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A case study of the desegregation experience of a white state high school in South Africa 1994

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A CASE STUDY OF THE DESEGREGATION EXPERIENCE OF A WHITE STATE HIGH SCHOOL IN SOUTH AFRICA by W E N D Y R O Y A L M C A L I S T E R B.A., The University of Natal, 1972 A THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL F U L F I L L M E N T O F T H E R E Q U I R E M E N T S F O R T H E D E G R E E O F M A S T E R O F ARTS in T H E F A C U L T Y OF G R A D U A T E STUDIES Department of Educational Studies We accept this thesis as conforming to the required standard THE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA N o v e m b e r , 1995 © Wendy Royal McAl i s te r , 1995 In presenting this thesis in partial fulfilment of the requirements for an advanced degree at the University of British Columbia, I agree that the Library shall make it freely available for reference and study. I further agree that permission for extensive copying of this thesis for scholarly purposes may be granted by the head of my department or by his or her representatives. It is understood that copying or publication of this thesis for financial gain shall not be allowed without my written permission. Department of The University of British Columbia Vancouver, Canada Date /If l)acEMBe£, ms", DE-6 (2/88) ABSTRACT 11 The purpose of t h i s study i s to analyze the ways i n which educators, s o c i a l i z e d within an entrenched r a c i s t system, integrate children from d i f f e r e n t r a c i a l groups i n t h e i r school. The study offers an in-depth look at a formerly white g i r l s ' high school i n a low socio-economic area of Durban, South A f r i c a . The research was undertaken i n August, 1993, 18 months af t e r the admission of pupils of a l l races and nine months p r i o r to the national free elections. To date there has been l i t t l e systematic documentation of the desegregation of white state schools i n South A f r i c a . It i s , therefore, the researcher's intention that i t contribute to the accumulation of basic data from which to carry out further in-depth studies. I t i s a further objective that the res u l t s of t h i s study might inform educators and policy-makers i n t h e i r nascent attempts to e f f e c t i v e l y integrate South African schools. While Canadian schools have been m u l t i r a c i a l for many years, the analysis of a South African school just embarking on integration may provide valuable insights on new and old theories of mu l t i c u l t u r a l practices. A q u a l i t a t i v e approach was chosen, using a case study based on the ethnographic t r a d i t i o n . This was deemed the most appropriate way of peeling back the multiple layers of s o c i a l i z a t i o n that govern black and white interactions i n I l l South A f r i c a . I t was also considered to be the most e f f e c t i v e way of capturing the f u l l richness of the data •from a s i t u a t i o n that was new and turbulent. The primary tools for data c o l l e c t i o n were d i r e c t observations and interviews. The nuances i n the data reveal many paradoxes, contradictions and unpredictable outcomes. The role of class as a mechanism of exclusion emerges as a predominant theme i n the study. It highlights the way in which both race and class in t e r a c t i n South A f r i c a i n an intense struggle over power and p r i v i l e g e . The study also offers insights into the reasons an oppressed group seeks access to a world language and F i r s t World l i f e s t y l e sometimes at the expense of t h e i r own own culture and e t h n i c i t y . Another theme that emerges i s the necessity i n South A f r i c a of building a national i d e n t i t y while s t i l l recognizing d i v e r s i t y . The research concludes with some suggestions for f a c i l i t a t i n g e f f e c t i v e desegregation, bearing i n mind that the complexities and uniqueness of the South African t e r r a i n necessitate a dynamic, f l e x i b l e and h o l i s t i c approach. i v TABLE OF CONTENTS Page ABSTRACT i i TABLE OF CONTENTS i v LIST OF TABLES v i i ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS v i i i Chapter I INTRODUCTION 1 PURPOSE 8 DEFINITIONS 11 RATIONALE 13 THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK 14 Chapter II AN HISTORICAL REVIEW OF EDUCATION UNDER APARTHEID 17 BANTU EDUCATION 17 BLACK SCHOOLING AND VIOLENCE 19 EDUCATIONAL REFORMS AND THEIR IMPLICATIONS . 22 THE DEVELOPMENT OF OPEN SCHOOLS 25 THE ANC'S POLICY ON EDUCATION 30 Chapter III LITERATURE REVIEW 32 AN OVERVIEW OF DESEGREGATION LITERATURE 32 Equal Status.. 33 Co-operation versus Competition 41 Support by Relevant Authorities 43 Parental & Community Involvement 43 Teachers & Teacher Training 44 H o l i s t i c Approach.... 48 SOUTH AFRICAN DESEGREGATION THEORISTS. 48 CONCLUSION 56 V Chapter IV METHODOLOGY 61 BIAS & SUBJECTIVITY 64 DESIGN 68 DATA COLLECTION: SELECTION 69 DATA COLLECTION: PROCEDURES 72 VALIDITY & RELIABILITY 76 ANALYSIS 78 Chapter V FINDINGS 80 CONTEXT 81 Social Context 81 P o l i t i c a l Context 84 THE SCHOOL 87 Admission Policy 87 School Ethos 88 THE PARTICIPANTS 91 Teachers' Perceptions 91 Students' Perceptions 94 Emerging Generation Gap 97 RACISM 98 Segregation 98 Racist Incidents 103 Student Perceptions of the Other 105 PEDAGOGICAL ISSUES 108 Teaching Methods 109 Pa r t i c i p a t i o n i n School L i f e 113 Behaviour 115 Academic Standards 119 A b i l i t y Groupings 121 Curriculum Changes 124 FUTURE CONCERNS 130 v i Chapter VI DISCUSSION 136 INTEGRATION 136 EQUAL STATUS 142 ASSIMILATION and ACCOMMODATION 144 TEACHERS' EXPECTATIONS 148 PEDAGOGICAL CHANGES 151 MULTICULTURAL / ANTI-RACIST EDUCATION... 157 CONCLUSION 166 RECOMMENDATIONS 171 LIMITATIONS OF THE STUDY 174 IMPLICATIONS FOR FUTURE RESEARCH 175 IMPLICATIONS FOR CANADIAN PRACTICE 177 REFERENCES 179 APPENDIX A 185 APPENDIX B 187 APPENDIX C 189 APPENDIX D 191 v i i LIST OF TABLES page TABLE 1 COMPARATIVE EDUCATION STATISTICS,1989 18 TABLE 2 RACIAL MIX OF 5 STATE HIGH SCHOOLS 69 v i i i ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS With grateful thanks to the teachers, administrators, s t a f f and students of "Valour High', without whom t h i s project would not have been possible. Thanks also to Wendy Nicholson, John Pampallis, Khosi Mpanza and S t e l l a Hortop for a l l t h e i r assistance. I would also l i k e to thank my committee, Kogila Adam- Moodley, Jane Gaskell and Thelma Cook for t h e i r guidance and valuable i n s i g h t s . A special thanks, p a r t i c u l a r l y , to my adviser, Kogila, for sharing my enthusiasm of the subject. My family and friends have sustained me along the way with t h e i r encouragement and support, p a r t i c u l a r l y my children, Sean and Lauren. Without t h e i r love, caring and patience I would have been unable to f i n i s h t h i s work. Chapter I 1 INTRODUCTION Pr i o r to the h i s t o r i c free elections i n A p r i l 1994 which ushered i n a non-racial, democratic government, South A f r i c a was a society s t r i c t l y s t r a t i f i e d along r a c i a l l i n e s . With the e l e c t i o n of the National Party to p o l i t i c a l power i n 1948, t h i s s t r a t i f i c a t i o n became l e g i s l a t e d and Apartheid as an ideology was born. The Group Areas Act (1950) determined where each r a c i a l group could l i v e , r u r a l Africans being confined tp poverty-stricken "homelands', urban blacks ghettoized i n bleak townships, f a r enough away to avoid contaminating the white c i t i e s , close enough to contribute t h e i r indispensable labour. Influx Control laws ensured that only working blacks could stay i n urban areas for longer than 72 hours. Keeping c i t i e s "white' resulted i n periodic forced relocations of e n t i r e non-white communities. The Population Registration Act (1967) c l a s s i f i e d every person according to four r a c i a l categories, A f r i c a n , Indian, Coloured and White. The Mixed Marriages Act made sexual r e l a t i o n s across r a c i a l groups i l l e g a l . Consequently, u n t i l 1994, South A f r i c a was an anomaly fo r "While the concept of race had been thoroughly d i s c r e d i t e d by the rest of the world, as a meaningful b i o l o g i c a l c l a s s i f i c a t i o n system, (i n South Af r i c a ) i t acquired a pseudo-reality because of i t s s o c i o - p o l i t i c a l consequences."(Burman,1986:5) 2 Many researchers (Kallaway,1991; Wolpe,1991; Unterhalter,1991; Adam and Moodley,1993.)have pointed to the r e l a t i o n s h i p between cl a s s and race i n South A f r i c a . C h r i s t i e (1990) contends that South A f r i c a may best be understood as a c a p i t a l i s t and class-based society, where r a c i a l p r actices were i n t e g r a l and i n s t i t u t i o n a l i z e d and where hi s t o r y has been shaped by intense p o l i t i c a l and i d e o l o g i c a l struggles over issues of both race and c l a s s . Within t h i s context of a society divided along r a c i a l and class l i n e s , education has been used as a powerful instrument by which the regime has t r i e d to reproduce the e x i s t i n g s o c i a l order.(Unterhalter & Wolpe,1991.) "The success of apartheid depends i n the f i r s t instance on education." (Report on Native Education,1935,cited i n Callinicos,1990.) With the Bantu Education Act (1953), the purpose of education i n preparing students to f i l l t h e i r predestined r o l e became more e x p l i c i t . For whites t h i s meant preparation f o r l i f e i n the dominant society; for blacks i t meant i n c u l c a t i n g acceptance of an i n f e r i o r p o s i t i o n . (Maree,in Kallaway,1991.) "The A f r i c a n c h i l d should be schooled for s e r v i l i t y since there i s no place f o r him i n the European community above c e r t a i n forms of labour." (Prime Minister Verwoerd,1953 c i t e d i n Callinicos,1990.) During t h i s period, black education passed from the mission schools and was c e n t r a l i s e d under the Department of 3 Bantu Education. The intention was not to deny education to a l l blacks but to d i f f e r e n t i a t e the black population with a small urban working c l a s s , with some access to education, and a large, minimally educated migrant labour force. (Kallaway,1984; Unterhalter,Wolpe et a l 1991; Hartshorne,1992.) While l i t t l e was done to promote education during the '50s, equally l i t t l e was done to obstruct those with the means from progressing through the education system. This group of pupils provided the pool from which the very rapidly growing number of school and university students would be drawn i n the next decade. (Unterhalter,1991.) The following decade from 1963-1973 was accompanied by s i g n i f i c a n t expansion of black school enrolments and expenditure on black education, while s t i l l remaining vastly i n f e r i o r to white education. The reasons for t h i s were both p o l i t i c a l and economic. Faced with massive popular uprisings, the regime reacted with more repression, banning organizations and people such as the ANC and Nelson Mandela, and creating Bantustans, "independent homelands based on e t h n i c i t y ' wherein blacks had l i m i t e d p o l i t i c a l r i g h t s . The rationale was to d e f l e c t from demands i n a unitary South A f r i c a . Education expanded i n order to meet the needs for a trained black c i v i l service i n the Bantustan administration. 4 P o l i t i c a l unrest and repressive government r e t a l i a t i o n resulted i n the f l i g h t of much foreign c a p i t a l , e s s e n t i a l for economic growth. In addition, the development of mechanisation i n mining, manufacture and agriculture necessitated a more educated and s k i l l e d workforce. (Unterhalter,1991). However, the intentions of black education f a i l e d miserably. " The system's attempt to d e p o l i t i c i z e and disempower black students through an education geared towards a continuation of t h e i r i n f e r i o r i t y and submission, instead resulted i n childr e n who completely disabled a system of mass state schooling, - a phenomenon unprecedented i n history." Nasson,1986:113.) The 1976 Soweto r i o t s ushered i n an era of r e b e l l i o n against the black education system which took the form of nation-wide school boycotts, stayaways, destruction of school f a c i l i t i e s and attacks on school administration. Black students sometimes acted independently, sometimes i n conjunction with teachers, parents and community organizations.(Nasson,1986; Unterhalter,1991; Hofmeyer and Buckland,1992.) The p o l i t i c a l i n s t a b i l i t y , c o u p l e d with a d e c l i n i n g economy, due to the f l i g h t of foreign c a p i t a l , unemployment and f a l l i n g wages, l e d to attempted reforms i n black education i n order to broaden the regime's support among the dominated classes. The De Lange Commission (1981) and the government's response i n the White Paper (1983), recommended expanding and reforming black education, the rationale being that a more educated workforce would not only provide higher l e v e l s of productivity and economic growth but would be p o l i t i c a l l y submissive because workers would have a greater stake i n the system. (Nasson,1986; Unterhalter, 1991; Hofmeyer and Buckland,1992.) This f a i l e d i n both respects. The following f i v e years, from 1983-1989 were characterized by the paradox of both reform and repression. The government's attempt to entice middle-class blacks through material rewards le d to a deeper sense of a l i e n a t i o n as economie benefits were s t i l l not linked to p o l i t i c a l and s o c i a l r i g h t s , (van Zyl Slabbert,1989; Adam andMoodley,1986.). Country-wide uprisings continued i n the form of school boycotts, s t r i k e s , mass meetings, demonstrations and armed attacks on s p e c i f i c targets associated with the regime. This period saw the growth of organizations among the dominated classes, such as the United Democratic Front (UDF), the Mass Democratic Movement (MDM) and the National Education C r i s i s Committee (NECC). The l a t t e r arose out of the black parents' and community concern with the increasing unaccountability of black student protest. I t was an attempt to s h i f t the concept encapsulated i n the slogan "rib education u n t i l l i b e r a t i o n ' towards "a people's education for people's power' which could lay the foundation of a non- r a c i a l , unitary and democratic education system. This 6 constituted a decisive strategy i n that i t linked the education struggle to the transformation of the whole p o l i t i c a l and s o c i a l system. (Unterhalter,1991.) The economy during t h i s period continued to decline due to increased labour unrest and in t e r n a t i o n a l sanctions. The regime's response was to impose repressive State of Emergency l e g i s l a t i o n which enabled them to ban student organizations, detain leading a c t i v i s t s i n the NECC and other democratic groups and i n s t a l l the m i l i t a r y i n many black schools and townships. At the same time,,however, enrolments i n black schools increased, per capita expenditure on black education by the state doubled and there was huge investment i n black education, e s p e c i a l l y i n vocational and technical schools, from corporate i n t e r e s t s . (Unterhalter,Badat,et a l 1991.) In 1986 free education for whites was withdrawn while compulsory primary education for blacks was l e g i s l a t e d i n 1992. (McGregor et al,1992) In 1990, South A f r i c a ' s State President F.W.de Klerk announced the b i r t h of a "new" South A f r i c a . In the following two years Nelson Mandela was released from detention, organizations such as the ANC, PAC, SACP, were unbanned and s i g n i f i c a n t apartheid l e g i s l a t i o n such as the Group Areas Act, Separate Amenities Act, and Population Registration Act were revoked, thus paving the way for the 7 desegregation of white schools. (Hofmeyer and Buckland,1992; Freer,1992; Christie,1990.) S u p e r f i c i a l l y , t h i s represented a considerable change by the government since i t had been only four years previously that de Klerk, as minister of National Education, had stated unequivocally that as long as the National Party was i n power, they would be committed to separate education i n state schools. (Penny,Appel,et al,1992.) A 1989 survey showed 55% of white respondents favoured sele c t i v e or complete integration of state schools although t h i s was substantially lower amongst Afrikaans-speakers or those who supported the right-wing Conservative Party.(Bot,1992) In 1992* the government announced that a l l state schools would have to desegregate unless two-thirds of the parents voted otherwise. The implication of t h i s r u l i n g was that white parents, through the school's governing body, could manage and control many facets of the school, including the appointment of teachers at entry l e v e l and the determination of the school's admission p o l i c y . Consequently, white schools s t i l l retained the power to entrench or reverse the t r a d i t i o n of segregated schooling. (Freer,1992; Coutts,1992). However, the c r i s i s facing white education influenced the further desegregation of many white state schools. F a l l i n g b i r t h rates and emigration led to a decline i n the white population. In addition there was a growing decrease 8 i n teacher morale, c r i t i c i s m of the eurocentric curriculum and closed c u l t u r a l i d e n t i t y of the white education system. (Hofmeyer & Spence,1989, c i t e d i n Hofmeyer & Auckland,1992.) In A p r i l 1994, free elections i n South A f r i c a brought to power Nelson Mandela and the ANC, thus ending centuries of oppression and r a c i a l discrimination and heralding the b i r t h of a new, democratic nation.. PURPOSE The purpose of t h i s study i s to explore and analyze the ways i n which teachers and administrators deal with the p r a c t i c a l i t i e s and implications of integrating c h i l d r e n from d i f f e r e n t r a c i a l groups i n t h e i r school. T would l i k e to examine how the teachers and administrators, s o c i a l i z e d within an entrenched r a c i s t system, validated by the State, Church and Court, face the challenging task of f a c i l i t a t i n g e f f e c t i v e learning among children who have e s s e n t i a l l y l i v e d i n separate worlds,; a l b e i t within one nation. Although apartheid was i n the process of being dismantled at the time of the study, the legacy of such s o c i a l engineering has far-reaching implications both i n terms of deprivation i n a l l aspects of l i f e - home, school and work- suffered by the underprivileged groups, and the entrenched attitudes and behavidurs of the people. "Generations of c h i l d r e n have now grown up within, t h i s system, with uniquely d i f f e r e n t experiences and attitudes 9 from and about each other, despite being members of one nation." (Burman,1986.) This study offers an in-depth look at a formerly white g i r l s ' high school i n a low socio-economic area of Durban, South A f r i c a . The year i s August, 1993. It has been 18 months since the school f i r s t opened i t s gates, i n January 1991, to pupils of a l l races. It i s nine months before the national free elections of A p r i l 1994. The guiding f o c i of the study which indicate how things are working at the school are: - What i s the s o c i a l context of the school? - What i s the philosophy of the P r i n c i p a l and how supportive of integration are the administrators, parents and community? - What selection procedures are used for admitting black and white students? - How does the school promote po s i t i v e self-concept among a l l i t s pupils? - How are status r e l a t i o n s reproduced within the school and classroom? - What r a c i a l attitudes ex i s t between the s t a f f and students and among the students themselves? - What are the teachers' expectations of the children and how are these manifested i n the classroom? - What kind of pedagogy does the teacher use and how does t h i s a f f e c t performance and attitudes i n the classroom? 10 - Whose culture i s r e f l e c t e d i n the curriculum? Has the curriculum changed i n order to accommodate the new student c l i e n t e l e ? In order to f i n d answers to the above broad questions I w i l l look at the following s p e c i f i c i n d i c a t o r s : - The physical description of the immediate community. Is i t a s o l i d l y white r e s i d e n t i a l area or r a c i a l l y mixed? What i s i t s socio-economic status? What i s the proximity of the school to pupils' homes. - Is there a parent association? Is i t m u l t i - r a c i a l ? What kinds of a c t i v i t i e s does i t pa r t i c i p a t e in? - School's ethos. What are the school songs, logos, "houses", decorations, mascots and celebrations? - Examine admission tests and interview P r i n c i p a l about c r i t e r i a used for select i o n . - Who are the school prefects, sports captains, house captains, class captains and club presidents? - Which students get punished more often and for what infringements? What i s the nature of the punishment? Does i t a f f e c t a l l students equally? - What i s the nature of the contact amongst students? What are t h e i r perceptions of each other? What i s the physical arrangement of the desks? What constitutes the club and team memberships, and the playground associations? - What i s the nature of the contact between teachers and students? What r e s p o n s i b i l i t i e s do the teachers give the 11 black and white students? How much attention do they give to t h e i r answers, questions, problems? - Who i n i t i a t e s classroom responses, discussions? Which students do the teachers c a l l upon to respond to questions, model answers, give opinions? - Is there a co-operative or competitive classroom environment? Is there a b i l i t y streaming within the school and /or classroom? What kind of support i s there for chil d r e n with language or learning li m i t a t i o n s ? When i s i t given? How important are grades? Are they publicized? What are the academic results? - - To what extent does the hist o r y curriculum r e f l e c t the h i s t o r i e s and contributions of a l l r a c i a l groups? To what extent does i t deal with the history of apartheid, the black struggle for equality, black leaders and heroes? - Is the art, music, drama and l i t e r a t u r e of non-Anglo cultures studied i n these classes? - What languages are taught i n the school? - An examination of school textbooks and classroom observations w i l l provide answers to these curriculum concerns. DEFINITIONS Several key terms have been used throughout t h i s study. The following d e f i n i t i o n s have been provided to ind i c a t e how these terms have been used i n the context of t h i s study: 12 Apartheid: The l e g i s l a t e d p o l i c y of r a c i a l segregation i n s t i t u t e d i n South A f r i c a by the Na t i o n a l i s t Party i n 1948. Black: Used to ref e r to people c l a s s i f i e d as Afr i c a n , Coloured (mixed race) and Indian. These terms, as well as the term, White, as used i n t h i s study, do not ref e r to a b i o l o g i c a l concept of race, but to the p o l i t i c a l system of r a c i a l c l a s s i f i c a t i o n under Apartheid laws. "Open' schools: This term was used p r i o r to the introduction of Apartheid into u n i v e r s i t i e s i n 1959 to denote r a c i a l l y mixed u n i v e r s i t i e s . It has become the common term of preference to describe r a c i a l l y mixed schools. Streaming: Grouping according to perceived academic a b i l i t y , either i n d i f f e r e n t classes within the school, or i n d i f f e r e n t groups within classes. Each class i s l a b e l l e d A,B,C,D etc.according to achievement usually determined by examinations. Integration: The inc l u s i o n of people of a l l groups, marking the end of r a c i a l segregation. Assimilation: Absorption into the dominant culture, so as to become indistinguishable from the dominant group. Houses: Each school i s divided into three or four houses, or teams, usually named af t e r a somewhat obscure B r i t i s h or White South African h i s t o r i c a l figure. Each student i s assigned a "house' at school entry. Standard: Grade. Grade 3 = S t d . l ; Grade 12 = Std. 10. 13 Matriculation/Matric: Std. 10 school-leaving examination. Prefects: Students i n Std. 10 who are elected by students and s t a f f to be leaders, enforce d i s c i p l i n e and school rules and model correct behaviour. RATIONALE This study i s important because to date there has been l i t t l e systematic documentation on the desegregation of white government schools i n South A f r i c a , a hitherto unanticipated event i n a uniquely aberrant s o c i a l s e t t i n g . (Penny, Appel, et a l 1992). It i s the researcher's inte n t i o n that i t contribute to the accumulation of basic data from which i t would be possible to carry out further in-depth studies. Moreover, i t i s at t h i s early stage of school integration that c r i t i c a l choices need to be made. I t i s an objective of t h i s study, that i t add to the knowledge which might inform and guide educators and policy-makers i n t h e i r early attempts to f a c i l i t a t e e f f e c t i v e integration i n South Af r i c a n schools. Because of the ideology of apartheid, r a c i a l d i v i s i o n s have h i s t o r i c a l l y overshadowed cl a s s antagonisms within South A f r i c a n society. The removal of race as a c r i t e r i o n within the education system, may c r y s t a l l i z e c l a s s d i v i s i o n s and provide a greater understanding of the way i n which class and race a r t i c u l a t e i n the South Af r i c a n arena. 