can lead to new readings that escape the logocentrism of western thought. His reversal of the opposition between presence/absence privileges difference rather than sameness. He demonstrates that the construction of one or the other can be conducted only relationally. Presence, the transcendental signified of self, for one, therefore is destroyed. It loses the automatic privilege accorded it, and, with that, the privilege accorded an author as the sole, independent producer of a particular work. This identification and philosophical destruction of what Derrida terms the metaphysics of presence has had a profound impact in the academy that is only beginning to be broadcast to more general audiences.  Absence is considered significant on another level too. What is not said, for example groups left out of a story, are as important as the groups that are included. Feminist theory was seminal in naming this literary practice of "silencing" women and other marginalized groups. Finding those without voice in any particular production exposes the ideological and epistemological basis for the production, demonstrating that any particular story is only one among many possibilities rather than a representation of an actual state of affairs.  Determining the positionality of the authorial voice forms a part of deconstructive reading too. For example, if automatic appeals to authority will be invoked through the author writing as a disinterested third (non)person, the only method permissable in the academy until French  36 poststructural thought revolutionized practice, then these appeals can be exposed as a simple rhetorical device, as an artifact of logocentrism rather than as some correct way of representing (K)nowledge. Authorial authority is also under siege and this issue is taken up further in the deconstruction of Canada's Community Colleges: A Critical Analysis in Chapter Seven.  Searching to find the place the reader occupies in the narrative deconstructs text too by exposing underlying assumptions - to whom is the author talking? - for example, is the story "mano a mano"? - most are. The tropes employed, especially the metaphoric devices are deconstructed; this is especially important as we in the west most often write within metaphor without realizing it. Metaphors, for most, are the conceptions wherein consciousness is achieved and expressed. These metaphors if not thought itself, are manifestations of how we construct our individual worlds, what concepts we carry with us to make sense of it all, to contain the modern fear of approaching existence non-sensically. The issue of metaphor and education is addressed in Chapter Six.  Each text, Derrida says, contains a thread that will unravel the whole; constructing this thread is accomplished by "reading against the grain", that is reading what is usually left unread, reading deeper to find what is written underneath what is conventionally viewed as the complete text. Deconstructive strategies hold that texts exist simultaneously on many different levels. They can be read on various levels or reading at different levels at the same time can be employed as a device to throw one level into the relief supplied by the other. This process resembles rubbings on a gravestone, for example, where the image rubbed on the paper is much clearer than the  37 original. In this way, the ideological moments in any text can be exposed in order to unearth assumptions like those subsumed in term logocentrism.  Reading this way requires some understanding of Derrida's concept of "differance". This French word incorporates two meanings simultaneously, to be different and to defer, or postpone. Differance is his word to explain that all language is referential, that meaning develops in language only as it relates to other the language. There is "always already", Derrida's term, another relational meaning underneath the one being used. And there can be no outside transcendental signified like God, Reason, or increasingly, the Market, upon which to base any final appeals. Meaning caught in text then is always indeterminate, always open to contestation through various interpretations. Meaning in language, and language itself resembles a huge, constantly shifting, self-contained, relational structure that exists separate from but only in relation to the speakers and writers that use it, and through using it, constantly reform the relationships on which it is based.  When what language means is constructed this way, the meaning conventionally given text qua text changes dramatically. The book blends with the social world, the author and reader become indistinct. Text as artifact appears more as a social statement than an individual one. Text becomes symptomatic, loses its autonomous authority. Andy Warhol's Factory was a vehicle to give meaning to this as he delegitimized ideas of genius and individuality that accompanied modern cultural productions, that allowed society to say "he did it" - that sureness is gone, and with it the sureness of most every modern activity, including education.  38 Genealogies Of Knowledge And Power As Methodology  Michel Foucault, dead now almost ten years, was seminal in creating poststructural thought. His genealogies allowed conceptualizations of power and knowledge that escaped the overdetermination of modern, structuralist thought that frame ideologies of capitalism and socialism alike. Conceptions not based in universalized mental and material structures with appeals to an a priori prime mover like the economy, or, more broadly, the social system, or systems of language, or the human unconscious, allowed for a reconstruction of the origins and operations of power and knowledge, and, with that, of education itself. As Foucault says, Every educational system is a political means of maintaining or of modifying the appropriation of discourse, with the knowledge and the powers it carries with it (Ball, 1990).  This appropriation of discourse, or, more plainly, this development and control of the very concepts in which persons think, is based in Foucault's idea of knowledge and power as constitutive. Modern versions of power held that power was a repressive mechanism by which behaviour was limited and constrained within socially determined bounds. Whether Freud's policing of the id by the superego, Marx's economic determinism, Adam Smith's discipline supplied by the hidden hand of the marketplace (isn't this rife with Freudian imagery), or Parson's functionalist privileging of stasis, all these very modern concepts were built upon an external structure imposing itself upon individual subjects.  39 Foucault argued that the power people experience is not so much imposed through these structures, but rather constructed positively within each person, positively not in the sense of something good but in the sense that power constitutes itself. People, by internalizing various "regimes of truth" construct themselves as docile and easily manipulated bodies. To Foucault, docility and manipulability is not impersonally imposed on persons from outside but constructed inside ourselves. Defining what is to be considered knowledge and what is to be thrown out is so central to this process of subjugation that Foucault always used the terms power and knowledge together - power/knowledge. What is considered common sense today, still much the same as what that unparalleled modernist Ben Franklin thought it to be, contains much modern, unitary knowledge that normalizes and polices individuals. Common sense, in effect, because it is common, makes other thought uncommon, and, thereby, threatening. This process effectively creates the docility Foucault identified as people learn to fear difference.  This subjugating power is so powerfully present in modern persons that they, in effect, become guardians of themselves. Using the metaphor of Jeremy Bentham's Panopticon, wherein, because of the design of the building with the supervisors at the centre able to see the subjects without the subjects knowing whether they were or were not under surveillance, Foucault created a situation where each person had to assume they were being watched all the time (Foucault, 1977). Foucault refers to this normalizing influence as the "Panoptic Gaze". This Gaze supplies modern social control that manifests itself everywhere, most especially in the fear of being different. He demonstrates the efficiency of such internalized control that does not depend on torture or overt violence as pre-modern forms of control did, but, more efficiently leaves our  40  subjugation up to us.  Foucault based these concepts in his genealogies of knowledge through which he demonstrated the abrupt demarcation between the modern era of universal and unitary systems of classification and control through application of scientific method and those more organic classificatory schemas that preceded them (Foucault, 1972). He describes how these modern systems of control were used, for example, in constructions of mental illness so that those termed "ill" could be "treated", caring treatment forming an integral prop for the normalizing tendencies of modernity - likewise with students dropping out of college, this considered a somewhat deviant practice within a modernity that so privileges the educational project.  As methodology, dominant knowledge as narrative grounding discursive practices and thereby social control provides a new set of theoretical constructions with which to view education and educational practice. It proceeds by re-storying, which means, for example, recontextualizing and rehistoricizing modern narratives, history in Foulcauldian terms being stories we tell one another about the past that privilege certain contemporary knowledges while silencing others. To quote:  Unlike many past historians, Foucault declares that history is not linear, for it does not have a definite beginning, middle, and end, nor is it necessarily teleological, purposefully going forward toward some known end. Nor can it be explained as a series of causes and effects that are controlled by some mysterious destiny or all-powerful deity. For Foucault, history is the complex interrelationship of a variety of discourses (the various ways - artistic, social, political, and so forth in which people think and talk about their world). (Bressler, 1994:131)  41 Such an approach frames my rehistoricizing of the college in Canadian history in Chapter Three. I take out linearity, the ontology of progress and monocausal explanations, replacing them with a story that integrates the personal and historical, that denies the idea that progress is evident in Canadian history and demonstrates how conventional modern history reinforces modern education, how the ontology of modern history (linearity, progress) justifies current practice.  This is a constructivist approach that can accompany the deconstructive moment. The project of deconstruction and reconstruction of narratives and the philosophical edifices that supply their props form the two themes of the thesis, the interplay between them providing the rhetorical structure for what is to follow. Deconstructionism as technique fits so closely with knowledge as dominant narrative, that the two proceed hand-in-glove, to take apart and re-build the artifacts of modernity. This integrative approach, methodologically and disciplinarally, suggests a study of novel synthesis, whereby a postmodern melange, a collage of images, a bricollage of effect constructs new images for a modern community college in a postmodern era.  Limitations Of Methodologies  Is respect for difference more integral to maintenance of the status quo because "difference" itself, through postmodern theory has been tamed? Or is there a paradoxical and new relationship between these two characteristics? Perhaps this answer is yet to written; however this conception  42 hovers in the background of this thesis, providing what may be for the time being at least an unresolvable tension between the homogenizing influences of the market nexus, identified and well understood last century, and the postmodern validation and construction of difference alongside this sameness. As Umberto Eco has it, perhaps this is a return to Medieval ways of ordering existence wherein a new corporatism, that, while based in the destruction of the universalizing tendencies of modern metaphysics replaces them with something less compelling. While postmodernism can powerfully destroy modernity, just what can it do to replace it?  Derrida has concerned himself with, to quote:  the logocentric bias underlying the Western intellectual tradition - in our terms, the presumption that words reflect the workings of the mind as it converts the surrounding chaos into logical order. This traditional view demands reverence for the knower's words, for if such words are based on sound reason and observation, they can elucidate the essence of what is the case. It is largely by this rationale that students are assigned books and given lectures; these are the vehicles for communicating the accumulated knowledge of the culture. Derrida opposes the view of words as the individual's reflections of essences. Instead, he proposes, language is a system unto itself. Words derive their capacity to create a seeming world of essences from the properties of the system. This system of language (or of sense making) preexists the individual; it is "always already" there, available for social usage (Gergen, 1991:107).  Modern moorings to the transcendental signified Reason have been cut. But locating another system of referents based in a relational frame of reference within which to refloat any particular project seems problematic. The boat has been sunk. Can the survivors find and cling to anything but the jetsam and flotsam of a past time?  43 Since Derrida, nihilistic approaches to dissecting discursive practice are as valid as any other. Yet, like the bleak modern visions of Dada and the surrealists, it gives little comfort to audiences inculcated in mainstream romantic modernism. Methodology without the built-in comforts of the modernist epistemology and ontology cannot take the cultural worker from here to there in the way a positivist project can. Methodology as it has been understood is itself only an artifact. Modern moral and ethical content, that is appeals to a transcendental signified construct what western society considers problems. Within a Derridean schema, problems exist in relation to a transcendental signified; removing it removes problem per se. As all discursive practice is based in language that can be only relational, a closed system results that denies the theoretical possibility of magnitude in defining problems if not the definition of problem itself. Is one person's problem reduced to another person's privilege? Without the authority of the Centred Circle (Heidegger's term for the transcendental signified) definition and resolution become irresolvable. Theoretically, there is no problem in any positivist sense. With that, research and writing is cut loose to be reconstructed each time the signified "problem" is put into play. As the signified is dependent on a particular system of referents to give it meaning (advertising takes the product out of conventional context for just this reason), how can traditional academic research proceed?  Perhaps it can't in any conventional sense - perhaps the whole academic project, and with that, education itself has been called into question. The American philosopher Richard Rorty states something akin:  44  to think of knowledge which presents a "problem", and about which we ought to have a "theory", is a product of viewing knowledge as an assemblage of representations - a view of knowledge which...was a product of the seventeenth century. The moral to be drawn is that if this way of thinking of knowledge is optional, then so is the problem of knowledge. (Rorty, 1979:7)  Method qua method has been called into question as it is supposedly problem dependent. If escaping logocentrism is one of the vitiating forces underlying a cultural production, perhaps "methodology" along with "problem" becomes not only limited in its own terms but irrelevant in terms that don't accept reason as a transcendental signified in the first place. Can the boat called modernity be refloated in the face of increasingly substantial and foreign winds?  45 CHAPTER THREE  THE BRITISH COLUMBIA COMMUNITY COLLEGE IN A POSTMODERN CANADIAN HISTORY Eschewing the idea ofprogress, postmodernism abandons all sense of historical continuity and memory, while simultaneously developing an incredible ability to plunder history and absorb whatever it finds there as some aspect of the present. David Harvey The CONDITION of POSTMODERNITY  Rehistoricization  History provides one of the templates societies use when their members construct the present. That template, however, is not some immutable, though reinterpretable, set of facts given those members alive today from some reified past. Rather the template is constantly under construction, an artifact of present discursive practices that privilege or marginalize certain ways of constructing "past" itself as well as ways of reading that "past" once it has been constructed. These ways of perceiving the "past" profoundly affect ways of perceiving both the present and the future. Perceptions of the limitations and possibilities held within the future impact in quotidian practice, in what people do and how they do it as they go about in their everyday lives. These quotidian practices define institutions and the people in them. The community college in British Columbia is no exception. A rehistoricization of its past has the  46 potential to allow for futures not yet seen, has the potential to give it some needed postcolonial space. Until now the knowledge the college has brought its "clients", if the new language of quality control is to be drawn upon, for the most part has been the knowledge of the colonizer. The college has been an instrument of cultural imperialism, an agent of imperial discourse. It has actively worked to marginalize local stories through privileging those developed in the imperial centres, especially in the United States. This United Statesian discourse has written over, blocked and blotted out local discourse, for one, by defining it as living in the shadow of the "real thing", knowledge made in the imperial centre. Rehistoricizing the institution can make this colonizing transparent and point out ways to replace practice taken from outside with practice developed at home that allows for difference instead of imperial homogeneity.  Canadian Modernity  Modernity wrote itself large in the open spaces now called Canada, even as Max Weber identified modernity's lost enchantment (Weber, 1970:155 as quoted in Smart, 1993). The land was developed, this concept itself one of modernity's more loaded terms, within a contradiction more fundamental that any Marx identified; for while modernity was writing itself large here in North America, it had already lost vitality there, back in Europe from whence it had sprung. Modernity, though, seemed tailor made for this landmass that to moderns, looking to tame nature and make money while at it, cried out for ribbons of steel and miles of wire.  47  By the end of the nineteenth century, the train carried the material goods of the new nation to others, while the telegraph wire carried the messages from others to the citizens of the new nation. The newly discovered mass production of messages, the immaterial goods of commerce, carried then by Morse's code, began shrinking time and space between Halifax and Vancouver. Barbed wire joined with telegraph wire to reinforce the surveyors' writing on the landscape. Both wires, produced in factories far away from the spaces they enclosed and the rail lines they accompanied, made the discourse of modernity legible to those who until then had lived very far from it, blocking animal trails, old pathways and old ways of living.  In Canada, modernity should have fit like a hockey skate built around the traced imprint of the player's foot. But like a skate that's too big or too small, it chafed here and brought up blisters there. In British Columbia, Governor Douglas worked in advance of Victorian imperialism to impose the British way; consequently, the "tabula rosa" that the premodern landscape, in error, presented to newly arrived Victorians when white immigration began in earnest in the late 1800's had in places been written upon already by British and American land-based colonizers, not to mention the indigenous peoples who had arrived millennia earlier. That the "history" of the province officially began with the arrival of the whites encapsulates the colonial moment.  A recurring theme in that official Eurocentric history was the need to protect to the British colony of British Columbia from the predations of the imperial republicans to the South. The Cariboo gold rush of the 1840's created economic reasons for an influx of Americans, and, in  48 response, British colonial law and practice was quickly put into place to counter this growing American influence. Because of the relatively early and ad hoc imposition of British law, treaties with First Nations peoples that marked white settlement elsewhere in the Canadian West were largely absent in British Columbia. Consequently, the reservation system has worked imperfectly, though until recently, quite effectively, in British Columbia to control premodern threats to modern hegemony. Confiscation of natural resources by the colonizers proceeded apace until nascent postmodern voices, saved from modern extinctions, first softly, and then with increasing stridency, began to tell the premodern stories written out during modernity.  Canada, like all modern nation states, based its legitimacy to control and change the land and the people on it in a supposed national culture developed as the political expression of the hegemony of Western modernity. Citizens of newly formed modern nations, in efforts harkening back to Grecian and Judaic myths, in a retelling of ancient stories, strode manfully upon a new national soil that belonged to all of them (white, property-owning males) rather than to the aristocratic few. But these modern political myths chafed quite severely in Canada where nationhood was more the consummation of a business deal than the common romantic expression of national sameness. The "volk" of Fichte's and Heine's romantic Germany, or the sturdy "yeoman" of Jefferson's romantic United States or the "John Barleycorn" or "John Bull" of England didn't find similar expression in Canada. Even our symbols of nationhood were imposed from the outside, with Canadians, ever in the vanguard when it came to taking on imperial symbols as their own, constructing their subjectivity in imported images as well as those learned locally (Berton, 1975).  49 Canada was a piece patched together, in aspects more pre or postmodern than modern. Though to outward appearances a modern nation state, inside it was something different altogether. Lack of population, if nothing else, kept the modern template from imposing itself totally in each psyche. However, "psyche" as Freud wrote it, itself is an artifact of modernism, wherein individuals are assumed to be self contained, self-directed and autonomous. This "individualism" was a discursive construct that proceeded apace with modernity, changing how individuals perceived of themselves and each other, while at the same time changing the southerly landscape of the new nation so that the Canadian landscape itself became more congruent with their perceptions of self and the power of "self" over "nature".  In Canada, difference was never tamed but inadvertently encouraged. Though the template of modernity was placed over human and natural geography alike, the straight lines of modernity were never uniformly imposed over the curves and crinkles of the vast landscape and those few who lived on it. Always on the periphery, the citizens of the Canadian nation state, gripping tenaciously to a Northern landscape that premodernly imposed itself on them as much as they imposed on it, teetered toward one imperial power, then another, consumed by internal rifts planted within the British North America Act itself.  Originating in Lord Durham's work, a weak federal system that mitigated against the centralizing and homogenizing tendencies of modernity created a political environment that actively discouraged expressions of modern nationhood. So not only did the few that lived in Canada have to contend with a geography that mitigated against nationhood, with imperial  50 encroachments of all sorts including encroachments on colonial, and later national territory as the British imperialists sided with their American counterparts in various boundary disputes, it also had to contend with a political system that supported cultural and economic regionalism, such regionalism mitigating against cohesive, National Policies designed to privilege national capitals and cultures.  The British North America Act did what it was designed to do - keep the Americans at bay without giving the colonials, whether French or English speaking a modern national independence. The British had learned from the American Revolution - they let these Canadian colonists take a big slice of the colonial muskeg and, thereby, bought their loyalty to Empire and flag. Canada's Victorian bourgeoisie maintained privilege by retaining their monopoly on the bartering of Canada's "natural" resources within the British Empire. In return British financial capitalism marked by "hands-off" portfolio investment in railways and canals rather than by "hands-on" industrial investment like factory building, this "mature" capital itself an expression of an already suspect modernity, maintained its privileged status in the new nation. In the process Canada remained dependent on the homeland for goods of sophistication. Unlike its neighbour to the South, a nationally owned economic base in Canada has for the most part been noticeable only by its absence, economic as well as cultural breathing space somewhat limited in the cracks and holes left untended by contending imperial powers, whether French, English or American. That Harold Innis' seminal writings regarding a staples economy were based in this Canadian experience speaks to the loss of national possibilities.  51 Through nationhood, French Canadians found themselves in an uneasy alliance with what was still an English Canada, Quebec's elites in that priest-ridden society finding a mutually advantageous accommodation with the expatriate Scots and English, who, as over-seers for absentee portfolio holders, controlled the economy of that province as well as the others. However cultural hegemony did not follow upon economic control. This lack of cultural hegemony, which for so long made Canada different from the nation to South, finds official expression in aspects of the Riel Rebellion, the Manitoba Schools Question, the Conscription Crisis, and, less officially in the Montreal Hockey Riots of the 1940's, the Laporte and Cross Assassinations of the 1960's, the Oka Crisis, and, most recently, in the Quebec Cigarette Tax Revolt. A modern national cultural hegemony never did take hold here; this nation, more like Balkanized European countries than like its role models of France, England or the U.S., tottered toward postmodernity without incorporating aspects of modernity.  The imperial proclamation of the British North America Act of 1867 created the new nation of Canada. In 1871 British colonial holdings on the West coast of North America were re-colonized within Canada as British Columbia joined the growing nation. The completion of the railway from the East in 1885, consummated the business deal which took British Columbia into confederation. This completion of the transcontinental railway on the Southerly fringes of the Northern part of the continent supplied the operational myth for the new nation, fittingly so, as the railway itself was the defining technology of modernity (Heller 1993), making time and space middle class, placing these concepts at the service of the various nationalist bourgeoisie, irrespective of where they lived.  52 As Marx and Lenin, those modern symbols that still have enough vitality to kindle fear in postmodern bourgeois hearts, so rightly pointed out, the bourgeoisie was the first cultural grouping to express the priorities of the hegemony of transnational capitalism in its first outlines. Whether German, French, Dutch or British, the colonizing bourgeoisie carried the template of modernity with them as they moved their capital to the far reaches of Mercator's projection. These ambitious, modern people, perhaps best defined by Sweden's iconoclast Ibsen, one of the first to bell the modern cat, supplied a benchmark against which all Otherness came to be constructed. Naming the capital city of the province of British Columbia "Victoria", hiring the imperial architect Basil Rattenbury to freeze the imperial bourgeois moment in monuments like court houses and legislative buildings, overlaid this place as so many others with Victorian and Edwardian cultural artifacts that today are plundered for their symbolic value. As modernity continues its relentless decline, visiting places from the past, all named "nostalgia", becomes increasingly popular, as these places can, only temporarily of course, allow the traveller to escape the vertigo of postmodernity, find solace and shelter from the rising Maelstrom in the artifacts of Victorian order and optimism.  Empire though, by definition, doesn't have the best interests of its colonies at heart. Of course the colonists, who prided themselves on being more British than the British themselves, or later, who prided themselves on maintaining difference while accepting a new imperialism from the South, had the uncanny ability of the truly colonized to ignore all evidence of their colonization. Out on the West coast of Canada, the British betrayal through the Alaskan Boundary Dispute, or betrayal by our own federal government through letting American warships use West coastal  53 Canadian waters as their own, or fish treaties that saw our stocks given to American fishers with little more than official murmurs or clearing of throats, or even provincially through the Columbia River Treaty, the Empires from across the sea, to the South, and internally, to the East, combined with colonized minds at home to keep British Columbia marginalized, valued by locals and outsiders alike for its place on the map, its trees, minerals and ports, and most sadly, for the human fodder, military training and material (including thousands of horses) it could supply the Imperial war machine.  Yet some Canadians, including some British Columbians escaped the imperial moment, realized the new nation could be defined in terms of its making. Economic exploitation enforced by killing rebellious coal miners in Nanaimo, racism enforced by ghettoizing Chinese brought here to build the national monument, the transcontinental railway, low prices for commodities as compared to finished goods, vicious gender discrimination built into the fabric of the new nation itself, created a dissonance amongst many settlers. Many of these people, including many disenchanted bourgeois too, could see nationhood in terms of their making and added to a nascent national discourse.  Then the entanglements of the Imperial European Nations lead to the first great disenchantment of the modern era. The War of 1914 - 1918 descended upon Canada too, delaying if not destroying attempts of an enlarged and more involved citizenry, though an exclusively white, male citizenry, at national self-definition. Though Canadian historians usually have it that The Nation was born on Vimy Ridge, in carnage and suffering as a nation properly should, though  54 not on soil of the folk as the myth proper would have it, aspects of the new Canadian nation died on Vimy Ridge. The dialogue on what Canada was to become was halted just as it was becoming fully engaged (Finlay & Sprague, 1993:300-316). The imperial powers, following time honoured tradition, using their colonial and colonized sons as cannon fodder, saw to it that a de-colonized Canada, answering to its internal imperatives, would not develop to threaten their hegemonic control of the new nation. Many of those who had engaged the dialogue of national definition before the war began didn't live to talk anymore. Those that survived undoubtedly talked more mutedly upon return from the killing fields of France and Belgium.  Being part of unspeakable horror does not engender enthusiastic participation in nation building, this activity, alongside railway construction and universal, compulsory schooling, modernity crystallized. Those fortunate enough to have stayed home, I'm sure, talked differently too, the possibilities within which a national discourse could be constructed much constrained. That war memorials are the only public art in most of Canada's towns and small cities speaks eloquently to this destruction of national possibilities. Perhaps 1914 represents the apogee of the Canadian nation state, and the decades between that time and the approaching fin de siecle a great betrayal. Perhaps this is a tragic nation, the tragedy silenced by the banality of twentieth century modernity. National discourse since has moved out from under this great disenchantment only occasionally. A developing nation and a congealing people was cut off at the knees just as a selfconfident stride was developing, discourse since trapped in conceptual oppositions internalized by colonists living in images given them by the metropolae. The nation only occasionally found a voice within modernity. English Canadian dialogue was usually limited to challenging or  55 defending the colonizing discourse thrust upon the nation, to developing strategies of national survival in the face of imperial hegemonies (Atwood, 1972), to elaborating upon themes not of its making, discourse constructed locally never quite as "real" as the discourse imposed from the "outside". So until today when the NFL is more "real" than the CFL, ABC "drama" more authentic than CBC productions, and urban areas defined as "world-class" through importation of cultural symbols rather than through indigenous development.  For years before both engagements of the Great Imperial War of 1914 - 1945, for a period of time stretching well into the 19th. century, Russia and Canada had traded places as the fastest growing economies on the globe. In Canada the Great War only accelerated this economic growth so tied to modernity. The economic depression of 1929 - 1940 temporarily, and more harshly than in most other nations, because Canada's colonial status, then as now, offered little protection from the vagaries of either imperial or stateless, transnational capitalism, interrupted this growth. But growth began again in earnest in 1940. By 1945, when the second engagement of the great war was finally concluded with the decisive military defeat of Germany (Wallerstein, 1991), this nation had industrialized. No nation yet has moved so quickly from being a nation of farmers to being a nation of factory workers. Urbanization, of course, accompanied this industrialization, coming upon this country more quickly than anywhere else before or since. This nation grew faster, took in more space, and put out more goods per person in a shorter period of time than anywhere else before or since. By the end of the war, the Canadian economy was one of the world's largest as was its military and merchant marine.  