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Political development theory in the sociological and political analyses of the new states Jackson, Robert Harry 1966

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POLITICAL DEVELOPMENT THEORY IN THE SOCIOLOGICAL AND POLITICAL ANALYSES OF THE NEW STATES by ROBERT HARRY JACKSON B.A., U n i v e r s i t y of B r i t i s h Columbia, 1964 A THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF ARTS i n the Department of P o l i t i c a l Science We accept t h i s t h e s i s as conforming to the re q u i r e d standard THE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA September, I966 In presenting t h i s thesis i n p a r t i a l f u l f i l m e n t of the requirements f o r an advanced degree at the University of B r i t i s h Columbia, I agree that the Library s h a l l make i t f r e e l y available f o r reference and study. I further agree that permission.for extensive copying of t h i s thesis for scholarly purposes may be granted by the Head of my Department or by his representatives. I t i s understood that copying or publication of t h i s thesis f o r f i n a n c i a l gain s h a l l not be allowed without my written permission. Department of P o l i t _ i _ g ^ j ; _ s _ g i e n c e The U n i v e r s i t y of B r i t i s h Columbia Vancouver 8, Canada Date September, 2 , 1 9 6 6  i i ABSTRACT The emergence since World War I I of many new s t a t e s i n A s i a and A f r i c a has s t i m u l a t e d a renewed i n t e r e s t of s o c i o l o g y and p o l i t i c a l science i n the non-western s o c i a l and p o l i t i c a l process and an enhanced concern with the problem of p o l i t i c a l development i n these areas. The source of contemporary concepts of p o l i t i c a l development can be located i n the ideas of the s o c i a l philosophers of the nineteenth century. Maine, Toennies, Durkheim, and Weber were the f i r s t s o c i a l observers to d e a l w i t h the phenomena of s o c i a l and p o l i t i c a l development i n a r i g o r o u s l y a n a l y t i c a l manner and t h e i r analyses provided contemporary p o l i t i c a l development t h e o r i s t s w i t h seminal ideas t h a t l e d t o the i d e n t i f i c a t i o n of the major p r o p e r t i e s of the developed p o l i t i c a l c o n d i t i o n . But the "before-and-a f t e r " models of these s o c i a l philosophers were e s s e n t i a l l y s t a t i c and d i d not e x p l a i n the movement of s o c i e t i e s from a c o n d i t i o n of p o l i t i c a l "backwardness" to one of p o l i t i c a l development. Accounts of v a r i o u s paths to p o l i t i c a l develop-ment were sought i n e v o l u t i o n a r y and d i f f u s i o n a r y t h e o r i e s of s o c i a l change. In a d d i t i o n to f o r m u l a t i n g v a r i o u s c o n c e p t u a l i z a t i o n s of p o l i t i c a l development, both as a c o n d i t i o n and as a process, contemporary t h e o r i s t s have attempted to d i s c e r n p o s s i b l e i i i i nstruments of p o l i t i c a l development i n the new s t a t e s . Among those i d e n t i f i e d were e l i t e s , i d e o l o g i e s , p a r t i e s and groups. The c a p a c i t y of such instruments to e f f e c t p o l i t i c a l development i n the new s t a t e s has been the subject of considerable d i s c u s s i o n and debate among t h e o r i s t s . While such instruments may a i d i n the a c q u i s i t i o n of p o l i t i c a l modernity i n the new s t a t e s , e f f e c t i v e and enduring p o l i t i c a l development appears to require a fundamental human t r a n s -formation. Such a transformation encompasses two c o n j o i n t developments: a fundamental a l t e r a t i o n i n the p o l i t i c a l s t a t u s of i n d i v i d u a l s i n s o c i e t y t h a t i s summed up i n the concept of c i t i z e n s h i p ; and a fundamental change i n the s o c i a l and p s y c h o l o g i c a l a t t r i b u t e s of i n d i v i d u a l s i n v o l v i n g t h e i r a c q u i s i t i o n of a sense of p o l i t i c a l e f f e c t i v e n e s s and a c a p a c i t y to a s s o c i a t e and cooperate i n the p u r s u i t of common p o l i t i c a l g o a l s. The d i s c u s s i o n r e v e a l s t h a t p o l i t i c a l development theory c o n s t i t u t e s a f u s i o n of the s o c i o l o g i c a l and p h i l o s o p h i c a l dimensions of p o l i t i c a l a n a l y s i s . This property of contemp-orary p o l i t i c a l development theory places i t i n the t r a d i t i o n of c l a s s i c a l s o c i a l and p o l i t i c a l thought. TABLE OF CONTENTS CHAPTER PAGE I THE NATURE OF THE QUEST 1 PART I CONCEPTUAL ASPECTS OF THE POLITICAL . . . . . 22 DEVELOPMENT PROCESS I I THE IDEA OF POLITICAL DEVELOPMENT 23 I I I PATHS TO POLITICAL DEVELOPMENT 51 PART I I INSTRUMENTS OF POLITICAL DEVELOPMENT 81 IN THE NEW STATES IV ELITES AND POLITICAL DEVELOPMENT 82 V IDEOLOGY AND POLITICAL DEVELOPMENT I l l VI GROUPS, PARTIES, AND POLITICAL DEVELOPMENT. . 145 PART I I I THE HUMAN GOAL OF POLITICAL DEVELOPMENT . . . 183 V I I THE DEVELOPMENT OF POLITICAL MAN 184 EPILOGUE 203 BIBLIOGRAPHY 209 CHAPTER I . • THE NATURE OF THE QUEST Unless the study of p o l i t i c s generates and i s guided by broad, bold, even i f h i g h l y vulnerable general t h e o r i e s , i t i s headed f o r the u l t i m a t e d i s a s t e r of t r i v i a l i t y . Robert Dahl The dominant c h a r a c t e r i s t i c of the contemporary non-western and underdeveloped world can be summed up by the word "change" -- change i n the a t t i t u d e s , values, and b e l i e f s of an ev e r - i n c r e a s i n g p r o p o r t i o n of the i n h a b i t a n t s of these areas; change i n t h e i r behavior which I n v o l v e s breakdowns i n t r a d i -t i o n a l and age-old patterns of s o c i a l r e l a t i o n s h i p s w i t h the emergence and formation of new s o c i a l r o l e s j and change i n the s t r u c t u r e s and i n s t i t u t i o n s w i t h i n which s o c i a l i n t e r a c t i o n takes p l a c e . The veneration of the past and the acceptance of the s t a t u s quo as the best p o s s i b l e s o l u t i o n to the problems co n f r o n t i n g men are g i v i n g way t o new expectations about the p o s s i b i l i t i e s contained w i t h i n the f u t u r e . S p i r i t u a l s o l u t i o n s t o the dilemmas of s o c i a l l i f e are being supplanted by secular Utopias; the f u t u i e and i t s promises are eagerly awaited. V i l l a g e s are being supplemented by the modern c i t y and people are becoming mobile, both s o c i a l l y and g e o g r a p h i c a l l y . T r a d i -t i o n a l a u t h o r i t y s t r u c t u r e s — the extended f a m i l y and i t s head-men, the v i l l a g e and i t s e l d e r s , the t r i b e and i t s c h i e f t a i n s — are weakening w i t h the a s s a u l t of new forms of p o l i t i c a l organ-i z a t i o n such as the p o l i t i c a l p arty, new r u l i n g e l i t e s , and new i d e o l o g i e s that define a . l a r g e r - s o c i a l c o l l e c t i v i t y , the n a t i o n . 2 The n a t i o n - s t a t e has emerged, as the new source of pomp, splen-dor, and power designed to encompass and subordinate a l l other sources of l e g i t i m a t e a u t h o r i t y . I The p o l i t i c s of the developing areas i s a " p o l i t i c s of change". I t i s a p o l i t i c s of change i n at l e a s t two r e s p e c t s : i t i s an involvement of the p o l i t i c a l system w i t h an attempt to change the form and content of the economies and s o c i e t i e s of these areas and i t i s a change i n the p o l i t i c a l system i t s e l f . Some e l a b o r a t i o n on t h i s d i s t i n c t i o n i s necessary. To speak of a p o l i t i c s of change i n the f i r s t sense i m p l i e s a r e l a t i o n -ship between the p o l i t i c a l system and the l a r g e r s o c i a l system; i n t h i s view the dependent v a r i a b l e i s the s o c i e t y and i t s changes, while the independent v a r i a b l e i s the p o l i t i c a l system and the matter of concern i s the impact of the l a t t e r on the former. Such studies of p o l i t i c a l change have u s u a l l y been couched i n the phraseology of " n a t i o n - b u i l d i n g " f o c u s i n g on the c r e a t i o n of n a t i o n a l s o c i e t i e s , n a t i o n a l i n t e g r a t i o n , and p o l i t i c a l u n i f i c a t i o n . To speak of a p o l i t i c s of change i n the secondOsense i s to' regard the p o l i t i c a l system as the depen-dent v a r i a b l e and to analyze the manner i n which i t i s changing and the i n t e r n a l and e x t e r n a l f o r c e s that are c o n t r i b u t i n g to i t s t r a n s f o r m a t i o n . Such s t u d i e s of p o l i t i c a l change have focused on the " s t a t e " or " p o l i t i c a l system" ra t h e r than the n a t i o n . This essay w i l l concern i t s e l f w i t h the p o l i t i c s of change i n both these senses but the emphasis w i l l be on the l a t t e r . That i s , we w i l l concern ourselves w i t h p o l i t i c a l as-pects of change i n n a t i o n a l s o c i e t i e s but we w i l l be even more 3 concerned w i t h the changes i n the p o l i t i c a l subsystems of such s o c i e t i e s . What are we to understand by the word "change"? While i t i s o f t e n u s e f u l t o speak of change by comparing what was ( t r a d i t i o n ) w i t h what i s becoming ( t r a n s i t i o n ) and w i t h what w i l l be (developed, modern), the opposite of change i s not the ancient or t r a d i t i o n a l but rat h e r the n o t i o n of permanence 1 or p e r s i s t e n c e . What has c h a r a c t e r i z e d the peasant communities and t r i b a l s o c i e t i e s of the non-western world f o r past m i l l e n n i a and what c h a r a c t e r i z e s many of them s t i l l i s the persis t e n c e of t h e i r governance by received t r a d i t i o n ; the a p p l i c a t i o n of t r i e d and t e s t e d past s o l u t i o n s t o present problems of s o c i a l , econom-i c , and p o l i t i c a l l i f e . Since the governance of r e c e i v e d t r a d i -t i o n p e r s i s t s i n the form of s o c i a l v a l u e s , b e h a v i o r a l norms, and s o c i a l s t r u c t u r e s , change may be seen to inv o l v e a l t e r a t i o n s i n these. While a l l s o c i e t i e s are '^characterized by both con-t i n u i t y and change — one s o c i o l o g i s t w r i t e s that a "major task" of s o c i a l science i s to dis c o v e r the r e l a t i o n s h i p s between the 2 two processes -- the degree of change i n the developing areas appears t o be greater than i n developed n a t i o n s . What d i s t i n -guishes western s o c i e t i e s i s t h e i r " i n s t i t u t i o n a l i z a t i o n 1 * of change by means of a h i g h l y d i f f e r e n t i a t e d , r a t i o n a l , and e f f i -c i e n t s o c i a l s t r u c t u r e ; a r e l a t i v e l y o p t i m i s t i c value system; and i n d i v i d u a l s who can perform the great v a r i e t y of complex 1 Joan Bondurant, " T r a d i t i o n a l P o l i t y / and the Dynamics of change i n Indiaj" Human Organization, vol.2 2 - ~ ?(Spring 1963), p. 5. 2 T.B. Bottomore, Sociology, London, Unwin, 1962, p.278. h r o l e s that a modern s o c i e t y r e q u i r e s . Most t r a d i t i o n a l s o c i e t i e s , on the other hand, have i n s t i t u t i o n a l i z e d c o n t i n - -u i t y and the persistence of customary p r a c t i c e s . In t h i s ' view s o c i a l change i s a process i n v o l v i n g a l t e r a t i o n s i n the value system, change i n s o c i a l s t r u c t u r e s and i n s t i t u t i o n s , and be-h a v i o r a l changes i n the s o c i a l r o l e s of i n d i v i d u a l s . " P o l i t i c a l " change then becomes a process of a l t e r a t i o n i n the p o l i t i c a l v a lues, p o l i t i c a l s t r u c t u r e s and i n s t i t u t i o n s , and p o l i t i c a l ; behavior of i n d i v i d u a l s . However, i t i s important not to t h i n k of p o l i t i c a l change as simply the a d d i t i o n of new v a l u e s , s t r u c -tures, and r o l e s ; r a t h e r , as K i l s o n p o i n t s out "...the process" of p o l i t i c a l change i n v o l v e s i t s own set of i n t e r - r e l a t e d norms, 3 i n s t i t u t i o n s , and procedures." Thus, o l d i n s t i t u t i o n s , patterns of behavior, and values may be capable of adapting to the de-mands of s o c i a l and p o l i t i c a l change. In d i s c u s s i n g s o c i a l and p o l i t i c a l change and i n c o n t r a s t -in g i t w i t h c o n t i n u i t y a f u r t h e r d i s t i n c t i o n i s r e q u i r e d — k that between changes w i t h i n a system and system changes. When we speak of s o c i a l change i n the context of most modern western p o l i t i c a l systems what i s u s u a l l y r e f e r r e d t o are a l t e r -a t i o n s i n some a t t i t u d e s , changes i n p u b l i c p o l i c y , and s t r u c -t u r a l changes such as the formation of new a d m i n i s t r a t i v e agencies and the growth of the bureaucracy — a s has been the case w i t h the development of the welfare state — or the emerg-ence of new p o l i t i c a l movements and p a r t i e s . What u s u a l l y does 3 M a r t i n K i l s o n , " A f r i c a n P o l i t i c a l Change Oand. the Mod-e r n i z a t i o n Process."; Modern A f r i c a n Studies, v o l . l<->( Dec ember 1963), p. h25. ~~" ~ k T a l c o t t Parsons, The S o c i a l System, New York, Free Press, 196h, pp. +80-^81. 5 not happen i n modern western p o l i t i c a l systems i s the des-t r u c t i o n of p o l i t i c a l i n s t i t u t i o n s , the major symbols and o f f i c e s of these i n s t i t u t i o n s , and t h e i r l e g i t i m a c y . Per-sonnel and p o l i c i e s change but not the system of government i t s e l f . I n the developing areas, i n c o n t r a s t , the i n t r u s i o n of western c o l o n i a l powers i n some cases destroyed and i n many cases a l t e r e d the nature of t r a d i t i o n a l p o l i t i c a l s t r u c -tures out of a l l recognition} destroyed or reduced the author-i t y of t r a d i t i o n a l r u l e r s ; and enveloped the t r a d i t i o n a l s o c i e t i e s w i t h i n an a d m i n i s t r a t i v e c o l o n i a l state possessing i t s own symbols and l e g i t i m a c y . "Thus," w r i t e s K i l s o n r e f e r -r i n g t o A f r i c a "...the establishment of a c o l o n i a l s t a t e i s the beginning of . . . p o l i t i c a l change, and the proper a n a l y s i s 5 of A f r i c a n p o l i t i c a l change must a c c o r d i n g l y commence here." In both A s i a and A f r i c a , but e s p e c i a l l y i n the l a t t e r , the i n -t r u s i o n of western c o l o n i a l i s m e s t a b l i s h e d an e n t i r e l y new p o l i t i c a l system based upon the power of the c o l o n i a l s t a t e . The i n h e r i t a n c e of the c o l o n i a l state by the n a t i o n a l i s t i n t e l l e c t u a l e l i t e s and t h e i r attempt to u t i l i z e i t i n the c o n s t r u c t i o n of v i a b l e n a t i o n s and i n the development of modern s o c i e t i e s and economies has again been the occasion of major p o l i t i c a l system change. More than o f f i c e s and per-sonnel changed, the bases of l e g i t i m a t e a u t h o r i t y and the sup-p o r t i n g symbols were a l s o a l t e r e d . I t i s f o r these reasons that i t i s p o s s i b l e t o speak of a " p o l i t i c ; : - ; of change" i n the 5 K i l s o n , Modern A f r i c a n Studies, v o l . 1 (December'1963), pp. +27-^28. new s t a t e s . P o l i t i c a l change i n these s o c i e t i e s s a t i s f i e s the d e f i n i t i o n given t o i t by Easton as ...a fundamental t r a n s f o r m a t i o n i n a p o l i t i c a l system when support has s h i f t e d from one set of a u t h o r i t i e s • t o a d i f f e r e n t set, i n which the o r g a n i z a t i o n , s o l i -dary symbols ( t h a t i s , symbols v a l i d a t i n g and d e f i n i n g l i m i t s of power), and c e n t r a l c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s w i t h regard t o the way i n which power i s used have a l l undergone change. Once support begins to s h i f t away from these aspects of a u t h o r i t y , which I s h a l l c a l l c o l l e c t i v e l y the s t r u c t u r e of a u t h o r i t y , the systems w i l l be s a i d t o be i n a process of change. ° I I Models premised upon an assumption of the permanence and p e r s i s t e n c e of p o l i t i c a l forms were of l i m i t e d u t i l i t y when a p p l i e d t o the study of non-western s o c i e t i e s character i z e d by r a p i d s o c i a l and p o l i t i c a l change. P o l i t i c a l s c i e n t i s t s made t h i s d i s c o v e r y f o l l o w i n g World War I I when the great c o l o n i a l empires began to weaken and break apart f o l -lowed by the emergence of a larg e number of new st a t e s t h a t e x h i b i t e d unusual permutations and combinations of western norms and values and c u r i o u s mixtures of western ideas and i n s t i t u t i o n s woven i n t o the f a b r i c of t r a d i t i o n a l c u l t u r e s and s o c i a l s t r u c t u r e s . Armed only w i t h concepts that were rooted i n western p o l i t i c a l p r a c t i c e s , p o l i t i c a l s c i e n t i s t s soon discovered that new approaches t o the study of p o l i t i c s i n such s o c i e t i e s were r e q u i r e d . There was a body of knowledge about the o l d s o c i e t i e s of A s i a and A f r i c a that p o l i t i c a l s c i e n t i s t s could draw upon 6 David Easton, "The Perception of A u t h o r i t y and P o l i t c a l Change", Authoritv-Nomos I . ed. C a r l J . F r i e d r i c h , Cam-bridge, Harvard U n i v e r s i t y Press, 1957, P» 171. 7 In the f i r s t place, there was a s u b s t a n t i a l amount of i n f o r -mation, p r i m a r i l y of an h i s t o r i c a l nature, c o l l e c t e d by area s p e c i a l i s t s i n Asian and A f r i c a n s t u d i e s . A s i g n i f i c a n t p r o p o r t i o n of t h i s was the work of c o l o n i a l h i s t o r i a n s who had sought to document the c o l o n i a l expansion of the western powers. This was supplemented by the accumulated i n s i g h t s and knowledge of f i f t y years- of a n t h r o p o l o g i c a l research i n t o the t r i b a l s o c i e t i e s of A f r i c a and the P a c i f i c I s l a n d s , and the v i l l a g e communities of A.sia. While the accumulated data of area s p e c i a l i s t s and c o l o n i a l - h i s t o r i a n s were valuable f o r t h e i r d e s c r i p t i o n s of non-western s o c i e t i e s and t h e i r documentation of c o l o n i a l i s m , the body of a n t h r o p o l o g i c a l knowledge was not only d e s c r i p t i v e but contained systematic p r o p o s i t i o n s and general explanations about simple s o c i e t i e s 7 and t h e i r t r a n s f o r m a t i o n s . Area s t u d i e s , a n t h r o p o l o g i c a l , and p o l i t i c a l science knowledge were mixed together i n the l i t e r a t u r e of p o l i t i c a l development and n a t i o n - b u i l d i n g . Some p o l i t i c a l s c i e n t i s t s d e l i b e r a t e l y set out to f a m i l i a r i z e themselves w i t h the h i s t o r i c a l data provided by area s p e c i a l -i s t s and c o l o n i a l h i s t o r i a n s and w i t h the concepts and t h e o r i e s of a n t h r o p o l o g i s t s , combining and s y n t h e s i z i n g these sources 8 of knowledge w i t h t h e i r own p o l i t i c a l science t r a i n i n g . In other cases, i n t e r d i s c i p l i n a r y study groups and i n s t i t u t e s dev-eloped, b r i n g i n g together i n t e r e s t e d s c h o l a r s from s e v e r a l 7 However, a n t h r o p o l o g i c a l s t u d i e s of s o c i a l and/or c u l t u r a l change during the c o l o n i a l period emphasized the dura-b i l i t y or persistence of these s o c i e t i e s — the o r i e n t a t i o n was t o e x p l a i n why change was d i f f i c u l t . 8 The work by David Apter and James S. Coleman are cases i n p o i n t . 8 s o c i a l s c i e n t i f i c f i e l d s f o r the purposes of d i s c u s s i o n 9 and r e s e a r c h . W i t h i n American p o l i t i c a l science the new i n t e r e s t i n the p o l i t i c s of"the developing areas was accompanied by an enhanced concern w i t h the systematic e m p i r i c a l study of. p o l -i t i c a l l i f e that came to be known as behavioralism. The be-haviQ^al mood had the e f f e c t of r e i n f o r c i n g the concern.of many students of the non-western p o l i t i c a l process w i t h the systematic a n a l y s i s of p o l i t i c s i n accordance w i t h the canons of sc i e n c e . Since there was no branch of the d i s c i p l i n e en-trenched i n .the study of non-western p o l i t i c s , i t was r e l a -t i v e l y easy f o r the new p r a c t i t i o n e r s t o adopt the philosophy and methods of behavioralism without encountering r e s i s t a n c e . Lacking obstacles w i t h i n the d i s c i p l i n e , the philosophy of be-h a v i o r a l i s m gave young American scholars an impetus that l e d to an almost i m p e r i a l i s t - l i k e expansion of American academic 10 p o l i t i c a l science i n t o these areas. Out of t h i s a c t i v i t y has emerged a v i r t u a l l y new f i e l d w i t h i n p o l i t i c a l science that seeks t o make systematic comparisons of nations at various 9 Two examples are the U n i v e r s i t y of Chicago Committee f o r the Comparative Study of the New Nations and the I n s t i t u t e of I n t e r n a t i o n a l Studies at the U n i v e r s i t y of C a l i f o r n i a , Berkeley. 10 The r a p i d build-up of American s o c i a l s c i e n t i f i c s c h o l a r -ship d e a l i n g w i t h the new sta t e s has been nothing l e s s than phenomenal. In a d d i t i o n t o the f a c t o r s mentioned above th a t may have stimulated such a c t i v i t y , the conscious i d e n t i f i c a t i o n of some American scho l a r s w i t h the emergence of the new sta t e s as a r e p e t i t i o n of the e a r l y American experience was probably important. For examples see Seymour M a r t i n L i p s e t , 'The F i r s t  New Nation, London, Heinemann, 19&3 a n d W i l l i a m Nisbet Chambers, P o l i t i c a l P a r t i e s i n a New Nation, New York£> Oxford, 1963. Even more important were the great American foundations-that have sponsored research i n the new s t a t e s , most notably the Ford and Carnegie Foundations. The former has c o n t r i b u t e d s u b s t a n t i a l . , 9 l e v e l s of s o c i a l , economic, and p o l i t i c a l development. .Uh-' l i k e the e s t a b l i s h e d study of comparative "government" which concerned i t s e l f w i t h p r o v i d i n g minute d e s c r i p t i v e accounts of p o l i t i c a l i n s t i t u t i o n s and sought to make comparisons 11 only i n a random or ad. hoc f a s h i o n , the new f i e l d of compar-a t i v e " p o l i t i c s " , b e l i e v i n g t h a t the comparative method was at the heart of science, sought to compare i n a systematic 12 and thorough manner. While seeking to s a t i s f y the s c i e n t i f i c imperative ex-pressed i n systematic and. comparative a n a l y s i s , s t u d i e s of . the new st a t e s have a l s o c o n s c i o u s l y sought to meet the requirements of the h o l i s t i c imperative by studying the p o l i -t i c a l process of the new st a t e s w i t h i n the context of the l a r g e r s o c i a l system. " As h o l i s t s , conscious of jthej i n t e r -dependence and i n t e r e s t e d i n the maintenance, i n t e g r a t i o n , and tr a n s f o r m a t i o n of t o t a l s o c i e t i e s , p o l i t i c a l s c i e n t i s t s are p a r t i c u l a r l y a f f e c t e d by t h i s new .challenge. I t i s the h o l i s t i c imperative that enjoins p o l i t i c a l s c i e n t i s t s to funds to the Studies i n P o l i t i c a l Development S e r i e s sponsored by the Committee on Comparative P o l i t i c s of the S o c i a l Science Research C o u n c i l while the l a t t e r helped finance Almond, and Verba's c o s t l y comparative p o l i t i c a l c u l t u r e study: G a b r i e l A. Almond and Sidney Verba, The C i v i c C u l t u r e , P r i n c e t o n , P r i n c e t o n U n i v e r s i t y P ress, 1963• 11 Roy C. M a c r i d i s , The Study of Comparative Government, New York, Random House, 1955? pp. 15-22. 12 Edward S h i l s , "On the Comparative Study of the New-S t a t e s " , Old S o c i e t i e s and New S t a t e s , ed. C l i f f o r d Geertz, New York, Free Press, 1963, pp. 17-18. 10 search f o r what has -been termed 'a more complete and system-13 a t i c conception of the p o l i t i c a l process as a whole'." The concern f o r holism i n the a n a l y s i s of the new sta t e s a t t e s t s to the impact of the s t r u c t u r a l - f u n c t i o n a l perspective as a dominant research o r i e n t a t i o n . The h o l i s t i c imperative r e -f l e c t s a view of s o c i e t i e s as i n t e r - r e l a t e d wholes of sub-systems and. l e s s e r component parts each of which i s more or l e s s bound up Gwlth the other c o n t r i b u t i n g to the continuance of the t o t a l i t y . However, the two imperatives of "s c i e n c e " and "holism" which s t u d i e s of the new s t a t e s seek t o s a t i s f y i n v o l v e an inherent dilemma. For the extent to which the researcher i s able to s a t i s f y the s c i e n t i f i c imperative by making p r e c i s e micro-scopic analyses i s a measure of the d e n i a l of the h o l i s t i c imperative which pushes research to a „ macro-scopic l e v e l i n order that the t o t a l system may be brought w i t h i n the compass of the study. I t would appear that students of the new n a t i o n s have been more s u c c e s s f u l , and indeed more w i l l i n g , t o s a t i s f y the h o l i s t i c imperative even i f the cost i s l e s s a n a l y t i c a l p r e c i s i o n and excessive general-i z a t i o n . The importance and l e g i t i m a c y of a macro-scopic approach has been emphasized by S h i l s who w r i t e s t h a t The c e n t r a l concern of the study of the new s t a t e s i s w i t h the formation of coherent s o c i e t i e s and p o l i t i e s . I t s concern w i t h p a r t i c u l a r i n s t i t u t i o n s , b e l i e f s , and p r a c t i c e s concentrates on t h e i r s i g n i f i c a n c e f o r t h i s process. In other words, the study of new sta t e s i s a 13 James S. Coleman, ed., Education and P o l i t i c a l Devel-opment , P r i n c e t o n , P r i n c e t o n U n i v e r s i t y Press, 1965, p. 12. 11 m a c r o s o c i o l o g i c a l study: i t i s a study of s o c i e t i e s , and when i t studies parts of these s o c i e t i e s i t s t u d i e s t h e i r c o n t r i b u t i o n t o the f u n c t i o n i n g of the s o c i e t y as a 'whole'. 1* Macro-analysis leads to an emphasis upon i n s i g h t and imagination. Imagination has played an important r o l e i n the p o l i t i c a l analyses of the developing areas that have been c a r r i e d out so f a r . Imagination i s a necessary r e q u i s i t e f o r an understanding of s o c i e t i e s f o r which the analyst does not have a n a t u r a l " f e e l " . Moreover, the t r a n s i t i o n a l s o c i e t i e s of the underdeveloped world can u s u a l l y be seen i n only l i m i t e d perspective by the western s o c i a l a n a l y s t . Confined to f i r s t hand contact w i t h a small segment of the t o t a l s o c i e t y h e ' i s - f o r c e d t o r e l y upon h i s a b i l i t y t o v i s u a l i z e 15 those p a r t s of the s o c i e t y beyond h i s view. Many of the aspects of p o l i t i c a l development discussed i n t h i s essay are the outcome of imaginary leaps by perceptive t h e o r i s t s t r y i n g to surmount the d i f f i c u l t i e s of d e p i c t i n g the nature and out-l i n e s of a process of change which they are unable to see. lh S h i l s , Old S o c i e t i e s and New S t a t e s , p. 20. 15 Contemporary s o c i a l and p o l i t i c a l a n a l y s t s of the non-western world have re s o r t e d t o v i s i o n and imagination f o r pre-c i s e l y the same reasons that j u s t i f i e d t h e i r use by the great p o l i t i c a l t h i n k e r s of the past: t o overcome the s p a t i a l and temporal obstacles to the perception of p o l i t i c a l l i f e " i n the round" as a t o t a l process or system. In the words of Wolin "...most p o l i t i c a l t h i n k e r s have b e l i e v e d imagination to be a necessary element i n t h e o r i z i n g because they have recognized t h a t , i n order to render p o l i t i c a l phenomena i n t e l l e c t u a l l y manageable, they must be presented i n what we c a l l ' a c o r r e c t e d f u l l n e s s ' . T h e o r i s t s have given us p i c t u r e s of p o l i t i c a l l i f e i n m i n i a t u r e , p i c t u r e s i n which what i s extraneous to the t h e o r i s t ' s purpose has been de l e t e d . The n e c e s s i t y f o r doing t h i s l i e s i n the f a c t that p o l i t i c a l t h e o r i s t s , l i k e the r e s t of mankind, are prevented from 'seeing' a l l p o l i t i c a l t h i n g s at f i r s t hand. The i m p o s s i b i l i t y of d i r e c t observation compels 12 The n e c e s s i t y f o r a s o c i o l o g i c a l imagination that the study of the new s t a t e s r e q u i r e s has been accompanied by a new r e c o g n i t i o n t h a t a s t r i c t e m p i r i c a l approach i n p o l i t i c a l science which denies the l e g i t i m a c y of imagination i s "... 16 headed f o r the ultimate d i s a s t e r of t r i v i a l i t y . " . . . e m p i r i c a l p o l i t i c a l science had b e t t e r f i n d a place f o r s p e c u l a t i o n . I t i s a grave though easy e r r o r f o r students of p o l i t i c s impressed by the achievements of the n a t u r a l sciences to i m i t a t e a l l t h e i r methods save the most c r i t i c a l one; the use of the i m a g i n a t i o n . Problems of method and a proper concern f o r what would be regarded as an acceptable t e s t of an e m p i r i c a l hypothesis have qu i t e p r o p e r l y moved out of the wings to a more c e n t r a l p o s i t i o n on the great stage of p o l i t i -c a l science. Yet s u r e l y i t i s imagination that has gen-e r a l l y marked the i n t e l l i g e n c e of the great s c i e n t i s t , and s p e c u l a t i o n — often-times f o o l i s h s p e c u l a t i o n i t turned out l a t e r — has g e n e r a l l y preceded great advances i n s c i e n t i f i c theory. 17 I I I The contemporary s o c i a l science l i t e r a t u r e t h a t deals w i t h the underdeveloped areas i s c h a r a c t e r i z e d by a l a c k of consensus on the meaning of the concepts employed. There i s u s u a l l y agreement on the more r e a d i l y q u a n t i f i a b l e economic concepts such as economic development — increase i n per the t h e o r i s t t o epitomize a s o c i e t y by a b s t r a c t i n g c e r t a i n -phenomena and p r o v i d i n g i n t e r c o n n e c t i o n s where none can be seen. Imagination i s the t h e o r i s t ' s means f o r understanding a world he can never 'know' i n an i n t i m a t e way." Sheldon S. Wolin, P o l i t i c s and V i s i o n . Boston, L i t t l e , Brown, i 9 6 0 , p. 19. * 16 Robert A. Dahl, "The Behavioral Approach i n P o l i t i c a l Science", P o l i t i c s and S o c i a l L i f e , ed. N.W. Polsby and others, Boston, Houghton M i f f l i n , 1963, p. 25 . 17 Dahl,. P o l i t i c s and S o c i a l L i f e , p. 25 . c a p i t a n a t i o n a l income — but l e s s consensus i s encountered i n attempting to define and come to g r i p s with, the more e l u s i v e "development", "modernization", " p o l i t i c a l moderniza-tion 1' 6, and " ' p o l i t i c a l development". Development i s u s u a l l y regarded as the most general phenomenon of the "fb.are. Bendix views i t as a broad process of s o c i a l change comprising " i n d u s t r i a l i z a t i o n " — economic changes r e s u l t i n g from a p p l i e d s c i e n t i f i c research and the a p p l i c a t i o n of a technology based upon inanimate sources of power -- and "modernization" — s o c i a l and p o l i t i c a l con-19 comitants of i n d u s t r i a l i z a t i o n . Apter regards development as a " p a r t i c u l a r form of s o c i a l change" and i n c l u d e s modern-i z a t i o n as a " s p e c i a l case" of development w i t h i n d u s t r i a l i z a -20 t i o n "the most l i m i t e d case of a l l . " Modernization i t s e l f i s viewed by Apter as a process of "choice" and " i n c r e a s i n g 21 complexity" i n human a f f a i r s l e a d i n g t o a c o n d i t i o n of modernity where " s e l f - c o n s c i o u s choice" guided by r a t i o n a l i t y 22 becomes the norm. Apter speaks of the " p o l i t i c s of modern-18 W i l f r e d Malenbaum, "Economic Factors and P o l i t i c a l Development/ The Annals, v o l . 358:) (March 1965),p. *+3. 19 Reinhard Bendix, N a t i o n - B u i l d i n g and C i t i z e n s h i p , New York, Wiley, 190+, p. 5. 20 David E. Apter, The P o l i t i c s of Modernization, Chicago, U n i v e r s i t y of Chicago Press, 19&5V P» x» 21 I b i d . , p. 3. 22 I b i d . , p. 10. i z a t i o n " and views government as a "mechanism f o r r e g u l a t i n g .23 c h o i c e " , K i l s o n a l s o regards modernization as a broad process of s o c i a l change but gives s p e c i a l emphasis to i t s economic aspects and sees as i t s essence "...those p e c u l i a r socio-economic i n s t i t u t i o n s and p o l i t i c a l processes necessary to e s t a b l i s h a cash nexus, i n the place of a f e u d a l or s o c i a l l y o b l i g a t o r y system, as the primary l i n k r e l a t i n g people t o each other, and to the s o c i a l system, i n the production of goods and s e r v i c e s and i n t h e i r exchange." As w i t h Apter, K i l s o n views the p o l i t i c a l system — i n h i s study the c o l o n i a l state — as a means or instrument f o r modernizing the s o c i e t y 25 and economy. Attempts to define p o l i t i c a l development and/or p o l i t i c a l modernization have proven even more d i f f i c u l t . Some d e f i n -i t i o n s have focused, on the c o n d i t i o n s of these phenomena ra t h e r than the phenomena themselves. L i p s e t found a s i g n i f i -cant c o r r e l a t i o n between p o l i t i c a l development — which he chose to equate w i t h democracy — and i n d i c e s of wealth, 26 i n d u s t r i a l i z a t i o n , education, and u r b a n i z a t i o n . Coleman 23 Apter, P o l i t i c s of Modernization, p. 11 . 2h K i l s o n , Modern A f r i c a n S t u d ies, v o l . 1 (December 1963)? pp.+26-427. 25 I b i d . , p. +28. 26 Seymour Martin L i p s e t , "Some S o c i a l R e q u i s i t e s of Democracy: Economic Development and P o l i t i c a l Legitimacy," American P o l i t i c a l Science Review, v o l . 53 (March 1959)? . pp. 7 5 - 8 5 . • - • - • - - 15 repeated the approach and a l s o found that democracy --" p o l i t i c a l competitiveness" — was c o r r e l a t e d w i t h economic 27 development thus v a l i d a t i n g U p s e t ' s hypothesis. P o l i t i c a l development has been viewed as the p o l i t i c a l p r e r e q u i s i t e s . 28 or p o l i t i c a l consequences of economic development. S t i l l others have conceived p o l i t i c a l development as the m o b i l i z a -t i o n and d i r e c t i o n of the masses i n p u r s u i t of the goals of 29 the s t a t e . Some students equate p o l i t i c a l development w i t h modernity or p o l i t i c a l aspects of modernity assuming t h a t a developed or modern p o l i t i c a l system i s simply one t h a t e x i s t s i n a modern s o c i e t y . Thus Ward and Rustow i d e n t i f y e i g h t 30 s o c i o l o g i c a l c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of p o l i t i c a l modernity while 31 E i s e n s t a d t notes f o u r . C r i t i c i s m s have been d i r e c t e d at the equation of p o l i t i -c a l development w i t h modernization. La Palombara f e e l s that 27 G a b r i e l A. Almond and James S. Coleman, eds., The  P o l i t i c s of the Developing Areas, P r i n c e t o n , P r i n c e t o n Univer-s i t y P ress, I960, pp. 536-5^. 28 J . J . Spengler, "Economic Development: P o l i t i c a l Pre-c o n d i t i o n s and P o l i t i c a l Consequences,"The J o u r n a l of P o l i t i c s , vol . 22 (August I960), pp. 387-^15 and A.F.K. Organski, The Stages of P o l i t i c a l Development, New York, Alfred. A. Knopf, 1965. 29 K a r l W. Deutsch, " S o c i a l M o b i l i z a t i o n and P o l i t i c a l Development,"/-. American P o l i t i c a l Science Review, v o l . 55(Sept-ember I 9 6 I ) , ' p p . +93-51+. The equation of p o l i t i c a l develop-ment w i t h s e l e c t e d s o c i a l or economic r e q u i s i t e s has been i n -s p i r e d by the search f o r measurable i n d i c a t o r s of the phenom-enon. At t h i s stage i n research no simple i n d i c a t o r of p o l i t -i c a l development — l i k e the r a t i o of n a t i o n a l income t o pop- , u l a t i o n used to measure economic development — has been found. The best examples of the search f o r i n d i c e s of p o l i t i c a l dev-elopment are: Deutssh, American P o l i t i c a l Science Review, v o l . 55(September 1961), pp. Lf93-5l!+; P h i l i p s C u t r i g h t , " N a t i o n a l P o l i t i c a l Development: Measurement and A n a l y s i s , " American  S o c i o l o g i c a l Review, vol . 28 ( A p r i l 196+), pp. 253-26+; Lyle W. Shannon, " I s Lev e l of Government Related t o Capacity f o r S e l f -16 the use of "modernity" i n reference t o p o l i t i c a l systems contains an economic b i a s , i s u n i n t e n t i o n a l l y normative, and suggests "...a d e t e r m i n i s t i c , u n i l i n e a r theory of p o l i t i c a l 32 e v o l u t i o n . " He would p r e f e r t o speak of " p o l i t i c a l change" and suggests f o u r dimensions or v a r i a b l e s of change by which p o l i t i c a l development might be measured. These i n c l u d e : the degree of s t r u c t u r a l d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n , the magnitude of the involvement of the p o l i t i c a l system i n s o c i e t y (the r a t i o of p o l i t i c a l a c t i v i t y to a l l s o c i a l a c t i v i t y ) , the degree of achievement o r i e n t a t i o n i n p o l i t i c a l recruitment and r o l e d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n , and the degree of s e c u l a r i z a t i o n of p o l i t i c a l Government?" American J o u r n a l of Economics and Soci o l o g y , v o l . 17 ( J u l y 1958), pp. 367-381; and, Hayward R. A l k e r , Jr.," and Bruce M. Russett, "The A n a l y s i s of Trends and P a t t e r n s , " World Handbook of P o l i t i c a l and S o c i a l I n d i c a t o r s , ed. Bruce M. Russett, New Haven, Yale U n i v e r s i t y Press, 1964, pp. 261-364. 30 Robert Ward and Dankwart Rustow, " I n t r o d u c t i o n " , P o l i t i c a l Modernization i n Japan and Turkey, eds. R.E.Ward and D.-A. Rustow, P r i n c e t o n , Princeton U n i v e r s i t y Press, 1964, p. 7» These i n c l u d e : "A h i g h l y d i f f e r e n t i a t e d and f u n c t i o n a l l y s p e c i f i c system of government o r g a n i z a t i o n ; A high degree of i n t e g r a t i o n - w i t h i n t h i s governmental s t r u c t u r e ; The prevalence of r a t i o n a l and s e c u l a r procedures f o r the making of p o l i t i c a l d e c i s i o n s ; The la r g e volume, wide range, and high e f f i c a c y of i t s p o l i t i c a l and a d m i n i s t r a t i v e d e c i s i o n s ; A widespread and e f f e c t i v e sense of popular i d e n t i f i c a t i o n w i t h the h i s t o r y , t e r r i t o r y , and n a t i o n a l i d e n t i t y of the s t a t e ; Widespread pop-u l a r i n t e r e s t and involvement i n the p o l i t i c a l system, though not n e c e s s a r i l y i n the decision-making aspects thereof; The a l l o c a t i o n of p o l i t i c a l r o l e s by achievement r a t h e r than as-c r i p t i o n ; and J u d i c i a l and r e g u l a t o r y techniques based upon a predominantly s e c u l a r and impersonal system of law." 31 S.N. E i s e n s t a d t , " P o l i t i c a l Modernisation: Some Com-pa r a t i v e Notes," I n t e r n a t i o n a l J o u r n a l of Comparative S o c i o l -ogy, v o l . 5 (January 1964)", p.7. These i n c l u d e : "...the dev-elopment of a h i g h l y d i f f e r e n t i a t e d p o l i t i c a l s t r u c t u r e i n terms of s p e c i f i c p o l i t i c a l r o l e s and i n s t i t u t i o n s , of the c e n t r a l i z a t i o n of the p o l i t y and of^development of s p e c i f i c p o l i t i c a l goals and o r i e n t a t i o n s . S e c o n d } p o l i t i c a l modernis-a t i o n i s c h a r a c t e r i z e d by growing extension of the scope of the c e n t r a l l e g a l , a d m i n i s t r a t i v e , and p o l i t i c a l a c t i v i t i e s and t h e i r permeation i n t o a l l spheres and regions of the 17 33 f u n c t i o n s . Huntington suggests that t o equate p o l i t i c a l development.with modernization " d r a s t i c a l l y l i m i t s the a p p l i c -a b i l i t y of the concept i n both time and space" making i t im--p o s s i b l e to speak of developed p o l i t i c a l systems i n pre-modern 3^ s o c i e t i e s as w i t h f i f t h century B.C. Athens. He suggests that p o l i t i c a l development be measured by a d i f f e r e n t set of c r i t e r i a from modernization thus p e r m i t t i n g the p o s s i b i l i t y of developed p o l i t i e s i n pre-modern s o c i e t i e s (and the reverse) and the c r i t e r i a he proposes r e l a t e t o "the i n s t i t -35 u t i o n a l i z a t i o n of p o l i t i c a l o r g a n i z a t i o n s and procedures." Pye o b j e c t s to t h i n k i n g of p o l i t i c a l development as p o l i t i c a l "modernization" because of the d i f f i c u l t y of " d i f f e r e n t i a t i n g s o c i e t y . T h i r d , ...the continuous spread of p o t e n t i a l p o l i t -i c a l power to wider groups i n the s o c i e t y — u l t i m a t e l y to -a l l a d u l t c i t i z e n s . F u r t h e r , i t i s c h a r a c t e r i z e d by the weakening of t r a d i t i o n a l e l i t e s and of t r a d i t i o n a l l e g i t i m i a -t i o n of the r u l e r s , and by the establishment of . . . i d e o l o g i -c a l and . . . i n s t i t u t i o n a l a c c o u n t a b i l i t y of the r u l e r s to the r u l e d . . . . " 32 Joseph La Palombara, "Bureaucracy and P o l i t i c a l Dev-elopments Notes, Queries, and Dilemmas"^ Bureaucracy and  P o l i t i c a l Development, ed. J . La Palombara, P r i n c e t o n , P r i n c e t o n U n i v e r s i t y Press, 19&3, PP» 3°-3°« 33 I b i d . , pp. 39- l+6. 3*+ Samuel P. Huntington, " P o l i t i c a l Development and P o l i t i c a l Decay", World P o l i t i c s , v o l . 17 ( A p r i l 19&£), P. 3 8 9 . 35 Huntington w r i t e s : "This concept l i b e r a t e s develop-ment from modernization. I t can be a p p l i e d to the a n a l y s i s of p o l i t i c a l systems of any s o r t , not j u s t modern ones." Huntington, World P o l i t i c s , v o l . 17 ( A p r i l 1965), p. 393• 18 36 'between what i s 'Western' and what i s 'modern'". L a t e l y , serious attempts have been made to formulate a concept of p o l i t i c a l development that avoids the p i t f a l l s inherent i n r e l a t i n g p o l i t i c a l development to c e r t a i n s o c i a l c o n d i t i o n s or i n equating i t w i t h the p o l i t i c a l aspects of modernization. The most recent attempt by members of the Committee on Comparative P o l i t i c s of the S o c i a l Science Research C o u n c i l has i d e n t i f i e d three major t r a i t s of the 37 '"development syndrome" which include " c a p a c i t y " , " d i f f e r e n -. 38 . t i a t i o n " , and " e q u a l i t y " : The p o l i t i c a l development process i s thus seen as an interminable contrapuntal, i n t e r p l a y among the processes of d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n , the imperatives of e q u a l i t y and the i n t e g r a t i v e and adaptive c a p a c i t y of a p o l i t i c a l system ....In these terms p o l i t i c a l development can be regarded as the a c q u i s i t i o n by a p o l i t i c a l system of a c o n s c i o u s l y -sought, and q u a l i t a t i v e l y new and enhanced, p o l i t i c a l c a p a c i t y as manifested i n the s u c c e s s f u l i n s t i t u t i o n a l -i z a t i o n of (1) new patterns of i n t e g r a t i o n r e g u l a t i n g and c o n t a i n i n g the tensions and c o n f l i c t s produced by increased d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n , and (2) new patterns of par-t i c i p a t i o n and resource d i s t r i b u t i o n adequately respons-i v e to the demands generated by the imperatives of e q u a l i t y . 39 36 Lucian Pye, "The Concept of P o l i t i c a l Development^ The Annals, vol . 3 5 8 (March 1965), p. 7 . 37 The n o t i o n of c a p a c i t y was i n s p i r e d by Almond i n h i s recent a r t i c l e "A Developmental Approach to P o l i t i c a l Systems", World P o l i t i c s , vol.17 (January 1965), pp. 183-21+. 38 These are discussed by James Coleman i n Education and  P o l i t i c a l Development,Princeton, P r i n c e t o n U n i v e r s i t y Press, 19651, pp. lh-16 and by Lucian Pye i n "The Concept of P o l i t i c a l Development," The Annals, vol . 3 5 8 (March 1965), pp. 11-13. 39 Coleman, Education and P o l i t i c a l Development, p. 15. . 1 9 While d e f i n i t i o n s are no s u b s t i t u t e f o r knowledge t h e i r importance f o r c l e a r t h i n k i n g i s recognized. - This essay w i l l t h erefore attempt t o be guided and informed by:: the above-noted d i s t i n c t i o n s and d e f i n i t i o n s . However, the terms " p o l i t i c a l development" and " p o l i t i c a l modernization" w i l l be used interchangeably since our d i s c u s s i o n i s framed i n the e m p i r i c a l context provided by the.emergence of the new st a t e s of A s i a and A f r i c a . In our view p o l i t i c a l d e v e l -opment i n the new s t a t e s i s i n e x t r i c a b l y bound up w i t h , though not d i r e c t l y dependent upon, the more general processes of change r e f e r r e d t o as development and. modernization. IV Coir object i s to i n q u i r e i n t o the nature of the p o l i t i c a l development process both g e n e r a l l y and as i t i s encountered i n the g e s t a t i o n and b i r t h of the contemporary new s t a t e s . In the course of the a n a l y s i s an attempt w i l l be made to • address, i f not t o answer, the f o l l o w i n g questions: How have various a n a l y s t s perceived or v i s u a l i z e d the process of p o l -i t i c a l development? What are the i n t e l l e c t u a l sources of the p o l i t i c a l development concept? What are some of the dim-ensions of the process? That i s , how does the process mani-f e s t i t s e l f i n terms of s t r u c t u r a l , i d e o l o g i c a l , and behav-i o r a l changes? What i s the nature of the process i n terms of change over time? I s i t an e v o l u t i o n a r y process? Does i t proceed i n terms of i d e n t i f i a b l e "stages of development"? Is the end r e s u l t of the process, i f there i s indeed an end r e s u l t , more or l e s s s i m i l a r s o c i a l and p o l i t i c a l c o n f i g u r -a t i o n s f o r a l l n ations? Or are there d i f f e r e n t s t y l e s of 20 p o l i t i c a l development which permit considerable v a r i a t i o n w i t h i n the modern c o n d i t i o n ? Is p o l i t i c a l development an absolute or r e l a t i v e c o n d i t i o n ? That i s , does a developed state of p o l i t i c a l modernity c o n s t i t u t e the end process of change and the emergence of a permanent p o l i t i c a l order or i s the n o t i o n of "modern" or "developed" r e a l l y only r e l a t i v e to the l e v e l reached so f a r by the western nat i o n s ? I s p o l i t i -c a l development i n e v i t a b l e i n the new states;/ or can i t be e i t h e r t e m p o r a r i l y or permanently a r r e s t e d w i t h the continu-a t i o n of s o c i a l d i s o r g a n i z a t i o n and p o l i t i c a l i n s t a b i l i t y ? To what extent do the prospects of p o l i t i c a l development i n the new s t a t e s r e f l e c t the hopes and. wishes of students who analyze them? I s i t t r u e , as Huntington suggests, " . . . t h a t an u n d e r l y i n g commitment to the theory of progress i s so overwhelming as to exclude p o l i t i c a l decay as a p o s s i b l e ho concept." To what extent does the - p o l i t i c a l development prospect i n the new s t a t e s r e s t upon a s o c i a l s c i e n t i f i c wish? Some of these questions w i l l be discussed i n d e t a i l , others w i l l be d e a l t ! w i t h more b r i e f l y , a l l w i l l be men-t i o n e d i f only i n passing. Our concern i s w i t h reviewing the l i t e r a t u r e of p o l i t i -hl c a l development. We are not suggesting t h a t our a c t i v i t y i s one of semantic c l a r i f i c a t i o n ; we perceive i t to i n v o l v e C l . -hO Huntington, World P o l i t i c s , v o l . 1 7 ( A p r i l 1965), PP. 392-393. hi While an attempt was made t o review the bulk of the t h e o r e t i c a l l i t e r a t u r e on p o l i t i c a l development, the d i s -c u s s i o n of e m p i r i c a l m a t e r i a l s has been r e s t r i c t e d mainly, although not e x c l u s i v e l y , t o A f r i c a n experiences. 