14 While Canadian schools have been m u l t i - r a c i a l f o r many years, the analysis of a South A f r i c a n school just embarking on integration, could provide some valuable in s i g h t s oh new and o l d theories of m u l t i c u l t u r a l educational p r a c t i c e s . This research could o f f e r fresh perspectives on the sometimes platitude-laden discourse surrounding m u l t i c u l t u r a l education i n Canada. THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK The following research i s located within the broad area of m u l t i c u l t u r a l education. The desegregation l i t e r a t u r e i n the United States, the race r e l a t i o n s l i t e r a t u r e i n the United Kingdom and m u l t i c u l t u r a l - a n t i - r a c i s t education i n Canada w i l l serve as an orie n t i n g framework for t h i s study. These t h e o r e t i c a l perspectives w i l l be applied to examine education within the rapidly desegregating context of South A f r i c a n schools. Desegregation l i t e r a t u r e i s f a i r l y consistent i n i t s d e s c r i p t i o n of c r u c i a l factors for e f f e c t i v e school i n t e g r a t i o n . In broad terms, these are the creation of an equal status learning environment i n which a l l students have equal access to educational opportunities and equal power within the contact s i t u a t i o n ; co-operative rather than competitive pedagogy; and the support of relevant a u t h o r i t i e s . The l a t t e r necessitates p o s i t i v e support of inte g r a t i o n by parents and the community and parental 15 involvement i n school a c t i v i t i e s . It also depends on teachers being prepared personally and professionally, through in-service t r a i n i n g , to cope with students from diverse backgrounds. (Verma&Bagley,1979; Schofield,1982; Hawley,Crain,1983; Slavin,1987; McGroarty,1992; Oakes,1992.) Early integration attempts were characterized by assimilation, whereby black or minority students were expected to acquire the " c u l t u r a l c a p i t a l ' necessary to f i t into white society. Attempts to redress t h i s and create "equal status' led Western theori s t s and educators from an a s s i m i l a t i o n i s t model of integration, to a m u l t i c u l t u r a l standpoint. M u l t i c u l t u r a l education t r i e d to validate black and minority students' culture and i n s t i l l amongst a l l pupils a tolerance of other races, r e l i g i o n s and ways of l i f e . The objective was to promote harmonious group re l a t i o n s and increase black and minority academic achievement. The f a i l u r e of m u l t i c u l t u r a l education to meet a l l i t s objectives has led to an e x p l i c i t a n t i - r a c i s t education p o l i c y wherein racism as a mechanism for perpetuating s o c i a l inequality, i s strongly contested i n the school environment.(Ogbu,1978; Cummins,1987,1988; McCarthy,1990; Solomon,1994) Research (Slavin,1978; Hawley, Crain et al,1983.) indicates the necessity for c u r r i c u l a r and pedagogical changes for a learning environment conducive to successful integration. Curricular reform, which validates 16 the black students* culture and h i s t o r i c a l contributions, leads to improved self-esteem, better race-relations and improved academic performance by the low-status group. Similar r e s u l t s have been obtained u t i l i z i n g co-operative rather than competitive learning strategies. (Schofield, 1982; Slavin,1987; Mcgroarty,1992.) Scholars( Schofield r1982; Hawley,Crain,1983) in d i c a t e the importance of support by relevant a u t h o r i t i e s , including the community, parents, administrators and teachers, i n successful school integration experiences. Their evidence shows that teachers are c r u c i a l by, among other things, modeling the desired behaviour and attitudes, which strongly influence students' behaviour and attitudes. Because teachers are i l l - p r e p a r e d to cope with r a c i a l l y diverse classes, these researchers recommend extensive t r a i n i n g f o r both teachers and administrators. I w i l l approach my own research within t h i s t h e o r e t i c a l framework. However, i n determining the a p p l i c a b i l i t y of t h i s l i t e r a t u r e to the South A f r i c a n experience, i t i s e s s e n t i a l to locate i t within the unique s o c i o p o l i t i c a l context of South A f r i c a . 17 Chapter II AN HISTORICAL REVIEW OF EDUCATION UNDER APARTHEID BANTU EDUCATION Decades of apartheid education have resulted i n gross i n e q u a l i t i e s between blacks and whites that w i l l have repercussions for years to come, despite the gradual integration of schools since 1991. (Hartshorne, i n McGregor,1992). This i s exacerbated by the fact that South A f r i c a contains elements of both the F i r s t and Third Worlds The education p r o f i l e of black South Africans i s consistent with developing countries: Thirty percent has no education; 36% has primary education; 31% has secondary education; 3% has degrees or diplomas. While the white b i r t h rate i s f a l l i n g , i t i s r i s i n g amongst the black population. Within f i v e years there w i l l be one m i l l i o n children reaching school age each year. (Hartshorne, Hofymeyer, Buckland, i n McGregor, 1992.) The following table shows the large discrepancies between black and white education with respect to teacher/pupil r a t i o s , under-qualified teachers, per capita expenditure and school-leaving pass rates. Moreover, u n t i l 1986, education was free and compulsory u n t i l the age of 16 for whites only. (Kallaway, 1991; Nasson, 1986; Hofmeyer & Buckland,1992; Adam & Moodley,1993) 18 "African education i s short of everything except pupils." (Dhlomo, 1981, c i t e d i n Hofmeyer, i n McGregor,1992.) TABLE I Comparative education s t a t i s t i c s 1989 White education Indian education Coloured A f r i c a n (DET) p u p i l - teacher r a t i o 17:1 20:1 23:1 38:1 u n d e r q u a l i f i ed teachers (less than std. 10 plus a 3-year teacher•s c e r t i f i c a t e 0% 2% 45% 52% per c a p i t a expenditure R3 082.00 R2 227.01 Rl 359.78 R764.73 s t d . 10 pass rate 96% 93,6% 72,7% 40,7% (Sources: DET,1989; DuPlessis et a l 1990 SAIRR,1990 The implication of t h i s for future integrated schooling i n South A f r i c a i s that i n order for black children to proceed on an equal footing with whites, there has to be a way of undoing the past and compensating for the previous i n j u s t i c e s . Otherwise i t w i l l s t i l l be black children who w i l l f a i l even i n a democratic South A f r i c a . (Kallaway,1984- 1991; C h r i s t i e & Collins,1991; Adam & Moodley,1993). Not only was Bantu Education s t r u c t u r a l l y i n f e r i o r , i t s i d e o l o g i c a l intent, as r e f l e c t e d i n the school curriculum and textbooks, was to school the students for s e r v i l i t y . This process has been c a l l e d a "culture of silence', where schooling attempts to silence , to negate the hist o r y of the indigene, to r a t i o n a l i z e the i r r a t i o n a l and gain acceptance for structures which are oppressive. (Kallaway, 1984-1991). Adam and Moodley (1993) explain that u n t i l the '70s, there was l i t t l e emphasis i n either the white or black curriculum on pre - c o l o n i a l A f r i c a , black leaders, p o l i t i c a l organizations or the contributions of blacks i n the development of the country. The underlying message was that whites s e t t l e d the land, and the blacks on contact were unfriendly and treacherous. "The implication i s that black underdevelopment i s t h e i r own f a u l t and whites are responsible for bringing South A f r i c a to i t s present F i r s t World status and therefore are j u s t i f i e d i n maintaining the status quo." (Adam & Moodley, 1993:235) The denial that black South Africans have a h i s t o r y was a d i s t o r t i o n of the tru t h both i n black and white education and needs to be r e c t i f i e d i n a new education system. However, the ef f e c t that t h i s has had, and w i l l continue to have , on blacks i s f a r more insidious and pervasive as i t has placed them i n a " c u l t u r a l vacuum.' "Not only i s t h i s bad history, i t i s d i s a b l i n g h i s t o r y . To deny people t h e i r history i s to c r i p p l e them i n t e l l e c t u a l l y and maim them psychologically." (Bundy,1989 i n Polley,1989) BLACK SCHOOLING AND VIOLENCE Schooling f o r black c h i l d r e n i n South A f r i c a has been permeated by violence. In 1976 the Soweto r i o t s broke out. 20 Using the schools as the point of p o l i t i c a l mobilization, students from eight to 18, protested not only the obvious inadequacies and i n e q u a l i t i e s of the system but against the order as a whole. They perceived that educational reform could not take place without a r a d i c a l transformation of the en t i r e s o c i a l and p o l i t i c a l structure of society. (Nasson, 1986; Christie,1991; Coutts,1992; Adam & Moodley,1993). "The moment the education system itself„becomes the major source of conformity and an obstacle to change, i t becomes a collaborator i n e x p l o i t a t i o n and repression."(van Zyl Slabbert,1989.) From 1976 u n t i l the announcement of the b i r t h of a "new' South A f r i c a by President de Klerk i n 1990, black schooling was v i r t u a l l y paralyzed by school boycotts, stayaways, the destruction of school f a c i l i t i e s , attacks on school administration and the presence of the m i l i t a r y . (Unterhalter et a l , 1991.) This has resulted i n almost an entire generation of black chi l d r e n being deschooled or i n e f f e c t i v e l y schooled. "Resistance to the government's Bantu Education was intended to promote education for l i b e r a t i o n , but was subverted into l i b e r a t i o n before education. Schools were proclaimed " s i t e s of struggle." (Adam & Moodley, 1993:163) Matriculation pass rates i n 1991 were 39% for black students i n contrast to 95% i n other communities. The implications of t h i s massive f a i l u r e rate are that i t w i l l aggravate youthful rage, i n c i t e r a c i a l envy and worsen South A f r i c a ' s desperate shortage of skills.(Adam & Moodley, 1993.) 21 A draft of the ANC's p o l i c y on education (1992:2). describes the present deep-rooted c r i s i s i n education r e s u l t i n g from apartheid p o l i c i e s . "In the struggle against Bantu education, thousands of school children l o s t t h e i r l i v e s , many more staying away from school for long periods, engaged i n b a t t l e s with the p o l i c e and army. This has l e d to the gradual but d e f i n i t e erosion of the need to learn. Thus a whole generation of our youth has grown up b e l i e v i n g that education and learning have no value." The increasing concern over students' lack of accountability, d e t e r i o r a t i n g student-teacher r e l a t i o n s h i p s , and absence of a "culture of education', resulted i n the founding of the National Education C r i s i s Committee. One of the objectives of the NECC was to restore a desire f o r learning i n the students i n order to prepare them f o r p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n a democratic society. However the repression of the NECC a f t e r 1986 seriously diluted'the c l e a r a r t i c u l a t i o n of a "people's education f o r people's power.' (Unterhalter, Wolpe et al,1991). With the move towards a democracy i n the "90s, the school c o n f l i c t subsided throughout the country except i n Natal where i t emerged as a b i t t e r confrontation between the UDF/COSATU forces and Zulu chief Buthelezi's Inkatha Party. Nzimande (1993) maintains that almost no black areas or communities i n Natal were unaffected by the violence. 22 'Li f e for ent i r e communities has been characterized by endless k i l l i n g s , burnings, kidnappings, disappearances, displacements, detentions and shootings." (Nzimande,1993.) Thus schooling for these childr e n has taken place i n an atmosphere of fear, h o s t i l i t y and suspicion. Teachers were i n a precarious p o s i t i o n as they were compelled to belong to NATU, a f f i l i a t e d to Inkatha and were expected to teach an Inkatha syllabus. This brought them on a c o l l i s i o n course with many students who supported the mounting mass democratic movements of the time. (Gultig and Hart, 1991; Nzimande 1993.) The e f f e c t s of t h i s l i f e s t y l e on c h i l d r e n i s l i k e l y to be f e l t for years to come and has serious implications for the development of an a l t e r n a t i v e pedagogy. It i s also l i k e l y to cause d i v i s i o n s between those black students who remained i n school during t h i s period and those who were deschooled. EDUCATIONAL REFORMS AND THEIR IMPLICATIONS The disarray i n black education, together with desperate need for s k i l l e d labour and the general p o l i t i c a l i n s t a b i l i t y throughout the country, l e d to attempted reforms i n the y 1980s. As a r e s u l t of the De Lange Commission, 1981 and the government's response i n i t s White Paper, 1983, the budget for black education rose 600%, while per c a p i t a expenditure rose from R42 to R192. (Nasson, 1986). R a c i a l l y segregated education departments were amalgamated under a 23 singl e new ministry with a r a c i a l l y mixed advisory c o u n c i l . Teachers s a l a r i e s were equalized. Curriculum changes included teaching an A f r i c a n language i n white schools and a l l o c a t i n g ethnic groups t h e i r "own' history which i d e a l i z e d h i s t o r i c a l black heroic figures and emphasized t h e i r p o s i t i v e contribution to white South A f r i c a . (Nasson, 1986; Hofmeyer & Buckland, 1991; Engelbrecht,in McGregor,1991; Coutts, 1992) Many c r i t i c s (Nasson,1986; Lemon,1987; Unterhalter et al,1991.)claimed that while these reforms served middle- c l a s s blacks, they did l i t t l e to ameliorate the educational disadvantage of childr e n from impoverished backgrounds. "This gradual equalization of educational opportunity serves more to protect white hegemony and attempts to incorporate middle-class blacks into positions of p r i v i l e g e c l o s e r to that of whites." (Lemon,1987.) Discrepancies between white and black education s t i l l remained vast. Despite compulsory education, 27,000 black school-aged children had not been placed i n schools, according to a 1991 NECC survey. F i f t y per cent of black teachers were s t i l l inadequately q u a l i f i e d ; there was a lack of remedial and ESL s p e c i a l i s t teachers; 50% of black students and 80% of white students obtained school-leaving passes. (Driver % O'Riordan, 1992) This period saw massive investment i n t e c h n i c a l and vocational schools by private enterprise i n order to ease the c r i t i c a l manpower shortage. However, c r i t i c s (Nasson, 24 1986; Swainson,in Unterhalter, 1991) saw i t as d i f f e r e n t i a t i n g c h i l d r e n at the school s i t e i n preparation for t h e i r roles i n the c a p i t a l i s t economy. "In practise, while middle-class c h i l d r e n w i l l monopolize access to formal secondary schooling, i t w i l l be working c l a s s , overwhelmingly black children who f i n d themselves being shunted in t o narrow, non-formal work t r a i n i n g , heavily financed by private c a p i t a l . " (Nasson, 1986) C r i t i c s (Nasson,1986; Lemon,1987; Unterhalter, Wplpe et a.1,1991; C h r i s t i e , 1992 ; Pampallis, 1993. ) claim that the educational reforms of the '80s f a i l e d on two fronts. Unless the h i s t o r i c disadvantages of black c h i l d r e n are addressed by massive r e d i s t r i b u t i o n of wealth and p r i v i l e g e , "equal schooling for a l l ' becomes simply r h e t o r i c . "The utmost emphasis i s not simply on more "equal' or "better' schooling but i n the q u a l i t a t i v e construction of an education for a more democratic culture." (Nasson,1986.) The aim of co-opting a black middle-class which would have a greater stake i n maintaining the status quo instead increased black awareness of i n j u s t i c e and ine q u a l i t y and led to further resistance and d i s s a t i s f a c t i o n accompanied by mounting violence and state repression u n t i l the end of the decade. Nevertheless, when r e a l reforms occurred i n the '90s culminating i n the free elections of 1994, i t was these middle-class blacks who stood poised to f i r s t access the p o l i t i c a l power structure of the "new* South A f r i c a and to share i n her economic resources. 25 THE DEVELOPMENT OF "OPEN' SCHOOLS While the reforms i n the early '80s resu l t e d i n minor changes, they did not include the abandonment of r a c i a l l y d i f f e r e n t i a t e d schooling. Nevertheless, white church and other private schools decided to challenge educational segregation and admit students of a l l races to t h e i r schools i n 1976. For the next decade the "open school movement' was p o l i t i c a l l y c o n t r o v e r s i a l . On the one hand the government remained committed to segregated schooling throughout t h i s period, open schools being the exception to state p o l i c y , rather than a changing trend within i t . On the other hand, open schools were ambiguously regarded by the p o l i t i c a l l e f t . While many p o l i t i c a l a c t i v i s t s , including members of the education movement, sent t h e i r c h i l d r e n to open schools, the schools were c r i t i c i z e d for being economically and s o c i a l l y e l i t i s t , being i r r e l e v a n t to the broader struggle for non-racial democratic education, and for i s o l a t i n g black students from t h e i r communities and the p o l i t i c a l struggle. (Christie, 1 9 9 2 ; Gaganakis,1992 i n Freer,1992; Pampallis, 1992; Freer,1992) A f t e r ten years of ambiguous l e g a l status and intense negotiation with the government, open schools f i n a l l y won l e g a l recognition and state subsidies i n 1986. However, high fees and stringent admission requirements meant that 26 only black pupils who were " s o c i a l l y and academically acceptable' were admitted. Research ( C h r i s t i e , 1990; Coutts, 1992; Freer,1992; Gaganakis,in Freer,1992; Frederikse, 1992.) has shown that while r a c i a l mixing at these schools has been unproblematic, the acceptance of black students seems premised on the degree to which they approximate the white norm. Moreover, white students had no c l e a r idea of the c o n t r a d i c t i o n between t h e i r school experience and the i n e q u i t i e s of the p o l i t i c a l system. They were unable to grasp that educational reform could only be meaningful i n the context of major s o c i o p o l i t i c a l reforms, from the basic r i g h t of universal suffrage to a r e a l l o c a t i o n of resources and p r i v i l e g e s . While black students d i f f e r e d s i g n i f i c a n t l y from t h e i r white colleagues i n t h e i r opposition to apartheid, they also d i f f e r e d considerably from t h e i r black township peers. These schoolchildren were often engaged i n overt p o l i t i c a l action -school boycotts, protests, v i o l e n t battles with the police and army - during t h i s period. Researchers ( C h r i s t i e , Gaganakis i n Freer, Pampallis, Frederikse et a l , 1992) describe the a l i e n a t i o n of middle-class black students from t h e i r lower-class brethren i n the townships as one of the most negative consequences of private school desegregation. They contend that there was an assumption i n these open schools that white education was the norm which black c h i l d r e n were expected to match. This was expressed i n s t a f f i n g practices, sporting and other e x t r a - c u r r i c u l a r a c t i v i t i e s , a s well as i n the c u l t u r a l l y and l i n g u i s t i c a l l y - biased admission t e s t s . Few schools had made any c u r r i c u l a r changes, the assumption being that black students would automatically be assimilated into e x i s t i n g school p r a c t i s e s . In addition, the schools were often located i n communities that were unsupportive of, or even h o s t i l e to, s o c i a l change. Black students had also absorbed the pervading credo of these schools which was an abiding f a i t h i n the meritocracy: education alone was capable of bringing about s o c i a l change, the underlying assumption being that a l l c h i l d r e n enter the competition for places on more or less equal terms. The poor must simply "work harder" to improve t h e i r l o t . (Gaganakis, i n Freer,1992:90) While these students defined themselves as "black' (and hence a part of the subordinate majority), and recognized the p o l i t i c a l and educational c r i s i s i n black schools, they d i d not generally mobilize for any p o l i t i c a l purpose. Rather they aspired to become part of the white e l i t e , d e s i r i n g the same kinds of c i v i l and s o c i a l p r i v i l e g e s as those held by whites.(Christie, Frederikse, Pampallis, Gaganakis, i n Freer, et a l , 1992) "They not only an t i c i p a t e sharing an economic l o c a t i o n with whites i n the future, but also hope to be " r i c h ' , "successful", or "to l i v e i n a white suburb'." (Gaganakis, i n Freer,1992:84)., 28 These findings support Adam & Moodley's (1993)contention that the struggle i n South A f r i c a i s not so much over "race' as access to "power and p r i v i l e g e ' . Frederikse (1992) described the same trend i n desegregated Zimbabwean schools during the f i r s t decade af t e r independence. Many black middle-class students expressed a strong desire to a n g l i c i z e , which they themselves interpreted as an awareness of c l a s s . This would seem to be a contradiction of McCarthy (1990) and Cummins' (1987, 1988, 1992) analysis of the dynamics of r a c i a l i n t e r a c t i o n . In t h e i r view, the power rela t i o n s of the larger society are reproduced i n the school environment. Yet i n post-independent Zimbabwe, blacks hold p o l i t i c a l power and white students have become the minority i n most suburban state schools. Nzimande and Pampallis (in Frederikse,1992) however, contend i t i s a t h i n l y disguised form of racism, reproducing the c u l t u r a l subjugation of black students during the c o l o n i a l era. As the black students move towards " e l i t e ' status, they increasingly alienate themselves from t h e i r township peers. Researchers ( C h r i s t i e , Frederikse, Gaganakis, i n Freer, et a l , 1992) have revealed an alarming degree of prejudice against the lower-class black students by both t h e i r black. and white colleagues. This was expressed through name- c a l l i n g , derogatory stereotypes and s o c i a l avoidance. 29 Language provided an e f f e c t i v e means by which black students i s o l a t e d themselves from t h e i r l o c a l communities. "English i s perceived as the language of education and of the upwardly mobile. The public use of fluent English ensures t h e i r immediate v i s i b i l i t y as a high status group and to signal s o c i a l distance between themselves and t h e i r peers i n state schools." (Gaganakis, i n Freer,1992:87 ) Gaganakis et a l (1992), also report that white students perceive the middle-class black students as being "white- black' . "More than simply a r a c i a l s l u r , i t implies access to credentials and power, p a r t i c u l a r access to the kind of empowering structures a private school education ensures, while the wider black majority remains disempowered i n terms of educational opportunity and p o l i t i c a l access." (Gaganakis, i n Freer,1992:89) However, i n the eyes of t h e i r peers i n the black state schools, they have l o s t t h e i r legitimacy; they are considered " s e l l o u t s ' or " t r a i t o r s ' , leading ostensibly normal school l i v e s while the rest of black education remains i n turmoil. Black private school p u p i l s reported various forms of intimidation by t h e i r township peers, often being forced to absent themselves from school during boycotts, change out of school uniform before a r r i v i n g home and avoiding speaking English i n order to "conceal a f f i l i a t i o n . * C h r i s t i e (1990,) points out that, given the constraints of apartheid within which these schools operated at the time, one should not underestimate t h e i r r o l e as pathbreakers, paving the way for the i n t e g r a t i o n of white 30 state schools four years l a t e r . Nevertheless, most researchers ( C h r i s t i e , 1991; Gaganakis, 1992; Pampallis, 1992) concur that these schools were f a i l i n g to a l l e v i a t e the d i f f e r e n t power r e l a t i o n s , both economic and p o l i t i c a l , which form part of the f a b r i c of South A f r i c a n society. On the contrary, they probably served to entrench present s o c i a l and p o l i t i c a l structures rather than provide the i n s t i t u t i o n a l basis for a democratic and non-racial educational system. THE ANC'S POLICY ON EDUCATION As f a r back as 1949, black i n t e l l e c t u a l s have a r t i c u l a t e d what Africans want from education: " We want integration i n t o the democratic structure and i n s t i t u t i o n s of the country. The most e f f e c t i v e way of achieving t h i s i s by education - an education e s s e n t i a l l y i n no way d i f f e r e n t or i n f e r i o r to that of other sections of the community." (D.G.S. Mtimkulu,1949 i n Kallaway,1991) The ANC p o l i c y on education (1992) indicates that t h e i r education system w i l l be guided by "the goals of democracy, equality, l i b e r t y and j u s t i c e within a non-racial, non-sexist framework, providing equal opportunity and the redress of imbalances." I t proposes free and compulsory education f o r a l l for a minimum of 10 years. This w i l l be based on equalizing the per capita expenditure between black and white students within a framework which ensures that resources are r e d i s t r i b u t e d to the most disadvantaged sectors of society. 