56 From a postmodern vantage, the boundless, foolhardy, optimism that was symptom and manifestation of the metaphysics and ontology that held the project of modernity and its fundamentally similar political ideologies of socialism and capitalism together, seems so naive. Yet it is the modern projects of the late 19th and early 20th century that still bind this society together, bringing us our water, much of our schooling, giving us the lot lines we live within and many of the physical and mental structures that still house our efforts at domestic and communal life.  Modernity in Canada reached penultimate form as the present century began, the story since one of "catch up" and "redefinition", always in terms supplied by the Other. Such expressions of the ideology of modernity kept modern individuals, perhaps more so here than elsewhere, from feeling fulfilled. A modern subjectivity defined by angst, anxiousness, anxiety, and anomie finds expression in a restless wanting, grasping subject. In Canada, as elsewhere, emotionality itself was constructed to reflect and incorporate the modern social need for constant change no matter how superficial that grounds modern economics. An unending search for material and social security, attributes that had been written out of the lexicon of emotionality when modernity began, still provides a reinforcing web between the economic, the social and the individual to privilege discursive practices that cannot but lay even a province and country so vast and relatively underpopulated as British Columbia and Canada to waste.  Throughout its first hundred years the nation, at one moment desired, the next spurned, one moment the courtier, the next the courted, at one moment the dutiful son, the next the fearful  57 father - never the motherland, though proud of its Imperial Order of the Daughters of the Empire - the nation defined itself in images not of its making. Images so imperially fitted from the outside, images of war from far-off places, from Vimy to Normandy and up the spine of Italy, these places not so very far apart after all, in either time or space, images of progress, of Fords and John Deeres and, more locally of Massey Harris and MacLaughlins, sounds and images brought into the home through the CRBC, the Canadian Radio Broadcasting Commission, the precursor to the CBC, the Canadian Broadcasting Corporation defined Canada, defined the nation in terms of Other. Even the national public broadcasting corporation, established in 1936, now but a hollowed out shell, but vital then, was built in terms of Other, to keep American capital from Canadian airspace so that Canadian capital could develop indigenous radio signals at a slower speed, speed in this matter as in so many determined by market, by population density and income. National Survival, as Atwood (1972) so forcefully told, is The Theme of Canadian History.  After the end of the War these imperial images of progress, of washing machines and soap, of electric lawnmowers and ever sharp razor blades, combined of course with many images produced within Canada, came more from the imperial state to the South than from Empire in Europe. Inside the country they came West from that imperial place called the East. Toronto, rather than New York or Los Angeles, in the West took on the trappings of the despised colonizer, thus allowing the foreign imperialist a free hand, as the strategy brought to perfection by the British in India, once again had the colonized fighting amongst each other while the imperial powers stood back and benefitted mightily. The basis for postmodern multi-national  58 corporate strategies was laid in Alberta (Pratt, 1976), through the quiet and non-confrontational manner in which Imperial Oil took control of the Canadian oil fields in the 1950's.  Though Canadians always contested the importation of images and capital, though the colonization of minds in Canada moved from one colonial regime to another, national control of the economy, never nearly what it was in most other modern states in the first place, waned. Canada, colony as modern nation-state, modernity's stepchild, seduced and betrayed, though complicit through the workings of a middle class unable to see itself as more than barterer, expressed better than any other nation anywhere, the contradictions of modernity itself. Physical and cultural geography, sheer size and harsh climate and, perhaps most importantly, life beside the nation that took modernity to heart so uncritically, that made modernity its own, constructed difference in this nation where most saw only similarity, constructed nation in part as oppositional text, though the text was so often acritically written in the terms given the colonized by the colonizers.  59 Modern Canadian Institutions  Bhabha in DissemiNation: time, narrative, and the margins of the modern nation writes:  The emergence of the later phase of the modern nation, from the mid-nineteenth century, is also one of the most sustained periods of mass migration within the west, and colonial expansion in the east. The nation fills the void left in the uprooting of communities and kin, and turns that loss into the language of metaphor (Bhabha 1992:291).  During industrialization in Britain, the remaining extended families of pre-industrial society reformed as the nuclear family of industrial capitalism. These nuclear families became the defining institution of production and consumption in modern times, the site where productive and reproductive labour developed an uneasy working arrangement. This arrangement, which both incorporated and laid the foundation for so many of modernity's injustices, and self-defined neuroses and dysfunctions, grounded a modern industrial patriarchy that provided the frame of reference, the assumed benchmark for virtually all economic and social practices in Canada as in all other modern, industrial nations.  The factory, diffuse and undisciplined before the Scottish Enlightenment and the work of Ferguson, Smith and later Ure, based in outputting on the part of many individual producers, defined industrialization when the various parts were put under one roof so that they could be mechanized and rationalized. Agricultural production was reorganized in the New World, for  60 one, when the producers coming to this country in the late 19th. century didn't reform their lives inside a village, each nuclear family living alone on acreages often granted them by governments desperate for citizens to fill a seeming void and railway companies desperate for profits with which to fill those investment portfolios held overseas.  The Church became increasingly less central to the lives of secularizing Canadians. The moral and social attributes radiating from the church, within which individual subjects constructed themselves, now came more from the nation state through control of popular education and from "big" business through the vehicle of the advertisement. The accompanying new form of "ownership" and control, presciently called the corporation, invented in New Jersey in the late 1800's, displaced the previous corporatism which had given the Church a virtual monopoly on the official production of consciousness until modern times.  Bureaucracies accompanied the growth of Western nation states as the basic unit of national organization; post offices and police forces became ubiquitous. The standing army accompanied and occupied these modern, secular states, these states themselves a product of the very modern distinctions of civil and military (Bhabha 1990:119). Hospitals, prisons and schools were reconstituted, left their Medieval pasts, all caught-up within the logic of rational, industrial society. Napoleon had instituted street numbering in France that allowed for police and postal workers alike to carry out the work of defining and controlling modern subjectivity. Hooking individuals to a particular technically defined space in a technically defined time and using that self-same temporalism to track nationals defined in terms of these modern mental boundaries,  61 constructed a "naturalness" for modernity. When that modern civic nature is placed alongside the militarization of society made manifest through standing national armies, by the midnineteenth century the tentacles of a full blown modernity pulled most everything to it.  In fifteen years modernity totally replaced the classical era - nothing like it had happened before. By 1848, Jacksonian democracy represented the triumph of modern capitalism in the US. In Europe a more radical modernity was tamed by Metternich's vision as the rebellions of 1848, those expressions of subjectivity constructed in the light of the Enlightenment, failed, only to see a less egalitarian version of that self-same modernity triumph. The rebellions of 1837 in Lower and Upper Canada, expressions of individuals thinking differently about their place in society as well as of society itself, failed too, though the change called modernity was everywhere on the land. What has come to us officially as Riel's Rebellion way out west fifty years later provided a last gasp of a supplanted premodern way; by 1885 barbed wire invented in 1870, controlled the plain, while rail lines using steel forged in Bessemer's furnaces, invented in 1870, allowed the military to control Riel's attempts at social definition outside the homogenieties of modernity. The vulcanization of rubber, this process also developed in 1870, supplied tires for cars and tractors, gun carriages, ambulances and planes. The internal combustion engine cannot be forgotten, as it, in combination with petroleum by-products formed the technological foundation for the personal mobility identified as one of the individual freedoms of modernity. And in 1870 too, the Franco-Prussian War provided the final imprimatur of the efficacy of modern method in war as in peace, as Clauswitz, taking up where the originary modernist Machiavelli had left off, in the most logical and rational modern way  62 conflated the two. The war metaphor moved in with the concept of linear progress in all human affairs to provide a seamless guiding vision for modern western societies, a vision that ruled supreme until 1968, the year modernity died.  Demand for rubber products that quickly came to be filled through conversion of petroleum, and for gas and oil, laid the basis for Canada's oil and petrochemical industry, these the defining industries of the late modern period. Interestingly, this process of vulcanization also gave moderns the condom, that symbol of sexual freedom and repression, that technology which, along with the pulp prints, threw open the doors through which the newly minted middle classes could view and partake in seeming sexual esoterica that had until then been relegated to the upper and lower classes.  These "French Letters", as these particular "rubbers" were called, symbolized, as did the automobile on rubber tires or the airplane swallowing aviation fuel, the opportunity for personal expression and reconstruction available within modernity - now even Canada's middle classes, undoubtedly one of the most "anal retentive" of any, so used to looking across the ocean and then, more relaxedly, only "across the border" for the correct way to be, could expand their repertoire of behaviours without the requirement of constantly being concerned by the consequences - so even while Freud belled one cat, at the same time he saw modern technology allow another to escape, to make a new home under the front porch rather than on top of it. Of course, late modernity saw more cats gathering under more porches as more egalitarian technologies gave many access to behaviours and concepts that early modernity had reserved for  63 the few. New realities soon to be incorporated within the term "postmodern", wherein "popular" behaviours and productions became privileged alongside those privileged earlier through more elite contrivances, expressed the death of modernity as various "social contracts" were broken, as "normative" itself was put on trial and found sorely wanting. However, by the end of World War Two the story of Canadian modernism was virtually complete, modern industrial society implanted, and, for about forty years impregnable. That full-blown industrial modernity existed in Canada for some fifty years only is something of a shock - yet that is part of the impermanence that accompanies modernity, the vagaries unleashed by answering the impermanence built into modern, and indeed postmodern, capitalism.  In Canada the modern Family, the Factory, the Farm, the Union, the Media, the Church, the Bureaucracy, the University, the Military, the Hospital, the Prison and the School, those institutions Althusser refers to as Ideological State Apparatuses, all reflect and metaphorize the nebulous, indeterminate status Canadians incorporate into their modern identities. Though recent history develops the nuclear family as dating in instances from the 12th. century in Britain and as being as much responsible for modernity as a creation of it, nonetheless it too, like the university or hospital which also are rooted premodemly, still powerfully symbolize the modern moment. Like Canada itself, neither slave, nor master nor mistress, like Canadians themselves, self-deprecation fitting more comfortably than ostentation, in Canada all these institutions incorporate the semi-colonial status thrown out each day in our newspapers and televisions as the media "image-ine" the nation for their readers (viewers) in terms taken from elsewhere. This semi-colonial status appears in our acritical institutional acceptance of things American,  64 including the sheltering, patriarchal nuclear family of "Disney" and "Father Knows Best", in our foreign and economic policies of appeasement, and in the lack of imagination and initiative demonstrated by Canadian capitalists who view value added production almost as a communist plot, so loath are they to change their old colonial ways.  During modernity, vast profits accrued almost automatically simply by cutting, pulping and sawing trees, digging minerals from the earth, damming waters that covered so much of the land and planting crops in soils never systematically exploited before. Such easy resource exploitation reinforced economic and cultural colonialism because the bourgeoisie could create and maintain their wealth without, in modern terms, having to fully develop their society or the national economy. Becoming skilled at mediating between various outside interests rather than defining and constructing their own, colonial capitalists set the tone for Canada as colony. Only the emergency of war saw to advanced economic development. The stewardship of the American, C D . Howe in the 1940's, speaks to our taking on of stories written elsewhere. Even that development was let go of as soon as politically possible as Canada "downsized" and gave up various technological leaderships in the 1950's. Again, it should be remembered, it was Canadians, many of whom were fired from the jettisoned Avro Aero project, who were as responsible as the Americans or Germans for "putting the Man on the Moon". Ralph Nader, again an American and one of the seminal actors of the twentieth century, one of the first to meaningfully attack the manifestations and assumptions of consumer innocence, has well documented the myopic betrayal of this nation by its wasted and insecure elites.  65 National rationalizations wherein "compromise" is presented as a uniquely Canadian attribute and "peace-keeping" as a distinctly Canadian activity distort and help write out the violence that has been so much a part of modern Canadian history. Conventional stories called "Canadian History" marginalize or write out altogether the dirty little wars, the genocide, the class struggles, womens' struggles, the heterosexism, the struggles for ethnic recognition, the struggles for workers' rights, write out the racism and sexism and classism that marked this nation more than acceptance of difference ever has, then or now.  From Condoms To Community Colleges - Canadian Adult Education  Until well after World War Two the development of the formal post-secondary education sector never paralleled the development in other sectors of the Canadian economy. Formal postsecondary education remained neglected, relegated to the periphery, victim perhaps of the colonial mind that saw "real" knowledge and culture as that gained within or emanating from the imperial states themselves. Large scale post-secondary education, state controlled education, seemed to lie in abeyance, not rising prominently as it had in other modern states. Again lack of population, if nothing else, kept this manifestation of modernity at bay, limited to a few elite universities in a few urban areas. Just how long could a modern nation state resist the demands of people and capital for more of this good?  66 An integrated and encompassing national educational infrastructure from University to Kindergarten, from Apprenticeships to Doctorates vitiated the modem project in every modem nation. The railway, the surveyor, the power dam, the newspaper, modem medicine and the airplanes and rockets of war were dependent on it, on Education, from whence, during modernity, all else sprang. Canada, in modem terms, until the 1960's, and even later in British Columbia, was quite backward when it came to post-secondary state sponsored education.  Perhaps this lack of a well developed state sponsored infrastructure supplied the impetus for the development of Canadian informal adult education. That this moment was marginalized when the for profit and state sponsored education moved in, of course, was no accident. Such movements have the potential to threaten the hegemony of the modem nation state and the interests the modem state privileges, hides and protects. One of the major tasks facing postmodern education in British Columbia is vitiating this knowledge once again, because local self-developed knowledges can better answer the heterogenous needs of postmodern Canadians.  Paradoxically, referring to an artifact such as a "Canadian" or a "Canadian way of thinking" or attributing certain national characteristics to Canadians, means this dialogue somewhat at least, is framed within a modem universalizing, logocentric discourse. A "Canadian" as a concept is an idealized, reified construction that contains meaning only because the author and/or reader accept the modern premise that there are such things as natural, human characteristics expressed variously within modem nationalisms. Nationality, of course, is a very modem concept with nationalism, like education itself, intractably entwined in constructions of "modernity". Canadian  67 "nationality" remains inarticulate despite considerable energies directed to defining it. Though indistinct, the imprimatur modernity has left on Canadians is written as often as "absence" as it is as "presence".  In British Columbia, a colonized Canadianism found expression in a post-secondary education system that first maintained an elitist attitude drawn in terms of imperial England; apprentice and doctor alike benefited from this privileging of white, male British knowledge. The 1960's saw the establishment, of, a "radical" university named after the foremost of the white, Scottish explorers. Simon Fraser University was seen as radical simply because it incorporated the American semester system. Many of the people, often Americans who had breathed in the "discursive explosion" called the Sixties (Spanos, 1993), who began their Canadian teaching careers at this institution, found themselves fired a few years later when they attempted to live out some of the radicalness they had been promised. Many of these moved into the burgeoning community college system as it began to grow - many found employment at Capilano College in North Vancouver, supplying that college with more of a critical stance than others in the Lower Mainland of British Columbia.  The Community College in British Columbia was a graft, taken directly from the United States, wearing the clothes of the colonizer with pride, equating the importation of educational structures with progress, flexing the authority of the educational project as it had developed in the U.S. wherein it was emblem and manifestation of the modern moment. No attempt was made to incorporate ideas developed in the shadow of the British Empire that held sway until the  68 1960's; the American model was imposed on the province by provincial politicians and bureaucrats and it remains, in most respects, unchanged until today. Changes today, however, only move it more closely into the postmodern empire of business, as the new corporatism of the postmodern era, wherein "business" assumes the role the "church" played in the middle ages, comes to write the institutional agenda and to construct consciousness in terms of its needs and priorities.  That this totalizing story brought us by business, in many respects, runs counter to the other tendency within postmodernism to privilege difference, is a theme yet to be played out in schools in this country and many others. Education will be profoundly affected by the "voicing" of the "marginals", especially if it challenges the dictates of consumerism. Postcolonial institutions answering to imperatives that escape the totalizing discourse of modernity and of postmodern transnational capital formations, that come wrapped in the guise of the "knowledge industry", if they are to find new life must fit into this new politically amorphous but economically rigid space called postmodern. This rigidity has seen arenas of life and production that in modem times had a legitimate existence outside the market nexus become sucked into a consumer vortex. Within postmodernity, the economic colonization of the individual is complete, the postmodern in this sense marking the final triumph of modernity.  The modem socialist as well as the modem capitalist project was based in the construction of a consumer mentality wherein all value came to be defined in terms of the production and the consumption of goods, whether material or immaterial - both these projects represent the  69 capitulation of all value and life to the totalizing discourse of consumerism. In British Columbia's community colleges, as in others, students are now constructed as consumers (clients) and products, even returnable if performance doesn't match that promised in the warranty. Both client and employers of the client have the "right to get their money's worth". But as Foucault and Derrida have taught, and others before them, totalizing discourses like these have opportunity for oppositions built in. Giving these oppositions expression is the work for a postmodern posthumanist, postcolonial British Columbia community college. Revising the "history" that the college stands in, and exposing history itself as a contingent, discursive practice, as a story from the present to the present, rather than from the past to the present provides a new place for these institutions to stand. This postmodern stance exposes the community college in British Columbia as a text imposed on the province. Understanding this colonial past can lay a path that moves from it, can allow for the possibility of a postcolonial institution that answers to local cultural and economic imperatives even as the rationalizations termed "globalization" proceed around and in it.  70  CHAPTER FOUR  IMMIGRATION, TECHNOLOGICAL CHANGE AND THE COMMUNITY COLLEGE Rather than recognizing how differences are historically and socially constructed within ideologies and material practices that connect race, class, and gender within webbed connections of domination, liberals consign the struggle of subordinate groups to master narratives that suggest the oppressed need to be remade in the image of the dominant white culture in order to be integrated into the heavenly city of Enlightenment rationality. Henry Giroux Border Crossings  Recontextualization  New immigrants and new technologies are largely responsible for the growth and change enveloping British Columbia's community colleges. These phenomena, like all others are made "sensible", given social meaning through the application of myth and metaphor. This myth and metaphor privileges or marginalizes certain ways of seeing and of being a person. The work of the community colleges is framed by an acceptance of the prevailing mythology regarding social change. In order that the institution can step outside of these conventional contextualizations, which prevent the institution from hearing the unorthodox communities which increasingly mark all their catchment areas, the external environment must be recontextualized. As the previous  71 chapter rewrote the history in which the college stands, removing the progression written into traditional, modern Canadian history, so this chapter will rewrite the human geography, including the ethnographic environment the college stands in. The purpose of this re-writing is to expose assumptions that frame perceptions of the environment in order to de-privilege the modern white story that still frames collegial practice.  Immigration - From Premodernity To Modernity  Immigration to Canada is bounded by a powerful myth. People who move here now are seen by those who immigrated earlier as coming to a land of social and economic opportunity. The right attitudes, especially accepting the values of consumerism, and those, so far, are almost impossible to resist, and a willingness to work, that is to perform certain prescribed behaviours for money, guaranteed an incremental acceptance into the mainstream culture. Difference and Otherness would melt away; slowly, the Canadian would emerge, that Canadian in British Columbia a reproduction of the Anglophone white who "came before"... material rewards would accrue in a manner that seemed natural, if not to the first generation, then to the second.  In the past, most of the immigrants encapsulated by this myth came from Europe, those constructed as the most exotic from the Ukraine, Greece or Montenegro, from the lands once a part of Byzantium. At late as 1971 three-quarters of all immigrants residing in B.C. were of  72 European origin. Today three-quarters arrive from Asian countries. Though the European immigrants often didn't speak English, significant commonalities existed between the Canadian culture (aboriginal cultures obviously excepted) and the indigenous cultures of the immigrants. Most were Christians of one sort or another; the Cyrillic alphabet was the greatest challenge to the lettering of the dominant English language.  Recent immigrants, those arrived since the late 1970's, unlike most of the immigrants who preceded them, are not acculturated within the Judeo/Christian/Greco/Roman tradition, though many have internalized the values of possessive individualism (C.B. MacPherson, 1962) emanating from the period of the Enlightenment that saw the European bourgeoisie ascendant at home and abroad. As well, most are not white-skinned. Though many recent arrivals have a sophisticated knowledge of capitalism, perhaps outstripping the understandings of most native born Canadians, they bring other values with them. These "New Canadians" who don't conform to the myth provide a potent addition to the discursive homebrew called Canada. The top may be blown right off the still of modernity, here, as it did in the "old" modern USSR, especially if the vagaries of transnational capital, which benefit so many "new" Canadians while deprivileging the "old" ones, gain even greater ascendency in the construction of the postmodern economic landscape.  Each wave of immigration to Canada is based within its own constructions of historical, economic and social conditions. In the late 1600's, as the outlines of modernity were first becoming visible, Louis IVth., to counter the growth of British mercantilism in North America,  73 moved some of his subjects from the old to the new France, until, as myth has it, and all history is myth within the post-modern, the king panicked, worrying that old France would be emptied of his subjects if new France was to be filled. The anti-republican United Empire Loyalists arrived toward the end of the 18th. century. In the beginning of the 19th. century Lord Selkirk sponsored Scottish crofters displaced by the vicious enclosure movement. The Irish potato famine, which was no famine at all, but, rather a market adjustment with cereal grains being successfully grown for export to feed the new English working class alongside the fields of blighted potato crops meant to feed the locals, brought hundreds of thousands of Irish to Canada in the 1840's, only to see many of them die during the trip from the "homeland" or in their first year here, weakened by disease and starvation. The first wave of Mennonite migration in the 1870's was a reaction to the lifting of the exemption from military service granted them by Catherine II when they originally moved to Russia to escape the militarization of Prussia. In Canada, military exemption was guaranteed by the federal government, more concerned for the moment with filling the prairies with settlers to keep the Americans out, than filling regiments for slaughter in Europe. Hutterites migrated so they too could follow their religious convictions without persecution by the state. Jewish people immigrated to North America at the same time, escaping pogroms in eastern Europe, especially Poland and Russia.  In 1913, Canada became home for more than 400,000 immigrants from Europe, Britain and the U.S., the highest number ever to move to Canada in one year, many drawn by Clifford Sifton's blandishments about unlimited opportunities awaiting those bold enough to settle the Canadian prairies. Italians, Portuguese, and German immigrants came in the hundreds of thousands after  74 1945, rebuilding every major Canadian city in the post-war boom. Filipinos started immigrating to Canada in the 1960's and are arriving still. Today's Indo-Canadians from many nations then, moved here in increasing numbers throughout the last half of the twentieth century, many forced to leave newly independent African states. New Chinese immigrants joined native born SinoCanadians, some of whose ancestors had lived in Canada for at least a hundred years already. Vietnamese, Salvadorans, Chileans, Guatemalans, Jamaicans, Iranians, Iraqis, Somalis, Kurds, Haitians, Russians, Bosmans, Serbians and many more joined others already arrived and are moving here still (Appendix B).  All these people and peoples, in modern and post-modern terms, had their own stories. That these stories were often marginalized if not forgotten entirely in the new world is again the story of constructing meaning in a culture, of who controls the process and to what end the discursive meamngs are put. Many times too the new immigrants wanted to forget, coming to Canada in the first place because of greater oppression elsewhere. As well, forgetting meant fitting in more quickly, becoming like "everyone else", reconstructing oneself according to the universalizing and homogenizing dictates of modernity. But many of the new immigrants do not forget so quickly as the immigrants of old; within postmodernity pressures to conform to the totalizing images of European modernity have lessened. Difference is more tolerated, though, contradictorily, racism continues unabated. Often openly expressed in the home and the workplace, and more subterraneanly in the pages of the daily newspapers, on TV, from church pulpits and in government policy, racism has changed appearances rather than disappeared.  75 Not all immigrants were economically or socially marginalized in their homelands especially those immigrating from the United States or the United Kingdom. Some came to what we now call Canada with wealth and privilege intact. What we now consider white supremacist attitudes formed a significant part of the intellectual baggage these immigrants carried with them. The supremacy of white males was viewed as ordained, as part of a natural order flowing from on high. United Empire Loyalists carried this privilege northward when the story being written in the thirteen colonies threatened the conservative attitudes they felt theirs by right of birth. Remittance men, those unwanted sons of the landed gentry in the United Kingdom, the "old" country, lived well, building many a ranch in British Columbia's interior. Often privilege continued unabated in the new land, rooting itself early on in the fur trade, then lumber, railways and banking, fortune building on fortune, in a way undreamed of until capitalism supplanted mercantilism. The triangular trade between the West Indian and British North American colonies and the industrializing metropolitan centre so euphemistically named the United Kingdom in large part constructed the modern North American world, that world in part built on the backs of black slaves imported from Africa. That Canada benefited in this triangular trade centred on slave labour, that a case can be made that the modern Canadian as well as American economy is based in slave labour, is again a part of Canadian history often left at the dock when ships called history, shrouded in mists from the past, set sail.  76 Immigration - From Modernity To Postmodernity  Likewise with today's immigrants - some come to Canada with privilege intact, coming here to secure existing wealth instead of creating more in this economy, rates of profit in some of their homelands greatly exceeding those available here (see Appendix B). Many Asian males come with gender privilege that might well surpass that adhering to past immigrants. Asiatic immigration, like the European immigration before, is based within its particular social, historical and economic context. For example, the de-colonization of Hong Kong is creating insecurity for many who are privileged in that place today. One way to protect that privilege is to establish residency in Canada by investing here. A new story of immigration is being written that profoundly challenges the myth that still holds most native born Canadians in its grasp.  Clifford Sifton was accused of mongrelizing the British race in Canada by the importation of foreign stock, and that is what eastern European immigrants were called by the EnglishCanadians at the time. But, unlike those arriving during today's wave of immigration, the immigrants enticed here by Sifton were pretty well all white people. The whiteness of the Canadian population remained transparent; that is, because most everyone was white, most everyone didn't realize that being white was of the same order as being coloured. Whiteness is no longer transparent; neither is wealth. Fissures are appearing and reappearing in the social fabric of the nation; the old hegemonic cultural structures like the racist myth that bound immigration are disintegrating. Imported wealth is seen as Difference, often resented, whereas  77 wealth controlled by the native born is more accepted. The cohesiveness of Canadian society as it has been constructed since the 1950's is unravelling.  