21 the i n t e r p r e t a t i o n and e v a l u a t i o n of concepts and ideas r a t h e r than terms. At a time when new t h e o r i e s of p o l i t i c a l development are being produced at an e v e r - i n c r e a s i n g rate the need f o r a r e - t h i n k i n g and r e - e v a l u a t i o n of the p o l i t i c a l process i n the new s t a t e s seems i n order. As i n p o l i t i c a l philosophy, there i s a requirement i n e m p i r i c a l s o c i a l and p o l i t i c a l theory f o r thoughts about thoughts, f o r an evalua-t i o n of the ideas of others. This essay i s an attempt at r e - t h i n k i n g some s e l e c t e d aspects of the p o l i t i c a l development process. PART I CONCEPTUAL ASPECTS' OF THE POLITICAL DEVELOPMENT PROCESS CHAPTER I I THE IDEA OF POLITICAL D E V E L O P M E N T Modern s o c i e t i e s are perhaps the f i r s t i n h i s t o r y not j u s t to change, but a l s o to be aware of change as the very nature of s o c i e t y . ; Raymond Aron H i s t o r i c a l developments are not i n f r e q u e n t l y the enemy of s o c i a l s c i e n t i f i c wisdom. The a n a l y t i c c o n s t r u c t s of s o c i a l s c i e n t i s t s must o f t e n be a l t e r e d i n response to h i s -t o r i c a l change. Changes i n s o c i a l r e l a t i o n s , the emergence of new forms of s o c i a l o r g a n i z a t i o n and the disappearance of others, changes i n a t t i t u d e s and values — a l l may upset the concepts of s o c i a l s c i e n t i s t s and n e c e s s i t a t e a re-examina-t i o n of e s t a b l i s h e d assumptions. The h i s t o r i c a l developments that have occurred i n the non-western world since World War I I are an i l l u s t r a t i o n of the r e l a t i o n s h i p between s o c i a l change and changes i n s o c i a l theory and research. The de s i g n a t i o n of World War I I as a major watershed of contemporary s o c i a l change i s not a r b i -t r a r y . "Such g l o b a l cataclysms," w r i t e s Emerson, "...not only hasten or r e t a r d e x i s t i n g trends, but a l s o themselves set i n motion fo r c e s which reach f a r beyond the ending of h o s t i l i t i e s and shape the d e s t i n i e s of peoples only remotely, i f at a l l , concerned i n them." The war was followed by the h2 Rupert Emerson, From Empire to Nation, Cambridge, Harvard U n i v e r s i t y Press, 1962, p. 22. r a p i d withdrawal of western c o l o n i a l powers from A s i a and A f r i c a and. the appearance of a m u l t i p l i c i t y of new s t a t e s beginning i n the l a t e l^f-O's w i t h such Asian c o u n t r i e s as the P h i l i p p i n e s , I n d i a , and P a k i s t a n f o l l o w e d i n A f r i c a i n the l a t e 1950's by Ghana, Guinea, N i g e r i a ( i960) and more r e c e n t l y a host of ot h e r s . The extension of the n a t i o n - s t a t e w i t h i t s s p e c i a l p o l i t i c a l s t r u c t u r e s , i n s t i t u t i o n s , and i d e o l o g i e s to the s o c i e t i e s of A f r o - A s i a had. the immediate e f f e c t of en-l a r g i n g the e m p i r i c a l universe of i n t e r e s t t o p o l i t i c a l s c i e n t i s t s . Students of comparative government w i t h an i n t -e rest i n these developments were fo r c e d to re-examine t h e i r ideas about the nature of the universe of p o l i t i c a l l i f e . Not o n l y d i d the s p a t i a l dimensions of t h i s universe change, the nature or essence of the newly discovered p o r t i o n was found t o be quite d i f f e r e n t from the o l d . The seemingly formless and f l u i d non-western p o l i t i c a l process both taxed and challenged the knowledge of p o l i t i c a l s c i e n t i s t s . The knowledge of some nineteenth century s o c i a l p h i l o s o -phers was s i m i l a r l y challenged by the s o c i a l and p o l i t i c a l upheavals t h a t transformed European s o c i e t y during the eighteenth and nineteenth c e n t u r i e s . A seemingly permanent s o c i a l order gave way to major changes brought on concomi-t a n t l y w i t h the i n d u s t r i a l r e v o l u t i o n and the type of s o c i e t y that was emerging appeared to be fundamentally d i f f e r e n t from that which had been. The economic, s o c i a l , and p o l i t i c a l changes of the European tra n s f o r m a t i o n a t t r a c t e d the a t t e n t i o n of a v a r i e t y of scholars bent on understanding them. Marx saw i n them an i n e v i t a b l e h i s t o r i c a l process marked by suc-c e s s i v e leaps generated by the c o n f l i c t of productive r e l a -t i o n s . The s o c i a l e v o l u t i o n i s t s — p a r t i c u l a r l y Spencer, Morgan, and Tylor — perceived an e v o l u t i o n a r y and u n i l i n e a r p rogression of s o c i e t i e s from the simple forms supposedly c h a r a c t e r i s t i c of p r i m i t i v e t r i b e s to the complex aggregates e x e m p l i f i e d i n the i n d u s t r i a l i z i n g s o c i e t i e s of Western Europe. Bagehot saw i n them evidence of the s u p e r i o r i t y of a " p o l i t y of d i s c u s s i o n " which could harness and increase the highest q u a l i t i e s of human nature thereby ensuring the c o n t i n u a t i o n of progress. H i s t o r i a n s had always been i n t e r e s t e d i n s o c i a l change — indeed, they s p e c i a l i z e d i n presenting c h r o n o l o g i c a l accounts of s o c i a l l y s i g n i f i c a n t past events — but t h e i r work was e s s e n t i a l l y d e s c r i p t i v e and was not c h a r a c t e r i z e d by any systematic attempt at connecting the s p a t i a l and tem-p o r a l dimensions of s o c i a l phenomena i n c o n c e p t u a l i z a t i o n s w i t h explanatory value. Attempts at a n a l y t i c a l l y r e c o n s t r u c t -i n g the changing c o n f i g u r a t i o n s of s o c i e t i e s were nev; and r e -quired both an awareness of change as an inherent aspect of s o c i a l l i f e and a s p i r i t of s o c i o l o g i c a l i n q u i r y . The s o c i a l changes themselves provided an opportunity f o r the former while the l a t t e r was served up by Comte and h i s f o l l o w e r s who p o s t u l a t e d a science of s o c i e t y -- a " s o c i a l physics" — 1+3 Walter Bagehot, Physics and P o l i t i c s . Boston, Beacon Press, 1956. which sought to e x p l a i n the nature of s o c i a l progress. "Like many of h i s contemporaries," w r i t e s Aron, "...Comte b e l i e v e d t h a t modern s o c i e t y was i n c r i s i s ; as a r e s u l t one s o c i a l order was disappearing and another s o c i a l order was being born." The idea that s o c i e t y was something d i f f e r e n t than i t had been and that i t would come to be something quite d i f f e r e n t i n the f u t u r e a t t r a c t e d the a t t e n t i o n of a number of ni n e t e e n t h century s o c i a l observers. But what had i t been and what was i t becoming? These questions were asked by i n t e r e s t e d s c h o l a r s , n o t a b l y Maine, Toennies, Durkheim, and Weber, and i n t h e i r answers can be found the roots of modern ideas about p o l i t i c a l development. I S o c i a l s c i e n t i s t s have found i t very d i f f i c u l t to t h i n k about "moving s o c i e t i e s " i n the process of t r a n s f o r m a t i o n . I t i s d i f f i c u l t enough to perceive and "see" through the mind's eye whole s o c i e t i e s ; i t i s much more d i f f i c u l t to v i s u a l i z e s o c i e t i e s both i n the round and i n the process of change. Thought about s o c i a l change has therefore been g r e a t l y f a c i l i t a t e d by the use of s o - c a l l e d "before and a f t e r " models — s o c i o l o g i c a l snapshots that o u t l i n e the dimensions-and c o n f i g u r a t i o n s of s o c i a l space at a p a r t i c u l a r point i n ¥+ Raymond. Aron, Main Currents i n S o c i o l o g i c a l Thought, New York, Basic Books, 1965". +5 I b i d . , p. 6 1 . time. I n s i g h t i n t o the t r a n s f o r m a t i o n of s o c i e t i e s can be obtained by c o n c e p t u a l i z i n g models or i d e a l - t y p e s of h i s t o r -i c a l s o c i e t i e s and comparing them w i t h contemporary ones. The d i f f e r e n c e s i n the dimensions and c o n f i g u r a t i o n s of the1 models w i l l c o n s t i t u t e a rough measure of the amount, type, and d i r e c t i o n of s o c i a l change th a t occurred during the temp-o r a l p e r i o d . i n v o l v e d . U t i l i z i n g such an approach, s o c i a l change becomes the movement of s o c i e t i e s from one c l a s s i f i c a -t i o n t o the next. There are, of course, both dangers and d i f f i c u l t i e s w i t h such an approach. There i s , i n the f i r s t p l a c e , the danger of what has been r e f e r r e d t o as the " f a l l a c y of the golden age"-the tendency to r e c o n s t r u c t models of previous s o c i e t i e s t h a t incorporate the i d e a l i s t ic.iand s u b j e c t i v e 47 images of the a n a l y s t . There i s a l s o the opposite danger ?../ of c o n s t r u c t i n g models of past s o c i e t i e s which inco r p o r a t e s e l e c t e d aspects t h a t have negative connotations. There i s a second danger th a t i s more c l e a r l y methodological, the " f a l -l a c y of r e t r o s p e c t i v e . d e t e r m i n i s m " — the tendency t o assume th a t past s o c i a l s t r u c t u r e s could only change i n the d i r e c t i o n and manner tha t they i n f a c f d i d change. "... we must conceive of the f u t u r e as u n c e r t a i n , i n the past as w e l l as the present* ... The f a c t i s that the eventual development of past s o c i a l 46 Reinhard Bendix, N a t i o n - B u i l d i n g and C i t i z e n s h i p . New York, Wiley, I 9 6 4 , p.12. 47 I b i d . , p.12.. 28 structure® was u n c e r t a i n as w e l l . " In other words, our models of the h i s t o r i c a l development of r e a l s o c i e t i e s must be p r o b a b i l i s t i c r ather than d e t e r m i n i s t i c , and we should recognize that there i s scope f o r considerable v a r i a t i o n i n the c o n f i g u r a t i o n s that s o c i e t i e s may take as they pass through time. Awareness of t h i s f a c t w i l l allow us to understand how any two s o c i e t i e s which appear to s t a r t from the same begin-ning might very w e l l transform themselves i n t o q u ite d i f f e r -ent s o c i a l u n i t s . Attempts at r e c o n s t r u c t i n g models of h i s t o r i c a l s o c i e t i e s are a l s o hampered by the state and nature of h i s t o r i c a l r e -search i n t o such s o c i e t i e s . Not only may h i s t o r i c a l research i n t o some s o c i e t i e s be imperfect or incomplete as i s o f t e n the case w i t h much non-western h i s t o r i o g r a p h y ; i t may a l s o r e s t so completely on the i m p l i c i t , but nevertheless s i g n i f i -cant, "thought model" of the h i s t o r i a n that other attempts t o u t i l i z e the data i n the c o n s t r u c t i o n of a l t e r n a t i v e models may prove f u t i l e . Indeed, the s o - c a l l e d '"facts" that are con-tained i n h i s t o r i c a l research are very o f t e n not o b j e c t i v e events recorded by h i s t o r i a n s but items i n reconstructed h i s ->9 t o r i e s or "conceptual t r a n s l a t i o n s " of the past. In s p i t e of such d i f f i c u l t i e s , the s o c i a l philosophers of the nineteenth century attempted to construct and compare h8 Bendix, N a t i o n - B u i l d i n g and C i t i z e n s h i p , p. 13.. *+9 Raymond A.ron, I n t r o d u c t i o n to the Philosophy of  H i s t o r y , Boston, Beacon Press, 1962, pp. 112-113. 29 "before and a f t e r " models which would permit them to compre-hend the process of s o c i e t a l change they were w i t n e s s i n g . The f i r s t systematic attempt to f a s h i o n a dichotomous scheme f o r the e x p l a n a t i o n of development was made by the E n g l i s h 50 j u r i s t and l e g a l h i s t o r i a n , S i r Henry Maine. Maine concept-u a l i z e d two types of s o c i e t i e s — one based upon sta t u s r e l a -t i o n s , the other on c o n t r a c t u a l ones — and viewed development as a movement from "Status" to "Contract". Development or ttoe "law of progress" i n v o l v e d a t r a n s i t i o n away from s o c i a l r e l a -t i o n s based upon f a m i l y or k i n s h i p t i e s toward others r e s t i n g upon c o n t r a c t u a l agreement between separate p a r t i e s . According to Maine, '"Contract" is. "...the t i e between man and man which replaces by degrees those forms of r e c i p r o c i t y i n r i g h t s and d u t i e s which have t h e i r o r i g i n i n the F a m i l y . . . . S t a r t i n g , as from one terminus of h i s t o r y , from a c o n d i t i o n of s o c i e t y i n which a l l the r e l a t i o n s of Persons are summed up i n the r e l a t i o n s of Family, we seem to have s t e a d i l y moved towards a phase of s o c i a l order i n which a l l these r e l a t i o n s a r i s e from the f r e e agreement of i n d i v i d u a l s . . . t h e movement of the progressive s o c i e t i e s has h i t h e r t o been a movement from Status 51 to C o ntract." I n p e r c e i v i n g development as a movement away from s o c i e t i e s whose s o c i a l r e l a t i o n s were based upon a s c r i b e d status toward ones c h a r a c t e r i z e d by r a t i o n a l c o n t r a c t u a l r e l a t i o n s h i p s , Maine o u t l i n e d a fundamental s o c i o l o g i c a l " 50 Henry Sumner Maine, Ancient Law, Boston, Beacon Press, 1963. } [ F i r s t published i n 1863J. 51 Maine, Ancient Law, pp. I 6 3 - I 6 5 , (His i t a l i c s ) . 30 d i s t i n c t i o n that has been r e t a i n e d i n modern s o c i a l s c i e n t i f i c 52 thought. Maine's use of dichotomous c a t e g o r i e s t o c o n t r a s t changes i n s o c i a l r e l a t i o n s was taken up by Ferdinand Toennies who developed and contrasted i d e a l - t y p e c o n s t r u c t s : Gemeinschaft 53 (Community) and G e s e l l s c h a f t ( S o c i e t y ) . I t i s important to note th a t u n l i k e Maine's c a t e g o r i e s , those of Toennies' were i d e a l - t y p e s comprising s o c i a l r e l a t i o n s t h a t d i d not e x i s t i n the r e a l world: "What they represent are i d e a l types, and they should serve as standards by which r e a l i t y may be recog-n i z e d and described." Gemeinschaft-like s o c i e t i e s possess s o c i a l r e l a t i o n s that are a f f e c t i v e , spontaneous, emotional, and devoid of r a t i o n a l c a l c u l a b i l i t y , as might be found to e x i s t between status p o s i t i o n s i n k i n s h i p groups, peasant communities, v i l l a g e s , and so on. G e s e l l s c h a f t - l i k e s o c i e t i e s , on the other hand, are c h a r a c t e r i z e d by r a t i o n a l s o c i a l r e l a -t i o n s based upon the c a p a c i t y of men to c o r r e c t l y r e l a t e means to ends,' as one might expect to f i n d i n the p u b l i c bureaucracies 52 The s i g n i f i c a n c e of Maine's i n s i g h t i n t o one of the e s s e n t i a l d i f f e r e n c e s between t r a d i t i o n a l and developed s o c i -e t i e s has been acknowledged by Parsons who x^rites: "Intimate knowledge of a non-European s o c i e t y ( i n t h i s case, India) as w e l l as of Western l e g a l h i s t o r y played a dominant part i n Maine's t h i n k i n g . His developmental formula of the process of s h i f t from ^ ' s t a t u s ' ( t o which the modern s o c i o l o g i s t would be i n c l i n e d t o add the a d j e c t i v e 'ascribed') t o 'co n t r a c t ' , where r i g h t s and o b l i g a t i o n s could be v o l u n t a r i l y assumed, was a landmark i n the a n a l y s i s of s o c i a l s t r u c t u r e s . " T a l c o t t Parsons and others, ed., Theories of So c i e t y . New York, Free Press, 1965, p. 9 1 . 53 Ferdinand Toennies, Community and S o c i e t y (Gemeinschaft  und G e s e l l s c h a f t ) , New York, Harper Torchbook, 1 9 6 3 [ F i r s t pub-l i s h e d i n 1887] . 9+ I b i d . , p. 2+8. 31 of modern governments or i n large business enterprises. 5 5 Since Gemeinschaft and G e s e l l s c h a f t were p o s i t e d as i d e a l types, Toennies s k i r t e d the n e c e s s i t y t o ssek out t h e i r r e a l counterparts and r e l a t e the t r a n s i t i o n from one to the oither. He d i d , however, suggest that Gemeinschaft u s u a l l y preceded'-'. G e s e l l s c h a f t although the order of development might be reversed. The t r a d i t i o n of making pa i r e d comparisons was continued by Durkheim and modified by Weber. Toennies had viewed Gem-ei n s c h a f t as a " l i v i n g organism" (organic s o l i d a r i t y ) i n con-t r a s t w i t h G e s e l l s c h a f t which he r e f e r r e d t o as a "mechanical 57 aggregate and a r t i f a c t . " Durkheim, i n h i s De l a d i v i s i o n du  t r a v a i l s o c i a l , reversed Toennies' c a t e g o r i e s of s o c i a l s o l i -d a r i t y and c h a r a c t e r i z e d s m a l l -scale simple s o c i e t i e s as i n t e g r a t e d by a "mechanical " s o l i d a r i t y — a shared system of a t t i t u d e s and values enforced by r e p r e s s i v e s o c i a l sanctions — w i t h an u n d i f f e r e n t i a t e d s o c i a l s t r u c t u r e based upon an 58 elementary d i v i s i o n of labour. In c o n t r a s t , developed 55 Charles P. Loomis, "Gemeinsnhaft", A D i c t i o n a r y of the S o c i a l Sciences, ed. J u l i u s Gould and W i l l i a m Kolb, New York, Free P r e s s , 19^, p>28l. 56 Toennies contrasted the two types as f o l l o w s : " A l l i n t i m a t e , p r i v a t e , and e x c l u s i v e l i v i n g together.. . i s ..under-stood as l i f e i n Gemeinschaft (community). G e s e l l s c h a f t ( s o c i e t y ) i s p u b l i c l i f e - i t i s the world i t s e l f . I n Gemein-schaft w i t h one's f a m i l y , one l i v e s from b i r t h on, bound t o i t i n weal and woe. One goes i n t o G e s e l l s c h a f t as one goes i n t o a strange country.... Gemeinschaft i s o l d ; G e s e l l s c h a f t i s new as a name as w e l l as a phenomenon...." Toennies, Com-munity and S o c i e t y (Gemeinschaft and G e s e l l s c h a f t ) . p p . ^ - ^ * 57 I b i d . , P. 35. 58 Emile Durkheim, The D i v i s i o n of Labour in. S o c i e t y , New' York, Free Press, 19 6+^ { F i r s t published i n 1893], pp. 70-110. 32 s o c i e t i e s were marked by a complex d i v i s i o n of labour and ex-tensive s p e c i a l i z a t i o n of both economic and s o c i a l r o l e s , and a m u l t i p l i c i t y of d i f f e r e n t interests and values which were integrated by a highly specialized l e g a l system based upon r e s t i t u t i v e sanctions or "co-operative law" r e s u l t i n g i n an 59 -"organic s o l i d a r i t y " . "This law," writes Durkheim, "... plays a role i n society analogous to that played by the ner-60 vous: system i n the organism." As the d i v i s i o n of s o c i a l and economic labour i n society increases — allegedly caused by population growth — the r a t i o of repressive to cooperative law diminishes and the complex web of s o c i a l bonds produced by the s p e c i a l i z a t i o n of s o c i a l roles results i n a s o c i a l s o l i d a r i t v that does not require repressive sanctions to en-61 force established norms of behavior. The use of dichotomous categories was continued but modified i n the writings of Weber. Following Toennies, Weber distinguished two d i f f e r e n t types of s o c i a l relationships — the "communal" and the "associative" -- which closely p a r a l l e l Gemeinschaft and Gesellschaft. "A s o c i a l r e l a t i o n s h i p , " writes 59 Durkheim, The D i v i s i o n of Labour i n Society, pp. 111-132. 60 Ibid., p. 128. 61 The importance of Durkheim's analysis f o r the study of p o l i t i c a l development has been underscored by Pye who writes: "A central contribution of Durkheim to any theory of nations building was the proposition that a national consensus b u i l t on merely a common set of shared values would always be more f r a g i l e and more open to authoritarian rule than one b u i l t on the need to aggregate the diverse but intensely r e a l interests of a l l the elements of a society. Durkheim thus pointed to the fundamental importance of s o c i a l roles and t h e i r relationships i n the devel-opment of the modern and more complex society, and to the fact that the d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n of roles increases rather than decreases the s o l i d a r i t y of a society." Lucian Pye, P o l i t i c s . P e r s o n a l i t y , and Nation-Building: Burma's-Search f o r Identity, New Haven, Yale University~Press, 1962, p. 35. Weber, " . . . w i l l be c a l l e d 1 communal.' i f and so f a r - a s the o r i e n t a t i o n of s o c i a l a c t i o n . . . i s based upon a s u b j e c t i v e f e e l i n g of the p a r t i e s , whet'her a f f e c t u a l or t r a d i t i o n a l , 62 that they belong together." An " a s s o c i a t i v e " r e l a t i o n s h i p , on the other hand, i s one i n which s o c i a l a c t i o n " . . . r e s t s on a r a t i o n a l l y motivated adjustment of i n t e r e s t s or a s i m i - . 63 l a r l y motivated agreement...." Examples of "communal r e l a -t i o n s " — shared f e e l i n g s of s o l i d a r i t y — are r e l i g i o u s brotherhoods, the e s p r i t de corps of a m i l i t a r y u n i t , or a 64-n a t i o n a l community. " A s s o c i a t i v e " r e l a t i o n s , by c o n t r a s t , are seen to be e x e m p l i f i e d i n the market pl a c e , i n v o l u n t a r y a s s o c i a t i o n s based upon perceived s e l f - i n t e r e s t or i n s i m i l a r groups where t i e s are based upon i n t e r e s t i n the values or 65 goals that w i l l be r e a l i z e d through c o l l e c t i v e a c t i o n . An important c o n t r i b u t i o n of Weber to the study of p o l i t i c a l development was h i s observation that i n .the great m a j o r i t y of s o c i a l r e l a t i o n s h i p s both the Communal" and " a s s o c i a t i v e " types were mixed i n v a r y i n g degrees. Such an observation opened the p o s s i b i l i t y of conceiving intermediate c a t e g o r i e s between the p o l a r e x t r e m i t i e s of p a i r e d comparisons; of the concept of t r a n s i t i o n between t r a d i t i o n and modernity. Such an intermediate category was u t i l i z e d by Weber i n h i s typology 62 Max Weber, The Theory of S o c i a l and Ec nomic Organization , New York, Free Press, 1964-, p . 136. 63 I b i d . , p. I 3 6 . 64- I b i d . , p. 137. 65 Reinhard Bendix, Max Weber; An I n t e l l e c t u a l P o r t r a i t . New York, Doubleday, 1962, p . 288. 3^ of a u t h o r i t y i n which he d i s t i n g u i s h e s a u t h o r i t y based, upon 06 t r a d i t i o n a l , c h a r i s m a t i c , and r a t i o n a l - l e g a l l e g i t i m a c y . The w r i t i n g s of Maine, Toennies, Durkheim, and Weber contained the seminal ideas that were l a t e r enlarged upon by contemporary s o c i a l s c i e n t i s t s i n t h e i r e f f o r t s at conceptu-a l i z i n g the p o l i t i c a l development process i n the new s t a t e s . In Maine we have the r e c o g n i t i o n that the s o c i a l t i e s of developed s o c i e t i e s can be d i s t i n g u i s h e d from those of t r a d i -t i o n a l ones by t h e i r c o n t r a c t u a l q u a l i t y and v o l u n t a r y nature. This d i s t i n c t i o n was c a r r i e d forward by Toennies who f u r t h e r d i f f e r e n t i a t e d developed and t r a d i t i o n a l s o c i e t i e s according to the degree of r a t i o n a l i t y and a f f e c t i n s o c i a l r e l a t i o n s . In t h i s view, developed s o c i e t i e s were a h a r a c t e r i z e d by t h e i r r a t i o n a l and a f f e c t i v e l y - n e u t r a l s o c i a l t i e s based upon the c a l c u l a b i l i t y of perceived i n t e r e s t s . Durkheim introduced the n o t i o n of the importance of s t r u c t u r a l d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n and f u n c t i o n a l s p e c i a l i z a t i o n — the complex d i v i s i o n of labour — and the organic i n t e g r a t i o n of d i f f e r e n t i a t e d u n i t s as the d i s t i n g u i s h i n g f e a t u r e s of a developed s o c i e t y . F i n a l l y Weber, e l a b o r a t i n g on Toennies' d i s t i n c t i o n s between the s u b j e c t i v e 66 Weber w r i t e s : "In the case of l e g a l a u t h o r i t y , obedience i s owed to the l e g a l l y e s t a b l i s h e d impersonal order....In the case of t r a d i t i o n a l a u t h o r i t y , obedience i s owed to the person or the c h i e f who occupies the t r a d i t i o n a l l y sanctioned p o s i t i o n of a u t h o r i t y and who is...bound by t r a d i t i o n . But here the o b l i g a t i o n of obedience i s not based on the impersonal order, hut i s a matter of personal l o y a l t y w i t h i n the area of accus-tomed, o b l i g a t i o n . In the case of c h a r i s m a t i c a u t h o r i t y , i t i s the c h a r i s m a t i c a l l y q u a l i f i e d leader as such who i s obeyed by v i r t u e of personal t r u s t i n him and h i s r e v e l a t i o n , h i s heroism or h i s exemplary q u a l i t i e s so f a r as they f a l l w i t h i n the scope of the i n d i v i d u a l ' s b e l i e f i n h i s charisma." Weber, The Theory  of S o c i a l and Economic Organization , p. 328. 35 and a f f e c t i v e t i e s of community and the o b j e c t i v e and '-r a t i o n a l ones c h a r a c t e r i s t i c of developed s o c i e t i e s , observed that few forms of s o c i a l groupings were e n t i r e l y a f f e c t u a l and t r a d i t i o n a l or r a t i o n a l and modern. This r e c o g n i t i o n of the mixed bases of s o c i a l s o l i d a r i t y i n modern s o c i e t y was supplemented by the i d e n t i f i c a t i o n of intermediate s o c i a l types, as w i t h h i s a u t h o r i t y typology, which opened up the p o s s i b i l i t y of t h i n k i n g about s o c i e t i e s that were o n e i t h a r w h o lly t r a d i t i o n a l nor modern. I I Weber had introduced the concept of s o c i a l a c t i o n as a un i t of s o c i o l o g i c a l i n q u i r y i n which i n d i v i d u a l s were o r i e n t e d t o one-another according to r a t i o n a l , a f f e c t u a l or 67 t r a d i t i o n a l c o n s i d e r a t i o n s . S o c i a l a c t i o n could only be understood, "Weber argued, i n terms of the meanings i n v o l v e d i n the choices made by ac t o r s i n a given s i t u a t i o n . I m p l i c i t i n t h i s n o t i o n was the idea that choices i n d i f f e r e n t types of s o c i e t i e s were governed by the meaning r e s i d i n g i n d i f f e r e n t o r i e n t a t i o n s . In the i d e a l - t y p i c a l modern s o c i e t y s o c i a l choices were made according t o the r a t i o n a l r e l a t i o n s of means to ends; i n t r a d i t i o n a l s o c i e t i e s such choices were made out of h a b i t : while i n t r a n s i t i o n a l ones they were determined by . .... . ... 68 the " s p e c i f i c a f f e c t s " and. " s t a t e s of f e e l i n g s " of the a c t o r . 67 Weber, The Theory of S o c i a l and" Economic Org a n i z a t i o n , p. 115. 68 I b i d . , p. 115. 36 The use of dichotomous c a t e g o r i e s was elaborated and r e f i n e d i n the w r i t i n g s of T a l c o t t Parsons and h i s a s s o c i a t e s Parsons accepted Weber's concept of s o c i a l a c t i o n as a u n i t of s o c i o l o g i c a l a n a l y s i s and pos t u l a t e d that a c t o r s must make f i v e s p e c i f i c dichotomous choices before a s i t u a t i o n could 70 have a determinate meaning. One side of each of the f i v e dichotomies or pat t e r n v a r i a b l e s " had to be chosen before the meaning i n a s i t u a t i o n could be determined and the cor-responding a c t i o n taken. The f i v e p a t t e r n v a r i a b l e s were seen to encompass a l l p o s s i b l e a l t e r n a t i v e s that could be made by any a c t o r c o n f r o n t i n g a s i t u a t i o n of ch o i c e . Three of the f i v e p a t t e r n v a r i a b l e s have been p a r t i c u l a r l y u s e f u l i n d i f -f e r e n t i a t i n g the norms of behavior that c h a r a c t e r i z e t r a d i -t i o n a l and modern s o c i e t i e s . These are the d i s t i n c t i o n s be-tween ascription-achievement, u n i v e r s a l ! s m - p a r t i c u l a r i s m , and s p e c i f i c i t y - d i f f u s e n e s s . Using the p a t t e r n v a r i a b l e s t r a d i -t i o n a l s o c i e t i e s are d i s t i n g u i s h e d by the assignment of r o l e s and status according t o a s c r i p t i v e c o n s i d e r a t i o n s , t h a t i s , according to b i r t h r i g h t or membership i n a group, caste or c l a s s . In c o n t r a s t , modern s o c i e t i e s are i n c l i n e d t o a s s i g n r o l e s and accord status i n reference to the achievements, acquired s k i l l s or o b j e c t i v e q u a l i f i c a t i o n s of i n d i v i d u a l s . Modern s o c i e t i e s are c h a r a c t e r i z e d by u n i v e r s a l standards of behavior while t r a d i t i o n a l ones u t i l i z e p a r t i c u l a r i s t i c con-69 T a l c o t t Parsons and Edward S h i l s , Toward a General  Theory of A c t i o n . New York, Harper, 1962.. 70 I b i d . , p. 76 . 37 s i d e r a t i o n s such as f r i e n d s h i p or k i n s h i p o b l i g a t i o n s i n e v a l -u a t i n g r o l e performance. F i n a l l y , s o c i a l r o l e s i n modern s o c i e t i e s and the aggregates of such r o l e s — s o c i a l s t r u c -tures — are s p e c i f i c ; t h a t i s , they are h i g h l y s p e c i a l i z e d . T r a d i t i o n a l s o c i e t i e s , on the c o n t r a r y , are d i s t i n g u i s h e d by a l a c k of s p e c i a l i z a t i o n i n s o c i a l r o l e s and s t r u c t u r e s — by t h e i r d i f f u s e n e s s — i n which i n d i v i d u a l s perform a v a r i e t y of r o l e s and i n s t i t u t i o n s serve a number of purposes. The c o n t r i b u t i o n of the p a t t e r n v a r i a b l e s t o the sbudy of p o l i t i c a l development r e s t e d i n the f a c t that such d i s t i n c t i o n s could serve as a means of d i f f e r e n t i a t i n g s o c i e t i e s according to b e h a v i o r a l c r i t e r i a . By a n a l y z i n g items of behavior i n r e a l s o c i e t i e s w i t h reference to p a t t e r n v a r i a b l e s , i t became po s s i b l e t o categorize such s o c i e t i e s as modern or t r a d i t i o n a l . However, t h i s very advantage i n the a p p l i c a t i o n of p a t t e r n v a r i a b l e s to the study of p o l i t i c a l development has a l s o been the object of c r i t i c i s m since they do not provide intermediate c a t e g o r i e s f o r the i d e n t i f i c a t i o n of behavior that i s n e i t h e r 71 t r a d i t i o n a l nor modern. A more fundamental c r i t i c i s m i s that of Almond who argues that no r e a l p o l i t i e s or s o c i e t i e s pos-sess the purely t r a d i t i o n a l or modern p r o p e r t i e s t h a t the p a t t e r n v a r i a b l e dichotomies imply? " A l l p o l i t i c a l systems — the developed Western ones as w e l l as the less-developed non-Western ones —• are t r a n s i t i o n a l systems i n which c u l t u r e 71 Pye, P o l i t i c s , P e r s o n a l i t y , and N a t i o n - B u i l d i n g : Burma's Search f o r I d e n t i t y , p. 37. 38 72 change i s t a k i n g place." To t h i s Pye has added that when r e f l e c t i n g on p o l i t i c a l development "...we cannot t h i n k simply i n terms of a q u a n t i t a t i v e d e c l i n e i n t r a d i t i o n a l r o l e charac-t e r i s t i c s and a r i s e i n modern ones. V/e must consider i n s t e a d what mixture, or r a t h e r f u s i o n , of t r a d i t i o n a l and modern 73 patterns w i l l l e a d to n a t i o n a l development." I l l From the ideas of Maine, Toennies, Durkheim, Weber, and Parsons modern p o l i t i c a l development theory has derived and elaborated a l i s t of c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s or " t r a i t s " of a de v e l -oped p o l i t i c a l system. The c o n d i t i o n of being p o l i t i c a l l y developed i s u s u a l l y i d e n t i f i e d by the f o l l o w i n g general c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s ! a preponderance of r a t i o n a l norms of p o l i t i -c a l behavior; an e f f i c i e n t and e f f e c t i v e p o l i t i c a l s t r u c t u r e capable of absorbing and a c t i n g upon p o l i t i c a l demands; a h i g h l y d i f f e r e n t i a t e d and s p e c i a l i z e d p o l i t i c a l s t r u c t u r e ; a m u l t i p l i c i t y of o r g a n i z a t i o n s and a s s o c i a t i o n s to a r t i c u l a t e demands; a populace w i t h the s k i l l s and a t t i t u d e s f o r assoc-i a t i n g together; and f i n a l l y , a r e l a t i v e l y high degree of 72 G a b r i e l Almond and. James Coleman, The P o l i t i c s of the  Developing Areas. P r i n c e t o n , P r i n c e t o n U n i v e r s i t y Press, 1960, p. 2k. Such a c r i t i c i s m can a l s o be a p p l i e d to the attempts by Sutton and Riggs t o c l a s s i f y the p r o p e r t i e s of a g r a r i a n and i n d u s t r i a l s o c i e t i e s as mutually e x c l u s i v e s o c i e t a l types. See F.:X.Sutton, ^ S o c i a l Theory and Comparative P o l i t i c s / ; ^ " , Com-par a t i v e P o l i t i c s , ed. Harry E c k s t e i n and David Apter, New York, Free Press, 1963, pp. 67-81; and Fred W. Riggs, " A g r a r i a and I n d u s t r i a " , Toward the Comparative Study of P u b l i c Admin-i s t r a t i o n , ed. W i l l i a m J . S i f f i n , Bloomington, Indiana^. Univer-s i t y Press, 1957, PP. 23-110. 73 Pye, P o l i t i c s . P e r s o n a l i t y and Nation-Buildings Burma's  Search f o r I d e n t i t y , p. 38. 39 p o l i t i c a l p a r t i c i p a t i o n generated by.the e t h i c a l imperative of e q u a l i t y . P o l i t i c a l development theory does not suggest that any e m p i r i c a l p o l i t i c a l system possesses a l l of these a t t r i b u t e s completely or that any are e n t i r e l y without them. Rather, such a typology of t r a i t s i s viewed as a general measuring rod by which the development of r e a l p o l i t i c a l systems might be judged. Developed p o l i t i c a l systems are u s u a l l y regarded as those possessing a preponderance of such t r a i l s while t r a n s i t i o n a l p o l i t i e s are seen to manifest some of these c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s and t r a d i t i o n a l ones only a few. The c o n d i t i o n of p o l i t i c a l development in, an e m p i r i c a l p o l i -t i c a l system i s seen as a tendency or i n c l i n a t i o n r a t h e r than an absolute s t a t e . R a t i o n a l i t y The most r e c u r r i n g and enduring c h a r a c t e r i s t i c of p o l i -t i c a l development a l l u d e d t o i n the l i t e r a t u r e i s the be-h a v i o r a l a t t r i b u t e of r a t i o n a l i t y . The source of the id e a of r a t i o n a l i t y as a property of p o l i t i c a l development can be traced to the h i s t o r i c a l s o c i o l o g i s t s of the l a s t century. Again, i t was Weber who developed the i d e a most f u l l y and used i t to b u i l d h i s theory of the modern i n s t i t u t i o n a l system. Modern s o c i a l a c t i o n i s seen to be guided by r a t i o n a l norms i n c o n t r a s t w i t h the h a b i t u a l and u n c r i t i c a l acceptance of sacred values c h a r a c t e r i s t i c of t r a d i t i o n a l s o c i e t i e s . The p r i n c i p l e of r a t i o n a l i t y runs through much of Weber's s o c i o l -ogy but i s most evident i n h i s theory of bureaucracy. Bureau-c r a t i c o r g a n i z a t i o n s are the r e p o s i t o r i e s par excellence of 40 rational norms of behavior and are only fully developed in those societies already permeated by such norms: "Bureaucracy . . . i s fully developed in polit ical and ecclesiastical com-munities only in the modern state, and, in the private economy, 74 only in the most advanced institutions of capitalism." It must of course be kept in mind that Weber's rational bureau-cracy was an ideal or pure type; the same is true of his con-cept of rational-legal authority. The legitimacy of polit ical authority in modern societies was seen to rest in the accept-ance of rules or laws that adhered to universally accepted standards or procedures in their application: "Today the most usual basis of legitimacy is the belief in legality, the readiness to conform with rules which are formally correct and have been imposed by accepted procedure." To Weber, the most distinctive characteristic of modern social and polit ical l i fe was the systematization of rational norms of behavior. This view is common among contemporary polit ical development theorists. One of the traits that Ward and Rustow felt to be characteristic of a modern polit ical system was "The prevalence of rational and secular procedures 76 for the making of polit ical decisions." Huntington has argued 74 H.H. Gerth and C. Wright Mil ls , ed., From Max Weber:  Essays in Sociology, New York, Oxford University Press, 1958, p. 196. 75 Weber, The Theory of S o c i a l and Economic Organization, p. 131. 76 Robert Ward and Dankwart Rustow, ed., Polit ical Modern-ization in Japan and Turkey, Princeton, Princeton University Press, 1964, p.7. • hi that p o l i t i c a l modernization i n v o l v e s , among other t h i n g s , the r a t i o n a l i z a t i o n of a u t h o r i t y — the replacement of a large number of f a m i l i a l , r e l i g i o u s , and ethnic p o l i t i c a l a u t h o r i t i e s by a s i n g l e , u n i f i e d , and s e c u l a r n a t i o n a l p o l i t -77 i c a l a u t h o r i t y . R a t i o n a l i t y , more than any other s i n g l e c h a r a c t e r i s t i c , i s seen to be the benchmark of developed p o l i t i c a l systems. E f f i c i e n c y and Capacity R a t i o n a l s o c i a l a c t i o n — the a b i l i t y t o adjust behavior f o r the r e a l i z a t i o n of d e s i r e d goals or the adaptation of be-h a v i o r a l patterns to r a t i o n a l norms — i s c l o s e l y r e l a t e d to and o f t e n confused w i t h the concept of e f f i c i e n c y . E f f i c i e n c y i s the e f f e c t of r a t i o n a l a c t i o n and i s u s u a l l y measured by the r a t i o of costs ( i n p u t s ) t o output or product. In econ-omics an e f f i c i e n t o r g a n i z a t i o n i s one that i s able t o i n -crease output -while maintaining costs or maintain output while reducing c o s t s . For economists developed na t i o n s are e f f i c i e n t n a t i o n s ; t h e i r economic p r o d u c t i v i t y i s high and the c o s t s per u n i t of production are r e l a t i v e l y low r e s u l t i n g i n a high per c a p i t a n a t i o n a l income. Not s u r p r i s i n g l y , the economic d e f i n i t i o n of development has i n f l u e n c e d students of p o l i t i c a l development. Organski, f o r example, d e f i n e s p o l i t i c a l development as " . . . i n c r e a s i n g governmental e f f i c i e n c y 77 Samuel P. Huntington, " P o l i t i c a l Modernization: America versus Europe" (A paper read at the 1965 Annual Meeting of the American P o l i t i c a l Science A s s o c i a t i o n , Washington, D.C., mimeo.). +2 i n u t i l i z i n g : the human and m a t e r i a l resources of the n a t i o n f o r n a t i o n a l goals." Riggs has suggested that p o l i t i c a l dev-elopment i n v o l v e s i n c r e a s e s i n the output of p o l i t i c a l sys-tems; and changes i n output are r e l a t e d to changes i n the performance of p o l i t i c a l systems, the l a t t e r being regarded 79 as an i n d i c a t o r of p o l i t i c a l development. E i s e n s t a d t , and more r e c e n t l y Almond, have taken the same view that modern p o l i t i c a l systems possess the c a p a c i t y t o s u s t a i n , cope w i t h , 80 and absorb the continuous demands made upon them. As E i s e n s t a d t puts i t " . . . t h i s p o t e n t i a l c a p a c i t y t o s u s t a i n c o n t i n u o u s l y changing, new types of p o l i t i c a l demands...dev-elops only w i t h i n those processes which can be denoted as 81 p o l i t i c a l modernization or i n i t i a l 1pre-modernization'." D i f f e r e n t i a t i o n and S p e c i a l i z a t i o n I f one accepts the view that modern p o l i t i c a l systems are c h a r a c t e r i z e d , b y , among other t h i n g s , t h e i r c a p a c i t y t o respond t o demands, the question that immediately comes to 78 A.F.K. Organski, The Stages of P o l i t i c a l Development, New York, A l f r e d A. Knopf, 196?, P«7> ( h i s i t a l i c s ) . 79 F.W. Riggs, " P o l i t i c a l Behavior i n Non-Western Cou n t r i e s " (Syllabus paper, July-August 19 6+, Ann Arbor, Michigan, mimeo.). 80 S.N. E i s e n s t a d t , "Bureaucracy and P o l i t i c a l Development", Bureaucracy and P o l i t i c a l Development, ed. Joseph La Palombara, P r i n c e t o n , P r i n c e t o n U n i v e r s i t y Press, 1963,-pp. 96-119; and G a b r i e l Almond, "A Developmental Approach t o P o l i t i c a l Systems," World P o l i t i c s , v o l . 1 7 (January 1965), pp. 183-21+. 81 E i s e n s t a d t , Bureaucracy and P o l i t i c a l Development, p.^8. ^3 mind i s how they are able to perform so e f f e c t i v e l y ? The answer' u s u a l l y found i n contemporary p o l i t i c a l development theory i s : modern p o l i t i c a l systems perform w e l l because they are s t r u c t u r a l l y d i f f e r e n t i a t e d and. f u n c t i o n a l l y s p e c i a l -i z e d , and the s t r u c t u r e s and f u n c t i o n s are r e l a t i v e l y w e l l ~ i n t e g r a t e d . D i f f e r e n t i a t i o n and s p e c i a l i z a t i o n are the p r i n -c i p l e s t r u c t u r a l c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of p o l i t i c a l modernity and, as w i t h : r a t i o n a l i t y , the source of the i d e a can be t r a c e d to the w r i t i n g s of the n i neteenth century s o c i o l o g i s t s . I t was Durkheim who contrasted modern and pre-modern s o c i e t i e s by reference to the extent of the d i v i s i o n of labour and argued that the greater the d i v i s i o n of labour the more a s o c i e t y resembled an organism i n which the s p e c i a l i z e d parts c a r r i e d out t h e i r f u n c t i o n s and were i n t e g r a t e d , c o n t r i b u t i n g to the w e l l - b e i n g of the whole s o c i e t y . While not agreeing w i t h Durkheim on the causes of the d i v i s i o n of labour — popula-t i o n growth — contemporary t h e o r i s t s are at one w i t h him on s t r u c t u r a l d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n and f u n c t i o n a l s p e c i a l i z a t i o n as a fundamental property of developed s o c i e t i e s . "What i s p e c u l i a r t o modern p o l i t i c a l systems," w r i t e s Almond, "... i s a r e l a t i v e l y high degree of s t r u c t u r a l d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n ( i . e . , the emergence of l e g i s l a t u r e s , p o l i t i c a l e x e c u t i v e s , bureaucracies, c o u r t s , e l e c t o r a l systems, p a r t i e s , i n t e r e s t groups, media of communication), w i t h each s t r u c t u r e tending to perform a r e g u l a t o r y r o l e f o r that f u n c t i o n w i t h i n the 82 p o l i t i c a l system as a whole." 82 Almond and Coleman, The P o l i t i c s of the Developing  Areas, p. 18. I t i s g e n e r a l l y h e l d , then, that the fundamental d i s - ' t i n g u i s h i n g s t r u c t u r a l c h a r a c t e r i s t i c of modern p o l i t i c a l systems i s t h e i r extensive d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n of sp e c i a l i z e d , r o l e s and i n s t i t u t i o n s . Pre-modern s o c i e t i e s are said to be c h a r a c t e r i z e d by a p a u c i t y of these, that i s , by a m u l t i -f u n c t i o n a l s o c i a l and p o l i t i c a l s t r u c t u r e . While there i s a danger I n overdrawing t h i s d i s t i n c t i o n between modernity and t r a d i t i o n , of transforming i t i n t o a r i g i d dichotomy — i t remains t r u e , n e v e r t h e l e s s , that d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n i s a h a l l -mark of developed s o c i e t i e s and c o n s t i t u t e s a suggestive gen-e r a l i n s i g h t i n t o the study of p o l i t i c a l development. Organizations and A s s o c i a t i o n s The r e c o g n i t i o n of s t r u c t u r a l d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n as a bench-mark of p o l i t i c a l modernity leads to an awareness of the great number of s p e c i a l i z e d i n s t i t u t i o n s , o r g a n i z a t i o n s , and assoc-i a t i o n s that are found, i n developed s o c i e t i e s . W i t h i n the p o l i t i c a l sphere alone, modern s o c i e t y i s c h a r a c t e r i z e d as possessing a vast a r r a y of these. The governmental cores of developed p o l i t i c a l systems co n t a i n a growing'number of s p e c i a l i z e d i n s t i t u t i o n s ; an h i s t o r i c a l development that i s e s p e c i a l l y evident i n the burgeoning p u b l i c bureaucracies of the welfare s t a t e . Outside the governmental core can he found p o l i t i c a l p a r t i e s and a great v a r i e t y of a r t i c u l a t i n g mechan-isms -- i n t e r e s t groups, o r g a n i z a t i o n s , and a s s o c i a t i o n s — making c o n t i n u a l demands, pressing p a r t i c u l a r grievances, and g e n e r a l l y seeking t o e f f e c t a governmental response to a par-t i c u l a r problem. C l e a r l y , p o l i t i c a l development i n v o l v e s the >+5 growth, and i n s t i t u t i o n a l i z a t i o n of the complex machinery of the s t a t e , but t h i s i m p l i e s more than the c r e a t i o n of e f f e c -t i v e and enduring a d m i n i s t r a t i v e o r g a n i z a t i o n s . I t suggests the formation of a host of s p e c i a l i z e d a s s o c i a t i o n s i n the s o c i e t y at large which can mediate between the decision-making centres of the p o l i t i c a l system and the masses at the periphery. Within developed p o l i t i c a l systems,, p a r t i c u l a r l y the democratic v a r i e t y , a great number of i n t e r e s t groups e x i s t and f u n c t i o n t o generate and give expression to the f e l t needs, demands, and requests which guide and i n f l u e n c e decision-makers i n the shaping of p u b l i c p o l i c y . Indeed, a great d e a l of l e g i s l a t i o n i n modern democratic p o l i t i c a l systems may be viewed as con-s t i t u t i n g p u b l i c responses to the demands of s p e c i f i c i n t e r e s t s . S p e c i a l i z e d i n t e r e s t a s s o c i a t i o n s d e f l e c t and guide the p o l i t i c a l behavior of i n d i v i d u a l s i n t o meaningful a c t i v i t i e s which provide them w i t h a sense of purpose and i d e n t i t y . I n t -erest a s s o c i a t i o n s m o b i l i z e the energies and commitments of people, helping overcome the s o c i a l i n e r t i a and f r u s t r a t i o n which may r e s u l t when an awareness of an i n t e r e s t or g o a l i s accompanied by p o l i t i c a l i n a r t i c u l a t e n e s s and. a l a c k of p o l i t -i c a l s k i l l s . Pye suggests that " . . . i t may be f r u i t f u l to t h i n k of the problems of development and modernization as rooted i n the need t o create more e f f e c t i v e , more adaptive, more complex, and more r a t i o n a l i z e d organizations...moderniz-a t i o n e n t a i l s the development of an a r r a y of o r g a n i z a t i o n s that can provide the i n d i v i d u a l - w i t h the necessary range of choices f o r a s s o c i a t i o n , so t h a t whenever he steps beyond the +6 . f a m i l y he can f i n d o p p o r t u n i t i e s to t e s t h i s t a l e n t s and t o . 83 f i n d h i s f u l l i d e n t i t y as a s o c i a l and p s y c h o l o g i c a l being." The "Art of A s s o c i a t i n g Together" The r e c o g n i t i o n of manifold s p e c i f i c i n t e r e s t a s s o c i a t i o n s as a property of p o l i t i c a l modernity leads t o a c o n s i d e r a t i o n of the b e h a v i o r a l and p s y c h o l o g i c a l a t t r i b u t e s that a developed p o l i t i c a l c o n d i t i o n r e q u i r e s of i n d i v i d u a l s . The formation and o p e r a t i o n of i n t e r e s t a s s o c i a t i o n s depend upon the c a p a c i t y of i n d i v i d u a l s to cooperate and compromise i n the' p u r s u i t rof t h e i r perceived i n t e r e s t s ; i n the words of T o e q u e v i l l e , i t depends upon the a b i l i t y of i n d i v i d u a l s t o l e a r n and p r a c t i c e the " a r t of a s s o c i a t i n g together." The a t t i t u d e s and s k i l l s r e q u i r e d f o r the formation of e f f e c t i v e and enduring p o l i t i c a l a s s o c i a t i o n s — an a b i l i t y to cooperate, compromise, and make r e s t r a i n e d p o l i t i c a l demands that are not c a l c u l a t e d t o destroy the p o l i t i c a l system- — are o f t e n l a c k i n g , or at l e a s t very weak i n t r a n s i t i o n a l p o l i t -i c a l systems. The long h i s t o r y of p o l i t i c a l e v o l u t i o n i n Europe and the very short h i s t o r y of the experience of non-western people w i t h the operation of the n a t i o n - s t a t e i n d i c a t e s that the a c q u i s i t i o n of such a t t i t u d e s and s k i l l s i s a time-consuming process. H i s t o r i c a l developments i n the new s t a t e s a l s o suggest that these t r a i t s together w i t h western p o l i t i c a l 83 Pye, P o l i t i c s . P e r s o n a l i t y and N a t i o n - B u i l d i n g : Burma's  Search f o r I d e n t i t y , p. 39• 8*+ A l e x i s de T o c q u e v i l l e , Democracy i n America, New York, Vintage Books, 1960, v o l . l ^ p. 123. h7 i n s t i t u t i o n s cannot be exported: " I t i s apparent to most observers today," w r i t e s Burke, ".. . t h a t i t i s no longer p o s s i b l e , i f i t ever was, to export and import i n s t i t u t i o n s . 85 l i k e sacks of g r a i n or boxes of b a l l bearings." The b e l i e f that i n s t i t u t i o n s and the s k i l l s r e q u ired f o r t h e i r e f f e c t i v e operation were exportable was as naive as the premise t h a t such a b e l i e f r ested on; that non-western s o c i e t i e s were empty v e s s e l s i n t o which western i n s t i t u t i o n a l forms and p r a c t i c e s could be poured. Such a premise f a i l e d t o recognize that while A f r i c a n and A s i a n s t a t e s were indeed new, t h e i r s o c i e t i e s were most c e r t a i n l y not. The- new s t a t e s and t h e i r p o l i t i c a l forms were g r a f t e d t o o l d s o c i e t i e s which already 86 possessed p o l i t i c a l and s o c i a l i n s t i t u t i o n s of t h e i r own. Old s o c i e t i e s do not l a c k s o c i a l and p o l i t i c a l s t r u c t u r e s ; t h e i r a n t i q u i t y i s i n d i c a t e d , r a t h e r , by the manner i n which such u n i t s operate, the recruitment of t h e i r members, and the purposes they pursue. Members of t r a d i t i o n a l s o c i e t i e s do indeed have the c a p a c i t y to organize themselves p o l i t i c a l l y but the mariner i n which recruitment takes place ( u s u a l l y as-c r i p t i o n ) ; the t i e s that bind them together ( u s u a l l y t r i b a l , e t h n i c , r e l i g i o u s or l i n g u i s t i c bonds); and the purposes they serve ( u s u a l l y the maintenance of the t r a d i t i o n a l order and the e x i s t i n g d i s t r i b u t i o n of wealth, status and power); a l l m i l i t a t e against the c r e a t i o n of other forms of a s s o c i a t i o n 85 Fred G. Burke, A f r i c a ' s Quest f o r Order, _Englewood C l i f f s , P r e n t i c e - H a l l , 1964-,,p. 2 . 86 This i s the theme of a recent compendium on moderniza-t i o n . See C l i f f o r d Geertz, ed. Old S o c i e t i e s and New S t a t e s . New York, Free Press, 1963. h8 o r i e n t e d toward the new n a t i o n a l p o l i t i c a l system. P o l i t i c a l development r e q u i r e s new, and f o r t r a d i t i o n a l people, novel forms of p o l i t i c a l a s s o c i a t i o n as w e l l as a s s o c i a t i o n a l s k i l l s based on something other than t r i b a l , e t h n i c , r e l i g i o u s or l i n g u i s t i c i n t e r e s t . However, such a statement should not be looked upon as pr e c l u d i n g the p o s s i b i l i t y of adapting t r a d i t i o n a l o r g a n i z a t i o n s to the requirements of a modern p o l i t i c a l system; nor should i t be regarded as suggesting that t r a d i t i o n a l s k i l l s of a s s o c i a t i n g together are e n t i r e l y out of place i n a modern s o c i e t y . Perhaps the remarks of C o l i n Legum best sum up the i n s t i t u t i o n a l requirements of p o l i t i c a l developments . . . i t s e s s e n t i a l requirement i s to create new i n s t i t u -t i o n s at every l e v e l — r i g h t up from l o c a l government to the n a t i o n a l parliament, and i n c l u d i n g the c i v i l s e r v i c e , the j u d i c i a r y , the army and p o l i c e , and the education system. These i n s t i t u t i o n s must f u l f i l l three f u n c t i o n s i n modernising, p l u r a l i s t s o c i e t i e s . . . . T h e y must be comprehensible t o , and capable of being worked by, the people whose i n t e r e s t s they are designed to pro t e c t and promote. They must a l s o r e f l e c t the t r a d i -t i o n a l methods and c u l t u r a l ideas of the d i f f e r e n t com-ponents of the nascent n a t i o n . F i n a l l y , they must be capable of harmonising the competing ethnic and r e g i o n a l i n t e r e s t s w i t h each other as w e l l as w i t h the c e n t r a l government. °7 P a r t i c i p a t i o n and E q u a l i t y C l o s e l y r e l a t e d to the " a r t of a s s o c i a t i n g together" i s the n o t i o n of p a r t i c i p a t i o n as a c h a r a c t e r i s t i c of p o l i t i c a l development, and the e t h i c of e q u a l i t y i n which such a n o t i o n i s rooted. Developed p o l i t i c a l systems — whether of the dem-o c r a t i c or t o t a l i t a r i a n v a r i e t y — tend to be p a r t i c i p a t o r y systems i n which p o l i t i c a l r e l a t i o n s h i p s have been extended 87 C o l i n Legum, "Beyond A f r i c a n D i c t a t o r s h i p ? , " Encounter, v o l . 