31 The ANC believes there should be a national core curriculum which allows for c u l t u r a l and regional differences, and which provides.a general education based on integrating academic and vocational s k i l l s . The l a t t e r i s i n response to the trend i n South Africans schools which tracks students at a young age into d i f f e r e n t educational streams, leading to d i f f e r e n t educational paths. This ensures that access to higher-level occupations remain the domain of the wealthy and predominantly white sections of the population. Commenting on the ANC's po l i c y regarding education, McGurk (in Polley,1989) states: "A t o t a l transformation of the p o l i t i c a l and socio- economic i n f r a s t r u c t u r e i s necessary for the implementation of the educational p o l i c i e s . This would take the form of demographic development, adequate land a l l o c a t i o n and services, compensatory and c u l t u r a l enrichment programs i n order to address disadvantage, deprivation and c u l t u r a l d i s l o c a t i o n . " 32 Chapter III LITERATURE REVIEW AN OVERVIEW OF DESEGREGATION THEORY It has been almost 40 years since A l l p o r t (1954: c i t e d i n Schofield,1982) contended that contact between two previously h o s t i l e groups per se may do l i t t l e or nothing to improve r e l a t i o n s between them. Indeed, such contact may exacerbate pre-existing tensions and prejudice. L i t e r a t u r e on desegregation since that time has co n s i s t e n t l y concurred. Researchers ( Pettigrew, 1969; Cook, 1975; Amir 1976; c i t e d i n Schofield,1982), have argued that the s p e c i f i c nature of the contact s i t u a t i o n i s c r u c i a l i n the determination of the ef f e c t s of contact on intergroup r e l a t i o n s . Hawley, et a l (1983), conclude that i n t e r r a c i a l i nteractions are not an automatic outcome of school desegregation but must be promoted through s p e c i f i c programs and a c t i v i t i e s i n the school. , Pettigrew (in Schofield,1982) distinguishes between "mere mixing of students" which he c a l l s "desegregation" and "integration" which he,regards as mixing under circumstances that are conducive to p o s i t i v e outcomes. These conditions, delineated by A l l p o r t ( i n Schofield,1982) are: - equal status for both groups i n the contact s i t u a t i o n - a co-operative rather than competitive atmosphere 33 - the support of the relevant a u t h o r i t i e s This perspective remains the basic o r i e n t i n g framework used by most desegregation theor i s t s today. Equal status Scholars disagree, however, oyer what constitutes "equal status'. A l l p o r t (1954,cited i n Schofield,1982) contends that i t means equal access to educational opportunities while Pettigrew (1969, c i t e d i n Schofield, 1982) states that i t means equal status and power within the contact s i t u a t i o n . Pettigrew maintains that desegregation t y p i c a l l y involves sending black children to previously a l l - white schools. This immediately puts black c h i l d r e n at a. disadvantage because they are outsiders i n the community and newcomers i n an already established school system. Armor (1972) and St.John(1975) (cited i n Hawley, 1983) believe that i n e q u a l i t i e s due to d i f f e r e n t socio-economic status and academic performance are l i k e l y to create serious problems. Schofield(1982) points out that school songs, cheers, and mascots can be r a c i a l l y i n s u l t i n g . She also explains how schools, even with a proportionate r a c i a l mix, can become resegregated through the sorting of students i n t o s p e c i f i c classes or homogeneous a b i l i t y groups within classrooms. For a v a r i e t y of reasons, such as the c u l t u r a l bias of placement t e s t s , lack of a p o s i t i v e self-concept or socio-economic 34 background, or low teacher expectations, blacks are disproportionately represented i n the l e s s advanced classes and groupings . (Schof i e l d , 1982 ; Troyna, 199.1) . McCarthy (1990) explains how the need to counteract t h i s imbalance and e s t a b l i s h a s i t u a t i o n of more equality within the schools, led to various compensatory and remedial programs, such as Operation Head Start i n the 1960s. These measures were large l y designed to make up f o r the s o c i o - c u l t u r a l d e f i c i t s that were presumed to be causing black underachievement by " r e s o c i a l i z i n g blacks to develop those s k i l l s e s s e n t i a l for success i n the public schools." He maintains that despite some gains from these programs, t h e i r i n a b i l i t y to reverse black underachievement s i g n i f i c a n t l y , i s predicated on mainstream educators unintentionally "blaming the victim' f o r being " c u l t u r a l l y deprived'. Hence the necessity for programs that help minority students "catch up' to the whites. He sees these programs as e s s e n t i a l l y a s s i m i l a t i o n i s t . They focus on enabling black students to access the "hidden curriculum' thereby,allowing them to acquire the " c u l t u r a l c a p i t a l ' necessary to integrate i n t o white society. While these programs brought success to some middle- c l a s s blacks, the vast mass of lower-class blacks were untouched by them. (Ogbu,1978). A danger of compensatory programs was that placement decisions are made early, become entrenched and s e l f - f u l f i l l i n g prophecies. 35 McCarthy (1990) concludes that the reason these programs f a i l e d to improve the school performance of disadvantaged students was that they did nothing to overturn t h e i r unequal status. On the contrary, unequal status was s o l i d i f i e d , with whites tending to dominate i n t e r r a c i a l interactions.(Schofield,1982). Attempts to remedy t h i s imbalance i n the hope that i t would lead to better race r e l a t i o n s and school performance, found expression i n m u l t i c u l t u r a l and a n t i - r a c i s t education theories. Tomlinson (1989) observed that many immigrant parents had come to B r i t a i n with expectations that t h e i r c h i l d r e n would acquire, through educational q u a l i f i c a t i o n s , s o c i a l and occupational mobility. They did not wish to see t h e i r c h i l d r e n as a part of a permanently disadvantaged minority. This expectation could equally apply to immigrant parents i n Canada and the United States. Moreover, there was a worldwide debate through the '70s about the merits of assimil a t i o n versus p l u r a l i s t i c co-existence i n a l l s o c i e t i e s that had absorbed immigrant minority groups. (Tomlinson,1989). Within the education systems of these countries, there was a growing awareness that teaching i n a mu l t i c u l t u r a l society necessitated i n s t i l l i n g tolerance of other races, r e l i g i o n s and ways of l i f e . (Tomlinson,1989). In most major western English-speaking nations, t h i s philosophy evolved i n t o m u l t i c u l t u r a l education (MCE). The 36 essence of MCE i s the v a l i d a t i o n of the black and other minority students' own culture, with the objective of promoting harmonious group r e l a t i o n s and increasing achievement.(Verma&Bagley,1982; Craft,1984; Skutnabb- Kangas,1988; Cummins,1988; Tomlinson,1989; Esling,1990) E x p l i c i t reform strategies included changing the curriculum i n order to emphasize d i v e r s i t y and ethnic studies. Increasing minority representation on the teaching and administrative s t a f f and student committees, was also promoted as well as the need for pre-service and in-service teacher t r a i n i n g for education i n a m u l t i r a c i a l society. Hawley, Crain et a l (1983), c i t e numerous studies (Slavin, 1979; Doherty, 1981; etc.) which stress the importance of the l i n k between multi-ethnic c u r r i c u l a and p o s i t i v e race r e l a t i o n s . They add that c u r r i c u l a changes should not be confined to textbooks but should be r e f l e c t e d i n many aspects of the school- wall displays, l i b r a r y , use of minority community i n the classroom, recognition of other cultures' s i g n i f i c a n t dates and leaders. They suggest that such programs begin i n kindergarten because attitudes to race may be s i g n i f i c a n t l y shaped by the age of 10. In a research project on teachers' responses to m u l t i c u l t u r a l and a n t i - r a c i s t education, Solomon (1994)cites the p o s i t i v e e f f e c t m u l t i c u l t u r a l content can have on student performance. 37 "I have an East Indian boy i n my cl a s s . . . . A f t e r we celebrated Diwali, he just took o f f . Absolutely l i k e night and day. He's now part of the school. He started to learn, he started to read, he started to be involved i n math, p a r t i c i p a t i n g . " (Solomon,1994:23) Another teacher's response reinforced t h i s view: "I have a Metis i n my c l a s s . . . . He's got so much prestige out of (talking about) a l l the things he does over the summer with his Dad who's a f u l l - b l o o d Algonquin. He's never been able to t a l k about i t before...His mother's so happy to see his improvement at school." (Solomon,1994:29) Jim Cummins (1987,1988,1992) and McCarthy (1990) stress the importance of the s o c i a l context i n understanding the dynamics of race r e l a t i o n s . They argue that reforms that do take into account the p o l i t i c a l and economic structures of society are bound to be inadequate. This i s because the school r e f l e c t s the unequal power rel a t i o n s that ex i s t between the dominant group and marginalized minorities i n the society. According to Cummins(1988), m u l t i c u l t u r a l education has not, to date, given r i s e to dramatic changes i n the classroom, where conformity to the anglo-hegemony i s s t i l l the norm. This cannot be overcome u n t i l education, government and policy-makers acknowledge the existence of i n s t i t u t i o n a l racism within the school system and a c t i v e l y seek to redress t h i s through e x p l i c i t a n t i - r a c i s t education. This should empower disadvantaged students to challenge s o c i e t a l power structures and the p r i o r i t i e s of the dominant group. To achieve t h i s , he advocates the incorporation of minority students' language and/or culture into the core 38 curriculum. The disadvantaged community should be encouraged to collaborate with the teachers i n the classroom a c t i v i t i e s . Students should be given more control i n setting t h e i r own goals and achieving them through meaningful in t e r a c t i o n s which promote c r i t i c a l thinking and independence. McCarthy (1990) proposes the inversion of the dominant anglo-hegemony by, among other strategies, giving black and other disadvantaged students f i r s t access to resources and teacher time. He recommends mainstreaming the history of the oppressed i n the "core' curriculum, rather than relegating i t to "ethnic studies' courses. The history should then be link e d to the struggles and experiences of the disadvantaged i n society. S i m i l a r l y , Moodley (1983) argues that m u l t i c u l t u r a l education as i t was envisioned i n the '70s has become i n e f f e c t u a l and meaningless i n the '90s, masking the r e a l inequality of power and anglo-franco-ethnocentrism s t i l l endemic i n Canadian society. Echoing Troyna's c r i t i c i s m of the Three S's approach to m u l t i c u l t u r a l education, "Saris,Samosas and Steel bands," (Troyna and Williams, 1986:24), Moodley states: "As long as c u l t u r a l persistence i s confined to food, clothes, dance and music,...it proves no threat, but on the contrary t r i v i a l i z e s , neutralizes and absorbs s o c i a l and economic i n e q u a l i t i e s . " (Moodley,1983:326) 39 She advocates replacing the idea of a "mainstream' culture with a common Canadian culture that has learned and i n t e r n a l i z e d other ways of l i f e . A cculturation would then imply s o c i a l i z a t i o n into a m u l t i c u l t u r a l society, members of which would be capable of operating with global perspectives i n a global economy. The trend towards e x p l i c i t a n t i - r a c i s t education (ARE) p o l i c i e s represented, according to Troyna & Williams (1986), a benign form of r a c i a l i z a t i o n i n that the p o l i c i e s r e f l e c t e d a growing awareness of, and indignation at, r a c i a l i n j u s t i c e . Thomas ( 1984) and, Brandt (1986) (cited i n Solomon,1994) outline four objectives of a n t i - r a c i s t education: - to explore the underlying causes of racism and i t s t i e s to practices and history that support stereotypes and prejudices by c r i t i c a l examination of the accuracy and sources of misinformation about difference - to o f f e r an approach to culture that i s dynamic not s t a t i c - to support the e f f e c t i v e transmission of "school knowledge' together with the l i v e d experiences of c h i l d r e n and t h e i r f amilies - to l i n k the ongoing and d a i l y struggles of people against r a c i s t a c t i v i t i e s on the l o c a l and global l e v e l . Reactions to the implementation and effectiveness of a n t i - r a c i s t education have been mixed. Reasons for 40 resistance to these p o l i c i e s range from "too p o l i t i c a l , confrontational, accusatory and guilt-inducing" (Troyna, 1991); reverse racism (Thomas,1986; Obiakor,1992, c i t e d i n Solomon, 1994),to more p r a c t i c a l concerns that the p o l i c i e s are too vague and imprecise,lack structure and uniformity (Singh,1988; Foster,1990;cited i n Solomon,1994.) Some educators interpret ARE as a t o o l for dealing with overt acts of r a c i a l c o n f l i c t rather than a means of understanding s o c i a l injustice.(Solomon,1994) In the U.K. and Canada, studies report that instructors have concerns about f u l f i l l i n g t h e i r c u r r i c u l a r obligations towards exam preparation. (Manchester LEA,1989 c i t e d i n Solomon,1994). Solomon (1994) states that the most overt resistance to MCE/ARE i s the b e l i e f that assimilation i s the true purpose of schools and the appropriate destiny for school c l i e n t e l e . "The denial and reluctance to name the problem of racism and thus the need for an a n t i - r a c i s t pedagogy remains a most tenacious obstacle." Solomon (1994) argues that i n s t i t u t i o n a l forms of racism, ethnocentrism and monoculturalism are r a r e l y perceived by teachers as domains to be challenged and transformed. For them, schools function as meritocratic i n s t i t u t i o n s where i n d i v i d u a l success or f a i l u r e i s a r e s u l t of potential and e f f o r t . This emphasizes the need, according to Solomon, for the implementation of ARE because i t i s only 41 through these p o l i c i e s that racism and power d i f f e r e n t i a l s w i l l be contested. The resistance to MCE/ARE by teachers does not indicate that these p o l i c i e s are inappropriate but rather that educators need to transform t h e i r practice.(Solomon,1994) Therefore, f a c u l t i e s of education need to develop i n teachers a " c r i t i c a l l i t e r a c y * (Wood, 1985 c i t e d i n Solomon,1994) i n order for them to recognize and c r i t i c i z e p o l i t i c a l and economic structures that oppress marginalized groups.(Solomon, 1994) Only then w i l l they i n turn be able, to teach students so they can debate and learn the s k i l l s necessary to l i v e i n a " c r i t i c a l democracy". (Giroux, 1988:201 c i t e d i n Solomon) A n t i - r a c i s t education implies fundamental s o c i a l change, and can only be enacted i f participants have an adequate understanding of how society works.(Solomon, 1994) Cooperation versus Competition Research indicates that d i f f e r e n t pedagogical strategies w i l l r e s u l t i n d i f f e r e n t degrees of i n t e r r a c i a l communication.(Schofield,1982;Hawley et al,1983;Slavin,1987) According to Schofield, competition reinforces tensions and produces d i s l i k e and negative reactions to one's competitors. Cooperative classroom a c t i v i t i e s , on the other hand, r e s u l t i n greater t r u s t and increased communication and greater f e e l i n g s of s i m i l a r i t y . Research on cooperative 42 learning by S l a v i n ('1987) indicates that cooperative learning not only improves race r e l a t i o n s , but leads to improvement of performance by slower students, without impeding that of the advanced learners. He found that teachers who taught i n a more t r a d i t i o n a l way, i n a teacher-fronted, lecture, question format, or those who organized groups homogeneously, according to a b i l i t y , tended to have a poor i n t e r r a c i a l atmosphere i n the c l a s s . Their classes had well-defined segregated groups, with l i t t l e motivation f o r slow learners. This s i t u a t i o n highlighted academic differences, created unequal status, and confirmed r a c i a l stereotypes. Heterogeneous groupings, on the other hand, with the teacher acting as a resource, f a c i l i t a t o r or guide, promoted relaxed, f r i e n d l y and r e l a t i v e l y equal status i n t e r a c t i o n s . This also f a c i l i t a t e d learning and decreased boredom and f r u s t r a t i o n . These findings have been corroborated by other t h e o r i s t s . (Schofield,1982; Hawley, Crain et al,1983; McGroarty,1992). Hawley, Crain, Schofield et a l suggest other strategies to promote f r i e n d l y , equal-status contact among students, more conducive to a better learning environment for disadvantaged groups. They recommend smaller schools, or d i v i d i n g larger schools into units, houses or c l u s t e r s ^ t o f a c i l i t a t e i n t e r a c t i o n s i n . s i t u a t i o n s where students know 43 each other. They maintain i t also makes minority parents more comfortable. In addition, i t helps maintain order and d i s c i p l i n e , the biggest problem i n desegregated schools, t h e i r studies have found, according to parents. S i m i l a r l y , classes should be smaller, enabling teachers to attend to in d i v i d u a l needs more e a s i l y and decreasing the necessity for homogeneous a b i l i t y groupings. Support by Relevant Authorities Parental and Community Involvement Evidence shows (Slavin,1979; Crain,1981; Schofield,1982) that the effectiveness of school desegregation depends, to a large extent, on the preparation and involvement of the community before implementation. Hawley (1983) states that many parents fear the perceived loss of control over t h e i r children's l i v e s that they think desegregation brings. C i t i z e n p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n the planning process helps a l l a y these fears and ultimately r e s u l t s i n a greater commitment to s o c i a l change. These researchers also assert that parental p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n classrooms and schools, also f a c i l i t a t e s desegregation. Minority parents, i n p a r t i c u l a r , should be encouraged to a s s i s t i n school a c t i v i t i e s and functions, attend school sporting or c u l t u r a l events and become resource persons and role models. According to the researchers, the benefits are manifold - more i n t e r r a c i a l contact, improved self-esteem for black students, 44 compensation for s t a f f shortages and an enriched multi- ethnic curriculum. Teachers and Teacher-Training Evidence shows that teachers are c r u c i a l i n successful in t e g r a t i o n conditions, by, among other things, modelling the desired behavior and atti t u d e s , which strongly influence the students' behavior and att i t u d e s . Rist,(1979)(cited i n Schofield,1982) describes the " s e l f - f u l f i l l i n g prophecy' phenomenon. Teachers' expectations are powerful determinants of children's performance. They can set o f f a chain of events which st a r t s with t h e i r negative view of some black c h i l d r e n . This i n turn leads them to teach i n an unstimulating fashion, which r e s u l t s i n the student f a l l i n g behind, causing the student to react negatively to his/her f a i l u r e . Consequently, the teacher reacts negatively to the student's behavior. Hawley,Crain, et a l , (1983) argue that teachers are not prepared personally or p r o f e s s i o n a l l y for teaching students from diverse backgrounds. They recommend that a l l teachers are given professional t r a i n i n g for t h i s r o l e . Schofield (1982) i s c r i t i c a l of the " c o l o r - b l i n d ' perspective that many teachers and administrators adhere to. Many teachers consider i t inappropriate and i r r e l e v a n t to r a i s e the issue of race i n a desegregated s e t t i n g . Schofield argues that t h i s i s inherently a s s i m i l a t i o n i s t i n nature because i t i s based on the b e l i e f that integration i s achieved when groups 45 can no longer be d i f f e r e n t i a t e d i n terms of behavior, socio- economic status or education. She maintains the acknowledgement of differences and the c a r e f u l analysis of the underlying r a c i a l tensions can better meet the needs of a l l the students. She recommends administrators motivate s t a f f to adopt new practices, and provide them with the t r a i n i n g and resources necessary to e f f e c t i v e l y implement desired changes. Hawley (1983) found that addressing r a c i a l issues was more e f f e c t i v e i f i t was not i d e n t i f i e d as d i s t i n c t but was well-integrated as a normal part of the curriculum, and i n s t r u c t i o n a l practices. Slavin (1987) advocated the involvement of students themselves i n the choice of r a c i a l l y s i g n i f i c a n t issues. Hawley, Crain, et a l , (1983) provide e x p l i c i t suggestions for in-service teacher-training to enable them to cope with a c u l t u r a l l y and r a c i a l l y diverse c l a s s . The goals of such t r a i n i n g should be to promote student achievement, improve classroom management and d i s c i p l i n e , encourage po s i t i v e race r e l a t i o n s and teach relevant c u r r i c u l a . Training should be on a continuous basis, p r a c t i c a l , p a r t i c i p a t o r y and for immediate a p p l i c a t i o n . In- cl a s s evaluations should be done p e r i o d i c a l l y to determine whether the i n s t r u c t o r has successfully applied the hew knowledge. The authors warn against overtly attempting to change teachers' attitudes. They believe t h i s should be a 46 more gradual, long-term goal, a r i s i n g out of success with new strategies and subsequent changed behavior within the classrooms. The researchers describe f i v e areas of focus to help teachers create a more e f f e c t i v e m u l t i c u l t u r a l c l a s s : Training should provide p r a c t i c a l options to outmoded i n s t r u c t i o n a l techniques. This would include the use of al t e r n a t i v e assessment procedures to reduce re l i a n c e on c u l t u r a l l y - b i a s e d standardized i n t e l l i g e n c e t e s t s . Students with l i m i t e d English p r o f i c i e n c y should be tested i n t h e i r mother-tongue. It would also include t r a i n i n g teachers i n e f f e c t i v e use of co-operative learning strategies. Teachers should also be trained i n teaching a new, more relevant curriculum from a m u l t i c u l t u r a l perspective, and- examining the ethnocentrism i n t h e i r own attitudes and within textbooks. Rist (1979 c i t e d i n Schofield,1982) points out that childr e n are taught racism through the biased teaching of t r a d i t i o n a l h i s t o r y which i s presented as "objective' h i s t o r y . Because research (Schofield, c i t e d i n Hawley,1983) has shown the importance of co l l a b o r a t i o n with parents, teachers need to be trained i n how to r e l a t e to c u l t u r a l l y d i f f e r e n t parents. Teachers need to understand differences i n behavior and values, and be s e n s i t i v e towards power and status d i f f e r e n t i a l s . Teachers also need to be given s p e c i f i c 47 advice on how best to u t i l i z e parents i n the classrooms and schools. Different expectations and standards of behaviour have sometimes resulted i n confusion and h o s t i l i t y i n desegregated schools. This has led to an overrepresentation of black students with behavioral problems. (Schofield, 1982;Hawley,1983) explain that t h i s could be due to the greater number of black students moving to white schools. Consequently, the onus i s on them to make the appropriate c u l t u r a l and behavioral adjustments. Hawley believes teachers need to be given a l t e r n a t i v e s to the t r a d i t i o n a l punitive methods which have often led to further segregation and reinforcement of negative stereotypes. Hawley c i t e s evidence (King,1980; Carney & Hyman,1979) that the use of new i n s t r u c t i o n a l methods, a more relevant curriculum, as well as a more p o s i t i v e teacher a t t i t u d e and behavior, creates a more p o s i t i v e classroom environment. This i n turn reduces h o s t i l i t y , improves students' s e l f - confidence and consequently lowers the incidence of disruptive behavior. \ The researchers advise s i m i l a r t r a i n i n g f o r administrators. The emphasis should be on engendering a commitment to educational change and supporting teachers who must deal with the i n e v i t a b l e stress of a dynamically new classroom environment. 48 H o l i s t i c Approach Banks (1986) condemns s i n g l e - f a c t o r attempts to solve complex problems. He contends that the experience of major western nations since the l a t e '60s has shown that the academic achievement problems of ethnic minority students are too complex to be solved by s i n g l e strategies. He believes that programs which address c u l t u r a l deprivation, ethnic additives to c u r r i c u l a , b i l i n g u a l i s m or a n t i - r a c i s t education, are inadequate when applied i n i s o l a t i o n . However, he does acknowledge t h e i r r o l e i n s e n s i t i z i n g v - " educators, to the needs of deprived students and creating awareness of some l i m i t a t i o n s of formal schooling. He favours a h o l i s t i c approach. He contends that the t o t a l school environment must be reformed, with recognition of both the dominant culture and subcultures. He believes a process of acculturation i s desirable, during which sub- cultures become modified, while accommodation to the separate i d e n t i t i e s are maintained. "Ethnic minority students can assimilate e s s e n t i a l aspects of the mainstream culture without surrendering the most important aspects of t h e i r f i r s t culture or becoming alienated from i t . The school should help students to develop knowledge, s k i l l s and attitudes needed to function e f f e c t i v e l y i n t h e i r community culture, i n the mainstream national culture, and within and between other ethnic cultures and subsocieties." (Banks,1986:24) SOUTH AFRICAN DESEGREGATION THEORISTS The work of South A f r i c a n t h e o r i s t s (Coutts, 1989; Christie, 1 9 9 0 ; Freer,1992; Gaganakis,1992 c i t e d i n 49 regarding desegregation and the management of m u l t i c u l t u r a l schools, has been largely confined to private or alternative schools. These theori s t s concur that while these schools provided an alternative to the largely ethnocentric state educational structures, because of t h e i r f i n a n c i a l and s o c i a l i n a c c e s s i b i l i t y , they are unl i k e l y to become models per se for the desegregation of a l l schools i n South A f r i c a . Nevertheless, there are lessons to be learnt from t h e i r experiences. The differences between the South African experience and that of other major western countries mitigate against the wholesale application of desegregation theories to the South African context. " A ca r e f u l selection of appropriate strategies for implementing non-racial, m u l t i c u l t u r a l education should be made, so the apparent problems encountered i n the U.S. are not repeated." (Coutts,1989) One of the main differences between South A f r i c a and other western countries dealing with m u l t i c u l t u r a l education, i s the presence of both the F i r s t and Third World within South A f r i c a . (Coutts,1989; Hofmeyer and Buckland, c i t e d i n McGregor,1992) "South A f r i c a i s a complex society comprised of two cl o s e l y interdependent yet distinguishable worlds - a modernising, urban, F i r s t World melting pot, comprised of members of a l l races, with increasing access to technology and a Third World comprising a r i s i n g t i d e of humanity l i v i n g i n deteriorating r u r a l and urban environments. Demographic trends d i c t a t e that most w i l l be black." (Coutts,1989:411) 50 The predominantly wealthy, white minority, numbering f i v e m i l l i o n , controls most of the country's economic resources. The remainder of the population, numbering 31 m i l l i o n , are predominantly black, poor and illiterate,(SAIRR,1989:149 c i t e d i n Hofmeyer,1992) making South A f r i c a one of the most unequal countries i n the world. (Wilson,1990:234 c i t e d i n Hofmeyer, 1992) According to Hofmeyer, attempts to equalize education at the l e v e l of the white norm are unattainable, even i n ten years, because of competing demands on the budget. (Hofmeyer, 1992:35) South African theor i s t s (Coutts,1989,1992; C h r i s t i e , 1990; Frederikse, 1992; Pampallis,1992)have pointed to the role class plays i n South A f r i c a , i n t e r a c t i n g with race as a mechanism of exclusion. Not only are there class d i f f e r e n t i a l s between whites and blacks, but research (Coutts, 1989,1992; Christie,1990 et al) i s consistent i n in d i c a t i n g the class d i f f e r e n t i a l s within the black community. Many middle-class blacks a l i g n with white society and alienate themselves from, or are alienated by, the majority of blacks, who are working c l a s s . Frederikse's (1992) research i n Zimbabwean state schools has shown a disturbing trend, namely the " f l i g h t ' not only of whites, but also middle-class blacks and better-trained teachers. This has led to the deterioration of state schools, including the former white, suburban schools.