Postmodern Society  As Bhabha noted: If, in our travelling theory, we are alive to the metaphoricity of the peoples of imagined communities - migrant or metropolitan - then we shall find that the space of the modern-nation people is never simply horizontal. Their metaphoric movement requires a kind of 'doubleness' in writing; a temporality of representation that moves between cultural formations and social processes without a 'centred' causal logic. (1990:293)  The flow of Asian immigrants is accelerating. Increased immigration quotas set by the federal government, moving from 200,000 in 1990 to 250,000 for 1992 - 1995, though, because of political pressures from the populist, right, actually set at 225,000 for 1993 and 1994, will account for some of this change. The unsettled political climate in Hong Kong will contribute as British Columbia attracts 35 % or more of that immigration to Canada with most of those individuals settling in the lower mainland of the province.  The lower mainland of British Columbia has taken on aspects of a global bedroom community as some of the new immigrants commute to Asia, especially to Hong Kong, Taiwan, and, the  78 industrializing mainland of China for work. Others stay home and telecommute, their community partially electronically defined, affinities with people in far away spaces being maintained while those within physical proximity, called neighbours in the modern era, remain strangers. Others commute conventionally, usually one person to a car. Increasingly, others work close to home or in suburbs adjacent to their homes as the downtown central business district looses the centrality given it in modernity. Burgeoning postmodern industries based on the microchip revolution absorb many of these workers, while many workers privileged within a modern industrial economy are relegated to the fringes, to retraining or low wage labour in a service sector, including the colleges, that will soon experience the same rationalizations recently visited upon the industrial economy.  Employment less linked to a central place leads to a new form of urbanism, which Bookchin (1992) calls urbanization without cities. Modern notions of community, and with that, of citizenship are left behind. In effect a postmodern non-community of non-citizens is developing alongside the disappearing, modern community defined by a citizenry with more in common than answering the imperatives of a postmodern consumer culture, a "centred causal logic" that united persons into a "community" relegated to modern times. This movement is both metaphor and manifestation of the decline of the Centred Circle of Modernity.  The automobile, the mall, detached homes and industrial and commercial parks largely define the seen built environment. The streets have gone indoors, into malls and the wide aisles of the mega-stores. The streets outside no longer bind the community in a psychological sense. They  79 exist mostly as conduits for the automobile, increasingly threatening to people who still wish to use them to walk. Architecture demonstrably defines the demise of modernity as most every school and mall built since the mid 1980's places itself well within the postmodern school of architecture. Lower mainland college campuses are built within this referent too, providing more disjunction between modern practice and the postmodern physical text that surrounds them. The architects themselves are not necessarily aware of the stories they are telling in concrete, plastic and gypsum, sometimes illiterate when it comes to an understanding of the styles they draw upon in their seemingly endless and shallow derivations. This plundering of the past, of course, marks a cultural change defining the postmodern moment when the past exists as artifact to be plundered rather than as story to affect practice.  A huge unseen built environment parallels this seen built environment. In the past it brought gas, electricity, water and telephone services into homes, schools and offices and took sewage away. In the postmodern era, a host of new non-material goods join the other unseen commodities travelling through these unseen pipes and wires. Today a phone line and modem allow citizens to send messages out as well as receive them. An "electronic highway" specifically designed for huge volumes of two way traffic, based in fibre optics carrying broad-band signals, in a few years will allow, for example, teachers to get together with students while each doesn't leave home. Sewer conduits won't be the only highly developed means by which potential commodities will leave homes, schools and offices. The inter-active electronic classroom is almost here - its utilization will change the educational landscape. Most of what the college is about now will be jettisoned as custom designed educations that answer individual needs will take the place of  80 individuals being forced to accommodate the needs of an educational system increasingly irrelevant to both the needs of the learner and of postindustrial consumer culture.  Space and time take on strange and different form in these new postmodern environments, in this new society just beginning to appear over the horizon of common conception. This is especially confusing because these new spaces remain unformed, at least in terms of concepts available to elaborate upon them. And to add to the confusion, they exist alongside modern forms of time and space. Jumbled-up indistinct mental landscapes result which to some degree do follow upon the jumbled-up indistinct built environment wherein functions previously discrete become conflated, wherein, for example, distance becomes proximity and proximity isolation, although not alienation, as alienation is a supremely modern concept existing in opposition to a utopic moment understandable only in modern terms that assume an inevitable progression to such a place.  Incommensurate communities (or non-communities) exist in parallel space. "Virtual communities" held together through electronics join with ethnic communities like Indo-Canadian communities and the Sino-Canadian communities to produce a heterogeneity within which traditional concepts of citizenship melt; no "lingua franca", except perhaps the technical language of "computerese" and consumerism unites these groupings. The new electronic environment encourages a further fracturing of the traditional, modern community as more people work, study and consume in isolation, in the process redefining for moderns what it means to be human, by changing the balances between affective, cognitive and intellectual domains if not  81 negating or conflating these discrete modern domains altogether.  Like the built physical environment, more marked by impermanence, where corner stores come down only to see townhouse projects with built-in half lives go up, so the reconstruction of humanbeingness itself proceeds alongside. The impermanence of the built environment provides a fitting metaphor for the impermanence of humanbeingness itself. Modern concepts of human nature are found to be disposable rather than immutable, an essential self an artifact of romanticism and individual autonomy a chimera (Gergen, 1991).  That a publicly funded "community" college can continue to exist in an environment that implicity, and increasingly explicitly, works in opposition to modern concepts of community is yet to be seen. Henry Giroux addresses the issue of the viability of public education in a postmodern environment in various publications. In his article Educational Leadership and the Crisis of Democratic Government (1992), Giroux laments the retreat from community evidenced in postmodern social forms, offering suggestions as to how the educational project can be revitalized. He claims that Schools of education have a historic opportunity to reclaim the language of substantive democracy, critical citizenship, and social responsibility. If such a project is to be vitalized, in British Columbia and Canada, British Columbia's colleges are wellpositioned to be in the vanguard. Their changed environmental surrounds provide plenty of uncharted water within which to dip their oars.  82 CHAPTER FIVE  ECONOMICS, TECHNOLOGICAL CHANGE AND EDUCATION  Goods are endowed with value by the agreement of fellow consumers. They come together to grade events, upholding old judgements or reversing them. Mary Douglas & Baron Isherwood The World of Goods  Resituating The Community College  Like rehistoricizing and recontextualizing community college practice, resituating the community college can lead to new ways of perceiving the institution and its social possibilities. Educational institutions in the switch from modern to postmodern times, are suffering a loss of prestige and privilege similar to that suffered by the church when science ascended during nascent modern times. This institutional loss is based in an even more fundamental loss - the recognition that knowledge itself is no more than a daily social construction, not a transcendent good inherited by a fortunate few, who, because of class, gender or supposed merit, are exposed to its outer reaches (Foucault, 1972, Lather, 1991, Smart, 1993). Traditional educational institutions have become purveyors of a tainted, modern good (Gergen, 1991, Spanos, 1993). That this good called education regain a lost integrity and the institutions marketing it maintain social relevance  83 is central to revitalized practice in British Columbia's community colleges. Attempts at regaining this lost integrity cannot proceed, as the revanchivists like the Americans Allan Bloom and William Bennett would have it, by appeals to the totalizing discourse of modernity through a revitalization of universal norms expressed through reimposing a standardized curriculum and canon, by following models set by Harvard, MIT and other neo-colonizers. Nor can educational integrity be reconstructed by supposedly making modern education more relevant by "adding-on" some women and people of colour (Sampson, 1993). Rather the very ideas of a canon and of universal educational norms on the one hand, as well as the idea of the college as servant to industry on the other, and the false dichotomy that supposedly splits these two, must be rejected if a secular practice relevant to postmodern citizens in British Columbia in the third millennium is to take institutional shape.  Such issues are much larger than any particular practice in any community college in British Columbia. Many are systemic and can be addressed only at the provincial level. Yet cognizance of these issues at the institutional level can lead to a revitalized practice institution by institution, and can lead to increased awareness of local demands at the provincial level, as the colleges within such a scenario can contemplate taking a leadership role rather than waiting on the dictates from Victoria, the provincial seat of modern state power. Following such a route to inscribe local stories at a higher bureaucratic level follows Foucault's analysis of the microphysics of power and his exhortation to engage power where it is constructed, in the discursive constructions that define quotidian practice. That bureaucrats charged with local operations of the college system understand and take on the work of destroying the privilege they  84 stand on, may seem, from a modem perspective, utopic, or in the language of institutional functionalism, impractical and unrealistic. But these challenges are as nothing compared to the institutional imposition of modernity in the first place. Those practitioners, at that time, had visions and reasons for practice that transcended what we call career interests. Indeed career interests then, like now, were mostly attached to social stasis. Yet modernity developed anyway, the Inquisition notwithstanding. Is this society capable of a similar transformation? Going on as in the past, because such practice cannot but lead to the further breakdown of all the ecologies that sustain modem life, is, in effect, a nihilistic practice. Interpellation of the functionalist and instrumental discourse that grounds modem practice can form the background for a revitalized college practice.  British Columbia's community colleges, and the various groupings that comprise them, have been less resistant to the various dictates of provincial governments than have, for example, hospital employees, grade school teachers, hospital employer groups and the school trustees' association. The colleges as institutions are much younger than grade schools and hospitals. This explains some of this acritical compliance. A lack of effective systemic, modem leadership helps explain this rudderlessness too. The various ministries the colleges have reported to since the inception of the college system in 1977 have had their way with them because the colleges never acted in a unified way to identify, never mind to protect and further the interests of the students they ostensibly serve. The colleges have existed in terms of the agendas of others, colonized institutions unaware that their subaltern status is both unnecessary and harmful to the students they use to justify their existence. College students and staff coming to a realization that the  85 institutions they work in have an increasingly central role to play in an era when education qua education is losing credibility and societal support will go a long way in developing the confidence to go to Victoria with articulated demands rather than cap in hand. On the other hand, if the colleges totally succumb to the story of Education as told by Business, they will never develop ways to answer the emerging educational requirements of a postmodern province. Rather they will develop an increased dependency as the opportunity for these institutions to find a unique voice comes and goes, as the window of opportunity closes before they can muster the wherewithal to crawl through to the other side. College faculty, through their umbrella organization, the College and Institutes Educators' Association (see Appendix C), college managers through their newly created employers' council, a provincial creation but nonetheless one with the potential to articulate college interests, staff through their unions, the Canadian Union of Public Employees and the British Columbia Government Employees' Union, students through various students associations, and especially, the communities the colleges serve, through yet to be developed parents' groups and special issues groups, that go beyond identifying and forwarding the special interests of the business community, must bring their ideas of what a community college can be to those responsible for the colleges at both the local and provincial level. Severe and sustained pressure from those who can think beyond the narrow technical rationality that now pervades these institutions and restricts and taints their decision making is the means by which a new community college answering to the imperatives of the new millennium can find purchase.  86 Education Is Not An Unmitigated Good  Of all the goods that comprise this consumer society, Education still stands alone, only lately tainted by modernity's decline  - still a space-age Teflon man, not woman, for a new  millennium. Education still has magic; it holds the secrets to make old lives new and new lives like those of old. It has authority - most times, it still knows right from wrong, good from evil. It still looks like the Church used to look, even though, in postmodern times, Business has put on the airs previously worn by the Church - infiltrating consciousness and defining humans in its image. Some educational practitioners see themselves as the high priests of modernity, bringing the Word to those Unschooled in the mysteries and arcane languages of its more esoteric manifestations - sacrificing those unwilling or incapable of learning the modern story to the false god of eternal progress.  Education has presence - moderns do it all the time and most anywhere. It sneaks in under the door when least expected, and takes leave, often without the learner knowing, but before going, picks pockets and brains, often, contrary to modern myth, leaving the learner more mentally and physically impoverished than before it arrived. At this "fin de siecle", a euphemistically termed learning society frames consumption - education, especially electronically delivered education, the consumption item so fitted to a new age, where audiences continuously form, dissolve and reform in patterns of consumption. The non-material sign, the images and the icons of hyperreality form favoured consumer products. Amongst these, formal education is set apart,  87 even quarantined, still storied as untainted while practitioners and students alike pay it homage that critical, postmodern theory has rendered vacant and vacuous at best.  Education, Modernity and Metaphor  During modernity, but hardly less so before, Education lead a charmed life inside the Centred Circle identified by Heidegger. It kept busy constructing knowledge that was light itself. Whether it was through Apollo domesticating Dionysus, God overseeing a Medieval Europe, or Reason holding Moderns in its disciplinary grasp, knowledge construction and control remained inside the centred circle. In the west, each time the circle came undone, after Greece was colonized by Rome, after Rome was colonized by the Christians, and after the Spell of the Church was broken by Science, Science still, though tortured, the Truth of this day, another was built. Each time the circle remained invisible until the new knowledge of a new time held the circle up to its own light so that it became visible. This time holding the circle up to the light has written a different story. The Circle, and the making of circles as a maintenance project, has become increasingly common knowledge. Modern metaphysics, what Derrida terms the metaphysics of presence, philosophically speaking, has been destroyed. With that, modern concepts of education have been destroyed too. These concepts were dependent upon modern conceptions of the individual as self-contained, self-defined, and self-directed (Gergen, 1991). A postmodern subjectivity, such a concept itself an oxymoron, holds that individuals are  88 indeterminate, that the idea of an essential self that can be educated according to values that have "stood the test of time" is an artifact of a modern time that though dominant is, philosophically anyway, dead.  Knowledge, and, with that, education has lost its innocence; try as they have, neither Allan Bloom nor William Bennett, those neo-colonizers peddling tainted goods, could get the genie back in the bottle. Such staunch defenders of the Centred Circle of Modernity, and along with that, of imperialist American educational discourse, cannot go back home again - the cat has been belled - the Enlightenment discourse that still exerts such influence and control, found out, a male, chauvinist, racist, sexist story even as it parades as disinterested, and masquerades as Truth.  Since Plato at least Knowledge has been equated with light and ignorance with darkness (Ulmer, 1986, Spanos, 1993). During modernity formal education has been the means to gather in the light, to move from the darkness and shadow of the margin into the brilliance of the centred circle of modernity. But a centred circle is greedy; it draws the light to itself, making light promise to forsake all Others. The light, complicit in its own subjugation, finds its imagination atrophied, finds it cannot shine elsewhere because it can't imagine where elsewhere is. And so with modern education. It is trapped in its own discourse, in the chains of its own making. To move beyond requires that education be unhooked from modernity so it can stand free, move about unencumbered by the myths of modernity that see education as the key to linear progress in all human affairs. Despite mounting evidence in virtually every arena of existence that directly  89 counters such simplistic beliefs, this bedrock assumption still asserts tremendous social control when combined with the myth of immigration, of "bettering oneself" by joining society's mainstream through education, and more overarchingly, of progress in history, reformers of any ilk are presented with a minefield of dated conceptions.  In postmodemity, education must be viewed more modestly - it can't carry the hopes of generations anymore, especially now that it has been levelled, has become simply another consumption item, with instructors and professors losing identity, reduced to sales persons selling metonymy and metaphor to audiences with attention spans for the written word shortened by exposure to the "zap a second" world of video games and music videos, teaching itself become entertainment - not too challenging nor too distant. Postmodern students have requirements that students who came before did not - modern institutions address these requirements only haphazardly and infrequently, a coordinated response unavailable as too many assumptions, too many subconscious notions must be displaced before the outlines of postmodemity can be recognized.  A metaphor is no more natural than nuclear bomb. It is a socially constructed artifact prized today for market value based in the aesthetics of language, a non-material consumption good for the postmodern consumer. Education, as metaphor and process, though it manages with increasing difficulty to keep up its unsullied appearance, is not immune from such commodification. Education, bound by metaphors, some two thousand years old, others dating from the perspectivism that accompanied the Enlightenment (Harvey, 1990, Hauser, 1951), is  90 made legible by concepts that are as natural to most moderns as tying their shoelaces (or sticking Velcro together to move into the postmodern as it deskills shoe users) to maintain the legitimacy given it during the Enlightenment. For example, understanding is not seeing; seeing is not believing; ignorance is not darkness, nor education light. Some protean fear of darkness grounds these metaphors; education confounded with light and ignorance confounded with darkness has ensured privilege for the educational project within modernity and certainly before. That the project does not mean progress in all human affairs has yet to be meaningfully addressed, planetary destruction notwithstanding.  Education is not knowledge, nor knowledge understanding. Gaining a perspective does not lead to insight, or for that matter, outsight. Circles can't contain or bound a thing, and, what goes around, except for common sense based in a Newtonian cosmology, doesn't necessarily come around. Supervisors do not have super-vision anymore than managers can over-see. Metaphor, only the supporting metaphors of modernity, though often drawn in distant pasts, mistaken for the immutable nature of things, makes it so. Educators and advertisers alike draw on metaphoric image to construct consciousness, metaphor itself the commodity that best defines postmodern society. Like the railway of modernity, which brought the world of physical commodities to every doorstep, during postmodernity the metaphor, that non-material means of transport, spreads a world of non-material commodities over audiences that have in common only the process of commodification itself.  91 Metaphors that construct modernity are still used simultaneously and overlap so much with metaphors for education that pulling education from modernity in order to resituate it, means getting down to metaphor. Metaphors construct meaning to the degree that meaning can't be made without them. Only metaphoric language can mean enough to talk literally, for, contradictorily, talking literally can't really be done without relying on metaphor to provide the concepts to make the literal literal. Literalism itself is a product of metaphor, not living outside of it or in opposition to it. The binary opposition in language, wherein certain discourse is deemed metaphorical and other, more privileged discourse deemed literal, is itself an ordering, a ranking by which expressions of knowledge morphologically maintain privilege at large. As Kenneth Gergen says: the literal is simply the metaphor grown complacent (Gergen, 1991:223).  Jonathan Culler, in On Deconstruction, a seminal American work on the technique of deconstruction similarly writes:  In theory, metaphors are contingent features of philosophical discourse; though they may play an important role in expressing and elucidating concepts, they ought in principle to be separate from the concepts and their adequacy or inadequacy, and indeed separating essential concepts from the rhetoric in which they are expressed is a fundamental philosophic task. But when one attempts to find concepts that are not metaphorical, not only is it difficult to find concepts that are not metaphorical, but the very terms in which one defines this philosophical task are themselves metaphorical (Culler, 1982:147).  The privileging of metaphor is embedded into common definitions and delineations of language itself. Working outside, though paradoxically, always inside the conceptual walls that metaphor gives to language, is subscribing to Nietzsche's dictum to live dangerously. For, metaphorically  92 of course, language is home to each of us; it is where we live, a comfort for most, and, though taken for granted, a comfort quickly and harshly defended when dissonance and disharmony and disruption come knocking. Perhaps Pink Floyd should change their popular challenge to the hegemony of modern education from "teacher leave those kids alone" to teacher "keep your metaphors at home".  In the postmodern era simulations of what in the previous era of print communication was considered reality, because of the workings of electronic media, come to be reality itself. These simulacra act as stand-ins, whereby what Baudrillard, another postmodern French social theorist, terms the reality principle is replaced by the principle of simulation (Baudrillard, 1983:152). Similarly, constructivism, a concept grounded in Russian theories of aesthetics, but applied more generally within postmodernism, holds that reality occurs when a critical mass of a particular population subscribes to a group of underlying similarities in their worldview (Candy, 1987:297). In effect, people invent their reality as they go along. Because particular realities are social constructions based in a particular time and place, they can change over time, and, importantly for this thesis, because they are social constructions they can be contested. As Jane Wagner, in The Search for Intelligent Life in the Universe so wonderfully expressed somewhat similar sentiments, reality was once a method of crowd control that got out of hand.  On my part, for one, such contestation holds that the school, not the towers of American commerce nor the power dams of Soviet Russia, replaced the church as the ultimate symbol of modern authority and power. The office towers (and the freeways to drive cars to them) and  93 power dams (and nuclear reactors) were built on foundations supplied by the universities, just as the church was supported by its institutes of higher learning. That the school, especially the a school called the "univers-ity" whose name itself incorporates and declares the universality of modern thought, has not figured as centrally as it should in stories of modernity is no accident for to expose the source of power in modern society, as happened briefly in the 1960's, can lead to that power being controlled and changed. Better to work quietly in metaphors of mystification that pretend to academic irrelevancy than to demonstrate the direct and immediate relationships between mainstream intellectual cultural productions and the discursive practices they privilege.  Education will be the de-frocked priest of postmodernity, rather than the cleric protected by the Centred Circle of modernity - if critical thought doesn't see to it, the incessant demands of global capitalism for market control of all human activities will. The great postmodern levelling of education has just begun; in all likelihood neither college nor university will survive the coming century, certainly not in the privileged form now taken for granted. The metaphors that contain modern educational discourse are crumbling and confused. Modern andragogy and pedagogy alike are being infiltrated by fifth columnists from an equally confused Afterworld. Material reality manifests an immateriality unknown during the period of Eurocentric empiricism as modern disciplines are thrown into disarray, with seemingly immutable social and physical laws become limited, more hindrance than help in crawling along the splintered deck of modernity.  94 Education And Postmodern Economics  Within modernity, practices of constructing and maintaining meaning are, for one, named education. More postmodernly, these practices are held to be the knowledge industry, this changed label part of the levelling process, endemic to the process of the postindustrial commodification of education. This term reaches from inculcations gained in front of a TV (informal), to learning a computer program with some acquaintances in an out-of-school setting (nonformal), to lecture theatres filled with undergraduates (formal). The genius of the capitalist, liberal world system is embedded in these educational practices. Values incorporated within the messages that originally challenged the status quo "go missing" when the messages enter the mainstreams of the educational system, much like the "otherness" of First Nations peoples is removed when colleges are named after them. Increasingly, this process is being defined, in the mainstream, as well as at the margins, as one of commodification.  The messages, the meanings, the values and the cultural workers, that is the artists, intellectuals, teachers and increasingly, computer software programmers and hardware architects, the truly influential architects of postmodernity, who produced the messages in the first place are objectified too. They also become objects to consume, to use and discard. The acknowledgment of this process is one of the defining moments of the postmodern condition wherein these consumption patterns of global capitalism are valorized and extolled as a natural positive progression encapsulated within non-critical terms as "the information age", "postindustrialism"  95 (Bell, 1976) or as North America's preeminent management guru has it, "postcapitalism" (Drucker, 1993).  Immaterial TV images, for example, as opposed to the material automobile of steel and plastic, supply the ideal commodity for a postmodern existence that promises dramatic drops in standards of living for many citizens of modern industrial countries like Canada who consider consumption activities of all sorts a birthright. Once the image is produced, it can be re-packaged and re-sold many times, to many audiences, often to those without much money, who, for example, can't afford to go to movies or buy cars, but still must buy seeming necessities, like toilet paper, that form the bulk of the advertisements on TV re-runs.  On commercial TV the advertisements, not the drama or sport, are the meaningful content, though programming squeezed between commercials is ostensibly the attraction for viewers (Smythe, 1981). Hour long commercials and the conflation of one product with another, for example, Coca-Cola and the Blue Jays during the 1993 World Series of Baseball, or naming the new sports arena in Vancouver GM Place, demonstrates that this fiction too is being eroded within the all-encompassing market logic of postmodernity. This reduction of all experience, including, as Jameson (1991) points out, the penetration and colonization of the Unconscious itself, to artifacts controlled within a market nexus is the flip side of the privileging and reawakening of heterogeneity marginalized by the totalizations of modernity. The postmodern privileging of difference co-exists with the homogeneity produced by commodification. The more critical kinds of postmodern theory condemn the totalizing influences of postindustrial capitalism  96 while more acritical kinds don't acknowledge that difference is silenced by the totalizing forces of mass culture. Rather these forces are seen as liberating, especially since the end of the cold war, which, to many, proves that the commodification of existence is both right and natural. The coexistence of market driven homogenization and the valuing of heterogeneity that seems to exist outside the market nexus, supplies a contradictory moment within postmodernism. Can difference meaningfully survive and even flourish in such an environment?  To Harvey and Jameson, two critical postmodern theorists, changed relations of economic production are in varying degrees responsible for cultural changes named postmodern. Whereas theorists of the modern right see postmodernism as a revalorization of Helgelian notions of "the end of history" with modernity triumphant, modernity and capitalism being conflated, more critical theorists look with askance at such simplistic constructions that ground most "futuristic" prognostication. Vancouver's own "Dr. Tomorrow", Frank Ogden, is one of the worst of these. Following a path laid down millennia past before the grand narrative of science denied the validity of soothsayers, this oracle peddles pedestrian prognostications, that, if acted upon, will lead to a leak-proof future for would be believers now floundering in the midst of sea-change. Such prophecy, if best seller lists are an indication, suggest that millenarianism is upon us, albeit in different form from that when the year 1000 was so celebrated by those wild and untamed Christians of old. This time though sacred modern thought called secular science is being challenged by many forms of writing attempting to move out from its totalizing discourse.  97 Economic change is "for real". Harvey refers to it as moving from "Fordism" to "flexible accumulation", while Jameson, following on the work of Ernst Mandel, refers to it as "multinational capitalism". Mandel held that capitalism has been marked by three stages: market capitalism, which Jameson equates with classical realism, monopoly capitalism equated with modernism and multinational capitalism equated with postmodernism.  