25,. no. 6 (December 1965), p. 52. from the centre to the periphery of s o c i e t y i n v o l v i n g the t o t a l p o p u l a t i o n i n the r e s u l t i n g nexus. Developed, p o l i t i c a l systems are c h a r a c t e r i z e d by p o l i t i c a l r e l a t i o n s t h a t permeate the whole of s o c i e t y , and while these need not be r e c i p r o c a l , as i s the case i n non-democratic regimes, they do nevertheless reach out and i n v o l v e v i r t u a l l y a l l c i t i z e n s . A l l c i t i z e n s of modern s t a t e s are taxed by governments and a l l , or n e a r l y a l l , r eceive government s e r v i c e s and are subject to government c o n t r o l s of one k i n d or other. The very word " c i t i z e n " i s i n d i c a t i v e of membership i n a p o l i t i c a l s o c i e t y and membership 88 u s u a l l y i m p l i e s r e s p o n s i b i l i t i e s and r i g h t s . The modern c i t i z e n i s i n , even i f he i s not of, the p o l i t i c a l system. His involvement i s accompanied by some form of p a r t i c i p a t i o n , though i t may be r i t u a l i s t i c or f o r c e d as w i t h e l e c t i o n s i n the S o v i e t Union. P o l i t i c a l p a r t i c i p a t i o n , whether of the genuine v a r i e t y indigenous to democratic s o c i e t i e s or of the f o r c e d or expected type o f t e n found i n t o t a l i t a r i a n regimes, i s i n e i t h e r case a b e h a v i o r a l m a n i f e s t a t i o n of the e g a l i -t a r i a n e t h i c a l i m p e r a t i v e . While such an imperative might be r e s t r i c t e d i n some regimes to r i g g e d and non-competitive e l e c t i o n s and other forms of e s s e n t i a l l y r i t u a l i s t i c and man-i p u l a t e d mass p a r t i c i p a t i o n , the need to create the e f f e c t of mass support r e f l e c t s the force of e q u a l i t y as the ""...core ethos and e t h i c a l imperative pervading the operative i d e a l s 88 T.H. M a r s h a l l , C l a s s , C i t i z e n s h i p and S o c i a l Develop-ment, New York, Anchor Books, 1965; and Reinhard Bendix, N a t i o n - B u i l d i n g and C i t i z e n s h i p , New York, Wiley, 1964-. 50 89 of a l l aspects of modern l i f e . " The o r i g i n s and e v o l u t i o n of the p o l i t i c a l development idea i n the l i t e r a t u r e of s o c i a l science have been t raced and the p r o p e r t i e s of the developed p o l i t i c a l c o n d i t i o n reviewed. The before and a f t e r models of some c l a s s i c a l and modern s o c i a l t h e o r i s t s were o u t l i n e d and a typology of p o l -i t i c a l modernity was formulated. But how do s o c i e t i e s reach a developed p o l i t i c a l c o n d i t i o n and what paths lead there? These and r e l a t e d questions must now be d e a l t w i t h . 89 James Coleman, ed., Education and P o l i t i c a l Development. P r i n c e t o n , P r i n c e t o n U n i v e r s i t y Press, 1965, p. 1 5 « CHAPTER I I I PATHS TO POLITICAL DEVELOPMENT The r e a l problems of economic and p o l i t i c a l develop-ment i n the new s t a t e s have suddenly made us r e a l i z e t h a t we had never a c t u a l l y r e s o l v e d the issues between the concept of s o c i a l e v o l u t i o n and the p r i n c i p l e s of c u l t u r a l r e l a t i v i s m . Lucian Pye The a n a l y s i s of p o l i t i c a l development as a process of t r a n s i t i o n i s a d i f f i c u l t and hazardous undertaking. To v i s u a l i z e s o c i a l change as a t r a n s i t i o n a l process i s d i f f i -c u l t , more d i f f i c u l t than o u t l i n i n g the c o n f i g u r a t i o n s and p r o p e r t i e s of p o l i t i c a l systems at s p e c i f i c p o i n t s i n time. Not only must the t h e o r i s t imagine and re c o n s t r u c t the u n i t of a n a l y s i s (which i n many studie s of p o l i t i c a l development i s the n a t i o n a l p o l i t i c a l system) and p o r t r a y i t " i n the round" at.two d i f f e r e n t p o i n t s i n time, but the t r a n s i t i o n a l movement from one c o n d i t i o n to the next and the changes oc c u r r i n g during the t r a n s i t i o n a l process must be grasped as w e l l . I The challenge and d i f f i c u l t i e s posed i n the a n a l y s i s of s o c i a l change has, as we noted i n the l a s t chapter, sometimes r e s u l t e d i n recourse t o the use of before and a f t e r models. There have., of course, been other responses. The p r i n c i p a l of these has been the common perception of change as an'evol-u t i o n a r y process i n v o l v i n g a s e r i e s of stages through which 52 s o c i e t i e s are believed to pass i n the course of t h e i r develop-ment. This was the c h a r a c t e r i s t i c approach to the study of development taken by such nineteenth century s o c i a l e v o l u t i o n -90 i s t s as Spencer, Morgan, a n d l y l o r . The s o c i a l e v o l u t i o n i s t s were imbued w i t h a deep-seated b e l i e f i n the d e s i r a b i l i t y of "progress" which, when combined wi t h t h e i r l i m i t e d and ofte n i n c o r r e c t knowledge of simple s o c i e t i e s , u s u a l l y r e s u l t e d i n d e t e r m i n i s t i c and ethnoc e n t r i c conceptions of development. They saw but one path to modernity -- that which had already been t r a v e r s e d by the Europeans ( p a r t i c u l a r l y the Anglo-Saxons) — and a l l "backward" s o c i e t i e s , i f they hoped to progress, would have to pass along that arduous path, a journey of hundreds or even thousands of years. The c u l t u r a l i m p e r i a l i s m of the s o c i a l e v o l u t i o n i s t s was d e c i s i v e l y repudiated w i t h the ascendancy of c u l t u r a l r e l a t i v i s m as the dominant ethos of tw e n t i e t h century compar 90 I t i s sometimes bel i e v e d that the s o c i a l e v o l u t i o n i s t s a p p l i e d Darwin's ideas t o the study of s o c i e t y and c u l t u r e , but t h i s i s d e f i n i t e l y not the case. Levi-Strauss comments t h a t : "The d o c t r i n e of b i o l o g i c a l e v o l u t i o n admittedly gave s o c i o l o -g i c a l e v o l u t i o n i s m a decided f i l l i p but the l a t t e r a c t u a l l y preceded the former....Spencer and T y l o r , the two founders of s o c i a l e v o l u t i o n i s m , worked out and published t h e i r d o c t r i n e before the appearance of The O r i g i n of Species or without having read that work." Claude L e v i - S t r a u s s , Race and H i s t o r y , prance, Paris-', 1958, pp. 15-16. On t h i s point a l s o see: John C. Green, Darwin and the Modern World View, Toronto, Mentor Books, 1963, pp. 80-81; and M a r s h a l l S a h l i n s and Elman S e r v i c e , ed., E v o l u t i o n and C u l t u r e , Ann Arbor, U n i v e r s i t y of Michigan Press, 1961, pp. 3-^. a t i v e s o c i a l science. Cultural r e l a t i v i s m was a r e p u d i a t i o n of the view that non-western c u l t u r a l achievements could be evaluated by reference to western ones, and an a f f i r m a t i o n of the inherent wor^'h and i n t r i n s i c importance of the v a l u e s , customs, s o c i a l o r g a n i z a t i o n , and m a t e r i a l attainments of non- • western people. The e t h i c of r e l a t i v i s m was an important ad-vance i n the r e l a t i o n s between the West and the more e x o t i c c u l t u r e s of the South and East f o r i t induced an a t t i t u d e of t o l e r a n c e , admiration, and respect on the part of most s o c i a l s c i e n t i s t s and many p u b l i c o f f i c i a l s i n t h e i r r e l a t i o n s w i t h the i n h a b i t a n t s of these areas. But, c a r r i e d to excess, c u l -t u r a l r e l a t i v i s m created problems of i t s own. An excessive commitment to the r e l a t i v i s t i c e t h i c that was c a l c u l a t e d to p r o t e c t p r i m i t i v e and peasant peoples from the p o t e n t i a l l y des-t r u c t i v e a s s a u l t s of westerners sometimes had the opposite e f f e c t of denying those people the western m a t e r i a l advances .92 they a c t u a l l y wanted. The e t h i c hindered the development of a t r u l y comparative s o c i a l science since there i s i n c u l t u r a l 9 1 More than any other s i n g l e i n d i v i d u a l , Franz Boas was responsible f o r the r e p u d i a t i o n of e v o l u t i o n i s m . On© t h i s point see L e s l i e A. White, "Foreward", E v o l u t i o n and C u l t u r e , ed. M a r s h a l l Sahlins and Elman Ser v i c e , Ann Arbor, U n i v e r s i t y of Michigan Press, 1 9 6 1 , ;p. v. 92 Margaret Mead has commented on t h i s e f f e c t of c u l t u r a l r e l a t i v i s m s "...most a n t h r o p o l o g i c a l t h e o r i e s of change up to and during World War I I were permeated by attempts t o pr o t e c t the people whose c u l t u r e s were threatened from the r e s u l t s of purposive attempts to change them, e i t h e r by t h e i r own Western educated e l i t e , " or by the p o l i t i c a l , r e l i g i o u s , or economic em-i s s a r i e s of f o r e i g n powers.Thus, i n concentrating on the r i s k s and dangers of p u r p o s e f u l l y induced change, we gave Overy scant a t t e n t i o n t o the other side of the c o i n , t o what l t iWestern" or "higher" or "more developed" peoples not only d i d not f o r c e on other peoples but a c t u a l l y denied them." Margaret Mead, New1  L i v e s f o r Old. New York, Mentor Books, 19 5 6 , p. 3 6 9 ( h e r i t a l i c s ) . 54 r e l a t i v i s m the b e l i e f that " a l l s o c i e t i e s are created f r e e and equal" and cannot t h e r e f o r e be compared i n terms of t h e i r l e v e l of development. The d i f f i c u l t y w i t h an extreme form of r e l a t i v i s m f o r the comparative study of s o c i a l and p o l i t i c a l • change i s i t s p o s t u l a t e that each s o c i e t y or c u l t u r e i s a more or l e s s unique e n t i t y - that the s o c i a l and c u l t u r a l achievements of mankind are marked by constant v a r i e t y a n d extensive d i v e r s i t y making comparisons at best vague and mis-.93 l e a d i n g , and at worst spurious. Such a view leads t o the conclusion t h a t i t i s impossible t o devise a n e u t r a l and ob-j e c t i v e measuring rod f o r determining the l e v e l of development of any s o c i e t y since "...there i s no s i n g l e s c a l e of values • 9 4 a p p l i c a b l e t o a l l s o c i e t i e s . " The r e l a t i v i s t i c e t h i c p r e c i p i t a t e d the r a p i d demise of the e v o l u t i o n a r y p e r s p e c t i v e which- remained moribund f o r sev-e r a l decades and only r e c e n t l y began to emerge again as a l e g -95 i t i m a t e i n t e l l e c t u a l o r i e n t a t i o n to the study of development. 93 The French a n t h r o p o l o g i s t Claude Levi-Strauss has w r i t t e n : "...that the development of human l i f e i s not every-xfhere the-same but r a t h e r takes form i n an e x t r a o r d i n a r y d i v -e r s i t y of s o c i e t i e s and c i v i l i z a t i o n s . . . i n the present, as w e l l as i n f a c t and i n the very nature of t h i n g s i n the past, the d i v e r s i t y of human c u l t u r e s i s much gre a t e r and r i c h e r than we can ever hope to appreciate t o the f u l l . " L e v i - S t r a u s s , Race  and H i s t o r y , pp. 8-10. 94 C. Winick, " C u l t u r a l Relativism'/ D i c t i o n a r y of An- thropology, New York, P h i l o s o p h i c a l L i b r a r y , 195°, p.454. 95 For recent statements of the e v o l u t i o n a r y p e r s p e c t i v e i n anthropology see: M a r s h a l l S a h l i n s and Elrnan S e r v i c e , Ev- o l u t i o n and C u l t u r e , Ann Arbor, U n i v e r s i t y of Michigan Press, I960; Elman S e r v i c e , P r i m i t i v e S o c i a l O r g a n i z a t i o n : An E v o l - u t i o n a r y P e r s p e c t i v e , New York, Random House, 1962; -in s o c i o l -ogy :see: S.N. E i s e n s t a d t , " S o c i a l Change, D i f f e r e n t i a t i o n and E v o l u t i o n , " American S o c i o l o g i c a l Review, v o l . 2 9 (June 1964), pp. 375-3#65 and T a l c o t t Parsons, " E v o l u t i o n a r y U n i v e r s a l s i n 55 There are at l e a s t two reasons f o r t h i s : i t has r e s u l t e d from an attempt t o co r r e c t the apparent s t a t i c b i a s i n the s o c i a l systems model that dominated s o c i o l o g i c a l , s o c i a l anthropolog-i c a l and, t o a l e s s e r extent, contemporary e m p i r i c a l p o l i t i c a l theory; and i t has r e s u l t e d from a revived i n t e r e s t i n the theory of s o c i a l change and the u t i l i z a t i o n of the systems model i n the a n a l y s i s of change occasioned by the emergence of the " t h i i r d world". In anthropology, Radeliffe-Brown found i t necessary t o u t i l i z e the e v o l u t i o n a r y idea as an explana-t i o n of the tendency f o r s o c i a l s t r u c t u r e s t o become d i v e r -96 s i f i e d and i n c r e a s i n g l y complex w i t h the passage of time. In s o c i o l o g y Eisenstadt argues that the concept of e v o l u t i o n permits systems theory t o be u t i l i z e d as a u s e f u l conceptual .. . 97 t o o l i n the systematic a n a l y s i s of s o c i e t a l change. And Parsons p o s t u l a t e s that the concept of e v o l u t i o n permits a search f o r u n i v e r s a l o r g a n i z a t i o n a l developments that a l l S o c i e t y , " American S o c i o l o g i c a l Review, v o l . 29 (June I964),PP» 339-357; i n p o l i t i c a l s cience: A.F.K. Organski, The"Stages-of  P o l i t i c a l Development, New York, A l f r e d Knopf, 1965. 96 " I t h i n k that s o c i a l e v o l u t i o n i s a r e a l i t y which the s o c i a l a n t h r o p o l o g i s t should recognize and study. There has been a process by which, from a small number of forms of s o c i a l s t r u c t u r e , many d i f f e r e n t forms have a r i s e n i n the course of h i s t o r y ; t h a t i s , there has been a process of d i v e r s i f i c a t i o n . Secondly, throughout t h i s process more complex forms of s o c i a l s t r u c t u r e s have developed out of, or repla c e d , simpler forms." A.R.RadclifferBrown, S t r u c t u r e and Function i n P r i m i t i v e S o c i e t y , New York, Free F r e s s , 1965, p . 2 C 3 . 97 He w r i t e s t h a t " . . . r e a p p r a i s a l of an evo l u t i o n a r y per-s p e c t i v e i s contingent - on a systematic explanation of the processes of change w i t h i n a s o c i e t y , the processes of t r a n -s i t i o n from one type of s o c i e t y t o another, and e s p e c i a l l y the extent t o which such t r a n s i t o n may c r y s t a l l i z e i n t o d i f -f e r e n t types or 'stages 1 that evince some bas i c character-i s t i c s common t o d i f f e r e n t s o c i e t i e s . Despite contrary c l a i m s , 98 s o c i e t i e s must " h i t upon" t o become modern. Thus, contemp-orary s o c i a l science seems to be on the verge of reestab-l i s h i n g the, concept of e v o l u t i o n as a l e g i t i m a t e perspective i n comparative s t u d i e s of development. II The e v o l u t i o n a r y p e r s p e c t i v e has been r e v i v e d and r e -formulated i n two recent s t u d i e s of s o c i a l and p o l i t i c a l change. T a l c o t t Parsons, i n t e r e s t e d i n the more'.general phenomenon of the development of a l l s o c i e t i e s , has sug-gested that.such development i s e v o l u t i o n a r y and i s marked by progressive "stages" or "e v o l u t i o n a r y u n i v e r s a l s " - <• poin t s i n time when s o c i e t i e s independently " h i t upon" sim-i l a r o r g a n i z a t i o n a l s o l u t i o n s to common problems which f u r -t h e r t h e i r e v o l u t i o n a r y adaptation and increase t h e i r capa-c i t y f o r s u r v i v a l . Organski, f o c u s i n g on the more s p e c i f i c phenomenon of the p o l i t i c a l development of s o c i e t i e s engaged i n n a t i o n - b u i l d i n g and economic development, has argued t h a t nations move i n an i d e n t i f i a b l e sequence from a stage of p a r t i a l n a t i o n a l i n t e g r a t i o n or " p r i m i t i v e u n i f i c a t i o n " through s e v e r a l i n t e r v e n i n g stages t o a condition of high t e c h n o l o g i -c a l complexity based upon the cybernetics r e v o l u t i o n . Each of thef:e approaches w i l l be analyzed i n t u r n . the conceptual t o o l s r e c e n t l y developed f o r the a n a l y s i s of systematic p r o p e r t i e s of s o c i e t i e s and s o c i a l i n s t i t u t i o n s may be used t o analyze the concrete processes of change w i t h i n them." E i s e n s t a d t , American S o c i o l o g i c a l Review, v o l . 2 9 (June 1 9 6 4 ) , PP. 375-376. • 98 Parsons, American S o c i o l o g i c a l Review, v o l . 2 9 (June 1 9 6 4 ) , pp. 339-341. 5 7 For Parsons, the development of s o c i a l o r g a n i z a t i o n i s c h a r a c t e r i z e d hy a s e r i e s of i d e n t i f i a b l e stages when soc-i e t i e s , independent of one-another, a r r i v e at s i m i l a r r e s -ponses t o common problems. These " e v o l u t i o n a r y u n i v e r s a l s " can be i d e n t i f i e d and are seen to f o l l o w one-another i n a determinate order, making i t impossible to reach successive stages without overcoming or passing through the previous ones. I n the words of Parsons "...an e v o l u t i o n a r y u n i v e r s a l . . . i s a complex of s t r u c t u r e s and associated processes the development of which so increas e s the long-run adaptive cap-a c i t y of l i v i n g systems i n a given c l a s s that only systems that develop the complex can a t t a i n c e r t a i n higher l e v e l s 99 of general adaptive c a p a c i t y . " Among the u n i v e r s a l s i d e n t i f i e d by Parsons are the dev-elopment of s t r a t i f i c a t i o n , c u l t u r a l l e g i t i m a t i o n , adminis-t r a t i v e bureaucracy, market economy, u n i v e r s a l i s t i c norms, and democratic a s s o c i a t i o n . The development of c l a s s sys-tems c o n s t i t u t e s a break from the a l l o c a t i o n of s t a t u s , power and wealth according t o membership i n a k i n s h i p group, while the emergence of c u l t u r a l l e g i t i m a t i o n r e f l e c t s a movement away from l e g i t i m a c y attached to the leaders of a p a r t i c u l a r k i n s h i p group toward one r e s t i n g on a broader base. These two u n i v e r s a l s — s t r a t i f i c a t i o n and c u l t u r a l l e g i t i m a t i o n — occur i n the development of pre-modern s o c i e t i e s . In s o c i e t i "that have moved c o n s i d e r a b l y past the p r i m i t i v e stage" a 99 Parsons, American S o c i o l o g i c a l Review, v o l , 2 9 (June 196k), pp. 3^0-3^1. 58 second p a i r of e v o l u t i o n a r y u n i v e r s a l s develop: a d m i n i s t r a -t i v e bureaucracy and a market economy based upon money as a 100 medium of exchange. Both bureaucracy and a monied market economy " i n c o r p o r a t e " and are "dependent on" u n i v e r s a l i s t i c norms which define the powers of o f f i c e " i n terms of access to i t " , as w e l l as property r i g h t s and " c o n t r a c t u a l r e l a t i o n s " between p a r t i e s i n v o l v e d i n t r a n s a c t i o n s . Thus, the develop-ment of u n i v e r s a l i s t i c norms i s regarded, by Parsons as an e v o l u t i o n a r y u n i v e r s a l t h a t "ushered i n the modern era of 101 s o c i a l e v o l u t i o n . " The f i n a l u n i v e r s a l i d e n t i f i e d -- demo-c r a t i c a s s o c i a t i o n — i s a consequence of the development of a l e g a l order based upon u n i v e r s a l i s t i c • n o r m s . Democratic a s s o c i a t i o n , i n c l u d i n g e l e c t i v e l e a d e r s h i p and u n i v e r s a l adult s u f f r a g e , i s i n s t i t u t i o n a l i z e d i n "modern" s o c i e t i e s because no other type of p o l i t i c a l o r g a n i z a t i o n i s able to so 102 e f f e c t i v e l y ^ "...mediate consensus i n i t s e x e r c i s e . " Together, bureaucratic o r g a n i z a t i o n , monied market economy, a u n i v e r s a l i s t i c l e g a l system, and democratic p o l i t i c a l organ-i z a t i o n define the s t r u c t u r e of modern s o c i e t i e s . 100 Parsons, American S o c i o l o g i c a l Review,•vol.29 (June 196*0, p. 3*+7. 101 I b i d p . 3 5 1 . 102 I b i d . , pp. 3 5 5 - 3 5 6(his i t a l i c s ) . Parsons b e l i e v e s that "communist t o t a l i t a r i a n o r g a n i z a t i o n " i s l e s s developed than "democracy" and w i l l e i t h e r remain t o t a l i t a r i a n , and therefore l e s s e f f e c t i v e and more unstable, or w i l l move i n the d i r e c t i o n of e l e c t i v e democracy, the most e f f e c t i v e form of p o l i t i c a l o r g a n i z a t i o n w i t h the g r e a t e s t i n t e g r a t i v e c a p a c i t y . 59 Comparatively, the i n s t i t u t i o n a l i z a t i o n of these f o u r complexes and t h e i r i n t e r r e l a t i o n s i s very uneven. I n the broadest frame of reference, however, we may t h i n k of them as together c o n s t i t u t i n g the main o u t l i n e of the s t r u c t u r a l foundations of modern s o c i e t y . 103 Parsons i s l e s s concerned w i t h the s p e c i f i c u n i v e r s a l s i d e n t i f i e d than w i t h the idea of e v o l u t i o n a r y u n i v e r s a l s as sequences th a t d i f f e r e n t s o c i e t i e s s t r i k e upon i n the course of t h e i r development. His concern i s whether the concept of e v o l u t i o n a r y u n i v e r s a l s i s appropriate f o r e x p l a i n i n g the process of development i n a l l human s o c i e t i e s . An e v a l u a t i o n of i t s usefulness i n e x p l a i n i n g the s p e c i f i c type of s o c i a l change r e f e r r e d t o as "development" w i l l only be a s c e r t a i n e d by i t s systematic a p p l i c a t i o n i n the e m p i r i c a l study of both contemporary and h i s t o r i c a l s o c i e t i e s . As a t h e o r e t i c a l o r i e n t a t i o n t o the study of development, i t r e s t s upon the l a r g e l y deductive premise that c u l t u r a l p r o p e r t i e s common t o a l l s o c i e t i e s set l i m i t s f o r the making of choices or "load the d i c e " , a l l o w i n g s o c i e t i e s f a r apart i n time and space to h i t upon s i m i l a r responses i n a s i t u a t i o n of choice w i t h each response s e t t i n g up and re - l o a d i n g the d i c e f o r the next choice s i t u a t i o n and so on. In essence, Parsons b e l i e v e s that a l l s o c i e t i e s confront s i m i l a r s i t u a t i o n s i n the course of t h e i r development and, that jgiven t h i s f a c t , i t i s prob-able t h a t comparable choices w i l l be made as they adapt t o new circumstances. , " '103 Parsons, American S o c i o l o g i c a l Review, vol.29 (June 196+), p. 357. 60 The h i s t o r y of science o f f e r s an analogy to the de v e l -opmehtal model presented by Parsons. I n the development of s c i e n c e ' i t has been noted that m u l t i p l e d i s c o v e r i e s — where, unknown to each other, w i d e l y separated s c i e n t i s t s make the same d i s c o v e r i e s — are the r u l e r a t h e r than the e x c e p t i o n . What makes the analogy l e s s compelling i s the f a c t t h a t s c i e n t i s t s work w i t h i n a common i n t e l l e c t u a l t r a d i t i o n and, although d i s c o v e r i e s have been made i n wide l y separate places by men who were unaware of the a c t i v i t i e s of t h e i r counter-p a r t s , a l l are presumably f a m i l i a r w i t h the content of t h e i r d i s c i p l i n e s up to the f r o n t i e r of t h e i r d i s c o v e r i e s . The p r o b a b i l i t y of simultaneous d i s c o v e r i e s by two or more i n d i v -i d u a l s having equal access to the i n t e l l e c t u a l resources of a d i s c i p l i n e i s therefore q u i t e c o n s i d e r a b l e . However, i t seems l e s s probable t h a t separate s o c i a l systems, wi d e l y spaced i n time and distance and i s o l a t e d from one-another, w i l l s t r i k e upon the same u n i v e r s a l . Levi-S'trauss admits the p r i n c i p l e of p r o b a b i l i t y i n the c u l t u r a l achievements of dive r s e s o c i e t i e s but u n l i k e Parsons does not load the dice i n favour of the gambler, s t r e s s i n g the importance of s o c i e t a l interdependence and c u l t u r e contact i n c o n t r i b u t i n g to common achievements. Men have doubtless developed d i f f e r e n t i a t e d c u l t u r e s as a r e s u l t of geographical d i s t a n c e , the s p e c i a l f e a t u r e s of t h e i r environment, or t h e i r ignorance of the r e s t of mankind; but t h i s would be s t r i c t l y and a b s o l u t e l y true only i f every c u l t u r e or s o c i e t y had been born and had developed without the s l i g h t e s t contact w i t h any ot h e r s . lOh Arthur K o e s t l e r , " E v o l u t i o n and Revolution i n the H i s t o r y of Science," Encounter, v o l . 2 5 no.6 (Decemiher 1 9 6 5 ) , P. 3 5 . 61 Such a case never occurs...our argument i s not to deny the f a c t of human progress "but t o suggest t h a t we might, be more cautious i n our conception of i t ... progress... i s n e i t h e r continuous nor i n e v i t a b l e ; i t s course c o n s i s t s i n a s e r i e s of leaps and bounds.... These leaps and bounds are not always i n the same d i r e c t i o n ; the general trend may change too, rat h e r l i k e the progress of the knight i n chess, who always has s e v e r a l moves open to him but never i n the same d i r e c t i o n . Advancing humanity can h a r d l y be l i k e n e d t o a person cl i m b i n g s t a i r s and, w i t h each movement, adding a new step t o a l l those he has already.mounted; a more accurate metaphor would be that of a gambler who has staked h i s money on s e v e r a l d i c e and, at each throw, sees them s c a t t e r over the c l o t h , g i v i n g a d i f f e r e n t score each time. What he wins on one, he i s always l i a b l e t o lose on another.... 105 The i d e a of -evolutionary u n i v e r s a l s , of s o c i e t i e s f i n d i n g s i m i l a r s o l u t i o n s t o common problems, i s more compelling i f i t recognizes the p o s s i b i l i t y of c r o s s - c u l t u r a l borrowing i n development and i f i t i s confined to s o c i e t i e s i n s i m i l a r h i s t o r i c a l circumstances, c o n f r o n t i n g comparable problems, and equipped w i t h , or at l e a s t aware o f , the e x i s t i n g c u l t u r a l resources a v a i l a b l e f o r t h e i r s o l u t i o n . The s i t u a t i o n f a c i n g the contemporary new s t a t e s i n t h e i r t a s k of n a t i o n - b u i l d i n g and modernization more c l o s e l y approximates the circumstances that have r e s u l t e d i n m u l t i p l e d i s c o v e r i e s by s c i e n t i s t s working w i t h i n a common d i s c i p l i n a r y framework. For modern c u l t u r e -- the r e s e r v o i r of a v a i l a b l e m a t e r i a l and i n t e l l e c -t u a l r e s o u r c e s — loads the dice f o r decision-makers i n the new st a t e s much as the e x i s t i n g s c i e n t i f i c body of knowledge does f o r s c i e n t i s t s of s i m i l a r c a l l i n g s who a r r i v e at the same d i s c o v e r y . Thus, the ide a o f e v o l u t i o n becomes more c r e d i b l e i f i t i s a p p l i e d t o s o c i e t i e s i n which the choice s i t u a t i o n i s s t r u c t u r e d and i f the number of a l t e r n a t i v e s open 105 L e v i - S t r a u s s , Race and H i s t o r y , pp. 11, 2 1 . 62 to d e c i s i o n makers i s l i m i t e d . This i s the s i t u a t i o n con-f r o n t i n g p o l i t i c a l e l i t e s i n the new s t a t e s : they f i n d them-selves i n s i m i l a r circumstances w i t h respect t o t h e i r own underdevelopment; and they face an expanding and developed western c u l t u r e which contains values they a f f i r m , i n t e l -l e c t u a l and m a t e r i a l resources c o n s t i t u t i n g a framework w i t h i n which development might occur, and power to enforce compliance w i t h modern norms i n an i n t e r n a t i o n a l world where developed nations make up the r u l e s of the game. I t i s i n such a context that Organski uses the imagery of e v o l u t i o n a r y theory. Organski i d e n t i f i e s s e v e r a l stages through which a l l n a t i o n s must pass i n the course of t h e i r p o l i t i c a l develop-ment. These are? (1) the p o l i t i c s of p r i m i t i v e u n i f i c a t i o n ; (2) the p o l i t i c s of i n d u s t r i a l i z a t i o n ; (3) the p o l i t i c s of •• . 106 n a t i o n a l w e l f a r e ; and (h) the p o l i t i c s of abundance. Within the context of these g e n e r a l i z e d stages Organski p o s t u l a t e s p o l i t i c a l development as an e v o l u t i o n a r y process but c a r e f u l l y avoids i n f u s i n g h i s approach w i t h any of the ethnocentricism c h a r a c t e r i s t i c of e a r l i e r e v o l u t i o n i s t s : "The world i s not n e c e s s a r i l y marching toward monogamy, C h r i s t i a n i t y , f r e e enter-p r i s e , and two-party government. I t does, however, appear t o be marching toward i n d u s t r i a l e f f i c i e n c y and n a t i o n a l p o l i t i c a l , 107 o r g a n i z a t i o n . " Moreover, he i n d i c a t e s that p o l i t i c a l d e v e l -106 Organski, The Stages of P o l i t i c a l Development, p. 7 . 107 I b i d . , p. k. °3 opment — which he d e f i n e s as " i n c r e a s i n g government e f f i c i e n c y i n u t i l i z i n g the human and m a t e r i a l r e s o u r c e s of the n a t i o n f o r n a t i o n a l g o a l s " — i s a r e l a t i v e concept, t h a t change i s - 10$ a c o n t i n u a l p r o c e s s . The f i r s t stage of p o l i t i c a l development i d e n t i f i e d by Organski i s "the p o l i t i c s of p r i m i t i v e u n i f i c a t i o n " or what i s more commonly r e f e r r e d t o i n the l i t e r a t u r e as n a t i o n a l i n t e g r a t i o n or n a t i o n - b u i l d i n g , the emergence of the n a t i o n 109 as a v i a b l e p o l i t i c a l u n i t . At t h i s stage the fundamental problem of government i s "the c r e a t i o n of n a t i o n a l u n i t y " by overcoming the d i v i s i v e t i e s of k i n s h i p , language, r a c e , and v a r i o u s p a r t i c u l a r i s m s t h a t t h r e a t e n to d e s t r o y the nascent n a t i o n . P o l i t i c a l c o n t r o l must be s u c c e s s f u l l y extended from the ce n t r e t o the p e r i p h e r y of s o c i e t y encompassing l e s s e r a u t h o r i t y s t r u c t u r e s ( p r o v i n c e s or v i l l a g e s ) w h ile l e g i t i m a c y must be generated f o r the c e n t r a l a u t h o r i t y t o b o l s t e r a con-t r o l based p r i m a r i l y upon f o r c e . P u b l i c b u r e a u c r a c i e s develop as a means o f extending c e n t r a l a u t h o r i t y and e x e c u t i n g n a t i o n a l p o l i c i e s i n an e f f i c i e n t and continuous f a s h i o n . F i n a l l y , d e s t r u c t i o n of the peasant s o c i e t y i s begun; ground-work i s l a i d f o r the development of an economy based upon i n d u s t r i a l p r o d u c t i o n ; and the e n t i r e p o p u l a t i o n i s i n t e g r a t e d i n t o the n a t i o n a l s o c i e t y by f o r c e d m o b i l i z a t i o n e i t h e r p u b l i c or p r i v a t e . 108 Organski, The Stages of P o l i t i c a l Development, p. 7 ( h i s i t a l i c s ) . 109 I b i d . , pp. 20-54. 64-The second stage of p o l i t i c a l development,"the p o l i t i c s of i n d u s t r i a l i z a t i o n " , embraces problems sarrounding the goal ,110 of economic development. During t h i s stage a l l three types of government — bourgeois, S t a l i n i s t , and f a s c i s t — "make p o s s i b l e " a s h i f t of p o l i t i c a l power from the t r a d i t i o n a l e l i t e to the new i n d u s t r i a l managers;" "permit and a s s i s t " the accumulation of c a p i t a l ; and "preside over" the mass migra-t i o n of a g r a r i a n peasants i n t o the new i n d u s t r i a l c i t i e s and t h e i r t r a n s f o r m a t i o n i n t o an urban p r o l e t a r i a t . During stage two the mutual dependence of people and government has s t e a d i l y increased and i s completed i n stage 111 t h r e e , "the p o l i t i c s of n a t i o n a l w e l f a r e " . "The power of the stat e has come to r e s t upon the a b i l i t y of common people to work and to f i g h t , and the common people, along w i t h the l o r d s of i n d u s t r y , have come to depend upon the n a t i o n a l gov-ernment t o protect them from d e s t i t u t i o n i n depression and 112 from d e s t r u c t i o n i n war." Stage three i s marked by the c r e a t i o n of the welfare state and the complete m o b i l i z a t i o n and i n t e g r a t i o n of the masses i n t o the n a t i o n . Mass s o c i e t y i s the touchstone of the p o l i t i c s of n a t i o n a l w e l f a r e , but t h i s need not n e c e s s a r i l y imply mass democracy. Most of the 110 Organski, The Stages of P o l i t i c a l Development, pp.56-155. 111 I b i d . , pp. 158-177. 112 I b i d . , p. 3-2. 65 developed n a t i o n s of Western Europe and North America i n c l u d -ing the o l d e r members of the Common-wealth have now reached t h i s stage and are passing i n t o the f o u r t h — "the p o l i t i c s of abundance" — which i s c h a r a c t e r i z e d by a new technology 113 based upon the c y b e r n e t i c s r e v o l u t i o n . These nations have b a r e l y entered t h i s f i n a l stage which i s d i s t i n g u i s h e d by "great concentrations" of economic and p o l i t i c a l power and a "...new c l a s s s t r u c t u r e headed by a small e l i t e of planners who run the economy and the government, supported by a minor-llh i t y of h i g h l y s k i l l e d workers and. t e c h n i c i a n s . " There i s nothing i n e v i t a b l e about the stages here set f o r t h , but i t i s s t r i k i n g that i n a l l the world's many nati o n s development has been i n the. same d i r e c t i o n s toward i n d u s t r i a l i z a t i o n , higher p r o d u c t i v i t y , and higher • l i v i n g standards; toward p o l i t i c a l complexity, p o l i t i c a l e f f i c i e n c y and increased dependence upon the s t a t e . To t h i s point there i s no s i n g l e case of a nation's s l i d i n g back to an e a r l i e r stage. 115 I m p l i c i t i n Organski's c o n c e p t u a l i z a t i o n of the p o l i t i c a l development process i s the view that p o l i t i c a l change i s cor-r e l a t e d w i t h economic development, e s p e c i a l l y i n d u s t r i a l i z a -t i o n and the development of modern technology. He reduces p o l i t i c a l development to the p o l i t i c s of i n d u s t r i a l i z a t i o n and t e c h n o l o g i c a l change and i n so doing almost i n v i t e s the charge of economic determinism. As w i t h Kautsky, who i s quite e x p l i c i t about the n e c e s s i t y of an economic i n t e r p r e t a t i o n of 113 Organski, The Stages of P o l i t i c a l Development, pp. 186-210. ; l l h Ibid... p. lh. 115 I b i d . , p. 16. 66 p o l i t i c a l change, Organski i m p l i e s that t r a d i t i o n i s a con-d i t i o n of- economic backwardness and development a process of 116 economic growth. Such a c o n c e p t u a l i z a t i o n c o n t r a d i c t s the dominant contemporary s o c i a l s c i e n t i f i c view of development as an all-encompassing- process ..of s o c i a l change i n which not only economies. and. p o l i t i e s but t o t a l s o c i e t i e s are t r a n s -formed. Organski 1s e v o l u t i o n a r y perspective can.be c r i t i c i z e d f o r viewing p o l i t i c a l development as a u n i l i n e a r progression i n v o l v i n g a s e r i e s of sequences that f o l l o w one another i n an e s t a b l i s h e d order. • Such a p o s i t i o n v i o l a t e s the.contemporary 117 view of e v o l u t i o n as a m u l t i - l i n e a r p r o g r e s s i o n . While Organski's u n i - l i n e a r conception of p o l i t i c a l development might accord w i t h the h i s t o r i c a l experience of Western Europe i t seems f a r l e s s a p p l i c a b l e t o an a n a l y s i s of Eastern . -European or non-western experience. P o l i t i c a l e l i t e s i n non-western s t a t e s t r y to emulate the modern nations of the West not as they once were but as they are now. This point was made by Trotsky i n h i s H i s t o r y of the Russian Revolution where he referred, to "the p r i v i l e g e of h i s t o r i c backwardness" that permits developing c o u n t r i e s to adopt the s o c i a l and m a t e r i a l achievements of advanced ones, " s k i p p i n g a whole 116 John H. Kautsky, ed., P o l i t i c a l Change i n underdeveloped  Cou n t r i e s ; N a t i o n a l i s m and Communism., New York, Wiley. 1962, p. 9 . 117 E i s e n s t a d t , American S o c i o l o g i c a l Review, v o l . 2 9 (June 196+), p. 375. 6 7 118 s e r i e s of intermediate stages." On- the basis of t h i s o b s e r v ation Trotsky formulated h i s Law of Combined Developments The law of combined development r e v e a l s i t s e l f . . . i n ^.he-his-t o r y and character of Russian i n d u s t r y . A r i s i n g l a t e , Russian i n d u s t r y d i d not repeat the development of the advanced c o u n t r i e s , but i n s e r t e d i t s e l f i n t o t h i s d e v e l -opment, adapting t h e i r l a t e s t achievements t o i t s own backwardness. J u s t as the economic e v o l u t i o n of. Russia as a whole skipped over the epoch of c r a f t - g u i l d s and manufacture, so a l s o the separate branches of i n d u s t r y made a s e r i e s of s p e c i a l leaps over t e c h n i c a l productive stages that had been measured i n the West by decades.119 There appears to be no necessary sequence of stages along the path to p o l i t i c a l development. Thus welfare s t a t e s are being constructed before economic development i s r e a l l y under-way and the very l a t e s t types of modern technology — hydro-e l e c t r i c i n s t a l l a t i o n s , nuclear r e a c t o r s — are being i n t r o -duced i n t o s o c i e t i e s that are s t i l l d i v i d e d by e t h n i c , l i n g -u i s t i c , r e l i g i o u s , caste, and t r i b a l p a r t i c u l a r i s m s . I n d i a , one of 'the more i n d u s t r i a l i z e d of non-western s t a t e s , d i v i d e d by f o r c e s of caste.and r e l i g i o n , f a i l e d i n a recent attempt to i n s t i t u t e H i n d i as a n a t i o n a l language. S i m i l a r l y , i n Ceylon the Tamils and Sinhalese experienced great d i f f i c u l t i e s i n sublimating t h e i r p r i m o r d i a l f e e l i n g s and binding themselves 120 together i n t o one n a t i o n . Indeed, there may be s e v e r a l paths 118 Leon Trotsky, The Russian R e v o l u t i o n . New York,. Double day, 1959? p. 3 • 119 I b i d . , p. 7 . 120 On the problems of " p r i m o r d i a l t i e s " i n the new nations see C l i f f o r d Geertz,."The I n t e g r a t i v e R e v o l u t i o n " , Old S o c i e t i e s and New S t a t e s , e d . . C l i f f o r d Geertz, New York,^Free Press, 1963. 68 t o a c o n d i t i o n of modernity t h a t permits a measure of v a r i a -t i o n i n the form and content of s o c i a l , economic, and p o l i t i -c a l arrangements. I l l The h i s t o r y of Europe, the experience of advanced nations l o c a t e d outside Europe, and contemporary events i n the new st a t e s i n d i c a t e that p o l i t i c a l development can derive from indigenous or exogenous sources (and from a combination of the two) or from the m o b i l i t y of p o l i t i c a l c u l t u r e s and i n s t i t u t i o n s across geographical space. By v i r t u e of i t s i s l a n d i n s u l a r i t y and c o n t i n u i t y w i t h the past, the modern E n g l i s h p o l i t i c a l system c o n s t i t u t e s an outstanding example of p o l i t i c a l development that has a r i s e n almost e n t i r e l y from indigenous sources. Rose po i n t s out t h a t the E n g l i s h p o l i t i c a l system i s c h a r a c t e r i z e d by an indigenous dynamic t h a t has permitted i t to adapt while at the same time maintaining a r e l a t i v e l y stable and i n t e g r a t e d s o c i e t y devoid of the outbreaks of vio l e n c e and d i s c o n t i n u i t y w i t h t r a d i t i o n which has marked p o l i t i c a l development i n some c o n t i n e n t a l 121 n a t i o n s , n o t a b l y France. Although the f u n c t i o n s of p o l i t i c a l i n s t i t u t i o n s have o f t e n changed w i t h time — Parliament, f o r in s t a n c e , has functioned both as an instrument of r o y a l a u t h o r i t y and as a mechanism f o r i t s c o n t r o l — many "can trace 121 Rose, P o l i t i c s i n England, pp. 2Lf- 1+-25l; a l s o Richard Rose, "England? A T r a d i t i o n a l l y Modern P o l i t i c a l C u l t u r e " , p o l i t i c a l C ulture and P o l i t i c a l Development, ed. Lucian Pye and Sidney Verba, P r i n c e t o n , P r i n c e t o n U n i v e r s i t y P r e s s , 1965, pp. 8 3 - 1 2 9 . ; 69 122 t h e i r o r i g i n s back t o medieval times." England o f f e r s per-haps the best i l l u s t r a t i o n of a p o l i t i c a l system t h a t has developed almost e n t i r e l y through e v o l u t i o n a r y adaptation over the course of c e n t u r i e s ; a process devoid of s o c i e t a l upheavals and i r r e c o n c i l a b l e c o n f l i c t s (Rose reminds us that the C i v i l War of the seventeenth century ended i n compromise) estab-l i s h i n g a t r a d i t i o n of moderation and consensus about p o l i t -i c a l fundamentals. "Today, p o l i t i c a l d i f f e r e n c e s w i t h deep h i s t o r i c a l r oots do e x i s t i n E n g l i s h s o c i e t y , but the d i f f e r -ences are not ?about the nature of basic aspects of the sys-123 tern — the community, the regime, and c u l t u r a l values." The process of p o l i t i c a l development i n England has been one of c o n t i n u a l adaptation of t r a d i t i o n a l p o l i t i c a l i n s t i t u t i o n s to p e r i o d i c s o c i a l changes; s u r e l y an example of the f l e x i b i l i t y of t r a d i t i o n a l i n s t i t u t i o n s and a d e n i a l of the view t h a t modernity r e q u i r e s t h e i r d e s t r u c t i o n . The " f i r s t new n a t i o n s " are examples of p o l i t i c a l d e v e l -opment that r e s u l t e d from the m o b i l i t y of p o l i t i c a l c u l t u r e s and i n s t i t u t i o n s across geographical space. Not s u r p r i s i n g l y , t h i s has occurred i n areas where t r a d i t i o n a l s o c i e t i e s have 12+ been weak and very vulnerable t o i n t r u d i n g p o l i t i c a l f o r c e s . 122 Rose, P o l i t i c s i n England, p. 2+3. 123 I b i d . , p. 25^. 12+ By "weak" we do not mean to imply that they contained s o c i a l s t r u c t u r e s or c u l t u r a l values t h a t were i n t r i n s i c a l l y unimportant or of no consequence, but t h a t they were unable t o r e s i s t the encroachment, superior technology, and m i l i t a r y power of i n t r u d i n g Europeans. 70 The conquest and subsequent Europeanization of Worth America, Au s t r a l i a , and New Zealand are cases i n point. The simple societi e s that occupied these areas — the numerous but scat-tered Indian communities of North America and the Aboriginal and Maori societ i e s of A u s t r a l i a and New Zealand — were too weak to integrate elements of t h e i r cultures and s o c i a l organ-iza t i o n s into the intruding European s o c i e t i e s . These new societies were what Hartz c a l l s "fragments" of Europe that had been "hurled outward onto new s o i l " following the great European explorations of the f i f t e e n t h and sixteenth centuries The United States, Canada, A u s t r a l i a , and New Zealand were ex-tensions of Europe at the time of t h e i r founding and constit-; uted instances of p o l i t i c a l development that derived e n t i r e l y from the mobility of p o l i t i c a l cultures and i n s t i t u t i o n s modi-f i e d only by the ecological demands of the new environment. Perhaps the ease with which these European fragments were transplanted i n North America, A u s t r a l i a , and New Zealand lent f a l s e credence to l a t e r generations of Europeans that the Europeanization of A f r i c a and Asia would also be a matter of merely establishing t h e i r i n s t i t u t i o n s i n these new lands. But the strength of the indigenous s o c i e t i e s and the numeric-a l l y large size of Asian and African populations eventually demonstrated that p o l i t i c a l development i n these areas would l i k e l y be characterized by a fusion of European and indigenous sources. This seems to have ^.happened i n the p o l i t i c a l modern 1 2 ? Louis Hartz, The Founding of New Societies, New York, Hareourt, Brace, 19oh. 126 i z a t i o n of Japan. 71 While no s o c i e t y i s e n t i r e l y modern, Japan i s d i s t i n -guished f o r possessing a p o l i t i c a l system t h a t i s a symbiosis of indigenous 'traditional elements and exogenous modern ones that derive, mainly from Western Europe. The Japanese absorbed, i n successive p e r i o d s , a number of western i d e o l o g i e s — l i b -e r a l i s m , Marxism, fascism — and c o n s t i t u t i o n a l concepts wh i l e at the same time adapting t r a d i t i o n a l i n s t i t u t i o n s t o the needs of the development process. The M e i j i leaders r e -v i t a l i z e d the emperorship, not j u s t a t r a d i t i o n a l but an a r c h a i c i n s t i t u t i o n , and moulded i t i n t o "...an e x t r a o r d i n a r -i l y e f f e c t i v e symbol and instrument of n a t i o n a l u n i t y , d i s -127 c i p l i n e , and s a c r i f i c e . " According t o Ward and Rustow "This may w e l l be one of the c l a s s i c instances of the system-a t i c and purposeful e x p l o i t a t i o n of a t r a d i t i o n a l p o l i t i c a l 128 i n s t i t u t i o n : f o r the achievement of modernizing g o a l s . " In an e v a l u a t i o n . o f the r e l a t i v e importance of environmental and f o r e i g n c o n t r i b u t i o n s t o Japanese modernization, Scalapino 126 The major sources on p o l i t i c a l development i n Japan are Marius Jansen, ed., Changing Japanese A t t i t u d e s Toward Modern-i z a t i o n , P r i n c e t o n , P r i n c e t o n U n i v e r s i t y Press, 1965; and Robert Ward and Dankwart Rustow, e d . . P o l i t i c a l Modernization i n Japan and Turkey. P r i n c e t o n , P r i n c e t o n U n i v e r s i t y Press, 1964. 127 Robert Ward and Dankwart Rustow, "Conclusion", P o l i t -i c a l Modernization i n Japan and Turkey, ed.. Robert Warct and Dankwart Rustow, P r i n c e t o n , P r i n c e t o n U n i v e r s i t y Press, 1964, p. 445. 128 I b i d . . p. 445-72 has concluded that . . . f o r e i g n i n f l u e n c e has increased r a t h e r than decreased as the modernization process has gathered momentum, f o r new avenues of communication have thereby been opened up. At the same time, some purely indigenous forms and uses have gained a new v i t a l i t y as they have been accommodated to the changed c o n d i t i o n s and needs of the s o c i e t y . One cannot n a i v e l y conceive of 'indigenous i n f l u e n c e s ' as s t a t i c , ' f o r e i g n i n f l u e n c e s ' as dynamic. Both have elements of dynamism j u s t as both incorporate obsolescent elements. 129 I f the experience of Japan i s i n s t r u c t i v e we should ex-pect the new s t a t e s of A s i a and A f r i c a t o transform themselves by a symbiotic f u s i o n of the c u l t u r a l resources of t h e i r o l d s o c i e t i e s w i t h s e l e c t e d aspects of western values and i n s t i t u -130 t i p n s . Japan has demonstrated that t r a d i t i o n a l s o c i e t i e s do possess c u l t u r a l resources that are amenable to the p o l i t i -c a l development process. Whether other o l d s o c i e t i e s possess adaptable resources t h a t f a c i l i t a t e p o l i t i c a l development to the same degree as those of Japan i s s t i l l an open ques t i o n , f o r none have had adequate time t o experiment w i t h adapting t h e i r t r a d i t i o n a l i n s t i t u t i o n s and values to the needs of p o l -i t i c a l modernization. Japan may prove to be p a r t i c u l a r l y w e l l endowed i n t h i s regard; I n Turkey the t r a d i t i o n a l s o c i a l s t r u c -ture and c u l t u r e were l e s s s u i t a b l e to the requirements of 129 Robert A. Scalapino, "Environmental and Foreign Con-t r i b u t i o n s : Japan", P o l i t i c a l Modernization i n Japan and  Turkey, ed. Robert Ward and Dankwart Rustow, P r i n c e t o n , P r i n c e -ton U n i v e r s i t y Press, 1964-, p. 89. 130 Under the general r u b r i c "western" we include M a r x i s t ideas and Soviet p o l i t i c a l p r a c t i c e s . On t h i s point see:,) Thomas L. Hodgkin, "The Relevance of 'Western' Ideas f o r the New A f r i c a n S t a t e s " . S e l f Government i n Modernizing Nations, ed. J . Roland Pennock, Englewood C l i f f s , P r e n t i c e - H a l l , 196M-, pp. 51- 52. 73 131 p o l i t i c a l modernization. The view that p o l i t i c a l development i n the new s t a t e s w i l l l i k e l y , be c h a r a c t e r i z e d by.-a symbiosis of the indigenous and the exogenous, by a f u s i o n of the t r a d i t i o n a l and the modern, leads to a perception of modernization as a d i f f u s -i o n a r y process i n which e x t r a - s o c i e t a l i n f l u e n c e s c o l l i d e and are to some extent i n t e g r a t e d w i t h the indigenous s o c i a l pat-t e r n . In adopting t h i s view we must be c a r e f u l to avoid some of the p i t f a l l s inherent i n i t , e s p e c i a l l y the hypothesis that items of c u l t u r e or " c u l t u r a l t r a i t s " are exportable elements t h a t flow from one s o c i e t y t o another and are "adopted" or ' ^ e j e c t e d 1 ' i n accordance w i t h the needs of the r e c i p i e n t 132 s o c i e t y . Mair p o i n t s out that t h i s i s an o v e r s i m p l i f i e d and e x c e s s i v e l y mechanistic view of s o c i a l change: "An i r r e v -erent reader who has not found t h i s scheme of study u s e f u l cannot help c o n j u r i n g up p i c t u r e s of salesmen meeting w i t h sales r e s i s t a n c e , of c u l t u r a l t r a i t s spread out on a counter as housewives go shopping, or, i n the metaphor suggested by the word 'mosaic', of some ki n d of puzzle from which pieces 133 are taken here and there and others s u b s t i t u t e d . " 131 Ward and Rustow, P o l i t i c a l Modernization i n Japan and  Turkey, pp. Uh^-hh?, 132 Such notions are i m p l i c i t i n Ralph B r a i b a n t i , "The Relevance of P o l i t i c a l Science to the Study of underdeveloped, Areas", T r a d i t i o n . Values, and Socio-Economic Development, ed. Ralph B r a i b a n t i , and Joseph J . Spengler, Durham, Duke Univer-s i t y Press, 1961, pp. 1 5 2 - I 7 O . 