( Bot, 1992; 51 Frederikse,1992; Pampallis, 1992) This has implications for South African private and state schools, where the maintenance of "standards', both academic and behaviour, are major concerns. Nevertheless, race s t i l l plays an important r o l e as the white working class and black working class tend to be 'encamped at opposing poles of the p o l i t i c a l spectrum' as they compete for li m i t e d resources and jobs.(Coutts, 1989). This i s l i k e l y to have important implications on school p o l i c i e s , e s p e c i a l l y for the lower socio-economic schools bordering areas of large black populations.(Coutts,1989) "Considerable d i s p a r i t i e s i n wealth between sectors of the population of South A f r i c a could render any attempt to bring together pupils from d i f f e r e n t socio-economic backgrounds very problematic. In a m u l t i c u l t u r a l system, such d i s p a r i t i e s could create a s i g n i f i c a n t compounding of the p o t e n t i a l l y d i v i s i v e elements already present." (Coutts,1989:141) As the discussion i n the previous chapter indicated, the legacy of apartheid also has far-reaching implications for the application of t r a d i t i o n a l desegregation theories. The r e s u l t of years of a poor education system i s l i k e l y to severely disadvantage the majority of black students.(Kallaway,1991; Coutts,1989,1992 et al) Part of the mandate of apartheid was to separate people along r a c i a l and ethnic l i n e s , emphasizing and exaggerating the differences and e t h n i c i t y . This was p a r t l y to "divide 52 and r u l e ' , p a r t l y to exclude blacks from p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n a modern, F i r s t World "culture'. (Coutts,1989) Apartheid attempted to s o c i a l i z e a l l segments of the society into i n t e r n a l i z i n g a h i e r a r c h i c a l structure of a b i l i t y , with whites at the top and blacks at the bottom. Racism, when i t occurs i n a desegregated school i n South A f r i c a , i s thus more l i k e l y to. be polarized, v o l a t i l e and accusatory. (Coutts, 1989, 1992) Due to the unique and complex nature of South A f r i c a , as outlined above, South A f r i c a n t h e o r i s t s , (Coutts, 1989,1992; Christie,1990,1992; Bot,1992) recommend a more h o l i s t i c approach, which eschews tokenism and populism, but promotes a t o t a l reformation of the school environment, and provides a var i e t y of d i f f e r e n t approaches to accommodate South A f r i c a ' s diverse schooling population. "Such multi-factor paradigms (as suggested by Banks, (1986)) appear to be e s s e n t i a l to the e f f e c t i v e implementation of (integrated) education i n the complex mi l i e u of South A f r i c a . " (Coutts,1989) A fundamental challenge for schools w i l l be balancing the needs of the F i r s t World with the needs of the Third World, creating a s i n g l e national i d e n t i t y without denying the legitimate r i g h t s of i n d i v i d u a l s or s e l f - d e f i n e d groups. "For any future system of m u l t i c u l t u r a l education to confine i t s e l f to the needs of the F i r s t World alone, i s to condemn i t s pa r t i c i p a n t s to the perpetual fury of those who have been denied access. I t w i l l also deny the excluded sector of the population the opportunity of modernization." (Coutts,1989) To accommodate socio-economic c l a s s differences i n 53 schools, Coutts(1989), Christie(1990), and Bot(1992) recommend the implementation of s p e c i f i c p o l i c i e s to deal with the following issues: - modifications to the entrance c r i t e r i a which favour F i r s t World students - f i n a n c i a l support v i a bursaries - affirmative action programs which e s t a b l i s h r a c i a l quotas - long-term academic support and bridging programs to address previous deprivation Coutts et a l (1989 - 1992) also emphasize that s t a f f development should be an i n t e g r a l part of a l l desegregated schools. This should include regular i n - s e r v i c e workshops, seminars and lectures which w i l l a s s i s t teachers i n adapting t h e i r pedagogy to a m u l t i c u l t u r a l c l a s s , and encourage competence i n handling r a c i a l incidents. They also recommend a further A f r i c a n i s a t i o n of the curriculum while recognizing that t h i s i s a "hotly contested t e r r a i n ' . (Coutts, 1989) I t i s l i k e l y to be r e s i s t e d by both whites and middle-class blacks who seek access to a F i r s t World culture. It also resounds with the e t h n i c i t y that was promoted during the apartheid era. "In South A f r i c a , c u r r i c u l a are extremely vulnerable to manipulation for purposes other than education." (Coutts,1989:110) Thus Coutts (1989) suggests the need f o r more d e t a i l e d research that would take i n t o account the wide range of needs and perspectives i n a country that i s struggling to 54 b u i l d a common, F i r s t World i d e n t i t y while s t i l l embracing d i v e r s i t y . C h r i s t i e (1988-1992) advocates the conscious consideration of race as a factor and recommends the implementation of s t r u c t u r a l strategies for dealing with race. Coutts(1992) contends that addressing "race' d i r e c t l y through e x p l i c i t ARE would be too explosive given the h i s t o r i c p o l a r i z a t i o n of races i n South A f r i c a . Instead he favours a MCE approach which would create a tolerance and respect f o r other r a c i a l groups and an awareness amongst students of the p o l i t i c a l and s o c i a l structures that promote racism. One of the objectives of MCE and ARE i s the promotion of minority students' self-esteem through the v a l i d a t i o n and acknowledgement of t h e i r culture and contribution and through an understanding of how r a c i s t practices have disadvantaged them. Higher self-esteem, among other fac t o r s , i s expected to lead to greater academic achievement. In South A f r i c a , however, despite the fact that the culture of the black majority tends to be denigrated by adherents of the more powerful western norm (Coutts,1989), Coutts d i d not f i n d a s i m i l a r lack of academic success among black students i n integrated schools. "Results i n public examinations over a period of two to three years suggest achievers representative of a l l races." (Coutts,1989:383) Coutts (1989,1992) advocates a wide range of schooling 55 options i n order to accommodate the complex p o l i t i c a l ideologies that e x i s t i n South A f r i c a . This would include mono-cultural schools that i n s i s t on educating c h i l d r e n together with others of the same culture; to assimilatory models, such as private schools, whereby entrance c r i t e r i a has enabled selection that has preserved the ethos; to m u l t i c u l t u r a l schools wherein disadvantaged students are given an equal s t a r t through affirmative action. Some the o r i s t s (Coutts, 1989 -1992; Bot,cited i n McGregor,1992) also acknowledge that entry t e s t s that act as " s i f t i n g mechanisms' while discriminatory, could be j u s t i f i e d i n i t i a l l y i n schools that are unwilling or unable to o f f e r support to disadvantaged students. "The rapid entry of r a d i c a l l y disadvantaged pupils could lead to poor academic r e s u l t s , loss of confidence, with r e s u l t i n g disruptive behaviour and l i t t l e b enefit to anyone." (Coutts, 1992:45) Moreover, many researchers (Coutts,1992; Bot,1992; Adam and Moodley,1993) point to the fear of whites l o s i n g t h e i r c u l t u r a l i d e n t i t y i n a country where they c o n s t i t u t e f i v e of the 36 m i l l i o n inhabitants (SAIRR ,1989). "The securing of minority r i g h t s in" the face of an overwhelmingly numerical su p e r i o r i t y of blacks, cannot be summarily disregarded. I t i s a pervasive fear fed by perceptions of a d e t e r i o r a t i n g s o c i a l and economic s i t u a t i o n i n A f r i c a as a whole." (Coutts, 1992:416) This i s more l i k e l y to happen i n schools i n white working class areas because they usually border black townships and so are more accessible. This s i t u a t i o n could be exacerbated i n these schools because of the h o s t i l i t y 56 between the black and white working classes as they compete for scarce resources. Thus, while integration has been r e l a t i v e l y unproblematic i n private schools, t h i s may not be the case i n state schools, e s p e c i a l l y those i n low socio- economic areas. Any desegregation p o l i c y needs to take t h i s into account. (Coutts,1992) CONCLUSION Western desegregation l i t e r a t u r e i s f a i r l y consistent i n i t s description of c r u c i a l factors for e f f e c t i v e school i n t e g r a t i o n . In broad terms these are the creation of an equal status learning - environment, cooperative rather than competitive pedagogy and the support of relevant a u t h o r i t i e s . While t h i s research w i l l serve as an orienting framework for my own study, i t i s c r u c i a l to locate i t within the p a r t i c u l a r context of South A f r i c a n society. Schooling for black c h i l d r e n i n South A f r i c a has been characterized by immense violence, e s p e c i a l l y i n Natal where the present research takes place. This represents a c r u c i a l f a c t o r d i s t i n g u i s h i n g i t from white education which has been e l i t i s t , p r i v i l e g e d and sheltered from the massive upheavals i n the s o c i a l and p o l i t i c a l arenas. Most of the black c h i l d r e n now enrolled i n previously white government high schools w i l l have spent the majority of t h e i r school l i f e , at least seven years, under the Bantu 57 Education system. In addition, while there i s some evidence of r e s i d e n t i a l desegregation, for the most part, t h i s i s beyond the f i n a n c i a l a b i l i t y of most black f a m i l i e s , who must therefore continue to reside i n black townships, often, p a r t i c u l a r l y i n Natal, devastated by violence and p o l i t i c a l dissension. It i s c r u c i a l to take cognizance of the contradictions that must exi s t for the black c h i l d , newly integrated i n a previously white school, between her present and former schools, and between her community and home l i f e , and that of her insulated white schoolmates. Attempts to create an equal status learning environment i n which a l l students have equal access to educational opportunities and equal power within the contact s i t u a t i o n have led western desegregation t h e o r i s t s and educators away from an a s s i m i l a t i o n i s t model of i n t e g r a t i o n wherein the black or disadvantaged minorities were expected to acquire the culture of the dominant group. This has l e d to m u l t i c u l t u r a l education which has attempted to v a l i d a t e the culture of disadvantaged students and i n s t i l l amongst a l l pupils a tolerance of other r a c i a l groups, r e l i g i o n s and ways of l i f e . The objective of m u l t i c u l t u r a l education has been to promote inter-group r e l a t i o n s and increase black and minority academic achievement. Its lack of success i n f u l l y meeting these objectives has i n turn led to a n t i - r a c i s t 58 education which d i r e c t l y contests racism and r a c i s t p r a c t i c e s . From the research a v a i l a b l e on South A f r i c a n school desegregation, i t would appear that educators are caught i n the a s s i m i l a t i o n i s t phase, with what Schofield (1982) describes as "the colour-blind'perspective predominant. Although t h i s i s u n l i k e l y to impede the academic performance and future prospects of middle-class blacks, i t has serious implications for lower-class blacks who are unable to access the better established schools due to the biased admission t e s t s . Class appears as a more s i g n i f i c a n t factor i n South A f r i c a than i n North America and i n t e r a c t s with race i n complex combinations. South A f r i c a n researchers have found that middle-class blacks tend to a l i g n with the dominant white western culture and distance themselves from the working c l a s s "masses'. On the other hand, however, there are deep antagonisms between the white and black working c l a s s as they compete for scarce resources. Thus while int e g r a t i o n has been r e l a t i v e l y unproblematic i n private schools, t h i s i s u n l i k e l y to be the case i n working cl a s s areas. North American l i t e r a t u r e provides ample examples of the c u r r i c u l a r and pedagogical changes necessary for a cooperative learning environment conducive to successful i n t e g r a t i o n . South A f r i c a n research indicates that l i t t l e 59 e f f o r t has been made by educators to adjust to t h e i r new student c l i e n t e l e . However, t h i s i s due, i n part, not only to resistance by white students and parents but also by the middle-class blacks who seek access to white culture, i t s power and i t s p r i v i l e g e s . Scholars indicate the importance of community involvement i n planning for desegregated schools. Parental p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n the classroom as well as extensive t r a i n i n g for teachers and administrators are also c i t e d as c r u c i a l factors for e f f e c t i v e desegregation. South A f r i c a n researchers indicate that communities are often h o s t i l e to s o c i a l change and school s t a f f and administration have received l i t t l e or no i n s t r u c t i o n on how to f a c i l i t a t e r a c i a l integration. Frederikse (1990) indicates that i n desegregated Zimbabwean schools there i s l i t t l e involvement by black lower-class parents. They usually have to work longer hours, are unfamiliar with the white school system and are constrained by language and status d i f f e r e n t i a l s . South African t h e o r i s t s warn against the wholesale a p p l i c a t i o n of t r a d i t i o n a l desegregation theories to the South A f r i c a n s i t u a t i o n . In South A f r i c a , the needs of a small, predominantly white, though increasingly black, F i r s t World, have to be balanced with the needs of a severely deprived, predominantly black, Third World. In addition, the goal of creating a common, national i d e n t i t y has to be 60 balanced with a respect f o r , and tolerance of, d i v e r s i t y . Because of the uniqueness and complexities of the South A f r i c a n context, South African t h e o r i s t s contend that considerable adaptations i n every facet of school practice w i l l be e s s e n t i a l . This l i t e r a t u r e w i l l furnish me with a framework within which to approach my own research; i t w i l l provide indicators of what i s s i g n i f i c a n t i n my data gathering and guide and inform my anal y s i s . 61 Chapter IV METHODOLOGY This study o f f e r s an in-depth look at a formerly whites only state-controlled, g i r l s ' high school i n a low socio- economic area of Durban, South A f r i c a . The in v e s t i g a t i o n took place during July and August, 1993. This was 18 months a f t e r the apartheid government had l e g i s l a t e d the opening of white state schools to pupils of a l l races and nine months p r i o r to the free elections of A p r i l 1994. The purpose of the study i s to understand how these teachers and administrators, themselves s o c i a l i s e d within a h i e r a r c h i c a l r a c i s t system, are dealing with the r a p i d l y desegregating context of t h e i r school. With t h i s purpose i n mind, a q u a l i t a t i v e approach was chosen, using a case study design and borrowing from the ethnographic t r a d i t i o n . While Wolcott (1990) maintains that q u a l i t a t i v e research no longer needs to be exhaustively defended as i t has become widely known and accepted over the l a s t two decades, the following quote from Schumacher and McMillan (1993) succintly captures the benefits of q u a l i t a t i v e research. "The impact of q u a l i t a t i v e research on educational inquiry i s a dynamic one, because the design allows researchers to discover what are the important questions to ask of a topic and what are the important topics i n education to pursue empir i c a l l y . Without the continual stimulation of new ideas, educational research could become stagnant and f i l l e d with r h e t o r i c a l abstractions." (Schumacher and McMillan, 1993:375) 62 Modern ethnography originated with Malinowski who attempted to "grasp the native's point of view, his r e l a t i o n to l i f e , to r e a l i z e his version of his world." (1922 c i t e d i n Schumacher and McMillan,1993:373) Since then ethnography has moved into the educational arena i n order to gain an understanding of education-related phenomena from the perspectives of the participants'•, namely the students and the teachers. (Schumacher and McMillan,1993) Case study design involves the in-depth i n v e s t i g a t i o n of a single phenomenon, such as a p a r t i c u l a r school, as a means of gaining ins i g h t s and building theory. Schumacher and McMillan(1993) argue that "case study design, because of i t s f l e x i b i l i t y and a d a p t a b i l i t y to a range of contexts, processes, people and f o c i , provides some of the most useful methods available i n educational research." Mirriam (1988) s p e l l s out these methods i n more d e t a i l : "Armed with an i n t e r e s t i n a p a r t i c u l a r phenomenon and perhaps some notions about what one might f i n d , case study investigators immerse themselves i n the t o t a l i t y of the case. As the setting becomes more f a m i l i a r , and as the data are being c o l l e c t e d , the researcher looks for underlying patterns. The insights that form the basis of new theory can come from one's imagination, personal experience, the experience of others, and e x i s t i n g theory. The process i s one of f l e x i b l e i n t e r a c t i o n between phenomena and theory." Wolcott (1985)makes the d i s t i n c t i o n between "pure' ethnography and borrowing ethnographic techniques. The former he decribes as an e s s e n t i a l l y academic pursuit with the aim of understanding the school culture as an end- product i n i t s e l f . The l a t t e r , however, l i n k s d e s c r i p t i v e 63 research e f f o r t s to change and improvement within the educational realm. Thus a q u a l i t a t i v e approach, using a case study design and ethnographic techniques, seemed the most appropriate way of cutting through the multitude layers of s o c i a l i s a t i o n that govern black and white interactions i n South A f r i c a , and "getting at' what was r e a l l y happening i n the classrooms and on the playing f i e l d s . However, i t was the researcher's intention that the study be more than a descriptive account; a further objective was that i t inform and guide educators and policy-makers i n t h e i r nascent attempts to e f f e c t i v e l y integrate South African schools. Central to the ethnographic case study i s the b e l i e f that the researcher not predetermine responses by a s t r i c t adherence to a clearly-defined research problem and accompanying questions. Instead, scholars, (Burgess, 1984; Erikson, 1986; Hammersley and Atkinson, 1983) suggest that a great deal of f l e x i b i l i t y i n the way the o r i g i n a l problem was conceptualised, i s permitted so as "to give space for the unfolding of knowledge and information i n i t s most natural form." (Spindler,1987) The period during which the investigation took place was a time of enormous s o c i a l , p o l i t i c a l and economic upheaval i n South A f r i c a , balanced as i t was beween the announcement by President de Klerk of the b i r t h of a "new' era and the p o s s i b i l i t y of future black, majority r u l e . I 64 believed that while foreshadowed problems could be tested i n the f i e l d , the very newness and turbulence of the s i t u a t i o n would l i k e l y y i e l d paradoxes, contradictions and unpredictable outcomes. I concluded that a q u a l i t a t i v e case study, using ethnographic t o o l s , would be the most e f f e c t i v e method of capturing the f u l l richness and nuances of the data i n t h i s s i t u a t i o n . "Because people constuct meaning i n i n t r i c a t e and knotty ways, understanding meaning requires engagement with complexity." (Ayars,1989:16) BIAS AND SUBJECTIVITY Agar (1980,cited i n Ayars,1989:13) discusses the problem of bias, another concern with -the ethnographic t r a d i t i o n . He contends that the problem l i e s not so much i n the researcher being biased, but rather i n what kind of bias and how i t can be documented. By bringing i t to consciousness, the ethnographer can deal with i t as part of methodology and can acknowledge i t when drawing conclusions during analysis. Delamont (1992) concurs, st a t i n g that preconceptions and prejudices are only dangerous and could influence the v a l i d i t y of the study i f l e f t i m p l i c i t , unacknowledged and unexamined. Sarah Lawrence Lightfoot (1983,cited i n Ayars,1989:13) goes further by saying that the very success of such research depends on the researcher being subjective and human for only then can conclusions be derived from the 65 meaning between the l i n e s , the nuances and i n f l e c t i o n s of the experience. "I t i s not that q u a l i t a t i v e research uses the person as a research t o o l , and one must always guard against d i s t o r t i o n s of bias and prejudice; i t i s also that one's personal s t y l e , temperament and modes of i n t e r a c t i o n are c e n t r a l ingredients of successful work. Phenomenologists often r e f e r to the " i n t e r - s u b j e c t i v i t y " required i n q u a l i t a t i v e inquiry - the need to experience and r e f l e c t upon one's own feelings i n order to succesfully i d e n t i f y with another's perspective. Empathetic regard, therefore, i s key to good data c o l l e c t i o n . " (Sarah Lawrence Lighitfoot, 1983:370, c i t e d i n Ayars,1989:13) With t h i s i n mind, I believe i t i s pertinent for me to unpack my own background, biases and b e l i e f s . I was born and raised i n South A f r i c a , educated at a . . . ^ white g i r l s ' state school hot unlike the one i n the study. From adulthood, I became an active supporter of the a n t i - apartheid movements of the time and c r i t i c a l of i n s t i t u t i o n s , such as the authoritarian white state schools, that reinforced the status quo. Since then one of my core b e l i e f s and l i f e ' s work, has been as advocate of s o c i a l j u s t i c e both within my homeland, South A f r i c a and my adopted country, Canada. In South A f r i c a I l i v e d and taught at a private boarding school for A f r i c a n g i r l s . This was a unique experience at the time for I was one of only four white s t a f f members and could engage i n r e l a t i o n s h i p s with my black colleagues, superiors and students free of the usual c o n s t r i c t i o n s and impositions of apartheid. From t h i s experience I developed deep and l a s t i n g friendships with my 66 black colleagues and students and gained valuable i n s i g h t s i n t o A f r i c a n culture. As a white South A f r i c a n , I also earned a c e r t a i n amount of c r e d i b i l i t y amongst black and white anti-apartheid a c t i v i s t s . Since emigrating to Canada, I have been involved i n m u l t i c u l t u r a l education. I have also worked as a research assistant i n a national project to determine teachers' response to m u l t i c u l t u r a l and a n t i - r a c i s t education i n Canadian schools. In addition to broadening my knowledge i n t h i s area, and giving me experience i n conducting interviews, i t provided me with h e l p f u l perspectives on "teacher culture'. The choice of research topic was a l o g i c a l extension of my i n t e r e s t s and b e l i e f s . While my experiences have given me an intimate knowledge of the f i e l d , the s u b j e c t i v i t y i n my personal background needs to be c a r e f u l l y examined. Contrary to the stereotype of a white South Af r i c a n , I am aware that my bias was more l i k e l y to be o v e r l y - c r i t i c a l of the white school system and perhaps overly-sympathetic towards the black students. To ensure fairness and accuracy both i n data c o l l e c t i o n and analysis, I had to constantly r e f l e c t on my biases as I s c r u t i n i z e d the findings. Hammersley and Atkinson (1983) point out the importance of being a supportive colleague rather than a c r i t i c a l p rofessional while Burgess (1984) maintains that rapport and 67 t r u s t with one's subjects are considered c r i t i c a l to successful f i e l d research. I was conscious of the ways i n which I could be perceived, by the white teachers - they might see me as an " i n s i d e r ' who understood the complexities of South A f r i c a or as an emigrant and therefore a " s e l l o u t * , part of what they derogatorily referred to as the "chicken run'. Or, i n the l i g h t of world condemnation of apartheid during t h i s time, they could be very defensive and r e s e n t f u l of a foreign expert' coming to t e l l them what to do. I was conscious of having to tread a f i n e balance as I negotiated my way amongst these possible preconceptions. As a c r i t i c a l part of t h i s study has to do with how black students perceive t h e i r experience i n a formerly whites only school, a word has to be said about the v a l i d i t y of attempting to understand the l i f e experiences of the dominated from the standpoint of the dominant c l a s s , b e l l hooks (1988) and others contend that t h i s i s " c u l t u r a l appropriation' and hence unethical. "A dimension of the oppressor/oppressed r e l a t i o n s h i p i s that those who dominate are seen as subjects and those dominated as objects. As objects, one's r e a l i t y i s defined by others, one's i d e n t i t y created by others, one's h i s t o r y defined by those who are.subjects." ( b e l l hooks,1988:42) She contends that members of the dominant group tend to be taken more seriously, become "the a u t h o r i t i e s ' , thus r e i n f o r c i n g and protecting domination. 