Terms like  postindustrialism are misleading to Jameson (1991) because they are:  faulty representations of some immense communicational and computer network (that) are themselves but a distorted figuration of something even deeper, namely, the whole world system of a present day multinational capitalism. The technology of contemporary society is therefore mesmerizing and fascinating not so much in its own right but because it seems to offer some privileged representational shorthand for grasping a network ofpower and control even more difficultfor our minds and imaginations to grasp: the whole new decentred global network of the third stage of capital itself . (Jameson, 1991:37-8)  This "whole new decentred global network" of capitalism is based in Harvey's idea of "flexible accumulation". "Fordism", or inflexible mass production, for Harvey, characterized modern industry. Batch production and small scale production was the exception in the modern period today the reverse is true. The revolution in technology, especially the development of the microchip, has allowed a tremendous variety of production. Numerically controlled machines, for example, can turn out small batches of a variety of products without the necessity for re-tooling. "Putting out" by small scale producers often working from home becomes cost effective within the logic of "late capitalism" because the cost of machinery (threshold costs) is so reduced that small producers can purchase sophisticated equipment. This means labour costs, like benefits won by organized labour can be ignored, the real costs of production like health and safety and  98 quality of life internalized by the small-scale producer and externalized within society at large. The large coordinating multinationals save tremendous sums, what with this "offloading" onto individual producers, onto taxpayer funded services like college training and onto increasingly degraded physical and social environments.  The small business sector in Canada creates most jobs - but, as unemployment rates of more than 10% during a period of sustained economic growth in British Columbia attests (see Appendix E), many of these jobs are not truly new jobs; they are jobs transferred from one mode of production to another, from the integrated and inflexible factories of modernity to the dis-integrated and flexible shops of postmodernity. The community college in British Columbia is expected to incorporate these new ways of doing business into its organizational structure as well as to train students to accept and adapt to the needs of this new global system of flexible accumulation (see Appendices C,G,H,I&K).  The college as long as it remains trapped within the technical rationalism of functionalist United Statesian discourse is presented with an impossible task - to provide a vehicle by which the costs of production (employee training) are socialized while being victimized (underfunded) by the increasing privatization of the profits resulting from productivity increases based in that selfsame training that the colleges provide for less than cost in the first place. Social cost-recovery, of course, used to happen through taxing, if only minimally, the businesses and individuals that profited most from using public goods. Now those that don't use them, that don't for example, benefit directly from the training of carpenters, pay as much for these goods, or more, than  99 those who receive the benefits, for example, the banks financing the home-builder and then the so-called home owner in the booming Fraser valley of British Columbia's lower mainland (McQuaig, 1987).  That this disingenuous story of reality as brought us by business can maintain credibility in spite of such a fundamental social contradiction is indeed a compliment to the efficacy of postmodern means of constructing popular consciousness on an "as needed" basis (Gergen, 1991). As Francois Dumaine, assistant director of the National Anti-Poverty Organization in Ottawa puts it: Canadian companies have the lowest corporate tax rates of any industrialized country, they're creating less and less jobs, laying people off and yet their feasting on profits and high salaries (See Appendix F).  Low corporate tax rates mean more privatization of social wealth (often through the wealth transfer mechanism of public debt), and, with that, for one, less social wealth available to fund public goods like a college education. This lack of funding diminishes and degrades the product, in this instance, college education. The same logic, of course, applies to getting x-rays or taking the bus. Market-driven alternatives like the automobile, or private health care clinics, consequently appear more attractive in comparison to a degraded public good. A vicious cycle develops wherein public goods are degraded by the same process that valorizes private goods. This self-fulfilling prophecy, of course, leads to ever greater economic imbalances which in turn leads to more of the same. Increasing privatization of the production (and value) of goods, like college education, that were considered public during modernity results almost automatically  100 (O'Connor, 1973).  This all seems natural and even inevitable as common sense tells British Columbians, as those elsewhere, that private industry can do anything better than the public sector can. All the while those inside the college are blind to the market machinations that are destroying the college, these functionaries of modernity trapped by a functionalist discourse that cannot frame change in critical terms that incorporate the potential to defend the integrity of the institution against this self-justifying market logic. Insidiously, from inside and out, this specious logic preys on the hand that feeds it. Modern dialectics tell that it is only a matter of time until the hand is devoured; whether new hands will grow in place of the one devoured is a gruesome question awaiting a postmodern answer. Now that modernist ontologies of left and right with Progress as a final resting place have been rendered hollow, destroyed by postmodern hermeneutics, no road maps to the future exist. Thus quotidian activities count more as day to day operations construct the institutions more immediately than they did during modernity when the hegemony of that template was not visible and mistaken for reality itself.  Harvey in his cultural history The CONDITION of POSTMODERNITY (1990) writes:  flexible marked by a direct confrontation with the rigidities of Fordism. It rests onflexibilitywith respect to labour processes, labour markets, products and patterns of consumption. It is characterized by the emergence of entirely new sectors of production, of new ways of providing financial services, new markets, and, above all, greatly intensified rates of commercial, technological, and organizational innovation.... -the time horizons of both private and public decision making have shrunk, while satellite communication and declining transportation costs have made it increasingly possible to spread  101 those decisions immediately over an ever wider and more variegated space. (147)  Some British Columbia community colleges benefit, at least in the short term, from this move to globalized, flexible accumulation while others suffer from it. Lower Mainland colleges find their region serving as a global bedroom commumty supplying homes at low prices to a new global business class. A rapidly expanding international airport, for example, after the University of British Columbia, the largest single economic operation in the province, provides benefits to this region unavailable in other areas. This geographic placement and a relatively temperate climate combine with a sophisticated communications infrastructure and low cost serviced land in a still politically stable environment to escalate demand for post-secondary educational services in the lower mainland. Perhaps more importantly, the persons controlling provincial educational funding have so far looked to the colleges as the preferred institution with which to service this increased demand. That the publicly funded college will remain the preferred means by which to deliver such services is not guaranteed.  Unlike colleges situated in geographic locations where dependence on resource extraction industries rationalized through this new mode of production called flexible accumulation saw to increased joblessness, lower mainland colleges finds themselves facing the "upside" of postmodernity - the so-called new economy. The significant economic externalities of the move to postmodern production techniques and structures, the "flipside" of the same coin remain more hidden in this region of the province than, for example, in the province's milltowns. But many modern workers, in the lower mainland as elsewhere, have become superfluous. Because of the  102 tremendous growth, those suffering economic dislocation remain largely invisible. Undoubtedly the newly disenfranchised will develop a higher social and institutional profile as retraining becomes the leitmotif of the functionalist institution in postmodernity.  So colleges find themselves at the right place at the right time. Whether they can answer to the call for a functional yet critical education demanded by the global imperatives of postmodern survival remains to be seen. Lower mainland colleges especially are uniquely placed in the newest and least formed external environment in the province, if not all of Canada. The college system more generally is uniquely placed as the newest and least formed system within British Columbia's broader educational environment. If colleges are to respond to these changed conditions, it will be by design, not default - in order that this occur institutional discourse must be reconstructed and the unspoken said, unstated assumptions exposed and exhumed.  103 CHAPTER SIX  THE COMMUNITY COLLEGE IN BRITISH COLUMBIA  To think against values is not to maintain that everything interpreted as a "value" - "culture," "art," "science," "human dignity", "world," and "God" - is valueless. Rather it is important finally to realize that precisely through the characterization of something as "a value" what is so valued is robbed of its worth.... ....To think against values therefore does not mean to beat the drum for valuelessness or nullity of beings. It means rather to bring the lighting of the truth of Being before thinking, as against subjectivizing beings into mere objects. Martin Heidegger Letter on Humanism  The Postmodern Post-Secondary Landscape  In British Columbia, publicly funded post-secondary educational institutions take up prominent positions in many mental mappings of the built educational environment. They provide varied and controversial reference points for mental landscapes and mark the human geography of the province, especially in the lower mainland. Community colleges are a recent addition to this formal, post-secondary educational landscape which, until the 1960's, was comprised of several technical and art institutions, a slowly developing college system and two universities (Dennison & Gallagher 1986:22-31).  104 The last twenty years have witnessed a burgeoning post-secondary system. While growth in other provinces was slowing down, British Columbia was just getting going, college funding almost double what it was five years ago (see Appendix D). This province was so far behind it didn't have much choice. The College and Institutes Act of 1977 framed the operations of what today number sixteen community colleges. By 1994 provincial public funding of post-secondary education provided for these sixteen colleges, for four universities, including the University of Northern British Columbia, First Nations colleges, four technical and art institutions and a distance education agency. Restraint aside, publicly funded educational institutions in these last twenty years, especially colleges, grew mightily even if they didn't, at least in their own terms, prosper.  Private post-secondary institutions multiplied alongside these public institutions, growing from 40 registered institutions in 1982 to well over 800 by 1993 (Profiles, 1993). These vary from training colleges concentrating on skills based programming, like Pittman College, that have formed part of the institutional landscape for many years, to private English as a Second Language and English Language Training schools for privileged business class immigrants as well as traumatized and impoverished political refugees, to sailing schools and farming schools, to the B.C. Telephone Company's large corporate training facility, to the degree granting fundamentalist Christian Pacific Western University, the Lester B. Pearson College of the Pacific, and to institutions specifically set up to cater to the off-shore educational market.  105 Growth in so-called adult education, which is still separated out from "legitimate" education, that is from traditional, modern long term education that leads to a credential, by any modern judgement, has been spectacular too. Short term training and educational programs, some lasting for only a day or evening, define the "adult education" product. Community education, perhaps because of its somewhat leftist foundations, has not figured prominently in this adult education sector. Encouraged and institutionally developed in British Columbia by the leftist government of the mid 1970's, only to be abandoned by the rightist regime that replaced it, community education has scrambled along at the margins of the adult education sector of the educational landscape, accessing a grant here, some long tern funding there, never decently ensconced within the sector. Painted in at the borders because of its democratizing tendencies with the potential to construct visions of the province that might run counter to those preferred by the status quo, like the adult education sector in the landscape at-large, community education, perhaps the most effective way to get adult education to where it is most needed, has remained "grey" listed. Popular education in the province is only now beginning to infiltrate the landscape, brought to the province mainly through the work of politicized womens' organizations. Critical Feminist education, likewise, exists tenuously, accessing meaningful monies only infrequently and irregularly, it too almost invisible along the borders of the landscape.  With concepts like the learning society and life-long learning loosed upon the land, school boards, colleges and universities all sponsor departments of continuing education that, with a few exceptions, deliver only a variety of non-credit programming. As well, non-profit societies, unions, government agencies and departments, religious groups and individuals of every  106 persuasion conduct educational activities ranging from long established pre-natal programs to English language training provided by MOSAIC, a multicultural non-profit society, to Christian Sunday school classes to martial arts training like karate, and from health and fitness related programming like reflexology and tai chi to vitamin therapy and New Age diets, and to the ubiquitous cooking class based in regional foods originating almost anywhere on the globe. The psychological well-being of the citizenry is addressed in various "how to" classes which explain everything from how to establish close and lasting relationships with others to how to break off those self-same relationships with the least trouble. TV teaches us how to fly a kite, bake a cake, or tell a Monet from a Manet, while therapists define and cure everything from sexual dysfunctions to the urge for astral travelling.  Such is the postmodern educational landscape. The modern educational experience wherein a student banked intellectual capital which could be drawn on throughout a lifetime (Freire, 1972) is gone. The socially and economically imposed necessity for continual upgrading in applied, technical arenas and for skills and communications development in almost every organized endeavour has imposed the necessity for upgrading and technical and emotional renewal on almost everyone who works for money, including those in the professions who thought they would be immune from such pressures once they had credential in hand. Though the educational system ordered by student age and supposed ability coupled with a concomitant supposed difficulty of curriculum is still extant, it now exists alongside a system accessed at many points by students defined more by differences than similarities, wanting education for reasons as different as they themselves are different from one another. The pastiche and collage of  107 postmodernity rather than the one-dimensional, geometric linearity of modernity marks this somewhat strange new educational landscape.  This jumbled up, disorderly patchwork system of largely non-formal education is not recognized as an integral and central part of the educational landscape by many modernist educators who still live inside a landscape of straight lines. Even referring to these diverse educational commodities as forming a system is misleading. More accurately, adult educators work within "non" or even an "anti" system where audiences pick and choose educational experiences that often do not lend themselves to systematization through traditional categories that incorporate hierarchal rankings. Even ranking of institutions themselves whereby greater status accrues to universities, for example, than technical schools is being challenged because applied knowledge that is of immediate use in the marketplace has gained status vis a vis knowledge like that disseminated in undergraduate arts and science programs. Professional programs outrank graduate degrees in the arts or science for much the same reasons. Humanist disciplines like philosophy or classical studies, however, still carry elitist connotations based in modernist assumptions of a universalized and foundational knowledge that social history, for example, a more recent form of academic knowledge based in the study of non-elites often by other nonelites can't pretend to. Technical knowledge more and more is perceived to be inherently more difficult to learn as compared to academic knowledge, this dichotomy itself a reflection and reinforcement of current hegemonic relations inside the academy as well as in the so-called real world (Spanos, 1993). As society becomes mathematicized (Ulman, 1986) this perception of difficulty will likely change as the language of numbers will become more common, especially  108 for society's privileged. The lecture mode is still privileged over other instructional methodologies though technological change more than philosophical objections are causes for challenges to its preeminence. Understanding of the learning process itself is now constructed as historically contingent within French poststructuralism. Theories like andragogy based in a universalized objectified student are increasingly being jettisoned in favour of theories that respect the local and the particular. The orthodoxy of the student as an acontextual and ahistorical being in linear time and geographically ordered space has lost the theoretical underpinnings provided by the positivist human sciences, especially behavioursim. Theories from the left and right of the modern political spectrum propounding direct, causal relations between the individual and the environment are becoming marginalized. The behaviour of members of the human species is increasingly perceived as highly mediated, constructed in opposition to as well as in acquiesence with prevailing norms, these norms themselves shown as ideological moments captured by Gramsci's concept of "hegemony" and Foucault's concept of "power/knowledge".  In the postmodern educational landscape, cultural mediations come in so many different shapes and forms that attempting to control for these variables, as positivist epistemology demands, becomes nonsensical. Most research from within the positivist paradigm loses meaning. Perceptions of objectivity and authority are replaced by acknowledgements of the arbitrary and ideological character of positivist educational research. This research can be perceived now as a vast maintenance activity within Foucault's power/knowledge schema, deflecting and absorbing energies that could have gone to constructing understandings of education outside of the ideology  109 of modernity. A loss of metaphysical sureness accompanies this strange, new educational landscape apparently ordered, if ordered at all, by different sets of principles. A similar loss of institutional and ascribed authority accompanies this breakdown of hegemony which challenges the sociological concept of "normative" values itself. The idea of universal and foundational knowledge and the learning of the canon upon which this kind of knowledge is based is itself perceived as partial and political. Once these assumptions are discerned as ideological, so with the credentials that are based in them.  Such a plethora of "doctors" compete for attention in the postmodern landscape that, following a long known principle of trade, the symbol becomes debased through overuse; for another, the knowledges that the symbol represents have themselves often fallen into disrepute. The relationship between signifier and signified (Barthes, 1957, Gergen, 1991) is not what it once was - society toys with the meanings recently held as sacrosanct. "Caveat emptor" once again becomes the slogan for the postmodern consumer; entrusting one's vulnerabilities to those who may play havoc with them can be a risky business. Credentials are overshadowed by entrepreneurship, fervour and commitment in this burgeoning informal sector. The educational experiences of every learner who becomes involved in this vast informal learning system are usually unregulated, various and diffuse - at this moment beyond societal control even if such control was deemed to be in the common good and the means to actualize such sentiments available. One can only speculate at the amount of learning occurring based in the postmodern (and modern) propensity for new and different educational experiences, for the "quick fix", the immediate gratification of the Ego through incorporation of shallow, textureless educational  110 experiences, the desire for these experiences encouraged by the undeveloped Superego. (Lasch, 1978), this undevelopment in part leading to the schizophrenia identified by Jameson (1991) as a condition of postmodernity.  Learning is increasingly perceived as an integrated activity; the affective domain can no longer be separated from the cognitive or intellectual (Mezirow, 1991). Such separations are themselves becoming understood as mediations, as ideological processes that get between the learner and the ability to incorporate new knowledge. In practice, emotional barriers to learning are identified and dealt with alongside more traditionally identified cognitive and intellectual barriers. Thanks to feminist knowledge, violence in a student's life history, for example, is now a legitimate reason for learning differently. Affective issues take their place alongside cognitive issues and the increasingly less important issues of intelligence. Intelligence itself is more and more made out to be a social construction especially in terms of the naive, positivist notion of definitively measuring this elusive characteristic which is itself an artifact of modernity. The basis for psychological profiles of the student has been transformed - a more holistic view means that greater respect for the individual learner is incorporated into the postmodern learning process, at least at the theoretical level.  When the formal education sector is placed alongside an expanding informal sector dominated by for-profit training, an outline of a vast postmodern learning society appears. The formal provincial post-secondary system forms only one component, and because of the growth of the informal sector, a less central component, of this postmodern educational industry. This  Ill multifaceted, Janus faced postmodern education industry in turn can be placed within the more general category named the culture industry.  Education with a capital "E" takes its place alongside TV re-runs, new CD's and videos, and the "how to" cassette for auto or home, reflecting and assisting in constructing the move from the production and consumption of material goods to the production and consumption of nonmaterial goods. A great levelling has occurred; education, the once mighty "holy grail" of modernity now lined up on the supermarket shelf, competing for audiences with Charlie Chaplin in black and white, with newly coloured versions of Casablanca, Nirvana music videos, Jane Fonda exercise tapes and preachers of all persuasions brought into that increasingly seamless environment of home/auto/office at any time of the day or night. Work and leisure become conflated, these once discrete modern realms taking their place alongside previously discrete modern spaces to form a "holism" unannounced and unanticipated even fifteen years ago.  Reconstructing The Internal Institutional Environment  British Columbia's community colleges maintain a unique position within this vast formal, nonformal and informal postmodern adult education system (or non-system). These colleges were constructed on the cusp of modernity, that cusp itself symbolic of a lack of vitality within the modern condition, and, with that, symbolic of the corresponding and developing transparency  112 of those modem conditions themselves. As such the colleges exhibit the personal characteristics of those who live life on-the-edge - creative and self-confident the one moment, self-destructive and morose the next, always schizoid through and through, being one thing for one audience one minute, another thing for another audience the next. Such a profile itself exhibits postmodern characteristics, suggesting that B.C.'s community colleges, if they are able to recognize their institutional strengths, are positioned to answer society's changed educational needs, something they are incapable of now.  During the 1930's, the period of high-modernity, (Harvey, 1990) Mussolini became "II Duce" in Italy because of that most modern of promises, to see to it that the trains, that most modem form of transportation, would run on time - so with modernity itself, it quit running on time (Heller, 1993), machinations of dictators notwithstanding. Though industrial time and space still frame and thereby deny the existence of a new post-industrial, postmodern time and space, anomalies expressed first in aesthetic movements, expose a previously invisible modem landscape (Huyssen, 1986, Lyotard, 1984, Harvey, 1990, Jameson, 1991, Jones et al, 1993). As well, during the 1970's and 1980's, the economic and social dysfunctions of the modem world system increasingly threw modernity itself into relief as it less and less delivered on what it promised (Wallerstein, 1991). Being built on this cusp, uncritically incorporating the metaphysics of modernity even as those metaphysics were being destroyed in the arena of philosophy, for one, by Derrida's reconstruction of Hiedegger, (Ulman, 1986), and in the material environment by the shift from Fordism to flexible accumulation (Harvey, 1990) affected and limited both what the colleges were to do and how they were to do it.  113 Though community colleges looked back to the university, which, in instances meant looking back to their namesakes, the medieval colleges, and their premodern professional and liberal humanist traditions, and, in instances looked forward to postmodemity and its emphasis on the privileging of difference, in British Columbia they were nonetheless the most modern of creations, built on the edge of time, just as the modern epoch reached its apogee globally though not nationally and fecund conditions for a new postmodern time congealed. These places, modelled on an imported American model, (Dennison & Gallagher, 1986:13-15), called community colleges, built in a hybrid space of modernity/postmodemity, though cognizant only of the modern moment, were in lockstep with a similarly blinkered society, and like the nation and province that gave them form, changelings with betrayal written into their opening minute.  The fast-changing social (and physical) landscape gave these collegial institutions their peculiar definition, colour and tone. Their demeanour, like their times, was contradictory. Though always insensitive in the way only the impersonality of modernity can be, the community college was hesitantly and self-consciously forward looking one moment while retrograde and reactionary the next. Rooted in modem structural and functionalist responses to the specific needs of late, modern capitalist society in British Columbia, the colleges also incorporated the gaps and anomalies that became evident during the "discursive explosion" of the 1960's (Spanos, 1993). This misrecognition of their place in society, of what could be accomplished if the binary opposition between trades and training and academic studies could have been overcome, is best exemplified by Vancouver Community College being split into two colleges, with Langara College the latest college on the horizon.  114 Though inequities in the provincial funding formula were cited as the reason for this split, I suggest the reason was much more fundamental - the institution was victim of the perceived differences between vocational and academic education and training. This fundamental and false opposition, so central to the modern project of education, held that institution to ransom, and ruined many possibilities that would still exist if an understanding that moved out from under the strictures of modernity could have been developed. The rupture between academics at that college and their colleagues in other instructional areas was more extreme there than it was in other colleges with academic faculty being represented by its own union. As well, this rupture undoubtedly marks colleges located in urban areas more than colleges in the hinterlands of the province. This binary opposition of modernity between liberal-humanism (academic learning) and applied education (vocational, remedial/foundational and career) frames and limits most inter and intra collegial discourse.  At the same time, innovative and liberating instructional design was incorporated into academic programming (Dennison and Gallagher, 1986); the discursive explosion of the sixties was felt in the classrooms of B.C. 's community colleges too as those who internalized this explosion took up many teaching positions in the 1970's. During the period of retrenchment that followed much of the impetus for reformatory practice was lost; ironically much innovative practice like attempts at student-centred instruction became the status quo in trades and vocational training, and in English As A Second Language and Special Needs instruction. The academic area at the same time languished, became the most conservative program area in the college system, with maintenance rather than reformation and innovation the theme for instruction. This turning  115 inward of the academic faculty coupled with administrative mismanagement has seen to the closing of many doors pried open during the 1970's. In British Columbia the crisis of the college has not been so much a crisis of funding as instructors and administrators self-servingly have it; it has more been a crisis of imagination, the inability of those working in these institutions to see beyond their parochial interests. The British Columbia college system is luxurious compared to many; this luxury is squandered.  The community college, a construction never truly conscious of its place in space and time, or of its place within the provincial (or federal) educational system at large, lurched from modernity to postmodemity in most clumsy of fashion, still not cognizant that it had even been a captive creature in the journey between time, never developing sureness of foot or confidence of stride, never taking its place as an equal member in the provincial educational fraternity of modernity, living in the gaps and holes between the grade school and the university. That modern affliction, the inferiority complex, so popular back in the sixties and seventies, haunted the college, sapped its energies and closed off possibilities. Like the nation itself, the British Columbia community college constructed itself in the image of Other, never finding voice during modernity.  Changing temporal logic holds that time in postmodemity is dependent on what happens in space; it is not the immutable, inexorable, easily measurable entity given us through modem empiricism. Newton's cosmology has been displaced, (Wallerstein, 1991, Jones et al, 1993) though this has yet to become commonsense. These new theoretical constructions do not inhabit some arcane intellectual space; rather everyday pedagogical and administrative practice can be  116 consciously and methodically grounded in them, through, for example, in-house education explaining the variance between the Newtonian and Baconian modernity that frames institutional practice and the Eisenbergian possibilities of postmodernity. More likely though these concepts will be incorporated institutionally, if it all, through  social osmosis. What is termed  commonsense will slowly move from its Newtonian base and imperceptively, by degrees, change institutional practice so that such practice becomes more congruent with postindustrialism. Yet a conscious implementation of a pedagogy that exposes the hidden curriculum of industrialism can relegate that curriculum, hyperbolically, to the Trotsky ite dustbin of history. Implementing such a curriculum is a task for the postmodern college.  The dustbin of history, a part of the modern Marxist meta-narrative, has itself lost metaphoric legitimacy as it, along with so many other modernist constructions, is premised in a temporal regularity which encapsulates an even flow of events termed history. This history, in turn in its Marxist and its capitalist versions, contains an ontology whereby industrial society moves inexorably to a pre-determined Utopic conclusion. "Class struggle" is the prime mover in the Marxist meta-narrative, just as the "market" is given these same mystical powers in the capitalist story, both stories overthrowing the Christian God of the western theological meta-narrative.  In the early modern period, the efforts of the Catholic Church to contain the then swelling narrative now called modernity were not so much naive as futile. Because of a newly discovered dynamism in moving goods and money (Braudel, 1981), with people like the Fuggers "making money", secular time and space became broadly diffused quite quickly. The Church used this  117 "new money" itself and as too many Christians had already been contaminated by ideas of impermanence in all things earthly, denial was not a sound strategy. The Church soon moved to a strategy of containment called the Counter Reformation, in the process legitimizing the modern world picture as the only "real" picture in Europe and later in many parts of the globe. Postmodern theory, of course, is destructive of the universalized narratives of which the Catholic Church is so fond, for one, because of the fragmentation of time and space inherent in the use of electronic media where people and "money" can, metaphorically at least be in two (or three, or four) places at once, something undreamed of by the Fuggers as they developed and moved capital in a modern way for the first time.  Unlike B.C.'s universities or grade schools, colleges responded to economic and social change in an individual rather than systemic fashion. The Sullivan Commission Report in the late 1980's supplied a template for the grade school system as it moved into the next millennium. In 1994, however, parents who still demanded the fiction of precise measurement that the letter grades of modernity gave to disciplinary constructions called Report Cards won out over the hard earned commitment of teachers and administrators to a new way of doing things. Accepting difference and change on the part of those inside the schools had lead to changed curriculums and instructional methodologies that acknowledged and encouraged accommodation of the different needs of the increasingly heterogeneous student populations. Again it's ironic that teachers whom at first so resisted the Sullivan Report should end up defending it against parents who had pushed for change in the first place. And its even more ironic that a right wing government should have supported the implementation of such a progressive curriculum; after  118 three years the current leftist government has yet to undertake educational reform that even approaches the quality and magnitude of the Sullivan Commission Report.  