133 Lucy Mair, New Nations, London, Weidenfeld and N i c o l -son, 1963, pp. 200-201. When ve t h i n k about p o l i t i c a l development as a f u s i o n of the indigenous and the exogenous, of the t r a d i t i o n a l and the modern, we must remember tha t s o c i e t i e s are not mechanical co n s t r u c t s comprising replaceable p a r t s ; t h e i r essence i s grasped much more adequately by the metaphor 'organism'. S o c i e t i e s are dynamic wholes comprising n e x i of s o c i a l and p o l i t i c a l r e l a t i o n s h i p s that shape and are i n turn shaped by a t t i t u d e s and values, ideas and b e l i e f s . S o c i a l change may be s a i d t o occur when the patterns of s o c i a l r e l a t i o n s are a l t e r e d and take on a new or modified form. .Alterations i n the p a t t e r n of s o c i a l r e l a t i o n s are, i n t u r n , a r e f l e c t i o n of changes i n s o c i a l behavior and s o c i a l r o l e s . Changes i n the p a t t e r n of s o c i a l r e l a t i o n s may r e s u l t from an i n t e r n a l l y generated dynamic as was evidenced i n the p o l i t i c a l develop-ment of. England; on the other hand, t h e y may be e x t e r n a l l y stimulated through exposure t o f o r e i g n ideas and contact w i t h f o r e i g n groups. We are p r e s e n t l y i n the midst of the greatest period of contact among the s o c i e t i e s and c u l t u r e s of the world and the study of p o l i t i c a l development must take t h i s i n t o account when t r y i n g to grasp the nature of p o l i t i c a l change i n the new s t a t e s . The r e v o l u t i o n i n t r a n s p o r t a t i o n and communica-t i o n s techniques that has grown out of the l a r g e r t e c h n o l o g i c a l r e v o l u t i o n i n the West has become an important f a c t o r i n the p o l i t i c a l modernization of the non-western world f o r i t i s l e a d i n g t o f a r g reater l e v e l s of exposure between peoples. The t r a n s p o r t a t i o n r e v o l u t i o n has made i n c r e a s i n g l y l a r g e 75 numbers of people mobile g i v i n g them the opportunity f o r f i r s t - h a n d exposure t o new lands and peoples. The communi-ca t i o n s r e v o l u t i o n has given an i n c r e a s i n g p r o p o r t i o n of people everywhere an "eye on the world" and the o p p o r t u n i t y f o r construeting;-a"world view" based upon the image. Though the image may be f a u l t y and the "world view" d i s t o r t e d , e x t r a -s o c i e t a l awareness does take pl a c e . Members of e l i t e groups are l i k e l y t o be most a f f e c t e d by such developments. Non-western e l i t e groups are u s u a l l y the f i r s t to be exposed t o western i n t e l l e c t u a l and m a t e r i a l c u l t u r e and to be shocked by the r e l a t i v e "backwardness" of t h e i r own s o c i e t i e s T s o c i a l -and t e c h n o l o g i c a l development. Fol l o w i n g contact the i n d i g e n -ous e l i t e groups and many n o n - e l i t e members of the indigenous s o c i e t y come to evaluate themselves i n accordance w i t h what was once a western, but i s r a p i d l y becoming an i n t e r n a t i o n a l , standard of achievement i n c u l t u r a l , s o c i a l , economic, and p o l i t i c a l a f f a i r s . I n c r e a s i n g l y , the normative standard by which s o c i e t i e s and n a t i o n s evaluate themselves i s becoming a world standard e s t a b l i s h e d by the attainments of advanced n a t i o n s i n the West. The standard set by the West i n i n d u s t -r i a l development, t e c h n o l o g i c a l s o p h i s t i c a t i o n , a d m i n i s t r a -t i v e e x p e r t i s e , and p o l i t i c a l u n i f i c a t i o n i s a measure '.that new s t a t e s must accept i f they are t o survive as f u l l y q u a l i -13^ f i e d members of the i n t e r n a t i o n a l system. , 13+ "Up t o a point a l l s o c i e t i e s must adjust t o the h i s -t o r i c a l f a c t s of our e r a , and they must adapt t h e i r economies, s o c i e t i e s , and p o l i t i e s t o the world system and the world c u l t u r e . Thus we can see that the under-developed c o u n t r i e s are sharply l i m i t e d by t h e i r own h i s t o r i c a l experience i n being introduced i n t o the world community and by t h e i r con-t i n u i n g need t o preserve t h e i r i d e n t i t y and sovereignty i n 76 The emergence of the new s t a t e s has been accompanied by and i s connected w i t h the development of a s u p r a - n a t i o n a l s o c i e t y and c u l t u r e t h a t has been emerging concomitantly w i t h the t e c h n o l o g i c a l r e v o l u t i o n i n t r a n s p o r t a t i o n and communica-t i o n s . The new "world s o c i e t y " and i t s attached, "world c u l -ture 4" i s not a j u r i d i c a l e n t i t y but should be i d e n t i f i e d by the a t t i t u d e s , , values, and norms i t s members share; i t i s a c o l l e c t i v i t y defined by common l i f e - s t y l e s and s o c i a l o u t l ooks. In the words of Pye "... i t does have a degree of i n n e r coher-ence, and i t i s g e n e r a l l y recognized as being the essence of modern l i f e . I t i s based upon a s e c u l a r rather than a sacred view of human r e l a t i o n s , a r a t i o n a l outlook, an acceptance of the substance of and s p i r i t of the s c i e n t i f i c approach, a vigorous a p p l i c a t i o n of an expanding technology, an i n d u s t r i a l -i z e d o r g a n i z a t i o n of production, and a g e n e r a l l y humanistic 135 and p o p u l a r i s t i c set of values f o r p o l i t i c a l l i f e . " The world c u l t u r e i s the c u l t u r e of an e l i t e :'stratumwhose members a r e . " l i k e l y to have more i n common w i t h t h e i r f e l l o w s , who may be n a t i o n a l s of d i s t a n t n a t i o n s , than w i t h t h e i r pre-modern countrymen. Thus, emerging simultaneously.with the world the world community of s t a t e s . A l l t h i s i s to say that there i s a minimum l e v e l of what were once Western but are now world standards which the new st a t e s must accept i f they are to survive i n a world of inde-pendent n a t i o n - s t a t e s . Thus the i n t e r n a t i o n a l p o l i t i c a l and c u l t u r a l f a s h i o n s of the day set the general d i r e c t i o n of dev-elopment f o r the new s t a t e s . " Lucian Pye, "Democracy, Modernization, and Nation B u i l d i n g " , S e l f Government i n Mod-e r n i z i n g Nations," ed. J . Roland Pennock, Eng l e wood C l i f f s , P r e n t i c e - H a l l , 1964-, p. 15. 135 I b i d . , p. 15. 77 c u l t u r e - i s an i n t e r n a t i o n a l system of s o c i a l s t r a t i f i c a t i o n based upon the s e p a r a t i o n of people according t o modern or pre-modern l i f e - s t y l e s . The h o r i z o n t a l s t r a t i f i c a t i o n of i n t e r n a t i o n a l s o c i e t y i s not a new phenomenon; witness the European a r i s t o c r a t i c c l a s s of the s i x t e e n t h , seventeenth, and eighteenth c e n t u r i e s t h a t transcended n a t i o n a l boundaries. Emerson has w r i t t e n that "On the European stage the c l a s s d i f f e r e n c e s p r i o r to the 19th century were so great that o f t e n no n a t i o n a l linkage was acknowledged across the c l a s s l i n e s , as r e l i g i o u s d i f f e r e n c e s have at other times and places overriden n a t i o n a l t i e s . Mme. de S t a e l spoke of the French n o b i l i t y f i n d i n g i t s compatriots among the nobles of a l l c o u n t r i e s r a t h e r than among i t s f e l l o w 136 c i t i z e n s i n France...." What i s new i s the c r i t e r i o n by which the i n t e r n a t i o n a l e l i t e stratum i s i d e n t i f i e d — modern l i f e - s t y l e s — and the extent to which members of such a stratum can be found around the globe. This c r e a t e s a paradox i n p o l i t i c a l development f o r while modernization r e q u i r e s e l i t e s possessing advanced p o l i t i c a l , a d m i n i s t r a t i v e , and tech-n o l o g i c a l s k i l l s , n a t i o n - b u i l d i n g r e q u i r e s the development of c l o s e r t i e s between e l i t e s and masses and the m o b i l i t y of the l a t t e r f o r n a t i o n a l g o a l s . S o c i a l m o b i l i z a t i o n , without r e l i -ance upon fo r c e and c o e r c i o n as i n the Chinese case, r e q u i r e s \ communication and understanding between urban e l i t e s and the mass of r u r a l peasantry so that the l a t t e r might be induced to I36 Rupert Emerson, From -Empire t o Nation, Cambridge, Harvard U n i v e r s i t y Press, 1962".p. 151. 78 share the values and make the commitments t h a t n a t i o n a l u n i -f i c a t i o n and the l e g i t i m a c y of the c e n t r a l government r e q u i r e s . One of the major obstacles t o p o l i t i c a l development i n the new s t a t e s i s the great s o c i a l , p s y c h o l o g i c a l , and s p a t i a l gap that separates the modern urban e l i t e from the t r a d i t i o n a l r u r a l mass. V There i s i n the development of the new s t a t e s the prospect t h a t they may acquire the c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of the developed na-t i o n s of the West. This i s not t o suggest t h a t they w i l l m i r r o r the s o c i a l and p o l i t i c a l l i f e of western nations but one should expect t h a t at l e a s t some of the great d i v e r s i t y which has f o r so long c h a r a c t e r i z e d man's s o c i a l universe w i l l l i k e l y d i s -appear. The experience of Europe, the United S t a t e s , and the o l d e r Commonwealth nations as w e l l as tha t of Japan suggests th a t modern l i f e s ets l i m i t s upon v a r i e t y i n the i d e o l o g i c a l , behavioral., and s t r u c t u r a l dimensions of s o c i e t i e s . The ex-tent of these c o n s t r a i n t s i s , of course, not e x a c t l y known. Bendix b e l i e v e s t h a t the mix of modernity and t r a d i t i o n i n v o l v e d i n the development process permits considerable d i -v e r s i t y among advanced n a t i o n s . "Important as i n d u s t r i a l i z -a t i o n i s as a f a c t o r promoting s o c i a l change, and s i m i l a r as many of i t s c o r r e l a t e s are, the f a c t remains that the E n g l i s h , French, German, Russian, or Japanese s o c i e t i e s are as d i s t i n -137 guishable from each other today as they ever were." L e v i -137 Reinhard Bendix, N a t i o n - B u i l d i n g and C i t i z e n s h i p , New York, Wiley, 1964, p. 10 . 79 Strauss admits the p o s s i b i l i t y of a r e l a t i v e l y uniform s o c i a l l i f e f o r modern s o c i e t i e s but denies i t s c e r t a i n t y , f e e l i n g t h a t there may be a " p r i n c i p l e of d i v e r s i t y " i n mankind's s o c i a l l i f e that r e g u l a t e s u n i f o r m i t y among n a t i o n s . M I t i s quite p o s s i b l e that there i s a r e g u l a t i n g p r i n c i p l e i n man-ki n d , what I would c a l l a p r i n c i p l e of d i v e r s i t y , which w i l l make i t compulsory f o r d i f f e r e n c e s to appear w i t h i n t h i s world-wide s o c i e t y to compensate t o some extent f o r i t s u n i -f o r m i t y . .. .The tremendous development of communications makes i t much e a s i e r f o r the younger generation t o b u i l d up a c u l -ture of i t s own d i f f e r e n t from the c u l t u r e of the previous generation. So i n that case we w i l l s t i l l have d i v e r s i t y t o work w i t h . I t w i l l not be e x a c t l y the same k i n d , but i t 138 s t i l l w i l l be d i v e r s i t y . " While s o c i a l and p o l i t i c a l development may in v o l v e the red u c t i o n of d i v e r s i t y f o r the s o c i a l observer, such need not be the case f o r the p a r t i c i p a n t . Modernity opens a world of d i v e r s i t y t o the v i l l a g e or t r i b a l peasant whose t r a d i t i o n a l s o c i e t y confined him t o a humdrum and l i m i t e d e x i s t e n c e . From the viewpoint of those t r y i n g ^ t o break i n t o i t , modern s o c i a l and p o l i t i c a l l i f e o f f e r s f a r greater o p p o r t u n i t i e s f o r choice and v a r i e t y i n s o c i a l r e l a t i o n s . Modernity o f f e r s t r a d i t i o n a l man the p o s s i b i l i t y of making choices between valued a l t e r n a -t i v e s : the chance t o innovate and e x p l o r e , to break the con-f i n i n g norms of t r a d i t i o n . S o c i a l and p o l i t i c a l development opens up heretofore unimagined v i s t a s of choice i n human I38 George S t e i n e r , "A Conversation w i t h Claude Levi-Strauss", Encounter, v o l . 2 6 ( A p r i l . 1 9 6 6 ) , p. 3 6 . 80 -a f f a i r s , g r e a t l y i n c r e a s i n g the p o s s i b i l i t y f o r " p a r t i c i p a n t d i v e r s i t y " "while at the same time reducing the ' " d i v e r s i t y of the s p e c t a t o r " . The degree of spectator d i v e r s i t y permitted by modernity i s a matter f o r conjecture and w i l l only be a s c e r t a i n e d ex post f a c t o . For those who lament the ''"westernization" of man's s o c i a l and p o l i t i c a l l i f e some reassurance i s o f f e r e d by Deutsch who reminds us th a t western c i v i l i z a t i o n i s i t s e l f an amalgam of diverse elements. What we c a l l today Western c i v i l i z a t i o n i s i n a very r e a l sense a World c i v i l i z a t i o n , not merely i n what i t brought to other c o u n t r i e s , but a l s o very s i g n i f i c a n t l y i n what i t r e c e i v e d from them. Perhaps i t s 'Western' p e c u l i a r i t i e s l i e , then, not only i n i t s a b i l i t y t o o r i g i n a t e , but a l s o i n i t s a b i l i t y t o innovate, that i s , to l e a r n a c t i v e l y from others. A l l these t r a i t s of c r e a t i v i t y and of the a b i l i t y to l e a r n are present i n a l l great c i v i l i z a t i o n s of the world, and the West here, too, has perhaps gone f a s t e r and f a r t h e r on a road t r a v e l l e d to some extent by a l l . 139 JJC ?JC 3fc 5JC This s e c t i o n has examined some broad conceptual aspects of the p o l i t i c a l development process by t r a c i n g the o r i g i n s of the p o l i t i c a l development i d e a , by o u t l i n i n g a typology of s i g n i f i c a n t t r a i t s of p o l i t i c a l modernity, and by d e a l i n g w i t h the process of becoming p o l i t i c a l l y developed from the perspective of e v o l u t i o n a r y and d i f f u s i o n a r y theory. In the next three chapters our focus w i l l narrow t o an a n a l y s i s of s e v e r a l p r i n i c p a l instruments of p o l i t i c a l development i n the new s t a t e s . 139 K a r l Deutsch, "The "Growth of~Nations* Some Recurrent Patterns of P o l i t i c a l and S o c i a l I n t e g r a t i o n , " World " P o l i t i c s , v o l.5 (January 1953), pp. 192-193. P A R T I I I N S T R U M E N T S O F P O L I T I C A L D E V E L O P M E N T I N T H E N E W S T A T E S CHAPTER IV ELITES AND POLITICAL DEVELOPMENT No new st a t e w i l l modernize i t s e l f i n the present century without an e l i t e w i t h f o r c e of char a c t e r and i n t e l l i g e n c e . No new st a t e can modernize i t s e l f and remain o r become l i b e r a l and democratic without an e l i t e of f o r c e of character, i n t e l l i g e n c e and high moral q u a l i t i e s . Edward S h i l s The foremost problem of p o l i t i c a l development i n the new s t a t e s i s n a t i o n - b u i l d i n g . In Europe nations developed g r a d u a l l y over the course of c e n t u r i e s as commerce, commu-n i c a t i o n s , and a common l i n g u a franca spread w i t h i n various regions."'"^ The European s t y l e of n a t i o n - b u i l d i n g was ev o l u t i o n a r y and the slow maturation of the human community we designate " n a t i o n " was accompanied by a p a r a l l e l growth of ideas and b e l i e f s about the n a t i o n . No nations have been born outside Europe except Japan whose i s l a n d i n s u l a r i t y and c u l t u r a l homogeneity made her the only non-western country t o begin the a s s a u l t on modernity as an i n t e g r a t e d n a t i o n a l s o c i e t y . The f i r s t "new n a t i o n s " were fragments of Europe e s t a b l i s h e d i n new geographical areas w h i l e v i r t u a l l y a l l new s t a t e s have been g r a f t e d t o o l d Asian 140 Joseph S t r a y e r , "The H i s t o r i c a l Experience o f N a t i o n - B u i l d i n g i n Europe", Nat i o n - B u i l d i n g . ed. K a r l Deutsch and W i l l i a m F o l t z , New York, Atherton Press, 1963, pp. 17 - 2 6 . 83 and A f r i c a n s o c i e t i e s i n t e r n a l l y d i v i d e d by a s c r i p t i v e p a r t i c u l a r i s m s of assumed blood t i e s , race, language, r e g i o n , r e l i g i o n , or custom.. Such p a r t i c u l a r i s m s c o n s t i t u t e a fundamental ob s t a c l e to the growth of n a t i o n a l sentiment -a f e e l i n g of community and i d e n t i t y extending outward beyond the v i l l a g e , t r i b e or re g i o n embracing the e n t i r e populace of a p o l i t i c a l l y demarcated geographical area. The new s t a t e s are d i v i d e d by an e q u a l l y s e r i o u s s o c i a l and geo-g r a p h i c a l "gap" that separates the usually- educated, west-e r n i z e d , and urban e l i t e at the apex of the s o c i a l s t r u c t u r e from the mass of i l l i t e r a t e , t r i b a l , and v i l l a g e peasantry at the bottom."*"^" T h i s gap tha t d i v i d e s the populations o f new s t a t e s i s at once geographical and s o c i a l . I t i s geo-g r a p h i c a l since i t i n v o l v e s the sepa r a t i o n of c i t y and town dw e l l e r s from the great m a j o r i t y of people who s t i l l r e s i d e i n the country. I t i s s o c i a l i n two respects: i t i n v o l v e s the separation of i n d i v i d u a l s who have adopted, more or l e s s 141 S h i l s s t a t e s t h a t : "This Tgap T i n the s t r u c t u r e o f t e r r i t o r i a l l o y a l t y and i n the c l a s s s t r u c t u r e i s para-l l e l e d by the wide divergence i n the s t y l e s of l i f e and the as s o c i a t e d outlooks of those w i t h a modern ('Western') education and those without i t . There i s nothing q u i t e comparable i n Western c o u n t r i e s , where the l e a s t and the most educated are educated i n the same language and share, to some extent, c e r t a i n important common symbols. Even i n Great B r i t a i n , where the most educated are s t i l l u n l i k e l y t o have passed through the same educational system as the l e s s educated, they have at l e a s t been educated i n the same language; and f o r the years i n which both c l a s s e s were at sch o o l , there were c e r t a i n common elements i n t h e i r course o f study and i n the c u l t u r e of childhood. This i s not so i n the new c o u n t r i e s , where the mass of the population has not been to school at a l l . " Edward S h i l s , P o l i t i c a l  Development i n the New St a t e s , Gravenhage, The Netherlands, Mouton, 1962, pp. 17-18. 84 completely, western v a l u e s , tastes, and l i f e - s t y l e s from those who have not; and, i t i n v o l v e s the separation of r u l e r s and r u l e d . In the new s t a t e s the p o l i t i c a l s e p a r a t i o n of e l i t e and mass which corresponds g e n e r a l l y t o the sepa-r a t i o n of r u l e r s and r u l e d has r e s u l t e d from the c r e a t i o n of an instrumental p o l i t i c a l system that absorbs most, i f not a l l i n d i v i d u a l s who are s u f f i c i e n t l y educated to perform the a d m i n i s t r a t i v e and t e c h n i c a l r o l e s that the p u r s u i t of modernity r e q u i r e s . T h i s gap - between c i t y and countryside, modernity and t r a d i t i o n , e l i t e and mass, r u l e r s and r u l e d - - i d e n t i f i e s the s o c i a l and p o l i t i c a l s t r u c t u r e of the new s t a t e s and o f f e r s a clue t o the nature of t h e i r p o l i t i c s . The marked s o c i a l and geographical distance between r u l e r s and r u l e d d i s t i n g u i s h e s the p o l i t i c s o f the developing areas from modern democratic or t o t a l i t a r i a n p o l i t i c s . A fundamental c h a r a c t e r i s t i c of modern democratic p o l i t i e s i s the vast and complex o r g a n i z a t i o n a l " i n f r a - s t r u c t u r e " comprising an a r r a y of i n t e r e s t groups th a t c o n s t i t u t e the connective t i s s u e of the body p o l i t i c . Most contemporary t o t a l i t a r i a n p o l i t i c a l systems bridge the gap between r u l e r s and r u l e d w i t h a massive p o l i t i c a l p a r t y t h a t e f f e c t i v e l y c a r r i e s out s o c i a l i z a t i o n , education, and communication f u n c t i o n s aided by r e g u l a r organs of the mass media. Without developed p o l i t i c a l i n f r a - s t r u c t u r e s the democratic model remains out of reach i n the new s t a t e s while the i n t e n s i t y of p r i m o r d i a l sentiments i n what are e s s e n t i a l l y p l u r a l s o c i e t i e s and the l i m i t e d development of the communications media i n h i b i t 6*5 r e a l i z a t i o n of the t o t a l i t a r i a n model. Although mass p o l i t i c a l p a r t i e s are common i n the new s t a t e s and M a r x i s t ideology f a s h i o n a b l e , an o u t r i g h t commitment to the Soviet o r Chinese models i s seldom made. Thus, we are l e f t w i t h a t r a n s i t i o n a l p o l i t i c a l process that i n c l i n e s toward t o t a l i t a r i a n i s m and Marxism employing mass p o l i t i c a l p a r t i e s as m o b i l i z i n g instruments but stops short o f the Soviet or Chinese models and assumes the c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of what might be c a l l e d p o p u l i s t e l i t i s m . P o l i t i c s i n the new s t a t e s are p o p u l i s t i n t h a t e l i t e s d e s i r e and s t r i v e f o r popular support; they are e l i t i s t s i n c e genuine p o l i t i c a l p a r t i c i p a t i o n i s confined t o i n d i -v i d u a l s at the apex of the s o c i a l s t r u c t u r e . T r a n s i t i o n a l p o l i t i c s are r e s t r i c t e d t o e l i t e groups, e s p e c i a l l y i n t e l -l e c t u a l s and the m i l i t a r y , and are i n c r e a s i n g l y c h a r a c t e r i z e d as one-party, one-man r u l e . I E t y m o l o g i c a l l y , the word " e l i t e " o r i g i n a l l y meant to choose, and came to connote the best choice or a c l a s s o f n i p i n d i v i d u a l s w i t h " s u p e r i o r q u a l i f i c a t i o n s " . K e r s t i e n s suggests t h a t " I t i s the n o t i o n of s u p e r i o r i t y that i n many cases leads to the i d e n t i f i c a t i o n of the term ' e l i t e ' with one p a r t i c u l a r e l i t e , which i s s u p e r i o r i n the p o l i t i c a l 142 Thorn K e r s t i e n s , :The New E l i t e i n A s i a and A f r i c a , New York, Praeger, 1966, pp. 4-6. 86 sense, t h a t i s , the governing e l i t e . "-L4-> For Bottomore a p o l i t i c a l e l i t e i s a s m a l l group "... which comprises those i n d i v i d u a l s who a c t u a l l y e x e r c i s e p o l i t i c a l power i n a s o c i e t y at any given time."^^ 1' I t i s p o s s i b l e to speak of high ranking bureaucrats, army o f f i c e r s , i n t e l l e c t u a l s , c o l o n i a l a d m i n i s t r a t o r s , and i n d u s t r i a l managers as e l i t e s and i n many h i s t o r i c a l and contemporary s o c i e t i e s e l i t e s such as these have sometimes become p o l i t i c i z e d and transformed i n t o p o l i t i c a l e l i t e s . In the contemporary new s t a t e s fewer e l i t e groups e x i s t but most, i f not a l l , tend t o become, p o l i t i c i z e d s i n c e , i n Apter's words, " P o l i t i c s becomes i t s e l f s o c i e t y r a t h e r than any part o f i t . " ^ ^ When we speak of e l i t e s i n the new s t a t e s we r e f e r t o the "... new p o l i t i c a l e l i t e , /which7 a f t e r independence^, claims s p e c i a l s o l i d a r i t y acceptance because of i t s l e a d e r s h i p i n the s t r u g g l e f o r l i b e r a t i o n , and ... tends to widen i t s l e a d e r -s h i p from the p o l i t i c a l to-the economic and s o c i a l f i e l d s . I t t r i e s 'to d i r e c t a l l the s o c i a l developments of the 143 K e r s t i e n s , The New E l i t e i n A s i a and A f r i c a , p. 8. 144 Bottomore s t a t e s t h a t : "The extent of the p o l i t i c a l e l i t e i s , t h e r e f o r e , r e l a t i v e l y easy to determine: i t w i l l i n c l u d e members of the government and of the high admini-s t r a t i o n , m i l i t a r y l e a d e r s , and, i n some cases, p o l i t i c a l l y i n f l u e n t i a l f a m i l i e s of an a r i s t o c r a c y or r o y a l house and leaders of powerful economic e n t e r p r i s e s . " T. B. Bottomore, E l i t e s and S o c i e t y , New York, Bas i c Books, 1964, p.9. 145 David Apter, " I n t r o d u c t i o n to Non-Western Govern-ment and P o l i t i c s " , Comparative P o l i t i c s , ed. Harry E c k s t e i n and David Apter, iMew ¥ork, Free Press, 1963, p. 654. 87 country, e s p e c i a l l y the r a i s i n g of the standard of l i v i n g and the development of new occupations and the m o b i l i t y w i t h i n them'." 1 4 6 Among the most h i g h l y p o l i t i c i z e d e l i t e groups i n the new s t a t e s have been the r e v o l u t i o n a r y and n a t i o n a l i s t i n t e l l e c t u a l s and the m i l i t a r y . The m i l i t a r y has been an important p o l i t i c a l f o r c e i n the Middle East and North A f r i c a where there has been a t r a d i t i o n of. p o l i t i c a l a c t i v i t y and r u l e by the o f f i c e r cadre and i s o f i n c r e a s i n g importance i n t r o p i c a l A f r i c a where f i v e m i l i t a r y coups r e c e n t l y took l/i.7 p l a c e . While acknowledging the growing importance of m i l i t a r y e l i t e s i n the new s t a t e s , our a n a l y s i s w i l l focus on the r o l e played by i n t e l l e c t u a l s i n p o l i t i c a l . d e v e l o p m e n t . Two q u a l i t i e s i d e n t i f y i n t e l l e c t u a l s as an e l i t e group i n the new s t a t e s : the high status a t t r i b u t e d t o t h e i r members th a t r e f l e c t s the importance of t h e i r r o l e as leaders i n the f i g h t f o r independence; and, the extent t o which t h e i r members e x h i b i t a t t i t u d e s , t a s t e s , and behavior equated w i t h modernity. In.much o f contemporary A s i a and A f r i c a the new r u l i n g e l i t e s are r e v o l u t i o n a r y and n a t i o n a l i s t i n t e l -l e c t u a l s who i n h e r i t e d the mantle of c o l o n i a l r u l e . 146 K e r s t i e n s , The New E l i t e i n A s i a and A f r i c a , p. 8. 147 These were, i n Togo, Dahomey, The Congo, N i g e r i a , and Ghana. For an a n a l y s i s o f m i l i t a r y e l i t e s i n the new s t a t e s see: M o r r i s Janowitz, The M i l i t a r y i n the P o l i t i c a l  Development of New Nations. Chicago, U n i v e r s i t y of Chicago Pre s s , 1964. I I The r a p i d e r o s i o n of the l e g i t i m a c y of c o l o n i a l r u l e f o l l o w i n g World War I I ' l e d t o the c r e a t i o n of p o l i t i c a l vacuums i n many o l d s o c i e t i e s of A s i a and A f r i c a . The vacuums created by the waning l e g i t i m a c y o f c o l o n i a l r u l e could not be f i l l e d by t r a d i t i o n a l a u t h o r i t i e s who had f r e q u e n t l y c o l l a b o r a t e d or cooperated w i t h c o l o n i a l r u l e r s as e x e m p l i f i e d i n the B r i t i s h p r a c t i c e of i n d i r e c t r u l e . Apart from indigenous i n t e l l e c t u a l s , who were a l i e n a t e d both from c o l o n i a l and t r a d i t i o n a l a u t h o r i t i e s , there were no groups w i t h s u f f i c i e n t s t a t u s t o f i l l such vacuums. In so many of the c o l o n i a l c o u n t r i e s , the p r i n c e l y d y nasties were i n decay, t h e i r powers and t h e i r capa-c i t i e s withered.... C h i e f s and pri n c e s squirmed under f o r e i g n r u l e ; they i n t r i g u e d and schemed, and at times even r e s o r t e d t o arms, but they organized no p o l i t i c a l movements and they espoused no ideology. They sought only, when they p r o t e s t e d , t o r e t a i n or r e g a i n t h e i r own p r e r o g a t i v e s . There were no great noble f a m i l i e s producing, i n generation a f t e r generation, c o u r t i e r s and m i n i s t e r s who w i t h the emergence of modern forms of p u b l i c p o l i t i c s moved over i n t o t h a t sphere as of r i g h t , as they d i d i n Great B r i t a i n from the seventeenth to the nineteenth century. The t r a d i t i o n a l i n t e l l e c t u a l s , the custodians o f sacred t e x t s , u s u a l l y . . . had no p o l i -t i c a l concerns... there was no p r o f e s s i o n of p o l i t i c s . which men entered e a r l y , u s u a l l y from some other pro-f e s s i o n , and remained i n u n t i l f i n a l and crushing defeat or the end of t h e i r l i v e s . There were very few merchants and i n d u s t r i a l i s t s who out of c i v i c and ' m a t e r i a l ' i n t e r e s t took a part i n p o l i t i c s on a f u l l or part-time s c a l e . . . . There was and there s t i l l i s s c a r c e l y an endogenous trade union movement which produces i t s own leaders from w i t h i n the l a b o r i n g c l a s s . . . . There was no c i t i z e n r y , no r e s e r v o i r of c i v i l i t y , to provide not only the audience and f o l l o w i n g of p o l i t i c s but the personnel o f middle and higher l e a d e r s h i p . In short, i f p o l i t i c s 89 were t o e x i s t at a l l i n underdeveloped c o u n t r i e s under c o l o n i a l r u l e , they had to be the p o l i t i c s of the i n t e l l e c t u a l s . ! ^ 8 I f the i n t e l l i g e n t s i a were the c h i e f a dversaries of c o l o n i a l rule, i t was the s t r u c t u r e and operation o f the c o l o n i a l system i t s e l f which c o n t r i b u t e d t o the c r e a t i o n of an i n t e l l e c t u a l cadre bent on i t s overthrow. By e i t h e r p r o v i d i n g or p e r m i t t i n g the education of indigenous youths c o l o n i a l regimes t h a t sought t o t r a i n such personnel f o r minor c l e r i c a l r o l e s i n f a c t estranged them from t h e i r t r a d i t i o n a l attachments without p r o v i d i n g a l t e r n a t i v e sources of s t a t u s , income, and i n f l u e n c e w i t h i n the c o l o n i a l system t h a t could s a t i s f y t h e i r f e l t need f o r d i g n i t y and s e l f -1-1-9 respe c t . The oc c u p a t i o n a l s t r u c t u r e of many c o l o n i a l regimes d i d not permit s t a t u s - s a t i s f y i n g employment f o r i n d i v i d u a l s who had made t h e i r way through the missionary school system and, i n some cases, through l o c a l and even f o r e i g n u n i v e r s i t i e s . This d i s e q u i l i b r i u m i n c o l o n i a l systems - the t r a i n i n g o f i n d i v i d u a l s i n a d m i n i s t r a t i v e and t e c h n i c a l s k i l l s without a cprresponding increase i n the demand f o r indigenous:persons.with such s k i l l s - l e d t o the c r e a t i o n of a s i g n i f i c a n t group of mal-employed i n t e l l e c t u a l s who were n a t u r a l l y h o s t i l e to regimes that had encouraged t h e i r education without making p r o v i s i o n f o r t h e i r employment 148 Edward S h i l s , "The I n t e l l e c t u a l s i n the P o l i t i c a l Development o f the New States',' World P o l i t i c s . V o l . 12 ( A p r i l I960), pp. 3 3 1 - 3 3 2 . 149 I b i d . . pp. 331-332. 90 i n s a t i s f a c t o r y positions upon i t s completion. These mal-employed i n t e l l e c t u a l s which i t was i n the nature of c o l o n i a l regimes to produce became a preponderant factor i n t h e i r ultimate downfall. I n t e l l e c t u a l s not only developed an emotional h o s t i l i t y to c o l o n i a l regimes, but i n the course of t h e i r exposure to western p o l i t i c a l ideas which was a s o c i a l i z i n g by-product of t h e i r formal education, they acquired d i s t i n c t i v e p o l i -t i c a l attitudes and s k i l l s which could be used against such regimes. A s i g n i f i c a n t number of individuals t r a v e l l e d abroad - usually to England, France, or the United States -i n search of higher education and greater exposure to western s o c i e t i e s . During such sojourns abroad they often imbibed or had reinforced t h e i r own e g a l i t a r i a n sentiments and n a t i o n a l i s t i c ideas. "The London School of Economics i n p a r t i c u l a r , " writes S h i l s , "... has probably contributed much more to the exc i t a t i o n of n a t i o n a l i s t i c sentiment than any other educational i n s t i t u t i o n i n the world. At the School of Economics, the la t e Professor Harold Laski did more than any other single i n d i v i d u a l to hearten the c o l o n i a l students and to make them f e e l that the great weight of l i b e r a l Western learning supported t h e i r p o l i t i c a l enthusiasm. 1^ More important than the ac q u i s i t i o n of democratic, n a t i o n a l i s t i c , and s o c i a l i s t i c ideas advanced by western 150 S h i l s , World P o l i t i c s , p. 337. 91 academics committed t o Asian and A f r i c a n self-government were the n a t i o n a l i s t i c and of t e n c l a n d e s t i n e o r g a n i z a t i o n s formed by the students themselves. For some students, the a c q u i s i t i o n of o r g a n i z a t i o n a l s k i l l s and the excitement of cla n d e s t i n e p o l i t i c a l a c t i v i t y were placed before the d e s i r e f o r an education. Nkrumah's experiences abroad are sugges-t i v e : "My purpose i n going to London was t o study Law and, at the same time, t o complete my t h e s i s f o r a doctorate i n philosophy. :' As soon as I a r r i v e d i n London, t h e r e f o r e , I e n r o l l e d at Gray's Inn and arranged t o attend l e c t u r e s at the London School of Economics. I t was here t h a t I met Pr o f e s s o r L a s k i when he l e c t u r e d there i n p o l i t i c a l science, a subject i n which I was keenly i n t e r e s t e d . . . . In s p i t e of t h i s , i t was only a matter of weeks before I got tangled up w i t h p o l i t i c a l a c t i v i t i e s i n London. As i n my American days, I as s o c i a t e d myself w i t h a l l p o l i t i c a l movements and p a r t i e s . . ..'-'•-'1 Out of such emigre student a c t i v i t y developed n a t i o n a l i s t i c consciousness and the o r g a n i z a t i o n a l and pro-p a g a n d i s t s s k i l l s necessary f o r the c r e a t i o n and d i r e c t i o n of p o l i t i c a l movements that could press f o r self-government. Moreover, such western educated i n d i v i d u a l s o f t e n ex-h i b i t e d unique a t t i t u d e s toward t h e i r own s o c i e t i e s , the West, and p o l i t i c s i n general. Western education and s o c i a l i z a t i o n may produce !'assaulted" i n t e l l e c t u a l s who 151 Kwame Nkrumah, Ghana: The Autobiography of  Kwame Nkrumah. London, Nelson, 1959, pp. 42-43. 92 have t a s t e d the f r u i t s of the developed West, yet are unable to deny the inherent worth of t h e i r own s o c i e t y without denying a part of themselves. 1-^ Westernized and committed to the modernization of t h e i r s o c i e t i e s , these i n t e l l e c t u a l s turned t o p o l i t i c a l a c t i v i t y as the key t o c o l o n i a l overthrow and the development of a modern s o c i e t y . Nkrumah's admonition was apposite: "Seek ye f i r s t the p o l i t i c a l kingdom and a l l t h i n g s s h a l l be added unto you." P o l i t i c s was viewed as a panacea, as the most e f f i c a c i o u s means not o n l y f o r over-throwing c o l o n i a l r u l e but f o r developing a modern s o c i e t y afterwards. Dedicated to the goal of self-government, imbued w i t h western p o l i t i c a l b e l i e f s - n a t i o n a l i s m , s o c i a l i s m , demo-c r a c y - and armed wi t h the o r g a n i z a t i o n a l and o r a t o r i c a l s k i l l s of the p o l i t i c a l r e v o l u t i o n a r y , some Western educated i n t e l l e c t u a l s returned home to work toward o u s t i n g the c o l o n i a l regimes. P o l i t i c a l p a r t i e s were shored up and 152 Mary Matossian w r i t e s t h a t : "The f i r s t problem o f the 'assaulted' i n t e l l e c t u a l i s to assume a s a t i s f a c t o r y posture v i s - a - v i s the West. The p o s i t i o n taken i s f r e -quently ambiguous, embracing the polafc extremes of xenophobia and x e n o p h i l i a . The i n t e l l e c t u a l may resent the West, but since he i s already at l e a s t p a r t l y Westernized, to r e j e c t the West completely would be t o deny part of h i m s e l f . The i n t e l l e c t u a l i s a p p a l l e d by d i s c r e p a n c i e s between the stan-dard of l i v i n g and ' c u l t u r e ' of h i s own country, and those o f modern Western n a t i o n s . -He f e e l s that something must be done, and done f a s t . . . I ' Mary Matossian, "Ideologies of Delayed I n d u s t r i a l i z a t i o n : Some Tensions and Ambiguities", P o l i t i c a l Change i n Underdeveloped Countries, ed. John Kautsky, New York, Wiley, 1962, p. 254-. 93 given g r e a t e r coherence and e f f e c t i v e n e s s or were s t a r t e d anew. In the Ivory Coast, f o r example, a number of s m a l l p o l i t i c a l o r g a n i z a t i o n s were forged toward the end and immediately f o l l o w i n g the Second World War. These " e l e c t o r a l a l l i a n c e s " were "... designed t o e l e c t leaders t o the o f f i c e s made a v a i l a b l e t o A f r i c a n s as a r e s u l t of reforms i n the 153 c o l o n i a l system." The most s i g n i f i c a n t was t h e Syndicat A g r i c o l e A f r i c a i n , organized and l e d by F e l i x Houphouet-Boigny, a French t r a i n e d doctor who renamed the movement the P a r t i Democratique de l a Cote d ' l v o i r e and by d i n t of e x c e p t i o n a l p o l i t i c a l s k i l l and some good l u c k succeeded i n winning widespread support. In the Gold Coast the War was a l s o accompanied by p o l i t i c a l reforms i n s t i t u t e d by the c o l o n i a l regime. These l e d t o t h e formation of the United Gold Coast Convention xvhose leaders sought the r e t u r n of Nkrumah from London t o become secretary and c h i e f organizer of the movement. "A capable o r g a n i z e r and a s o p h i s t i c a t e d p o l i t i c i a n , he became a popular i d o l almost overnight. His o b j e c t i v e was immediate self-government, and toward t h i s end he threw h i s energies. His acquaintance w i t h Marxism and h i s a b i l i t i e s as an o r a t o r gained him a f o l l o w i n g among the young, the disadvantaged, t h e d i s i l l u s i o n e d , and the i d e a l -153' A r i s t i d e Zolberg, "Ivory Coast", P o l i t i c a l P a r t i e s and N a t i o n a l I n t e g r a t i o n i n T r o p i c a l A f r i c a , ed. James Coleman and C a r l Rosberg, J r . , Berkeley and Los Angeles, U n i v e r s i t y of C a l i f o r n i a Press, 1964. p. 66. 94 i s t i c . " 1 ^ Nkrumah's success i n transforming the United Gold.Coast Convention i n t o an e f f e c t i v e p o l i t i c a l movement w i t h a f f i l i a t e d youth o r g a n i z a t i o n s and an i d e o l o g i c a l programme - " P o s i t i v e A c t i o n " - was more than i t s moderate leaders bargained f o r and l e d t o the formation of h i s own mass movement - the Convention People's P a r t y - composed 155 mainly of h i s y o u t h f u l f o l l o w e r s . In these and s i m i l a r p a r t i e s elsewhere, h i g h l y p o l i t i c i z e d i n t e l l e c t u a l e l i t e s played on the f e e l i n g s o f unrest and discontent of ex-servicemen who had experienced higher standards of l i v i n g w h i l e s e r v i n g i n c o l o n i a l f o r c e s abroad and acted upon the f r u s t r a t i o n s o f under-employed youths who had f a i l e d t o secure s a t i s f a c t o r y c l e r i c a l posts and 156 were u n w i l l i n g t o do menial labour. Many youths who had had t h e i r t a s t e f o r modernity and socio-economic betterment whetted by the elementary education that c o l o n i a l systems encouraged were among the f i r s t t o develop h o s t i l i t y t o those systems, le n d i n g t h e i r support to the p o l i t i c a l movements fashioned by t h e i r b e t t e r educated countrymen. In the Gold Coast many young people were r e c r u i t e d by the n a t i o n a l i s t 154 David Apter, Ghana i n T r a n s i t i o n , New York, Atheneum, 1963, p. I08. 155 Apter, .Ghana i n T r a n s i t i o n , p. 171. In h i s auto-biography Nkrumah w r i t e s : "The ide a of a p o l i t i c a l party as such never occurred t o them (the moderate leaders] and the party system was a l i e n t o them. In f a c t one of my numerous s o - c a l l e d crimes, according t o my p o l i t i c a l opponents, i s t h a t I have introduced the par t y system i n t o the country." Nkrumah, Ghana: The Autobiography of Kwame  Nkrumah, p. 57. 156 Apter, Ghana i n T r a n s i t i o n , p. 165. 95 movements t o serve as a bridge between the leaders and the p a r t l y a c c u l t u r a t e d i n d i v i d u a l s that a s u c c e s s f u l indepen-157 dence movement r e q u i r e d . The r i s e i n a n t i - c o l o n i a l sentiment t h a t was f e d by n a t i o n a l i s t , s o c i a l i s t , and M a r x i s t newspapers became a convenient weapon f o r f o c u s i n g the h o s t i l i t y of such groups upon the c o l o n i a l presence. As one h i s t o r i a n of c o l o n i a l i s m put i t : " A n t i c o l o n i a l i s m . . . was an emotion t h a t could be f e l t by a l l , and i t could be and was e x p l o i t e d t o the f u l l t o . d r i v e out the c o l o n i a l 158 powers, a d e f i n i t e and a t t a i n a b l e end." By shaping and o r g a n i z i n g e f f e c t i v e n a t i o n a l i s t p o l i t i c a l movements, by f o r m u l a t i n g s p e c i f i c programmes of p o l i t i c a l a c t i o n and c a r r y i n g them out, by a c t i v a t i n g and d i r e c t i n g the h o s t i l i t y of p a r t l y a c c u l t u r a t e d segments of s o c i e t y at the c o l o n i a l a u t h o r i t i e s , and, f i n a l l y , by p l a y i n g on the moral s e n s i t i v i t i e s of western r u l e r s and weakening t h e i r r e s o l v e i n m a i n t a i n i n g the s t a t u s quo, n a t i o n a l i s t i n t e l l e c t u a l e l i t e s succeeded i n o u s t i n g or i n d u c i n g the withdrawal of almost a l l European powers from the Afro-Asian world. 157 Apter, Ghana i n T r a n s i t i o n , p. I 6 5 . 158 Stewart Easton, The Rise and F a l l of Western  C o l o n i a l i s m , New York, Praeger, 1964, p. 220.' 96 I I I S u c c e s s f u l i n removing c o l o n i a l i s m from much of Asia and A f r i c a , the n a t i o n a l i s t i n t e l l e c t u a l e l i t e s assumed the mantle of r u l e r s h i p i n t h e i r new s t a t e s . A f t e r a b r i e f p e r i o d of euphoria derived from the sense of accomplishment that accompanied the r e a l i z a t i o n of t h e r i g h t to r u l e and the a n t i c i p a t i o n of b u i l d i n g the promised l a n d , the new e l i t e s confronted the very r e a l d i f f i c u l t i e s i n v o l v e d i n c o n s o l i d a t i n g t h e i r a u t h o r i t y i n fragmented t r a d i t i o n a l s o c i e t i e s and the immense problems in v o l v e d i n t h e i r t r a n s -formation i n t o modern n a t i o n - s t a t e s . The s k i l l s and t a c t i c s of p o l i t i c a l a g i t a t i o n so s u c c e s s f u l i n the f i g h t f o r inde-pendence were found to be l e s s u s e f u l i n e s t a b l i s h i n g n a t i o n a l 159 r u l e and modernizing backward s o c i e t i e s . . I t i s of course t r u e t h a t most n a t i o n a l i s t movements were not met w i t h an i n s t i t u t i o n a l t a b u l a rasa at independence. 159 We r e f e r to the o r a t o r i c a l , a g i t a t i o n a l , and dema-gogic s k i l l s t h a t r e v o l u t i o n s i n s p i r e and probably r e q u i r e but which i n h i b i t the development of the s t a b l e and e f f e c t i v e i n s t i t u t i o n s that p o l i t i c a l modernization depends upon. This p o i n t has been made by S h i l s who' w r i t e s : "The f i r s t c o n d i t i o n of the establishment of a modern p o l i t i c a l order i s the c r e -a t i o n of an e f f e c t i v e a d m i n i s t r a t i o n , s t a b l e i n s t i t u t i o n s of p u b l i c o p i n i o n , modern e d u c a t i o n a l systems, p u b l i c l i b e r t i e s , and r e p r e s e n t a t i v e , d e l i b e r a t i v e , l e g i s l a t i v e i n s t i t u t i o n s . These are the p r e r e q u i s i t e s of t h e growth of a p o l i t y , of an order t o which the i n h a b i t a n t s of the sovereign t e r r i t o r y w i l l f e e l they belong and t o whose a u t h o r i t i e s they w i l l a t t r i b u t e l e g i t i m a c y . Demagogy, or r h e t o r i c a l charisma, which used t o be c a l l e d " r a b b l e - r o u s i n g " and i s now c a l l e d " m o b i l i z a t i o n of the masses", sometimes appears to be a short cut to t h i s o b j e c t i v e . But i n i t s attempt, by flam-boyant ora t o r y and the d i s p l a y of a r a d i a t i n g p e r s o n a l i t y , t o incorporate the mass of the population i n t o a great n a t i o n a l e f f o r t , i t almost always arouses the more clamorous 97 "They took over p a r t i c u l a r s t r u c t u r e s of c e n t r a l and l o c a l government, systems of law and education. They assumed r e s p o n s i b i l i t y f o r the d i r e c t i o n of economies which had been developed i n p a r t i c u l a r ways to meet p a r t i c u l a r demands during the c o l o n i a l period"."'"0^ However inadequate they were f o r purposes of n a t i o n - b u i l d i n g and modernization, the new e l i t e s d i d i n h e r i t i n s t i t u t i o n s from c o l o n i a l regimes t h a t had to be "worked" i f order and c o n t i n u i t y i n law and admin-i s t r a t i o n were t o be maintained d u r i n g the immediate post-i n dependence p e r i o d . In I n d i a the problem was l e s s serious since t h e c o l o n i a l bureaucracy had been penetrated t o a considerable extent by indigenous personnel. In A f r i c a , on the other hand, v i r t u a l l y a l l important t e c h n i c a l , economic, e d u c a t i o n a l , and a d m i n i s t r a t i v e o f f i c e s were held by whites; the indigenous A f r i c a n s had b a r e l y succeeded i n reaching the lowest echelons of the i n s t i t u t i o n a l s t r u c t u r e . In Ghana, Nkrumah t r i e d to s o l v e the problem by inducing overseas among them t o demands and expectations which f a r exceed the p o s s i b i l i t y of f u l f i l m e n t . I t tends to encourage the 'masses' t o b e l i e v e that the occasion of t h e i r p e r s i s t e n t l y or momentarily f e l t grievances r e s u l t s from the d e l i b e r a t e a c t i o n of the demagogue's opponents. Thus i t causes commotion; i t produces changes which are only of the moment; i t generates c o n f l i c t s which impede the growth of a p r o g r e s s i v e , modern p o l i t i c a l order. Far from being a short cut, demagogy i s one of the greatest menaces t o the p o l i t i c a l development of-the new s t a t e s . " Edward S h i l s , '^Demagogues and Cadres i n the P o l i t i c a l Development of the New S t a t e s " , Communications and  P o l i t i c a l Development, ed. Lucian Pye, P r i n c e t o n , P r i n c e t o n U n i v e r s i t y Press, 1963, p. 64. 160 Ken Post, The New States of West A f r i c a . Penguin Books, 1964, p. 62 . 98 o f f i c e r s t o remain f o r a temporary p e r i o d o f f e r i n g them compensation f o r l o s s of t h e i r careers when a programme, of a f r i c a n i z a t i o n was c o m p l e t e . 1 6 1 However, i n Ghana as i n most new s t a t e s , the i n d i g e n i z a t i o n of the bureaucracy was a c t i v e l y pursued i n response t o patronage pressures and f o r the p s y c h i c g r a t i f i c a t i o n i t gave which outweighed any of the " c o s t s " t h a t might be brought i n i t s t r a i n . And the c osts were r e a l enough: "Whatever other ends have been achieved," w r i t e s Coleman, "... the r a p i d departure of t r a i n e d and experienced s t a f f , and the sudden massive input and r a p i d promotion of l a r g e l y u n t r a i n e d and inexperienced indigenous s t a f f , unquestionably meant a drop i n e f f i c i e n c y . " 1 6 ^ The d i s c o v e r y by the new e l i t e s of what Apter c a l l s the " n a t u r a l conservatism of c u l t u r e s " - the very r e a l d i f f i c u l t i e s encountered i n the attempt at overcoming s o c i e t a l fragmen-t a t i o n and the s o c i a l , economic, t e c h n i c a l , and a d m i n i s t r a t i v e obstacles t o r a p i d modernization - were o f t e n met by a p o l i -t i c a l response. " I t i s c h a r a c t e r i s t i c of new n a t i o n s t h a t , having won t h e i r freedom through p o l i t i c a l a c t i o n and having taken over from c i v i l s e r v i c e o l i g a r c h i e s r e s p o n s i b l e f o r the major a c t i v i t i e s of s o c i a l l i f e and w e l f a r e , they should 161 Nkrumah, Ghana: The Autobiography of ^ wame^NJcrumah, P P . 123-125. ~ . -•""•*— ~ 162 James Coleman, "Economic Growth and P o l i t i c a l Reorientation,"'. Economic T r a n s i t i o n i n A f r i c a , ed. M e l v i l l e H e rskovits and M i t c h e l l Harwitz, London, Routledge and Kegan P a u l , 1964, p. 385. 99 continue to view progress i n p u r e l y p o l i t i c a l terms." Since " p o l i t i c a l " a c t i o n had been the key t o the achievement of n a t i o n a l independence the new e l i t e s were o f t e n i n c l i n e d t o r e l y upon i t i n n a t i o n - b u i l d i n g and modernization. But the techniques developed f o r overthrowing an a l i e n r u l e r were not designed t o solve p o s t - r e v o l u t i o n a r y problems of government; the s k i l l s of r e v o l u t i o n were not the s k i l l s r e q u i red i n governing and transforming a s o c i e t y . Pre-independence p o l i t i c s i n the new s t a t e s had been o p p o s i t i o n a l p o l i t i c s . " I t was," w r i t e s S h i l s , "... the op p o s i t i o n of p o l i t i c i a n s excluded or withdrawn from the c o n s t i t u t i o n a l order, who accepted n e i t h e r the r u l e s nor the ends of the p r e v a i l i n g s y s t e m . " l o ^ The i n t e l l e c t u a l s and n a t i o n a l i s t s who fought t o oust c o l o n i a l regimes from A s i a and A f r i c a came t o view p o l i t i c a l a c t i o n as a st r u g g l e w i t h an i l l e g i t i m a t e adversary. P o l i t i c s was the a r t of opposing and overcoming a l i e n a d v e r s a r i e s and i n h e r i t i n g the r i g h t t o r u l e . A f t e r independence i t was of t e n discovered t h a t the problems of r u l e r s h i p could not be re s o l v e d q u i c k l y by the a p p l i c a t i o n of past p o l i t i c a l techniques and the o p p o s i t i o n a l temperament i n c l i n e d some r u l i n g e l i t e s to seek out and i d e n t i f y opponents accused of o b s t r u c t i n g n a t i o n -b u i l d i n g and development. Those u s u a l l y i d e n t i f i e d were: "neo-colonialism"; d i s a f f e c t e d i n t e l l e c t u a l s and p o l i t i c i a n s 163 David Apter, " I n t r o d u c t i o n t o Non-Western Government and P o l i t i c s " , Comparative P o l i t i c s . , ed. Harry E c k s t e i n and David Apter, New York, Free Press, 1963, p. 653. 