68 While t h i s point i s a v a l i d one , the weakness i n the argument l i e s i n the overgeneralisatiori and homogenisation of the "oppressors.' I maintain that disadvantage can be experienced by d i f f e r e n t people on d i f f e r e n t l e v e l s . For example, as a white South A f r i c a n I unconsciously or consciously imbibed the " p r i v i l e g e " of t h i s p o s i t i o n . However, as a white l i b e r a l who rejected apartheid, I was i n turn alienated from my family, my culture and f i n a l l y my country. At the same time, white l i b e r a l s were never wholly embraced by the black cause. Moreover, I have been treated with suspicion and h o s t i l i t y by. some Canadians, p a r t i c u l a r l y i n the f i e l d i n which I work, because of t h e i r prejudice towards white South A f r i c a n s . Thus, while I was "p r i v i l e g e d ' i n some respects, not having a c l e a r l y defined group i d e n t i t y i s a very i s o l a t i n g , and a l i e n a t i n g p o s i t i o n . Conversely, while the deprivation experienced by black South Africans should i n no way be minimized, the s o l i d a r i t y of the oppressed can be an empowering p o s i t i o n . Consequently, I believe I have the necessary knowledge, understanding and empathy to int e r a c t with informants f o r the purpose of t h i s study. DESIGN In keeping with the ethnographic t r a d i t i o n , the-primary tool s f o r data c o l l e c t i o n used i n t h i s study were d i r e c t observation and interviews. The observations and interviews revolved around foreshadowed problems. However, they were 69 open-ended to ensure the f l e x i b i l i t y necessary to give preference to the "voice* and actions of the participants themselves. This i s consistent with the opinion of scholars (Hammersley and Atkinson, 1983; Burgess, 1984) who recommend that while a l i s t of issues to be covered should be drawn up, researchers should not have questions with answers i n mind. This apparent informality i n fact needs to be c a r e f u l l y structured, deliberate and purposeful i n order to prompt open-ended responses. DATA COLLECTION; SELECTION The following table i l l u s t r a t e s the r a c i a l mix of f i v e previously white g i r l s ' high schools i n Durban: TABLE 2 RACIAL MIX OF 5 STATE HIGH SCHOOLS Schools: 1 2 3 4 5 Racial Group: Afri c a n : 28 62 28 47 86 Indian: 0 10 59 0 0 Coloured: 6 24 0 0 White: 365 379 458 866 unav. % Black: 5.6 17 19.5 5 unav. A fax was sent to the P r i n c i p a l of each of the above schools, o u t l i n i n g the study and requesting permission to 70 rather than broad, i n v e s t i g a t i o n , one school, school #2, was selected on the following c r i t e r i a ; - the willingness of the school to p a r t i c i p a t e - the si z e of the Black student population, the expectation being that the larger the number of Black pupils, the r i c h e r the data i s l i k e l y to be. - the school was located i n a white working-class area, close to the black townships. This would enable me to observe how race and c l a s s a r t i c u l a t e d i n an educational s e t t i n g . In order to ensure c o n f i d e n t i a l i t y , psuedonyms.have been used for the school, and a l l the informants i n t h i s study. P r i o r to entering the f i e l d , I met with the Vice P r i n c i p a l of School #2, Valour High, to introduce myself, e s t a b l i s h rapport and review my data c o l l e c t i o n procedures with her. Miss Cane indicated that the school had accepted my research request because the teachers were "fumbling i n the dark" over the i n t e g r a t i o n issue and she hoped I might be able to provide some insig h t s and recommendations. During t h i s f i r s t week i n Durban, I also p i l o t e d the interview questions (Appendix A) and observation markers (Appendix B)with a P r i n c i p a l and teacher of two other integrated schools, requesting comment on the following: - Could they be offensive to teachers or p r i n c i p a l ? - Do they show a lack of understanding of the South A f r i c a n context? 71 - Have I overlooked anything? Mrs Thorton acknowledged f e e l i n g defensive about question # 1, regarding the Admissions p o l i c y as i t was so a r b i t r a r y . Because no o f f i c i a l c r i t e r i a had been l a i d out, schools at that time made the decision. This was a p o t e n t i a l l y s e n s i t i v e issue because, i f a black student was turned down, i t could be construed as r a c i s t , even i f there were other legitimate reasons. Ms Evans made the observation that i n her experience,white teachers had trouble dealing with educated black parents. She remarked that they were more comfortable i f the parents were subservient and agreed with everything the teachers said. However, they reacted negatively i f the black parents confronted them as equals, o f f e r i n g suggestions or asking s p e c i f i c , informed questions. Both teachers, however, f e l t the interview questions and observation guidelines should remain unchanged, t h e i r comments serving rather to s e n s i t i s e me to these issues. On my f i r s t day i n the f i e l d , I met informally with the P r i n c i p a l of Valour High, Mrs Todd, and with her assistance, I i d e n t i f i e d classes for observations and teachers for interviews. Standard 7 C and Standard 9 B were targetted as the classes to observe as they were the two most mul t i - r a c i a l classes i n the school, each comprising 30% Black students. Mrs Todd provided me with a timetable and c l a s s l i s t f or both these classes, as well as the names of a l l 72 t h e i r teachers and the subjects taught. The teachers had been briefed about my research and my presence i n the school over the next four weeks. This i s consistent with Burgess (1984) contention that while requiring extensive observation and recording, some c r i t e r i a of selection to narrow the focus of t h e i r work i s needed i n f i e l d research. As the research progressed, informants linked me up with others, a procedure referred to as "snowball' sampling. DATA COLLECTION; PROCEDURES: Observations: During the f i r s t two weeks I accompanied Std. 7 C to most of t h e i r classes. I observed them for a t o t a l of 23 hours i n the following subjects: - English, Afrikaans, Zulu, Math, General Science, Physical Education, Speech and Drama, Religious Education and Vocational Guidance. During the t h i r d and fourth weeks, I accompanied Std. 9 B to many of t h e i r classes. I observed them for a t o t a l of 12 hours i n the following subjects: - English, Afrikaans, Speech and Drama, Biology, Geography, Math, Vocational Guidance. The teachers did not require me to give them advance warning but openly and warmly allowed me to come and go f r e e l y i n t h e i r classrooms. They went out of t h e i r way to 73 make avail a b l e anything further I 'wished to see or know about t h e i r c l a s s . They also encouraged me to t a l k to the black and white students. This contradicted my expectations of teachers' attitudes towards researchers which, based on my l i m i t e d experience i n Canada, i s t y p i c a l l y one of skepticism and defensiveness. It also contradicted my concerns about how I would be perceived. I took notes and made written comments during t h i s time, guided by, but not t i e d to, the OBSERVATION GUIDELINES (Appendix A) . I also varied my type of observation, sometimes s i t t i n g unobtrusively i n the back of the classroom, other times i n the front , and occasionally being drawn int o the class as a p a r t i c i p a n t observer. . In order to b u i l d rapport with students and teachers, observe casual interactions of students and teachers, and develop a sense of the school ethos, I attended morning assemblies, accompanied pupils to the playground during recess and lunch break, and teachers to the s t a f f room. I also attended three club meetings and one s t a f f meeting. No notes were taken during t h i s time, although I attempted to write them up as soon a f t e r as possible. Interviews Interviews took place during the second and t h i r d weeks, during recess or teachers* free periods. Informants were asked i f the information could be taped i n order to analyse the data more c l o s e l y . C o n f i d e n t i a l i t y was assured 74 and consent forms signed. The P r i n c i p a l , Vice P r i n c i p a l and seven teachers were interviewed; They were the teachers of the Std. 7 C and 9 B classes, and included two English teachers, Afrikaans, Zulu, Drama and Math, Geography, Physical Education and Biology teachers. Two teachers were s p e c i f i c a l l y interviewed because I had observed, and had suggested to me by other teachers, that they might be more r e s i s t a n t to integration. Interviews took between 45 - 60 minutes and were a l l taped and l a t e r transcribed by the researcher. The interviews roughly followed the INTERVIEW GUIDELINES, (Appendix B). In addition to formally interviewing the teachers, I spent many hours i n informal converstion with these and other s t a f f members, on the way to and from school, during recess and lunch break. I also informally conversed , separately,, with groups of black and white students from Std. 7C and Std. 9B. I arranged a meeting place during lunch break and s a i d I would wait for them there i f anyone was interested i n t a l k i n g to me. I purposely; made the arrangement as loose and voluntary as possible so they would not f e e l pressured to t a l k to me. I also made the decision to t a l k to them i n a group as I believed they would f e e l l e s s intimidated and i d e n t i f i a b l e . Each time an interview ended I informed them that I would be at the same place, at the same time, the following 75 day, i f anyone s t i l l wanted to talk, to me, The number of student informants changed, ranging from three to 12 during an interview. I spent a t o t a l of 12 hours on student interviews, plus further conversation i n the hallways while walking to classes. Sometimes I took notes during interviews; at other times I just l i s t e n e d and wrote down the conversation immediately a f t e r , and at yet other times I placed a recorder i n the middle of the group and taped the discussions. I had entered the f i e l d not intending to interview students because I was concentrating on teachers' responses, but i t became increasingly obvious that the data would be incomplete without the students* s t o r i e s . I t would, moreover, be a way of corroborating or contradicting the teachers' opinions and t e s t i n g the black and white students* views against each other. Consequently, I did not have an interview guideline as I d i d for the teachers but rather a broad framework of issues- that I wanted to cover. With the black students these were: - Family background; where did they l i v e , how d i d they get to school, township l i f e , parents' jobs, t h e i r job aspirations. - School l i f e ; how did they f e e l about being i n a predominantly white school, what did they l i k e / d i s l i k e about 76 i t , why d i d they choose to come to a white school, attitudes of other students/ teachers towards them. - The future; what changes would they l i k e to see, how d i d they f e e l about the intake of more black students the following year? Because of the r a d i c a l l y d i f f e r e n t worlds i n which the black and white students l i v e d , i t was necessary to address d i f f e r e n t issues with each group. The broad questions for the white students were: - How d i d they f e e l about having black students i n the school? - Had the school changed because of the new students, i f so, i n what ways? - Did they s o c i a l i s e i n / outside school? - Did they know anything about t h e i r lives/backgrounds? During the t h i r d and fourth weeks of observations, I attempted to te s t teachers' perceptions of t h e i r s i t u a t i o n against observed behaviours. I also t r i e d to follow-up and v e r i f y propositions, theories and assumptions that I had t e n t a t i v e l y b u i l t up during the preceeding three weeks by asking teachers and students for further commentaries, opinions or c l a r i f i c a t i o n s . VALIDITY AMD RELIABILITY In general, I have incorporated the following measures into the study to increase v a l i d i t y : 77 - Evidence was obtained from classroom and casual observations, as well as interviews with the P r i n c i p a l and v f i v e teachers. - Interviews were taped and transcribed by the researcher he r s e l f . - v A chain of evidence was established, a r i s i n g out of , and r e f e r r i n g back to, the o r i g i n a l focus questions. - A d r a f t of the case study was discussed with two l o c a l experts. - The Interview Guidelines was be p i l o t e d with a l o c a l P r i n c i p a l and teacher from other schools. - The informants had f l e x i b i l i t y i n shaping and determining the topics of the discussion. - They also had input into the v e r i f i c a t i o n and c l a r i f i c a t i o n of the information and assumptions. Scholars (Marshall & Rossman,1989, Lather,1991 , Schumacher and McMillan,1993) agree that t r i a n g u l a t i o n , i s e s s e n t i a l i n establishing the trustworthiness of data i n q u a l i t a t i v e research. This involves the use of data from d i f f e r e n t sources i n order to "corroborate, elaborate and illuminate the research i n question'(Marshall & Rossman,1989). Lather (1991) stresses that the researcher must consciously u t i l i z e designs which seek counter patterns as well as convergence i f data i s to be c r e d i b l e . In my research t r i a n g u l a t i o n was achieved by using observations, formal interviews with teachers, informal conversations i n 78 the s t a f f room, attendance at s t a f f and club meetings as well as informal discussions with both black and white students. Schumacher and McMillan (1993) state that i n most q u a l i t a t i v e case studies, the researcher does not aim at the generalization of r e s u l t s but " i n the extension of the understandings, d e t a i l e d descriptions that enable others to understand s i m i l a r situations and extend these understandings i n subsequent research." R e l i a b i l i t y , on the other hand, i s achieved through r e p l i c a t i o n . In t h i s study, r e p l i c a t i o n i s f a c i l i t a t e d by the documentation and d e s c r i p t i o n of procedures, step by step. Because the researcher ultimately has the r e s p o n s i b i l i t y of i n t e r p r e t i n g the r e s u l t s and presenting her perceptions of the phenomenon, extensive quotations, from taped interviews have been included i n the f i n a l report, as a way of empowering informants to "speak i n t h e i r own voices'. ANALYSIS In order for the ethnographic case study to be more than simply a c o l l e c t i o n of d e s c r i p t i v e and anecdotal material, the researcher has "to bring data under c o n t r o l , to create a framework through which information can be understood." (Ayars,1989). The analysis i n t h i s study i s a s p i r a l process and has been incorporated throughout the study. For example, the information and in t e r p r e t a t i o n s , 79 derived from Week 1 observations, provided the impetus for what to focus on i n Week 2, and so on. The analysis took place within the broad, loose framework of the o r i g i n a l questions, and constantly r e f e r s back to them. During t h i s process, the data was examined to determine emergent patterns, consistencies and contradictions. While f a m i l i a r i t y with the l i t e r a t u r e and personal grounding provided me with an orienting framework, since my return from the f i e l d I have been able to t e s t evidence and emerging themes by r e f e r r i n g to current l i t e r a t u r e . As t h i s i s an exploratory case study,the data was analyzed not only to tes t established desegregation hypotheses, but also to generate hypotheses and develop concepts f o r further study, i n an area that i s new, and to date, underresearched and documented. 80 Chapter V FINDINGS An analysis of the t r a n s c r i p t s and f i e l d notes revealed six broad themes: the CONTEXT i n which the study took place; the SCHOOL i t s e l f ; the PARTICIPANTS at the school; RACISM; PEDAGOGICAL ISSUES and FUTURE CONCERNS. Within each major category, several minor themes emerged. The CONTEXT describes the p o l i t i c a l and socio- economic milieu of the school. The SCHOOL section explains the admission p o l i c y and ethos. The PARTICIPANTS section describes the perceptions of the teachers and students towards each other and t h e i r newly-integrated school. I t also b r i e f l y touches on. the emerging generation gap between the white students and t h e i r parents. The section on RACISM i s divided into three sub-sections which deal with segregation within the school, r a c i s t incidents and student perceptions of the Other. The section on PEDAGOGICAL ISSUES describes the teaching methods at the school, p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n school l i f e , student behaviour, academic standards, a b i l i t y groupings and curriculum changes. The f i n a l section deals with teachers' and students' concerns for the FUTURE. Although these themes are divided into d i f f e r e n t sections for the sake of c l a r i t y and to enhance the d e t a i l , many of them overlap and interweave with one another. The 81 ways i n which they are connected and the implications of t h i s w i l l be discussed i n Chapter VI. These findings are presented i n the form of a de s c r i p t i v e narrative and include many d i r e c t quotes by the informants themselves, so that ""the reader can see through my eyes, what I have seen." (Wolcott,1990) CONTEXT S o c i a l Context Valour G i r l s ' High i s located i n the white working-class neighbourhood of Woodsville. Its small, box-like houses are within sight of a highly i n d u s t r i a l i s e d zone. Densely populated black townships sprawl nearby. This s e t t i n g indicates how r i g i d l y c l a s s , as well as r a c i a l l y , divided South Af r i c a n society i s . However, because white education has h i s t o r i c a l l y been heavily subsidised by government, the school i t s e l f was very s i m i l a r to schools i n more affl u e n t areas. The three-storey b r i c k building was i n excellent condition and the classrooms were well-equipped with typewriters, computers, science and biology laboratories. Although the a b o l i t i o n of the Group Areas Act i n 1992 had l e g a l i s e d r e s i d e n t i a l integration, economic deprivation prohibited much movement of blacks in t o white areas. However, because of i t s l o c a t i o n near to the black townships and the lower cost of housing, Woodsville was a t t r a c t i n g 82 some upwardly mobile middle-class black f a m i l i e s . The P r i n c i p a l , Mrs Todd, said about 10% of the black students l i v e d i n the v i c i n i t y , while the majority commuted by bus from the outlying black townships Two black f a m i l i e s had chosen to move into more prestigious white areas because Woodsville "wasn't good enough". Mrs Todd said the white parents were i n b l u e - c o l l a r jobs or low-management positions, with "riot one professional amongst them." The white students indicated, that t h e i r parents were "railway workers, clerks> salesladies and t y p i s t s . " Many of the black parents, however, were upwardly mobile, lower middle-class; businessmen, r e a l t o r s , health inspectors, and professionals such as nurses, teachers, and school P r i n c i p a l s . Class a f f i l i a t i o n s were also r e f l e c t e d i n the students' aspirations and the teachers' expectations. Most of the teachers, from the professional, middle-class, frequently and openly expressed disdain for the lower c l a s s . "The white parents, you know, they go to work, they come home, they s i t down and drink t h e i r beer and they watch t h e i r "soapies' (soap operas). There's "no c u l t u r e . So you can't expect much from the kids." (white teacher) The black g i r l s said they wanted to be lawyers, doctors, teachers, a hi s t o r y professor, and a j o u r n a l i s t while the white g i r l s aspired to being secretaries, sales c l e r k s and hairdressers. 83 Although many teachers expressed admiration f o r the higher expectations of the black students and disdain f o r the lack of ambition of the whites, there was a sense that the black aspirations were sometimes u n r e a l i s t i c . "The black children have enormous expectations which the white children don't have. The white c h i l d r e n would happily be hairdressers and l i s t e n to pop music a l l day and cut h a i r s t y l e s . But the black childr e n want to be doctors and lawyers. Sometimes you've got to take them and p r i c k the bubble, t h i s unnatural, present desire to do law, whether they have the wherewithall academically or not." (teacher) Not only i s there an emerging d i v i s i o n between the upwardly mobile black middle-class, and the entrenched lower cl a s s whites, there i s a growing a l i e n a t i o n between the black students attending "white' schools, and those who remain at black schools i n the townships. According to Mrs Todd, the black students going back home to the townships are sometimes threatened or attacked, t h e i r uniforms cut up because the township residents resent t h e i r attendance at a white school. A black student described t h e i r treatment: "When there's s t r i k e s or stayaways we t r y to come to school but the township people h i t us and ask us why we don't go to a black school. Some of the kids would l i k e to come to a white school but t h e i r parents don't want them to or they can't afford i t . Even the maids i n t h i s school hate us because we go to a white school. I think they're jealous of us." The socio-economic status of some of the black and white students at Valour High was. a s t r i k i n g c o n t r a d i c t i o n of the stereotype i n apartheid South A f r i c a where whites 84 were always assumed to be more a f f l u e n t than blacks. This did not go unnoticed among the black students. "The white kids think we are so poor, we're from the townships and l i v e i n the slums. One day I was t a l k i n g about t h i s show on T.V. and t h i s white g i r l says, "Oh, you've got a T.V.I' She couldn't believe i t l But some black kids are f a r r i c h e r than white kids e s p e c i a l l y i n t h i s area, the white kids are so poor." (black student) P o l i t i c a l Context This research was undertaken as the country stood poised for i t s f i r s t free elections which would l i k e l y usher i n revolutionary change. Consequently, i t was i n a state of tremendous upheaval, with crime escalating, violence and p o l i t i c a l clashes common events. Fear and uncertainty permeated everyday l i f e . One teacher voiced the opinions of many: "The whole country i s i n a state of nervousness. I t ' s the uncertainty that's hard to take. This waiting, waiting, waiting for what's going to happen i s taking up a l o t of energy, i s r e a l l y making people tense." So e f f e c t i v e l y had apartheid created separate worlds i n which blacks and whites l i v e d , that each group experienced the p o l i t i c a l climate of the time completely d i f f e r e n t l y . While the white students' l i v e s were disrupted by the high crime rate, the media exposure of the violence and the general anxiety, i t was the black students who experienced the upheaval d i r e c t l y . A l l the black students interviewed had l o s t r e l a t i v e s i n the violence, k i l l e d by the p o l i c e , army or i n ANC/Inkatha clashes. •: •' 85 "There are c e r t a i n areas i n the township for the ANC and others for Inkatha and i f you are seen where you are not supposed to be, you just get k i l l e d . " (black student) Mrs Todd related a black parent's reaction to the news that her daughter was involved i n the Peace Movement, a national, m u l t i c u l t u r a l organization aimed at ending the current violence. "If my c h i l d went to the Peace Conference, the next thing i s my house i s going to be bombed." (black parent) The black and white students were locked i n t o . t h e i r own worlds with l i t t l e attempt made to understand the l i f e of the other. The black students said they were too embarrassed to t e l l t h e i r white colleagues how scared they sometimes f e l t i n the townships. They also said they didn't want to discuss i t because i t would make the white g i r l s a f r a i d or angry. "The white g i r l s never went into a l o c a t i o n (township) i n t h e i r whole l i f e . They don't understand what kind of place we're brought up i n . There's so much noise, noise i s something we're used to. I t ' s so cramped, there's l o t s of people l i v i n g on top of each other. They think we just k i l l each other for nothing. But there's something