The university system, especially the University of British Columbia, accommodated the changed needs of post-industrial capitalism, for one, by creating Centres for Excellence, for Entrepreneurship and for Technology Transfer. Even stronger ties were forged with the private sector by concentrating funding in academic arenas that could be tied to for-profit research activities, while those arenas that could not justify their value strictly in terms of the market were de-emphasized. David Strangway, the president of the University of British Columbia, looking "across the border" for his models, decreed UBC the "research institution". By default, Simon Fraser University, the other lower mainland university, was now the "teaching university". This elitist institutional division of labour and this elitist project of overtly tying knowledge production to the valorization needs of postindustrial capitalism, which, I suggest, works against answering the educational needs of most local people, nonetheless supplied these institutions with a distinct strategy with which to respond to a changed environment.  British Columbia's community colleges didn't respond in either way, though specific programs were developed at various institutions to accommodate both these ways to approach the changing environment. Overall though there was no cohesive systemic move that acknowledged that going about things as in the past no longer sufficed. In 1994, these institutions are still handcuffed by the lack of a coordinated coherent systemic response to an environment that has suffered massive change and degradation since the inception of the current college system in 1977. Only Ministry  119 initiatives provided limited direction they did not generate themselves.  Because British Columbia's colleges developed so late in modernity, the roots of modernity could not sink deep enough in a shifting and increasingly postmodern landscape to securely ground everyday practice. In the community college, the limitations of modernism were writ large and writ too often in stone. The institutional and systemic insecurity that results from this tenuous hold to a time already passed, holds within it the promise and the disappointment of the community college, its paralysis alongside its almost manic activity. This institutional schizophrenia that leads to incessant intra, and, in instances, inter-institutional conflict, and, with that, to a lack of a fundamental consensus holds for multiple possibilities within postmodernity. In important respects, the institution of the college remains unformed, still unable to respond to change as the universities and grade schools did some years ago now.  Being on the cusp also meant the community college more than the grade school or university became the sight wherein the modern ideal, as expressed by Jefferson, of extending a liberal education to the general population clashed with the structure of power as constituted in capitalist societies. The accumulation crisis met the legitimation crisis head-on in the community college (O'Connor, 1973). No wonder a schizophrenia resulted; if society at large couldn't determine what education was to mean or to do, only self-confident institutions could and British Columbia's colleges certainly weren't that. The college was buffeted by the changing needs of capitalism, one moment its handservant, a supposed cultural breathing space the next - neither liberal humanism nor the technical instrumentalism of modernity providing an adequate frame  120 for any definition of a societal role that could reduce institutional angst and anomie. While the college by mandate was to supply comprehensive educational services, meaning vocational, career and academic offerings, did this also mean that students in shops programs were to learn critical thinking? Were computer skills to be offered across the curriculum? Were cultural studies to educate a critical citizenry to be offered to all students in all programs? In practice, comprehensive meant little else than academic courses being attached to vocational training in some places or the reverse in others. Boards and administrators, and, contrarily, most often instructors shut off such possibilities by appealing to collective agreements, by segregating rather than integrating knowledge both administratively and educationally, by conflating community needs with those of industry alone, by not resisting university control over the content of socalled transfer courses, and by allowing accreditation bodies like accountancy and nursing organizations to exert too much influence on curriculum.  The college student gets lost in all of this, pulled one way, then another. Lack of institutional self-definition deleteriously affects the production of learning in ways unanticipated and unacknowledged. Students remain marginalized. Even within conventional terms, learning, like healing in a hospital or rehabilitation in a prison, forms the secondary or tertiary project, careerism and institutional stability and growth framing quotidian practice. So these institutions continued on, neither one thing nor another, hybrids without identity, strangers in a familiar landscape, and within postmodernity, holding the possibility of familiarity in a strange landscape - holding the possibility of incorporating the combination of characteristics to match with the changed times. In British Columbia the era of the community college is upon us.  121 CHAPTER SEVEN  DECONSTRUCTING CANADA'S COMMUNITY COLLEGES  ....deconstruction's procedure is called "sawing off the branch on which one is sitting." This may be, in fact, an apt description of the activity, for though it is unusual and somewhat risky, it is manifestly something one can attempt. Jonathan Culler On Deconstruction  The Authors And The Text  The Tenor Of The Times - (Con)TEXT-ual-I-zations  In Canada, the Americans during the 1950's replaced the British as the foreign power with the most influence, often a pernicious influence, economic control exacerbating the cultural control that transmitted the intolerance justified by the Cold War into Canada, this casting a pall over virtually all institutions here, just as there. This pall is central to any story written by men, who, like the authors of Canada's Community Colleges: A Critical Analysis, came to maturity after World War Two. Even expatriates from Australia, like one of the authors, were not immune for the tentacles of McCarthyism reached into every English speaking society. Discourse in that era, and, with that, thought, was forced into a binary opposition between a strict conformity and social deviancy. This opposition, framed for one by the terrorist McCarthy's relentless  122 questioning broadcast worldwide - "are you now, or have you ever been a member of the communist party  ?", taught people fear at home and at school. Citizens were taught to fear  difference and to equate difference with radicalism. This fear was constitutive of subjectivity in that era, as a stunning social myopia and amnesia helped reconcile the gulf between the fear and the supposed freedom of democracy. Social compliance resulted from the imposition of a consumer society. Consumption activities were the means by which political acquiesence was achieved and maintained. This hegemony developed through discursive consumption practices has yet to be fundamentally disturbed. (Ewen, 1976, Smythe, 1981, Debord, 1990, Lasch, 1978).  Most all work in English speaking societies was framed by the powerful social  construction of the binary opposition between conformity and deviancy as defined by positivist social science, the most oppressive great text of decadent modernity. Positivism was written originally, especially by Emile Durkheim, as a freeing moment standing in contradistinction to the religious mystifications of the Catholic Church. After it was taken up by the Vienna Circle and after it was brought to "America", this freeing moment was reinscribed. Because of its nonideological pretensions, in this way similar to conventional Marxism, this ideology of quantifiable empiricism matched so well with post-war American imperial capitalism that it became its de facto ideology.  The "Allies" turning the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics into "Friend" in 1941 and back to "Enemy" in 1945, stands as the greatest feat of large-scale social engineering ever. This massive propaganda ploy wherein "Uncle Joe" Stalin found his recently reconstructed amiable countenance reverting to a previous ferocity, supplied the foundation for the intolerance and  123 silencing of Other that so helped frame the decadent modern period. In this aspect and many more the Cold War was hotter than its attendant regional shooting wars. BaudrilUard's simulacra were visible then; a hyperreal friendship replaced ever so quickly and massively by an implacable enemy.  Acceptance of a particularly pernicious "Panoptic Gaze" was the price extracted for entry into middle class consumerism, a middle class fast vanishing in postmodern times, that marked the period of high modernity. Millions of nuclear families, a fundamentally asocial grouping, seemingly custom designed for consumption activities, all over the English speaking world, usually dependent on the wage earning of men only, living in the icy shadow of the Cold War, paid the price of admittance into a middle class defined by consumption patterns. The 1950's saw conformity, the penultimate modern value, finally instituted as the highest societal value, though gaining conformity had formed a central theme of modern American politics for a long time before. Sinclair Lewis, Richard Hofstader, Theodore Drieser, Thorstein Veblen and many more had identified this American trait during American high modernity. It had even been identified by the middle of the nineteenth century by the crafty chronicler, Alexis de Toqueville in Democracy In America.  By the mid-1950's anything other than a strict social conformity was socially accepted as deviant or even traitorous. After Senator McCarthy and the U.S. Senate Committee on Un-American Activities, and that name speaks loudly, had silenced any but the most acquiescent, Talcott Parsons and associates could proceed with developing the theoretical apologetics for Cold War  124 capitalism. These ideologues, successful beyond their wildest dreams, constructed the theories of structural functionalism that quickly became firmly ensconced as a true representation of social systems. Social stasis was elevated to highest functional status, and thereby within the logic of instrumental rationality, moral good. This way of perceiving society still holds, still frames the efforts of many teachers and administrators in schools of every ilk, even as the logocentric foundations for this ideology have been excavated and placed in a plexiglass display case in the Museum of Modernity.  The Cold Warrior Nixon, lest it be forgotten, made his reputation in the early 1950's through gassing the Rosenbergs, people he cynically constructed as Jewish communist spies. The other major player in the Cold War, of course, had similar though harsher means of gaining popular acquiesence. Arthur Koestler's psychological deconstruction of the politics of fear inside the Soviet Union stands as a monument to the internalization of fear and the resulting docility, so forcefully formalized later by Foucault. Is it surprising that Jewish writers like Hannah Arendt, and more recently, Russell Jacoby have fought off what Jacoby terms "social amnesia" to remove the ontology of modernity, the propaganda incorporated in the concept of progress (Jacoby, 1975, 1987)? Is it any accident that the terror of those times still drowns most voices from the margins?  The Authors  John Dennison, a recently retired professor in the Faculty of Education at the University of  125 British Columbia in Vancouver and Paul Gallagher, a former president of what was at the time British Columbia's largest community college have written Canada's Community Colleges - A Critical Analysis. It is the book of record on the development of community colleges in Canada, a widely used resource in Canadian colleges and universities. Though limited by the strictures imposed by functionalist, modern thought, the book has much to recommend itself, most especially the panoramic overview of colleges in Canada and the attempts to contextualize the development of the colleges.  My deconstruction, as my purposes stated, is meant to recontextualize and rehistoricize the community college in British Columbia. The necessitates challenging the authors in terms of the context of their story as well as in terms of some of the particulars of the story itself. I make no pretence to having nearly the knowledge of Canada's colleges that these authors do, my deconstruction based a in different way of seeing from theirs, based in attempt to move out from the totalizing discourse of functionalist modernity rather than in an attempt to endogenously critique their efforts.  Like any written production, Canada's Community Colleges is an is an exemplar of the positionality of the authors and of the times in which it was written. Like any cultural production it privileges certain interests and suppresses or silences others. And like any cultural production grounded in the instrumental rationality of modernism as expressed through positivist, functionalist organizational theory, it gives off unarticulated appeals to being a proper or correct representation of an empirical reality rather than being constitutive of it.  126 My critique of this work, I suspect, will ring harsh. While it is meant to disturb accustomed ways of perceiving academic productions, it is not meant to be dismissive of the work of these persons and many others; rather it is an attempt to expose the limitations of that work in order to allow for other ways of seeing. As the liner notes attest, Dennison and Gallagher develop a story wherein community colleges evolved in Canada during the 'golden years' of education administration between 1960 and 1975....the authors....evaluating the extent to which often idealistic early goals have been realized (Dennison & Gallagher, 1986, back cover). As such, the book is an exemplar and a manifestation, or artifact, of modernity, moving linearly from a less than golden time (pre 1960's) to a "golden age" (1960's and early 1970's) (11) where altruism converged with economics (81) to produce the early days.... (as)....truly the 'good old days' (141).  Then the harsh realities of the present intrude upon this almost idyllic situation (4), with potential for resolution of the issues identified as outstanding (7) residing in institutional reformation according to authorial prescription, the prescription forming much of the last half of the book. An example of the ongoing prescription in this narrative:  In the glory days of the early 1970's, student parity with faculty in institutional departmental decision-making was a very compelling idea which was implemented with reasonable success in some cases. This approach to student participation warrants further exploration, as long as the heterogeneity of college student bodies is recognized, as long as political participation is not viewed as sport but as serious business, and as long as students are not manipulated by others within colleges who have more sophisticated political skills. (209)  127 This example is meant to capture the flavour of the writing. The work, like so much of male discourse, this thesis obviously not excepted, is confident and opinionated. Quite obviously subtexts abound. Ones I can identify in this quote are a privileging of college administrators by keeping a participatory model of governance limited to students and faculty, the construction of student as victim and faculty as predatory by appeals to protecting students from political manipulation if they are granted parity with faculty, and the Othering of students as they are constructed as naive and easily manipulated, given "childlike" qualities. This opposition between seeming maturity and immaturity forms another fundamental opposition that grounds and limits educational possibilities in modernity (Spanos, 1993).  Dennison and Gallagher write, Just as Canada's new colleges were getting their head of steam, they were confronted by new imperatives (83), those new imperatives being "recession, rationalization and restraint" as outlined in the supporting quotation from Axelrod (81-82). The narrative moves from a golden age, to betrayal by the three new R's of social maintenance, to a new congruency supplied by the saving remnant of enlightened administration in the guise of the authors themselves. Indeed Canada's colleges, as they construct them, stand as metaphor for my history wherein the nation itself is written in betrayal, which, like their colleges, was choked off just as it was "getting its head of steam". In my story though colleges are written as symptom of a larger social pathology, identified as the postmodern acceptance of the modern colonization of the land called Canada and the peoples on it.  This theme of betrayal accompanies and grounds their theme of reformation. To quote: The  128 strength of these colleges, their independence and their regional identification, became their weaknesses (91). Their story, like mine, is a romantic narrative though I romanticize and privilege aspects of Canadian history they ignore. The significant difference between the narratives is the player assigned responsibility for betrayal. In my narrative it is the largely unacknowledged limitations of imperial modernity itself. In their narrative it is "circumstance". Circumstance provides these authors with their scapegoat, allowing them to be critical without undertaking critique. For example:  The new colleges were founded in quite specific social, political and economic circumstances within Canada. With time, circumstances have changed, and the colleges have either reacted to or anticipated these changes. (133)  Circumstance provides the overarching reason for change. Whole sections of the book are devoted to it. This lacklustre character called "circumstance" allows them to ignore the way inequalities based, for example, in class, race and gender are discursively constructed, thereby turning their critical analysis into an (a)critical analysis. While various references are made to specific examples of social inequality, the discursive practices that construct and maintain these inequalities remain unaddressed.  This narrative, like all conventional tales, must move to resolution. Developing and resolving a binarism between liberal humanist education and vocational and career training provides the vehicle with which to pursue this rhetorical strategy. The authors write:  129 Essentially the question boils down to this: should Canada's colleges choose to excel only as training institutions, or ought they accept as well a broader educational mission? (136)  This binary opposition, as Spanos (1993) points out is a particularly effective means to deny educational reform that, can, for example, construct easily accessible education for critical citizenship (Giroux, 1992). Rather than valorizing the binarism, a critical narrative would expose the fundamentals underlying it, explain how the opposition itself is a means of social maintenance. For many years now the privileging of "book learning" and the concomitant deprivileging of other learning has helped construct inequality of class, race and gender. Their work, unintentionally I'm sure, valorizes these self-same inequalities as it is based in an unconscious acceptance of them.  Stories like this one, caught within what Hiedegger identified as a Centred Circle move linearly from a golden past to a clouded future, incorporating "a saving remnant" by which aspects of the particular mythology can be buttressed, and, if necessary restor(i)ed. At a fundamental level, this text, I submit, preserves the Centred Circle of Education in Modernity by appeals to the transcendental signified Reason. A second hidden text, or subtext, I submit, at a less fundamental level, more at the level of what is commonly perceived as ideological, is the preservation of the status quo through using rhetorical devices to privilege organizational dysfunctions as problems in themselves rather than as problems that are representative of larger social issues. Symptom is written as cause. In my reading, organizational reform and with that educational revitalization form a sub-text rather than a central text, the sub-text supplying  130 superficial appearances of critique, while underneath the hegemonic discourse of modern instrumental education writes itself large. Unrecognized contradictions between imperial and local stories, liberal humanism and technical instrumentalism and critical and acritical education are the Derridean strands that allow me to read an alternative narrative. As such their book stands as a metaphor for current college practice; the two are virtually identical, proceeding from the same premises and privileging and marginalizing identical discursive practices.  The Authors And Authority  Within postmodernity the autonomous author responsible for and fully in control of the text (see 6 & 7 for the author's view of themselves) has been replaced by the author as mediator. Various stories present through various authors, the stories developed, rhetorical strategies employed and conclusions arrived at usually dependent upon the attributes of those doing the writing. Socially determined attributes, many of which are commonly understood as non or pre-discursive, like class, gender, sex, physical appearance, age, health and ability of the writers all contribute to the story. Consequently stories, and all writing is "story", don't so much symbolize the vision, judgement, aesthetic and intellectual abilities of isolated modern monads so much as they symbolize the position the writers occupy in the prevailing social system. For example, stories about community colleges written (and allowed distribution) by women of colour from a marginalized ethnic group would differ in kind as well as in substance from those written by men in working class occupations which would again differ from those written by white males with social authority, (see 4 & 6 for ethnocentrism, 6 for the authors taking up "college  131 leadership concerns"). The institution might well be unrecognizable from one story to the other. Each story would stand as legitimate to be judged on its own merits rather than in the light cast by logocentrism, the patriarchal discourse of modernity.  The modern author, metaphorically, has died, replaced by the author as binding agent, binding the reader to the various social voices each author brings to each production. All productions, then, are multivocal, the author serving as a focal point for the diffuse and often contradictory voices of the discursive practices within which any production is grounded. As Kenneth Gergen puts it:  Not only the object of the text is erased through such analyses, (deconstructionism) but the author as well...Thus, individuals are not the intentional agents of their own words, creatively and privately converting thoughts to sounds or inscriptions. Rather, they gain their status as selves by taking a position within a preexisting form of language. (Gergen, 1991:109-110)  Obviously, the status of authors and authorial authority is much diminished within postmodern reference systems. As ideas developed in chapter two maintain, independence of thought and rational ability to use language "on your own" to adequately reflect an existing state of affairs no longer applies to any cultural production, including a "critical analysis of the community college".  Bressler in his text Literary Theory writes:  132 The search then for the text's correct meaning or the author's so-called intentions becomes meaningless. Since meaning is derived from differences in a dynamic, ongoing process, all texts have multiple meanings or interpretations. If we assert, as does Derrida, that no transcendental signified exists, then there can be no absolute or pure meaning supposedly conveyed by authorial intent or professorial dictates. (Bressler, 1994:80) Authorial intent and professorial dictates supply the conventional background to most academic writing. The text Canada's Community Colleges provides no exception (6). Textual "authority or lack thereof is assumed rather than explicit with no space devoted to exposing authorial assumptions, the authorial third person providing privileged status throughout. The acritical assumption that the relationship between author, text and reader remains unchanged, though this relationship itself is an artifact of a dated 19th. century academy (Aitkens, 1993), becomes evident as the story opens. The surveilling "eye" of the author as the third person provides a panoramic overview of the Canada's colleges with no critical references to personal experiences or authorial positionality which ground the production. The lens goes unacknowledged even as it selects what will form the picture as well as how the formation will be presented.  Critiquing Critical Analysis  The concept of critical analysis, when used innocently, suggests an analytical procedure which will produce some considered commentary of which aspects may be perceived of as negative. It will assume the whole is fundamentally sound, but that some "fine tuning", or, indeed, a  133 major "overhaul" may be necessary - often metaphors drawn from industrial machinery are used when such analysis is undertaken. This analysis remains well within the Gaze, accepting the soundness of the project of modern education, leaving interrelationships between this project and projects of marginalization unexamined. It is critical only in as much as it offers up problems that are defined as well as solved within the terms of the prevailing discourse - more properly such analysis should be termed acritical.  Critical Theory  Contrasting Dennison's and Gallagher's "critical analysis" with analysis grounded in critical theory is valuable, I suggest, because these authors centrally employ "critical analysis" to bring closure to their narrative. In terms of deconstruction critical analysis is a major player in their narrative. A deconstruction of the narrative, therefore, must address not only the role critical analysis plays, but the theoretical strength given it. Unpacking the concept critical analysis can proceed only if the concept is given some presence; casting it into the relief supplied by critical theory can accomplish precisely that.  However, and isn't this to be expected, modern critical theory has been subjected to severe revision and reformulation recently. Using critical theory to define what the authors term critical analysis therefore must follow upon an explication of the concepts being used to throw their critical analysis into relief.  134 Modern Critical Theory  Both modern and postmodern critical theory take exception with acritical approaches to knowledge construction such as the functionalist and instrumentalist approaches that ground Dennison's and Gallagher's constructions. Modern critical theory holds that any authorial description and prescription are representations of the ideology embedded in the very fabric of any cultural production. Any production not grounded in critical theory, sui generis, must be ideological, or at the least incorporate an unconscious expression of some ideology. This concept is very modern and follows closely the authors opening assertion that educational institutions reflect as well as shape their societies (1). Indeed this assertion holds great promise for a theoretically rigorous narrative that, I suggest, fails to unfold.  Critical theory was developed as a reaction to the epistemology and ontology of conventional Marxism. The quaint Marxist monocausality that lead inexorably to the dictatorship of the proletariat which in turn lead inexorably to the end of class-based society, and with that, of History itself, was too much for many who positioned themselves politically on the Left as well as on the Right. First in Germany and then, after the imposition of Nazism, in the United States, a group of Left theorists including Eric Fromm, Max Horkheimer, Herbert Marcuse and Theodore Adorno (and Walter Benjamin) developed approaches to cultural criticism that today are subsumed within the term critical theory. Their ideas have been widely disseminated and have become staple fare in much academic discourse. Instances exist in this discourse wherein critical postmodernism is conflated with critical theory. However, as Jergen Habermas, the last  135 of the Frankfurt School of critical theorists, points out - their work remains separate because it involves appeals to what Derrida labels a transcendental signified, namely Reason. A cultural producer using critical theory for a frame of reference stands in opposition to most of what Dennison and Gallagher posit as critical analysis. To quote from a supporting definition:  We are defining a criticalist as a researcher or theorist who attempts to use his or her work as a form of social or cultural criticism and who accepts certain basic assumptions: that all thought is fundamentally mediated by power relations that are socially and historically constituted: that facts can never be isolated from the domain of values or removed from some form of ideological inscription: that the relationship between concept and object and between signifier and signified is never stable and fixed... and, finally, that mainstream research practices are generally, although most often unwittingly, implicated in the reproduction of systems of class, race, and gender oppression. (Kechloe & McLaren 1993:139140) In contrast, the text under deconstruction accepts existing power relationships as givens, separates "fact" from "value", does not address issues of semiotics through critical awareness of the play of signifiers and signifieds, and, likely unwittingly, reproduces systems of oppression by constructing college history, current practice and future possibility on an acritical biological continuum that by its nature closes off many possible responses to rapidly changing discursive constructions.  Postmodern Critical Research  Deconstructionism and Foulcauldian discourse analysis (Zavarzedeh & Morton 1991:25) as method does not necessarily stand outside of or in opposition to critique as defined above.  136 Though these methods proceed from very different philosophical stances, they all are concerned with dredging out that which remains invisible and mystified in everyday discourse and practice, and as such certainly stand in opposition to "critical analysis" as constructed by Dennison and Gallagher.  All critical theory follows from a discursive framework for analysis, the difference being that postmodern Derridean theory holds that discursive constructions are constitutive rather than expressive of reality. In this Derridean analysis, unlike in critical analysis and critical theory, ideology, importantly, is not a mask that disguises some non or pre-discursive reality. Sampson (1993) takes up this point, expressing the demarcation between postmodern relationality and modern fundamentalism. To quote:  ... .the political concept of ideology and the psychological concept of a cognitive distortion or misperception carry two erroneous implications along with them: first, that there is the possibility of getting behind the error and touching truth itself, and second, that someone, usually the expert analyst, knows how to uncover this underlying true picture. These two implications describe a discursive tactic that intends to privilege the experts' worldview while casting others as somewhat doltish dupes. Both implications also operate on the assumption that there is a discourse-free zone in which at least some forms of expertly knowledgeable humankind can ideally operate. (1226)  Expert analysis working to expose a "true" picture with that self-same expertise legitimizing the "way out of the labyrinth" grounds fundamentalist academic discourse. Appeals to assumed authority like those incorporated in the modern concept of "leadership" (Hassard & Parker, 1993) ground this modern fundamentalism. So with Dennison's and Gallagher's story - once the  137 transcendental signified is removed, modernism becomes evident. In turn, this exposure of the metaphysics of the project leads to exposure of its politics. For example, the authors (4) talk of Canada "break(ing) into the new world economy" as if breaking into a bank of untold riches. Impoverishment, especially for a middle class defines itself by what it "owns", is the more likely result of this new economy. Yet breaking into it is held up as good in its own right - why is this an article of faith when rational instrumental arguments are used most everywhere else? I suggest because to critically analyze the "global economy" will produce too many anomalies; the narrative won't hold together if the rewards for adjusting to "new realities" don't produce amelioration, and, thereby, narrative resolution.  However, the question remains - why should this author devote such effort to such a seemingly arcane, or contradictorily, pedestrian matter as the term "critical analysis", when, after all, it is community college practice in British Columbia and not critical analysis per se that is under discussion? Because, I suggest, as with the preceding historicizing and contextualizing, a new story can be written only in relief, only in contrast to the old one. Doing this requires constantly prodding and poking at the assumptions of modernity. These assumptions, as Foucault taught, must be taken up where they lie, in my story, underneath most everything that commonly is said and understood about the college at large. This especially true for the 19th. century concepts of progress and positivism - they remain so socially accepted, so unexamined that to even turn them over constructs suspicion - they are the central articles of modern faith, and, along with circumstance, are unacknowledged and key players in Canada's Community Colleges.  