164 S h i l s , World P o l i t i c s , p. 351. 100 i n ^ o p p o s i t i o n p a r t i e s ; and t r a d i t i o n a l a u t h o r i t y s t r u c t u r e s . Sometimes a l l were l i n k e d together as the obstacle t o progress: As the n a t i o n a l i s t s t r u g g l e deepens i n the c o l o n i a l t e r r i t o r i e s and independence appears on the h o r i z o n , the i m p e r i a l i s t powers, f i s h i n g i n the muddy waters of communalism, t r i b a l i s m , and s e c t i o n a l i n t e r e s t s , en-deavour t o c r e a t e f i s s i o n s i n the n a t i o n a l f r o n t , i n order t o achieve fragmentation. I r e l a n d i s the c l a s s i c example, India another. The French dismembered the Federation of West A f r i c a and t h a t of E q u a t o r i a l A f r i c a . N i g e r i a was broken i n t o regions and i s a n t i c i p a t i n g f u r t h e r p a r t i t i o n s . Ruanda-Urundi has been fragmented w i t h independence. Because we i n Ghana su r v i v e d pre-independence attempts t o s p l i t us, the B r i t i s h f o i s t e d on us a c o n s t i t u t i o n t h a t aimed a t d i s i n t e g r a t i n g our n a t i o n a l u n i t y . The Congo, h a s t i l y i nvested w i t h inde-pendence, w i t h malice aforethought, immediately became the battleground of i m p e r i a l i s t - f o m e n t e d d i v i s i o n . These are a l l part of the p o l i c y of i n t e n t i o n a l b a l k a n i z a t i o n of A f r i c a f o r manipulation by neo-c o l o n i a l i s m , which i n e f f e c t i v e n e s s can be more dangerous t o our l e g i t i m a t e a s p i r a t i o n s of freedom and economic independence than o u t r i g h t p o l i t i c a l c o n t r o l . l D 5 The p e r c e p t i o n of h o s t i l e a d v e r s a r i e s bent on the de-s t r u c t i o n of the nascent n a t i o n often l e d t o the j u s t i f i c a t i o n of one-party or one-man r u l e i n the new s t a t e s . A u t h o r i -t a r i a n i s m seems more acceptable, and t h e r e f o r e more l e g i t i m a t e , when j u s t i f i e d by reference t o covert f o r c e s of d i v i s i o n and d i s s e n s i o n t h a t t h r e a t e n , or are perceived t o t h r e a t e n , the regime. In t h i s sense a u t h o r i t a r i a n i s m may f a c i l i t a t e the c r e a t i o n of n a t i o n a l i d e n t i t y without succeeding i n l a y i n g the foundation f o r an enduring sense of n a t i o n a l s o l i d a r i t y . 165 Kwame Nkrumah, A f r i c a Must U n i t e , London, Heinemann, 1963, pp. 173-174. 101 The n a t i o n a l i s m of o p p o s i t i o n a l p o l i t i c s i s a beginning, but only a beginning, t o the establishment of a common consciousness, of a common f e e l i n g of a f f i n i t y w i t h others who together comprise the populace of a new s t a t e . " I t i s . . . true t h a t the mere c a r r y i n g on of an extended and concerted s t r u g g l e i s i n i t s e l f a s i g n i f i c a n t f a c t o r i n the c r e a t i o n of n a t i o n a l sentiment, but a more basic i d e n t i t y i s nece-ss a r y i f the n a t i o n a l u n i t y i s to endure. The sense of belonging together through the experience of a common h i s t o r y and of f a c i n g a common d e s t i n y i s not something which can be'created overnight," l o° The formation of new s t a t e s i s t h e r e f o r e o f t e n f o l l o w e d I67 by what L i p s e t c a l l s a " c r i s i s of l e g i t i m a c y " . In a sense the minimum c o n d i t i o n f o r t h e (establishment of a nation i s the c r e a t i o n of an a u t h o r i t y which commands not only obedience but a l s o a l l e g i a n c e from i n d i v i d u a l s subject to i t . I f p o l i t i c a l development r e q u i r e s the m o b i l i s a t i o n and r e o r i e n t a t i o n of great numbers of people t o perform new s o c i a l and p o l i t i c a l r o l e s then the p o l i t i c a l d i r e c t i v e s t h a t seek to a l t e r t h e i r behavior should be acceptable t o them. That i s , such d i r e c t i v e s - r u l e s , d e c i s i o n s , p o l i c i e s -166 Rupert Emerson, "Nationalism and P o l i t i c a l Development," The J o u r n a l of P o l i t i c s , V o l . 22 (August I960), pp. 3-28. - •• 167 Seymour L i p s e t , The F i r s t New Nation, London, Heinemann, 1964, p. 16. 102 should be regarded as l e g i t i m a t e to have t h e i r d e s i r e d e f f e c t . 1 6 * * The d i s c u s s i o n of l e g i t i m a c y i n the p o l i t i c a l development of the new s t a t e s i s u s u a l l y premised on Weber's typology of a u t h o r i t y . I t w i l l be r e c a l l e d t h a t Weber i d e n t i f i e d three grounds upon which the l e g i t i m a t e e x e r c i s e of a u t h o r i t y may r e s t : (1) the grounds of t r a d i t i o n , when p o l i t i c a l a u t h o r i t y I s obeyed because "they are our r u l e r s and we have always obeyed them"; (2) r a t i o n a l - l e g a l grounds, when p o l i t i c a l a u t h o r i t y i s obeyed because of i t s adherence t o a system of r u l e s which has been p o p u l a r l y accepted and agreed upon; and (3) charismatic grounds, when p o l i t i c a l a u t h o r i t y i s obeyed because of the e x c e p t i o n a l q u a l i t i e s or g i f t s b e l i e v e d to be h e l d by the leader. Many students of the new s t a t e s have remarked how l e g i -timacy of t e n r e s t s on the ^charismatic appeal o f the l e a d e r . Pye has been struck by the prevalence of ch a r i s m a t i c leaders i n non-western p o l i t i c s and speculates whether they w i l l be succeeded by the i n s t i t u t i o n a l i z a t i o n of r a t i o n a l - l e g a l a u t h o r i t y or by confusion and chaos. "The c r i t i c a l f a c t o r seems t o be whether or not the leader encourages the develop-ment of f u n c t i o n a l l y s p e c i f i c groups w i t h i n the s o c i e t y t h a t 168 Of course the c r i s i s of l e g i t i m a c y i s not so much of a problem i n p o l i t i c a l systems that r e l y upon coercion and the th r e a t of v i o l e n c e or t e r r o r f o r t h e enforcement of p o l i t i c a l r u l e s , as i s the case w i t h t o t a l i t a r i a n p o l i t i e s , although i t i s do u b t f u l i f a system of a u t h o r i t y could be maintained by the a p p l i c a t i o n of coercion and t e r r o r alone. 103 can genuinely represent p a r t i c u l a r i n t e r e s t s . " y In Ghana, the charisma of Nkrumah has been viewed by Apter as p r o v i d i n g an o r g a n i z a t i o n a l u n i t y to overcome pressures of l o c a l separatism while channeling p o l i t i c a l energies i n t o n a t i o n -170 b u i l d i n g a c t i v i t i e s . With respect t o the general A f r i c a n s i t u a t i o n , W a l l e r s t e i n views the charismatic leader as a symbol of the n a t i o n who "... l e g i t i m i z e s the s t a t e by o r d a i n i n g the obedience to i t s norms out of l o y a l t y t o h i s person.... The c h a r i s m a t i c j u s t i f i c a t i o n f o r a u t h o r i t y . . . can be seen as a way of t r a n s i t i o n , an i n t e r i m measure which gets people t o observe the requirements of the nation out of l o y a l t y t o the l e a d e r w h i l e they (or t h e i r c h i l d r e n ) 171 l e a r n t o do i t f o r i t s own sake." ' As a t r a n s i t i o n a l stage from a t r a d i t i o n a l and/or a l i e n -r u l e d s o c i e t y t o one based on r a t i o n a l - l e g a l a u t h o r i t y , c h a r i s m a t i c l e a d e r s h i p has not been confined t o the contem-porary new s t a t e s . L i p s e t has argued that even f o r t h e " f i r s t new n a t i o n " t h i s t r a n s i t i o n a l p e r i o d was bridged through the a p p l i c a t i o n of c h a r i s m a t i c a u t h o r i t y i n the person of George Washington. "The e a r l y American Republic, l i k e many of the new n a t i o n s , was l e g i t i m i z e d by charisma. We tend t o f o r g e t 169 Lucian Pye, "The Non-Western P o l i t i c a l Process",' Comparative P o l i t i c s , ed. Harry E c k s t e i n and David Apter, New York, Free Press, I963, p. 664. 170 Apter, Ghana i n T r a n s i t i o n , p. 303. 171 Immanuel W a l l e r s t e i n , A f r i c a : The P o l i t i c s of  Independence, New York, Vintage Books, 1961, p. 99. 104 today t h a t , i n h i s time, George Washington was i d o l i z e d as much as many of the contemporary leaders of new s t a t e s . " 1 ^ * However, L i p s e t goes on t o s t a t e t h a t u n l i k e many of these contemporary l e a d e r s , Washington r e s i s t e d pressures t o be-come an autocrat by withdrawing from the presidency wh i l e s t i l l i n good h e a l t h and thereby permitted the i n s t i t u t i o n -a l i z a t i o n of r a t i o n a l - l e g a l procedures proclaimed i n the 173 C o n s t i t u t i o n . I t i s remarkable how many p o l i t i c a l a n a l y s t s of l e a d e r -s h i p i n the new s t a t e s have u t i l i z e d the concept of c h a r i s -matic a u t h o r i t y i n accounting f o r the l e g i t i m a c y of t h e i r p o l i t i c a l e l i t e s . This may have r e s u l t e d from the a p p l i c a -b i l i t y of the concept t o many new Asian and A f r i c a n c o u n t r i e s ; t h a t i s , the concept may "get a t " something germane t o t h e i r p o l i t i c a l systems. However, there does seem to be a tendency f o r many analyses t o e i t h e r (1) create c h a r i s m a t i c leaders where they cannot be found; or (2) a t t r i b u t e t o o much to chari s m a t i c a u t h o r i t y , regarding i t as " f u n c t i o n a l " when i t may w e l l obstruct n a t i o n - b u i l d i n g and the p o l i t i c a l develop-ment process. Many a n a l y s t s seem t o search f o r c h a r i s m a t i c a u t h o r i t y to, e x p l a i n the apparent l e g i t i m a c y of some regimes. But i n West A f r i c a , argues Lewis, "... only a m i n o r i t y o f . . . Presidents or Premiers have wide charismatic appeal i n t h e i r 172 L i p s e t , The F i r s t New Nation, p. 18. 173 L i p s e t , The F i r s t New Nation, p. 21. 105 own c o u n t r i e s . " - 1 ' 4 The a u t h o r i t y of most West A f r i c a n r u l e r s i s not based on l e g i t i m a c y at a l l , but on "... the oppressive t a c t i c s which so many Presidents use." 1'^ Moreover, where chari s m a t i c l e a d e r s h i p i s i d e n t i f i e d as the primary ground f o r p o l i t i c a l l e g i t i m a c y i t may be due more to the weakness of e i t h e r t r a d i t i o n a l or r a t i o n a l - l e g a l norms than t o the s t r e n g t h of the leader's appeal. Kennedy may have had as much charisma as Nkrumah, but Ghana was without the i n s t i t u -t i o n a l i z e d r a t i o n a l - l e g a l grounds t h a t p o l i t i c a l a u t h o r i t y r e s t s upon i n the United S t a t e s . . Moreover, some ch a r i s m a t i c leaders have s t r i v e n t o est-a b l i s h t h e i r connections w i t h t r a d i t i o n a l sources of a u t h o r i t y presumably to b o l s t e r t h e i r a c c e p t a b i l i t y and l e g i t i m a c y . In h i s autobiography, Nkrumah e x p l i c i t l y a l l e g e s h i s lineage r e l a t i o n s h i p as a descendant of an e a r l y Akan c h i e f , Aduku Addaie, whose s i s t e r gave b i r t h t o h i s m a t r i l i n e a l descent group, the Anonas. I t i s i n t e r e s t i n g t o quote Nkrumah f o r he cannot prove t h i s r e l a t i o n s h i p though he f e e l s compelled t o a s s e r t i t : "She /his mother/ ... r e l a t e d i n d e t a i l the h i s t o r y of my a n cestors, of the c h i e f Aduku Addaie, the f i r s t of my f o r b e a r s t o s e t t l e i n Nzima ce n t u r i e s ago, whose s i s t e r Nwia gave b i r t h t o my m a t r i l i n e a l l i n e . She a l s o t o l d me of my claim t o two s t o o l s or c h i e f t a i n c i e s i n the 174 Arthur Lewis, "Beyond A f r i c a n D i c t a t o r s h i p , " Encounter, V o l . 25 (August 1965) , -p. 3 . 175 I b i d . , p. 3 . i 106 country, those of Nsaeum i n Wassaw F i a s e , and Dadieso i n Aowin. I took notes of a l l that she t o l d me and always c a r r i e d them w i t h me u n t i l one day I l o s t them i n a New,York subway."1''70 when the p o l i t i c a l e l i t e s of new s t a t e s f e e l compelled to acknowledge the value of t r a d i t i o n a l a u t h o r i t y , customs, and p r a c t i c e s they do so f o r the l e g i t i m a c y these confer. New e l i t e s are i n t e r e s t e d i n the symbolic and cere-monial aspects of the t r i b a l past so t h a t the emotional commitment these engender may be u t i l i z e d i n support o f t h e i r regimes, t h e i r p o l i c i e s , and themselves. Thus, when Nkrumah became the f i r s t President of the new Ghanaian Republic i n I960 he took h i s oath on a t r a d i t i o n a l t r i b a l sword and addressed the House of Assembly seated on a throne whose design was based upon that of a t r a d i t i o n a l Akan s t o o l w h i l e 177 outside the chamber t r i b a l music played. Apart from perhaps overcoming the temporary " c r i s i s of l e g i t i m a c y " f o l l o w i n g independence, c h a r i s m a t i c a u t h o r i t y may be of l i t t l e value f o r the i n s t i t u t i o n a l i z a t i o n of r a t i o n a l - l e g a l norms w i t h which p o l i t i c a l development i s i d e n t i f i e d . L i p s e t reminds us that i n the United States i t was the w i l l i n g n e s s of Washington t o step down from h i s pre-eminent p o s i t i o n of l e a d e r s h i p t h a t hastened the emergence of a r a t i o n a l - l e g a l system. In the contemporary new s t a t e s , 176 Nkrumah, Ghana: The Autobiography of Kwame Nkrumah, p. 21. 177 Peter C. L l o y d , " T r a d i t i o n a l R u l e r s " , P o l i t i c a l  P a r t i e s and N a t i o n a l I n t e g r a t i o n i n T r o p i c a l A f r i c a , ed. 107 S h i l s b e l i e v e s that "Charismatic p e r s o n a l i t i e s do not o r d i n a r i l y b u i l d the i n s t i t u t i o n s which are indispensable f o r c a r r y i n g on the l i f e of a p o l i t i c a l society."178 Indeed, recent p o l i t i c a l changes i n the new s t a t e s - i n Ghana and Indonesia, f o r example, where charismatic leaders have been deposed or have had t h e i r a u t h o r i t y c u r t a i l e d f o r c o r r u p t i o n , p o l i t i c a l i n e p t i t u d e , and excessive personal aggrandizement - lend credence t o the-view of Lewis that c h a r i s m a t i c leaders are no s u b s t i t u t e f o r the i n s t i t u t i o n a l c o n t r o l s t h a t developed p o l i t i c a l systems use t o harness the d r i v e s of ambitious p o l i t i c i a n s without r i s k i n g the dangers of t h e i r c o r r u p t i b i l i t y and s e l f - i n t e r e s t : " ... a p o l i t i c a l system w h i c h , r e l i e d mainly on the p u b l i c s e r v i c e i n s t i n c t s of p o l i t i c i a n s would have absurd r e s u l t s . The t e s t of a p o l i t i c a l system i s not ... whether the s e l f - d e c l a r e d aims of the p o l i t i c i a n s are noble enough t o j u s t i f y t h e i r means. . I t i s r a t h e r whether the system contains a set of co n t r o l s adequate t o enable s o c i e t y t o r i d i t s e l f of un-worthy o p e r a t o r s . " 1 ^ James Coleman and C a r l Rosberg, J r . , Berkeley and Los Angeles, U n i v e r s i t y of C a l i f o r n i a Press, I964, P» 410. 178 S h i l s , P o l i t i c a l Development i n the New S t a t e s , p. 40. ' 179 A r t h u r Lewis, "Reply t o 'Beyond A f r i c a n D i c t a t o r -s h i p ? ' " , Encounter, V o l . 25 (December 1965), p.54. 1 108 While charisma may engender the minimum amount of l e g i t -imacy necessary f o r the temporary c o n t i n u i t y of pubic order and a d m i n i s t r a t i o n f o l l o w i n g independence, i t h a r d l y seems s u f f i c i e n t f o r e s t a b l i s h i n g the l e g i t i m a c y of p o l i c i e s t h a t r e q u i r e cooperation from large s e c t i o n s of the p u b l i c over long periods of time i n connection w i t h plans t h a t may well-, be unpopular, r e q u i r i n g major a l t e r a t i o n s i n socio-economic behavior and considerable personal and m a t e r i a l s a c r i f i c e , as, f o r example, w i t h f o r c e d savings f o r c a p i t a l accumulation. Charisma i s at most a temporary p a l l i a t i v e i n p o l i t i c a l development i n the new s t a t e s , not a long-term a s s e t . Weber himself pointed t o the inherent i n s t a b i l i t y of c h a r i s m a t i c a u t h o r i t y and was concerned w i t h understanding the manner i n which i t could become " r o u t i n i z e d " , i n t o e i t h e r t r a d i -t i o n a l or bu r e a u c r a t i c i n s t i t u t i o n s . Charismatic leader-' s h i p seems t o a r i s e when the us u a l r u l e s and norms that guide s o c i a l and p o l i t i c a l r e l a t i o n s are no longer accepted by s i g n i f i c a n t groups of i n d i v i d u a l s . While c h a r i s m a t i c a u t h o r i t y may provide a temporary b a s i s f o r l e g i t i m a c y i n such s i t u a t i o n s , i t s very success i n so doing might be the source of d i f f i c u l t i e s i n i n s t i t u t i n g impersonal l e g a l a u t h o r i t y based upon r a t i o n a l norms-afterwards. For, by • r e l y i n g on an emotional b a s i s f o r a u t h o r i t y , c h a r i s m a t i c 180 H. H. Gerth and C. Wright M i l l s , ed., From Max  Weber: Essays i n Soc i o l o g y , New York, Oxford U n i v e r s i t y Press, 1958, ppT~54, 2 4 8 - 2 5 0 . 1 0 9 l e a d e r s , perhaps u n w i t t i n g l y , at the same time d i s c r e d i t the i d e a of the impersonal r u l e of law t h a t a r a t i o n a l - l e g a l system r e s t s upon. Thus, f a r from being a means to the development of a r a t i o n a l - l e g a l system of a u t h o r i t y , as some t h e o r i s t s suggest, charismatic leaders may i n f a c t t u r n out to be one of the major impediments to the establishment of an i n s t i t u t i o n a l i z e d system f o r the conduct of p o l i t i c a l and a d m i n i s t r a t i v e a f f a i r s i n the new s t a t e s . What, then, does p o l i t i c a l development require of e l i t e s i n the new s t a t e s ? I t r e q u i r e s , i n the f i r s t p l a c e , governing, a d m i n i s t r a t i v e , and l e g a l s k i l l s t o operate a modern i n s t i -t u t i o n a l system based upon r a t i o n a l - l e g a l l e g i t i m a c y r a t h e r than emotional manipulative techniques and l e a d e r s h i p charm. I t r e q u i r e s , secondly, t h a t r u l i n g e l i t e s possess, o r a c q u i r e , c i v i c a t t i t u d e s of s e r v i c e , t o l e r a n c e , and r e s t r a i n t i n t h e i r e f f o r t s at inducing i n d i v i d u a l s to change t h e i r behavior; i n r e - o r i e n t i n g them.to the new s o c i a l , economic, and p o l i t i c a l r o l e s of n a t i o n - b u i l d i n g and modernization. In t h i s sense, e l i t e s must be w i l l i n g t o at l e a s t accept, i f . not encourage, divergent p o l i t i c a l expressions, t o t o l e r a t e p o l i t i c a l o p p o s i t i o n , to accept the d i s i n c l i n a t i o n of many t o change without r e l i a n c e upon the simple expedient of coercion when plans seem thwarted e i t h e r by the i n e r t i a of masses or the r esistance of o p p o s i t i o n s . C o n c i l i a t i o n and compromise should be the bywords i n e l i t e competition and elite-mass r e l a t i o n s i n the new s t a t e s . F i n a l l y , p o l i t i c a l development r e q u i r e s t h a t e l i t e s f i r s t encourage the 110 development and then accept the c o n s t r a i n t s of p o l i t i c a l i n s t i t u t i o n s and t h e impersonal r u l e of law t h a t r e g u l a t e p o l i t i c a l r e l a t i o n s h i p s i n r a t i o n a l - l e g a l systems. We agree w i t h Lewis that,. " S o c i a l o r g a n i z a t i o n t r i e s t o harness personal ambition t o p u b l i c s e r v i c e by making i t d i f f i c u l t t o achieve s o c i a l esteem (money, p r e s t i g e ) except by s e r v i n g the p u b l i c need" but recognize that e f f e c t i v e i n s t i t u t i o n s must be worked by i n d i v i d u a l s who not only accept, but have 181 a deep attachment t o them. P o l i t i c a l development i n the new s t a t e s n e c e s s i t a t e s t h a t e l i t e s make every e f f o r t t o develop i n s t i t u t i o n s s u i t a b l e to the needs of t h e i r own s o c i e t i e s and accept the routine and impersonal system of l e g a l norms f o r the r e g u l a t i o n of p o l i t i c a l r e l a t i o n s that i n s t i t u t i o n a l development i m p l i e s . I n s t i t u t i o n s , i n the f i n a l a n a l y s i s , are men who both accept and b e l i e v e i n the i n s t i t u t i o n a l way of conducting p u b l i c a f f a i r s . 5jS }fc 5 ^ 5^ 5J< We have o u t l i n e d the emergence and r o l e of i n t e l l e c t u a l p o l i t i c a l e l i t e s i n c o l o n i a l systems, d i f f i c u l t i e s surrounding t h e i r i n h e r i t a n c e of the instruments and power of the c o l o n i a l s t a t e , and t h e i r attempts at n a t i o n - b u i l d i n g and modernization. In the next two chapters t h e i r use of i d e o l o g i e s and p o l i -t i c a l p a r t i e s i n t h e i r approach to t h e s e goals w i l l be discussed. 181 Lewis, Encounter, V o l . 2 5 "(December 1965), p. 54. CHAPTER V IDEOLOGY AND POLITICAL DEVELOPMENT I t i s . . . p r e c i s e l y at the point at which a p o l i t i c a l system begins t o f r e e i t s e l f from the immediate governance o f received t r a d i t i o n , from the d i r e c t and d e t a i l e d guidance of r e l i g i o u s or p h i l o s o p h i c a l canons on the one hand and from the u n r e f l e c t i v e precepts of conventional moralisra on the other, t h a t formal i d e o l o g i e s tend f i r s t to emerge and take hold. C l i f f o r d Geertz While i t i s sometimes argued t h a t ideology i s coining to an;: end i n western democratic p o l i t i c a l systems, t h a t i d e o l o g i c a l c o n f l i c t i s being replaced by widespread con-sensus over the d i s t r i b u t i o n of scarce values - power, s t a t u s , wealth - and the acceptance of the pragmatic bar-g a i n i n g process i n v o l v e d i n t h e i r a l l o c a t i o n , most analyses of developing nations are replete with references to the importance o f the var i o u s "isms" i n the p o l i t i c a l process of these s o c i e t i e s . Whether c o l o n i a l i s m or i m p e r i a l i s m , n a t i o n a l i s m or s o c i a l i s m , Marxism erfas.cism, few d i s c u s s i o n s of p o l i t i c s i n the new s t a t e s are undertaken without mentioning the i n f l u e n c e of i d e o l o g i e s . But the a n a l y s i s of i d e o l o g i e s need not n e c e s s a r i l y imply t h e o r i z i n g about the r o l e of ideology, i n the p o l i t i c a l process. U n f o r t u n a t e l y much of the l i t e r a t u r e d e a l i n g w i t h developing p o l i t i c a l systems i s of the former v a r i e t y - i t does not seek to present an a n a l y t i c a l account of the i d e o l o g i c a l v a r i a b l e i n the 112 p o l i t i c a l process but r e s t s content w i t h p r o v i d i n g a d e s c r i p -t i v e , and o f t e n biased, i n t e r p r e t a t i o n of such " i l l e g i t i m a t e " i d e o l o g i e s as n a t i o n a l i s m , communism, i m p e r i a l i s m , and so on. However, the renewed i n t e r e s t i n an o b j e c t i v e and comparative s o c i a l science has r e s u l t e d i n a concern w i t h a b s t r a c t i n g ideology as a s o c i o l o g i c a l phenomenon i n developing s o c i e t i e s and, even more, w i t h t h e o r i z i n g about i d e o l o g y as a general 1$2 category of a n a l y s i s . This chapter w i l l explore the r e l a t i o n s h i p between ideology and p o l i t i c a l development i n the new s t a t e s i n t h i s more s t r i c t l y a n a l y t i c a l sense; f i r s t , by d i s c u s s i n g i t s meaning and usefulness as a category f o r p o l i t i c a l a n a l y s i s both g e n e r a l l y and i n the context of p o l i t i c a l modernization; second, by examining the s o c i a l c o n d i t i o n s which u s u a l l y accompany the emergence of ideology as an important s o c i o l o g i c a l phenomenon and by d i s c u s s i n g the general f u n c t i o n s a t t r i b u t e d t o ideology i n s o c i e t i e s possessing such c o n d i t i o n s ; and f i n a l l y , by reviewing the i d e o l o g i c a l responses of e l i t e s t o the problems posed by c o l o n i a l r u l e , n a t i o n - b u i l d i n g , and modernization. 182 The best standard d i s c u s s i o n s of ideology i n non-western s o c i e t i e s can be found i n : Rupert Emerson, From  Empire t o Nat i o n , Cambridge,' Harvard U n i v e r s i t y Press, 1962; David Apter, ed., Ideology and Discontent, New York, Free Press, 1964; and John Kautsky ;.ed., P o l i t i c a l Change i n Underdeveloped Countries: Nationalism and Communism, New York, Wiley, 1962. ~ 113 I As an o r g a n i z i n g p r i n c i p l e f o r the a n a l y s i s of s e l e c t e d aspects of s o c i a l and p o l i t i c a l behavior, the concept of ideology i s c l e a r l y a c o n t r o v e r s i a l one. No sooner had the term been coined - by the French philosopher Destutt de Tracy i n 1301 - than i t was subjected to abuse by Napoleon who r e f e r r e d t o i t as a "dark metaphysic"."'"^ This p e j o r a t i v e meaning given to the concept has never been l o s t , indeed as Geertz notes, the dominant conception of ideology i n contemporary s o c i a l science i s s t i l l an e v a l u a t i v e one. 4 Marx and Engels viewed ideology as a " f a l s e consciousness" or " i l l u s i o n " of r e a l i t y held by members of d i f f e r e n t s o c i a l c l a s s e s . Ideology, they argued, had a way of t u r n i n g one's view of the world "upside down", a r e s u l t of the h i s t o r i c a l and s o c i a l s i t u a t i o n of the i n d i v i d u a l , of h i s s o c i a l m i l i e u . " I f i n a l l ideology men and t h e i r circumstances appear upside down as i n a camera obscura, t h i s phenomenon a r i s e s j u s t as much from t h e i r h i s t o r i c a l l i f e - p r o c e s s as the i n v e r s i o n of objects on the r e t i n a does from t h e i r p h y s i c a l l i f e -185 process!' This idea t h a t a l l s o c i a l and p o l i t i c a l thought 1&3 J . Gould, "Ideology", A D i c t i o n a r y of the S o c i a l Sciences, ed. J . Gould and ¥. L. Kolb, New York, Free Press-UNESCO, 1964, PP. 315-317. 184 C l i f f o r d Geertz, "Ideology as a C u l t u r a l System", Ideology and Discontent, ed. Dawi Apter, New York, Free Press, 1964, p. 49. 185 K. Marx and F. Engels, The German Ideology, New York, I n t e r n a t i o n a l P u b l i s h e r s , 1939, p. 14. 114 r e f l e c t s the s o c i a l p o s i t i o n of the a c t o r was c a r r i e d forward by Mannheim who t r i e d , but d i d not completely succeed, i n c o n s t r u c t i n g a. concept of ideology t h a t was e n t i r e l y non-e v a l u a t i v e . The d i f f i c u l t y of many s o c i a l and p o l i t i c a l t h e o r i s t s to t r e a t the a n a l y s i s of Ideology i n an o b j e c t i v e and non-ev a l u a t i v e way has l e d some modern researchers to eschew 1 $7 the concept a l t o g e t h e r . ' The r a p i d acceptance of the concept " p o l i t i c a l c u l t u r e " by many p o l i t i c a l s c i e n t i s t s seeking to e x p l a i n why some s o c i e t i e s are supportive of c e r t a i n p o l i t i c a l i n s t i t u t i o n s and p r a c t i c e s while others are not has tended t o supplant the use of ideology as an a n a l y t i c a l concept. Much of the d i s c u s s i o n of ideology seeks to define i t i n terms of what i t i s . For Loewenstein, ideo l o g y i s "... a consistent and i n t e g r a t e d p a t t e r n of thoughts and b e l i e f s , or thoughts converted i n t o b e l i e f s , e x p l a i n i n g man's a t t i -tudes toward l i f e and h i s existence i n s o c i e t y , and ad-voc a t i n g a conduct and a c t i o n p a t t e r n responsive t o , and 186 K. Mannheim, Ideology and U t o p i a , New York, Harvest Books, 1961. 187 In a recent a r t i c l e Converse w r i t e s t h a t "A term l i k e ' I d e o l o g y ' has been thoroughly muddied by di v e r s e uses. We s h a l l depend i n s t e a d upon the term ' b e l i e f system'...." P. Converse, "The Nature of B e l i e f Systems i n Mass P u b l i c s " , Ideology and Discontent, ed.. David Apter, New York, Free Press, 1 9 6 T J 7 T - 2 0 7 . 18"8 Y. Kim, "The Concept of P o l i t i c a l C u l t u r e i n Com-pa r a t i v e P o l i t i c s , " The Jo u r n a l of P o l i t i c s , V o l . 26 ( A p r i l 1964), pp. 313-316. 115 commensurate w i t h , such thoughts and b e l i e f s . " And F r i e d r i c h describes i d e o l o g i e s as "... sets of ideas r e l a t e d to the e x i s t i n g p o l i t i c a l and s o c i a l order and intended e i t h e r t o change i t or t o defend i t . " 1 9 0 However, ra t h e r than d e f i n e ideology by seeking to e x p l a i n what i t i s , greater i n s i g h t can be a t t a i n e d by a s k i n g the more a s t u t e question: What does ideology do? What, then, are the f u n c t i o n s of i d e o l o g i e s ? For F r i e d r i c h they are " a c t i o n - r e l a t e d systems of i d e a s " t h a t u n i t e i n d i -v i d u a l s i n t o purposeful s o c i a l and p o l i t i c a l o r g a n i z a t i o n s . "The ideology i s a s e t of ideas which unites a party or other group f o r e f f e c t i v e p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n p o l i t i c a l l i f e . " ^ ! For Apter i d e o l o g i e s perform two main f u n c t i o n s i n s o c i e t y : "... one d i r e c t l y s o c i a l , binding the community together, and the other i n d i v i d u a l , o r g a n i z i n g the r o l e p e r s o n a l i t i e s of the maturing i n d i v i d u a l . - " ^ 2 Both F r i e d r i c h and Apter p o i n t out the dynamic property of ideology and i t s f u n c t i o n of p r o v i d i n g s o l i d a r i t y f o r s o c i a l c o l l e c t i v i t i e s . Apter, 189 K. Loewenstein, " P o l i t i c a l Systems, I d e o l o g i e s , and I n s t i t u t i o n s : The Problem of t h e i r C i r c u l a t i o n , " Western P o l i t i c a l Q u a rterly, V o l . 6 (December 1953),-P» 691. 190 C. J . F r i e d r i c h , Man and His GovernmentNew York, McGraw-Hill, 1963, p. 89. ~ • 191 I b i d . , p. 8 9 . 192 David Apter, "Ideology and Discontent", Ideology  and Discontent, ed. David Apter, New York, Free Press, 1964, p. 18. 116 moreover, notes t h e importance of ideology i n shaping the p o l i t i c a l o r i e n t a t i o n of i n d i v i d u a l s . Apter and Loewenstein see ideology as a l i n k between the p o l i t i c a l thoughts and the p o l i t i c a l a c t i o n of groups, p a r t i e s , and c l a s s e s . From t h i s p e r s p e c t i v e , i d e o l o g i e s are patterns or systems of p o l i t i c a l thoughts which help shape the a c t i o n s of i n d i v i d u a l s and groups who hold such thoughts i n common, Of course, r a t h e r than adjust t h e i r behavior to an i d e o l o g y , some groups may do j u s t the opposite. Moreover, t o view i d e o l o g i e s as the l i n k s between thought and a c t i o n i s not to deny t h a t o t h e r f a c t o r s may in t e r v e n e . Both p e r s o n a l i t y f a c t o r s and i n s t i t u t i o n a l norms may " d e f l e c t " i d e o l o g i c a l l y conditioned behavior to some ex t e n t . I t i s p r e c i s e l y at t h i s point t h a t we can b e g i n t o see why ideo-l o g i e s as g u i d e l i n e s f o r s o c i a l and p o l i t i c a l behavior are important i n new s t a t e s ; f o r the normal i n s t i t u t i o n a l con-t r o l s u s u a l l y provided i n the t r a d i t i o n a l c u l t u r e have been weakened, throwing both c o l l e c t i v e and i n d i v i d u a l r o l e s i n t o d i s o r g a n i z a t i o n . In a pe r c e p t i v e a r t i c l e drawing on p h i l o s o p h i c a l analyses of the f u n c t i o n of symbols i n s o c i a l behavior, Geertz has formulated a concept of ideology as a symbol or c u l t u r a l system. In h i s view, symbol systems or c u l t u r e patterns "... are 'programs'; they provide a template or b l u e p r i n t f o r the o r g a n i z a t i o n of s o c i a l and p s y c h o l o g i c a l processes, 117 much as genetic systems provide such a template f o r the 1 9 3 o r g a n i z a t i o n of organic processes." U n l i k e other forms of animal l i f e , what d i s t i n g u i s h e s man i s h i s possession of c u l t u r e : a system of symbols which supplements the very broad c o n t r o l of h i s behavior by i n t r i n s i c genetic programmes. Human behavior, as Geertz reminds us, i s very p l a s t i c and, to, be e f f e c t i v e at a l l , must be c o n t r o l l e d t o a s i g n i f i c a n t extent by c u l t u r a l :.or symbol systems. Ideology i s such a system which helps o r i e n t man t o the p o l i t i c a l aspects of hi s s o c i a l l i f e : "The tool-making, laughing, or l y i n g animal, man, i s a l s o the incomplete - or, more a c c u r a t e l y , s e l f - c o m p l e t i n g - animal. The agent of h i s own r e a l i z a t i o n , he creates out of h i s general c a p a c i t y f o r t he .construction of symbolic models the s p e c i f i c c a p a b i l i t i e s t h a t define him. ... i t i s through t he c o n s t r u c t i o n of i d e o l o g i e s , schematic images of s o c i a l order, that man makes himself f o r b e t t e r 194 or worse a p o l i t i c a l animal." Should we conclude t h a t p o l i t i c a l man i s pe r f o r c e ideo-l o g i c a l man? Geertz suggests a negative r e p l y . The p o l i t i c s of t r a d i t i o n a l s o c i e t i e s are n o n - i d e o l o g i c a l f o r a d i f f e r -e n t i a t e d p o l i t i c a l s t r u c t u r e has not yet emerged and the u n i f i e d and i n t e g r a t e d system of c u l t u r e i s s t i l l adequate 193 Geertz, Ideology and Discontent, p. 62 . 194 I b i d . , p. 63. 118 to define the t o t a l system of behavior i n these s o c i e t i e s . T r a d i t i o n a l c u l t u r e p r e s c r i b e s the p o l i t i c a l behavior of men i n a more or l e s s complete and unambiguous way; there i s l i t t l e room or need f o r the f o r m u l a t i o n of an autonomous c u l t u r a l system o r ideology. But, when t r a d i t i o n a l c u l t u r e begins t o weaken, e i t h e r due t o i n t e r n a l l y generated changes or to e x t e r n a l c u l t u r e contact, the way i s opened f o r the 195 appearance of i d e o l o g i e s . Periods of r a p i d s o c i a l and p o l i t i c a l change are produc-t i v e of d i s r u p t i o n s or s t r a i n s i n s o c i a l and p o l i t i c a l be-h a v i o r which have the e f f e c t o f d i s o r i e n t i n g i n d i v i d u a l s . " I t i s a l o s s of o r i e n t a t i o n t h a t most d i r e c t l y gives r i s e to i d e o l o g i c a l a c t i v i t y , an i n a b i l i t y , f o r l a c k of usable models, t o comprehend the universe of c i v i c r i g h t s and 196 r e s p o n s i b i l i t i e s i n which one f i n d s oneself l o c a t e d . " I d e o l o g i e s replace the obsolete images of r e a l i t y contained i n the t r a d i t i o n a l c u l t u r e with images that c l a i m t o more adequately grasp the meaning of the new s i t u a t i o n , p e r m i t t i n g e f f e c t i v e a c t i o n f o r the d i s o r i e n t e d i n d i v i d u a l s and groups. Ideologies enable i n d i v i d u a l s t o t h i n k about and deal w i t h p o l i t i c s i n a way meaningful, t o them. For the p o l i t i c a l 195 Geertz, Ideology and Discontent, p. 6 4 . 196 I b i d . , p. 6 4 . 119 analyst i t matters less that the thought model might be inaccurate or deceptive-as with a good deal of Marxist ideo-logy -. but that i t i s meaningful f o r the disoriented i n d i -vidual enabling him to "perceive" the outlines of the emerging p o l i t i c a l order and his place i n i t . It i s t h i s claim of ideology to "unlock" the mysteries of the s o c i a l and p o l i t i c a l universe f o r men that probably goes a long way toward accounting f o r the i n t e n s i t y with which, once acquired, ideologies are often held. II:. Ideologies are f o r p o l i t i c a l men what much more sophi-sticated and f a r less value laden conceptual models are f o r the s o c i a l s c i e n t i s t - symbol systems or thought models that permit an "understanding" of s o c i a l and p o l i t i c a l r e a l i t y . This should not be s u r p r i s i n g i f i t i s recalled that e a r l i e r conceptual models held by s o c i a l s c i e n t i s t s were ve'ry ..often what would today be referred to as ideologies. The best example of t h i s i s Marxism which has been called both a 197 s o c i a l science and an ideology. But, ideologies also d i f f e r sharply from the conceptual models of contemporary s o c i a l s c i e n t i s t s , f o r i n addition to providing an under-standing of the phenomenal world, they prescribe a course 197 T. B. Bottomore, E l i t e s and Society, New York, Basic Books, 1964, p.- 102. 120 of a c t i o n or programme f o r e i t h e r the p r e s e r v a t i o n or " a l t e r -a t i o n of t h a t world. They are p r e s c r i p t i v e as w e l l as cog-n i t i v e ; they e s t a b l i s h g u i d e l i n e s f o r behavior and provide the moral imperative f o r t a k i n g the p r e s c r i b e d a c t i o n . Once i t i s recognized that i d e o l o g i e s are both explanations of r e a l i t y and p r e s c r i p t i v e imperatives f o r s o c i a l a c t i o n , we are i n a p o s i t i o n t o explore t h e i r l i n k s w i t h s o c i a l change and more s p e c i f i c a l l y p o l i t i c a l development as a species of s o c i a l change. Not a l l symbol systems are ideo-l o g i c a l , only those which contain s p e c i f i c programmes designed to s u s t a i n or change the e x i s t i n g order can p r o p e r l y be c a l l e d i d e o l o g i e s . That i s to say that the broad c u l t u r a l systems of t r a d i t i o n a l s o c i e t i e s cannot be c a l l e d i d e o l o g i e s s i n c e they contain' no a c t i o n programmes th a t are the product of the speculations of any ideologue or group of ideologues. As symbol systems and a c t i on-orient ed programmes, i d e o l o g i e s were and are the product of attempts by some men to perceive the nature of t h e i r s o c i e t y and the manner i n which i t might e i t h e r be sustained or a l t e r e d . But s o c i e t i e s had t o begin t o change, and to be perceived as such, before men could formulate a c t i o n programmes which sought to preserve them as they were or change them f u r t h e r . S o c i a l change, or more e x a c t l y the d i s o r i e n t a t i o n caused by s o c i a l change, made ideology necessary, f o r the i n d i v i d u a l s a f f e c t e d by change could no longer e s t a b l i s h t h e i r i n d i v i d u a l 121 and s o c i a l i d e n t i t i e s by reference to a system of symbols tha t could not be demonstrated t o accord w i t h r e a l i t y . The theory of the d i v i n e r i g h t of kings could only have fo r c e i f i t could be demonstrated t o r e f l e c t the s t r u c t u r e of the r e a l s o c i a l order. When t h a t order changed, as i t so a b r u p t l y did i n France i n 1789, l t s supporting i d e o l o g i c a l apparatus had to be a l t e r e d as w e l l since i t no longer defined the r o l e s and r e l a t i o n s h i p s of c l a s s e s and groups nor provided them w i t h a meaningful e x p l a n a t i o n of the s o c i a l w o rld. "The reason why the French Revolution was, at l e a s t up t o i t s time, the g r e a t e s t incubator of extremist I d e o l o g i e s , 'progressive' and ' r e a c t i o n a r y ' a l i k e , i n human h i s t o r y was not th a t e i t h e r personal i n s e c u r i t y or s o c i a l d i s e q u i l i b r i u m were deeper and more pervasive than at many e a r l i e r periods - though they were deep and pervasive enough -but because the c e n t r a l o r g a n i z i n g p r i n c i p l e of p o l i t i c a l l i f e , the d i v i n e r i g h t of Kings, was d e s t r o y e d . " 1 ^ 8 When i t i s suggested t h a t the s o c i a l changes which accompany e a r l y modernization r e q u i r e a supporting c u l t u r a l system, there i s no w i s h to imply t h a t a l l members of s o c i e t y have become d i s o r i e n t e d and are i n need of a new symbol system t h a t can r e e s t a b l i s h t h e i r r a i s o n d'etre and provide them with a new c o l l e c t i v e myth. Only those a f f e c t e d by 198" Geertz, Ideology and Discontent, p. 6l+, 122 the s o c i a l changes are i n need of a new symbol system. In Europe, the f i r s t c l a s s t o need an ideology i n response t o the d i s o r i e n t a t i o n of e a r l y modernization was the urban bourgeoisie who had become detached from the c u l t u r e and s o c i e t y of the r u r a l community. The protestant e t h i c , which l e g i t i m a t e d and indeed made a v i r t u e of e n t r e p r e n e u r i a l a c t i v i t y , and the l i b e r a l theory of the state provided many European bourgeois w i t h the i d e o l o g i c a l r e - o r i e n t a t i o n they r e q u i r e d . The second wave of men a f f e c t e d by modernization was the urban p r o l e t a r i a t who were l i t e r a l l y f o r c e d o f f the land - i n England, as a r e s u l t of the enclosures - and i n t o the new c i t i e s t o perform the i n d u s t r i a l r o l e s t h a t the nineteenth century c a p i t a l i s t system re q u i r e d . The te n s i o n s , shock, and d i s o r i e n t a t i o n that accompanied such f o r c e f u l i n d u s t r i a l m o b i l i z a t i o n l e d t o a search by pro-l e t a r i a n leaders f o r a new i d e o l o g i c a l system which would f i r s t , r e e s t a b l i s h the i d e n t i t i e s of the lan d l e s s peasantry pressed i n t o i n d u s t r i a l labour and, second, provide a pro-gramme of a c t i o n t o change the e x i s t i n g order and elevate urban labour t o a p o s i t i o n of d i g n i t y and s e c u r i t y . Ideo-l o g i e s were forthcoming, and va r i o u s brands of U t o p i a n s o c i a l i s m appeared, to be succeeded l a t e r , by S o c i a l Democracy-or Marxism. In our own day, the s o c i o - p s y c h o l o g i c a l s t r a i n accom-panying the emergence of the new s t a t e s has given r i s e t o a s m a l l but i n c r e a s i n g number of i n d i v i d u a l s who, d i s a f f e c t e d 123 from t r a d i t i o n a l culture, no longer possess "... a sense of being at home i n the u n i v e r s e . " ^ ^ This sense i s lacking either because the i n s t i t u t i o n a l and normative framework of t h e i r t r a d i t i o n a l s o c i e t i e s have become weakened usually through contact with a technologically superior society or because they have l e f t , by choice or coercion, the security of t h e i r t r a d i t i o n a l society f o r the increased opportunity and excitement of the intruding modern and urban society. Ideologies are sought by such indivi d u a l s to replace an inadequate t r a d i t i o n a l culture and permit an orientation to the emerging nation-state, i t s i n s t i t u t i o n a l apparatus, and, above a l l , i t s authority structure. For these i n d i -viduals, ideology i s compelling since i t purports to unveil the form of the system that i s emerging and reveal the shape of the p o l i t i c a l future. This claim <pf ideology to provide a diagnosis of p o l i -t i c a l discontents and a p r e s c r i p t i o n of the future made i t a p a r t i c u l a r l y e f f i c a c i o u s instrument of p o l i t i c a l control i n the developing areas. Ideology could be used by e l i t e s to i d e n t i f y a c o l o n i a l adversary, to outline the form and content of the .emerging nation, and to indicate the a l t e r -ations i n s o c i a l , economic, and p o l i t i c a l behavior required 199 S. de G r a z i a , The P o l i t i c a l Community: A Study of Anomie, Chicago, U n i v e r s i t y of Chicago Press, 1963, p. 80. 124 by modernity. These are i t s p o s i t i v e functions- s t r e s s e d i n the contemporary l i t e r a t u r e of p o l i t i c a l , development, but t h e r e a r e a l s o negative ones t h a t the l i t e r a t u r e tends to i g n o r e . I f i d e o l o g y can be used by e l i t e s t o a l t e r and c o n t r o l the behavior of i n d i v i d u a l s f o r goals subsumed under th e term " p o l i t i c a l development", i t can a l s o be used (and f r e q u e n t l y i s ) t o c o n s o l i d a t e the p o l i t i c a l c o n t r o l and t yranny of a u t o c r a t s over i n d i v i d u a l s i n t h e new s t a t e s . Ideology, l i k e most s o c i a l o r t e c h n o l o g i c a l i n n o v a t i o n s , can be used f o r good o r i l l , as i t s manipulators choose. However r u l i n g e l i t e s choose t o u t i l i z e i d e o l o g y -whether t o help b r i n g about the development of a n a t i o n a l and modern s o c i e t y or t o entrench an o p p r e s s i v e t y r a n n y -i d e o l o g i e s i n the f i n a l i n s t a n c e act t o l e g i t i m i z e the p o l i c i e s and regimes of i t s m a n i p u l a t o r s . Before the revo-l u t i o n , i d e o l o g y was i l l e g i t i m a t e and o f t e n c l a n d e s t i n e ; a f t e r independence i t becomes l e g i t i m a t e and i t s e l f l e g i t -i mizes t h e s o c i a l o r d e r i t helped b r i n g about. In the new s t a t e s t h i s stage has not y e t been f u l l y reached; t h e c o l o n i a l regime has been e v i c t e d and self-government a t t a i n e d but the r e v o l u t i o n i s s t i l l u n f i n i s h e d , the n a t i o n has yet t o b e c r e a t e d , t h e s o c i e t y modernized. The i d e o l o g y t h a t helped m o b i l i z e the r e s o u r c e s and e n e r g i e s r e q u i r e d t o oust the c o l o n i a l regime may be found wanting when d i r e c t e d toward the more demanding t a s k s of n a t i o n - b u i l d i n g and m o d e r n i z a t i o n . I d e o l o g i e s of n a t i o n a l independence movements 125 are u s u a l l y negative and s i m p l i s t i c ; they point t o the unwelcome i n t r u d e r and c a l l f o r h i s removal while probably only a f f i r m i n g the e q u a l i t y of a l l people and the r i g h t s of s e l f - d e t e r m i n a t i o n . They ar e , i n a word, a n t i - c o l o n i a l and 200 pro-freedom without being much e l s e . N a t i o n - b u i l d i n g and modernization r e q u i r e new emphases, new g u i d e l i n e s f o r be-h a v i o r , new moral precepts, new, or at l e a s t a l t e r e d , i d e o l o g i e s . I l l I t i s p o s s i b l e t o i d e n t i f y at l e a s t t h r e e i d e o l o g i c a l responses of e l i t e s t o the challenges posed by n a t i o n - b u i l d i n g and modernization: the adaptation of elements of the t r a d i -t i o n a l c u l t u r e as was the case i n Japan and p a r t s of South A s i a , notably I n d i a ; the u t i l i z a t i o n of n a t i o n a l i s m , common i n v i r t u a l l y a l l parts of t h e contemporary developing world; and, f i n a l l y , the a daptation and a p p l i c a t i o n of s o c i a l i s m ( i n c l u d i n g Marxism). The use of t r a d i t i o n a l c u l t u r e patterns t o f a c i l i t a t e the a l t e r a t i o n s i n behavior and a t t i t u d e s necessary f o r n a t i o n - b u i l d i n g and p o l i t i c a l development has the advantage of p r o v i d i n g c o n t i n u i t y f o r the modernization process. I f the t r a d i t i o n a l c u l t u r e contains adaptable and dynamic 200 The Indian case must be regarded as an exception where the Congress developed a h i g h l y s o p h i s t i c a t e d ideology of c o l o n i a l overthrow. 126 elements th a t can be used i n the c o n s t r u c t i o n of a develop-ment ideolo g y t h e r e i s an advantage i n u t i l i z i n g them, f o r the necessary t e n s i o n s and shock which i n e v i t a b l y accompany the modernizing process w i l l perhaps be reduced. An example of such an element i s the concept of dharma i n the Sanskritac t r a d i t i o n of I n d i a , which as we s h a l l see i n a moment, seems t o be accommodative of s o c i a l and p o l i t i c a l change. However, s u i t a b l e t r a d i t i o n a l concepts are often inade-quate or are l a c k i n g i n some s t a t e s n e c e s s i t a t i n g the u t i -l i z a t i o n of exogenous i d e o l o g i e s . The most common of these i s n a t i o n a l i s m . Nationalism i s the ideology of the new n a t i o n , of the f i g h t f o r independence from c o l o n i a l domination and the establishment of n a t i o n a l s o v e r e i g n t y . Nationalism i s the i d e o l o g i c a l v e h i c l e t h a t helps o r i e n t i n d i v i d u a l s to the newly created n a t i o n - s t a t e , shaping new r o l e s and a t t i t u d e s t h a t accord w i t h the i n s t i t u t i o n a l apparatus of t h a t s t a t e . But t o be sovereign i s not enough, t o be a n a t i o n i s not enough - one must be developed, one must be modern i n order t h a t s u r v i v a l i n the contemporary i n t e r n a t i o n a l system of states i s assured. "Development i s not an i d e o l o g y , but i t embodies hope and a p o s i t i v e n o t i o n of the f u t u r e . . . . The i d e o l o g i e s employed i n development seek t o transcend 201 negativism and to define hope i n programmatic terms." In many new s t a t e s s o c i a l i s m i s the ideology of modernity; i t d e f i n es the f u t u r e and claims t o know the path to that 201 Apter, Ideology and Discontent, p. 16. 