pushing us to do t h i s thing." (black student) "You can't r e l y on the policemen i n the townships but i n the white areas, I heard, the policemen walk around, drive around, just to make sure everything i s f i n e . " (black student) Because the white working class has the most to lose from r i s i n g black aspirations and the removal of laws that had previously p r i v i l e g e d them , they tend to be amongst the most conservative and r a c i s t whites. This seemed to be the : ' -V':' ; • 86 s i t u a t i o n i n Woodsville, according to the teachers arid administrators. "This i s a very conservative area, almost C P . (a right-wing white Party.) The g i r l s ' parents are much more conservative than they are. They are from backgrounds where you don't speak to a black person or help a black person." (white teacher) The p o l i t i c a l nature of the area, i n addition to socio- economic status d i f f e r e n t i a l s , could account f o r the increasing a l i e n a t i o n between blacks attending township schools and those at white schools. "The people i n the township hate us. They're always saying we're t r a i t o r s . They say now we are Conservative and we've been influenced by the Afrikaner. They say the Afrikaner took our land and now we're going to t h e i r school." The reasons the black students gave for coming to Woodsville were the poor conditions of the black schools, the poor q u a l i t y of teaching and the p o l i t i c a l i n s t a b i l i t y i n .the black schools which were often a s i t e of mobilization against the apartheid regime. A white student described the conditions i n black schools: "Forty i n a c l a s s , 100 pupils i n a classroom. They would a l l be squashed, uncomfortable, three to a desk." The black students explained that the school was always disrupted by s t r i k e s , r i o t s or protests. "There's a l o t of f i g h t i n g and i f they don't l i k e the teachers, they just kick them out." (black student) 87 THE SCHOOL Admission Po l i c y Valour High had f i r s t accepted students from other r a c i a l groups, i n January 1992, 18 months p r i o r to the present research. This had required a vote by parents and s t a f f . Because of the conservative nature of the community and i n order to ensure a "yes' vote, there was a 10% c e i l i n g on black enrolments. When parents, according to one teacher, "saw no disastrous thing happening", the Board of Governors raised the quota to 20%. At the time of the research i t had become imperative to increase the student base as the white population i n the area was s t a t i c and the school, equipped for 1,000 students, only had 450. At a s t a f f meeting i t was unanimously decided to request the removal of the 20% while s t i l l being aware that 30% was generally accepted as the " c r i t i c a l mass' a f t e r which the school ethos changed. However, Miss Peters was ske p t i c a l of t h i s a c t u a l l y r e f l e c t i n g a change i n teachers' a t t i t u d e s : " There were some teachers who didn't want to take i n more black students but now t h e i r jobs are threatened, they're prepared to take black, white, yellow, s t r i p e d rather than have no job. But i t ' s not going to change t h e i r a t t i t u d e . They're staying for the wrong reasons. I don't know how t h i s i s going to work." While accepting the i n e v i t a b i l i t y of an integrated school, teachers and parents appeared determined to c l i n g to a white ethos for as long as possible while they s t i l l had a 88 choice over admissions. Mrs Todd explained that they wanted to a t t r a c t the "best possible black students". " U n t i l we have to, we don't want to flood the school. We want t h i s to remain a C h r i s t i a n school. We s t i l l want to have people coming i n who are of the q u a l i t y who w i l l benefit from the school, whose English i s good enough. But I'm also looking for p o t e n t i a l i n the c h i l d , not necessarily perfect English but a spark that I think could be developed." (Mrs Todd) Prospective students were required to s i t a standardized t e s t , developed by the teachers which Mrs Todd admitted was outdated and ethnocentric. It often used language that tested t h e i r l i n g u i s t i c not conceptual a b i l i t y . Mrs Todd said she wanted to change the Admissions t e s t , to put more emphasis on creative writing so they could write about t h e i r own f a m i l i e s , t h e i r own backgrounds, "where they're at i n t h e i r own l i v e s . " Despite t h i s intention, however, the admission c r i t e r i a seemed based primarily on s e l e c t i n g those black students who most c l o s e l y approximated the white western C h r i s t i a n norm. School Ethos The school ethos seemed l i t t l e changed by the presence of the 90 Black students. The South A f r i c a n f l a g , the subject of a l o t of controversy at that time because of i t s symbolic representation of apartheid, hung i n the entrance h a l l . 7 A l l the teaching and administative s t a f f were white females, a l l the j a n i t o r i a l s t a f f black, and there was a 89 male Indian c l e r i c a l a s s i s t a n t . The school body was divided in t o "Houses" to which each student was assigned and regular inter-House sporting events were held. They were named af t e r famous western s c i e n t i s t s , namely Curie, Newton, Dalton and Mendel. Morning assemblies were formal, Christian-based, with hymns, prayers and Bible readings. Eight white prefects stood along the wall, monitoring the behaviour of the students. During my four weeks of observation, seven g i r l s were punished for t a l k i n g and made to stand u n t i l the P r i n c i p a l ' s entrance. A l l were white. Each week a d i f f e r e n t c l a s s took a turn to lead the assembley, dramatising a theme. I observed a presentation by the Std. 7B class on "bearing grudges'. The older black students i n Std. 9B complained: "Did you see how they dominate us? They have a l l the main parts and the black g i r l s are just i n the chorus." However, they added that when t h e i r c l a s s had led the assembley, because they were a strong and cohesive group, t h e i r ideas had been accepted. In common with a l l state schools i n South A f r i c a at the time, the C h r i s t i a n ethic was pervasive. During lunch break a week was devoted to presentations by the Student C h r i s t i a n Association which was well-attended by the students. Teachers and administrators were i n s i s t e n t on keeping the school C h r i s t i a n . The P r i n c i p a l was emphatic: 90 "This has always been a school with a C h r i s t i a n e t h i c . I f e e l very strongly about t h i s . Although we have Moslems, Hindus and Jewish students, most of the black g i r l s are Ch r i s t i a n . They were t o l d they were coming to a school with a C h r i s t i a n ethic before they were admitted." There was some evidence that the ethos was changing. At the predominantly white inter-school A t h l e t i c s Day, Nonku, a very bright, outgoing Std. 9 black g i r l had led the cheerleading squad, two-thirds of whom were black, i n an exuberant rendition of "Shosholozo", a t r a d i t i o n a l Zulu chant. Mrs Todd voiced the response of many of the teachers and pupils to the performance: \ "There was a s p i r i t that pervaded at that time that you w i l l never ever recapture. I've had phone c a l l s from grandparents saying t h i s was the best thing they'd ever seen." Nevertheless, there were a few disgruntled remarks from some of the white cheerleaders: "The black g i r l s don't want to do what we want to do. They want to take over and do t h e i r own thing." Celebrations and heroes s t i l l remained grounded i n B r i t i s h and white South A f r i c a n heritage. The exclusion of Zulu songs, c u l t u r a l and p o l i t i c a l heroes and sp e c i a l days from the school r i t u a l and the ignorance of the white students pertaining to these, were f e l t by the black students: "When we stayed away on June 16 (anniversary of the Soweto Riots,1976), one of the white g i r l s asked us why we had stayed away. I could not believe she didn't know about t h i s day and what i t means to us black people." Most teachers were enthusiastic about integrating some n o n - p o l i t i c a l aspects of Zulu culture i n t o the school and the p r i n c i p a l admitted that she had erred i n not including Zulu hymns i n the songbook she had just revised. THE PARTICIPANTS Teachers' Perceptions Some teachers believed the school had an obl i g a t i o n to to change i n order to accommodate the new black students, while others firmly believed the black students should be assimilated. Mrs Jory summed up these views: "Some teachers here f e e l we should be more f l e x i b l e now that we are m u l t i r a c i a l but I think the Black students have come int o our school so they must f i t i n . " The " a s s i m i l a t i o n i s t s ' main concern was with . "maintaining standards'. These teachers considered i t t h e i r mandate to not only teach t h e i r subject, but give the students the c u l t u r a l c a p i t a l to succeed i n the outside world. Mrs Jory continued: "They (black students) need to r be t o l d how to behave appropriately, to keep t h e i r voices down and not shout, to look people i n the eye when they're t a l k i n g to them. Otherwise how w i l l they get on i n the outside world? How w i l l they be able to get jobs?" These teachers were very proud of t h e i r "colour b l i n d ' perspective, of t r e a t i n g everyone equally. " We t r y to maintain what we had before, the same structure of behaviour , the way the students conduct themselves. I do t r y to make them f i t the mold. I don't tr e a t them any d i f f e r e n t l y . If they came here they understood what was ahead of them and they must reach a l e v e l i n t h e i r general behaviour that i s acceptable to us. 92 I'm not interested what colour you are, as long as you behave i n a c e r t a i n way because to be successful you need those things." Miss K e l l y reinforced t h i s p o s i t i o n : ' "At the moment they have to f i t i n because they're a d i s t i n c t minority so i t s been easy to have them adjust to our way. I tend to t r e a t them a l l l i k e a c l a s s and I haven't thought of t h e i r differences, they're just a l l my pupi l s . But I suppose i n that way you expect the black pupils to adapt to the white way of doing things." However, despite the frankness of t h e i r comments, these teachers also expressed uncertainty about the way they were coping with a m u l t i r a c i a l classroom and many asked me for advice or suggestions. They also recognised the i n e v i t a b i l i t y of a change i n ethos as the number of black students increased. "I think i t ' s i n e v i t a b l e and i t ' s going to be necessary to accommodate and we are going to have to" make an e f f o r t to change , otherwise there w i l l be a problem." (white teacher) Miss Young, whom I had targeted as one of the most outspoken i n the " a s s i m i l a t i o n i s t camp' explained: "I thought just to be a good teacher I,must go on browbeating these people into l i n e . That's why I t r i e d my hardest to make them f i t i n because I thought that's what we were supposed to do." She had been to a m u l t i c u l t u r a l seminar the day before our interview and appeared to have undergone a complete attitude change which she admitted with candour and s e l f - r e f l e c t i o n . "In the m u l t i c u l t u r a l seminar yesterday I heard people saying a s s i m i l a t i o n was white education with black childr e n 93 whom you had allowed to enter your school because they appeared white to you. Suddenly my whole focus changed. I now see that we had got i t a l l wrong. Who are we to think we are so superior and what we are o f f e r i n g i s so corre c t . We have been imposing white standards on new pupils because we thought we were superior. Because of the lack of s t a f f development, lack of preparation, we were going the "white' route. So a f t e r a l l my good intentions, the intentions were good, i n fa c t I was doing them harm." She blamed the Education Department for avoiding giving d i r e c t i v e s , knowing teachers would continue with what was fa m i l i a r to them. "I'm sure i t was t h e i r (Education Department) in t e n t i o n not to properly inform us because they know we teachers have been taught to be obedient throughout our whole schooling. And now I'm f e e l i n g g u i l t y because they succeeded i n t h e i r i n t e n t i o n . " On the other hand, however, while some teachers expressed the need to accommodate the new black students, they d i d very l i t t l e i n terms of classroom praxis or curriculum modification. Accommodation was more an atti t u d e some teachers held and was evidenced most by t h e i r a ffirmative action i n favour of black students whom they perceived as being disadvantaged because of background, transportation problems, and p o l i t i c a l unrest. Miss Peters expressed these views: "I f a white c h i l d makes an excuse for not doing her homework, I probably wouldn't accept i t but i f a black student said she was unable to do her homework because t h e i r had been trouble i n the township the night before, I would take i t se r i o u s l y . " The P r i n c i p a l had also a c t i v e l y intervened and bent the rules i n order to accommodate a black student who wanted to 94 return to school a f t e r a pregnancy. This contravened school p o l i c y . "She i s a very i n t e l l i g e n t student and a good ro l e model for the other students so I r e a l l y went out to bat for her. I had a humdinger of a s t a f f meeting but I f i n a l l y succeeded i n getting her back into the school." On the other hand, some teachers r e a l i s e d there was a f i n e l i n e between compensating because of r e a l disadvantage and compensating out of g u i l t . "We also need to know when g u i l t i s i n t e r f e r i n g with our decision and when i t should not i n t e r f e r e . Sometimes the g i r l s stand at the bottom of the h i l l t a l k i n g to t h e i r boyfriends and then come i n late and expect to use "transportation problems' as t h e i r excuse." Students' Perceptions Paradoxically i t was the black students themselves who r e s i s t e d being treated d i f f e r e n t l y . I t seemed that they themselves wanted to approximate the white western norm and distance themselves from the black mass. "The teachers must make the black students r e a l i s e that the more d i f f i c u l t i t i s , the more e f f o r t we must put into i t . We came to the white school because we l i k e to be i n t h i s white school so we must obey the r u l e s . " (black student) Some black students seemed to i n t e r p r e t the teachers e f f o r t s on t h e i r behalf as patronising. "They always f e e l p i t y for us. They say, "Oh, poor, poor black people. I f a black g i r l doesn't do her homework, they won't do anything but i f a white g i r l doesn't do i t , she's i n detention . They must tre a t us l i k e a l l other people i n the school. We want to show them that we are also human beings. We don't need t h e i r p i t y . " (black student) 95 Nevertheless, they did also believe they warranted some spe c i a l consideration because of t h e i r l i f e s t y l e . "Because most of us l i v e i n the townships, we only get home at 4.30 or 5.30 p.m. and we s t i l l have to do housework and then homework. Sometimes we're so t i r e d we just f a l l asleep on our books." (black student) While many of the white students displayed a genuine desire to embrace the black students, they were resent f u l of the "spe c i a l treatment.' "They can get away with things that we can't. I f they don't do t h e i r homework, i t doesn't matter but i f we don't, we're jumped on. The teachers are scared of them. Except Mrs. Guthrie t o l d them not to expect p r i v i l e g e s because they're black. I think a l l the teachers should take a stand and put them i n t h e i r place instead of t r e a t i n g them t o t a l l y d i f f e r e n t . " (white student) "One thing that r e a l l y h i t s me that I ' l l never forget. A white student was pregnant and so she was kicked out of the school. But they allowed a black student to come back a f t e r she had a baby. She could carry on with her studies at home, they even sent her books. They do get extra p r i v i l e g e s . I t ' s not f a i r , there's favouritism." (white student) The language p o l i c y caused the most debate. While a l l the teachers acknowledged that teaching students whose mother tongue was not English, was the most problematic ^part of an integrated school, there was a great deal of confusion over whether English only should be- enforced. The P r i n c i p a l f e l t t h i s would not only be impossible but un f a i r on the new students. z "I don't see that I can ac t u a l l y force c h i l d r e n to speak a language that i s n ' t t h e i r home language. I c e r t a i n l y wouldn't force them to speak English to each other 96 a l l the time. I also objected when some s t a f f wanted me to enforce English only i n the classroom. I think i t ' s r i d i c u l o u s when they could be helping each other understand the subject." (Mrs. Todd) I r o n i c a l l y , these views clashed with many black parents' and black students' views. "Mrs. Todd allows us to speak Zulu because she says we are expressing ourselves. She's wrong. She should f o r b i d i t . This i s an English school so we must t a l k English." (black student) The black students did not form a homogeneous group, with one view on issues; a d i v i s i o n was emerging between those who had been accepted the previous year and the new intake that year. Miss Campbell explained the growing d i v i s i o n amongst the black students over the language issue. "Last year they a l l wanted to speak English and wouldn't speak Zulu but t h i s year there's been almost a m i l i t a n t movement - we w i l l speak Zulu, we are Zulu and you can't t e l l us to speak English. Some of them are even s t a r t i n g to b u l l y the other black kids when they hear them speaking English, t e l l i n g them they must speak Zulu. The black g i r l s i n Std 9B disapprove o f . t h i s and are very c r i t i c a l of the younger, new black g i r l s . They're almost ashamed of them, they want them to l i v e up to t h e i r standards." Their alignment with the white cult u r e seemed to ar i s e out of a thorough i n t e r n a l i z a t i o n of the hegemony of the dominant group. "I always wanted to come to a white school since I knew that people do go to white schools. I was scared of white people before, not that they t e r r i f i e d me but I looked up to them and treated them l i k e gods." (black student) The approximation to the white standards was occurring with a simultaneous distancing from the black mass as can be 97 seen i n the comments of these black students when asked how they would f e e l about having more black students i n the school the following year. "It w i l l be bad. It w i l l be t e r r i b l e . " "There'll be chaos. Black students are rude and noisy. They don't know how to behave." Part of t h e i r ambivalence towards t h e i r own culture was that i t was i n a state of extreme flux , hovering somewhere between r u r a l and urban, A f r i c a n and Western, t r a d i t i o n a l and post-modern, i n d u s t r i a l . Mrs. Guthrie, the Zulu teacher perceived i t thus: "The Zulu students come from a changing society. They don't have a cultu r e of t h e i r own at the moment because they're very westernized. They l i v e i n townships, they don't have t h e i r own culture , i t ' s more a township culture than a Zulu c u l t u r e . I don't think they a c t u a l l y know what t h e i r culture i s at the moment. Some of them have never come across t r a d i t i o n a l r i t e s . " Emerging Generation Gap A p o t e n t i a l issue was the widening gulf between the more progressive white students and t h e i r conservative parents. The contrast i s i l l u s t r a t e d by the following two quotes: "I didn't want blacks i n the school at f i r s t but I think now they should have equal r i g h t s , i t ' s the only way things are going to get better. Our generation's seen what they are r e a l l y l i k e . Our parents don't r e a l l y understand black people the way we understand them." "When I t r y to t e l l my family about my black classmates or what we've done i n c l a s s , my r e l a t i v e s say, Oh, you're friends with Blacks. How disgusting1" 98 Miss Peters v a l i d a t e d t h i s : "It's tough on the white g i r l s . They just run straight i n t o a brick wall when they get home. They don't t e l l t h e i r parents they have black friends because they know they'd get into trouble." RACISM Segregation There was very l i t t l e evidence of physical integration i n the school. In Assembly, i n the playgrounds and i n the classrooms, the black g i r l s sat together. For example, i n the Afrikaans c l a s s , the desks were arranged side by side i n four long rows. The black students sat next to each other, two i n the front, the other seven i n the middle of the classroom, side by side. This seating pattern was the norm i n a l l the classes I observed. It was reinforced by. the teaching methods which were generally teacher-fronted, lecture format. In classes where group work was done, there was some evidence of integrated groups. In the Zulu class the teacher said she forced them to mix during o r a l work so the black students could help the white students with the language. In contrast to the other classes where very l i t t l e i n t e r a c t i o n occurred between the races, there was a l o t of easy-going rapport and involvement with the task. None of the teachers or administrators saw segregation as a problem. Instead they saw i t as "natural* and • • • • ^ 99 something that would evolve over time as they got to know each other better or entered high school from integrated primary schools. There was a d i s t i n c t aversion to intervening i n any way i n order to f a c i l i t a t e integration. The P r i n c i p a l explained: "If you force i t , i t ' s going to be seen as something imposed l i k e apartheid was imposed - now we're imposing integration." Many teachers f e l t there were advantages as the black students could help one another, e s p e c i a l l y i f i t was a language problem as they were reluctant to seek help from the white students. One teacher said: "When the black g i r l s s i t together they help each other but i f they are apart they would rather shout to t h e i r f r i e n d across the room than ask a white student s i t t i n g nearby." Some teachers also believed the black students produced better work i n t h e i r own groups because they were not overshadowed by the whites. This seemed p a r t i c u l a r l y the case i n subjects where they could draw on t h e i r own c u l t u r a l backgrounds and experiences, such as creative w r i t i n g or Drama. "They're on t h e i r own wavelength,, not shy or i n h i b i t e d by the whites." (Teacher) This opinion was reinforced by the black students who said they would not have been able to choose the play "Bula", written by a Sotho, dealing with the p o l i t i c a l c r i s i s facing blacks, had they been working with a white group. 100 Another teacher disagreed, however. "When they're mixed they tend to follow the white students but when they're together they don't always produce anything because they don't always know what they're doing. They're very hesitant." A l l the teachers agreed that when they d i d mix, there was no animosity. "They don't seem to mind being i n mixed groups, there's no resistance." While the white students said they didn't want to be forced to mix, nor did they v o l u n t a r i l y integrate, they admitted to a deeper understanding of the black students when they were i n integrated groups. "When we have them i n our groups i n c l a s s , we get to know them better and we learn how to work with them and get along with them." (white student) "Once I had to do a project on a township and I had to speak to a bunch of the black students. I noticed that when I showed i n t e r e s t i n them, a l l of a sudden they were a l l friends. They opened up to me, I couldn't believe the change. The atmosphere was so much better, not nearly so tense, l i k e our white group and t h e i r black group." (white student) While racism i s usually manifest as exclusion by the dominant group, at Valour High i t seemed that i t was often the p o l i t i c a l l y subordinate group who i n i t i a t e d the separation. "It's not that the white kids don't want to s i t with us, i t i s we who don't want to s i t with them." (black student) There were numerous reasons for t h i s . F i r s t l y they f e l t dominated i n a white group. 101 "You know how we black people are when we mix with other races. We always f e e l i n f e r i o r so we s t i c k together, we were born with that t h i n g ( i n f e r i o r i t y complex)." (black student) Sometimes they were hurt by a r a c i s t remark. "I used to s i t with t h i s white group but one day t h i s g i r l s a i d something about " k a f f i r s ' . I ju s t kept quiet and af t e r a while they asked me what was wrong but I just kept quiet. After she r e a l i z e d she had said something wrong she gave me a chocolate." (black student) However, the most common complaint was that t h e i r backgrounds, world views and experiences were so remote from one another that there was no p o s s i b i l i t y f o r dialogue. The white students seemed t o t a l l y ignorant of how p o l i t i c s determined every aspect of black l i v e s . "We never s i t together during breaks or classes because we have d i f f e r e n t backgrounds and that cannot be changed i n a year or two. We l i k e discussing p o l i t i c s but the white g i r l s know nothing about t h i s . They get angry with us because they think we're blaming them." (black student) This was validated by the white students. "I'm too scared to t a l k about t h e i r l i v e s . I don't know i f they want to t a l k about i t . Once I asked Thembi about the stayaways and she said she didn't want to t a l k about i t because we'd get mad." (white student) "The whole thing of mixing the races i s to t r y and get r i d of t h i s p o l i t i c a l thing and do away with apartheid. But everytime we have a free topic the black g i r l s w i l l bring r i o t i n g or some p o l i t i c a l t opic. The black students are t r y i n g to make us f e e l g u i l t y by t a l k i n g p o l i t i c s a l l the time." (white student) The following quote by a black student, expresses the vast difference i n perception of each others' l i v e s , and dramatically contradicts the stereotype. 