138 Mas'ud Zavarzadeh and Donald Morton (1991) develop this point in their critique of acritical modern and postmodern thought, explaining just why it is so important to take up what they technically term the "trivial text". Not to do so is to confuse "content" with ideological "uses", thereby naively reproducing common sense discourse, or, in Foucauldian terms, not engaging the "microphysics" of power as they are manifest in this particular "trivial text". To quote:  At times of crisis in intelligibilities like the present, when the continuity of the subject is threatened by the intervention of oppositional discourses, the trivial text acquires immense significance. By reproducing the traditional positions of intelligibility, such texts help secure old subject-positions needed for prevailing social arrangements. This is why the trivial text cannot be ignored since its political uses in culture indicate the operations of larger frames of intelligibility and their connections within the dominant power/knowledge relations. (15)  Zavarzadeh and Morton develop an idea of critique that stands in opposition to structuralfunctionalist instrumental theorizing that frames so much modern writing on education. To quote:  A critique (not to be confused with criticism) is an investigation of the enabling historical conditions and social contradictions of discursive practices. It subjects the grounds of the seemingly natural and self-evident discourse to an inspection and reveals that what appears to be natural and universal is actually a situated historical discourse, which is to say that it is produced to justify and maintain a particular set of relations of production, a regime of interested "Truth." (1991:13)  Analysis flowing from this stance differs markedly from what Gallagher and Dennison construct as a "critical analysis." Their constructions, I suggest, fall well within the "seemingly natural and universal" being mistaken for a "situated historical discourse" protecting a "regime of  139 interested 'Truth'." Because their work does not escape the acritical, totalizing constructions of modernity, or even the discursive maintenance of a particular system of production within modernity, it can be read as symptom and exemplar of the modern condition as it manifests itself, writes its story, in the community college in British Columbia. Such a reading develops the particular text as a representation of "community college", which, like "college practice" contains the limitations inherent in the instrumental rationalism of modernity (Horkheimer, 1974) generally and the functionalist instrumentalism of the market nexus in particular.  These limitations are never innocent. They mitigate in favour of stasis and of societal maintenance, in terms both of constructing and protecting "Knowledge", and, with that "Power". Ideology, as defined earlier is an individual's imagined relationship with reality - though within my constructivist frame akin to that of Sampson's, this reality itself a product of social negotiation rather than of Althusser's scientific empiricism. Dennison and Gallagher's text, while seemingly outside of ideological considerations, because these considerations are hidden and protected by the unstated common sense assumptions grounding the modern story, argues against change while pretending the opposite. It is, in effect, a maintenance project, protecting the modern college from the drastic changes a developing postmodern society will force on it.  This deconstruction of Dennison's and Gallagher's text grounded in critical theory may open the door to changes that remain buried in positivist analysis. Education in their story remains, like modern Utopias, an ever-receding good.. .citizens never get enough of it, nor is there, within the logic of the capitalist economics of scarcity, ever enough to go round. The project is doomed  140 before it begins as "circumstance" conspires with "progress" to bring the reader a message of individual powerlessness in the face of overwhelming social and economic forces called the "new economy".  Deconstructing Dennison's and Gallagher's Community College  The Book Cover  This cover, though designed in the 1980's, is redolent with 1950's graphic design. This is not to say all 1950's design was uninspiring, only that banality thrived then, at least on the surface. The rust coloured cover tells the reader that education is an unexciting undertaking, that vibrancy lives somewhere else. The (purposely?) unsophisticated drawing says Canada is as dull as education. Much like Canadian geography, this cover is forbidding. It warns the reader away, saying drudgery awaits those who brave the interior of the text just as it awaited those who braved the interior of the nation.  The illustration displays a maple leaf, a welder's helmet and a mortarboard. For Canadians, these are powerful symbols of country, of knowledge, of education, of trades and vocational training, of unionism, of elitism, of industry, of work and of nationality. Commonly understood binary oppositions between these symbols form the tension that constructs their meaning. Education is juxtaposed with training, and with that, physical labour is juxtaposed with mental  141 labour. What Derrida defined as "violent hierarchies" are maintained on the textual surfaces whether inside or out.  A subdued maple leaf is sketched into the background, much like the country itself is sketched into the text. This graphic is a particularly clumsy effort. The cover is so unappealing, such an obvious throwback to an era when banality defined acceptability, that in terms of iconography it can stand in its own right as a statement about the totalizing discourse forced on cultural producers by the intolerance of the cold war, irrespective, of course, of the particular producers.  The Text  As developed earlier, texts can be read on different levels for different stories. Deconstructive method favours reading at a macro-level, as identifying textual anomalies and contradictions to supply the means to unravel (deconstruct) the whole. My reading of Canada's Community Colleges works at this level, concerning itself with the "gestalt" of the work. The "gestalt" of the text, I submit, exists as exemplar and manifestation of the modern American discourse that frames community college practice in British Columbia. The text presents itself as metaphor for this neo-colonialism based in fear of difference, in wariness regarding stories that do not have the imprimatur of imperial centres upon them. As well the text exists as exemplar and manifestation of the confusion between liberal-humanism and instrumental (human capital) approaches to education as the two play themselves out in British Columbia's colleges. The  142 tension between the critical and acritical text, already developed, forms the third deconstructive  stream, framing their text so that the tensions which construct the drama become visible.  Dennison and Gallagher state: The diversity of Canada, the regional and cultural differences rooted in history, geography and sociocultural imperatives, and the variety of educational philosophies make the study of the conception and birth of the new colleges an adventure into the Canadian conscience. (16) About British Columbia's colleges they write: Neither the products of provincial government initiatives nor of massive injection of government funding, British Columbia's colleges were conceived, born and nurtured through the expression of local and regional support for an idea which represented a new concept of educational opportunity. (31)  The romantic, epochal biological metaphors are useful in presenting social change as biologically determined and thereby "natural". They channel possible ends to their narrative - for "naturally" only death or rebirth allow closure. In this instance, though death remains as a possibility, closure is attained through the possibility of rebirth, an organizational renaissance grounded in institutional acceptance of a "new reality", the new reality comprised of privileging the needs of transnational corporate capital.  Dennison and Gallagher talk variously about the American influence over British Columbia's community colleges. For example, In no sense could most of Canada's new colleges be  143 considered community colleges as the term was used in the U.S. "(79)....Is British Columbia excepted?.... "The influence of school trustees (local people) on the shaping of post-secondary education in British Columbia cannot be overestimated(27)... .Is this local influence in opposition to the imperial influence?....Though modelling his proposal on the California college system, Knott (1932) saw the advantage of a Canadian version which reflected the educational philosophy of the time(23)....How does the "Canadian version" differ?....The reluctance to expand post-secondary education came to an abrupt end at the end of the 1950's, and the American experience of the previous fifty years was to become a major influence on the ways in which Canadian education was to respond to newly felt needs... .(15)... .British Columbia's colleges were one of the first Canadian adaptations of the American community college concept (91)....theirs is a story of neo-imperialism without a critical awareness of it.  Their story like mine begins with post-secondary education in Canada existing as a pale imitation of the educational system developed by the British in the imperial centre. Then dissonance sets in; all is disturbed in the rush to modernize and industrialize, and out comes a community college system, which, in British Columbia is based in a system already developed in the United States. This part of the story is fundamentally at odds with mine. In order to make their story fit, Canadian citizens of the 30's 40's and 50's weren't centrally concerned with education, that concern a product of the industrialization of Canada that in their story occurs in the 1960's. Then dissonance sets in as congruities between the nation's economy and the newly developed college structure dissipate in the 1970's, with crisis somehow the result of this seemingly natural  144 unfolding of the nation's destiny, of being victims of "circumstance". I claim that Canada industrialized much earlier and that anomalies more than congruencies mark Canadian development in the twentieth century. The ideology of modernity, with its attendant concept of progress hides national social, cultural and economic difference, which in turn hides a neocolonized "English" Canada.  Dennison's and Gallagher's acritical analysis of the community college, not surprisingly, is based in an acritical national history. That history is one of common sense where the past is made to conform to social maintenance needs thought to be required in the future. History moves along uniformly, matching up to perceived needs in the present, golden years appearing from the mists of time if only to be disrupted by circumstance. Acritical history reinforces and grounds the acritical analysis in a self-fulfilling tautological narrative structure to construct what Paul Jeffcut (1993) term an "epic" and "romantic" story of organization interpretation. To quote:  "Epic" (a perilous journey contains a crucial struggle, success in this ordeal results in the exultation of the hero).... A typical (epic) ordeal would begin with the identification of an organization's attachment to traditional working practices that were outmoded but unchallenged... .Redemption occurs through the heroic struggle with these limitations (such as radical restructuring, transformation in employee and managerial effectiveness ) , and culminates in the organization's assertive rebirth and subsequent burgeoning....(29)  By this definition, their "romantic epic" in like fashion is concerned with overcoming obstacles in order to move into a new way, the "romance" attached when integration results from prescriptive nostrums. To quote:  145 "Romantic" (obstacles are posed by opponents in a restrictive society, these are overcome enabling passage into a new and integrative state of society). This is perhaps the most pervasive narrative form in the literature of organizational culture and symbolism, having numerous stylistically linked expressions. The objective of a harmonious and integrated society is expressed in a desire for organizational unity, with culture and symbolism as the agency by which the obstacles and restrictions are overcome. These divisions are exposed as the products of processes of change (such as organizational growth, technological change)... .the forces of which are needing to be controlled and harmonized...These romantic narratives, whether managerialist or contramanagerialist, tend towards the authority of the narrator's presence, though despite the authority of having been there 'natives' tend to be reported in an absent voice. (30-31)  Dennison's and Gallagher's so-called "trivial text", which, I suggest, is in its modern way a nationalist progressive interpretation, however, "helps secure old subject-positions". In their narrative, hierarchies of paternal authority remain intact, the role of the college as a social instrument by which to foster an acritical acceptance of change is not fundamentally challenged and students, the "natives" in their story, are brought in only as bit players. College staff are written in the as the "unsung heroes" (208) in a saga dominated by oppositions between a faculty concerned more with their short term gain (77, 78,) than institutional well-being as defined by the authors. And with all that, almost inevitably, administrators continue on to "burn out" because the demands placed upon them are beyond the abilities of even of the most able. Subject positions remain secure in this narrative. Removing administrators with governance and administration left to students, staff, faculty and community representatives could have formed their prescription just as easily as maintaining the status quo has. Perhaps such a model would be more congruent with their description though they argue against the validity of any participatory collegial models that deprivilege administrators.  146 The binary opposition evident throughout their work between description and prescription suggests that their approach is centred within a conventional, positivist frame of reference that assumes for one, that the college system existing "out there" can be mirrored through words if the author is sufficiently skilled and dispassionate, and that such representations can lay claim to academic neutrality. This neutrality does not deny that their work is opinionated or polemical, only that such opinion or polemic exists in opposition to a possible objective representation of the "actual" state of affairs (the description). Indeed opinion, however informed, rather than critique, I suggest, forms the basis for their concept of critical analysis (the prescription). The interlocutor, the disease of organizational dysfunction finds expression in both description and prescription - symptom one moment, cure the next.  An opposition so common to modern stories caught within the webs of the mythologies of progress is if only the "business at hand" could be completed, if only this or that could be changed at present, then a future congruent with the values of modernity could not but result. In these stories the "here and now" always suffers compared to the past or future, this subaltern status granted the "present" symbolic of the inability of the modern story to live up to its promise, a promise that only exists in modern ontology, somewhere up the road, in a future that has accounted for the errors in present practice. Canadian movies, for example Atom Egoyan's The Adjustor poignantly point this out this betrayal of modern promise within a postmodern Canada.  Like this author, when Dennison and Gallagher consciously draw upon metaphor (197) it is the  147 sea to which they turn - not the plains or mountains - for the sea, metaphorically, remains open and vast, full of possibility. The prairies have been written upon, the lines and angles of modernity replacing a more monochrome unbrokenness. The mountains have been tunnelled and tamed, with iron rails for iron wheels and asphalt roads for rubber tires. Electrical, oil and gas transmission lines too, are visible as the scrawlings of an insensitive modernity on a landscape that stood still for it. The sea, on the other hand, maintains a vestigial virginity in spite of declining salmon stocks and the destruction of the east coast cod fishery speaking differently. That sea-change though is subterranean - beneath a surface that maintains the sheen given it long before modernity proved it a lie.  It is uncanny how Dennison and Gallagher's story parallels the story of college possibilities written by college administrators who are absorbed by projects of maintenance and control. The metaphor wherein text qua text signifies text as practice is quite obvious to me. That the hidden interests represented in the saga just exposed, the interests of functionally trained administrators coincide with those privileged by existing structures of power in British Columbia is no accident. As the positionality of these authors parallels the interests they privilege, so the positionality of college administrators parallels the interests they privilege and protect, at times in opposition to students, employees and the external college communities alike.  148 CHAPTER EIGHT TOWARD A POSTCOLONIAL AND POSTHUMANIST COMMUNITY COLLEGE If the university as a locus of struggle is understood as a microcosmic, ideological state apparatus, intellectuals - both as scholars and as teachers - must come to understand that the local struggle involves a paradoxically global dimension that is simultaneously local: the systematic demystification and disempowerment of the relay of ideological binary oppositions informing the maturity/immaturity opposition. They must realize that it is this inclusive opposition on which the traditional university, in the name of culture but in behalf of sociopolitical colonization, fundamentally relies to inscribe the relay of "mature" identities psychological, sexual, social, political, and international - in the student body, both undergraduate and graduate.  William Spanos The End of Education: Toward Posthumanism  The Quaintness of Canada and Its Symbolisms  Now that modernity has become detritus, has become artifact and ash, now that modernity exists only as commodity, its value heightened by the pangs of nostalgia that visit those going to that decayed place called Modern, now that the modern epoch has been overthrown, has been destroyed through phenomenology, hermeneutics and deconstructionism, now that the artifacts of that time past, the signposts on its railways as well as the railways themselves, are traded for their symbolic rather than use value, how can modern institutions trading in the debased currency of empires past retain meaning?  149 Now that current social theory has philosophically destroyed the modern "individual", now that postmodern theory has destroyed the concept of autonomy and isolation necessary to see the "individual" as the fundamental building block of society, now that "individual" exists only relationally, an "essential" self a romantic construction tied to very specific historical periods, how can institutions that still organize around modern concepts such as leadership and control by autonomous individuals practised upon other autonomous individuals united by a discredited post-war social compact continue with present practice? How long can modern values incongruent with a postmodern environment last? How long can a new corporatism based in postnational capital structures be held at bay by the crumbling structures of modernity?  Now that the modern nation and nationality itself are being reduced to commodity, to artifact to be marketed for a symbolic value turned in on itself to enhance the value of other marketable commodities by providing a charged system of referents, and now that Knowledge has become Information, and Information transfer the basis for a postmodern education, now that looking in the mirror of Modernity won't help to discern what is happening in the "past", never mind the "future" of the New Age Infobahn, now that vertigo and nostalgia grip moderns and paralyse their institutions, how can modern institutions such as British Columbia's community colleges, based in a concept of nation and community that does not recognize incommensurability or irresolvable difference, make meaningful impressions on an educational landscape littered with the spoils of a marauding Modernity?  150 Some understandings of the dilemma postmodernism presents to existing institutions can be textured by examining Hockey as the Great Canadian Metaphor. That this metaphor has grown complacent, lost its modern moorings and concomitant modern meanings is increasingly evident. Prized hockey jerseys are now those with colours constructed as "up-to-date", such as the teal blue of the San Jose Sharks, those terrors of the frozen rivers and ponds of California. The "home" colours of the two Canadian teams of the six team league, the primary red and blue of the Montreal Canadiens or the blue and white of Toronto Maple Leafs have lost their Canadian cachet. The game Canadians once held as their own, that may well have provided the only unity modernity held for this nation-state, is now played with, rather than against, former Cold War "enemies" who have been postmodernly reduced to colleagues united in a marketing exercise to bring "the best practice available globally" to more and more "fans".  Canada's great patriarchal narrative, Hockey, and increasingly Canada itself, exist more and more as symbols for a global marketplace, their transformation from vitality to artifactuality supplying a potent metaphor in this social story of Canada. In 1994, New York and Vancouver played for the National (which nation?) Hockey League's Lord Stanley's Cup, an artifact of the modern British Empire. With the addition of hockey teams like Disney's Mighty Ducks of Anaheim or Blockbuster Video's Florida Panthers, this trophy has been revalorized as a postmodern, postnational marker. Its British Imperial trappings are lost in a distant past. It finds new life marking out athleticisms for teams from places climatically so foreign that playing hockey in those hot places would have been laughable when Lord Stanley commissioned the cup.  151 Metropolitan and hinterland find new meaning in 1994 as the Vancouver Canucks are marketed as Canada's team in the myopic U.S. The modern nation of Canada is transformed into postmodern artifact, vitality draining from a country reduced to life as a marketing ploy to convince jaded metropolitans that there is life outside New York city. The on-ice dramatic tension designed, for one, by painting the performers as hinterlanders and metropolitans replays at a global level too. Players skilfully trained in the modern Union of Soviet Socialist Republics, now a crumbled portent of things to come to all nations irrespective of their particular form of economic organization, provide symbolic cannon fodder for a postmodern age of simulacra. New Yorkers argue whether their team, the Rangers, has "better" Russians than does "Canada's team", the Vancouver Canucks. They do not argue about which team has the better Canadians, as Canadians, I suppose, in the U.S. are not constructed as Other.  The commodification of the nation state is complete. It exists as artifact to enhance the appeal of images in the service of transnational capital, transported to TV screens throughout North America, and, on time delay to catch the prime time markets there, into the vast hinterland of the broken down USSR. Small market NHL teams are increasingly viewed as an embarrassment to a league that has become a valued commodity in the South of the United States. It's questionable that Edmonton's Oilers, Quebec's Nordiques, Winnipeg's Jets and Ottawa's Senators can survive in the era of Southern Panthers, Sharks and Ducks. Any values accruing to this game, except for those that enhance the game as spectacle (Debord, 1990), are written out in the rush for valorization of Hockey as postmodern commodity. In like manner how can modern formal education, whether delivered by the college, university or grade school maintain  152 social integrity in a society (or non-society) that values any artifact, education included, only in terms of the market? I suggest it cannot, that the great project of liberal humanism is dead (Spanos, 1993), and with that, the wolves of a predatory postmodern knowledge industry are loosed on this land and many others.  The logic of the market supplies one of two vital templates within postmodernity, the other the privileging of difference. The logic of the market reduces modernity itself to artifact, dissolving modern nation states in its wake. The nation state joins with spectator sports, both become simulacra in a postmodern environment that lives off meaning constructed in modern times, using up that meaning without putting much new meaning back. Postmodern predations presage ever increasing half-lives as symbols are rendered meaningless in ever tightening vectors, velocity increasing with each technological change. The centrifuge of modernity has flown apart; the circle is broken; as Clint Eastwood taught in his film Unforgiven, "all the King's horses and all the King's men" will not ride innocently again. Undeniably a freeing moment accompanies this destruction; but this liberation is contingent, not only in the sense that is constructed locally in terms of both time and space, but also contingent in the sense that is dependent on the ability of members of the species to recognize that imperial hegemonies of so many sorts do not necessarily, or, as the imperialists would have it, by definition, coincide with the incommensurable difference of postmodern (non)citizens of (non)nation-states.  Tribalisms that modernity was to have stamped out reappear. The 20th. Century, the century itself constructed as the penultimate symbol of progress, closes much as it began, with  153 Balkanizations based in old imperialisms reappearing along with Balkanizations, like Quebec in Canada, that are products of a New World that supposedly left these "retro-gressive" tendencies behind. During postmodernity though, unlike during modernity, metropolae abound along with their empires, discursive activity written diversely in terms of new colonial or postcolonial practices. History though, as liberal postmodernists would have it, hasn't ended with liberal capitalism triumphant. Colonialism is not dead, killed off by some global meritocracy. It has only changed form, become more difficult to identify if such identification is predicated upon modern systems of classification. A quaintness pervades modernity's discursive templates, leaving organizations grounded in it vulnerable and exposed. How can meaning be salvaged from the project called progress that itself has been wrecked on the rocks of global pollutions? How can meamng be constructed in a world that values it only for the trade and commerce it can provide, that self-same commerce destroying it more quickly than it can be manufactured?  The Quaintness of Institutional Education  Without those inside the walls knowing, education and its institutions have been used up, their modern vitality drained from them. Lost in landscape of strange and increasingly toxic form, they move about unsure, their shoes tied too tightly, cutting off the circulation that could make them more sensitive to the shifting ground on which they stand. And so with British Columbia's community colleges. Though these places had less sureness to lose as they were never tied that  154 tightly to modernity, and though they have a malleability that should allow greater adaptability to new conditions, they cannot find shoes designed for travel on this new landscape. Clinging to Modernity, unable to let go of Education, these colleges vacillate between a liberal humanism that is grounded in instrumental rationality and an even more narrow instrumental, functionalist approach to education defined by the needs of postnational capital.  Examples of this include the "Skills Now" (Appendix C) initiative from the Ministry pushing the colleges in that direction, private sector initiatives to directly influence curriculum like the Conference Board of Canada's "Employability Skills" programming, but more generally, the acceptance of the epistemology of Business as exemplified by "vice-presidents" working in the place of "deans", by "managers" doing work that used to be done by faculty, and by the lack of doctorates, especially liberal arts doctorates, amongst those in management positions. This practical disregard for liberal humanist education tells of the acritical acceptance of corporate values that accompany narrow functionalist approaches to education.  Where change is evident, the "political correctness" of the radical left combines awkwardly with that of the managerial right, for example, in the development and application of anti-harassment policies. Philosophical moorings based in liberal humanism are frayed, the knots of modernity coming undone as new philosophical alliances that belie modern oppositions are increasingly manifest. Postmodernism, as well as politics, makes for strange bedfellows. Liberal humanist instruction, for the most part, remains locked into the lecture mode, students still marginalized as instructors present the knowledge categorized into their particular disciplines as Knowledge  155 grounded by Canon, this concept of knowledge as well as the knowledges themselves already philosophically destroyed.  A vicious cycle exists in the pedagogical realm whereby innovative academic instruction and the resulting challenges to hegemonic discursivity, are relegated to the status of Other, lecturing in front of the room still constructed as the legitimate way to give students full-value. That these quaint instructional methodologies still predominate so long after concepts of student centred learning have de-privileged instructional authority tells too of institutions incapable of taking on new stories, of institutions still incapable of valorizing students so that they have a central voice in determining what is institutionally produced as knowledge.  A valorization of the project of education in postmodern times that escapes the totalizing discourse of Business and does not harken back to discredited stories called Humanism has yet to be written. British Columbia's community colleges are in a better position that most postsecondary institutions in Canada to take on such a project. Their budgets continue to grow; the ministry is rewarding what it terms innovation; a participatory workplace is being mandated; the unions representing staff and faculty are beginning to recognize that their roles must be expanded; many already in these institutions recognize the need for new practice and are struggling to develop congruencies between the colleges and their environments. Most importantly, four year independent degree granting status provides an opportunity for expanding and changing curriculum, an opportunity to listen to voices from the margins. And, finally, instructional and administrative resources developed in various jurisdictions for many years now,  156 because of the microchip revolution, are for the first time readily available to those with the money. In British Columbia, fortunately, it is a matter of putting them together, of developing college programs and practices that are not wholly predicated upon humanism or technical instrumentality or the modern opposition between them.  The Quaintness of Community Colleges  June of 1994 saw two community colleges in the lower mainland of British Columbia advertise for presidents while Camosun College in Victoria hired one (see Appendices I & J). These cultural artifacts called advertisements for the commodity called president incorporate binary opposition between humanism and functionalism that so frames college practice in British Columbia. Deconstructing the text as institutional practice exposes logocentrism as the grounding narrative of both these stories of college education. Modern paternal hierarchies like British Columbia's community colleges, however, can no longer seek philosophical justification for certain ways of organizing human endeavour in stories from the past, in modern organizational theory per se (Hassard & Parker, 1993) This theory has been exposed as a patriarchal narrative protecting vested interests. Any claims to neutrality supposedly inherent in "managerial technique" have been disabused long ago. Paternal ways of organization, no matter what the management theory that frames "best practice", cannot but be ineffective in postmodern society as they have been found out, their philosophical and practical value called practically and  157 philosophically to account. Searches for Excellence, though still with us, have been replaced by Learning Organizations incorporating Total Quality Management. All these strategies are variations on the modern theme of institutional manipulation and control as identified, for one, by Foucault. Increasingly, modern management theory itself is irrelevant as it is based in instituting control systems that by their nature privilege uniformity over diversity. Paternal hierarchies defined by the paraphernalia of modernity like presidents, vice-presidents, professional authority and instructional control are not tuned to the diffuse and incommensurate voices that increasingly define both the internal organization and the external environment. Incongruities between form and function that modernity was to have destroyed bounce back to haunt practitioners of so many sorts, if indeed function includes answering the needs of postmodern (non) communities as well as the maintenance of a decayed modern hegemony.  The direct power of community college presidents will be much diminished if Colleges and Institute Act (Appendix L) passes second reading unchanged in British Columbia's legislative assembly. College presidents through their provincially mandated umbrella organization, the Post Secondary Employers' Association (Appendix C), object to this new model of governance which would allow much greater participation in the definition and control of college activities. These presidents argue that replacing the current model of governance that allows concentration of pedagogical and administrative decision-making by a model that would force such decision making down further into the existing hierarchy, would by its very nature place them in a conflict of interest as they could not adequately represent the interests of all college "stakeholders". Basing an argument for privilege in that self-same privilege speaks to the loss  158 of administrative vitality in British Columbia's colleges. Yet through organizations like the newly formed Employers' Association, a new vitality based in new relationships with other constituent groups can quickly be formed in the mercurial environment of the postmodern college.  