127 f u t u r e . S o c i a l i s m embodies the plans however f a u l t y and the hope however i n f l a t e d f o r the modern f u t u r e ; and places the a c q u i s i t i o n of modernity w i t h i n the foreseeable r a t h e r than the d i s t a n t f u t u r e . Concepts about the s o c i a l and p o l i t i c a l universe contained i n the t r a d i t i o n a l c u l t u r e may prove advantageous f o r the f o r m u l a t i o n o f developmental i d e o l o g i e s . Some t r a d i t i o n a l s o c i e t i e s have possessed c u l t u r a l resources t h a t were adapted to the goals of modernization. The best instance of t h i s i s t r a d i t i o n a l Japanese c u l t u r e which contained elements p a r t i -c u l a r l y w e l l - s u i t e d to the i d e o l o g i c a l requirements of modernity. Some elements i n t r a d i t i o n a l Indian c u l t u r e may a l s o f a c i l i t a t e the p s y c h o l o g i c a l and b e h a v i o r a l r e - o r i e n -t a t i o n s that modernization seems t o r e q u i r e , though not to the same degree as i n the Japanese case. T r a d i t i o n a l , t h a t i s p r e - R e s t o r a t i o n , Japan was p a r t i -c u l a r l y w e l l endowed w i t h c u l t u r a l resources amenable to p o l i t i c a l modernization. We have already mentioned how a t r a d i t i o n a l i n s t i t u t i o n - the Emperorship - was r e s u r r e c t e d and given new l i f e a f t e r 1868 p r o v i d i n g a f o c a l point f o r the development of a n a t i o n a l i d e n t i t y that n a t i o n - b u i l d i n g seems t o r e q u i r e . "Japan," w r i t e s Scalapino, "... u n l i k e some p a r t s of the non-Western w o r l d , d i d not come i n t o the modern world t a b u l a r a s a , and t h e r e f o r e the l e g a c i e s of the 128 past were c e r t a i n t o c o l o u r the new order." Indeed, Ward argues t h a t w h i l e the 1868 R e s t o r a t i o n i s normally, regarded by h i s t o r i a n s as the beginning of p o l i t i c a l moderni-z a t i o n , the threads of the process reach f a r back i n t o the Tokugawa p e r i o d . The l a t e n t i n s t i t u t i o n a l and a t t i t u d i n a l p r e p a r a t i o n , e s p e c i a l l y e x e m p l i f i e d i n the accomplishments of Tokugawa education and the spread of l i t e r a c y i n pre-R e s t o r a t i o n Japan, paved the way f o r the more manifest p o l i -t i c a l modernization which f o l l o w e d the R e s t o r a t i o n . "When e v a l u a t i n g the modernization of Japan, i t i s u s e f u l t o keep i n mind t h i s l ong, complex h i s t o r y of covert preparation 203 from which the s o c i e t y benefited.*,." J Japan's i s l a n d i n s u l a r i t y and ethnic and l i n g u i s t i c homogeneity a l s o aided i n the c r e a t i o n of a n a t i o n a l s e n t i -ment long before the beginning of the s o - c a l l e d modern pe r i o d . In terms of et h n i c composition, Japan i s reported to be 99«3 percent homogeneous.^ 4 "The contemporary Japanese... i n -h e r i t a myth of n a t i o n a l u n i t y at l e a s t twelve hundred years o l d . Despite the f a c t t h a t much of the h i s t o r y of t h i s p e r i o d 202 R. S. Scalapino, "Ideology and Modernization: The Japanese Case", Id eo logy and P i s cont e n t , ed. David Apter, New York, Free Press, 1964, p. 9 2 . 203 R. Ward, " P o l i t i c a l Modernization and P o l i t i c a l C ulture i n Japan," World P o l i t i c s , V o l . 15 ( J u l y 1 9 6 3 ) , p. 577. 204 I b i d . , p. 582. 129 was marked by l o c a l i s m , c i v i l s t r i f e , and the emergence of powerful clans and nobles w i t h high degrees of independence w i t h i n t h e i r own t e r r i t o r i e s , the t r a d i t i o n and forms of n a t i o n a l u n i t y and of a Japanese s t a t e have always been maintained."^^^ The period of " p r i m i t i v e u n i f i c a t i o n " , to use Organski's phrase, was a t t a i n e d p r i o r t o the R e s t o r a t i o n ; the l a t e n t n a t i o n a l sentiment was there and the r e - i n s t i t u -t i o n a l i z a t i o n of the Emperor provided a symbolic f i x a t i o n t o r e i n f o r c e the l e v e l of u n i f i c a t i o n t h a t had already been a t t a i n e d . "Nationalism e i t h e r preserves an i d e n t i t y t h a t i s c a r r i e d over from the t r a d i t i o n s of the past or creates a new set of attachments c e n t e r i n g on the modern s t a t e . " Japan i s c l e a r l y an example of the former case - a v i s i o n of the n a t i o n preceded the modern p e r i o d , making n a t i o n -b u i l d i n g an e a s i e r t a s k f o r the t r a d i t i o n a l e l i t e entrusted w i t h the r e s p o n s i b i l i t y f o r her development. The achievement i n education and l i t e r a c y , the ethnic and l i n g u i s t i c homogeneity, the n a t i o n a l f o c a l point provided by the symbol of the Emperor, the i m p l i c i t nationhood of Japan .-. a l l were l a c k i n g i n I n d i a at n a t i o n a l independence. At f i r s t glance, t r a d i t i o n a l Indian s o c i e t y and c u l t u r e would 205 Ward, World P o l i t i c s , V o l . 15 ( J u l y 1 9 6 3 ) , p. 582. 206 David Apter, The P o l i t i c s of Modernization, Chicago, U n i v e r s i t y Chicago Press, 1965,' p. 330. 130 seem to contain few elements t h a t could be adapted t o the modernization process. "When we examine the s o c i a l i n s t i -t u t i o n s which have developed i n I n d i a , " w r i t e s Bondurant, "... we are st r u c k by the h i g h l y f o r m a l i z e d , r i g i d , and time-honoured demands which bind upon the i n d i v i d u a l and which 207 often burden him." ' However, behind the apparently r i g i d s o c i a l s t r u c t u r e are t r a d i t i o n a l concepts which would seem to permit experimentation and innovat i o n i n s o c i a l r e l a t i o n -s h ips. "... the value s t r u c t u r e of t r a d i t i o n a l Hindu India i s ... s o c i a l l y r i g i d and cons e r v a t i v e , but s p i r i t u a l l y experimental and dynamic, the two standing in,such r e l a t i o n t hat while the one provided almost too much s t a b i l i t y to the s o c i a l s t r u c t u r e , the other provided p l e n t y of innovat i o n and change and m o b i l i t y , but only i n r e s t r i c t e d f i e l d s of human endeavor." Bondurant takes " s p i r i t u a l l y experimental and dynamic" to in c l u d e " i n t e l l e c t u a l l y experimental and dynamic" as w e l l . 2 0 ^ she argues t h a t the t r a d i t i o n a l concept of dharma - which has a number of meanings i n c l u d i n g duty, v i r t u e , law, j u s t i c e - inc l u d e s the no t i o n of the s p i r i t u a l and i n t e l l e c t u a l freedom of the i n d i v i d u a l and h i s capacity t o innovate and experiment w i t h i d e a s . "The key t o s o c i a l 207 J . Bondurant, " T r a d i t i o n a l P o l i t y and the Dynamics of Change i n I n d i a , " Human Organization, V o l . 22 (Spring 1963), p. 6. 208 Daya Krishna, "Democracy and T r a d i t i o n a l Indian Values", c i t e d i n J . Bondurant, Human Orga n i z a t i o n , V o l . 22 (Spring 1963), p. 7. 209 I b i d . , p. 7. 131 r e v o l u t i o n i s t o be found by n o t i n g t h e manner i n which t h i s s p i r i t of freedom and s p e c u l a t i o n and c r e a t i v i t y which charac-t e r i z e s the i n t e l l e c t u a l h e r i t a g e of I n d i a can be and has been extended to the i n s t i t u t i o n a l s t r u c t u r e ; the key to p o l i t i c a l change i n modern I n d i a may be found by a n a l y z i n g the manner i n which t h i s approach was a p p l i e d t o the problems 210 of a subject n a t i o n . " The concept of dharma, by e x t o l l i n g the v i r t u e s of the r e l i g i o u s and i n t e l l e c t u a l experimenter, could be, and was, used by Ghandi and others to r e - i n t e r p r e t the t r a d i t i o n a l c u l t u r a l system of India without overthrowing the past. In the words of Bondurant: The accommodative c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of the dharma concept has allowed f o r change without overthrow of basic p r i n -c i p l e s . We f i n d here, then, everything which i s necessary f o r the t r a n s v a l u a t i o n of values. Within such a con-ceptual framework, r e v o l u t i o n - even i n the p o l i t i c a l sense - may be e f f e c t e d without the shock of v i o l e n c e . New values may be introduced through r e i n t e r p r e t a t i o n s , and through the t r a n s f o r m a t i o n and not the overthrow of e a r l i e r precepts. This i s what happened i n the Ghandi era. 211 This concept and others enabled an astute n a t i o n a l i s t e l i t e t o adapt t r a d i t i o n a l c u l t u r a l elements t o the p o l i t i c a l needs of the independence movement and overcome B r i t i s h c o l o n i a l domination i n the sub-continent. That these concepts aided i n the a c q u i s i t i o n of n a t i o n a l independence seems c l e a r ; that 210 Bondurant, Human Organization , V o l . 22 (Spring 1963), p. 7. 211 I b i d . , p. 10. 132 they w i l l be as u s e f u l when a p p l i e d t o the problem of n a t i o n - b u i l d i n g and modernization i s l e s s c e r t a i n . U n l i k e the old countries of Europe and Japan, most of the new s t a t e s of A s i a and A f r i c a were unable to begin t h e i r a s s a u l t on modernity as n a t i o n s . In Europe nations evolved g r a d u a l l y , almost o r g a n i c a l l y , w i t h i n the framework of a common c u l t u r a l and l i n g u i s t i c t r a d i t i o n . P r ofessor Strayer has t r a c e d the r o o t s of European n a t i o n - s t a t e s t o the barbarian regna which arose f o l l o w i n g the c o l l a p s e of 212 Rome. In the West, nations evolved more by chance than design, almost as a r e s u l t of a s e r i e s of h i s t o r i c a l a c c i -dents; i n the developing areas, e s p e c i a l l y i n the post-c o l o n i a l developing w o r l d , attempts are being made t o c o n t r i v e them out of the d i s p a r a t e p a r t i c u l a r i s m s that f a l l w i t h i n a r b i t r a r i l y drawn boundaries i n h e r i t e d from the c o l o n i a l era. Nowhere i s t h i s more true than i n t r o p i c a l A f r i c a . In the vast i n t e r v e n i n g stretches of black A f r i c a , the u s u a l assumption i s t h a t each of the new s t a t e s which has been i n h e r i t e d i n t a c t from the c o l o n i a l regimes i s the breeding ground of a new n a t i o n , but these s t a t e s are s i n g u l a r l y a r b i t r a r y and recent c r e a t i o n s which, up t o t h e moment of independence, might have been given a d i f f e r e n t form and which may s t i l l undergo d r a s t i c change. C e r t a i n l y , they were not brought i n t o being because o f the c u l t u r a l homo-geneity and t r a d i t i o n a l u n i t y of t he people composing 212 J . S t r a y e r , "The H i s t o r i c a l Experience of Nation-B u i l d i n g i n Europe", N a t i o n - B u i l d i n g , ed. K. Deutsch and W. F o l t z , New York, Atherton Press, 1963,- p. 17 . 133 them; each was made up,-in'very v a r y i n g degrees, of dispa r a t e ethnic groups f o r c e d i n t o a s i n g l e p o l i t i c a l form by the i m p e r i a l power: ' The fundamental d i f f e r e n c e between the process of n a t i o n -b u i l d i n g i n the new s t a t e s as opposed t o the h i s t o r i c a l experience of the West has l e d F o l t z to conclude that "The old argument over the p r i o r i t y of state o r n a t i o n i s being r e s o l v e d by these c o u n t r i e s ' leaders i n favour of f i r s t b u i l d i n g the s t a t e as an instrument t o b r i n g about the n a t i o n . " 2 1 4 As the c u l t u r a l system that d e f i n e s and l e g i t i m i z e s the n a t i o n , n a t i o n a l i s m has d i f f e r e d between the o l d and new-s t a t e s . Nationalism f o l l o w e d or developed concomitantly w i t h the n a t i o n i n the West. "In the Western world, i n England and i n France, i n the Netherlands and i n S w i t z e r l a n d , i n the United States and i n the B r i t i s h dominions, t h e r i s e of n a t i o n a l i s m was a predominantly p o l i t i c a l occurrence; i t was preceded by the formation of the f u t u r e n a t i o n a l s t a t e , or, as i n the case of the Unit e d S t a t e s , c o i n c i d e d with i t . " 2 1 - * N a tionalism i n the West could take the na t i o n f o r 213 R. Emerson, " N a t i o n - B u i l d i n g i n A f r i c a " , Nation-B u i l d i n g , ed. K. Deutsch and W. F o l t z , New York, Atherton Press, 1963, p.96. 214 W. F o l t z , " B u i l d i n g the Newest Nations: Short-Run S t r a t e g i e s and Long-Run Problems", N a t i o n - B u i l d i n g , ed. K. Deutsch and W. F o l t z , New York, Atherton Press, 1963, p. 117. 215 H. Kohn, The Idea of Nati o n a l i s m , New York, MacMillan, 1961, p. 329* 134 granted; i n the new s t a t e s i t i s confronted w i t h the task of a i d i n g i n the c r e a t i o n of one. Taking the n a t i o n f o r granted, n a t i o n a l i s m i n the West could act as a conservative f o r c e that sought t o p r o t e c t i t . In the new states n a t i o n -a l i s m i s r a d i c a l , i t seeks to c r e a t e a n a t i o n by p r o j e c t i n g a v i s i o n of i t f o r a l l to see. In the developing areas e l i t e s use n a t i o n a l i s m to pro-vide d i s o r i e n t e d i n d i v i d u a l s with a v i s u a l image of the n a t i o n - s t a t e t h a t , h o p e f u l l y , i s t o be. P r i o r t o indepen-dence n a t i o n a l i s m was used to m o b i l i z e i n d i v i d u a l s i n the a n t i - c o l o n i a l s t r u g g l e by p r o j e c t i n g an image of freedom, e q u a l i t y , and improved economic w e l l - b e i n g a f t e r v i c t o r y . But more than m o b i l i z i n g i n d i v i d u a l s to act - i n f a c t only a m i n o r i t y of i n d i v i d u a l s ever p a r t i c i p a t e d i r e c t l y i n the f i g h t f o r independence - n a t i o n a l i s m m o b i l i z e s t h e i r emo-t i o n a l support and commitment t o the cause c r e a t i n g a s e n t i -ment f o r independence among f a r l a r g e r numbers of i n d i v i d u a l s than those a c t u a l l y p a r t i c i p a t i n g . Nationalism a l s o e s t a -b l i s h e s a r e l a t i o n s h i p , not o r g a n i z a t i o n a l but p s y c h o l o g i c a l , a r e l a t i o n s h i p of empathy between the mass of p a r t l y a c c u l -t u r a t e d i n d i v i d u a l s and the n a t i o n a l i s t e l i t e . In so doing, n a t i o n a l i s m serves as a bridge between the a u t h o r i t y of the n a t i o n a l i s t e l i t e and the i n d i v i d u a l s imbued w i t h the n a t i o n a l i s t v i s i o n . The compelling nature of the image of the post-independence f u t u r e t h a t n a t i o n a l i s m p r o j e c t s makes i t a s i g n i f i c a n t f o r c e i n a i d i n g the overthrow of c o l o n i a l regimes. 135 Immediately a f t e r independence, n a t i o n a l i s m passes through i t s apotheosis as, i n the words of Apter, "... p a r o c h i a l and personal i n t e r e s t s pale before the accomplish-ments of independence." O s t e n s i b l y , the image pr o j e c t e d by n a t i o n a l i s m p r i o r to independence has now m a t e r i a l i z e d i n the a c q u i s i t i o n of power by the n a t i o n a l i s t e l i t e and i n the formal c r e a t i o n of the s t a t e ; the ideology appears to have t r a n s m o g r i f i e d i t s v i s i o n i n t o the s t r u c t u r a l apparatus of the new s t a t e . ' The euphoria that normally accompanies independence i s a temporary phenomenon however, and begins t o wane w i t h the r e a l i z a t i o n ' ' t h a t t h e a c q u i s i t i o n of self-government and the i n h e r i t a n c e of the i n s t i t u t i o n a l apparatus of the c o l o n i a l regime does not r a d i c a l l y t r a n s -form the socio-economic conditions of s o c i e t y . The mani-f e s t a t i o n of Utopia i s temporary, and f o l l o w i n g independence i t r a p i d l y recedes again i n t o the f u t u r e . The a c q u i s i t i o n of the r i g h t t o r u l e and the i n h e r i t a n c e of the c o l o n i a l machinery of the s t a t e has preceded the c r e a t i o n of the n a t i o n ; the nationalism which was s u c c e s s f u l i n c o l o n i a l overthrow and i n e s t a b l i s h i n g an emotional r e l a t i o n s h i p between the ne\tf e l i t e and t h e i r mass f o l l o w i n g must now be a p p l i e d t o the t a s k of c r e a t i n g a n a t i o n a l community. Compared t o the problems posed i n n a t i o n - b u i l d i n g and modernization, the task of a c h i e v i n g independence was r e l a t i v e l y easy. Independence r e s u l t e d from a b a t t l e between 216 Apter, The P o l i t i c s of Modernization, p. 339. 136 a d v e r s a r i e s which could be fought and won; the enemy-could be i d e n t i f i e d and routed. N a t i o n - b u i l d i n g and moderni-z a t i o n are c r e a t i v e a c t i v i t i e s , not d e s t r u c t i v e ones, rev q u i r i n g s o p h i s t i c a t e d s k i l l s and responsible a t t i t u d e s . I t i s e a s i e r t o m o b i l i z e the a c t i v i t i e s and emotional commit-ments of i n d i v i d u a l s i n the struggle against an e a s i l y i d e n t i f i e d c o l o n i a l adversary than t o construct nations or organize an a s s a u l t on modernity. In the f i g h t f o r inde-pendence a s i m p l i s t i c , and therefore compelling, n a t i o n a l i s m diagnoses the malady, i d e n t i f i e s the disease, and p r e s c r i b e s the cure. The malady i s economic and s o c i a l backwardness, the v i l l a i n c o l o n i a l i s m , and the cure i s r e v o l u t i o n and self-government. The s i m p l i s t i c pre-independence n a t i o n a l i s m f u l f i l l s i t s promise: v i c t o r y i s achieved; the c o l o n i a l regime overthrown. The m o b i l i z i n g s k i l l s and resources developed i n the f i g h t f o r independence are found wanting when a p p l i e d t o the problem of n a t i o n - b u i l d i n g and modernization. Nationalism i s n e vertheless r e t a i n e d . But the post-independence s i t u a t i o n i t seeks t o def i n e i s fundamentally d i f f e r e n t from the pre-independence era. No longer are the v i l l a i n s the c o l o n i a l regime, indeed, the most l i k e l y candidates f o r that a p p e l a t i o n are t h e vague and covert t h r e a t impied i n the term "neo-c o l o n i a l i s m " , h o s t i l e counter e l i t e s , and the t r a d i t i o n a l a u t h o r i t i e s o r t r i b a l past. 137 In s p i t e of the tendency to maintain the pre-independence n a t i o n a l i s t i c , f e r v o u r by i d e n t i f y i n g covert t h r e a t s t o the newly e s t a b l i s h e d regime, post-independence n a t i o n a l i s m i s vaguer and l e s s compelling. I t i s e a s i e r t o i d e n t i f y w i t h a movement bent on overthrowing a h i g h l y v i s i b l e c o l o n i a l enemy than to maintain the commitment long a f t e r independence has been won even i f new t h r e a t s are perceived. The tem-porary apotheosis of n a t i o n a l i s m f o l l o w i n g independence i s o f t e n succeeded by d i s i l l u s i o n m e n t born out of the b e l a t e d awareness that t h e promise of a m a t e r i a l Utopia i s s t i l l a long way o f f . Thus i n A f r i c a W a l l e r s t e i n notes "There was a touch of the Utopian hope c h a r a c t e r i s t i c of every revo-l u t i o n , even when n a t i o n a l i s t movements were p e a c e f u l and u n m i l i t a n t . . . . And there were many i n a l l A f r i c a n s t a t e s who thought t h a t freedom meant the end of s o c i a l c o n t r o l or the immediate r a d i c a l r e d i s t r i b u t i o n of wealth. The cadres of the n a t i o n a l i s t p a r t i e s may not have had such naive expectations, but i t i s understandable t h a t among the peasanta or uneducated urban dwellers such i l l u s i o n s e x i s t e d . Even i f these i l l u s i o n s were only momentary, u n f u l f i l l m e n t meant a sense of disappointment. Independence was not magic."217 In d e f i n i n g the new n a t i o n and the path t o modernity the old n a t i o n a l i s m must be revamped and supplemented by ideo-l o g i c a l elements more supportive of n a t i o n - b u i l d i n g and 217 I . W a l l e r s t e i n , A f r i c a : The P o l i t i c s of Independence, New York, Vintage Books, 1961, p. ST. 138 development r o l e s . Post-independence n a t i o n a l i s m must be redef i n e d from one of enmity and h o s t i l i t y to an a l i e n order to one of a f f e c t i o n , respect, and l o y a l t y to the new regime. Since t h i s i s no mean task , s i n c e , as W a l l e r s t e i n reminds us, the le a d e r s h i p e l i t e "... cannot assume a r e s i d u a l l o y a l t y t o the s t a t e among the m a j o r i t y of i t s c i t i z e n s " 218 there i s a temptation t o revert t o the displacement of h o s t i l i t i e s on r e a l or imaginary enemies, t o indulge i n char i s m a t i c p o l i t i c s , or t o r e s p r t t o tyranny and oppression. Nationalism i n the new s t a t e s i s often supplemented by s o c i a l i s m . Nationalism can d e f i n e the n a t i o n , i t s o r g a n i -z a t i o n a l and symbolic components, and r e l a t i o n s between r u l e r s and r u l e d but i t cannot de f i n e modernity. In t h i s sense, n a t i o n a l i s m i s l e s s an ideology than s o c i a l i s m . S o c i a l i s m purports t o define modernity; i n i t s various forms i t does o u t l i n e a programme and the procedures i n v o l v e d i n modernizing a s o c i e t y . In the new s t a t e s , s o c i a l i s m i s a t t r a c t i v e because i t r e l i e s on the apparatus of the p o l i t i c a l system as the c e n t r a l mechanism f o r the attainment of modernity. By emphasizing the importance of government i n the modernizing process, s o c i a l i s m enhances and a f f i r m s the pre-eminent p o s i t i o n of the new r u l i n g e l i t e . In t h i s sense s o c i a l i s m l e g i t i m i z e s the new r u l i n g e l i t e and t h e i r p o l i c i e s and i n so doing becomes "... the e t h i c f o r a system of p o l i t i c a l 218 W a l l e r s t e i n , A f r i c a : The P o l i t i c s of Independence, p. 87. 139 d i s c i p l i n e emphasizing s c i e n c e . " S t r i c t l y speaking, s o c i a l i s m i s l e s s a p o l i t i c a l ideology than an economic one. I t v i s u a l i z e s and t r i e s to i n s t i t u -t i o n a l i z e a concept of the economy i n which the government i s d i r e c t l y i n v o l v e d i n most of the major economic, e s p e c i a l l y 220 i n d u s t r i a l a c t i v i t i e s . This d i s t i n c t i o n i s perhaps l e s s u s e f u l l y a p p l i e d t o the new s t a t e s where the p o l i t i c a l system dominates and permeates the s o c i a l and economic l i f e of the s o c i e t y so completely, yet i t does point t o the need f o r ideology to o r i e n t i n d i v i d u a l s t o new economic r o l e s , to equip them w i t h an e t h i c of hard work and s a c r i f i c e . In the underdeveloped s o c i e t i e s of the t w e n t i e t h century, s o c i a l i s m attempts t o perform the same f u n c t i o n as the C a l v i n i s m of an e a r l i e r age: i t seeks to l e g i t i m i z e and g i v e impetus t o s e c u l a r economic r o l e s that f a c i l i t a t e development. I t was Weber's contention that the w o r l d l y e t h i c of Calvinism pro-moted hard work and t h r i f t and i n so doing o r i e n t e d i n d i v i d u a l s t o the s e c u l a r world equipping them w i t h a moral imperative 219 Apter, The P o l i t i c s of Modernization, p. 329. 220 Dahl s t a t e s t h a t there i s a "tendency t o confuse p o l i t i c a l and economic systems" and t h a t t h i s stems from "ignorance of the h i s t o r i c a l o r i g i n of these terms". H i s t o r i c a l l y , the terms 'democracy' and ' d i c t a t o r s h i p ' have u s u a l l y r e f e r r e d t o p o l i t i c a l systems, whereas ' c a p i t a l i s m ' and ' s o c i a l i s m ' have r e f e r r e d t o economic i n s t i t u t i o n s . . . . " Robert Dahl, Modern P o l i t i c a l A n a l y s i s . Englewood C l i f f s , P r e n t i c e - H a l l , 1963, pp. 7^W7~~~~ 140 to f u l f i l l t h e i r w o r l d l y r o l e by u n s t i n t i n g and d i l i g e n t e f f o r t . The e f f e c t of C a l v i n i s m , Weber argued, was t o 221 " t r i g g e r " c a p i t a l i s t development. Whether the protestant e t h i c can be sustained as the "primary cause" of the b e h a v i o r a l and a t t i t u d e changes that a c a p i t a l i s t " t a k e - o f f " required i s not our concern; what we do wish t o emphasize i s the view tha t r e l i g i o u s and i d e o l o g i c a l systems can r e - o r i e n t persons, persuade them to perform, and s u s t a i n them i n new economic r o l e s . In the new s t a t e s s o c i a l i s m i s b e i n g used by e l i t e s t o 222 emotionally equip i n d i v i d u a l s f o r modernizing r o l e s . S o c i a l i s m i s a t t r a c t i v e t o r u l i n g e l i t e s f o r s e v e r a l reasons. In the f i r s t place i t emphasizes r a t i o n a l i t y and a planned and systematic approach to development. R a t i o n a l i t y i s regarded as the b e h a v i o r a l and normative key t o s u c c e s s f u l modernization; r a t i o n a l i t y i s equated w i t h e f f i c i e n c y and e f f i c i e n c y i s o f t e n thought to be the touchstone of advanced s o c i e t i e s . S o c i a l i s m emphasizes a planned a s s a u l t on the problems of s o c i a l backwardness; s o c i a l and economic planning come to be regarded as a panacea f o r the i l l s o f 221 Max Weber, The Protestant E t h i c and the S p i r i t of C a p i t a l i s m , New York, S c r i b n e r s , 19587 For a c r i t i q u e of Weber's t h e s i s see: Kurt Samuelsson, R e l i g i o n and Economic A c t i o n , New York, Harper Torchbooks, 1964. 222 Apter s t a t e s t h a t "... s o c i a l i s m o f f e r s a set of u n i f i e d developmental goals-that s t r e s s r o l e s f u n c t i o n a l t o modernization and the achievement of a workmanlike, r a t i o n a l s o c i e t y i n which people lend one another a h e l p i n g hand 141 underdevelopment. Most of the new s t a t e s have t h e i r plans -f i v e year, seven year, t e n year - and the a c t i v i t y of planning becomes a s i g n i f i c a n t aspect of the a s s a u l t on modernity. However, planning can become an end i n i t s e l f . Frequently the new s t a t e s are found t o be only i n the f i r s t stages of t h e i r plans; when o l d plans f a i l t o r e a l i z e the development they p r e d i c t e d they are often replaced w i t h new ones. Thus, planning may become a r i t u a l i n the new s t a t e s devoid of the r e a l sub-stance of development. S o c i a l i s m i s even more a t t r a c t i v e t o e l i t e s f o r the em-phasis i t places on the p o l i t i c a l system as the c e n t r a l instrument f o r developing a s o c i e t y . The state e s t a b l i s h e s the goals, sets the p r i o r i t i e s , and then takes upon i t s e l f the task of b r i n g i n g modernity about. Moreover, by a f f i r m i n g the paramount p o s i t i o n of the s t a t e i n s o c i e t y , s o c i a l i s m concomitantly a f f i r m s the pre-eminence of p o l i t i c a l r o l e s . P o l i t i c a l l e a d e r s h i p r o l e s are accorded hig h s t a t u s and l e g i t i m a c y by s o c i a l i s t ideology making i t e s p e c i a l l y a t t r a c -t i v e t o p o l i t i c a l e l i t e s . Perhaps the most a t t r a c t i v e f e a t u r e o f s o c i a l i s m f o r r u l i n g e l i t e s i s i t s a s s o c i a t i o n w i t h modernity i t s e l f . This may w e l l be due to i t s emergence l a t e r than c a p i t a l i s m as an ideology and i t s a s s o c i a t i o n w i t h r a p i d economic develop-ment, f i r s t i n the Soviet Union and now i n China. S o c i a l i s m , because they f e e l themselves a pa r t of the community e f f o r t toward i n d u s t r i a l i z a t i o n . " A p t e r . The P o l i t i c s of. Modernization, p. 329. 1 4 2 p a r t i c u l a r l y i t s M a r x i s t v a r i a n t , s t r e s s e s the importance of s c i e n c e ; indeed the l a t t e r goes as f a r as c l a i m i n g s c i e n t i f i c v a l i d i t y f o r i t s own t e n e t s . Science- c a r r i e s i great p r e s t i g e , e s p e c i a l l y f o r i n d i v i d u a l s confronted w i t h the demanding task of modernizing backward s o c i e t i e s . By l a y i n g c l a i m t o the s c i e n t i f i c v a l i d i t y of i t s own tenets and by p r o j e c t i n g a v i s i o n of a s o c i a l i s t s o c i e t y purported to be based upon s c i e n t i f i c p r i n c i p l e s , Marxism confers on those who espouse the ideology the s t a t u s of " s o c i a l s c i e n t i s t " and enhances t h e i r r o l e as " s o c i a l engineer". Marxism makes i t s advocates not only the exponents but the a r c h i t e c t s and b u i l d e r s of a modern s o c i e t y . Converts are made by i t s a s s e r t i o n of claims to s c i e n t i f i c v a l i d i t y and by t r a n s -forming an almost u n i v e r s a l wish f o r modernity i n t o a pre-d i c t i o n t h a t only Marxism can b r i n g i t about and i n the shortest p o s s i b l e time. Doubtless many leaders i n the new s t a t e s f i n d i t d i f f i c u l t t o r e s i s t the temptation Marxism o f f e r s - t h a t i t i s a b l e t o transform a wish i n t o a r e a l i t y . IV But i d e o l o g y , l i k e c h a r i s m a t i c l e a d e r s h i p , i s not a panacea f o r p o l i t i c a l development i n the new s t a t e s . I t performs a number of f u n c t i o n s f o r an emerging p o l i t i c a l order, yet at the same time, i t s c o n t r i b u t i o n s to n at i o n - b u i l d i n g and modernization are l i m i t e d , mainly, to the p s y c h o l o g i c a l and c u l t u r a l realm of p o l i t i c a l behavior. 143 Ideology i s an i n t e r i m measure f o r the development of a broader set of c u l t u r a l v a l u e s , symbols, and myths that come to be held by the n a t i o n a l populace, r a t h e r than by only the members or sympathizers of a p o l i t i c a l movement or pa r t y who have set themselves the t a s k of b u i l d i n g a n a t i o n and modernizing a s o c i e t y . As c u l t u r a l systems, i d e o l o g i e s seek to e s t a b l i s h the i d e n t i t i e s of mobile and d i s o r i e n t e d i n d i v i d u a l s i n emergent nations and the psychic bonds t h a t might u n i t e them f o r common p o l i t i c a l a c t i o n . They help men perceive the o u t l i n e s of the emerging nation and the locus of a u t h o r i t y i n t h a t n a t i o n . P e r m i t t i n g a v i s i o n of the s t a t e , i d e o l o g i e s serve a u t h o r i t y by l e g i t i -m i z ing the p o l i t i c a l system, the new indigenous r u l i n g e l i t e , and i t s a c t i o n s and p o l i c i e s . In a d d i t i o n , i d e o l o g i e s seem t o embody a moral imperative as w e l l . They p r e s c r i b e types of s o c i a l a c t i v i t y t h a t are deemed necessary f o r the order they seek to i n s t i t u t e ; and the s o c i a l a c t i v i t y so p r e s c r i b e d i s sanctioned as r i g h t and proper. However, the f i n a l t e s t of an ideology i s i t s e f f e c t i v e -ness i n i n s t i t u t i o n a l i z i n g the p o l i t i c a l order i t p r e s c r i b e s . That i s , the norms and behavior sanctioned by an ideology should m a t e r i a l i z e i n the formation of new r o l e s and s o c i a l s t r u c t u r e s . In the words of Loewenstein, "... t o be e f f e c t i v e a p o l i t i c a l system ' i n s t i t u t i o n a l i z e s ' i t s p o l i t i c a l ideology. Ideologies m a t e r i a l i z e themselves i n the p o l i t i c a l i n s t i t u t i o n s 144 and techniques corresponding t o them. The ideology of democratic e q u a l i t y w i l l r a t i o n a l i z e i t s e l f i n e i t h e r r e f e r -endal or genuinely r e p r e s e n t a t i v e i n s t i t u t i o n s and techniques, both premised on u n i v e r s a l suffrage and the f r e e choice of a l t e r n a t i v e s . The ideology of the d i c t a t o r s h i p of the p r o l e t a r i a t , on the ot h e r hand, i n s t i t u t i o n a l i z e s i t s e l f i n the s i n g l e party and the technique of compulsion a p p l i e d to 223 p u b l i c opinion managed from above." In many of the new s t a t e s , t h i s has so f a r not happened. Ideologies abound, but t h e i r i n s t i t u t i o n a l i z a t i o n i n t o con-gruent p o l i t i c a l p a t t e r n s has not occurred. In the new s t a t e s , i d e o l o g i e s f r e q u e n t l y seem to be employed s o l e l y to secure the entrenchment of regimes and compliance w i t h the personal whims of r u l e r s . But, i f the order that i d e o l o g i e s i n the new s t a t e s p r e s c r i b e i s not a c t i v e l y sought by r u l i n g e l i t e s , t h e i r i d e o l o g i e s w i l l come t o be regarded as worthless f i c t i o n s of a f u t u r e that p o l i t i c a l leaders do not s i n c e r e l y seek to b r i n g i n t o being and the regimes themselves, the l e a d e r s , and t h e i r p o l i c i e s w i l l be d i s c r e d i t e d . P o l i t i c a l development r e q u i r e s ideology and the serious i n t e n t s o f r u l i n g e l i t e s ; without some attempt at implementation, ideo-l o g i e s lose t h e i r a t t r a c t i o n t o subject adherents and thus t h e i r c a p a c i t y t o i n f l u e n c e s o c i a l behavior. 223 Loewenstein, Western P o l i t i c a l Q u a r t e r l y , V o l . 6 (December 1953), P- 698^  ~ 145 i'fi :\i =;= s|e Ideologies are not the s o l e i n f l u e n c e governing the p a t t e r n of s o c i a l and p o l i t i c a l r e l a t i o n s i n a s o c i e t y . They are c u l t u r a l systems, but they are only c u l t u r a l systems and as such are subject to the l i m i t a t i o n of a l l c u l t u r a l systems i n o r d e r i n g s o c i a l behavior:, they r e l y on moral suasion. I n d i v i d u a l s do not behave as they do f o r reasons of c u l t u r e or ideology alone. Behavior i s a l s o d i r e c t e d and c o n t r o l l e d by more e x p l i c i t means such as a u t h o r i t y and s o c i a l o r g a n i z a t i o n . Therefore, the a l t e r a -t i o n s i n s o c i a l and p o l i t i c a l behavior that modernization r e q u i r e s are i n part engendered by other n o n - i d e o l o g i c a l means of p o l i t i c a l d i r e c t i o n and c o n t r o l . In the new s t a t e s , two of the f r e q u e n t l y mentioned mechanisms t h a t a i d i n t h i s task are i n t e r e s t groups and p o l i t i c a l p a r t i e s . The next chapter deals w i t h some of the r e l a t i o n s h i p s between groups, p a r t i e s , and p o l i t i c a l development. CHAPTER VI GROUPS, PARTIES, AND POLITICAL DEVELOPMENT In a l l s o c i e t i e s of any degree of complexity the i n d i v i d u a l i s l e s s a f f e c t e d d i r e c t l y by the s o c i e t y as a whole than d i f f e r e n t i a l l y through various of i t s s u b d i v i s i o n s , o r groups. David Truman In modernizing systems... p a r t i e s are r a r e l y l i m i t e d t o the more or l e s s passive r o l e of t r a n s m i t t i n g p r i v a t e wants t o the makers of p u b l i c p o l i c i e s . Nor are they aggregative devices, c o l l e c t i n g v a r y i n g expressions of want, b e l i e f , and outlook i n some f a i t h f u l manner. Quite the c o n t r a r y , the p o l i t i c a l p a r t i e s of a modernizing s o c i e t y play an a c t i v e e n t r e p r e n e u r i a l r o l e i n the formation of new ideas, i n the establishment of a network of communication f o r those ideas, and i n the l i n k i n g of the p u b l i c and the l e a d e r s h i p i n such a way t h a t power i s generated, m o b i l i z e d , and d i r e c t e d . David Apter One of the more s t r i k i n g d i f f e r e n c e s between t r a d i t i o n a l and modern s o c i e t i e s can be observed by c o n t r a s t i n g t h e i r geographical and s o c i a l dimensions. T r a d i t i o n a l s o c i e t i e s , e s p e c i a l l y p r e - l i t e r a t e simple ones, are u s u a l l y character-i z e d by t h e i r geographical and s o c i a l "smallness": the s c a l e of s o c i a l r e l a t i o n s i s r e s t r i c t e d , very o f t e n , t o f a c e -t o - f a c e r e l a t i o n s and prolonged and i n t i m a t e i n t e r a c t i o n among a l i m i t e d number of i n d i v i d u a l s , p e r m i t t i n g p o l i t i c a l d e c i s i o n s t o be reached by a d i r e c t dialogue between r u l e r s and r u l e d . " In developed s o c i e t i e s , on the c o n t r a r y , 224 Godfrey and Monica Wilson, The A n a l y s i s of S o c i a l Change, Cambridge, Cambridge U n i v e r s i t y Press, 1954, pp. 24-44. 146 p o l i t i c a l d i s t a n c e s are u s u a l l y much g r e a t e r n e c e s s i t a t i n g the use of intermediate mechanisms to l i n k r u l e r s with r u l e d ; i n most modern s o c i e t i e s p o l i t i c s has long ceased being a d i r e c t r e l a t i o n s h i p between governors and the governed. T r a n s i t i o n a l s o c i e t i e s are i d e n t i f i e d , among other t h i n g s , by an expanding s o c i a l u n i v e r s e and an i n c r e a s e i n the scale of s o c i a l and p o l i t i c a l r e l a t i o n s . The l i m i t e d s o c i a l u niverse of the t r i b e or v i l l a g e i s transcended:',as i n d i v i d u a l s become m o b i l i s e d and r e - o r i e n t e d t o the l a r g e r emerging s o c i a l order. The universe of the c i t y i s l a r g e r than that of the v i l l a g e ; the u n i v e r s e of the emerging n a t i o n -state i s g r e a t e r than that of the t r i b e or t r a d i t i o n a l s o c i e t y . The urban d w e l l e r i s drawn i n t o a v a r i e t y of r e l a t i o n s h i p s -economic, s o c i a l , r e l i g i o u s , p o l i t i c a l - w i t h the s p e c i a l i z e d sub-units of the emerging s t r u c t u r a l l y d i f f e r e n t i a t e d and f u n c t i o n a l l y s p e c i a l i z e d urban s o c i e t y . The world of the c i t y i s l a r g e r and more complex than that of t h e v i l l a g e and the boundaries of the emerging n a t i o n - s t a t e extend w e l l beyond those of the t r a d i t i o n a l s o c i e t y , i n v o l v i n g great numbers of i n d i v i d u a l s i n an extensive and complex web of r e l a t i o n s h i p s . S o c i a l and p o l i t i c a l s c a l e increase concomit-a n t l y w i t h modernization. The s o c i a l s t r u c t u r e of t r a n s i t i o n a l s o c i e t i e s i s d i s -continuous and c h a r a c t e r i z e d , as S h i l s has noted, by "gaps" between the new r u l i n g e l i t e and the t r a d i t i o n a l or p a r t l y a c c u l t u r a t e d mass of o r d i n a r y i n d i v i d u a l s ; between the 147 r e l a t i v e l y modern urban d w e l l e r and h i s r u r a l counterpart i n the countryside. Modernization increases s o c i a l and p o l i t i c a l s c a l e , but not i n a continuous or uniform f a s h i o n , so that d i s c o n t i n u i t i e s occur i n the ensuing network of r e l a t i o n s that emerge. Consequently, a fundamental task of p o l i t i c a l development i n the new s t a t e s i s the b u i l d i n g of bridges between the mass of i l l i t e r a t e peasants or p a r t l y a c c u l t u r a t e d townsmen and t h e modern r u l i n g e l i t e . Geo-g r a p h i c a l distances are overcome by the development of communications and t r a n s p o r t a t i o n systems - roads and r a i l -ways, r i v e r and a i r t r a n s p o r t , telegraph and telephone net-works, r a d i o and t e l e v i s i o n . These have the e f f e c t of c o n t r i b u t i n g t o a reduction i n s o c i a l distances by p e r m i t t i n g increased m o b i l i t y and b r i n g i n g i n d i v i d u a l s i n t o greater . contact w i t h one another. But developed s o c i e t i e s overcome the problems posed by increases i n s o c i a l s c a l e by s o c i o -l o g i c a l as w e l l as t e c h n o l o g i c a l means. Modern s o c i e t i e s have d e a l t with the s o c i o l o g i c a l problems of increased s c a l e by developing complex o r g a n i z a t i o n a l s t r u c t u r e s which l i n k the i n d i v i d u a l s at the periphery of s o c i e t y w i t h the centres of power and a u t h o r i t y . Modern s o c i e t y i s l a r g e - s c a l e s o c i e t y ; i t i s a l s o , and f o r t h i s reason, o r g a n i z a t i o n a l s o c i e t y . While modernization i n v o l v e s increases i n s o c i a l and p o l i t i c a l s c a l e , i t i s a l s o accompanied by s o c i a l 148 fragmentization and atomization which are closely linked with urbanization and the s o c i a l and geographical mobility urbanization implies. Mobility from country to c i t y , from a r e l a t i v e l y close-knit and integrated peasant or t r i b a l culture disrupts t r a d i t i o n a l s o c i a l t i e s . But once i n the c i t y , mobile individuals have the opportunity of meeting with one another and re-establishing a f f e c t i v e s o c i a l t i e s , either on the basis of kinship or t r i b a l l i n k s common to early modernization, or on the basis of perceived common in t e r e s t s . Wolin has argued persuasively that the fragmen-t a t i o n which accompanied the forced mobilization and urban-i z a t i o n of nineteenth century European peasantry led to a search by t h e i r a r t i c u l a t e spokesmen - the i n t e l l e c t u a l s and s o c i a l philosophers - for a new basis upon which the af f e c t i v e t i e s of community could be re-established. •" ,... the p o l i t i c a l and s o c i a l thought of the nineteenth and twentieth centuries l a r g e l y centered on the attempt to restate the value of community, that i s , of the need f o r human beings to dwell in more intimate relationships with each other, to enjoy more a f f e c t i v e t i e s , to experience some closer s o l i d a r i t y than the nature of urbanized and 225 i n d u s t r i a l i z e d society seemed w i l l i n g to grant." J 225 Sheldon Wolin, P o l i t i c s and Vision, Boston, L i t t l e , Brown, I960, pp. 363-364. ' 149 I Modern s o c i e t y i s o r g a n i z a t i o n a l s o c i e t y , modern p o l i -t i c a l s o c i e t y possesses a complex o r g a n i z a t i o n a l i n f r a -s t r u c t u r e which l i n k s i n d i v i d u a l s t o each other and t o the s t a t e . In a democratic s o c i e t y the o r g a n i z a t i o n a l b a s i s i s a s s o c i a t i o n a l and voluntary; i n a t o t a l i t a r i a n one i t tends t o be coercive and i s enforced by the power of the s t a t e . In a democratic s o c i e t y f u n c t i o n a l l y s p e c i f i c i n t e r e s t a s s o c i a t i o n s emerged more or l e s s autonomously and operate more or l e s s independently from the s t a t e , making claims on the p o l i c i e s and a c t i o n s of the state i n r e t u r n f o r support and l e g i t i m a c y . In a t o t a l i t a r i a n s o c i e t y f u n c t i o n a l l y s p e c i f i c i n t e r e s t s e x i s t , u s u a l l y organized on an occupational p r i n c i p l e , but they act p r i m a r i l y t o serve or e f f e c t t h e d i r e c t i v e s of the p a r t y and t o create support f o r the regime without making l e g i t i m a t e p u b l i c demands. Presumably, demands are made i n the -Soviet p o l i t i c a l system by v a r i o u s , probably economic, o r g a n i z a t i o n a l u n i t s but they must of n e c e s s i t y be of a c o v e r t , non-public nature since the regime i s i d e o l o g i c a l l y committed to deny the p o s s i b i l i t y of c o n f l i c t i n Soviet s o c i e t y . The o r g a n i z a t i o n a l and a s s o c i a t i o n a l basis of modern p o l i t i c a l s o c i e t i e s has o f t e n been remarked upon. T o c q u e v i l l e was c l e a r l y s t r u c k by the ubiquitous nature of a s s o c i a t i o n s i n America when he wrote: "In no country i n the world has 150 the p r i n c i p l e of a s s o c i a t i o n been more s u c c e s s f u l l y used or a p p l i e d t o a greater multitude of o b j e c t s than i n America. Besides the permanent a s s o c i a t i o n s which are e s t a b l i s h e d by law under the names of townships, c i t i e s , and counties, a vast number of others are formed and maintained by the agency of p r i v a t e i n d i v i d u a l s .... In the United States a s s o c i a t i o n s are e s t a b l i s h e d t o promote the p u b l i c s a f e t y , commerce, i n d u s t r y , m o r a l i t y , and r e l i g i o n . There i s no end which the human w i l l despairs of a t t a i n i n g through the combined power of i n d i v i d u a l s u n i t e d i n t o a s o c i e t y . " 2 2 0 F i r s t Bentley and then Truman made the a s s o c i a t i o n a l nature of modern democratic p o l i t i c a l s o c i e t i e s the b a s i s f o r a compelling theory of p o l i t i c s as the i n t e r a c t i o n and c o n f l i c t 227 of competing i n t e r e s t groups. The development of i n t e r e s t a s s o c i a t i o n s and the group basis of p o l i t i c a l l i f e was viewed by Truman as a world-wide h i s t o r i c a l development l i n k e d w i t h s t r u c t u r a l d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n and t e c h n i c a l s p e c i a l i z a t i o n : ... the vast m u l t i p l i c a t i o n of i n t e r e s t s and organized groups i n recent decades i s not a p e c u l i a r l y American phenomenon. The causes of t h i s growth l i e i n the i n -creased complexity of techniques f o r d e a l i n g w i t h the environment, i n the s p e c i a l i z a t i o n s t h a t these i n v o l v e , and i n a s s o c i a t e d disturbances of the manifold expec-t a t i o n s t h a t guide i n d i v i d u a l behavior i n a complex 226 A l e x i s de T o c q u e v i l l e , Democracy i n America, New York, Vintage Books, I960, V o l . 1, pp. 198-199. -227 Arthur F. Bentley, The Process of Government, Chicago, U n i v e r s i t y of Chicago Press, 1908; and David B. Truman, The Governmental Process, New York, A l f r e d A. Knopf, 1951. 151 and interdependent s o c i e t y . Complexity of technique, broadly conceived, i s inseparable from complexity of s o c i a l s t r u c t u r e . This linkage we observe i n i n d u s t r i -a l i z e d s o c i e t i e s the world over. In the U n i t e d States the m u l t i p l i c i t y of i n t e r e s t s and groups not only has been f o s t e r e d by the extent of t e c h n i c a l s p e c i a l i z a t i o n but also.has been stimulated by the d i v e r s i t y of the , s o c i a l patterns t h a t these changes a f f e c t and by e s t a -b l i s h e d p o l i t i c a l p r a c t i c e s such as those that permit ease and freedom of a s s o c i a t i o n . D i v e r s i t y of i n t e r e s t s i s a concomitant of s p e c i a l i z e d a c t i v i t y , and d i v e r s i t y of groups i s a means of adjustment.228 P o l i t i c a l development i n the new s t a t e s i s often seen as a need to create e f f e c t i v e o r g a n i z a t i o n s to mediate between the newly m o b i l i z e d and p o l i t i c i z e d " c i t i z e n " and the admin-i s t r a t i v e and p o l i t i c a l i n s t r u m e n t a l i t i e s of the new i n d i g -229 enous s t a t e . 7 With A f r i c a i n mind, Burke has argued that p o l i t i c a l development depends, to some extent, on the c a p a c i t y of A f r i c a n s t o " s o c i a t e " w i t h one another; that i s , t o shed t r a d i t i o n a l values, b e l i e f s , and behavior and re-group t o form new s o l i d a r i t i e s t h a t give expression t o the urban and i n d u s t r i a l values t h a t are congruent w i t h a modern p o l i t i c a l p-30 s o c i e t y . J As W a l l e r s t e i n points out, t r a d i t i o n a l societxes are not without t h e i r " a s s o c i a t i o n s " , but, u n l i k e modern ones, 228 Truman, The Governmental Process, p. 502. 229 Lucian Pye, P o l i t i c s , P e r s o n a l i t y , and Mation-B u i l d i n g : Burma' s Search f o r -Id exitIty," -Nev; Haven,- Yale U n i v e r s i t y Press,-- l9ol>7 pp. 38~-39; 'and Max M i l l i k a n and Donald Blackmer, ed., The Emerging Nations, Boston, L i t t l e , Brown, 1961, p. 72. 230 Fred Burke, A f r i c a ' s Quest...for Order, Englewood C l i f f s , P r e n t i c e - H a l l , 1964,- pp. 2-5- • • • 152 the o r g a n i z a t i o n a l p r i n c i p l e that serves as a b a s i s f o r t h e i r existence i s u s u a l l y membership i n k i n s h i p , caste or t r i b a l group o r age o r sex set - membership which i s u s u a l l y n e i t h e r v o l u n t a r y nor a s s o c i a t i o n a l , that i s , xvhich does not rest upon the p r i n c i p l e of freedom of a s s o c i a t i o n . But the mere existence of i n t e r e s t a s s o c i a t i o n s need not be a s u f f i c i e n t c o n d i t i o n of p o l i t i c a l development. The i n t e r e s t s that do e x i s t must l e a r n to make r e s t r a i n e d demands on the p o l i t i c a l system, and r u l i n g e l i t e s must come to accept the presence of groups th a t not only support, but oppose, t h e i r p o l i c i e s . In much of the underdeveloped world where i n t e r e s t s do e x i s t they are f r e q u e n t l y based upon a t o t a l way of l i f e and possess h i g h l y intense p o l i t i c a l c o n v i c t i o n s and personal l o y a l t i e s t h a t i n h i b i t the develop-ment of a competitive p o l i t i c a l c u l t u r e i n which group 231 W a l l e r s t e i n w r i t e s : "Entry i n t o these a s s o c i a t i o n s was l a r g e l y ascriptive (based on age and sex ) . Even i f c e r t a i n achievements were required f o r admittance, i t was assumed t h a t a l l , or almost a l l , persons would be able to'meet the r e q u i r e -ments. These a s s o c i a t i o n s were f u n c t i o n a l d i v i s i o n s of the t r i b e f o r the attainment of c e r t a i n t r a d i t i o n a l s o c i a l objec-t i v e s , such as the p r a c t i c e of warfare, the production of c e r t a i n c r a f t a r t i c l e s , and so f o r t h . The a s s o c i a t i o n s were few i n number, and, i n theory, were f i x e d e n t i t i e s . The i n d i -v i d u a l d i d not i n p r i n c i p l e choose t o enter; r a t h e r , he was assigned a c e r t a i n s o c i a l r o l e which i n v o l v e d membership i n a c e r t a i n a s s o c i a t i o n . The a s s o c i a t i o n s operated on the same bas i s as the o v e r - a l l p o l i t i c a l s t r u c t u r e : the acceptance of t r a d i t i o n a l ways as the only l e g i t i m a t e a c t i v i t i e s of i n d i -v i d u a l s w i t h i n the s o c i e t y . " Immanuel W a l l e r s t e i n , "Voluntary A s s 0 c i a t i o n s " , P o l i t i c a l P a r t i e s and N a t i o n a l I n t e g r a t i o n i n T r o p i c a l Africa,- ed. James-Coleman and C a r l Rosberg, J r . , Berkeley and Los Angeles, U n i v e r s i t y of C a l i f o r n i a Press, 1 9 6 4 , p. 3 1 8 . 1 5 3 c o n f l i c t i s r e s t r a i n e d and r e s t s upon the acceptance of the " r u l e s of the game" by a l l competing p a r t i e s . ^ 2 In I n d i a , according to Weiner, the case i s somewhat a l t e r e d . While many i n t e r e s t s have been organized - though f r e q u e n t l y r e s t i n g on a caste, r e l i g i o u s , l i n g u i s t i c or eth n i c base - and many seemingly reasonable demands made, the p o l i t i c a l system i s often unable to respond f o r lack of economic, m a t e r i a l , and personnel resources. Bureaucrats and n a t i o n a l p o l i t i c i a n s have shown h o s t i l i t y to the p a r t i c u l a r i s t i c i n t e r e s t s t h a t do e x i s t , viewing them as o b s t a c l e s t o r a t i o n a l government planning and economic development w h i l e i n t e r e s t group lea d e r s , d i s i l l u s i o n e d over t h e i r f a i l u r e t o induce an appropriate governmental response and disenchanted w i t h the democratic r u l e s of the p o l i t i c a l game, have turned t o p o l i t i c a l p r o t e s t , c i v i l disobedience, and more v i o l e n t 233 measures. P o l i t i c a l development must imply more than the e x i s t e n c e of i n t e r e s t groups}.