102 " The white kids l i v e s are so barren. We t a l k about p o l i t i c s , and things that happen i n the l o c a t i o n (township). They t a l k about boys and then they f i g h t . We can't r e l a t e to them." (black student) Although they believed the goal of the school was to integrate them, l i k e the white students, they did not want i t forced on them. "We're supposed to be a m u l t i - r a c i a l school but we're not. I think i t ' s the goal of the school to integrate us but you can't force us to mix." (black student) Miss Campbell saw resegregation as a necessary phase before true integration on an equal footing could take place. "I think the black students are doing t h e i r b i t to create i s o l a t i o n . Maybe they need to get t h e i r i d e n t i t y f i r s t and then say, Here we are, now we're ready to mix with you on our terms because i n i t i a l l y they were mixing on the whites' terms. Now they're creating t h e i r own t u r f . " There was even less mixing a f t e r school. A few of the black students had v i s i t e d the white g i r l s ' homes but because of the violence i n the townships, t h i s had not been reciprocated. Not only was t h i s due to the fact that most of the black pupils had to leave d i r e c t l y a f t e r school to catch buses to the townships, but a l o t of s o c i a l i s i n g occurred during the bus t r i p which s o l i d i f i e d t h e i r friendships. The P r i n c i p a l said there were some friendships among the f i v e black students who l i v e d i n the Woodsville area. "They have integrated more than the black pupils who come i n a body on the bus from the outlying townships." 103 • Racist Incidents Racist incidents, when they occurred, were crude and blatant, perpetrated generally by other students, and consisting of i n s u l t s and demeaning behaviour. Miss Peters explained: "Racism manifests i t s e l f with derogatory generalizations because we're a l l brought up with t h i s kind of attitude." One of the most v o l a t i l e incidents occurred during a debate i n Std 9B between the very outspoken and i n t e l l i g e n t Nonku and a white student, Karen whom teachers described as a "rabid r a c i s t ' . Karen had asked why the townships were so f i l t h y . The white students t o l d her not to say such "stupid things' while the black students swarmed around Nonku i n support of her. Miss Campbell, who was teaching them, said the class had been polarized ever since, with a palpable undercurrent of tension. As a r e s u l t she had to tread very c a r e f u l l y and not t a l k p o l i t i c s as i t was too inflammatory. She said she would have l i k e to have ai r e d the problem but the white g i r l s had begged her not to bring i t up while the black g i r l s had just "simmered". Consequently i t had never been mentioned again although many teachers, and both the black and white students, had talked about i t to me - i t had obviously l e f t deep scars. Nonku described i t thus: "I think Karen hates us; she can't even pretend to l i k e us. When she asked us why i t was always d i r t y i n the 104 locations, we couldn't answer her because we were so angry, some of us were even crying. We would have t o l d her that garbage i s picked up from the white areas and dumped i n the locations (townships)". Karen expressed her position i n the following way: "I'm kind of l i k e the odd one out i n the c l a s s . I've been brought up i n a r a c i s t background. I'd rather just not associate with blacks. I've been spoken to by the P r i n c i p a l and the teachers so now I just keep i t to myself i f they're getting on my nerves. The other white g i r l s don't necessarily disagree with me - they mainly keep out of i t . " Another r a c i s t incident revolved around a number of thefts which were blamed on a black student even though the teachers t o l d me thieving had occurred before the school "opened'. Even the black j a n i t o r i a l s t a f f accused the black students. "When we had only white kids i n the school there were no problems but now we have these l i t t l e blacks and we. have problems." (black j a n i t o r i a l staff) This comment probably reinforces the black students p r i o r opinion that the j a n i t o r i a l s t a f f were "jealous of them' and also serves to highlight the extent to which black people were s o c i a l i z e d into believing t h e i r own i n f e r i o r i t y . Lacking any c r o s s - c u l t u r a l understanding and t r a i n i n g or knowledge of a n t i - r a c i s t education, teachers were i l l - equipped to deal with these incidents and responded to them on a s i m p l i s t i c ad hoc basis. Miss Peters, one of the most l i b e r a l and well-respected teachers, described how she had handled a s i t u a t i o n when a white c h i l d had accused blacks of being d i r t y and untidy. 105 "I t o l d her to open her desk and there was a mess because she's a proper l i t t l e pig. Then I asked one of the black g i r l s to open her desk and i t was b e a u t i f u l , neat as a pin. So I said to the white c h i l d , How can you say that? She was very embarrassed." A l l the black students praised t h e i r teachers for t h e i r e f f o r t s to be t o l e r a n t and non-racist. However, an Indian student complained about a teacher's intolerance towards her Hindu r e l i g i o n and c u l t u r e . "My teacher makes me f e e l bad about my cul t u r e . She t o l d me to take o f f the s t r i n g around my wrist which Hindus wear for protection. My mother had to speak to the P r i n c i p a l who gave me permission to wear i t . " Some teachers f a i l e d to i d e n t i f y t h e i r actions as r a c i s t , saying, "How can I be r a c i s t when I teach black children." Nevertheless, t h i s same teacher had t o l d her c l a s s she personally thought miscegenation was unnatural and quoted the Bible to support her viewpoint. Student Perceptions of the Other A constant theme amongst the white students was a r e j e c t i o n of any attempt to t a l k p o l i t i c s or take r e s p o n s i b i l i t y for apartheid. "Some of the g i r l s r e a l l y have an at t i t u d e , l i k e we owe them something. I think i t was the generation before us that imposed apartheid. I don't think we should bear the consequences of what people d i d i n the past." (white student) On the other hand, given the r e l a t i v e l y short time the school had been "open' and the thoroughness of t h e i r r a c i s t upbringing, many of the white students expressed s u r p r i s i n g l y s e n s i t i v e and progressive views. 106 "If a small group of white childr e n were going to a black school, we'd also s t i c k together and s t i c k up for our rig h t s because i t ' s very d i f f e r e n t for them to go into a school for the f i r s t time and be accepted. I put myself i n t h e i r shoes a l l the time." (white student) "They've had a hard l i f e , l i k e the way they've been treated by us. I t ' s hard for them to come to a school l i k e t h i s and they don't know how they're going to be treated by us."(white student) s . They also praised the way the black students interacted with each other i n contrast to t h e i r own behaviour. "They always have a game to play, they're never bored. And i f they lose, they just laugh i t o f f . Not l i k e us, when we play games we always fight."(white student) "They spend time with t h e i r families and respect them more, not l i k e us." (white student) . "They never scandal about anyone l i k e we do. There was t h i s black g i r l that they a l l hated but they didn't leave her out, they would always include her. If we don't l i k e someone,, that's i t , they can go and do what they r want."(white student) The white students distinguished between t h e i r black schoolmates and the black population i n general. Consequently, when they made derogatory remarks, they were surprised when the black students took offence. "These g i r l s are not your average black on the street. Some g i r l s i n s u l t them but not i n t e n t i o n a l l y . You would be ta l k i n g and say something about black people and t h e y ' l l be behind you and take i t the wrong way;" (white student) The black students also had entrenched r a c i a l stereotypes of the white students. "They (the whites) can't even pick up a piece of paper. We are d i f f e r e n t . We're taught to be clean. When I touch a white person, they say, "Oh, don't touch me," but I think the black maid just washed t h e i r clothes and cooked for them." (black student) 107 While the black students i n 9B, who had been i n the school for 18 months, had formed a self-confident and cohesive group, they r e c a l l e d t h e i r feelings of i n f e r i o r i t y when they f i r s t arrived. They also c r i t i c i z e d the new black students for t h e i r obsequiousness and for allowing themselves to be debased by some of the white students. "Remember they used to make us sing. Come and sing for us. They were making us stupid and we'd come and sing and they'd laugh and laugh. And they'd always grin at us. I just hated that." (black student) "I hate the way the young black g i r l s run af t e r the white g i r l s to t r y to be friends. They say t h e y ' l l buy them chocolates and sew t h e i r dresses." Miss Campbell acknowledged that some of the new, young black students had i n t e r n a l i z e d the t r a d i t i o n a l stereotype. "In my Std. 6 cl a s s , they were doing a play that c a l l e d for a servant. There's only one black g i r l i n the group so guess who had to be the servant! They were angels and ca r o l singers and she was the servant. And she was quite happy just as long as she had a part i n the play." The reactions of the black students to t h i s kind of treatment varied. Some were extraor d i n a r i l y patient and understanding, such as Conise, who said she didn't f e e l angry when her white neighbours put up a concrete fence around t h e i r property. She said she understood i t wasn't easy for some people to accept blacks. " I t ' l l take time. I'm sure a f t e r 10 years t h e y ' l l speak to us." The most common reaction of the black students to racism was passive aquiescence. 108 "We don't say anything, we just, ignore i t . " (black student) Some of the more confident students were reacting more boldly and refusing to allow the white students to push them around. "So we t o l d them when they ordered us to return the tennis b a l l s , " I f i t ' s going to take us two minutes to do, then i t must take you two minutes!" and we just l e f t . They c a l l e d a f t e r us, "You lazy bums!" (black student) One f o r t h r i g h t and v o l a t i l e black student had her own unique way of handling the s i t u a t i o n : "The whites believe we blacks are aggressive because they see most of the violence and k i l l i n g s done by blacks and so they are a f r a i d of us. I myself am very aggressive towards them, so I say, " I ' l l k i l l you," just to make them a f r a i d . They think I'm r a c i s t but the way they treat us makes us aggressive towards them." Conise summed up the attitudes of the white students. towards them: "You get three d i f f e r e n t groups - those who pretend they l i k e you, those who hate you and those who are very sincere i n loving you. Those ones don't mind you coming to t h e i r house or t h e i r mom sharing her car, or even having p a r t i e s together." PEDAGOGICAL ISSUES According to desegregation t h e o r i s t s , pedagogical issues are connected to e f f e c t i v e race r e l a t i o n s and academic'performance . In t h i s section I w i l l examine what the teachers at Valour G i r l s ' High are doing i n t h e i r classrooms i n order to determine i f t h i s assumption i s v a l i d i n the South A f r i c a n context. 109 Teaching Methods Most of the classes were grounded i n t r a d i t i o n a l pedagogy: they were teacher-centred, with the teacher standing at the front of the cl a s s , imparting knowledge i n lecture-format. Desks were arranged i n p a i r s , i n long rows, facing the teacher. Black students sat together either i n a s o l i d block or i n clumps of twos and fours amongst the white students. This was the pattern i n a l l the classes I observed unless they were s p e c i f i c a l l y assigned to mixed groups as was the case i n Zulu during o r a l work when a native-speaker was paired with a non-native speaker. The students f o r the most part sat passively and li s t e n e d with no t a l k i n g tolerated. Miss Young: "You may not t a l k . This i s a waste of human time. I t indicates to me that you know the work and I know that i s n ' t the case." Information was mainly learned by rote through r e p e t i t i o n , d r i l l i n g and modelling correct answers. Comprehension was checked through question/answer format or open-ended questions, such as Miss Pienaar asked. "I ask i f there was anyone who didn't understand. No one puts up t h e i r hands but I can see (by) them frowning that they didn't understand." The students' reluctance to verbalize i s evident from the following quotes from the black students: "I f you think everyone knows the answer except you, you become a f r a i d . That's why when the teacher asks i f we understand we a l l say vyes'." 110 "You can't ask anything when you don't know what anything means." The whole system was exam driven, with the school- leaving matriculation exam determining pedagogy. "There's no time to teach, no time to prepare creative lessons. The matric exam i s what rules us a l l . You hear teachers saying, "I got 5As" as i f they'd written the exam themselves. Inspectors scold you i f the marks are low. I know our teaching methods are inadequate but everyone w i l l t e l l you i t ' s the only way to get through the syllabus." (teacher) Formal exams were held i n the second and fourth terms, with regular t e s t i n g i n the f i r s t and t h i r d terms. En t i r e 40 minute lessons were spent reviewing tests ; students were scolded f o r poor marks and t o l d to study harder. Sometimes the students had to repeat the same t e s t two or three times u n t i l they attained 100%. None of the teachers had changed t h e i r teaching methods, except to go more slowly, which involved using simpler vocabulary or explaining the vocabulary. They saw language proficiency as the single factor impeding black students' progress. Miss Young: "I've always thought I was a good teacher but I can't necessarily say the same with black c h i l d r e n . . A l o t i s because of the language d i f f i c u l t y . I don't know how to teach language because I'm unable to teach geographic vocabulary i n a way they would understand." This was also evident i n classes such as Biology, where the vocabulary was very s p e c i f i c . Students were penalized fo r s p e l l i n g mistakes , such as l i t f o r litmus, even though 1 111 the teacher acknowledged the student had understood conceptually. A l o t of the r e s p o n s i b i l i t y for language development f e l l on the English teachers, with other subject teachers not recognizing i t as part of t h e i r new teaching mandate. Miss K e l l y : "In c l a s s you've got to work to get through and you've only got a f r a c t i o n of time to spend on pupils who are b a t t l i n g so you can't spend too many lessons on remedial work where the other people are roaring ahead and you've got to give them that opportunity." The onus was also on the black students to "catch up' rather than on the teachers t r y i n g to f a c i l i t a t e t h e i r learning. Mrs. Gory: "I might ask them i f they understand or give them extra attention because you can see they're not coping but pretty soon they must catch up and see what's expected of them." Some e f f o r t had been made to give extra help but i t had not been very successful. "They t r i e d giving us extra lessons but i t didn't help. The more the teacher explains the more i t gets complicated. We need something p r a c t i c a l ; do t h i s , do that."(black student) A few teachers were beginning to r e a l i s e that t h e i r new student c l i e n t e l e would necessitate a r a d i c a l r e v i s i o n of pedagogy. Mrs. Henry: "The biology syllabus i s completely out of touch with the needs of the black c h i l d r e n . Why should they have to know 30 new terms every time we teach an animal or plant? We should just teach p r i n c i p a l s and forget a l l these l a b e l s . " 1 1 2 Some teachers used a more student-centred approach. For example Miss Wood's Vocational Guidance c l a s s , was generally used to discuss and guide students i n t h e i r choice of subjects, careers and t e r t i a r y education. I t could also be used as a forum for discussing s o c i a l behaviour, ranging from manners and etiquette to interpersonal i n t e r a c t i o n s . As such t h i s subject had the pot e n t i a l to encourage cross- c u l t u r a l awareness and understanding or be a means to s o c i a l i z e black students into "appropriate' behaviour. Miss Wood was one of the few teachers doing any kind of professional development; she was taking a course on multiculturalism at the Teachers' Training College i n order to upgrade her teaching diploma. The class I observed was discussing " r e l a t i o n s h i p s ' Miss Wood brainstormed the meaning of the word. There was a l o t of response from the whole c l a s s . Four black students and two whites were asked to share t h e i r views. She then asked them to write down any incidents when they didn't get on with family members, friends, peers, teachers and boyfriends and then to express what they would have l i k e to happen. She gave them about 10 minutes and then asked who wanted to share t h e i r s t o r i e s . Again there was an enthusiastic response from the whole c l a s s . She chose two white students and two black to share t h e i r s t o r i e s . The whole cl a s s was very attentive and interested during the t e l l i n g of these experiences; they smiled a l o t , 113 laughed, nodded, and lent over to comment to t h e i r neighbour. This seemed to suggest to me that not only were the s t o r i e s entertaining but they could also i d e n t i f y with them. They seemed to have a common thread - they a l l had chosen family r e l a t i o n s h i p s and three of the four s t o r i e s dealt with perceived unfairness of t h e i r parents, who had focussed on a negative aspect of t h e i r behaviour, overlooking t h e i r p o s i t i v e actions. I had been warned that t h i s class was very polarized and v o l a t i l e yet t h i s a c t i v i t y seemed to f i n d common ground amongst them a l l . I t highlighted the s i m i l a r i t i e s between the races, e s p e c i a l l y among teenagers, faced with common parental problems. They r e a l l y seemed to l i s t e n to each other's s t o r i e s with understanding and good-natured sympathy. P a r t i c i p a t i o n i n School L i f e Classroom p a r t i c i p a t i o n generally took the form of students r a i s i n g t h e i r hands i n response to a teacher's question. There was no distinguishable difference i n the response from black and white students. However teachers tended to ask disproportionately more black than white students. An example was i n the General Science c l a s s , where blacks made up only 30% of the c l a s s , yet the teacher asked s i x black students and four white students. S i m i l a r l y i n the 9B English c l a s s , while many hands were r a i s e d to give 114 examples of idiomatic expressions, the teacher c a l l e d upon three black and two white pupils. One reason, according to teachers, was to encourage more black p a r t i c i p a t i o n as teachers found the black students i n the lower grades shy and r e t i c e n t i n c l a s s . Another reason could have been my presence which influenced teachers to behave i n a way they thought I wanted to see. A t h i r d reason could have been an unconscious attempt to compensate for previous neglect. Neither black nor white students i n i t i a t e d many questions, but when they did, there was l i t t l e r a c i a l d i f f e r e n c e . When there was a difference i t was usually because of black rather than white i n i t i a t i v e . For example at a t a l k on Aids during recess, where there were 80 students, only three of whom were black , the only person who i n i t i a t e d a question was a black student. While transport mitigated against much p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n afternoon e x t r a - c u r r i c u l a r events, black students p a r t i c i p a t e d a c t i v e l y i n a c t i v i t i e s scheduled at recess, e s p e c i a l l y those that involved p o l i t i c s or community projects. Miss Peters said the black parents were f a r more supportive of ex t r a - c u r r i c u l a r a c t i v i t i e s than the white parents. She explained how the black mothers had car- pooled to bring t h e i r daughters to rehearsals every night 115 for a Talent Night, had remained to watch and encourage them and taken them back home to the townships afterwards. "I t was a tremendous contribution. The white parents (who l i v e d nearby) would never have dreamed of doing that." The Physical Education teacher, Miss Williams, said the black students were keen on p a r t i c i p a t i n g i n sport when they could and were very supportive of team competitions. "If a house captain t e l l s them to support a match, the black g i r l s w i l l , whereas the whites w i l l say "What for?' and leave." Netball (basketball) was the most popular sport with one black student on the A team and 3 on the B team. The only reason there weren't more on the A team was because they had to catch buses home and because of t h e i r involvement i n p o l i t i c a l groups, such as the Durban Youth Interaction Committee (DYIC), according to Miss Williams. She f e l t that being on mixed teams helped them to i n t e r a c t more natu r a l l y . On the other hand, one of the black students said i t also brought them into contact with the conservative white parents who transported the teams to d i f f e r e n t events. These parents sometimes used i n s e n s i t i v e and derogatory language which was very h u r t f u l to the black students. Behaviour Behavioural problems amongst black students have often been c i t e d i n desegregation l i t e r a t u r e due mainly to the greater number of blacks moving into white schdbls than 116 vice-versa; hence the onus i s always on them to make the appropriate adjustment to d i f f e r e n t sets of rul e s , c u l t u r a l and behavioural expectations. One of the greatest fears of parents and teachers when Valour High admitted black students was an anticipated drop i n standards of behaviour. However a l l the teachers agreed that these fears had not materialized. Mrs. Guthrie: "We expected major behavioural problems. But they've (black students) had to come into the s i t u a t i o n , handle the boundaries, learn what they can and can't do whereas our g i r l s (whites) are expected to know what they do or don't do." On the contrary, t h e i r chief complaint was that the black students were often shy, lacked self-confidence, were not used to speaking up i n class or asking questions. Some misunderstandings did occur such as i n a t e s t i n g s i t u a t i o n where black students were unfamiliar with the "rule of s i l e n t , independent work' according to Mrs Guthrie. One of the problems was that the teachers knew only the C h r i s t i a n National Education system and were ignorant of the kind of schooling the black students had been through. Consequently, they were at a loss as to how to modify t h e i r teaching or expectations. Mrs Guthrie: "We are used to getting pupils who came through a school system we are f a m i l i a r with. Now we are getting pupils and we don't know what schooling they've had. We can't expect them to behave i n ways that we are used to because we don't know what standards were set i n t h e i r schools." The South A f r i c a n school system promotes d i s c i p l i n e and encourages passive, obedient and attentive 117 students. Mrs Jory: "It's c r i t i c a l that I have a peaceful and relaxed environment, that while I'm t a l k i n g the pupils w i l l be absolutely s t i l l , they won't even f i d d l e or touch a book; t h e y ' l l just s i t and l i s t e n . " Teachers, l i k e students, were expected to obey unquestioningly and accept t h e i r place i n the educational hierarchy. Miss Young: "Teachers have t y p i c a l l y gone along with the system and been l i t t l e puppets. We've grown up through a very s t r i c t C h r i s t i a n National Education and even as teachers, we've been taught to be good and obedient." j Consequently, i n the current s i t u a t i o n of educational up-heaval, very few of them took the i n i t i a t i v e i n introducing change i n t h e i r classrooms. . However, they were eager to learn and many asked me for advice and suggestions to help them teach i n a m u l t i r a c i a l c l a s s . Miss Cane: "The teachers r e a l l y don't know how to cope with black ESL students i n t h e i r c l a s s ; they're just fumbling i n the dark. I hope you can give us some advice and suggestions." Despite the emphasis on d i s c i p l i n e , and quiet, attentive students, most of the teachers were quite lenient, usually se t t i n g students work and l e t t i n g them get on with i t , only intervening i f the noise l e v e l got too high. A l a i s s e z f a i r e a t t i t u d e predominated within a framework of general acquiescence, and moderate, passive behaviour. It seemed as i f the students knew the l i m i t s and had i n t e r n a l i z e d the r u l e s . 