Leadership, as defined during modernity by Max Weber, his discourse yet to be surpassed in spite of the efforts grounded, for one, in the continual abuse of Thomas Kuhn's constructions of paradigms (Kuhn, 1962), is a modern artifact grounded in epistemological uniformity, in universals from the past. Such leadership has come and gone; like education itself, leadership too must be viewed much more modestly. Its sagas, like those of Odysseus, must be relegated to classical studies, to a postdiscipline termed "modern" studies instead of to modern myth termed management theory. Concepts of administration placed alongside the binary opposition between liberal humanism and functionalist training, expose a dated project, yet a project that though dated is not yet dead. However, death, symbolically at least, will result if colleges keep hiring mangers caught in the humanist/functionalist dichotomy and teachers keep teaching either liberal humanism or United Statesian functionalism, that is if the paternal hierarchies of modernity are not left behind. The one feeds the other, forming a tautology that is indeed difficult to break through. Akin to the poverty cycles of social work wherein dysfunction reinforces dysfunction, breaking this institutional cycle would, like breaking poverty cycles that maintain class privilege in society at large, expose some players to an institutional, and with that, a social de-privileging. The central role granted the characters called status and prestige in the drama called organizational theory would need reassessment in light of a redesign of the stage, that is of the institution itself.  159 Capilano College, one the institutions advertising for a president, has been known for its two year programming based in liberal humanist academics. Kwantlen College, the other institution advertising, has been unable to sharply define itself on the educational landscape, as the institution moves from a centralized administrative models to decentralized models and back and forth again. This movement itself is perhaps still the defining moment for this relatively new institution, keeping the internal focus on adminstration and organizational structure and growth. As a result students and pedagogy are often sidelined, written in as subtext in the main text of institutional administration.  This Kwantlen College ad is functionally specific, taking on the tone of business discourse, while the ad for Capilano College emphasizes generalized capabilities more in tune with traditional liberal humanist values. Kwantlen wants someone who has "senior administrative experience", preferably in British Columbia, while Capilano College wants "senior administrative experience" as well as "instructional experience"; Capilano College wants an individual with "community service experience outside the educational sector" while Kwantlen College wants "demonstrated commitment and experience in Total Quality Management". Kwantlen College wants "an understanding of institutional culture" while Capilano College wants a "demonstrated understanding of the role and activity of resource development within the context of a large public institution". Again, the Kwantlen ad is quite specific when it asks for "experience in a multi-campus milieu serving a multicultural environment". Capilano College is much less exclusive in its choice of language, asking for "commitment to innovation and excellence in education" and to "innovative and creative human resource management within the context of  160 a collegial environment".  These ads can be deconstructed on different levels for different stories. No doubt hidden agendas abound, beginning with those who wrote or approved the ads in the first place - the initial discourse, of course, frames and ensnares the ensuing dialogue. The filters have been turned on, the Capilano filter more a traditional, liberal humanist filter respectful of the collegiality that has traditionally defined educational institutions that take on liberal humanism as a founding document, the Kwantlen filter incorporating an acritical functionalism. To read these ads against the grain brings out differences. Notice that Kwantlen College "enrolls" students while Capilano College has students "enrolled". Colleges, of course, enrol nothing - students enrol in colleges. The active voice of big business can drown out other voices, even those of multi-campus multiculturalism quite quickly.  Kwantlen College wants "an exceptional leader, one who can shepherd the college through a dynamic period of growth and change" while Capilano wants "a visionary educational leader with an in-depth understanding of the mission and role of a multi-campus community college". The Kwantlen ad captures a flavour of current management theory while Capilano is looking for a more tradition, modem educator. Neither want a "post"modernist who questions the project of modem education itself, and, with that, and of modem concepts of educational administration and leadership.  The idea of "shepherding" in the Kwantlen ad expresses the concept of modem leadership,  161 where those in the institution walk in directions determined for them by others, by leaders. "Visionary" does not supply a more edifying metaphor, now that the perspectivism of Renaissance modernism has been labelled (Harvey, 1990), and ideas of modern leadership grounded in the autonomy of individuality reduced to a modern romance. Neither ad, as is to be expected, challenges the hegemony of modernity whether in its pedagogical or organizational form. In like form, the news story regarding Camosun College's new president demonstrates an institution walking between the stories of functional technicalism and liberal humanism. The new president at that institution has "solid academic credentials" as well as membership in an engineering standards association. This news story gives us a person who can answer to both the imperatives of late modern education. The story interestingly validates the opposition by answering to both its poles.  The ads and the news story protect the project of progress conflated within modern educational discourse that can only lead to "futures" that by definition, if not in practice, must be better than the "past". Functionalism and humanism provide themes that play themselves out once again, marking a college system that cannot recognize and begin the escape from the strictures of modernity. Utopian ideology pervades and legitimizes this discourse of modern privilege through concepts of "vision" and "leadership", first seeing and then leading the way to an ever-receding utopic shoreline.  Thomas More's publishing of Utopia in the year 1516, along with Martin Luther's statement of conscience, his statement that he "could do no other", a statement that still resonates today with  162 all the best (and a lot of the worst) modernity had to offer, when taken together, texturize a modernity that incorporates both individuality and progress. When these originary modern moments are placed alongside Francis Bacon's originary identification of the instrumentality of education (Leiss, 1974) individual/education/progress/control form a seamless project that has grounded western and often global discursive constructions for hundreds of years.  Removing these foundational concepts from the lexicon of western living is a piece of risky business. Alternatives do not present themselves vigorously or powerfully. Alternate discourse appears nascent at best. More often it seems so lacking in vitality that it seems more emblematic of the decadence of modernity than of any postmodern vitality. Like the Luddites who fought so well against the predations of modern industrial capitalism, only, of course, to see it stand triumphant anyway, alternate discourse (Kecht, 1993, Ulmer, 1986, Lather 1991) seems to have the same flavour as Luddism, an attempt to salvage and reinterpret past ways more than an attempt write the story of education anew. Forging, or more correctly now that postindustrialism is upon us in Canada, metaphorically constructing new frames of reference while breaking the old, as the "framebreakers" called Luddites broke the frames of looms they declared technologically out-of-bounds, is a project that perhaps, by definition, cannot be comfortably framed or bounded as the epistemology of modernity demands. To do so would be succumbing to the very forces it is ostensibly meant to expose, and, theoretically at least, replace.  163 Luddic Postmodernism  Popular constructions of Luddism when placed alongside popular constructions of paradigms express two poles of modernity. "Paradigm" stands as a marker for progress, the word itself coming to mean positive change, "Luddism" stands as a marker for futile attempts to block this self-same progress. The ontology and metaphysics of modernity ground and limit both. Originary meaning has gone missing as both are written in at opposite ends of the ideological continuum called progress. Education is caught in here, in this continuum, especially college education which is designed to overtly serve two masters, not mistresses, at once.  E.P. Thompson goes to great effort in his landmark history The Making of the English Working Class to disabuse readers of the notion of Luddites as reactionary, disorganized technophobes. He writes: Luddism lingers in the popular mind as an uncouth, spontaneous affair of illiterate handworkers, blindly resisting machinery. But machine-breaking has afar longer history (1963: 604).... and.... M? account of Luddism is satisfactory which is confined to a limited industrial interpretation, or which dismisses its insurrectionary undertones with talk of a few 'hotheads'. (1963:633). Likewise, I suggest, no account of the demise of modernity which is confined to a limited interpretation of either liberationist or liberal ilk is satisfactory if it does not take into account both the freeing moment inscribed by the valorization of difference made possible by the destruction of modern metaphysics as well as the cultural homogeneity that inscribes postmodern economic imperatives as the only ones.  164 Removing modern structures, accomplished in practice through microchip applications that have revolutionized communication and production technologies, and philosophically through postructuralist thought, have, in practice, given the stage over to postnational capital. This new form of capital, which has globally conflated the production and reproduction of capital itself, has been imposed upon willing as well as recalcitrant citizens in many nations and has encountered various resistances and encouragements from most every modern institution and structure. That this contemporary resistance has been written out of the history of the late twentieth century, as Luddite resistance a century ago is commonly trivialized and downplayed now, is a moment of discursive construction designed to maintain the economic status quo embedded in either the modern or postmodern variation on the theme of capitalist economics.  Postmodern Luddites abound and have had their successes; much current management theory is predicated upon dissolving these successes through technological applications of the microchip in areas previously immune (like teaching and administration), while at the same time modifying the moral technology of management in order that resistance can be marginalized as "Luddism" and "progress" equated, for one, with "paradigm shifts". Constructing "change", the by-product of progress, as an inevitable outcome of fundamentally non-discursive practice is the defining ideological moment of modernism, whether of the socialist or capitalist variety. "Change", whether informed by the political left or right, still carries legitimation with it. For to be "against" change it to be "against" progress, and that is still heresy in these transitional times. For progress still, in practice, centres the western universe much like the earth centred the theological universe of European Medievals. That the political categories of "left" and "right"  165 used here, developed originally by Rousseau, another originary modernist, explain less and less, is another manifestation of the demise of modernity and its classificatory schemas.  Talk of neo-Darwinism, of global competition and the privatization of modern public goods like schools, parks and sports facilities that bring citizens education, recreation and physical fitness exemplifies this accelerating trend. Those standing in the "way of progress", even though the bankruptcy of progress itself is becoming understood, are still written out, for "progress" still fits well with existing relations of power. Mussolini came to power to remove those who prevented Italy's trains from running "on time"; in similar fashion Stalin found more "enemies of the state" amongst railway engineers than amongst any other occupational grouping. Will postmodern purges contingent upon similar identifications of postindustrial Others come to haunt and hunt those who transgress new postmoral technologies as they do in the Los Angeles of Bladerunnerl  Postopics and Analgesics  In modern jazz, after all the musicians have had their kick at the can, the musicians "bring it all back home"; after having gone off in various directions, each "doing their own thing", they all join together for a new integration of sound, something different than what came before something, when it works right, spontaneous and novel, a new synthesis - and modern jazz  166 might well be the art form more than any other that presaged postmodernity - formulaic though the form, as it proceeds modernly and even romantically - it does incorporate an indeterminacy, an allowance for difference, though that difference is bound by the formula. So this thesis proceeded, a foot in each camp (such a militaristic, oppositional metaphor), mostly unconsciously modern, occasionally escaping such totalizations, moving the community college out of its familiar environs, into a landscape painted broadly and painfully indistinctly, finally moving more comfortably back into the security of group sound.  Alternatives to the project of uniform modern education have been developed from various frames of reference. Illich has introduced anarchistic alternatives that have the potential to privilege difference, but at what cost to social equality, this good too an artifact of a lost modernity (Illich, 1971)? Freire has postmodernly concentrated on the construction of concepts of self and how those constructions are grounded in existing relations of power (Freire, 1972). His privileging of agency has removed the emphasis on transformatory social movements based in modern structuralism and vanguardism. Mezirow talks of transformatory learning which can change individuals. Whether it can change society is left unanswered. Foucault and Derrida have entered the discourse (Ulman, 1986, Kecht, 1993, Lather, 1991, West, 1993), inspiring calls for a new pedagogy that recognizes student qua student in the production of knowledge. This privileging differs markedly from previous conceptions of student centred learning best exemplified by the learning contract. It moves beyond the instrumentalism first advocated by Bacon and the liberal humanism of the Enlightenment that still form the foundation for modern education. Yet can it address urgent requirements for social transformation?  167 For example, can non-instrumental and non-humanist education help people in North America learn en masse to leave their cars at home, that is to move from the destructive consumption practices of modernity? Not only have humanist and instrumental approaches to education not done so; they have inadvertently encouraged these practices by grounding "existence" itself in discursive practices predicated on material and non-material domination and control. I have argued that non-material consumption will in large part replace consumption of material goods like boats and automobiles. I have also argued that these new consumption practices will devalorize modern education and valorize a postmodern "information age". In turn, I have argued that reducing education to one more commodity for consumption will change the institutions that during modernity were responsible for delivering this good to the citizens of modern nations. As modern nations are dissolving and with that modern notions of citizenry are becoming less tenable, all these modern institutions and symbolisms have moved to a place of confluence. This fin de millennium is witnessing the dissolution of modernity itself. British Columbia's community colleges are spaced in postmodemity so that those inside can not only understand this, as can many elsewhere especially in previously industrialized areas of North America, they can respond to it. A growing economy through no reason other than climate and geography when placed alongside community colleges as government policy instruments of choice, again through no deliberate effort of those in the institutions, allow this response denied so many living in increasingly decrepid conditions.  Colleges can take on First Nations learning and privilege it alongside humanism. They can take on critical studies and write media literacy into a curriculum that at the same time does not deny  168 the necessity of responding to the imperatives of postnational capital. They can take on education that allow constructions of critical and aware postmodern consumers and audiences. They can privilege local economies as well as the postnational one through encouraging local production of material as well as non-material goods. For example, training lathe operators on numerically controlled equipment and on traditional equipment can lead to diverse small scale tertiary industry that would see British Columbians making something other than "money", mostly for others, from their forests. Community colleges can be the vehicle to write a local story that doesn't deny the imperatives of the story called postnational capital, but one that recognizes how limited that story is. Becoming such a vehicle that preserves as well as modifies present practice is predicated upon opening the colleges to the communities that surround them, asking what those communities want of it and listening to all the responses, not just to the loudest. It is predicated upon pulling down the walls that privilege contemporary practice, not to replace that practice with new privilege but to replace it with a privileging of difference itself. De-privileging uniformity in instruction, in curriculum and in administrative practice will encourage both economic and cultural development that can stand in opposition to the homogeneity of postmodern postnational capital giving people living in today's British Columbia a postcolonial voice. Such a postopic denial of the epistemology of modernity will provide an analgesic for British Columbians besieged by demands not of their making and practices they have never yet called their own.  169 REFERENCES Aitkens, D. (1992). Estranging The Familiar - Toward a Revitalized Critical Writing. Athens, Georgia: The University of Georgia Press. Atwood, M. (1972). Survival. Toronto: Anansi. Ball, S. (Ed.). (1990). Foucault and Education - Disciplines and Knowledge. London: Routledge. Barthes, R. (1957). 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Ithaca: Cornell University Press. Debord, G. (1990). Comments on the Society of the Spectacle. London: Verso, 1990. Dennison, J. D. & Gallagher, P. (1986). Canada's Community Colleges - A Critical Analysis. Vancouver: University of British Columbia Press. Kincheloe, J. & McLaren, P. (1993). Rethinking Critical Theory and Qualitative Research. In N. Denzin & Y. Lincoln (Eds.), "Handbook of Qualitative Research" (138-157). Sage: London. Drucker, P. (1993). Postcapitalist Society. New York: HarperBusiness. Douglas, M. & Isherwood, B. (1978). The World of Goods: Towards an Anthropology of Consumption. New York: Basic Books. Ewen, S. (1976). Captains of Consciousness: Advertising and the social roots of consumer culture. New York: McGraw-Hill Finlay, J.L. & Sprague, D.N. (1993). The Structure of Canadian History. Scarborough, Ontario:Prentice-Hall Inc. Freire, P. (1989). Pedagogy of the Oppressed. New York: Continuum. First published in 1972. Foucault, M. (1970). 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(Eds.), Postmodernism and Organizations. (25-48). London: Sage Publications Ltd. Lasch, C. (1978). The Culture of Narcissism: American life in an age of diminishing expectations. New York: Norton. Lather, P. (1991). Getting Smart. London: Routledge. Leiss, W. (1974). The Domination of Nature. Boston: Beacon Press. Linstead, S. (1993). "Deconstruction in the Study of Organizations". In Hassard, J. & Parker, M. (Eds.), Postmodernism and Organizations. (49-70). London: Sage Publications Ltd. Lyotard, J. (1984). The Postmodern Condition: A report on knowledge. Manchester: Manchester University Press. Macpherson, C.B. (1962). The Political Theory of Possessive Individualism. Oxford: Oxford University Press. McQuaig, L. (1987). Behind Closed Doors: How the Rich Got Control of Canada's Tax System. Markham, Ontario: Penguin Books Canada. Mezirow, J. (1991). Transformative Dimensions ofAdult Learning. San Francisco: Jossey Bass. Jones, P.J., Natter, W. & Schatzki T. (Eds.). (1993). 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Geopolitics and Geoculture: Essays on the changing world-system. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. West, Cornell. (1993). Prophetic Thought In Postmodern Times. Monroe, Maine: Common Courage Press. Zavarzadeh, M. & Morton, D. (1991). Theory (Post)Modernity Opposition. Washington, D.C.: Maisonneuve Press.  174 APPENDIX A  EIP'-I>T n » » i ; 1 i-»n»,J»!fl»lhl».T.h,«ll..»<hJtf.,.iiij t i.Li.i«,ji«.ii—f •'•!» •••.^-•^  A  »,..-t-«^w»,'«»«i«jji.«i-«i«»j.t.ij.i.^.i<l,»lJl^*1'IJ l *i. l K)if-iaiUiHi^vtv.»fi'U.M-«''i, .J- [ J U ' . M H ) ^ , -  PROFILE  OF  l , A ' - « i , m , . . . •"-,•• rir.  INSTITUTIONS 175  Many community colleges have more than one c a m p u s , although all the campuses do not offer all the p r o g r a m s . The colleges tend to have a more informal atmosphere than either universities or technical institutes. And tuition is generally about half that of universities. The smaller, more -intimate atmosphere of the colleges doesn't take away from the quality of the training or the professionalism of the staff. The "open d o o r " admissions policy at community colleges allows graduates of any B.C. secondary school program to apply for admission. As well, those who did not complete high school can upgrade their qualifications at the colleges. All the colleges offer Adult Basic Education programs (see Chapter 3). Many also offer college p r e p a r a t o r y programs for skills upgrading. This qualifies students for admission to the programs of their choice.  Community colleges may give preference to students from their local area for certain programs. For vocational and many other programs, however, admissions are open to students from all over the province. Advisors at the colleges can help you find out if you qualify for admission to the courses and programs you want to take. High school counsellors can also help. Here are brief descriptions of all the community colleges in B.C. Find out more about the ones y o u ' r e interested in by contacting the colleges directly or with the help of your counsellor.  -48-  A  PROFILE  OF  I N S T I T U T I O N S  176  CAMOSUN COLLEGE  . [oria is h o m e to i j i n u s u n College, which icrvei southern \ ancouver Island a n d t h e Gulf I s l a n d s . The college's c o u r s e s a t t r a c t more t h a n 6,000 s t u d e n t s each y e a r in c r e d i t programs and another 17.000 in t h e n o n - c r e d i t , i.-ral i n t e r e s t c o u r s e s , it- ( o u r c a m p u s e s offer a wide r a n g e of a c a d e m i c . \ocational. technical and n o n - c r e d i t p r o g r a m s . Many p r o g r a m s , such as t h e technologies a n d office c a r e e r s , have a co-op '•omponent. a m o s u n offers several ;''i;rams not generally available e l s e w h e r e . T h e Co-ordinated Studies P r o g r a m is a special -emin;\r that brings - I n d e n t s and i n s t r u c t o r s together to e x p l o r e and di-i-ii-- tlie c o n n e c t i o n s 'ueen courses. Students i ' l i i : Political S c i e n c e . Xothropologv. Biologv. I'.n^li-h and Psvchologv can participate. I n t h e Business Svstems I ••••linieian I ' r o g r a m . - i n d e n t - l e a r n to lie -ii. . .---J u l n i - t m i u T - e r \ iee ' •• M ninan-.  frainin^  CAPILANO COLLEGE  includes analog and digital electronics, microprocessor theory and troubleshooting involving mechanical, electromechanical and electronic equipment. T h e Native I n d i a n T e a c h e r Assistant P r o g r a m t r a i n s Native I n d i a n men a n d women to be effective t e a c h e r a s s i s t a n t s in e l e m e n t a r y school classrooms. An u n u s u a l high technology p r o g r a m is the Materials Engineering Technology p r o g r a m . S t u d e n t s l e a r n a b o u t highp r e c i s i o n , highperformance materials bonding processes and robotics and a u t o m a t i o n in i n d u s t r i e s such as shipbuilding, architecture and e l e c t r o n i c s . Camosun's modern, upt o - d a t e facilities include a dental health education c e n t r e and an e x p a n d e d library/media centre. For more i n f o r m a t i o n a b o u t Caniosun College, contact: Manager. Registrar C a n i p u s C a m o s u n College 3100 Foul Ra% R o a d V i c t o r i a . B.C. V8P5.J2 T e l e p h o n e : i 00 li 59:2-1 .Viti  C a p i l a n o College's region s t r e t c h e s from V a n c o u v e r ' s N o r t h S h o r e t h r o u g h Howe S o u n d a n d up t h e S u n s h i n e Coast. Its main c a m p u s is in N o r t h \ a n c o u v e r . a n d r e g i o n a l c e n t r e s a r e in Sechelt and S q u a m i s h . H o w e v e r , s t u d e n t s come from t h r o u g h o u t the p r o v i n c e and from a r o u n d the w o r l d . With o v e r 6,000 s t u d e n t s , i t s one of B . C . ' s largest c o m m u n i t y colleges. T h e college is noted for a v a r i e t y of c a r e e r a n d vocational programs that p r e p a r e s t u d e n t s for e m p l o y m e n t a n d for a strong academic p r o g r a m , which is the same as the first two years of a universits' d e g r e e . As well. C a p i l a n o offers n o n - c r e d i t courses, seminars and workshops. Capilano College is stronglv committed to I n t e r n a t i o n a l h d u c a t i o n anil is active in de\ eloping i n t e r n a t i o n a l p r o j e c t s , -ueh a- the CAN ASF. AN I n t e r n a t i o n a l Fntrepreneurial Project.  - 4 9 -  In a d d i t i o n to the s t a n d a r d vocational a n d academic programs. C a p i l a n o College offers some programs that are u n i q u e in B . C . a n d in some cases in C a n a d a . These include Media R e s o u r c e s . B a c h e l o r of Music T h e r a p y , Asia Pacific M a n a g e m e n t C o o p e r a t i v e (a postgraduate program). Outdoor Recreation M a n a g e m e n t , Applied I n f o r m a t i o n Technology a n d L a b o u r S t u d i e s . Asia Pacific M a n a g e m e n t C o o p e r a t i v e is a postgraduate program. C a p i l a n o College is growing to meet the needs of its c o m m u n i t i e s t h r o u g h m a j o r building p r o j e c t s , which i n c l u d e a Sportsple.x ( g y m n a s i u m complex), a new classroom b u i l d i n g a n d a new l i b r a r y . F o r m o r e information on C a p i l a n o College, c o n t a c t : T h e R e g i s t r a r ' s Office C a p i l a n o College 2055 P u r c e l l Way North Vancouver, B.C. V7J 3 H 5 T e l e p h o n e : (604) 9 8 6 - 1 9 1 1  A  P R O F I L E  OF  CARIBOO COLLEGE  Tin' main c a m p u s of C a r i b o o College in Kamloops sits on a 100h c e t a r e site o v e r l o o k i n g t h e N o r t h ami South T h o m p s o n r i v e r s . Designated a fouryear university-college in 1989. C a r i b o o now offers full university d e g r e e s , in p a r t n e r s h i p with the province s universities. S t u d e n t s can complete B a c h e l o r ' s degrees in A r t s . Science or E d u c a t i o n from I B C Business from S F L . and Social Vi ork or N u r s i n g from L \ ic. In addition to its uni\ersitv programs. C a r i b o o has a wide r a n g e of d i p l o m a and certificate p r o g r a m s , including c a r e e r / t e c hnolo!Z\ . t r a d e s and i n d u s t r i a l and de\ e l o p m e n t a l . It ha- a national r e p u t a t i o n in health sciences. C a r i b o o ha- 15. (.. s onlv p r o g r a m s in re-pi r a t o r v t h e r a p v . ca rdio va-eu la r perl us ion and annual health leehnolony . It h a - one of onl\ lu .. medical l a b o r a t o r y tee h nubi^i-t p r o g r a m - . 11 a i -'i !KI - | i ' i - ! ^ r j d u a te a n d  N ST I TU T I 0 N S  177  COLLEGE OF NEW CALEDONIA  u p g r a d i n^ o p p o r t u n i t i e s for respiratory therapists, nurses and other health care professionals. C a r i b o o College is b u i l d i n g for the f u t u r e with expanded library facilities, a m a j o r a d d i t i o n to its science facilities, a new a r t s and e d u c a t i o n c o m p l e x and a c a m p u s activity c e n t r e . T h e college a l r e a d v h a s s o m e 300 units of s t u d e n t h o u s i n g , with p l a n s for m o r e . Two m a j o r facilities, a 5 0 - m e t r e pool a n d a q u a t i c c e n t r e , and a s t a d i u m c o m p l e x - mav also be b u i l t on c a m p u s for t h e 1993 C a n a d a S u m m e r Games. r o r more information a b o u t C a r i b o o College, contact: Admissions O t t i c e C a r i b o o College P.O. Box 3010 Kamloops. B.C. V2C 5N3 T e l e p h o n e : (604) 828-5000 or toll-free in B . C . 1-800663-2955  T h e College of New Caledonia (CNC) serves a region s p a n n i n g 117.500 s q u a r e k i l o m e t r e s with a p o p u l a t i o n of 122.000. Some 3.600 s t u d e n t s a t t e n d the college's five c a m p u s e s . T h e main c a m p u s is in P r i n c e G e o r g e , with satellite c a m p u s e s in B u r n s L a k e . M a c k e n z i e . Quesnel and V a n d e r h o o f . CNC offers a wide r a n g e ol universitv c r e d i t , t e c h n i c a l , vocational and general interest p r o g r a m s , ft also serves as the district c e n t r e for t h e Emily C a r r College of Art and Design. CNC is a l e a d e r in coo p e r a t i v e e d u c a t i o n . It offers one of the largest cooperative education p r o g r a m s of all colleges a n d institutes in B . C . T h e Business anil M a n a g e m e n t Studies and Trades and 1 echnoloixirs divisiontogether offer a total of 10 p r o g r a m - in which - t u d e n t can choo-c e o o p e r a t i \ e e d u c a t i o n . Local and regional b u s i n e s - e - are domain -on ree of co-op p l a c e m e n t - . bill la t^er  -5 0 -  o e n t r e s . such aVancouverand T o r o n t o , have also provided placements. All CNC s t u d e n t s have access to t h e C N C Resource Centre. This l i b r a r y lias the largest a c a d e m i c b o o k collection outside the Lower M a i n l a n d . It is s t r o n g in the a r e a s of f o r e s t r y , b u s i n e s s . Native studies and health sciences. It also has special collections such as the N o r t h e r n I n s t i t u t e for Resource Studies. CNC s t u d e n t s enjoy gvm facilities t h a t a r e a m o n g the best in t h e a r e a . CNC has a s t r o n g athletics p r o g r a m and is a m e m b e r of the B . C . College Athletics Association. National a n d pro\ incial-le\ el s p o r t i n g events h a v e been held at t h e college. For more i n f o r m a t i o n about CNC. contact: Admi-sioii- and Registration College of New C a l e b , m a 3330-22nd Ave. Prince George. B.C. \ 2 N 1P8 T e l e p h o n e : , Oilli 562-2 131  A  PROFILE  OF  I N S T I T U T I O N S  178  DOUGLAS COLLEGE  oiglas College, with a b o u t (i.TOO s t u d e n t s from all o v e r the Lower M a i n l a n d , is the second largest college in B.C. T h e m a i n c a m p u s in New W e s t m i n s t e r is a m o d e r n , multi-level facility overlooking the Fraser Kiver. A new Maple Ridge .ijius for a b o u t 800 - i n d e n t s opens in 1992. P r o g r a m s at the college cover t h e r a n g e of university transfer, applied training, developmental education, general interest courses and c o m m u n i t y programs and services. Douglas College has a . 'i:ig r e p u t a t i o n for its Applied P r o g r a m s in N u r s i n g . Social Services ami Allied H e a l t h . Commerce a n d Business Vdiniiustration. C r i m i n a l J u - t i c e and P e r f o r m i n g \rt<. Local b u s i n e s s a n d ••"•de<sioiial people sit on •-ory committees for all .'oc \ p p l i e d P r o g r a m s . 1 li«-v make s u r e t h a t the p r o g r a m s meet the needs of ill'- j o b m a r k e t . C o o p e r a t i v e e d u c a t i o n is available to Douglas College -tud.-nt- in c a r e e r p r o g r a m s - ,: - ii a - < o m p u t e r • ''ma tion S\ -teni- .  Accounting. Criminology a n d Arts M a n a g e m e n t and in u n i v e r s i t y transfer areas such as Geology. Biology a n d Creative Writing. Among t h e college's p r o g r a m s t h a t a r e not widely a v a i l a b l e elsewhere a r e P s y c h i a t r i c .Nursing, H e a l t h Information Services, Visual Language I n t e r p r e t e r (the only such p r o g r a m in B . C . ) . Therapeutic Recreation. Stagecraft and Arts Management. Douglas College p r i d e s itself on its athletic facilities. T h e s e i n c l u d e a d o u b l e g y m n a s i u m , fitness testing c e n t r e a n d d a n c e studio. The Sports I n s t i t u t e , p a r t of the College's C o m m u n i t y P r o g r a m s and Services Division, offers n o n - c r e d i t c o u r s e s , such as the .National Coaching Certification P r o g r a m a n d Recreation Leadership Program. F o r more i n f o r m a t i o n a b o u t Douglas College, contact: The Office of the R e g i s t r a r Douglas College P . O . Box 2 503 New W e s t m i n s t e r . B.C. V3L 5B2 T e l e p h o n e : (60 I) 527-5 178  EAST KOOTENAY COMMUNITY COLLEGE T h e four major p r o g r a m a r e a s at E.K.C.C. are: •  T h e s t u d e n t s of E a s t Kootenay C o m m u n i t y College enjoy a welle q u i p p e d main c a m p u s in C r a n b r o o k and four c e n t r e s serving C r e s t o n . F e r n i e . Golden a n d I n v e r m e r e . T h e college's low t u i t i o n costs and living e x p e n s e s , small class sizes with personalized attention and its c o n t i n u a l l y e x p a n d i n g program attract more s t u d e n t s each y e a r . E . K . C . C . offers far m o r e t h a n basic a c a d e m i c c o u r s e s , such as E n g l i s h , Sciences a n d M a t h e m a t i c s , and vocational p r o g r a m s , such as A u t o - b o d y R e p a i r , Co-op M e c h a n i c s a n d Office A d m i n i s t r a t i o n . Special interest p r o g r a m s , such as Professional Cook T r a i n i n g and E a r l v C h i l d h o o d E d u c a t i o n , have become verv p o p u l a r . As well, u n d e r the p r o v i n c e ' s Teacher Education I n i t i a t i v e . E.K.C.C!. offers a decree p r o g r a m in Llementa rv I e a c h e r 1 raining th roitizh L \ ic .  - 5 1 -  University Transfer • Career Technology (Business Administration, Leisure and R e c r e a t i o n a l Services Management, A g r i c u l t u r a l Technology) • V o c a t i o n a l (Service Programs, Health Care. Social a n d E d u c a t i o n , T o u r i s m and H o s p i t a l i t y , Trades) • G e n e r a l interest F o r m o r e information about E . K . C . C , contact: T h e Counselling C e n t r e East Kootenay C o m m u n i t y College P . O . Box 8500 C r a n b r o o k , B.C. V I C 5L7 T e l e p h o n e : (604) 489-2 751  •^STTA V ' T P !  