- the i n t e r e s t s that are organized must recognize and respect the r u l e s of the p o l i t i c a l game making l i m i t e d demands t h a t do not t a x 1 the government in ' i t s response. Moreover, p o l i t i c a l and a d m i n i s t r a t i v e leaders must accept the presence of organized' i n t e r e s t s as 232 M i l l i k a n and -Blackmer, The Emerging Nations, p. 72 . 23'3 Myron Weiner, The P o l i t i c s of S c a r c i t y , Chicago, U n i v e r s i t y of Chicago Press, 1962. 154 a f e a t u r e of modern p o l i t i c a l systems and l e a r n t o d e a l w i t h t h e i r demands, t a k i n g action, where a c t i o n i s p o s s i b l e r a t h e r than viewing them as impediments t o economic develop-ment and s o c i a l progress. 2-^ 4 I I In the c o l o n i a l s i t u a t i o n , e s p e c i a l l y i n A f r i c a , the i n t r u s i o n of i m p e r i a l powers t r i g g e r e d the. processes of u r b a n i z a t i o n i n c r e a s i n g the s o c i a l and geographical s c a l e of r e l a t i o n s h i p s and the s o c i a l and geographical m o b i l i t y of i n d i v i d u a l s from t r i b a l or peasant communities to the new p r o v i n c i a l towns where the seat of c o l o n i a l a u t h o r i t y was l o c a t e d . "The European powers enlarged the s c a l e of West A f r i c a n p o l i t i c a l u n i t s from many t r i b a l to the present t e r r i t o r i a l o n e s . " * ^ From diverse t r i b a l or t r a d i t i o n a l m a t e r i a l s the European powers fashioned a new s o c i a l e n t i t y the colony - which was held together not by a common set of c u l t u r a l values but by the a u t h o r i t y of the c o l o n i a l a d m i n i s t r a t i v e s t r u c t u r e . 2 ^ 6 234 Weiner, The P o l i t i c s of S c a r c i t y , pp. 237-238. 235 Ruth Morgenthau, P o l i t i c a l P a r t i e s i n French Speaking West A f r i c a , London, Oxford U n i v e r s i t y Press, 1964, p. 332. 236 Immanuel W a l l e r s t e i n , " I n t r o d u c t i o n " , S o c i a l Change: The C o l o n i a l S i t u a t i o n , ed. Immanuel W a l l e r s t e i n , New York, Wiley, 1955, p. 2. 155 C o l o n i a l i s m brought the growth of towns - a d m i n i s t r a t i v e and commercial centres which helped give e f f e c t t o c o l o n i a l p o l i c y . The growth of towns ipso f a c t o i n v o l v e d the m o b i l i t y of a growing number of persons from - t r i b a l or t r a d i t i o n a l communities to the new urban areas. "The e f f e c t of the new towns i s t o s p l i t men i n t o separate s e l f - s e e k i n g atoms. But ... A f r i c a n townsmen f i n d a v a r i e t y of ways of l i n k i n g themselves together again. This l i n k i n g process, on a basis other than simple k i n s h i p , i s helped p a r t l y by the existence of p h y s i c a l centres ... where men and women, w i t h p a r t i c u l a r i n t e r e s t s i n common, can c o l l i d e w i t h one another: churches and chapels, schools, h a l l s , c l u b s , bars, shops, cinemas. The exuberant growth of a s s o c i a t i o n s i n A f r i c a n towns' i s a 237 point which has o f t e n been n o t i c e d . " The growth of a s s o c i a t i o n s was i n part a response to the c o l o n i a l s i t u a t i o n . In some cases urban immigrants were encouraged t o form t h e i r own a s s o c i a t i o n s by c o l o n i a l autho-r i t i e s who r e c o g n i z e d t h e i r e f f i c a c y as mechanisms of s o c i a l c o n t r o l . i n some cases, e s p e c i a l l y w i t h the e a r l i e s t v o l u n t a r y a s s o c i a t i o n s i n A f r i c a , they were i n s p i r e d by 237 Thomas Hodgkin f Nationalism i n C o l o n i a l A f r i c a , London, F r e d e r i c k M u l l e r , 1956, p. 8™4. 238 W a l l e r s t e i n , P o l i t i c a l P a r t i e s and N a t i o n a l I n t e g r a t i o n i n T r o p i c a l A f r i c a , ed. James Coleman and C a r l Rosberg, J r . , Berkeley "and Los Angeles, U n i v e r s i t y of C a l i f o r n i a Press, 1964, p. 321. 156 European a d m i n i s t r a t o r s a c t i n g i n a personal c a p a c i t y . U s u a l l y , c o l o n i a l a u t h o r i t i e s were only i n d i r e c t l y i n v olved i n t h e i r formation, o f f e r i n g v e r b a l and o c c a s i o n a l l y f i n a n c i a l s u p p o r t . j n 0 t h e r cases new a s s o c i a t i o n s were formed by b e t t e r educated indigenous town-dwellers, as with Danquah's Gold Coast Youth Conference, which a g i t a t e d m i l d l y f o r improved s o c i a l and economic c o n d i t i o n s without p r e s s i n g f o r self-government as s u c h . 2 4 ^ ' The development of a s s o c i a t i o n s was i n part a response of new townsmen to cope w i t h the s o c i a l and p s y c h o l o g i c a l problems posed by urban l i f e . Whether based upon t r i b a l a f f i l i a t i o n , the c o n t i g u i t y of residence or common i n t e r e s t s , a s s o c i a t i o n s aided i n overcoming the i s o l a t i o n of urban l i f e . Durkheim pointed t o anomie as a p o s s i b l e "abnormal" r e s u l t of the d i v i s i o n of labour i n urban and i n d u s t r i a l s o c i e t i e s and modern s o c i o l o g i c a l s t u d i e s have viewed the formation of v o l u n t a r y a s s o c i a t i o n s as p a l l i a t i v e s f o r the i s o l a t i o n of urban l i v i n g . 2 4 1 In a d d i t i o n t o a i d i n g i n d i v i d u a l s i n 239 W a l l e r s t e i n , P o l i t i c a l P a r t i e s and N a t i o n a l  I n t e g r a t i o n i n T n D p i c a l ^ f j r i c a , ed. James Coleman and C a r l Rosberg, Jr./""Berke"ley and*Xos Angeles, U n i v e r s i t y of C a l i f o r n i a Press, 1964, p. 3 23. 240 Robert Rotberg, A P o l i t i c a l H i s t o r y of T r o p i c a l  A f r i c a , New York, Harcourt, Brace -& World, Inc.,.1965, p. 345-241 L u c y M a i r , New Nations, London, Weidenfield and N i c o l s o n , 1963, pp. 132-133. 157 overcoming s o c i a l i s o l a t i o n , some t h e o r i s t s see a s s o c i a t i o n s 242 as cushions f o r the shock of t r a n s i t i o n ^ to urban l i v i n g . In t h i s view, a s s o c i a t i o n s help s o c i a l i z e persons to the c u l t u r e of the c i t y , teaching them new urban values and a t t i t u d e s w h i l e at the same time he l p i n g them adapt to urban mores. In the c o l o n i a l context, new a s s o c i a t i o n s x^ere seen to redefine t h e i r r o l e s while at once l i n k i n g them t o the l a r g e r and more complex s o c i a l , commercial, and adminstrative s t r u c t u r e of the c o l o n i a l town. A s s o c i a t i o n s are a l s o seen t o carry out important f u n c t i o n s f o r the developing urban s o c i e t y . They often provided b a s i c s o c i a l s e r v i c e s as i n A f r i c a where they compensated f o r the weakening of the t r a d i t i o n a l system of s o c i a l s e c u r i t y "... by p r o t e c t i n g t h e i r members against the normal human emerg-encies - operating as F r i e n d l y S o c i e t i e s and B u r i a l C l u b s . " 2 ^ In southern N i g e r i a , according t o Hodgkin, s e r v i c e organizations were p a r t i c u l a r l y u b i q u i t o u s and Improvement Unions, Welfare Leagues, Community Leagues, T r i b a l Unions, P a t r i o t i c Unions, and Progressive Unions were "too numerous t o mention. "244 242 W i l l i a m McCord, The Springtime of Freedom: The E v o l u t i o n of Developing S o c i e t i e s , New York7 Oxford U n i v e r s i t y Press, 1965, p. 3 6 . 243 Hodgkin, Nationalism, i n C o l o n i a l A f r i c a , p. 85. 244 I b i d . , p. 86. 158 L a s t l y , by c a r r y i n g out important communications functions and by c r e a t i n g n a t i o n a l groups comprising i n d i v i d u a l s who were l i n k e d together h o r i z o n t a l l y by new bonds of i n t e r e s t and a c t i v i t y which overcame the a f f i n a l bonds of e t h n i c i t y or k i n s h i p , a s s o c i a t i o n s were seen t o encourage an i n c i p i e n t sense of n a t i o n a l consciousness. 2 4'' While some i n t e r e s t groups were formed e i t h e r through the encouragement or i n response t o c o l o n i a l a u t h o r i t i e s many more were formed a f t e r World War I I . "Even more than the F i r s t World War," w r i t e s Emerson, "... the Second em-phasized the themes of freedom, democracy, and the fundamental r i g h t s of man - a l l of profound import to the dependent p e o p l e s . . . . " 2 4 0 And i n A f r i c a , a h i s t o r i a n has more r e c e n t l y observed that "The t u r m o i l and propaganda of World War I I provided a c l i m a t e of opinion and a range of new experience conducive to the r i s e of n a t i o n a l i s m . . . . " F o l l o w i n g the war, according to Hodgkin, a number of f a c t o r s i n c l u d i n g : the democratic expressions of the United Nations} the 245 W a l l e r s t e i n , . P o l i t i c a l P a r t i e s and N a t i o n a l I n t e g r a t i o n i n T r o p i c a l A f r i c a , ed. James Coleman and C a r l Rosberg, Jr. / " B e r k e l e y "and- Los Angeles, U n i v e r s i t y of C a l i f o r n i a Press, 1964, P» 331 ' 246 Rupert Emerson, From Empire t o Nation, Cambridge, Harvard U n i v e r s i t y Press, 19^2, p. 32 . 247 Rotberg, A P o l i t i c a l H i s t o r y of T r o p i c a l A f r i c a , p. 348. 159 weakening of c o l o n i a l i s m i n A s i a , e s p e c i a l l y South A s i a ; the experience of A f r i c a n servicemen abroad; and post-war i n f l a t i o n s t i m u l a t e d the growth of more .spe c i f i c a l l y p o l i t i c a l a s s o c i a t i o n s i n A f r i c a . The f u n c t i o n s performed by the new a s s o c i a t i o n s were seen t o have important consequences f o r the eventual over-throw of c o l o n i a l governments and the a c q u i s i t i o n of s e l f -government. Some o f them served as a t r a i n i n g ground f o r the development of f u t u r e p o l i t i c a l leaders by p r o v i d i n g them with an opportunity f o r a c q u i r i n g important o r g a n i z a t i o n a l s k i l l s . ^ 9 j n some cases a s s o c i a t i o n s were held to f a c i l i t a t e the emergence of a ge n e r a l p o l i t i c a l consciousness p r o v i d i n g 250 a wider focus of l o y a l t y . J Indeed, some of the voluntary a s s o c i a t i o n s t h a t p r o l i f e r a t e d i n A f r i c a f o l l o w i n g World War I I came to c o n s t i t u t e the b a s i c "... blocks of popular support 248 Hodgkin, Nationalism i n C o l o n i a l A f r i c a , p. 142. 249 Hodgkin s t a t e s : "They /gave/ an important m i n o r i t y valuable experience of modern forms of a d m i n i s t r a t i o n - the keeping of minutes and accounts, the handling of records and correspondence, the techniques of propaganda and diplomacy. In t h i s way the y ... made'it p o s s i b l e f o r the new urban l e a d e r s h i p t o acquire a kind of in f o r m a l p r o f e s s i o n a l t r a i n i n g ...." Hodgkin, Nationalism i n C o l o n i a l A f r i c a , p. 84. 250 W a l l e r s t e i n , P o l i t i c a l P a r t i e s and N a t i o n a l Inte-g r a t i o n i n T r o p i c a l A f r i c a , ed. James Coleman and-Carl Rosberg, Jr."* Berkeley "and Los Angeles, U n i v e r s i t y o f C a l i f o r n i a Press, 1964, p. 334. . 16 G out of which mass p a r t i e s have i n i t i a l l y been constructed." Thus i n a very r e a l sense i n t e r e s t a s s o c i a t i o n s were o f t e n the precursors of p a r t i e s , p r o v i d i n g the l a t t e r w i t h s k i l l e d leaders and committed f o l l o w e r s and, i n t u r n , s e r v i n g as the o r g a n i z a t i o n a l l i n k s between the new n a t i o n a l i s t e l i t e and the s m a l l but growing number of p o l i t i c a l l y m o b i l i z e d i n d i v i d u a l s lower i n the s o c i a l s t r u c t u r e . In West A f r i c a , notes Lewis, "The new p a r t i e s tended to be all-embracing. They swept i n t o t h e i r f o l d , by a f f i l i a t i o n or otherwise, n e a r l y a l l e x i s t i n g o r g a n i z a t i o n s , whether l i t e r a r y s o c i e t i e s , trade unions, v i l l a g e improvement s o c i e t i e s , farmer's co-o p e r a t i v e s , t r i b a l unions, or anything e l s e . Nowhere e l s e i n the world have such mass f o l l o w i n g s been gathered i n so short a t i m e . " 2 5 2 But to point t o a s s o c i a t i o n s ..as important precursors t o the formation of p o l i t i c a l p a r t i e s i s not to overlook the d e c i s i v e e f f e c t that c o n s t i t u t i o n a l reform had i n t h e i r -emergence. In A f r i c a , according to Coleman, c o n s t i t u t i o n a l 251 Thomas Hodgkin, A f r i c a n P o l i t i c a l P a r t i e s , Penguin Books, 1961, p. 4 8 . Morgenthau points out that t h i s was only tr u e of the mass p a r t i e s i n French-speaking West A f r i c a : "Mass-parties g e n e r a l l y sought the adherence of every s i n g l e i n d i v i d u a l . . . . The' patron p a r t i e s u s u a l l y terminated t h e i r s t r u c t u r e simply w i t h the adherence of i n f l u e n t i a l notables or patrons...." Morgenthau, P o l i t i c a l _ P a r t i e s in. n French  Speaking West A f r i c a , p. 337. -252 W. Arthur Lewis, P o l i t i c s i n West A f r i c a , London, A l l e n and Unwin, 1965, p. 17. 161 reform was the " r e a l l y d e c i s i v e f a c t o r " , "the p r e c i p i t a n t " , which provided f o r the d e v o l u t i o n of a s u f f i c i e n t amount of power without complete self-government to "induce" n a t i o n a l i s t e l i t e s t o transform t h e i r movements i n t o p o l i t i c a l p a r t i e s while at the same time i n t r o d u c i n g p o l i t i c a l i n s t i t u t i o n s and procedures which enabled a c o n s t i t u t i o n a l search f o r power. In French West A f r i c a , i n s t i t u t i o n a l changes and concessions by the metropolitan power were c o r r e l a t e d w i t h the formation of p a r t i e s . There, voting r i g h t s and the r i g h t s to organize p o l i t i c a l p a r t i e s came only a f t e r World War I I wh i l e power to l e g i s l a t e and execute dec i s i o n s not u n t i l a f t e r 1956. P r i o r to 1956, p a r t i e s could only l e g i t i m a t e l y perform r e p r e s e n t a t i o n f u n c t i o n s and were excluded from r e a l power 254 and r e s p o n s i b i l i t y . In t r o p i c a l A f r i c a , c o n s t i t u t i o n a l reform l e d to a pro-l i f e r a t i o n of n a t i o n a l i s t movements and p o l i t i c a l p a r t i e s p r i o r to independence. However, independence i t s e l f had the e f f e c t , at l e a s t i n some areas, of sharply reducing the number of p a r t i e s and of w i t n e s s i n g the emergence of s i n g l e party systems or the s i n g l e p a r t y dominant tendency. In many pa r t s of West A f r i c a , except i n N i g e r i a and S i e r r a Leone, 253 James Coleman, "The Emergence of A f r i c a n P o l i t i c a l P a r t i e s " , A f r i c a Today, ed. C. Grove Haines, Baltimore, Johns Hopkins U n i v e r s i t y Press, 1955, pp. 234-235. 254 Morgenthau, P o l i t i c a l P a r t i e s i n French Spe_aking West A f r i c a , p. 330* ^ 162 the p a r t y holding power at independence e i t h e r absorbed 255 or suppressed o p p o s i t i o n p a r t i e s . Lewis has been c r i t i c a l of t h i s development w h i l e others have sought i t s s o c i o l o g i c a l j u s t i f i c a t i o n . For Hodgkin, a s i n g l e dominant p a r t y , a p a r t i unique, was the only e f f e c t i v e means t h a t c o u l d counter the power of the c o l o n i a l state and succeed i n winning inde-pendence, whi l e W a l l e r s t e i n - j u s t i f i e s i t s presence a f t e r independence as the o n l y means to prevent e i t h e r anarchy 256 or m i l i t a r y regimes or a combination of each. Legurn holds a s i m i l a r view: " I b e l i e v e t h a t the One-Party S t a t e i s probably an i n e v i t a b l e t r a n s i t i o n during the period between independence and the c o n s o l i d a t i o n of the 1 n a t i o n - s t a t e '. "257 For Coleman and Rosberg, the emergence of s i n g l e - p a r t y or s i n g l e - p a r t y dominant regimes i n t r o p i c a l A f r i c a r e f l e c t s the "staggering burden" placed upon the p o l i t i c a l c; system f o l l o w i n g independence: "Two p a r t i c u l a r l y s i g n i f i c a n t aspects of t h e immediate post c o l o n i a l s i t u a t i o n are (1) the heavy f u n c t i o n a l load thrown upon the new p o l i t y the s t a t e b u i l d e r s are seeking t o s t a b i l i z e and l e g i t i m a t e , and (2) the f a c t t h a t , i n i t i a l l y at l e a s t , the p a r t y i s , or i s 255 Lewis, P o l i t i c s i n West A f r i c a , p. 29. 256 Hodgkin, A f r i c a n P o l i t i c a l P a r t i e s , p. 168; and Immanuel W a l l e r s t e i n , A f r i c a : The P o l i t i c s of. Independence New York,, Vintage Books, 1961, p~ 96. 257 C o l i n Legum, "Beyond A f r i c a n D i c t a t o r s h i p ? " Encounter, V o l . 25 (December 1965), p. 54. 163 r a t i o n a l i z e d as being, the most v i s i b l e , immediately a v a i l a b l e , n a t i o n a l o r g a n i z a t i o n f o r the performance of many, i f not most, of the f u n c t i o n s i n v o l v e d . ... i t i s a f a c t that i n the immediate post c o l o n i a l p eriod i n many A f r i c a n s t a t e s the dominant party seemed to be the n a t i o n a l i n s t i t u t i o n most capable of performing a v a r i e t y of p o l i t i c a l f u n c t i o n s . " 2 5 8 I t i s curious how a search f o r a f u n c t i o n a l e xplanation of the development of a u t h o r i t a r i a n s i n g l e - p a r t y regimes o f t e n ends i n a j u s t i f i c a t i o n of them. This may i n part be one of the more unfortunate e f f e c t s of u t i l i z i n g the func-t i o n a l model as a s o c i o l o g i c a l t o o l f o r the a n a l y s i s of p o l i t i c a l development i n the new s t a t e s . At the same time, i t may r e f l e c t a double standard of p o l i t i c a l e v a l u a t i o n that western s o c i a l observers, perhaps u n w i t t i n g l y , apply to 259 the p o l i t i c s of the new s t a t e s . 258 James Coleman and C a r l Rosberg,'Jr., "Conclusions", P o l i t i c a l P a r t i e s a n d N a t i o n a l I n t e g r a t i o n i n T r o p i c a l A f r i c a ^ " ed. James Coleman and C a r l Rosberg, J r . ,'Berkeley and Los Angeles, U n i v e r s i t y of C a l i f o r n i a Press, 1964, pp. 656-657 (Their i t a l i c s ) . 259 Lewis i s p a r t i c u l a r l y candid on t h i s p o i n t : "In my experience, the main e f f e c t of people persuading themselves t h a t A f r i c a n s are d i f f e r e n t from other peoples i s that they abandon normal standards of decent human behavior and end b y : t h i n k i n g t h a t anything i s good enough f o r A f r i c a , even though they would not f o r one moment consider i t f o r Europe or North America." W. Arthur Lewis, "Beyond A f r i c a n D i c t a t o r -s h i p " , Encounter, V o l . 25 (August I965), p. 4 . 164 I I I P o l i t i c a l development i n the new s t a t e s i n v o l v e s over-coming, or at l e a s t m i t i g a t i n g , by whatever means - techno-l o g i c a l , i d e o l o g i c a l , or o r g a n i z a t i o n a l - the e f f e c t s of the ngap" i n the s o c i a l s t r u c t u r e , and e s t a b l i s h i n g the s o c i a l bonds" of a newer and l a r g e r n a t i o n a l community. • Both the democratic and t o t a l i t a r i a n v a r i a n t s of modern s o c i e t y :.; :.; have found a d i f f e r e n t o r g a n i z a t i o n a l s o l u t i o n to t h i s pro-blem. The o r g a n i z a t i o n a l s o l u t i o n wrought by t o t a l i t a r i a n , notably Communist regimes, i s the c e n t r a l l y d i r e c t e d r e -o r g a n i z a t i o n of s o c i e t y through the development of a massive p o l i t i c a l p a r t y w i t h f u n c t i o n a l l y r e l a t e d but subordinate org a n i z a t i o n s which serve i t s needs by t r a n s m i t t i n g i t s d i r e c t i v e s t o t h e i r members thereby d e f l e c t i n g behavior i n t o patterns desired by the party d i r e c t o r a t e . The t o t a l i t a r i a n p a r t y and i t s f u n c t i o n a l sub-groupings i s a massive modern-i z a t i o n instrument t h a t attempts t o d i r e c t the a c t i v i t i e s of masses of i n d i v i d u a l s i n accordance w i t h the goals e s t a b l i s h e d by the p o l i t i c a l e l i t e . The democratic s o l u t i o n i s t o permit, w i t h minimum government d i r e c t i o n or l e g a l r e s t r a i n t s , the development of an autonomous p o l i t i c a l i n f r a - s t r u c t u r e comprising various a s s o c i a t i o n s and p a r t i e s which give expression to the diverse i n t e r e s t s of an open so c i e t y . ' The democratic s o l u t i o n t o the problems posed i n the i n t e g r a t i o n of a l a r g e - s c a l e p o l i t i c a l s o c i e t y i s a formless one - a 165 l a r g e l y u ndirected p o l i t i c a l process i n which i n t e r e s t s are permitted to form and c r y s t a l l i z e , e f f e c t demands, and compete i n the d i s t r i b u t i o n of scarce values i n a more or le s s f r e e and unhampered manner. In the new s t a t e s the desir e f o r an in s t r u m e n t a l p o l i t i c a l system on the part of many p o l i t i c a l e l i t e s u s u a l l y r e s u l t s i n a response t o the problems posed by the "gap" i n the s o c i a l s t r u c t u r e t h a t i s n e i t h e r wholly t o t a l i t a r i a n nor democratic-. In t r o p i c a l A f r i c a the response has g e n e r a l l y -been to u t i l i z e s i n g l e p a r t i e s or systems i n which a one-party dominant c o n d i t i o n obtains f o r the goals of n a t i o n -b u i l d i n g and p o l i t i c a l development although these may be e i t h e r e l i t e (cadre) or mass p a r t i e s . Where p o l i t i c a l l i f e has i n c l i n e d toward c e n t r a l i z e d a u t h o r i t a r i a n c o n t r o l - as i n Guinea, M a l i , and Ghana - an attempt has been made t o make the a s s o c i a t i o n a l i n f r a - s t r u c t u r e subordinate to and dependent upon a m o n o l i t h i c party while i n the more p l u r a l i s t i c s t a t e s -Senegal, Ivory Coast, S i e r r a Leone, Cameroun - the s i n g l e party has not dominated the c o n t r o l of p o l i t i c a l l i f e t o the same degree. The Southeast As i a n response, i f i t i s 260 James Coleman and C a r l Rosberg, J r . , " I n t r o d u c t i o n " , P o l i t i c a l P a r t i e s and N a t i o n a l I n t e g r a t i o n i n T r o p i c a l A f r i c a , ed. James Coleman and C a r l Rosberg, J r . , Berkeley and Los Angeles, U n i v e r s i t y of C a l i f o r n i a Press, 1964, p. 1* 166 p o s s i b l e t o g e n e r a l i z e to that extent, has been p a r a d o x i c a l : a number of i n t e r e s t a s s o c i a t i o n s have emerged - a develop-ment that c o l o n i a l a u t h o r i t i e s apparently encouraged - but were g e n e r a l l y confined to urban areas and thus f a i l e d to bridge the r u r a l - u r b a n "gap" i n the s o c i a l s t r u c t u r e . According to Pye, although e i g h t y - f i v e percent.', of the in h a b i t a n t s of the region depend upon a g r i c u l t u r e they are unable t o make many e f f e c t i v e demands i n the p o l i t i c a l system; the p o l i t i c a l system i s an e s s e n t i a l l y urban one that u s u a l l y responds only t o urban i n t e r e s t s . "This i s , of course, only another way of emphasizing the extent to which the p o l i t i c a l processes of Southeast A s i a are d i v i d e d between the urban-dominated n a t i o n a l l e v e l and the more t r a d i t i o n a l v i l l a g e -o r i e n t e d l e v e l s . " 2 o 1 The Japanese response t o the problem posed by an increase i n p o l i t i c a l s c ale was d i f f e r e n t again. A s s o c i a t i o n a l i n t e r e s t groups and p a r t i e s were at f i r s t regarded as i l l e g i t i m a t e due to t r a d i t i o n a l h o s t i l i t y toward p o l i t i c a l " f a c t i o n s " . According to Scalapino and Masumi "During t h i s f i r s t era, the overwhelming number of o f f i c i a l s , high and low, regarded them w i t h h o s t i l i t y : p a r t i e s at best were premature, unsuited 261 Lucian Pye, "Southeast A s i a " , The P o l i t i c s of t h e Developing Areas, ed.-Gabriel Almond ..and James Coleman, P r i n c e t o n , P r i n c e t o n U n i v e r s i t y Press, I960, p. 119. 262 N. Ike, " P o l i t i c a l Leadership and P o l i t i c a l P a r t i e s : Japan", P o l i t i c a l Modernization i n Japan and Turkey, ed. Robert Ward and Dankwart~Rustow, P r i n c e t o n , Princeton U n i v e r s i t y Press, 1964, p. 394. 167 t o Japanese s o c i e t y i n i t s current stage of development; at worst, they were subversive, dedicated t o overthrowing 263 the government. 1 7 J The development of p o l i t i c a l p a r t i e s was i n h i b i t e d by a r u l i n g c l a s s capped by the " i n s t i t u t i o n a l c h a r i s m a " 2 6 4 of the emperor which sought to bridge the distance between e l i t e and mass i t s e l f . The a u t h o r i t y s t r u c -ture of immediate po s t - R e s t o r a t i o n Japan i s not e n t i r e l y d i s s i m i l a r from the c o l o n i a l p r a c t i c e which sometimes t r i e d to l i n k c o l o n i a l decisionmakers and t r a d i t i o n a l or t r i b a l a u t h o r i t y s t r u c t u r e s - as w i t h the B r i t i s h p r a c t i c e of In-d i r e c t Rule - and thereby exclude n a t i o n a l i s t movements from power. But i n the Japanese case the emergent p o l i t i c a l p a r t i e s could not oust the i m p e r i a l power - i n t h i s case, M e i j i l e a d e r s h i p - but could only win t h e i r t o l e r a t i o n . Dynamic, c r e a t i v e l e a d e r s h i p i n the p a r t i e s was not a feature of e a r l y Japanese p o l i t i c a l modernization. While the t r a d i t i o n a l e l i t e i n Japan c a r r i e d out, without the use of p o l i t i c a l p a r t i e s , the p r e l i m i n a r y o r g a n i z a t i o n a l b r i d g e - b u i l d i n g of p o l i t i c a l development , t r a d i t i o n a l leaders 263 Robert Scalapino and Junnosuke Masumi, P a r t i e s and  P o l i t i c s i n Contemporary_Japan, Berkeley and Los Angeles, • U n i v e r s i t y of C a l i f o r n i a Press, 1962, p. 9. 264 N. Ike, " P o l i t i c a l Leadership and P o l i t i c a l P a r t i e s : Japan", P o l i t i c a l Modernization In Japan and, Turkey, ed. Robert Ward and Dankwart Rustow7~^rinceton, Pr i n c e t o n U n i v e r s i t y Press, 1964, p. 402. 163 i n the Middle East have been l e s s s u c c e s s f u l . Halpern has argued that the c r e a t i o n of a s i n g l e and enduring p o l i t i c a l c u l t u r e i n Middle East nations w i l l not be accomplished v:ithout the c o n s t r u c t i o n of e f f e c t i v e p o l i t i c a l p a r t i e s . Ko other e x i s t i n g i n s t i t u t i o n i n the Middle East i s capable of I n s t i l l i n g a sense of c i t i z e n s h i p and organizing p u b l i c p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n p o l i t i c a l d e c i s i o n s as e f f e c t i v e l y as p o l i t i c a l p a r t i e s . Only a party can be i n d a i l y contact w i t h the constituency, teach, propagandize, or put pressure upon th a t constituency to adopt new ideas and patterns o f a c t i o n . Only a party can s t i m u l a t e involvement i n campaigns f o r l i t e r a c y and higher production no l e s s than p a r t i c u l a r p o l i t i c a l i s s u e s , and gather new t a l e n t s and thus r e g u l a r i z e recruitment i n t o the new e l i t e . P o l i t i c a l p a r t i e s have p e c u l i a r advantages as instruments of s o c i a l change. They are a form of organi-zation unknown i n t r a d i t i o n a l Islamic s o c i e t y . Hence i n s o f a r as they are not novel d i s g u i s e s f o r r e s t r i c t e d t r a d i t i o n a l c l i q u e s , but r a t h e r t r u l y voluntary a s s o c i a -t i o n s operating i n a p u b l i c realm, they cease being o r g a n i c a l l y r e l a t e d to the o l d s o c i a l s t r u c t u r e and so can move themselves and others beyond the e s t a b l i s h e d order. Only p a r t i e s c a n c l i n k leaders and masses i n almost d a i l y contact ....2o> The h i s t o r i c a l i n t e n s i f i c a t i o n and expansion of p o l i t i c a l party a c t i v i t y i n Turkey has t o some extent overcome the cleavages and d i s c o n t i n u i t i e s c h a r a c t e r i s t i c of t r a d i t i o n a l T u r k i s h s o c i e t y : "In genera l , p o l i t i c a l a c t i v i t y has spread from the leaders t o the f o l l o w e r s , from the e l i t e t o the masses, and from the c a p i t a l c i t i e s t o the towns and v i l l a g e s . 265 Manfred Halpern, The P o l i t i c s of S o c i a l Change i n the Middle Ejast_andJ\iprth A f r i c a , Princeton,* "Princeton U n i v e r s i t y Press, 196*3, p. 283. 266 A. P a y a s l i o g l u , " P o l i t i c a l Leadership and P o l i t i c a l 169 In T u n i s i a , the Neo-Destour Party has a l s o been moderately s u c c e s s f u l i n narrowing the distance between e l i t e and mass but i n t h i s case the bridge has been both p s y c h o l o g i c a l and o r g a n i z a t i o n a l . The part y has succeeded i n o r g a n i z i n g p o l i t i c a l cadres to l i n k i t s e l f w i t h the l a r g e r s o c i e t y and provide a pool of " ... p o l i t i c a l l y s o p h i s t i c a t e d leaders who by background and education remained cl o s e to the people. In a d d i t i o n , a concerted e f f o r t has been made t o reduce p s y c h o l o g i c a l obstacles t o progress by transforming values, by i n v e s t i n g s o c i a l c a p i t a l i n schoo l s , and by r a d i c a l s o c i a l reforms such as the a l t e r a t i o n of the t r a d i t i o n a l l y i n f e r i o r s o c i a l s t a t u s of women and the r e d i s t r i b u t i o n of land. According t o Micaud,- a true " s o c i a l and p s y c h o l o g i c a l revo-l u t i o n " has been accomplished by the Neo-Destour and i t s •cadres which w i l l , h o p e f u l l y , pave t h e way f o r economic 268 development t o f o l l o w . IV The v a r i e t y of p o l i t i c a l responses t o the problems of i n c r e a s i n g p o l i t i c a l scale and overcoming s t r u c t u r a l P a r t i e s : Turkey", P o l i t i c a l Modernization i n Japan.and Turkey, ed. Robert Ward and-Dankwart Rustow, P r i n c e t o n , Princeton U n i v e r s i t y Press, I964, p. 428. 267 Clement Henry Moore, "The Era of the Neo-Destour", T u n i s i a : The P o l i t i c s of Modernization, ed. Charles A. Micaud, New York, Praeger, 19^47"p.~85. 2.68 Charles A. Micaud, " S o c i a l and Economic Change", T u n i s i a : The P o l i t i c s of Modernization, ed. Charles A. -Micaud, New York, Praeger™" 1964, p. 131. 170 d i s c o n t i n u i t i e s i n the new s t a t e s make i t d i f f i c u l t t o g e n e r a l i s e about the nature of p o l i t i c a l p a r t i e s and develop categories f o r t h e i r c l a s s i f i c a t i o n and a n a l y s i s . However, i t does seem c l e a r t h a t the categories developed i n the a n a l y s i s of western or t o t a l i t a r i a n p a r t i e s and pa r t y systems-as e x e m p l i f i e d i n the work of Duverger 2°9 - are of l i m i t e d u t i l i t y when appli e d t o the p o l i t i c a l formations denoted " p a r t i e s " i n the new s t a t e s . The problem of c l a s s i f y i n g the Neo-Destour of T u n i s i a has been remarked upon by Moore: "Though a w e l l - o r g a n i z e d p o l i t i c a l p a r t y w i t h a mass f o l l o w i n g , the Neo-Destour i s n e i t h e r a c o n s t i t u t i o n a l mass nor a t o t a l i t a r i a n p a rty. The categories of Western p o l i t i c a l s c i e n t i s t s ... cannot adequately e x p l a i n T u n i s i a ' s dominant party. The Neo-Destour resembles the Congress Party of I n d i a , the CPP of Ghana, and v a r i o u s t e r r i t o r i a l o f f s hoots of the RDA i n French-speaking Black A f r i c a more than i t resembles European p o l i t i c a l p a r t i e s . P o l i t i c a l s c i e n t i s t s have not yet devised a g e n e r a l l y accepted model to characterize' these nex\rer but h i g h l y s t r u c t u r e d p a r t i e s . " 2 ^ Notwithstanding the obvious d i f f i c u l t i e s i n v o l v e d , some attempts have been made to g e n e r a l i z e about and c l a s s i f y 269 Maurice Duverger, P o l i t i c a l P a r t i e s j T h e i r Organi-z a t i o n and A c t i v i t y i n the Modern S t a t e , New York,"Wiley, 1959• 270 Clement H. Moore, "The Neo-Destour Party of T u n i s i a , " World P o l i t i c s , V o l . 14 ( A p r i l 1962), p. 463. 171 p o l i t i c a l p a r t i e s and t h e i r connection w i t h the processes of modernization and p o l i t i c a l development i n the.new s t a t e s . Apter has proposed t h a t p o l i t i c a l p a r t i e s be analyzed i n . r e l a t i o n t o the l a r g e r s o c i o - p o l i t i c a l framework i n terms of t h e i r r o l e as dependent, i n t e r v e n i n g , and independent v a r i a b l e s . 2 ^ As dependent v a r i a b l e s p o l i t i c a l p a r t i e s a r e , i n the view o f Apter, a f f e c t e d by the t o t a l s o c i o - p o l i t i c a l framework i n c l u d i n g the degree of modernization, the con-s t i t u t i o n a l s t r u c t u r e , and the s o c i a l groupings i n s o c i e t y " 272 which together shape t h e i r content and form. As i n t e r -vening v a r i a b l e s between the p u b l i c and government, Apter sees p o l i t i c a l ' p a r t i e s as o r g a n i z i n g p u b l i c o p i n i o n , and t e s t i n g and t r a n s m i t t i n g a t t i t u d e s t o government leaders thereby p e r m i t t i n g reasonably close accord t o develop between r u l e r s and r u l e d . 2 " ^ As independent v a r i a b l e s he views p a r t i e s as "subgroups" i n the p o l i t i c a l system with " t h e i r own means of generating power"; as such, and t h i s i s p a r t i -c u l a r l y r e l e v e n t i n the new s t a t e s , the p a r t y may be the microcosm of the f u t u r e s o c i e t y . 2 ? ^ 271 David Apter, The P o l i t i c s o f Modernization, Chicago, U n i v e r s i t y of Chicago Press, 1965, Pp. 181-182. 272 I b i d . , pp. 181-182. 273 I b i d ., p.. 181. 274 I b i d . , p. 182. 172 Viewed as dependent variables, p o l i t i c a l parties i n the new states are sometimes .seen as expressions of the indigenous culture pattern. Thus', Hodgkin regards African p o l i t i c a l parties as primarily A f r i c a n i n s t i t u t i o n s : " A f r i c a n . p o l i -t i c a l parties have to be understood as e s s e n t i a l l y African i n s t i t u t i o n s - as much as lineages, age-sets, or secret s o c i e t i e s - and i n the context of the p a r t i c u l a r s o c i a l systems i n which they have emerged."275 In a s i m i l a r vein, Morgenthau writes that "Parties were among the oldest existing national p o l i t i c a l i n s t i t u t i o n s i n the West African states, wholly Africanized long before governments and c i v i l services, which s t i l l are not. Parties grew according to African s p e c i f i c a t i o n s , f o r they had to and did become representative of the major forces i n the t o t a l society."276 Parties are also seen to r e f l e c t western influences. Since p o l i t i c a l parties were h i s t o r i c a l l y a western p o l i t i c a l innovation i t seems understandable that t h e i r creators i n the new states have been influenced by models - both t o t a l i -t a r i a n and democratic "- of p o l i t i c a l parties that developed i n the West. In A f r i c a , European mass parties of the Left e i t h e r influenced some p o l i t i c a l p a r t i e s as the French 275 Hodgkin, African P o l i t i c a l Parties, p. I69. 276 Morgenthau, P o l i t i c a l Parties i n French Speaking  West A f r i c a , p. 330; ~~~ 173 S o c i a l i s t Party d i d i n Senegal or were c o n s c i o u s l y used as p r o t o t y p e s . 2 ^ In T u n i s i a , the Neo-Destour was apparently modeled on the French S o c i a l i s t Party borrowing i t s t a c t i c s , o r g a n i z a t i o n , and even i t s s l o g a n s . 2 ^ Viewed as i n t e r v e n i n g and independent v a r i a b l e s , p o l i -t i c a l p a r t i e s are o f t e n regarded as o r g a n i z a t i o n a l , instruments of modernization and n a t i o n - b u i l d i n g . Apter b e l i e v e s t h a t p a r t i e s are such a c r i t i c a l modernizing f o r c e i n most con-temporary new s t a t e s that f r e q u e n t l y the " p a t t e r n of moder-279 n i z a t i o n " adopted i s determined by them. W a l l e r s t e i n has noted that i n A f r i c a , where the p a r t y and i t s l e a d e r s h i p are weak, so too are the processes of modernization and n a t i o n a l i n t e g r a t i o n . 2 ^ 0 And Moore b e l i e v e s t h a t p o l i t i c a l p a r t i e s are the only p r a c t i c a l a l t e r n a t i v e s to m i l i t a r y d i c t a t o r s h i p s which can m a r s h a l l the "energies" t h a t t h e "formidable task of modernization seems t o demand". As modernizing and n a t i o n - b u i l d i n g instruments, p o l i t i c a l 277 James Coleman and C a r l Rosberg, J r . , P o l i t i c a l  P a r t i e s and N a t i o n a l I n t e g r a t i o n i n T r o p i c a l A f r i c a , ed. James Coleman and" CarlT'Rosberg" J r . , . Berkeley and Los Angeles, U n i v e r s i t y of C a l i f o r n i a Press, 196/+, p. 6 6 l . 278 Moore, T u n i s i a : The P o l i t i c s of Modernization, p. 84-279 Apter, The P o l i t i c s of Modernization, p. 179. 280 W a l l e r s t e i n , A f r i c a : The P o l i t i c s of Independence, p. 95. ' 281 Moore, T u n i s i a : The P o l i t i c s of Modernization, p. 70. 174 p a r t i e s i n the new s t a t e s are f r e q u e n t l y d i s t i n g u i s h e d from t h e i r western counterparts by the greater number of functions they perform. In French-speaking West A f r i c a the mass p a r t i e s "... were i n t e r e s t e d i n everything from the cradle t o the grave i n b i r t h , i n i t i a t i o n , r e l i g i o n , marriage, d i v o r c e , dancing, song, p l a y s , feuds, debts, l a n d , m i g r a t i o n , f 2 $2 death, p u b l i c order - not only i n e l e c t o r a l success." In A f r i c a as a whole, the mass p a r t i e s have frequently, per-formed a m u l t i p l i c i t y of f u n c t i o n s i n c l u d i n g those of a j u d i c i a l , a d m i n i s t r a t i v e , s o c i a l w e l f a r e , educational and p o l i c e nature i n a d d i t i o n t o the r e g u l a r e l e c t o r a l and parliamentary ones. "In the case of p a r t i e s i n opposition to a c o l o n i a l regime, t h i s i s l i a b l e t o mean t h a t the pa r t y becomes, i n e f f e c t , a p a r a l l e l S t a t e . In the case of p a r t i e s i n power i t may mean a b l u r r i n g of the d i s t i n c t i o n between the f u n c t i o n s and r e s p o n s i b i l i t i e s of the party on the one hand and those of the Government and A d m i n i s t r a t i o n on the other. " 2^3 Perhaps the most important f u n c t i o n a t t r i b u t e d t o mass p a r t i e s i n the new s t a t e s i s i n t e g r a t i o n . Mass p o l i t i c a l p a r t i e s are f r e q u e n t l y held t o be the thread of o r g a n i z a t i o n , a u t h o r i t y , and l e g i t i m a c y that binds the various indigenous 282 Morgenthau, P o l i t i c a l P a r t i e s i n French Speaking West A f r i c a , p. 341. 283 Hodgkin, A f r i c a n P o l i t i c a l P a r t i e s , p. 1 6 7 . 175 p a r t i c u l a r i s m s i n t o one common n a t i o n a l p o l i t i c a l s o c i e t y . For Apter, "The f a c t t h a t t h i s m u l t i p l i c i t y of o r g a n i z a t i o n s , each having some f u n c t i o n a l r o l e t o play i n the community, i s j o i n e d .in some f a s h i o n w i t h i n a p o l i t i c a l p a r t y under-scores an important f u n c t i o n - li n k a g e - of p o l i t i c a l p a r t i e s i n modernizing areas. The union of the various s o c i e t i e s , o r g a n i z a t i o n s , and a u x i l i a r i e s brings the h i g h l y complex but often discontinuous f e a t u r e s of l i f e i n t o some kind of organi -z a t i o n a l harmony and c o n t r o l . " 2 ^ Others see p o l i t i c a l p a r t i e s f u n c t i o n i n g to supplement l e a d e r s h i p charisma t o b u i l d n a t i o n a l u n i t y i n the new s t a t e s . In T u n i s i a , according t o Moore, the Neo-Destour Party supplemented the charismatic „ appeal o f Bourguiba's p e r s o n a l i t y p r o v i d i n g a t r a i n i n g ground f o r p o l i t i c a l cadres and a forum f o r the d i s c u s s i o n of p o l i t i c a l issues. 2^-> In North A f r i c a and the Middle East the p a r t y has been viewed as an important f a c t o r i n the achievement of p o l i t i c a l u n i t y and a v i a b l e p o l i t i c a l s o c i e t y : "A p o l i t i c a l p arty o f f e r s an opportunity f o r b i n d i n g together four f o r c e s which can ... create a v i a b l e p o l i t i c a l c u l t u r e : charisma, ideology, o r g a n i z a t i o n , and a c c o u n t a b i l i t y to an 286 i n c r e a s i n g l y l a r g e r constituency." ..284 Apter, The P o l i t i c s of Modernization, pp. 196-197. 285 Moore, T u n i s i a : The P o l i t i c s of Modernization ? p. 99. ' " 286 Halpern, The P o l i t i c s of S o c i a l Change i n the  Middle East and North Africa•« pp. 2 83-2 84. " 176 However, others have disagreed about the i n t e g r a t i o n a l value of mass parties i n the new states. In connection with West. A f r i c a , Lewis has argued that the single mass party-is bound to f a i l as an e f f e c t i v e instrument-of p o l i t i c a l i n t e -gration because i t requires a homogeneous,, s t r a t i f i e d society devoid of ethnic or regional particularisms. According to Lewis, the p l u r a l nature of West African society does not provide these conditions: One of the odder claims made f o r the single-party -system i s that i f offers stable government; more so, f o r example, than c o a l i t i o n government. This i s not so. West African single-party government.is highly unstable.... A l l the tensions and c o n f l i c t s of the society come to be concentrated i n the struggles of the upper hierarchy of the party, whose members become i d e n t i f i e d with c o n f l i c t i n g interests and p o l i c i e s . When these tensions become too great, the leaders turn upon each other, with deadly violence.... Absence of an a l t e r n a t i v e party means not only great i n s t a b i l i t y i n the governing party but also grave errors of policy, because decisions are made without using a l l available advice. ... the single-party thus f a i l s i n a l l i t s claims. It cannot represent a l l the people or maintain free discussion; or give stable government; or above a l l , reconcile the differences between various regional groups. It i s not natural to West African culture... since what would be natural i n these countries would be two or three parties representing d i f f e r e n t regions.237 Lewis advocates a two or multiparty system fo r West A f r i c a believing that such a system would allow p o l i t i c a l , tensions 287 Lewis, P o l i t i c s i n West A f r i c a , pp. 6 O - 6 3 . between d i f f e r e n t groups or regions to express themselves more n a t u r a l l y without endangering the i n c i p i e n t n a t i o n -s t a t e . But elsewhere i n A f r i c a , the two-party system has brought w i t h i t s e l f i t s own set of problems that seem t o hamper the prospect of p o l i t i c a l s t a b i l i t y and n a t i o n a l i n t e g r a t i o n . In Zanzibar, according t o a recent study, the emergence of a two-party system has so p o l i t i c i z e d s o c i e t y t h a t s o c i a l r e l a t i o n s have become i n c r e a s i n g l y "segregated along pa r t y l i n e s " . Outside the p o l i t i c a l rqalm, few " p o l -i t i c a l l y n e u t r a l " a s s o c i a t i o n s e x i s t which might bind i n -d i v i d u a l s i n t o a n a t i o n a l u n i t y or s o l i d a r i t y above p a r t i s a n 288 p o l i t i c a l a l l e g i a n c e s . P o l i t i c a l p a r t i e s are a l s o seen to play an important r o l e as instruments and channels of p o l i t i c a l communication and p o l i t i c a l s o c i a l i z a t i o n i n the new s t a t e s . Since p o l i t -i c a l p a r t i e s , e s p e c i a l l y mass p a r t i e s with t h e i r subordinate a s s o c i a t i o n s , are o f t e n the only o r g a n i z a t i o n s that extend from the centre t o the periphery of s o c i e t y and since the mass media i s o f t e n weak and i n e f f e c t i v e and .occasionally absent a l t o g e t h e r , there i s no a l t e r n a t i v e medium f o r the t r a n s m i s s i o n of p u b l i c i n f o r m a t i o n and d i r e c t i v e s and the sampling of popular o p i n i o n . Thus i n T u n i s i a during the 2#8 Micheal L o f c h i e , "Zanzibar", P o l i t i c a l P a r t i e s and  N a t i o n a l I n t e g r a t i o n • i n T r o p i c a l A f r i c a , ed. James Coleman and C a r l Rosberg, J r . , Berkeley and Los Angeles, U n i v e r s i t y of C a l i f o r n i a Press,"1964, p. 506. - " . 178 B i z e r t e c r i s i s of 1961 the Neo-Destpur Pa r t y , u t i l i z i n g i t s o r g a n i z a t i o n a l apparatus, was able t o communicate word of the events as they occurred, thereby m a i n t a i n i n g the sup-289 port of the masses. In West A f r i c a , Lewis acknowledges the r o l e of p o l i t i c a l p a r t i e s as communication mechanisms but suggests t h a t t h i s i s a coercive measure intended t o 290 c o n t r o l the populace r a t h e r than inform i t . P o l i t i c a l p a r t i e s are u s u a l l y depicted as instruments of p o l i t i c a l communication and s o c i a l i z a t i o n i n the new s t a t e s , but such a view should not obscure the f a c t that p a r t i e s may w e l l per-form f u n c t i o n s of " p o l i t i c a l i n d o c t r i n a t i o n " and " p o l i t i c a l c o n t r o l " . L i k e c h a r i s m a t i c l e a d e r s h i p and ideology, p o l i t i c a l p a r t i e s may serve as instruments f o r keeping the populace i n l i n e and as mechanisms f o r informing them of p u b l i c p o l i c y , sounding t h e i r o p i n i o n s , and transforming them i n t o p a r t i c i -p a t i n g c i t i z e n s . V P o l i t i c a l development theory u s u a l l y views p o l i t i c a l p a r t i e s , e s p e c i a l l y mass p a r t i e s , as major instruments f o r the c r e a t i o n of v i a b l e nations i n the new s t a t e s . As organ-i z a t i o n a l networks l i n k i n g leaders i n the p o l i t i c a l e l i t e w i t h grass roots f o l l o w e r s , p a r t i e s are seen as major v e h i c l e s of n a t i o n a l i n t e g r a t i o n . By p r o v i d i n g an arena f o r the a c q u i -s i t i o n of o r a t o r i c a l , p r o p a g a n d i s t i c , and a d m i n i s t r a t i v e s k i l l s , p o l i t i c a l p a r t i e s are viewed as t r a i n i n g grounds f o r p o l i t i c a l 289 Moore, T u n i s i a : The P o l i t i c s of Modernization, p. 108. 290 Lewis, P o l i t i c s i n West A f r i c a , pp. 22-23. cadres who can occupy the subordinate organizational po-s i t i o n s and play the minor p o l i t i c a l roles that contact, mobilization, and control of the masses depend upon. By u t i l i z i n g charismatic leaders, by employing ideology, and by manipulating symbols and slogans, parties are believed to s o c i a l i z e i n d i v i d u a l s to a p o l i t i c a l culture of modern-i t y and nationhood, teaching new p o l i t i c a l attitudes, es-t a b l i s h i n g new p o l i t i c a l mores and norms, and providing new thought-models f o r comprehending the emerging p o l i t i c a l or-der. Thus, p o l i t i c a l parties are viewed as creating and per-forming roles l a r g e l y " f u n c t i o n a l " to nation-building and p o l i t i c a l modernization. The tendency to at t r i b u t e to parties the performance of functions that are perceived to be necessary f o r polit-•' i c a l development i s both a common c h a r a c t e r i s t i c of many analyses of the new states and a source of weakness i n the theories of such analyses. While some parties doubtless per-form many, and ^occasionally a l l , of the p o l i t i c a l functions a t t r i b u t e d to them, i t seems mistaken to believe, as some the o r i s t s do, that these functions must be served and that parties or some other s o c i o l o g i c a l mechanisms (charisma, the mi l i t a r y ) exist f o r t h i s purpose. Such a b e l i e f r e f l e c t s two separate but related assump-tions - one conceptual and the other normative - that many analyses of the new state- rests upon. It r e f l e c t s the largely • r 180 d e d u c t i v e premise o f f u n c t i o n a l a n a l y s i s t h a t a l l p e r s i s -t i n g s o c i e t i e s a r e s u c c e s s f u l i n h a v i n g a number o f b a s i c f u n c t i o n s p e r formed. Such a premise l e a d s many a n a l y s t s t o s e a r c h f o r t h e m a n i f e s t o r l a t e n t means which s o c i e t i e s are presumed t o u t i l i z e i n o r d e r t o ensure s u r v i v a l . I n many a n a l y s e s o f t h e new s t a t e s t h e s o c i o l o g i c a l mechanisms t h a t are b e l i e v e d t o p e r f o r m t h e r e q u i r e d f u n c t i o n s become t h e f o c i of s t u d y and a r e j u s t i f i e d as i n t e r i m measures o r as n e c e s s a r y c o n d i t i o n s f o r t h e development o f more s u b s t a n -t i a l and e n d u r i n g p o l i t i c a l i n s t i t u t i o n s . I n a d d i t i o n , t h e s o c i o l o g i c a l j u s t i f i c a t i o n o f c h a r i s m a , a u t h o r i t a r i a n mass p a r t i e s o r m i l i t a r y regimes has been h e i g h t e n e d by t h e r e -a c t i o n o f many s o c i o l o g i c a l l y i n c l i n e d t h e o r i s t s t o t h e s t i l l w i d e l y h e l d v i e w o f h i s t o r i c a l l y and l e g a l l y o r i e n t e d s c h o l a r s t h a t p o l i t i c a l development i n t h e new s t a t e s must i m p l y t h e presence and e f f e c t i v e o p e r a t i o n of w e s t e r n c o n s t i t u t i o n a l and p a r l i a m e n t a r y f o r m s . M a n y . s o c i o l o g i c a l l y o r i e n t e d r e -s e a r c h e r s were u n w i l l i n g , b o t h on t h e o r e t i c a l and e t h i c a l grounds, t o assume t h a t i n e f f e c t i v e p a r l i a m e n t a r y forms were a r e f l e c t i o n o f " p o l i t i c a l backwardness" i n t h e new s t a t e s . I n r e t r o s p e c t , such a r e a c t i o n seems t o have been b o t h ne-c e s s a r y a n d . f r u i t f u l i n o r d e r t h a t p o l i t i c a l development t h e o r y might escape from t h e l e g a l - i n s t i t u t i o n a l c o n s t r a i n t s o f c o n s t i t u t i o n a l e x p e r t s and h i s t o r i a n s . U n f o r t u n a t e l y , as a r e a c t i o n t o t h e s o c i o l o g i c a l and c u l t u r a l weakness o f many i n s t i t u t i o n a l s t u d i e s , some t h e o r i s t s came t o r e g a r d many o f t h e p o l i t i c a l changes t h a t o c c u r r e d i n t h e new s t a t e s 181 both p r i o r to and f o l l o w i n g independence as " p o l i t i c a l de-velopment". Thus, charismatic l e a d e r s , however i n e f f e c t i v e or c o r r u p t , were lauded; p o l i t i c a l p a r t i e s , however oppres-siv e t h e i r t a c t i c s or atrophied t h e i r o r g a n i z a t i o n s , were a f f i r m e d ; and, i n c r e a s i n g l y , m i l i t a r y regimes, however l a c k -i n g i n modern t e c h n o l o g i c a l and o r g a n i z a t i o n a l e x p e r t i s e , were j u s t i f i e d . Many western s o c i o l o g i s t s and p o l i t i c a l s c i e n t i s t s j u s t i f i e d and supported such developments i n the hope t h a t they would be f o l l o w e d by the more e f f e c t i v e and enduring p o l i t i c a l i n s t i t u t i o n s and c i t i z e n s h i p r i g h t s t h a t ordinary i n d i v i d u a l s i n the new s t a t e s were seen to deserve. As Huntington observes "The l i n e between a c t u a l i t y and a s p i r -a t i o n i s fogged. Things which are i n f a c t o c c u r r i n g i n the 'developing' areas become h o p e l e s s l y i n t e r t w i n e d w i t h t h i n g s 291 which the t h e o r i s t t h i n k s should occur t h e r e " . Huntington i s c r i t i c a l of t h i s c h a r a c t e r i s t i c of p o l i t i c a l development theory, yet i t seems i n e v i t a b l e that s t u d i e s which focus on e m p i r i c a l h i s t o r i c a l changes i n the new s t a t e s while seeking t o perceive the o u t l i n e s of both the probable and d e s i r a b l e p o l i t i c a l f u t u r e w i l l i n v o l v e a mixture of observation, pre-d i c t i o n , and p r e s c r i p t i o n . 