A  PROFILE  OF  I N S T I T U T I O N S  179  KMNTLEN COLLEGE  FRASER VALLEY COLLEGE  F r a s e r Valley College aims to p r o v i d e a d u l t s t u d e n t s of e v e r y age and b a c k g r o u n d with the e d u c a t i o n they w a n t — w h e t h e r they a r e fresh from high school, have been away from f o r m a l e d u c a t i o n for m a n v y e a r s o r h a v e special e d u c a t i o n a l n e e d s . T h e college p r o v i d e s s u p p o r t services to h e l p s t u d e n t s succeed. About -1.000 s t u d e n t s enroll each y e a r in more t h a n 40 full- and p a r t - t i m e a c a d e m i c (University Transfer), career/technical and u p g r a d i n g and college p r e p a r a t o r y p r o g r a m s . As many as 8.000 s t u d e n t s enroll for the n o n - c r e d i t continuing education ci)urses t h r o u g h o u t the year. The college's main c a m p u s e s a r e in A b b o t s f o r d and Chilliwack. with regional c e n t r e s in Misr-ion and H o p e , ami an Information C e n t r e in Agu-MZ. Two of the college"p r o g r a m - exi-t h e e a u - e ol it - loca tion. I he -tron:: ru ta! h.i-e of the F r a - e r Vallcs !- reflected in the  two-year Agriculture Diploma p r o g r a m . T h e p r e s e n c e of the A b b o t s f o r d A i r p o r t gives the college the o p p o r t u n i t y to offer a two-year Aviation p r o g r a m t h a t t r a i n s pilots for e n t r y level positions in the aviation i n d u s t r y . T h e college also offers excellent p r o g r a m s in H e a l t h C a r e . Business Computers and Information Technology. Human S e r v i c e s . Visual a n d Performing Arts and vocational t r a d e s . In S e p t e m b e r 1992. F r a s e r Valley College will become British Columbia's f o u r t h universitv-college anil offer t h i r d - y e a r u n i v e r s i t y c o u r s e s , with its first u n i v e r s i t y degrees g r a n t e d by 1994. For more i n f o r m a t i o n a b o u t F r a s e r V alley College, c o n t a c t : The Registrar F r a s e r \ allev College 45600 A i r p o r t Road Chilliwack. B.C. V2P 6 T 1 T e l e p h o n e : , 6 0 4 I 7 9 2 - 0 0 J.")  Kwantlen College is committed to p r o v i d i n g the best e d u c a t i o n possible for people in the s o u t h F r a s e r . Lower M a i n l a n d communities of D e l t a . Langley. S u r r e y . R i c h m o n d and White R o c k . T h e c o l l e g e s c a m p u s e s in S u r r e y . R i c h m o n d and Langley a r e home to over 6.000 full- a n d p a r t - t i m e s t u d e n t s , along with over 9.000 c o n t i n u i n g e d u c a t i o n students. If they a r e interested in u n i v e r s i t y , s t u d e n t s can take t w o - y e a r university t r a n s f e r c o u r s e s in A r t s . Fine A r t s . S c i e n c e . Engineering. Business. C o m p u t e r Science or Criminology. They can then move on to one of B . C . s u n i v e r s i t i e s to complete t h e i r s t u d i e s . Kwantlen can also p r e p a r e s t u d e n t s directlv for j o b - in a c c o u n t i n g . 11usines- m a n a g e m e n t , marketing, computer i n t o r m a t i o n s\ s t e m - , a u t o m a t i o n r o b o t i c s and electronic-. The \l:i-1 ommu nteat ion- p r o g r a m p repa re- - t u den t - f o r e.i rrrr^ i n pu bile relation - . pu Idl-li i nil a nd pri nl l'i ii rn.i ll-nl. I he I .i-hion .  -52-  G r a p h i c s and I n t e r i o r Design programs are highly r e g a r d e d by industry. L nique p r o g r a m s only a v a i l a b l e at Kwantlen i n c l u d e Farrier Training and Public Safetv C o m m u n i c a t i o n s . New to K w a n t l e n is the E n v i r o n menta 1.• W aste Management Cooperative Education program. New o p p o r t u n i t i e s keep o p e n i n g up as business a n d i n d u s t r y c o n t i n u e to computerize and automate. K w a n t l e n is meeting this demand through programs such as C o m p u t e r - a i d e d Drafting and Design and A u t o m a t e d Office Applications, f o r students i n t e r e s t e d in t r a d e s . K w a n t l e n offers p r o g r a m s e q u i v a l e n t to first-year a p p r e n t i c e s h i p t r a i n i n g in a v a r i e t y of t r a d e s a r e a s including: Mason ry/Tileset ting. Millwright. Automotive P a r t s a n d Light \V a re ho using. ^ m a 11 A p p l i a n c e Ser^ leinii and F u r n i t u r e and Auto I phol-tcry. I or more in formation a b o u t Kwantlen (iollege. contact: The Ke-i-tiar Kwantlen College P . O . Box on^ii S u r r e y . B.C.  v.rr '.ir:i Telephone: ,oi' !  V'-l'OMl)  A  PROFILE  OF  I N S T I T U T I O N S  180  MALASPINA COLLEGE  NORTH ISLAND COLLEGE M a l a s p i n a is  example, students  a l s o o n e of t h e colleges  learning about  offering  heavy duty  university degrees.  mechanics need  In p a r t n e r s h i p  hands-on  with the University  instruction, and  of \ i c t o r i a . t h e  n u r s i n g a n d long-  following degrees  term care aide  are available:  s t u d e n t s m u s t get  • B a c h e l o r of Education  practical  (Elementarv)  N o r t h I s l a n d C o l l e g e is  e x p e r i e n c e with patients  B a c h e l o r of E d u c a t i o n .  unique among B.C.  during their training.  c a m p u s e s in D u n c a n .  Post Degree  c o m m u n i t y c o l l e g e s in its  Powell River a n d  Program ( Elementary)  e x t e n s i v e u s e of o p e n  attend NIC. many part-  B a c h e l o r of A r t s i n  l e a r n i n g to r e a c h i t s  time.  Liberal Studies  students.  t r a d i t i o n a l r a n g e of c o l l e g e  :h it? m a i n c a m p u s in \ a n a i m o and satellite  I ' a r Is s % i 11 e / Q u a I i c u m . Malaspina College serves central Vancouver Island and the n o r t h e r n Coast.  Sunshine  Its l a r g e , m o d e r n  lities a r e h o m e to a full-  •  •  Professional  As well, s e l e c t e d  Over 10.000 students  Serving an area  It o f f e r s t h e  programs: developmental,  of a b o u t 8 0 . 0 0 0 s q u a r e  university transfer  courses  kilometres over central and  trades, technologv. career  a r e offered t o w a r d  other  northern \ ancouver  and university  Bachelor s degrees.  a n d the central  M a l a s p i n a is o n e of t h e  Island  transfer.  N I C h a s o n e of t h e few  mainland  c o a s t , the college has m o r e  a q u a c u l t u r e p r o g r a m s in  few c o l l e g e s w i t h s t u d e n t  t h a n 20 l e a r n i n g c e n t r e s in  the province.  JO.000 students take  residences.  various communities.  a d v a n t a g e of p e r s o n a l  include a well-equipped  m a i n c a m p u s is i n t h e  about North Island College, contact:  • •iiie s t u d e n t p o p u l a t i o n of ahout 7.000.  Another  Other  facilities  The  library. laboratories and  C o m o x \ a l l e y , w i t h new-  and general interest non-  g y m n a s i u m . T h e college s  f a c i l i t i e s s c h e d u l e d to o p e n  credit courses.  sports and athletic  in s p r i n g 1 9 0 2 .  development,  vocational  M a l a s p i n a offers a wide  p r o g r a m s a r e p o p u l a r with  •_'<• of c o l l e g e p r o g r a m s  manv students. T o find o u t m o r e a b o u t  • ]i d e v e l o p m e n t a l ilii'ouiih c a r e e r a n d to a c a d e m i c .  trades  Malaspina College, contact:  \\ ithin t h e s e  The  B e c a u s e m a n y of t h e  156 M a n o r D r i v e Comox. B.C.  special teaching  V9.N 6P7  technologic^.  T e l e p h o n e : I 604) 339-8911  These include  M a l a s p i n a College Advising Centre  television i n s t r u c t i o n ,  900 Fifth St.  cassettes, v ideotapc.  Management  Enterprise  (Business).  \piculture (Beekeeping— 'adcsl. Heav\  Equipment  • a t o r ( T r a d e - i. F i - h - • ii t ii I c c h n i c i a n  c o m p u t e r - a s s i s t e d lea r u i n : : , audio  N a n a i m o . B.C.  indiv l d u a l i z e d  Y9R 5S3  courses and mobile learning  T e l e p h o n e : I 60 11 7 5 5 - 8 : 5 2  facilities.  modular  These  technologies a re c o m b i n e d with t r a d i t i o n a l  teaching  • I c c h n o l o g v ). M u - i c — .Jazz  m e t h o d s -nil] as c l a s s r o o m  1  i n - t i i n ! ion . t i i l n n . i l - du<l  ' p i ion I F i n e a n d  I ' - r l o i - m i n g \ r l - i. a n d 1 S t u d i e s l n t c r . | i . , - i | , l i „ a r \ i.  Registrar  N o r t h Island College  isolated. NIC has developed  >ou 11 i m d s u c h c o u r s e s a s New  information  communities are small a n d  conventional categories. unusual  For more  l a b o r a t o r i ' - - . ()l c o n i s , - , .1 all  a r<  t h f o u j i i op.-n lea r n i n.:.  -53-  for  A  PROFILE  OF  I N S T I T U T I O N S  181  NORTHERN LIGHTS COLLEGE  N o r t h e r n Lights College serves the largest college region in B . C . — 4 0 0 . 0 0 0 s q u a r e k i l o m e t r e s , with a p o p u l a t i o n of less t h a n 6 0 . 0 0 0 . Its nine c a m p u s e s and l e a r n i n g c e n t r e s a r e located in Atlin. C a s s i a r . C h e t w y n d , Dawson C r e e k , Dease L a k e . F o r t N e l s o n . Fort St. J o h n . H u d s o n ' s Hope a n d T u m b l e r Ridge. S t u d e n t housing is a v a i l a b l e at the Dawson C r e e k campus. T h e college offers university t r a n s f e r , c a r e e r and vocational p r o g r a m s . Of special i n t e r e s t a r e the Aircraft M a i n t e n a n c e Engineering P r o g r a m , the Alaska Highway C o n s o r t i u m on T e a c h e r E d u c a t i o n (a teacher education program in c o n j u n c t i o n with Simon F ra^er L m v e r s i t v and local school d i s t r i c t s ) , the N u r - i n g Access Diploma p r o g r a m (in c o n j u n c t i o n with the B.C. I n s t i t u t e of  T e c h n o l o g y ) , and the new Professional Driver Training a n d Development program. Over 1.000 fullanil p a r t - t i m e s t u d e n t s enroll each y e a r , along with o v e r 10.000 people in continuing education p r o g r a m s . College facilities a r e m o d e r n , a n d class sizes a r e small. For m o r e i n f o r m a t i o n on N o r t h e r n Lights College, contact: Office of the R e g i s t r a r Regional A d m i n i s t r a t i o n N o r t h e r n Lights College l U 0 1 - 8 t h St. Dawson C r e e k . B . C . V1G4G2 T e l e p h o n e : (604) 784-7514  NORTHWEST COMMUNITY COLLEGE  Northwest Community College is a d e c e n t r a l i z e d college serving almost 80.000 people in an 80.000 s q u a r e k i l o m e t r e a r e a from Queen C h a r l o t t e City to H o u s t o n . Some 3.000 fulland p a r t - t i m e s t u d e n t s a t t e n d the college. A n o t h e r 9.000 a t t e n d c o n t i n u i n g education courses. T h e college's many c a m p u s e s offer a variety of p r o g r a m s . Some a r e u n i q u e to t h e p a r t i c u l a r region t h a t the c a m p u s e s s e r v e . On t h e c o a s t , the P r i n c e R u p e r t c a m p u s offers Marine/Nautical programs a~ well as L n i v e r s i t y C r e d i t and Business p r o g r a m s . In T e r r a c e , programs include Business and Office Administration. Nursing D i p l o m a . Cook T r a i n i n g . \ c a d e m i c . Social Service Careers. Trades Training and Adtiit Basic E d u c a t i o n j' ro:iram-. To the east in H a / e l t o n . :'i'T'' i- a two-vear rorestr%  -54-  Technician p r o g r a m and the Addiction R e s o u r c e \^ o r k e r certificate p r o g r a m . The Smithers campus offers the Adventure Tourism/\v ildlife _J Guiding p r o g r a m , as well as Business p r o g r a m s . O t h e r college c e n t r e s in the region include: Houston. Kitimat. Nisga'a. Queen Charlotte I s l a n d s and S t e w a r t . Not all p r o g r a m s a r e offered at all c e n t r e s . Student dormitories and a cafeteria a r e located at the T e r r a c e campus. F o r more i n f o r m a t i o n about Northwest C o m m u n i t y College. contact: The Registrar N o r t h w e s t Community College 5331 McConnell Ave. T e r r a c e . B.C. V8G 4C2 T e l e p h o n e : i 604 i 6 3 . J - 6 . 5 1 1  -l.^«»J^«TlU>...W'Jtt,«*««IWiMK>JMMJ.W^I«^l»llwa»JJ^  A  PROFILE  WAV.-U  OF  - '• - - J •, «.!li~ I Wi.n  s-JI'." -**.\H1 • » » M . H . J J-l- '. *y- „... i. V ,. . i . - ~ - ^ - .  INSTITUTIONS  182  OKANAGAN COLLEGE  xanagan College is a comprehensive universitycollege serving the largest population of any college outside the Lower Mainland and Victoria—some 250,000 people. More than 6,000 students are enrolled in icademic, career and rational programs at campuses in Kelowna, Penticton, Vernon and Salmon Arm. Another 29.000 students attend continuing education courses at these campuses and at centres in \rmstrong, Keremeos, "•ver-Osoyoos, Princeton, itcM-lstoke and Summerland. The college offers both university degree programs and college diploma and certificate programs. In cooperation with UBC, university degrees can be irncd in Arts and Science, '•• majors in English. History. Sociology. Biology and Chemistry in addition to general programs. In cooperation with UVic. degrees in Education.  Nursing, Fine Arts, and Social Work are available. Transfer programs for the first two years of university are also offered. In its college programs, Okanagan College offers two-year career and technology programs, cooperative education programs, health, apprenticeship trades and developmental programs, including adult basic and adult special education. Programs in Water Quality Technology, Auto Technician, Recreational Vehicle Technician and Rehabilitation Assistant are exclusive to Okanagan College. Okanagan College operates an Enterprise Centre in Kelowna to serve the region's business community. A Native Education Resource Centre in Salmon Arm provides contract services in curriculm development, instructor training and program development. The college has a rapidly expanding international education program and operates a conference centre in Kelowna each Mav  through August. More than 1.100 students each year take selected credit and non-credit courses through our fast-growing distance education program. For more information about Okanagan College, contact: Office of the Registrar Okanagan College 1000 K.L.O. Road Kelowna, B.C. VIY 4X8 Telephone: (604) 762-5445  -55-  A  PROFILE  OF  INSTITUTIONS  183  SELKIRK COLLEGE  S e l k i r k College has a fulltime s t u d e n t p o p u l a t i o n of a b o u t 1.700. Its t h r e e c a m p u s e s a r e in .Nelson. Castlegar a n d T r a i l , with l e a r n i n g c e n t r e s in s m a l l e r communities t h r o u g h o u t t h e region. Vi e l l - e q u i p p e d c a m p u s e s house c o m p u t e r l a b s , a l i b r a r y , l e a r n i n g skills centres, a modern physical ed ucation c o m p l e x , laboratories, cafeterias, bookshops and counselling services. A 100-room s t u d e n t r e s i d e n c e may b e r e a d y for p a r t i a l o c c u p a n c y on the C a s t l e g a r C a m p u s by .September 1 9 9 1 . h o w e v e r s t u d e n t services m a i n t a i n s list.- of a v a i l a b l e h o u s i n g suitable for s t u d e n t s . Selkirk College offers two-year d i p l o m a p r o g r a m s in N u r s i n g . F o r e s t r y . Wildland R e c r e a t i o n . Av iation. Professional M u - i c a n d Business. O n e w a r c e r t i f i c j tc p r o g r a m s are available for e n t r v itito. or- s k j 11 ~ u p g r a d i n g in. a \ a n e t \ of c a r e e r field -. I' ir-t- and second v e.i r I niver-itv I ra n-f er con r - e • a n lead to d e c r e e s in Education. (.ommerrc . Science  Social \\ ork al B . C . iiiiiv ci sitics. An innov ativ e Teacher Education P r o g r a m offered at t h e college leads to B . C . T e a c h e r s Federation Certification (elementary and secondurvl t h r o u g h the L B C Faculty of Education. Only at S e l k i r k College will you find diploma p r o g r a m s in Golf ( d u b Management and O p e r a t i o n s a n d Ski Resort Operations and Management, and a certificate p r o g r a m in the energy m a n a g e m e n t specialty of A u t o m a t e d Building S y s t e m s Technology. \ oeutional t r a i n i n g i~ a v a i l a b l e in the welding, millwright/ machinist a n d m e c h a n i c a l trades. r or more i n l o r m a t i o n a b o u t S e l k i r k College. contact: S t u d e n t >erv ices Selkirk College Castlegar Campus Buy 1201) C a s t l e g a r . B.C. V 1 N 3.1 1 T e l e p h o n e : l M l 1 , :io.")-7J')J  \ANC0l"VER COMMIXITV COLLEGE  zmmk \ ancouver Community College is the largest c o m m u n i t y college in B . C . . with over 4 7 . 0 0 0 r e g i s t r a n t s a y e a r . About 30.000 of these a r e in the c o n t i n u i n g e d u c a t i o n p r o g r a m . \ CC has t h r e e m a i n c a m p u s e s (King E d w a r d . City C e n t r e and L a n g a r a ) . and offers p r o g r a m s at m o r e t h a n 30 other locations. T h e King E d w a r d C a m p u s is home to Adult Basic E d u c a t i o n p r o g r a m s . English Language 1 r a i n i n g . Adult Special E d u c a t i o n , the Music p r o g r a m a n d Mechanical T r a d e s . T h e largest n u m b e r of s t u d e n t s enrolled at the c a m p u s a r c those s t u d y i n g English as a Secon<! L a n g u a g e . At L a n g a r a C a m p u s . I. niver-ity Transfer a r t s and science p r o g r a m s a n d <-^vt^T p r o g r a m - are offered. Man\ of the pr<ii:ra in - eomhi ne trad itional - t u d j e - v% 11 h a focus on !!.(.."- I n l i n e . T h e - e include the Pacific Knn Jin -i ne- - pr. i^ra in and  l - . n ^ l l l ' - e f i (lL r -  N ii r-1 n _i a nd  -56-  P e a c e and Conflict S t u d i e s . Also at this c a m p u s is the T h e a t r e Arts p r o g r a m , one of t h e most highly rega rded in t h e country. T h e e m p h a s i s at Citv C e n t r e is on t o u r i s m and h o s p i t a l i t y , business programs, health care and technical t r a i n i n g . I ni<[ue p r o g r a m s at this c a m p u s i n c l u d e the t w o - y e a r Jewellery Art a n d Design p r o g r a m a n d the P r i n t i n g Production program. \ CC also has a major International Education Division. Some 450 s t u d e n t s from the Pacific Kim and elsewhere in the world s t u d y full-time at the college. f o r more i n f o r m a t i o n about \ ancouver C o m m u n i t y College, contact: \ a n c o u v e r Community College Central Administration 1 137) East Broadway P.O. Box i 170U Station C \ a iiconv c r . B . ' . . \7)T IN 1 T e l e p h o n e : l o l l 1 ) ,",77,.! 13 1  '.•H>tJ,,.'i."wij.»i.»jnnt»mt-*.i'. . M i w m w i i J " i j « » g T O w i n n . ' u j i i w j i i m m . B ' » - ' a i J JJJ?T  A  PROFILE  OF  I N S T I T U T I O N S  184  INSTITUTES  T  he specialized programs of B . C . s five post-secondary institutes are open to -indents from across the province. Each institute focuses on a specific area. These include technologies • Mil trades, art and design. .-.» enforcement and public -alety. open learning and marine training. Many of the programs offered by the institutes are one-of-a-kind in the province. The following descriptions of the institutes outline the •igrams offered. Because -•ime programs are offered at only one location, they may be in high demand. \\ hen you check out the particular program or course you're interested in, ask about waiting lists.  BRITISH COLUMBIA INSTITUTE OF TECHNOLOGY  BCIT offers innovative and flexible training for technology and trades in over 200 programs. These one- and two-year programs emphasize practical, handson instruction. Many are unique in B.C. Located in Burnaby, the main campus is a large, modern facility with the latest equipment. The Sea Island campus, near Vancouver International Airport, is a leader in aviation education. BCIT has about 7.000 full-time students and over 20.000 part-time students. B C I T s programs are grouped into four ""schools." The School of Business offers programs such as: Operations Management. Administrative Management. Financial Management. Tourism. Broadcast Communications. Marketing Management and International Trade.  The School of Health Sciences prepares graduates for specialized positions in health care. Its programs include Health Technology. Medical Imaging. Laboratory Science and Nursing. In the School of Engineering Technology, programs include Biotechnology, Robotics, Computer Systems. Electronics, Civil Technology, Telecommunications, Surveying and Plastics Technology. There are also programs associated with the natural resource industries. The School of Trades Training at BCIT is the largest trades training facility in the province. From Mechanics to Electricity. Aviation to .Metal f o r k i n g , and Carpentry to Drafting, the school teaches a wide range of trade and vocational skills. BCIT offers program transfers for some technology programs from recognized corn muni tv colleges in B.C. The Office of the Registrar can tell you more about this. Several BCI r Technologv programs rjrrv tran-ler I'redits to B.(.. nil i\ ersities .  -57-  Students registered at BCIT for a full-time program of at least four months are eligible to apply for on-campus housing at Maquinna Residence. Apply early, because space is limited. For more information about BCIT, r )ntact: British Columbia Institute of Technology 3700 Willingdon Ave. Burnaby. B.C. V5G 3H2 Telephone: In the Greater Vancouver Regional District call 434-3304 Out-of-town call toll-free: 1-800-242-0676  A  PROFILE  OF  I N S T I T U T I O N S  185  EMILY CARR COLLEGE OF ART AND DESIGN  The Emily Carr College of Art and Design is B.C.'s institute for advanced education in fine arts and design. Over 600 full-time students attend the college's Vancouver campus. Another 1.500 part-time students follow the college's courses through arts programs around the province. The college offers both diploma and degree programs, which combine intensive studio experience with academic work.The eight-semester (four-year) diploma program offers the following two streams: • a Diploma in Design, with majors in Electronic Communication Design. Graphic Design or Industrial Design • a Diploma in Fine Art. with majors in Photography. Film/Video. Animation. Interdisciplinary Studies or Studio Degrees are offered through the B.C. Open LniverMty. The ECCAD diploma programs mav be  applied towards an OpenUniversity Bachelor in Fine Arts or a Bachelor in Design. In addition to the ECCAD credit requirements for the diplomas, the degree programs require some Open University (or transfer) credits. More information is available from the Open University. ECCAD's part-time studies division offers yearround credit and non-credit courses in visual arts and design. First and second year credit courses are available on a part-time basis in Vancouver and other locations. They are delivered through a satellite centre in Prince George, television, print materials and telephone tutoring. For more information about ECCAD, contact: Emily Carr College of Art and Design 1399 Johnston St. Granville Island Vancouver. B.C. V6H 3R9 Telephone: (604) 687-2315  JUSTICE INSTITUTE OF RC.  B.C.'s Justice Institute offers education, training and related services in the areas of justice and public safety. It provides training, from entry level to advanced, for: • municipal police officers • firefighters • ambulance attendants and paramedics • corrections employees • courts staff • emergency response personnel • personnel from government and private agencies • community groups and individuals The institute offers its training programs through the Educational Services Division and the following academies: • • • • •  Corrections Paramedics Fire Police Provincial Emergency Program • Courts Many of the institutes training programs offered at the academies are available to indhiduals onlv through their  -5 8 -  employers. For example, you can attend the Police Academy if you join a municipal police force. But some of the instititute's programs are open to everyone. For example, the Fire Academy has developed a two-year college-level diploma program, offered through the Open Learning Agency. The Education Services Division of the institute has a range of courses available to the general public, including conflict resolution, crime prevention and victim services training. The Justice Institute programs are available: • at the Jericho Hill campus in Vancouver • at a variety of satellite training facilities • at regional centres around the province • through distance education print and video packages • through on-the-job training • through programs on the Knowledge Network For more information about the Justice Institute, contact: Justice Institute of B.C. 4180 West 4th Ave. V ancouver. B.C. V6R 4J5 Telephone: (604) 228-9771  ••-^J.^,U'AWW.-^«Vl--t^'W,, .^-Vi«,:..^^^  A  PROFILE  UriHUUW-a—.,I.I,I.,I - . i p a . i i , . IUI.,11.. . j - g  OF  INSTITUTIONS  186  OPEN LEARNING AGENCY  'if Open Learning Agency is made up of the Open College, the Open University and the Knowledge Network. Its headquarters are in Richmond, in the Lower Mainland, with five regional centres located around the rovince. All provide f o r m a t i o n about open learning and referrals to other post-secondary institutions. Open learning makes education available to people whose lifestyles don't fit the time, place or pact! of traditional issroom learning. iVrhaps they live in communities far from the educational institutions that have the courses they want. Maybe they have responsibilities, such as family or work, that keep I hem from going to school. : 'i rough open learning. ••icy can create their own schedules. They can study when and in the way that suits them best. Course materials are specially designed for  independent study. They include printed materials, audiotapes, videotapes, TV broadcasts, computer software and practical kits ranging from microscopes to rock samples. Students get help from course tutors through the mail, by toll-free telephone or at a learning centre. In most cases, students can register for Open College and Open University courses anytime during the year. Course and program completion times are usually flexible. Exams are given at more than 60 centres around the province. The Open College works with B.C. colleges, institutes, school districts, and the private sector. It offers a wide range of career, technical and basic skills programs leading to recognized certificates and diplomas. Special emphasis is placed on delivering programs in the workplace through employers. The Open College enrolls more than 8,000 students. The Open University is a public university offering open learning courses that lead to Bachelor's degrees, certificates and diplomas. It also acts as a coordinating body for university-level open learnins throushtout B.C.  Students can enroll, through the Open University in courses presented by all participating institutions. Programs are offered in the following areas: Administrative Studies, Applied Science and Natural Resources, Arts, Education, Fine Art, Health Science. Human Services and Science. The Open University has an enrollment of more than 6,000 students. The Knowledge Network is B.C.'s educational television service. It carries a wide variety of programs, including: • telecourses for college and university credit • professional, technical, and technological courses for people who want to upgrade their skills • general educational programs for adults and children. The network's conference call service connects students and instructors for seminars, tutorials and workshops. For more information about the Open Learning Agency, call: Toll-free in B.C.: 1-800-663-9711 Lower Mainland: 660-2200  - 59  U.lJI»liMim»~J«M»MMMIM.MWI."Ji«i«.Hm..nmJ.i.J.JIli. • • • ~ H 1 I - 1  A  PROFILE  OF  I N S T I T U T I O N S  187  PACIFIC MARINE TRAINING INSTITUTE  From its location on the waterfront in North Vancouver, the Pacific Marine Training Institute offers specialized programs for the commercial shipping and fishing industries. The five programs are: • Nautical • Marine Engineering • Marine Emergency Duties • Hazardous Materials • Shipping and Marine Operations Courses include suhjects such as electronic navigation, meteorology, chartwork and pilotage, astro-navigation and naval architecture. Theoretical subjects such as electrical theory and thermodynamics are covered in the Marine Engineering program. In addition to classroom instruction, the institute uses radar navigation simulators and machine shops and fitting shops. Courses in sea survival, offshore safety anil life sa\ ing equipment operation use the indoor training tank  UNIVERSITIES  and the outdoor launching wharf. The institute also operates a Safety Training Centre at Maple Ridge. Courses offered there include Marine and Industrial Fire Fighting and training in emergencyresponse involving hazardous materials. While most of the institute's students are industry professionals upgrading their certificates, there are opportunities for younger people. The institute offers several programs that do not require previous sea service. These are Marine Industry New Entry Training, Fishing Deckhand and Marine Engineering Apprentice. The institute also offers a diploma/certificate program in Shipping and Marine Operations, which is unique in Canada. It is designed to prepare students for positions in businesses that use maritime services. For more information about the Pacific Marine Training Institute, contact: Pacific .Marine Training Institute 265 West Esplanade North Vancouver. B.C. V7M 1A5 Telephone: (604) 985-0622  U  niversities are institutions of both learning and research. Some university programs are aimed at specific careers like nursing, music, engineering. Others are designed to teach students to learn how to think objectively and critically by studying a wide range of subjects in a particular area, such as history or sociology. This kind of education is a strong base for professional training in areas like law. Three of B.C.'s public universities offer both undergraduate and graduate degrees in a variety of subject areas. The fourth, the Open University, offers undergraduate degrees, and is described on page 59 under the Open Learning Agency. A fifth public university, the University of Northern British Columbia, is expected to open its doors in 1993. B.C.'s universities have excellent reputations in both teaching and research. The three universities described offer selected degrees through three community colleges. Cariboo. Malaspina and Okanagan. They also offer Bachelor of Education degrees through the College of New Caledonia. East  - 60-  Kootenay Community College. Northern Lights College, Northwest Community College and Selkirk College. Contact the colleges for more information. Fees, admission requirements and programs differ among the universities. Check their calendars for details.  ;,).,VU'.,'.'T=-  .'••<'....'HI.U.J.i^-!....i..  A  PROFILE  OF  I N S T I T U T I O N S  188  SIMON FRASER UNIVERSITY  .if main c a m p u s of Simon E r a s e r U n i v e r s i t y sits in a beautiful setting on top of B u r n a b y M o u n t a i n in the Lower M a i n l a n d . O v e r 14.000 u n d e r g r a d u a t e s a n d almost 2,000 g r a d u a t e s t u d e n t s s t u d y a t t h e main • ampus. The Harbour i.tre c a m p u s is l o c a t e d in downtown V a n c o u v e r . It focuses on t h e n e e d s of part-time and mature students and serves about 20.000 s t u d e n t s t a k i n g credit or n o n - c r e d i t courses. SFU has a t r a d i t i o n of -Mvation a n d i v i s i b i l i t y . It o p e r a t e s on a year-round trimester system, which allows ^Indents to e n t e r a c a d e m i c p r o g r a m s in S e p t e m b e r , J a n u a r y or M a y . T h i s means t h a t s t u d e n t s can attend classes y e a r - r o u n d . ".il -o complete t h e i r -TITS sooner t h a n in the '"••L'ular system of two -I'lin'-ters p e r y e a r . It also allow- them to a d a p t their a t t e n d a n c e to suit t h e i r own - i l u j t i o n s . for e x a m p l e . - t a r t i i i i in the s u m m e r '"atli.-r.than the fall. SKI offers •!r::raduate and "-••:u;itf degrees t h r o u g h •t - tai-ulties of Applied "'ii-iiri--. A r t s . Business Administration. E d u c a t ion  a n d Science. Except for a few specialized programs. s t u d e n t s may take c o u r s e s from the whole r a n g e of academic p r o g r a m s . A great v a r i e t y of joint majors a n d i n t e r d i s c i p l i n a r y options is available. O t h e r f e a t u r e s of l e a r n i n g at SFU i n c l u d e an extensive c o o p e r a t i v e e d u c a t i o n p r o g r a m in v a r i o u s s u b j e c t s a n d a large n e t w o r k of m i c r o c o m p u t i n g facilities. SFU also offers many distance education c o u r s e s . And t h r o u g h a partnership arrangement, a degree in b u s i n e s s from SFU is a v a i l a b l e at C a r i b o o College. S p o r t s and fitness a r e a n o t h e r p o p u l a r p a r t of S F U . Facilities i n c l u d e two full-size g y m n a s i u m s , swimming a n d diving pools, tennis, squash and r a c q u e t b a l l c o u r t s , playing fields, a r u n n i n g t r a c k , weight rooms a n d s a u n a s . O n - c a m p u s housing is a v a i l a b l e in four r e s i d e n c e s . T h e Offc a m p u s Housing Office can help s t u d e n t s find housing elsewhere. F o r more i n f o r m a t i o n a b o u t Simon F r a s e r I Diversity, c o n t a c t : Liaison and Admissions Office of the R e g i s t r a r Simon f r a s e r I nivcrsitv B u r n a b y . B.C. V.VV 1S6 T e l e p h o n e : I 6 0 4 I 291-322 1  UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA  UBC is the t h i r d largest u n i v e r s i t y in C a n a d a and one of t h e largest in N o r t h A m e r i c a . Almost 23,000 undergraduates and about 5.000 g r a d u a t e s t u d e n t s a t t e n d UBC d u r i n g its r e g u l a r w i n t e r session ( S e p t e m b e r to A p r i l ) . T h e c a m p u s is located on the beautiful University E n d o w m e n t L a n d s in Vancouver. UBC offers degrees t h r o u g h the faculties of A g r i c u l t u r a l Sciences. Applied Science, A r t s . F o r e s t r y . Law. C o m m e r c e a n d Business Administration. Education. Dentistry. Medicine, P h a r m a c e u t i c a l Sciences. Science and G r a d u a t e S t u d i e s . It is the only u n i v e r s i t y in t h e p r o v i n c e offering Medicine. Dentistry. Pharmacy. Agriculture. Forestry. Architecture. Library Studies. Rehabilitation .Medicine. Family and N u t r i t i o n a l Sciences and Audiolngy a n d Speech Sciences. C o o p e r a t i v e education programs are a v a i l a b l e in A g r i c u l t u r a l Sciences. (.oniputer Sciences. E n g i n e e r i n g a n d Phvsics.  -61-  UBC offers a limited selection of B a c h e l o r s degrees through Cariboo and O k a n a g a n colleges. J o n t a c t the colleges for details. T e a c h i n g and r e s e a r c h take place in all faculties at U B C . T h r e e C e n t r e s of Excellence on the campus conduct research on b a c t e r i a l d i s e a s e s . p r o t e i n engineering and the genetic basis of h u m a n d i s e a s e . A f o u r t h one studies I n t e r n a t i o n a l Development. Other facilities on the UBC c a m p u s include the U n i v e r s i t y H o s p i t a l , the M u s e u m of A n t h r o p o l o g y , t h e Fine Arts G a l l e r y , the B o t a n i c a l G a r d e n and the Asian C e n t r e . UBC"s r e p u t a t i o n in t e a c h i n g and r e s e a r c h is c a r r i e d over into s p o r t s a n d fitness. It has one of the best intercollegiate athletics p r o g r a m s in C a n a d a . Living on the L BC c a m p u s is possible at one of t h