291 Samuel Huntington, " P o l i t i c a l Development and P o l i t -i c a l Decay", World P o l i t i c s , v o l . 17 ( A p r i l 1965), p. 391 . 182 *** •** *sV 'i* ^ -*ix -i" The f u s i o n of the; e m p i r i c a l and normative components of p o l i t i c a l development theory i s ev i d e n t i n i t s attempt at a s c e r t a i n i n g the human a t t r i b u t e s of the developed p o l -i t i c a l c o n d i t i o n . L i k e A r i s t o t l e , contemporary p o l i t i c a l development t h e o r i s t s are concerned, among oth e r t h i n g s , w i t h d i s c o v e r i n g the nature of " c i v i c v i r t u e " . The next s e c t i o n and f i n a l chapter o f t h i s essay w i l l d e a l with t h i s human g o a l of p o l i t i c a l development: the development of p o l i t i c a l man. P A E T I I I T H E ' HUMAN G O A L O F P O L I T I C A L " D E V E L O P M E N T CHAPTER V I I THE DEVELOPMENT OF POLITICAL MAN The key elements of p o l i t i c a l development: i n -v o l v e . .• a change from widespread-subject sta t u s to an i n c r e a s i n g number of c o n t r i b u t i n g c i t i z e n s , w i t h an accompanying spread of mass p a r t i c i p a t i o n , a g r e a t e r s e n s i t i v i t y t o the p r i n c i p l e of e q u a l i t y , and a wider acceptance of u n i v e r s a l i s t i c laws. Lucian Pye P o l i t i c a l development begins and ends w i t h the t r a n s -formation of i n d i v i d u a l human beings; a t r a n s f o r m a t i o n of p o l i t i c a l a t t i t u d e s and behavior and a t r a n s f o r m a t i o n of p o l i t i c a l s t a t u s . Indeed, p o l i t i c a l development, as a l l processes of s o c i a l change, i n v o l v e s major a l t e r a t i o n s i n the p o l i t i c a l " l i f e - s t y l e s " of i n d i v i d u a l s and groups of i n d i v i d u a l s . In the f i n a l a n a l y s i s , p o l i t i c a l development must transform man. But what i s the nature of the human tra n s f o r m a t i o n t h a t p o l i t i c a l development demands of men? Fundamentally, i n d i v i d u a l s must a l t e r t h e i r p o l i t i c a l behavior; t h a t i s , they must l e a r n t o perform many of the new p o l i t i c a l r o l e s equated w i t h modernity. They must l e a r n t o p a r t i c i p a t e i n the p o l i t i c a l l i f e of s o c i e t y not as passive subjects respon s i v e t o the whims of t r i b a l e l d e r s or t r a d i t i o n a l r u l e r s , but as a c t i v e and f u l l y q u a l i f i e d members of p o l i t i c a l s o c i e t y w i t h the r i g h t t o demand as w e l l as the respon-s i b i l i t y t o obey. But p a r t i c i p a t i o n i s more than a matter 185 of r i g h t s ; i t i s a l s o a question of s k i l l s and sentiments. P o l i t i c a l development r e q u i r e s s k i l l s of a s s o c i a t i o n and o r g a n i z a t i o n coupled w i t h c i v i c a t t i t u d e s of r e s p o n s i b i l i t y and r e s t r a i n t , of respect f o r the p o l i t i c a l a c t i v i t i e s of others. P o l i t i c s i s both cooperation and competition., but developed p o l i t i c s r e q u i r e s that the l a t t e r be tempered by c i v i l i t y , c o n c i l i a t i o n , and compromise. Viewed from a more s t r i c t l y a n a l y t i c a l p e r s p e c t i v e , the tran s f o r m a t i o n i n p o l i t i c a l behavior i m p l i e d i n the develop-ment of p o l i t i c a l man i n v o l v e s two separate developments: one i n s t i t u t i o n a l and l e g a l ; the other s o c i a l and psycholog-i c a l . The tr a n s f o r m a t i o n of human beings i m p l i e s , i n the f i r s t i n s t a n c e , a tr a n s f o r m a t i o n i n the i n s t i t u t i o n a l order so that new r o l e s and r e l a t i o n s h i p s i m p l i c i t i n n a t i o n -b u i l d i n g and p o l i t i c a l development are not only permitted but, indeed, are l e g i t i m a t e d and encouraged. In the second place,, p o l i t i c a l development i n v o l v e s equipping i n d i v i d u a l s w i t h the s o c i o - p s y c h o l o g i e a l a t t i t u d e s and s k i l l s which en-able them t o perform and take advantage of newly-sanctioned r o l e s and r e l a t i o n s h i p s . The human goal of p o l i t i c a l d e v e l -opment i n the new s t a t e s i s t h e r e f o r e : (1) the c r e a t i o n of new i n s t i t u t i o n s by and through which i n d i v i d u a l s may be en-couraged t o perform the new p o l i t i c a l r o l e s i m p l i e d i n the e t h i c a l imperatives of e q u a l i t y ; and (2) the s o c i a l i z a t i o n and education of i n d i v i d u a l s i n the a r t of p o l i t i c a l p a r t i c i p a t i o n by the tr a n s f o r m a t i o n of values, a t t i t u d e s , t a s t e s , and s k i l l s . 186 The human transformation t h a t p o l i t i c a l development r e q u i r e s thus i n v o l v e s a c o r r e l a t i o n of l e g a l - i n s t i t u t i o n a l changes with changes i n the s o c i a l and p s y c h o l o g i c a l a t t r i b u t e s of i n d i v i d u a l s themselves. In the h i s t o r y of p o l i t i c a l d e v e l -opment i n Western Europe and North America such an i n s t i -t u t i o n a l and human transformation d i d take place; the new s t a t e s , however, have been only p a r t i a l l y s u c c e s s f u l i n t h i s regard. New, u s u a l l y western, i n s t i t u t i o n s have been adopted or adapted but these f r e q u e n t l y l a c k the v i t a l i t y and impor-tance t h a t they have f o r the conduct of p u b l i c a f f a i r s i n the West; and some i n d i v i d u a l s (most often urban dwellers) have been p a r t i a l l y a c c u l t u r a t e d to the v a l u e s , a t t i t u d e s , and t a s t e s of p o l i t i c a l modernity, but many more ( u s u a l l y r u r a l peasants) remain s i g n i f i c a n t l y outside the new realm of p u b l i c p o l i t i c s , n e i t h e r able to comprehend nor t o par-take of i t s ways. S o c i a l t h e o r i s t s have t r a d i t i o n a l l y d i f f e r e d with r e -spect to the r e l a t i v e emphasis t h a t should be placed on the i n s t i t u t i o n a l as a g a i n s t the s o c i o - p s y c h o l o g i c a l f a c t o r s i n v o l v e d i n d i r e c t e d s o c i a l change. The debate has been most n o t i c e a b l e i n economics. Orthodox economists have argued that economic development i s p r i m a r i l y a problem of making c e r t a i n s t r u c t u r a l changes i n the economy and of a c q u i r i n g , e i t h e r through savings or by borrowing, the necessary c a p i t a l . Developmental a n t h r o p o l o g i s t s and a growing number of so-c i o l o g i c a l l y o r i e n t e d economists have disagreed with t h i s 187 view b e l i e v i n g t h a t economic development a l s o r e q u i r e s a l t e r a t i o n s i n the a t t i t u d e s and values of i n d i v i d u a l s t h a t 292 w i l l enable them t o adapt t o a com p e t i t i v e market c u l t u r e . Hagen i s c r i t i c a l of t h e dominant economic approach which he claims ...was t o assume t h a t any b a r r i e r s t o growth t h a t might e x i s t are economic ones, and t h a t the process of economic growth i s adequately d e a l t w i t h by economic a n a l y s i s a l o n e . The re a s o n i n g u n d e r l y i n g t h i s approach i s as f o l l o w s : Almost a l l i n d i v i d -u a l s i n every s o c i e t y seek h i g h e r income. Hence i t seems n a t u r a l t h a t everywhere i n d i v i d u a l s should seek improved methods of p r o d u c t i o n . S i n c e knowledge of improved methods i s now a v a i l a b l e , t h e r e seems no reason why people everywhere should not be improving p r o d u c t i o n techniques - ani r a p i d l y . But they are n o t . Hence there must be some b a r r i e r s which prevent them from doing so. S i n c e these b a r r i e r s do not l i e i n the nature o f human d e s i r e s , they must be economic ones. 293 To the c o n t r a r y , Hagen suggests t h a t the o b s t a c l e s t o ec-onomic development l i e p r e c i s e l y i n the nature of human de-s i r e s , i n human p e r s o n a l i t i e s , and i n the c u l t u r a l d e t e r -minants of p e r s o n a l i t y . The debate i s r e l e v a n t t o the a n a l y s i s of p o l i t i c a l de-velopment i n t h a t i t i l l u m i n a t e s two aspects of t h e problem of a l t e r i n g human beh a v i o r t h a t cannot be overlooked - the l e g a l - i n s t i t u t i o n a l and the s o c i o - p s y e t i o l o g i c a l . The l i t e r -a t u r e o f p o l i t i c a l development has focu s e d on both of these f a c t o r s i n p o l i t i c a l r o l e change, though w i t h emphases t h a t have v a r i e d among t h e o r i s t s . As w i t h orthodox economists, 292 See: E v e r e t t Hagen, On the Theory of S o c i a l Change. Homewood, I l l i n o i s , The Dorsey P r e s s , 1962j and Bert Hose-l i t z , S o c i o l o g i c a l Aspects of Economic Growth. New York, Free P r e s s , I960. 293 Hagen, On the Theory of S o c i a l Change, pp. 36-37 IBB some p o l i t i c a l and s o c i o l o g i c a l a n a l y s t s have st r e s s e d the o b j e c t i v e requirements - the l e g a l - i n s t i t u t i o n a l changes -while other researchers haye sought the c u l t u r a l and per-sonal a t t r i b u t e s t h a t permit e f f e c t i v e p a r t i c i p a t i o n and 294 p o l i t i c a l r o l e - p l a y i n g . The b a s i c l e g a l - i n s t i t u t i o n a l requirement f o r the transformation of p o l i t i c a l man i s the a c q u i s i t i o n of c i t i z e n s h i p s t a t u s t h a t i s a mark of h i s r i g h t (but not n e c e s s a r i l y h i s i n c l i n a t i o n or a b i l i t y ) t o p a r t i -c i p a t e i n the p u b l i c p o l i t i c s of p o l i t i c a l s o c i e t y . The b a s i c s o c i o - p s y c h o l o g i c a l requirement i s the a c q u i s i t i o n and possession of s o c i a l s k i l l s , v alues, and a t t i t u d e s t h a t i n -duce and f a c i l i t a t e p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n the p u b l i c l i f e of p o l -i t i c a l s o c i e t y - s o c i o - p s y c h o l o g i c a l a t t r i b u t e s r e f e r r e d t o by Almond and Verba as a sense of " c i v i c competence" and a 295 capacity f o r " c i v i c cooperation". P o l i t i c a l development re q u i r e s those l e g a l - i n s t i t u t i o n a l a l t e r a t i o n s i n the p o l -i t i c a l s t a t u s t h a t are i m p l i e d i n the concept of c i t i z e n -s h i p as w e l l as congruent a l t e r a t i o n s i n the socio-psycho-l o g i c a l c a p a c i t i e s of i n d i v i d u a l s which permit p o l i t i c a l p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n p u b l i c l i f e thus g i v i n g s o c i o l o g i c a l sub-stance to t h e i r c i t i z e n s h i p r i g h t s . 294 Compare the approach of Reinhard Bendix w i t h t h a t of Almond and Verba. See: Reinhard Bendix, N a t i o n - B u i l d i n g  and C i t i z e n s h i p . New York, Wiley, 1964; and G a b r i e l Almond and Sidney Verba, The C i v i c C u l t u r e . P r i n c e t o n , P r i n c e t o n U n i v e r s i t y Press, 1963• 295 Almond and Verba, The C i v i c C u l t u r e , pp. 180-213, 261-299. 189 I P o l i t i c a l development theory i s i n c l i n e d t o view " c i t -296 i z e n s h i p " as a d i s t i n c t i v e mark of a developed s o c i e t y . While c i t i z e n s h i p may be regarded as a statement of l e g a l s t a t u s , i t has, i n a d d i t i o n , a profound s o c i o l o g i c a l meaning. I t i s the r i g h t of i n d i v i d u a l s t o be not only " i n " but "of " p o l i t i c a l s o c i e t y : to p a r t i c i p a t e i n shaping p o l i t i c a l so-c i e t y by making p u b l i c demands t h a t are regarded as l e g i t i m a t e and by r e c e i v i n g p u b l i c a l l o c a t i o n s and b e n e f i t s . P o l i t i c a l development i n v o l v e s a trend toward the extension of c i t i z e n -s h i p s t a t u s and the r i g h t s of p o l i t i c a l p a r t i c i p a t i o n t o an ev e r - l a r g e r number of i n d i v i d u a l s i n s o c i e t y . In the West t h i s trend was bound up h i s t o r i c a l l y w i t h the extension of the f r a n c h i s e to the lower cl a s s e s and t o women durin g the nineteenth and e a r l y t w e n t i e t h c e n t u r i e s . According t o Ben-d i x " . . . c i t i z e n s h i p at f i r s t excludes a l l s o c i a l l y and ec-onomically dependent persons. In the course of the nin e -teenth century t h i s massive r e s t r i c t i o n i s g r a d u a l l y reduced 297 u n t i l e v e n t u a l l y a l l a d u l t s are c l a s s i f i e d as c i t i z e n s " . V i r t u a l l y a l l developed western n a t i o n s , w i t h the exception of S w i t z e r l a n d where i t i s s t i l l w i t h h e l d from women, have extended the f r a n c h i s e t o a l l adult members of s o c i e t y . While the r i g h t t o vote i s the c e n t r a l symbolic component 296 T.H. M a r s h a l l , C l a s s . C i t i z e n s h i p , and S o c i a l Devel-opment . New York, Anchor Books. 1965. p.92; and Bendix. Nation- B u i l d i n g and C i t i z e n s h i p , p. 74* 297 Bendix, N a t i o n - B u i l d i n g and C i t i z e n s h i p , p. 74» 190 of c i t i z e n s h i p , i t embodies a fundamental e t h i c a l p r i n c i p l e . E q u a l i t y i s the e t h i c a l imperative behind the extension of c i t i z e n s h i p r i g h t s t o a l l a dult members of a p o l i t i c a l co-mmunity. As an expression of the e t h i c a l imperative of e q u a l i t y , c i t i z e n s h i p may be seen to imply f u l l membership and equal st a t u s w i t h others i n a p o l i t i c a l community. In t h i s connection, M a r s h a l l w r i t e s : C i t i z e n s h i p I s a st a t u s bestowed on those who are f u l l members of a community. A l l who possess the s t a t u s are equal w i t h respect t o the r i g h t s and d u t i e s w i t h which the s t a t u s i s endowed. There i s no u n i v e r s a l p r i n c i p l e t h a t determines what those r i g h t s and d u t i e s s h a l l be, but s o c i e t i e s i n which c i t i z e n s h i p i s a developing i n s t i t u t i o n create an image of an i d e a l c i t i z e n s h i p against which achieve-ment can be measured and towards which a s p i r a t i o n can be d i r e c t e d . The urge forward along the path thus p l o t t e d i s an urge towards a f u l l e r measure of equal-i t y , an enrichment of the s t u f f of which the s t a t u s i s made and an increase i n the number of those on whom the s t a t u s i s bestowed. 298 C i t i z e n s h i p i m p l i e s c i v i l , p o l i t i c a l , and, i n c r e a s i n g l y , s o c i a l r i g h t s . For M a r s h a l l these r i g h t s imply: (1) c i v i l r i g h t s - " l i b e r t y of the person, freedom of speech, thought and f a i t h , the r i g h t t o own property and t o conclude v a l i d c o n t r a c t s , and the r i g h t t o j u s t i c e " ; (2) p o l i t i c a l r i g h t s -"the r i g h t t o p a r t i c i p a t e i n the e x e r c i s e of p o l i t i c a l power, as a member of a body i n v e s t e d w i t h p o l i t i c a l a u t h o r i t y or as an e l e c t o r of the members of such a body"; and (3) s o c i a l r i g h t s - "the whole range from the r i g h t t o a modicum of economic welfare and s e c u r i t y t o the r i g h t t o share t o the 298 M a r s h a l l , C l a s s . C i t i z e n s h i p , and S o c i a l Develop- ment , p. 92. 191 f u l l i n the s o c i a l heritage and t o l i v e the l i f e of a c i v i l -299 i z e d being according t o the standards p r e v a i l i n g i n s o c i e t y . " In the West, e s p e c i a l l y i n England, c i t i z e n s h i p r i g h t s were f i r s t held by i n d i v i d u a l s belonging t o a p r i v i l e g e d soc-i a l c l a s s : at f i r s t the a r i s t o c r a c y and l a t e r the middle c l a s s . F o l l o w i n g s u c c e s s f u l i d e o l o g i c a l and o r g a n i z a t i o n a l p r o t e s t by spokesmen f o r the di s e n f r a n c h i s e d p r o l e t a r i a t and l a t e r by members of the women s u f f r a g e t t e movement, c i v i c r i g h t s and p o l i t i c a l r i g h t s were secured f o r v i r t u a l l y a l l l e g a l l y defined a d u l t s i n s o c i e t y , b a r r i n g the p s y c h o l o g i c a l l y incompetent and the c r i m i n a l l y d e v i a n t . E v e n t u a l l y , even s o c i a l r i g h t s were secured f o r the economically deprived as a r e s u l t of p o l i t i c a l p r o t e s t and increased p u b l i c sen-s i t i v i t y t o socio-economic i n e q u i t i e s . Today, i n most developed western c o u n t r i e s , v i r t u a l l y a l l a d u l t c i t i z e n s have f u l l c i v i l and p o l i t i c a l r i g h t s as M a r s h a l l defines these wh i l e the process of reducing the r e l a t i v e depriv. t i o n of c e r t a i n groups end classes i s s t i l l i n progress and i s being attacked by i n c r e a s i n g l y expanded measures of h e a l t h , wel-f a r e and education. In t o t a l i t a r i a n s o c i e t i e s - the Soviet Union f o r ex-ample - s o c i a l and, to a l e s s e r extent, c i v i l r i g h t s have been extended to the bulk of adult " c i t i z e n s " while r e a l p o l i t i c a l l i g h t s have so far.been denied. The e t h i c a l 299 M a r s h a l l , C l a s s . C i t i z e n s h i p , and S o c i a l Develop-ment . p. 78. 192 imperative of e q u a l i t y has manifested i t s e l f , mainly, i n the expression of s o c i a l r i g h t s w h i l e r e a l p o l i t i c a l r i g h t s of v o t i n g and p a r t i c i p a t i o n have been denied though t h e i r importance has been acknowledged s y m b o l i c a l l y by the i n s t i -t u t i o n a l i z a t i o n of r e g u l a r e l e c t i o n s (with no r e a l p o s s i b i l i t y f o r a meaningful choice of candidates) and i d e o l o g i c a l l y by the commitment to " r e a l " ( p r o l e t a r i a n as opposed t o bourgeois) democracy. I I P o l i t i c a l s t a t u s i n pre-modern s o c i e t i e s i s s i g n i f i c a n t l y d i f f e r e n t from " c i t i z e n s h i p " i n both the democratic and t o -t a l i t a r i a n v a r i a n t s of modern s o c i e t y . G e n e r a l l y , s o c i a l ( i n c l u d i n g p o l i t i c a l but w i t h the f a i l u r e t o d i f f e r e n t i a t e the l a t t e r ) s t a t u s i n pre-modern ( i n c l u d i n g t r i b a l ) s o c i e t i e s i s based upon a s c r i p t i o n , that i s , upon what are b e l i e v e d to 300 be innate or i n h e r i t e d a b i l i t i e s . A s c ribed s o c i a l s t a t u s u s u a l l y r e s t s on such p a r t i c u l a r i s t i c c r i t e r i a as b i r t h r i g h t , 301 sex, age, c l a s s , or caste and i t i s d i f f i c u l t , i f not im-p o s s i b l e , to d i s t i n g u i s h p o l i t i c a l s t a t u s from t o t a l s o c i a l s t a t u s . In t r i b a l s o c i e t i e s t h i s seems to be at l e a s t par-t i a l l y due t o the " f u s i o n " of p o l i t i c a l i n s t i t u t i o n s and r o l e s w i t h other s o c i a l , economic, and r e l i g i o u s i n s t i t u t i o n s . "In 300 Ralph L i n t o n , The Study of Man. New York, Appleton-Century-Crofts, 1936, p. 115. 301 I b i d . , pp. 115-116. 193 A f r i c a , " notes R a d c l i f f e - B r o w n , " . . . i t i s ofte n hardly p o s s i b l e to separate, even i n thought, p o l i t i c a l o f f i c e from r i t u a l and 302 r e l i g i o u s o f f i c e . " Various forms of p o l i t i c a l i n e q u a l i t y u s u a l l y i d e n t i f y t r i b a l s o c i e t i e s and the most common c r i t e r i a f o r the d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n of p o l i t i c a l s t a t u s are sex and age: "...men u s u a l l y take f a r more part than women, not only i n war, but a l s o i n m a i n t a i n i n g i n t e r n a l order, and o l d e r men, 303 as a r u l e , have more a u t h o r i t y than younger ones." However, while i n e q u a l i t y i n p o l i t i c a l s t a t u s i s f r e q -u e n t l y the norm i n t r i b a l s o c i e t i e s , i t i s m i t i g a t e d i n some cases by the p r i n c i p l e of a " c l i e n t a g e " r e l a t i o n s h i p between i n d i v i d u a l s of d i f f e r e n t s t a t u s . The c l i e n t a g e p r i n c i p l e , w h i l e perpetuating and, indeed, s a n c t i o n i n g p o l i t i c a l i n -e q u a l i t y , at the same time made e x p l i c i t the r e c i p r o c a l r i g h t s and d u t i e s t h a t every c l i e n t had to h i s opposite number. Such c l i e n t a g e r e l a t i o n s h i p s were common i n some East A f r i c a n t r i b -a l s o c i e t i e s described by Mair: ".. ./~~they_7 can sometimes be seen t o run throught the whole s o c i e t y from top t o bottom, everyone except the k i n g being somebody's c l i e n t and everyone except the l o w l i e s t peasant having c l i e n t s of h i s owm. He followed him on journeys, t o court", or to war.... A c l i e n t who f u l f i l l e d h i s o b l i g a t i o n s expected to be able t o count 302 A.R. Radcliffe-Brown, "Preface", A f r i c a n P o l i t i c a l Systems, ed. M. Fortes and E.E. Eva n s - P r i t c h a r d , New York, Oxford J n i v e r s i t y Press, 1940, p. x x i . 303 I b i d . , p. x x i i . 194 on h i s l o r d ' s p r o t e c t i o n i n most kinds of t r o u b l e . " ^ 0 4 S i m i l a r master-servant r e l a t i o n s h i p s have been found i n other pre-modern s o c i e t i e s . The best example i s of course European feudalism where " t i e s of dependence" a l s o extended from the top t o the bottom of s o c i e t y and where s o c i a l groups, u s u a l l y c l a s s i f i e d according t o occupational c r i t e r i a , power 305 or p r e s t i g e were a l s o h i e r a r c h i c a l l y ranked. The c l i e n t a g e r e l a t i o n s h i p s of European feudalism denied to the vast maj-o r i t y of i n d i v i d u a l s , notably peasants, the r i g h t to p o l i t i c a l p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n e f f e c t i n g the a l l o c a t i o n of p u b l i c values and thereby excluded them from e f f e c t i v e p o l i t i c a l member-ship i n s o c i e t y . The r i g h t to e x c e r c i s e i n f l u e n c e by p a r t -i c i p a t i n g i n the p o l i t i c a l s t r u g g l e was determined by s o c i a l and p o l i t i c a l statuses which were l a r g e l y a s c r i b e d - the h e r e d i t a r y p r i n c i p l e of noble f a m i l i e s - or by i n s t i t u t i o n a l immunity as w i t h the Church and mu n i c i p a l c o r p o r a t i o n s : ...the i n d i v i d u a l enjoys r i g h t s and performs d u t i e s by v i r t u e of h i s s t a t u s , which are defined by h e r e d i t y . . . or by membership i n an o r g a n i z a t i o n possessing c e r t a i n immunities or l i b e r t i e s . Except f o r a handful of the most powerful men...status i n v o l v e s a mediated r e l a t i o n i n the sense that the vast m a j o r i t y of persons do not stand i n a d i r e c t l e g a l or p o l i t i c a l r e l a t i o n s h i p t o the supreme a u t h o r i t y of the k i n g . . . . In sum, medieval European s o c i e t i e s excluded the m a j o r i t y of the people from the exe r c i s e of p u b l i c r i g h t s which depend upon grants of immunity. This i s tantamount t o e x c l u s i o n from p o l i t i c a l p a r t i c i p a t i o n . . . . " 306 Indeed, p o l i t i c s i n pre-modern s o c i e t i e s , i n c l u d i n g many t r i b -a l and f e u d a l ones, are "palace" or " c o u r t " p o l i t i c s r a t h e r 304 Lucy M a i r , P r i m i t i v e Government. Penguin Books, 1962, pp. 166-169. 305 Marc Bloch, Feudal S o c i e t y , Chicago, U n i v e r s i t y of Chicago Press, 1964, v o l . 2, p. 28*27 306 Bendix, N a t i o n - B u i l d i n g and C i t i z e n s h i p , p. 43 ( h i s i t a l i c s ) . 195 than " p u b l i c " p o l i t i c s since there i s u s u a l l y no l a r g e r p o l i t i c a l s o c i e t y beyond the palace or court w i t h i n which p o l i t i c a l t ensions and demands can c o n f l i c t and be c o n c i l -i a t e d or compromised. In point of f a c t however, the c u l t -u r a l l e g i t i m a t i o n of the e x i s t i n g h i e r a r c h i c a l s o c i o - p o l i t -i c a l s t r u c t u r e i s so e f f e c t i v e t h a t pressures f o r a l t e r a t i o n s i n the d i s t r i b u t i o n system of scarce values emanating out-307 s i d e the palace or court are u n l i k e l y . Thus, p o l i t i c a l r e l a t i o n s h i p s i n pre-modern s o c i e t i e s tend to be h i e r a r c h i c a l : based upon r e c i p r o c a l r i g h t s and o b l i g a t i o n s between i n d i v i d u a l s or groups arranged on a s o c i a l s c a l e . The i d e a of p u b l i c p o l i t i c s and thus the idea of c i t i z e n s h i p where v i r t u a l l y a l l a d u l t i n d i v i d u a l s are accorded equal r i g h t s t o l e g i t i m a t e l y p a r t i c i p a t e i n the p o l -i t i c a l l i f e of s o c i e t y i s absent. Pre-modern s o c i e t i e s might be g r a p h i c a l l y represented by a s e r i e s of c o n c e n t r i c c i r c l e s i n which the s m allest represents the e f f e c t i v e " p o l i t i c a l " s o c i e t y - palace or court p o l i t i c s - w i t h i n which the s t r u g g l e over the a l l o c a t i o n and d i s t r i b u t i o n of scarce values takes p l a c e . And the p r i n c i p l e governing p o l i t i c a l r e l a t i o n s i n s o c i e t y i s : "Give me m i l k ; make me 308 r i c h ; keep me i n mind; be my f a t h e r ; I w i l l be your c h i l d . " 307 U n l i k e l y , but not impossible. See: Norman Cohn, The P u r s u i t of the M i l l e n i u m , London, Mercury Books, 1962; and E.J. Hobsbawm, P r i m i t i v e Rebels, New York, W.W. Norton, 1965. 308 Cited i n M a i r , P r i m i t i v e Government, p. 169. 196 The h i s t o r y of western nations suggests that p o l i t i c a l development i n v o l v e s the progressive r e d u c t i o n of p o l i t i c a l s t atus d i f f e r e n c e s among i n d i v i d u a l s and groups i n s o c i e t y and the gradual involvement of a l l adult i n d i v i d u a l s i n a r e l a t i o n s h i p w i t h the centre of power and a u t h o r i t y . The extension of the nexus of p o l i t i c a l r e l a t i o n s h i p s goes hand-in-hand w i t h the extension of c i t i z e n s h i p r i g h t s . With the s u c c e s s f u l c r e a t i o n of the n a t i o n - s t a t e "...each c i t i z e n stands i n a d i r e c t r e l a t i o n t o the sovereign a u t h o r i t y of the country i n contrast w i t h the medieval p o l i t y i n which that d i r e c t r e l a t i o n i s enjoyed only by the great men of the realm. Therefore, a core element of n a t i o n - b u i l d i n g i s the c o d i f i c a t i o n of the r i g h t s and du t i e s of a l l a d u l t s 309 who are c l a s s i f i e d as c i t i z e n s . " Most contemporary s t a t e s confer upon adult c i t i z e n s a mixture of the c i v i c , p o l i t i c a l , and s o c i a l r i g h t s i n -herent i n the r i g h t of c i t i z e n s h i p . While these r i g h t s are most meaningful and " r e a l " i n western democratic s t a t e s -meaningful and r e a l i n that they are an operative f a c t r a t h e r than a l e g a l f i c t i o n - they are not a l t o g e t h e r absent i n t o t a l i t a r i a n s t a t e s nor i n the s i n g l e - p a r t y p o p u l i s t auto-c r a c i e s or m i l i t a r y regimes of A f r o - A s i a . Though c i t i z e n s h i p r i g h t s , e s p e c i a l l y p o l i t i c a l ones, are sometimes l i t t l e more than l e g a l f i c t i o n s i n t o t a l i t a r i a n c o u n t r i e s and i n some of the new s t a t e s , t h e i r presence at l e a s t a t t e s t s t o t h e i r 309 Bendix, N a t i o n - B u i l d i n g and C i t i z e n s h i p , p. 74. 197 importance as symbols of p o l i t i c a l modernity. I l l I f c i t i z e n s h i p l a c k s s o c i o l o g i c a l f o r c e i n many of the new s t a t e s , i t i s perhaps because i t s extension to the masses of ordinary i n d i v i d u a l s has only been accomplished i n a l e g -a l sense. I t has not been accompanied by a corresponding s o c i a l i z a t i o n or t r a i n i n g of such i n d i v i d u a l s t o make the exe r c i s e of i t s r i g h t s and r e s p o n s i b i l i t i e s meaningful. To have f o r c e and meaning, c i t i z e n s h i p r e q u i r e s t h a t c i t i z e n s be educated i n the ways of p u b l i c p o l i t i c s . In the new s t a t e s , some e l i t e s may have denied substan-t i v e c i t i z e n s h i p r i g h t s w h i l e a f f i r m i n g i t as a symbol of nation-hood and modernity. Others who have extended r e a l c i v i l and p o l i t i c a l r i g h t s (few are as yet s u f f i c i e n t l y developed economically t o extend substantive s o c i a l r i g h t s ) have probably been l e s s s u c c e s s f u l , and perhaps l e s s i n t e r -ested, i n g i v i n g t h e i r c i t i z e n s the s k i l l s and h a b i t s of mind t h a t meaningful c i t i z e n s h i p and e f f e c t i v e p o l i t i c a l p a r t i c i p a t i o n r e s t upon. This may be due t o t h e i r d i s t r u s t and d i s l i k e of p u b l i c p o l i t i c s , perhaps, as C r i c k suggests, because they understand i t too w e l l . "They object to i t s most c h a r a c t e r i s t i c f e a t u r e s - compromise, c o n c i l i a t i o n , u n c e r t a i n t y , c o n f l i c t ; t o i t s necessary ambivalence or t e n -sions between p r e s e r v a t i o n and c r e a t i o n ; and t o i t s curious movements between bu r e a u c r a t i c anonymity and the m a g n i f i -310 c a t i o n of p e r s o n a l i t y i n p o l i t i c i a n s " . I n d i a i s a case 310 Bernard C r i c k , In Defense of P o l i t i c s . Penguin Books, 1964, p. 165. 198 i n point where the s l o w l y developing p o l i t i c a l c u l t u r e of bargaining and compromise found i n s t a t e and l o c a l govern-ment and i n the p o l i t i c s of the v i l l a g e panchayat i s the subject of c r i t i c i s m by the urban e l i t e centered i n New D e l h i . The planners, some n a t i o n a l p o l i t i c a l l e a d e r s , the s e n i o r a d m i n i s t r a t i v e c l a s s , and the E n g l i s h speaking i n -t e l l i g e n t s i a view such p o l i t i c a l a c t i v i t y as an obstacle 311 t o r a t i o n a l planning. Meaningful and e f f e c t i v e c i t i z e n s h i p seems to r e q u i r e the presence of at l e a s t two p r i o r c o n d i t i o n s i f i t i s t o be r e a l i z e d at a l l . The f i r s t i s the existence of a "pub-l i c " p o l i t i c s which can provide the s e t t i n g or arena i n which i n d i v i d u a l s , but more often i n d i v i d u a l s a s s o c i a t e d i n groups or p a r t i e s , may compete and bargain f o r the scarce values that can be obtained through p o l i t i c a l a c t i o n . This c o n d i t i o n i s f r e q u e n t l y absent i n the new s t a t e s and the second c o n d i t i o n i s o f t e n only p a r t i a l l y met: the presence of a s i g n i f i c a n t p r o p o r t i o n of i n d i v i d u a l s who possess both the i n c l i n a t i o n and the a b i l i t y t o a s s o c i a t e together f o r p o l i t i c a l a c t i o n . P o l i t i c a l development r e q u i r e s i n d i v i d u a l s w i t h a sense of " c i v i c competence" and a c a p a c i t y f o r " c i v i c cooperation", t o use Almond and Verba's terms. The human goal of p o l i t i c a l development i n the new s t a t e s i s the i n -c u l c a t i o n of i n d i v i d u a l s w i t h a sense of c i v i c competence and t h e i r education i n the s k i l l s of caivic cooperation; put 311 Myron Weiner, " I n d i a : Two P o l i t i c a l C u l t u r e s " , P o l i t i c a l  Culture and P o l i t i c a l Development, ed. Lucian Pye and Sidney Verba, P r i n c e t o n , P r i n c e t o n U n i v e r s i t y Press, 1965, pp. 199-244. 199 another way, i n d i v i d u a l s must be s o c i a l i z e d i n the c u l t u r e of p o l i t i c a l modernity. Viewed from the pe r s p e c t i v e of p o l i t i c a l c u l t u r e , p o l i t i c a l development becomes a prob-lem of c u l t u r e change i n which values, a t t i t u d e s , and s k i l l s must be made congruent w i t h the p o l i t i c a l i n s t i t u t i o n s and 312 l e g a l c i t i z e n s h i p r i g h t s of p u b l i c p o l i t i c s . I t i s a sense of p o l i t i c a l i n c a p a c i t y and a d i s i n c l i n -a t i o n t o cooperate f o r the purpose of pursuing common ends tha t d i s t i n g u i s h e s many t r a n s i t i o n a l s o c i e t i e s . Nowhere has t h i s been more evident than i n B a n f i e l d l s study of a southern I t a l i a n v i l l a g e which was found t o contain v i l l a g e r s who were both d i s i n c l i n e d and incapable of a s s o c i a t i n g t o -313 gether f o r the purposes of p o l i t i c a l a c t i o n . B a n f i e l d b e l i e v e d t h a t the "backwardness" of the v i l l a g e could be explained " . . . l a r g e l y (but not e n t i r e l y ) by the i n a b i l i t y of the v i l l a g e r s to act together f o r t h e i r common good, o r , indeed, f o r any end transcending the immediate, m a t e r i a l 314 i n t e r e s t of the nu c l e a r f a m i l y " . The v i l l a g e r s were found t o possess no purposeful s o c i a l attachments or commit-ments beyond the immediate f a m i l y and lacked any sense of c i v i c p r i d e o r p u b l i c s p i r i t e d n e s s . Though h o s t i l e t o the i n d i f f e r e n t l o c a l o f f i c i a l s of the p r o v i n c i a l or c e n t r a l 312 Almond and Verba, The C i v i c C u l t u r e , p. 21. 313 Edward B a n f i e l d , The Moral Basis of a Backward S o c i e t y . Chicago, The Free Press Research Center i n Economic Development and C u l t u r a l Change, The U n i v e r s i t y of Chicago, 1958. 314 Ibid..^p. 10. 200 government bureaucracies, who were i d e n t i f i e d , not u n j u s t -i f i a b l y , w i t h a d i s i n t e r e s t e d p r o v i n c i a l or c e n t r a l govern-ment, they made no attempt t o press grievances by organized p o l i t i c a l a c t i o n , b e l i e v i n g t h a t t h e i r predicament was a matter of " f a t e " and quite beyond t h e i r c o n t r o l . P o l i t i c a l a s s o c i a t i o n s were t h e r e f o r e non-existent w h i l e p a r t i e s r e -mained i n e f f e c t i v e and sometimes corrupt and party o f f i c i a l s exerted themselves no more than was necessary "to keep t h e i r 315 p l a c e s " or "to earn promotion". B a n f i e l d b e l i e v e s that such o r g a n i z a t i o n a l i n c a p a c i t y may be common among "non-western" c u l t u r e s : "There i s some reason t o doubt t h a t the non-Western c u l t u r e s of the world w i l l prove capable of c r e a t i n g and m a i n t a i n i n g the high de-gree of o r g a n i z a t i o n without which a modern economy and a democratic p o l i t i c a l order are i m p o s s i b l e . There seems t o be only one important c u l t u r e - the Japanese - which i s both r a d i c a l l y d i f f e r e n t from our own and capable of m a i n t a i n i n g 316 the necessary degree of o r g a n i z a t i o n " . The l e s s specula-t i v e a n a l y s i s of Almond and Verba seems t o support such a 317 contention at l e a s t w i t h respect t o both I t a l y and Mexico. Indeed, the b e l i e f t h a t a s s o c i a t i o n a l s k i l l s and sentiments are b a s i c elements c o n t r i b u t i n g t o a s o c i e t y ' s general ca-p a c i t y f o r self-government i s widely shared among p o l i t i c a l 315 B a n f i e l d , The Moral Basis of a Backward S o c i e t y , pp. 85-104, passim. 316 I b i d . , p. 8. 317 Almond and Verba, The C i v i c C u l t u r e , pp. 180-213, 261 -299. . - - 201 development t h e o r i s t s : - Weiner b e l i e v e s t h a t " o r g a n i z a t i o n a l t a l e n t s " may be as c r u c i a l t o p o l i t i c a l development as 318 e n t r e p r e n e u r i a l ones are t o economic growth - and v a l i d a t e s a p o s t u l a t e of c l a s s i c a l p o l i t i c a l theory. And modern t h e o r i s t s , l i k e t h e i r c l a s s i c a l predecessors, w h i l e r e c o g n i z i n g a p r i n c i p a l b e h a v i o r a l a t t r i b u t e of p o l i t -i c a l development are s t i l l u n c e r t a i n about the conditions i n s o c i e t y t h a t are supportive of i t . Weiner b e l i e v e s t h a t some s o c i e t i e s may have a general o r g a n i z a t i o n a l c a p a c i t y t h a t i s e q u a l l y present i n the economic, e d u c a t i o n a l , admin-i s t r a t i v e , as w e l l as p o l i t i c a l realm, yet i s l e d t o conclude t h a t " S u r p r i s i n g l y l i t t l e i s known about the co n d i t i o n s f o r 319 the development of e f f e c t i v e p o l i t i c a l o r g a n i z a t i o n s " . Pye b e l i e v e s that p o l i t i c a l development i s r e l a t e d t o a s o c i e t y ' s c a p a c i t y f o r cooperative a c t i o n which i n t u r n i s be l i e v e d t o r e s t upon sentiments of t r u s t , a capacity t o postpone g r a t i f i c a t i o n , and a b e l i e f t h a t separate demands 320 need not c o n f l i c t w i t h and damage other s . And i t was p r e c i s e l y such a s s o c i a t i o n a l c a p a c i t i e s t h a t s t r u c k Toc-q u e v i l l e i n h i s a n a l y s i s of the f i r s t p o l i t i c a l s o c i e t y t h a t was s u c c e s s f u l i n p e r f e c t i n g them: As soon as s e v e r a l of the i n h a b i t a n t s of the United Sta t e s have taken up an opinion or f e e l i n g which 318 Myron Weiner, " P o l i t i c a l I n t e g r a t i o n and P o l i t i c a l Development," The Annals, v o l . 358 (March 1965), p.63. 319 Weiner, The Annals, vol;, 358 (March 1965), p.63. 320 Lucian Pye, Aspects of P o l i t i c a l Development. Boston, L i t t l e , Brown, 1966, p. 100. -202 they wish to, promote i n the world, they look out f o r mutual a s s i s t a n c e ; and as soon as they have found one another out they combine. From th a t moment they'are no longer i s o l a t e d men, but a power seen from a f a r , whose a c t i o n s serve f o r an example and whose language i s l i s t e n e d t o .... In democratic c o u n t r i e s the science of asso-c i a t i o n i s the mother of science; the progress of a l l the r e s t depends upon the progress i t has made. Among the laws t h a t r u l e human s o c i e t i e s there-: i s one which seems t o be more p r e c i s e and c l e a r than a l l o t h e r s . I f men are t o r e -main c i v i l i z e d or t o become so, the a r t of as-s o c i a t i n g together must grow and improve i n the same r a t i o i n which the e q u a l i t y of condi-t i o n s i s i n c r e a s e d . 321 321 A l e x i s de T o c q u e v i l l e , Democracy i n America, New York, Vintage Books,. I960, v o l . 2, pp. 117-118. EPILOGUE ...the s o c i o l o g y and philosophy of p o l i t i c s are i n -e x t r i c a b l y l i n k e d . But not only are they both i n s e p -a r a b l e ; they are a l s o i n a s p e c i f i c sense interminable .... Nor i s there any u s e f u l sense i n which one can be claimed to be more important than the other; i t i s e q u a l l y important not only to continue, to ask about how s o c i e t i e s do behave, but a l s o how they ought t o . W..G. Runciman P o l i t i c a l development theory c o n s t i t u t e s a f u s i o n of the s o c i o l o g i c a l and p h i l o s o p h i c a l dimensions of p o l i t i c a l a n a l y s i s f o r i t seeks answers to e m p i r i c a l , normative, and p r e s c r i p t i v e questions, which, though connected i n p r a c t i c e , are a n a l y t i c a l l y separate. The f i r s t i s c l e a r l y e m p i r i c a l and can be answered, more or l e s s s a t i s f a c t o r i l y , by obser-v a t i o n : "What i s the nature of the p o l i t i c a l process and the h i s t o r i c a l p o l i t i c a l changes t h a t are o c c u r r i n g i n the new s t a t e s ? " The second i s normative f o r i t speculates about the a t t r i b u t e s of an " i d e a l " p o l i t i c a l c o n d i t i o n by reference to which the p o l i t i c a l attainments of s o c i e t i e s might be evaluated: "What should be the nature of the p o l -i t i c a l process and the h i s t o r i c a l p o l i t i c a l changes i n the new s t a t e s i f they are t o be termed ' p o l i t i c a l development'?" The t h i r d i s p r e s c r i p t i v e and seeks t o i d e n t i f y the s o c i o -l o g i c a l mechanisms t h a t might a i d i n the a c q u i s t i o n of modern i t y : "What do the new s t a t e s have or need to become p o l i t i c -a l l y developed?" By asking such questions i n t h e i r analyses of the new s t a t e s p o l i t i c a l development t h e o r i s t s place them-204 s e l v e s i n the c l a s s i c a l t r a d i t i o n of s o c i a l and p o l i t i c a l thought. T.'o say tha t the concepts and ideas of the p o l i t i c a l development t h e o r i s t s discussed i n t h i s essay are i n part the r e s u l t of an e m p i r i c a l e x e r c i s e i n observation and pre-d i c t i o n i s perhaps t o labour the obvious. Few schol a r s i n comparative s o c i a l science would disagree w i t h the propo-s i t i o n t h a t the r a p i d growth of non-western comparative soc-i a l and p o l i t i c a l s t u d i e s occasioned by the emergence of the new s t a t e s i s concerned with making r i g o r o u s observations and comparisons of s o c i a l and p o l i t i c a l l i f e i n non-western s o c i e t i e s . Most would probably agfee t h a t a dominant object of these analyses has been to make as p r e c i s e e m p i r i c a l ob-se r v a t i o n s and comparisons as i s p r a c t i c a b l e given the present s o p h i s t i c a t i o n of a n a l y t i c a l t o o l s and research techniques. Such analyses sought to understand non-western s o c i e t i e s i n order t h a t s o c i a l s c i e n t i f i c knowledge could be informed of s o c i a l and p o l i t i c a l arrangements th a t d i d not o b t a i n i n the West. The s t u d i e s of the new st a t e s endeavored to make the e x i s t i n g body of s o c i a l s c i e n t i f i c knowledge at once l e s s e t h n o c e n t r i c and more g e n e r a l , e s p e c i a l l y i n i t s t h e o r i e s . To say t h a t p o l i t i c a l development theory i s i n part a normative and p r e s c r i p t i v e e x e r c i s e i n imagination and spec-u l a t i o n i s perhaps to i n v i t e o b j e c t i o n s from those who b e l i e v e t h a t modern comparative, s o c i a l science i s w h o l l y e m p i r i c a l . Yet there does appear to be more than an"' e m p i r i c a l element 205 i n contemporary p o l i t i c a l development theory which was en-gendered by c e r t a i n research d i f f i c u l t i e s contained i n i t s subject matter - the p o l i t i c a l v i c i s s i t u d e s of the new s t a t e s -and c e r t a i n conceptual d i f f i c u l t i e s i n i t s goals - the a r t i c -u l a t i o n of a body of p r o p o s i t i o n s about the "developed" or "modern" p o l i t i c a l c o n d i t i o n and the i d e n t i f i c a t i o n of so-c i o l o g i c a l mechanisms that might be ins t r u m e n t a l i n a t t a i n -i n g such a c o n d i t i o n . Some e l a b o r a t i o n on these d i f f i c u l t -i e s I s necessary. The p o l i t i c a l process i n the new s t a t e s presents the an a l y s t w i t h some e s p e c i a l l y d i f f i c u l t o bstacles t o * r e s e a r c h . I t i s very " f l u i d " and i s g e n e r a l l y not marked by the i n s t i -t u t i o n a l i z a t i o n of p o l i t i c a l procedures and p r a c t i c e s t h a t i d e n t i f i e s western or t o t a l i t a r i a n s o c i e t i e s . Not only i s the form and content of p o l i t i c a l l i f e vague and d i f f i c u l t to d i s c e r n , i t i s a l s o not e s p e c i a l l y w e l l documented or stu d i e d and the usual sources of governmental and s t a t i s t i c a l data a v a i l a b l e to students of western nations are qu i t e o f t e n i n a c c e s s i b l e or are absent a l t o g e t h e r . This means t h a t the a n a l y s t must r e l y on h i s c a p a c i t y to imagine the o u t l i n e s and content of the p o l i t i c a l order to a greater extent than i n comparable analyses of western p o l i t i e s where considerable i n f o r m a t i o n of both a s t a t i s t i c a l and documentary nature a l -ready e x i s t s and where innumerable previous s t u d i e s can be drawn upon. The conceptual requirement of "holism" f u r t h e r e d the 206 need f o r s k i l l s of imagination i n the a n a l y s i s of the new s t a t e s . Contemporary p o l i t i c a l development t h e o r i s t s sought to r e c o n s t r u c t and a r t i c u l a t e the o u t l i n e s and contents of the new s t a t e s not i n a p a r t i a l or narrowly i n s t i t u t i o n a l f a s h i o n , but i n a h o l i s t i c rendering of the t o t a l s o c i e t y or p o l i t y , r e l a t i n g the components or sub-systems to one-another and to the s o c i e t y or p o l i t y as a whole. The h o l -i s t i c imperative r e q u i r e d t h a t the imperfect or p a r t i a l e m p i r i c a l p i c t u r e gained from d i r e c t observation and the r e -view of a v a i l a b l e i n f o r m a t i o n be completed. This i n c l i n e d a n a l y s t s away from a s t r i c t concern w i t h empiricism toward an i m p l i c i t acceptance of the need f o r a s o c i o l o g i c a l imagin-a t i o n . The u t i l i z a t i o n of imagination was again c a l l e d f o r i n addressing the question: "What should a developed p o l i t i c a l system be l i k e ? " C l e a r l y i t was not p o s s i b l e to simply assume tha t the standard f o r a developed p o l i t y was e x e m p l i f i e d i n p o l i t i c a l systems l i k e the United States or Great B r i t a i n without i n v i t i n g the charge of ethnocentric ism. Nor? was i t d e s i r a b l e to lapse i n t o a s t e r i l e r e l a t i v i s m t h a t denied, a p r i o r i , the p o s s i b i l i t y of making comparisons of s o c i e t i e s i n terms of t h e i r r e l a t i v e l e v e l of development. And since i t was admitted t h a t a l l " r e a l " p o l i t i c a l systems were i n some sense "mixed", possessing both modern and t r a d i t i o n a l elements, i t became necessary to l o c a t e the p r o p e r t i e s of p o l i t i c a l modernity not i n the e m p i r i c a l world but i n conceptual 2 0 7 c o n s t r u c t i o n s ( t y p o l o g i e s and models) th a t depicted an " i d e a l " c o n d i t i o n of p o l i t i c a l development. P o l i t i c a l development theory i s e m p i r i c a l i n s o f a r as i t seeks to d i r e c t l y observe the nature of the p o l i t i c a l process and the d i r e c t i o n of r h i s t o r i c a l p o l i t i c a l change i n the new s t a t e s . I t i s normative i n s o f a r as i t attempts to c o n s t r u c t c u l t u r a l l y n e u t r a l models or t y p o l o g i e s of the developed p o l i t i c a l c o n d i t i o n f o r ev a l u a t i n g the p o l -i t i c a l attainments of the new s t a t e s . But p o l i t i c a l dev-elopment t h e o r i s t s are a l s o i n t e r e s t e d i n i d e n t i f y i n g and p r e s c r i b i n g the l e v e r s of p o l i t i c a l development i n the new s t a t e s . Many s o c i o l o g i c a l a n a l y s t s , equipped w i t h a " f u n c t i o n a l i s t " o r i e n t a t i o n to t h e i r subject matter and u n w i l l i n g to accept the narrow l e g a l - i n s t i t u t i o n a l view that p o l i t i c a l development i n the new s t a t e s required the presence of western parliamentary forms, were i n c l i n e d to search f o r the manifest or l a t e n t means t h a t could serve the goals of p o l i t i c a l development. Among those i d e n t i f i e d were char i s m a t i c l e a d e r s , n a t i o n a l i s t and s o c i a l i s t i deology, groups and p a r t i e s , and, i n c r e a s i n g l y , the m i l i t a r y . P o l -i t i c a l development t h e o r i s t s tended to focus on the p o s i t i v e value of such instruments, i g n o r i n g or overlooking t h e i r p o s s i b l e d y s f u n c t i o n a l e f f e c t s . T h e i r " f u n c t i o n a l i s t " o r i e n -t a t i o n became fused w i t h the hope th a t these would b r i n g more enduring and e f f e c t i v e p o l i t i c a l i n s t i t u t i o n s i n t h e i r t r a i n . Thus, there was an element of f a i t h embodied i n the o 2 0 8 i d e n t i f i c a t i o n and p r e s c r i p t i o n of instruments of p o l i t i c a l development i n the new s t a t e s . P o l i t i c a l development t h e o r i s t s asked not only "What are the p o l i t i c a l systems i n the new s t a t e s l i k e ? " or "Where are they going?" but also "What should they be l i k e ? " and "Where should they be going?" i f t h e i r movement i s bo be considered " p o l i t i c a l development" and "What are the i n s t r u -ments r e q u i r e d to get them there?" Answers to these quest-i o n s , i f they were to avoid the p i t f a l l s of ethnocentricism without l a p s i n g i n t o an easy and excessive r e l a t i v i s m were bound to i n v i t e s p e c u l a t i o n about p o l i t i c a l " i d e a l s " - not of the"good l i f e " or "best p o l i t y " but of the i d e a l a t t r i b u t e of p o l i t i c a l development - and p r e s c r i p t i o n of the best a v a i l a b l e means f o r t h e i r attainment, i n the new s t a t e s . The s o c i o l o g i c a l and p h i l o s o p h i c a l dimensions of p o l i t i c a n a l y s i s asre fused i n contemporary t h e o r i e s of p o l i t i c a l development. 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