118 This attitude promoted a s u p e r f i c i a l atmosphere of harmony although Miss Campbell f e l t that i t masked underlying r a c i a l tensions. "I t keeps some control but maybe i n the long run i t ' l l take longer for us to overcome obstacles because we're not dealing with them. People look at my c l a s s (9 B) and think they're marvellous because they're doing well academically and they're such fun but I can f e e l the tension i n the class every day." Punishment, mostly i n the form of scolding, when i t did occur, tended to be d i r e c t and harsh but was meted out to black and white students a l i k e ; For example, the Afrikaans teacher threatened "to break a black c h i l d ' s f i n g e r s " i f she sc r i b b l e d i n her text book again . She also y e l l e d at seven black students who came int o class l a t e . The fac t that she did not modify t h i s behaviour i n front of me indicated to me that she probably would have reacted i n the same way to white students. Another teacher p u b l i c l y c r i t i c i z e d one of the white students, causing the student to burst i n t o tears and f l e e the room. - , Teachers were f a i r l y s e n s i t i v e to the fac t that some punishment would have a harsher e f f e c t on the black g i r l s , e s p e c i a l l y detention because of t h e i r transportation problems. This was interpreted as favouritism by the white students. Mrs. Guthrie: "I sometimes give detentions but i f they say they can't stay because they have buses to catch, I l e t them come at lunch break. But I don't r e a l l y believe i n punishment at t h i s point i n time. You're going to be punishing them d a i l y 119 for things they're not used to or just t o t a l l y bewildered by." White students: "The black students get away with murder. If we do anything wrong, we're jumped on, but they never get detentions." Most teachers f e l t that there was l i t t l e impact on behaviour because the black students were s t i l l a small minority and f e l t insecure about t h e i r status so adapted to the white model and school r u l e s . However, some teachers were concerned that t h i s would not be possible with an i n f l u x of black students. Mrs. Jory: "If we had a whole c l a s s of black children, how would I survive? I say f i t the mould otherwise I can't cope." I r o n i c a l l y , the black students themselves f e l t the same way and were unanimously adamant that more black students would have a negative e f f e c t on behaviour. "There would be chaos i f more blacks came int o the school. The black students are rude; they don't know how to behave." Academic Standards Another fear of in t e g r a t i o n at Valour High was a drop i n academic standards. However, based on conversations with the teachers and students about student performance, observing the a b i l i t y groupings both between classes and within classes and looking at some t e s t scores, i t appeared that t h i s fear had not materialised. Teachers indicated that the black students' l i m i t e d language p r o f i c i e n c y was 120 l i k e l y to be the biggest impediment to black students' progress. Mrs Jory: "I don't want there to be a drop i n academic standards, that's why I'm keen to take only the kids that speak good English. As long as you can understand English, there's no difference between black and white students." While the black students d i d poorly i n Afrikaans which was t h e i r t h i r d language and excelled i n Zulu, t h e i r f i r s t language, most teachers f e l t i n the other subjects,they " s l o t t e d i n ' , some at the top, some at the bottom and the rest interspersed amongst the white students. They were at a disadvantage i n s c i e n t i f i c subjects because of the s p e c i a l i s e d vocabulary for which they were penalised . Miss K e l l y : "I sometimes, very r a r e l y , give them a mark i f I can see what they're t a l k i n g about but 1 cannot normally because they w i l l have to the write matric. exam and t h e y ' l l be penalized f o r s p e l l i n g errors." "Status i n s e c u r i t y ' could account for the academic success of the black students and conversely the lack of ambition of the white students. "I wanted to show the white people that we could also do i t . A l l of us i n t h i s class (9B) are i n the top ten positions. And Sikose here, she's number one or number two i n the c l a s s . " (black student) The white students had i n i t i a l l y reacted with shock and anger at the academic success of the black students as they struggled to reconcile t h i s image with the negative stereotype of black i n f e r i o r i t y with which they had been raised. Miss Campbell: 121 "Miss Peters used to c a l l out the tes t marks of the top f i v e students i n English and three out of the f i v e would be black. The white g i r l s were stunned." This a t t i t u d e did not go unnoticed by the black students. "At f i r s t , l a s t year, they (white students) were so angry with us but now they're used to us, they recognize us and we are proud of ourselves." Sikose perceived that the white students' o r i g i n a l f r i e n d l i n e s s arose out of complacency, "status security' which gave way to anger once t h e i r status was threatened. "I think i t was good for the whites when we came here because they learnt to accept that blacks have the a b i l i t y to do anything. When we came here they thought we'd be below them and they'd be on top. That's why they didn't worry. They were very f r i e n d l y but as the days went on they started not being f r i e n d l y . " This a t t i t u d e was v e r i f i e d by the white students who said: "If a black student does better, the other kids get mad. My mom also gets mad. She says i f blacks can do i t why can't you." However, some white students seemed to be coming to terms with the concept of black achievement. "I expected them to be a b i t cleverer than the whites. We've b a s i c a l l y got,everything and they didn't have much, so when they get the advantage of a school l i k e t h i s , I don't think they'd miss the opportunity." (white student) A b i l i t y Groupings A b i l i t y groupings are endemic to the South A f r i c a n education system. Each standard i s divided into A,B,C,D cl a s s based on academic a b i l i t y determined by examination r e s u l t s . There i s a further d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n between higher 122 grade and standard grade with teachers teaching a modified syllabus with s i m p l i f i e d questions i n the standard grade. The question i s whether t h i s model can be maintained i n a m u l t i c u l t u r a l class and what are the implications of a b i l i t y groupings i n t r y i n g to provide a l l the students with e f f e c t i v e education. In four of the classes I observed, students had to c a l l out t h e i r marks which were recorded by the teacher. I n t h e Math cl a s s they were grouped according to t h e i r t e s t r e s u l t s , with the weakest i n the front row, so the teacher could "keep an eye on them'. The non-white students were evenly represented i n both the "weak' and "strong' rows. In the two classes I observed, f i v e whites, three black students and one Indian, sat i n the front row, nine whites and four black students sat i n the back row (the highest achievers). The teacher commented that the students worked hard to move back and the students who improved were praised. The students, black and white, seemed completely comfortable and unembarrassed by t h i s routine. There was a higher percentage of black students i n the C and D classes, mainly due to l i m i t e d language p r o f i c i e n c y . At the time of the study l i t t l e or no language support was available and most teachers saw i t as an "English Department problem'. The P r i n c i p a l pointed out that once the language improved the black students made rapid progress and were often promoted i n t o higher a b i l i t y classes. 123 However, the black students were not consistently i n the academically lower classes. For example Std. 9B, the second highest grouping, had one of the largest numbers of black students. A b i l i t y groupings did, however, jeopardize black students when they were put i n an A c l a s s . Because there were few black students i n the A classes, the ones who d i d "make i t ' , often f e l t uncomfortable and asked to be demoted. "I am the only black i n the A c l a s s . I don't f e e l comfortable. When the class divides i n t o groups, they ignore me and I have to go and ask i f I can be i n t h e i r group." (black student) Teachers at Valour High had an, extremely low , di s r e s p e c t f u l attitude towards students, white and black, i n the lower a b i l i t y classes. Derogatory remarks were frequently made d i r e c t l y to me or openly amongst the teachers themselves . "You can't do much with these dummies." "You can't do much with t h i s c l a s s - there's nothing there. They're hopeless. They don't have the background." Connected to a b i l i t y groups was the power structure as most of the leadership roles went to students i n the A cl a s s . This impacted negatively on the black students as they were underrepresented i n the A c l a s s . While the P r i n c i p a l f e l t t h i s d i d u n f a i r l y exclude blacks from c e r t a i n leadership r o l e s , she f e l t the exclusion of whites i n lower a b i l i t y classes from leadership r o l e s was j u s t i f i e d . i.Z.'i "This question of the As doing everything, I think i t ' s the nature of the beast. Those are the childr e n who are into everything and want to do things. The others come from families where you only s i t with your beer and watch TV Some of the families have no background, no culture, nothing and so the c h i l d r e n come through wondering why they should bother to t r y . " (Mrs. Todd) Within each c l a s s , however, the black students were i n leadership roles such as class captains, arid were sent on leadership courses. They were also given equal r e s p o n s i b i l i t i e s by the teachers, such as running errands or d e l i v e r i n g messages. Mrs. Jory: "The black students take the r e s p o n s i b i l i t y more seriously. They make sure they have the correct i n s t r u c t i o n s before carrying out my request." Curriculum Changes There had been l i t t l e curriculum change since the admission of black students. The main reason, according to teachers, was because the matriculation exam determined what should be taught and t h i s had to be changed f i r s t . Teachers said they had been given no d i r e c t i v e s from the Education Department, so assumed they were expected to continue as usual. Moreover, the V i c e - P r i n c i p a l pointed out that the teachers had taught the same curriculum for years so were very f a m i l i a r and comfortable with i t and reluctant to throw i t a l l out. "It's quite a c o n f l i c t f o r those teachers who have t h i s body of knowledge which they've enjoyed teaching and then to leave i t . But I think the whole process, as p a i n f u l and d i f f i c u l t , i n v o l v i n g change and more work, w i l l be r e v i t a l i z i n g f o r everybody. We have to t r y to help teachers change t h e i r anglocentric perspective." (Miss Cane) 125 Some of the classes had very l i t t l e relevance to the education of black and white students for a new, democratic m u l t i c u l t u r a l South A f r i c a . Religious Education seemed the most redundant. While most of the Afr i c a n students were Ch r i s t i a n , the C h r i s t i a n ethic that permeated the school alienated the handful of Indian students. Steeped i n a homogeneous C h r i s t i a n outlook, teachers were unaware of i t s e f f e c t on students of other r e l i g i o n s , such as the Hindu students. "They were t a l k i n g about some story from the Bi b l e we didn't know about, some whale story, so we thought , what's t h i s now?" (Indian students) Afrikaans was another subject that appeared to be ir r e l e v a n t to the black students although there was a suggestion that they would have the option i n the future of taking i t as a t h i r d rather than second language. Mrs. Young, the Geography teacher, admitted that i t was only a f t e r she had attended a m u l t i c u l t u r a l workshop that she r e a l i z e d how the present curriculum perpetuated the r a c i s t stereotype. \ ' "When you t a l k about black r u r a l subsistence farmers who can't produce a surplus, you don't add the word "backward' but that's what you mean. And when you t a l k about the commercial farmers , they're always white and successful. So i n just one section on economic geography you've emphasized the i n f e r i o r i t y of the blacks and the sup e r i o r i t y of the whites." (Mrs. Young) While exams were always used as an excuse for not changing, Mrs Young pointed out that i n the junior program, the focus was not on matric subjects. 126 "We stand i n the classroom and teach how r i v e r s erode. It's completely i r r e l e v a n t . We should be discussing issues such as the upgrading of the squatter settlements." The English and Drama Departments were t r y i n g to use more black and white South A f r i c a n writers and themes but were hampered by lack of funds for new textbooks. Consequently, they were stuck with the B r i t i s h c l a s s i c s but were gradually phasing them out. Miss Peters said that she encouraged the students i n her 7C c l a s s to r e l a t e the issues i n t h e i r setbooks to t h e i r own l i v e s and said the whole class benefitted from t h i s . "It's time to speak about these things (apartheid) instead of t i p t o e i n g around and pretending. When we discussed violence i n the townships, the white students were wide-eyed; they had no idea of the horrendous home circumstances of t h e i r classmates. I t d i d them good to hear the s t o r i e s and made them more sympathetic and respectful of the black students who had endured so much and could r i s e above i t . " On the other hand, Miss Campbell said that although she wanted to discuss relevant issues i n her 9B c l a s s , they were too polarized and v o l a t i l e . " I r o n i c a l l y , I used to t a l k more openly about apartheid before the black students came to the school. But now I can't because I get t h i s h o s t i l e reaction or they'd be tearing each other apart or there'd be t h i s quiet s i l e n c e . We d i d Othello which would be perfect for r e l a t i n g i t to t h e i r own~experiences but as soon as they f e e l i t coming close to home and you're going to t a l k about things that d i r e c t l y a f f e c t them, they won't say a word. It's l i k e a secret agreement - l e t ' s not say anything that's going to i n f u r i a t e anybody else because otherwise i t ' s going to blow up. It' s very threatening." Sometimes the black students themselves r e s i s t e d material that r e f e r r e d to t h e i r culture or to p o l i t i c s . Miss Campbell: 127 "We were studying "Things F a l l Apart" by Chinua Achebe which dealt with t r i b a l l i f e i n Nigeria. The black g i r l s were quite reluctant to discuss t h e i r wonderful myths and legends. I think they f e l t quite f o o l i s h . They want to get away from t h e i r roots, pretend they come from the same sort of homes as the white students." Miss Wood, the Drama teacher explained how she had t r i e d to encourage the black students to use black writers and pertinent themes i n t h e i r Drama program but had met with resistance because she f e l t the black g i r l s didn't want to look conspicuous. One black student chose the theme of "Unnatural Death", using poems and prose that dealt with World War I I , which seemed to Miss Wood strangely - inappropriate and outside the student's experiences. Miss Wood attributed t h i s r e j e c t i o n of t h e i r culture to the fa c t that t h e i r were only a few black students i n t h i s class and believed a larger group would have more confidence to express t h e i r c u l t u r a l i d e n t i t y and personal experiences. The black students i n 9B f e l t i t was important to discuss modern problems because the whites didn't understand why there were always s t r i k e s , boycotts and violence i n the townships. "The white g i r l s know nothing about these things. They think we just don't want to go to school or that we just k i l l each other. I f we t r y to explain they get angry with us. They think we are blaming them." (black students) While the white students wanted to learn about the black students' personal l i v e s , they i n s i s t e d that i t be non-controversial. 128 "I l i k e to hear about the r e a l l i f e , the family- t r a d i t i o n s , r i g h t down to the core of t h e i r l i v e s . But they (black students) bring p o l i t i c s i n t o everything. As ch i l d r e n we hear so much about p o l i t i c s that I don't even want to watch the news anymore." (white student) The l i b r a r i a n said that relevant texts were slowly being introduced into the l i b r a r y . A number of books written by black writers about black characters and si t u a t i o n s , such as the Junior A f r i c a n Writers Series, were on display and she was t r y i n g to encourage the students to read them. There was also a s e l e c t i o n of ESL books which included A f r i c a n themes and pictures depicting both modern and t r a d i t i o n a l Africans, black professionals, such as businessmen, as well as labourers, such as maids. Some s i g n i f i c a n t changes were taking place i n the History curriculum. The History teacher, Miss Moran explained i t thus: "There's a misconception that black people weren't here when the Europeans arrived so I always s t a r t with South Af r i c a n History. When we t a l k about diamonds, I t e l l them about migratory labour, black workers, compounds, blacks who fought and died i n the Wars." She said she also t r i e d to r e l a t e other themes to the South A f r i c a n context. For example, the Nuremberg Laws prohibited marriage between Jews and Germans - many of the white g i r l s had no idea mixed marriages were prohibited i n South A f r i c a u n t i l recently. ""They need to know these things." 129 In the class I observed, she drew a Human Rights Tree on the board and asked them what ri g h t s they f e l t they should have. "The g i r l s often don't make the connection between history and t h e i r contemporary l i v e s . I avoid dealing with i t d i r e c t l y because I don't want them to get overburdened with g u i l t . " Even though the Physical Education teacher sa i d she had not changed her curriculum much, there was some evidence of accommodation. For example, i n one class the students had to make up t h e i r own games and teach the c l a s s . The black students played a game using t i n cans and tennis b a l l s . At f i r s t the white pupils were unreceptive. Miss Williams: "I had to give them a speech about i t being a new culture f o r the black students who had to adapt to the white culture and the white g i r l s should t r y to do the same f o r them. " Miss Williams said i t proved to be a big success. The white g i r l s also commented on i t : " I t was such fun. The black g i r l s can make up games out of nothing. They're never bored. They're much more creative i n that way than we are." Miss Cane, the V i c e - P r i n c i p a l , said that one of the main problems i n curriculum reform was that everyone had been l e f t to do t h e i r own thing. "There's no d i r e c t i o n , so nobody r e a l l y knows what to do." The P r i n c i p a l i d e n t i f i e d another p o s i t i o n . "I r e a l l y don't think i t ' s a case of Euro- versus A f r o c e n t r i c . We have a middle-class black intake where the parents just want the best f o r t h e i r c h i l d r e n . They want t h e i r c h i l d r e n to do better than them . If they're nurses, J_ \J they want t h e i r children to be doctors. They weren't being given what they wanted i n the black schools and they see themselves acquiring that through our education, a western education through the medium of English." FUTURE CONCERNS The predominant f e e l i n g was one of uncertainty and lack of d i r e c t i o n . "If we knew the d i r e c t i o n we were going i n , we could begin preparing for i t . " (Miss Cane) Nevertheless, given the turbulence of the times, there was also an extraordinary amount of i n i t i a t i v e and optimism. "I can't imagine how the changes w i l l be r e f l e c t e d i n the future. I suppose things w i l l a r i s e and we'll deal with them and that's what we've done so f a r . We haven't been taught what to do. We've just pitched i n and looked at the kids and said "Let's gol" (Miss Campbell) " I can't wait (for the elections)I I can't wait! They (black students) must just come nowl " (Miss Young) At a time of massive educational changes, there was l i t t l e preparation f o r professional development or i n - service teacher t r a i n i n g . Teachers were floundering without i t . Miss Young a f t e r p a r t i c i p a t i n g i n a m u l t i c u l t u r a l workshop: " U n t i l the workshop , I d i d not know we could do anything d i f f e r e n t l y i n the syllabus so we just c a r r i e d on i n the same way. But i n the workshop, they suggested l o t s of ways that we could change the curriculum to make i t l e s s ethnocentric and p a t e r n a l i s t i c . " 131 S i m i l a r l y there was very l i t t l e support for ESL students, although a "bridging" c l a s s was talked about wherein students would "catch up' to students i n regular classes. The fear of a loss of white culture was a common theme among teachers, black and white parents and black students. With the school operating well under capacity, an i n f l u x of more black students was a r e a l i t y . "Because we have space, the parents r e a l i z e we could have a complete t i d a l wave (of black students). They would l i k e i t to happen more gradually so that people could get used to i t . There's a fear among people because they've seen other people's c h i l d r e n go through a white ethos and they want that for t h e i r children. They know they're not going to get i t and there's f e e l i n g of fear and f r u s t r a t i o n . " (Mrs. Todd) Miss Williams expressed the doubts of many other teachers: "My biggest fear i s that what was predominantly white , w i l l probably become predominantly black so we'll lose our t r a d i t i o n s and culture and a c t u a l l y have to change. We know the ethos i s going to have to change but we wouldn't l i k e to see i t change t o t a l l y . " Paradoxically, i t was the black students and t h e i r parents who most r e s i s t e d the admission of more black students i n t o the school. "You must r e a l i z e they are e l i t i s t and i t ' s a case of "I'm aboard Jack so p u l l up the ladder." (Mrs.Todd) There was a general outcry amongst the black students over eliminating the 20% c e i l i n g : "They cause trouble. I know myself. I know them. We'll be speaking Zulu and the teacher w i l l say something and they w i l l answer back i n Zulu and laugh and joke and the teacher won't know what's happening." (black students) 132 A black student explained: "One of the dangers of having more blacks i n the school i s that you might lose some of the whites. Then we'll have more blacks than whites and then we'll have to f i n d another school. I started i n a coloured school and i t became black so I l e f t and came here." The black students believed racism would be exacerbated. The whites would not be able to ignore them; they would be forced to acknowledge t h e i r presence, have them i n t h e i r groups and t h i s would provoke more; tension. As senior students the following year, the black g i r l s i n 9B said they intended to be much s t r i c t e r with the young black g i r l s . ""These black kids are bad; they're rude. We must control them. There must be a rule about only English, no Zulu. I t ' s easier to s o c i a l i z e and we'll be more accepted i f we speak English better. " (black students) The teachers also feared some s t r u c t u r a l changes i n the future; s t a f f could be retrenched, older teachers forced in t o early retirement, some subjects such as Religious Education and Afrikaans might be eliminated, c l a s s sizes would increase. There was also the ever-present concern with maintaining the standard of behaviour and academics. The teachers also interpreted the current unrest i n black education as a lack of the work ethic rather than having i t s roots i n the h i s t o r i c a l oppression of the apartheid society. "I wouldn't l i k e to see what happens i n black schools where teachers can s t r i k e a l l the time, ever happen i n our 133 school. I think pupils w i l l s t i l l respect that we are here to teach them." (Miss Williams) This opinion was reinforced by the black students themselves:/ "Another thing that you might f i n d i f we get more black students i n the school i s that they w i l l be more p o l i t i c a l l y - o r i e n t e d and t h e y ' l l t e l l us we have to s t r i k e . If we don't s t r i k e t h e y ' l l do something to us when we take the bus home so we might be forced to do things that we might not agree with." A black student recommended that i n the future there should be some black teachers, e s p e c i a l l y for Zulu. The black students also recommended introducing some of t h e i r own a c t i v i t i e s , such as drum majorettes and i n v i t i n g the township schools to play sport so that "the white kids could see how much talent black kids had." Most of the teachers and administrators were determined to have black students as prefects the following year but the black students themselves didn't f e e l so o p t i m i s t i c . "I don't think t h e r e ' l l be any black g i r l s as prefects next year because the white g i r l s don't r e a l l y know them and i t ' s by vote. Even though we'll be i n matric, they won't r e a l l y respect us. When we t e l l them to do something, t h e y ' l l just look at us." (black student) There were mixed feelings regarding the imminent elections and future of the country. Some of the students were very p e s s i m i s t i c . "South A f r i c a doesn't have a future. The only time there i s n ' t a k i l l i n g i s on Peace Day. My parents want to emigrate because there's too much violence here." (Indian student) 134 "As far as I'm concerned there's no hope. I think the problem has grown from so far back that i t w i l l be impossible to solve a l l of a sudden." (white student) The teachers were more cautiously o p t i m i s t i c once the present t r a n s i t i o n period was over. "We a l l hope we get through t h i s d i f f i c u l t stage where the school becomes more mixed, where the r a t i o s change, as quickly as possible so we can get back to a normal l e v e l where you know what standards to expect."(teacher) "As we get more black students, i t ' s just going to become a normal school where there's not going to be "you're t h i s colour and I'm that colour.' I t ' l l a l l just disappear and (they'll) just become pupils, part of the school." (Mrs. Guthrie) Some of the most po s i t i v e comments came from the white students: "In t h i s country everything's changing. I think the way blacks are acting i s because we've always suppressed them. They've never had a chance to see how the world could be f o r them i f they t r i e d i t by themselves because we always shouted them down or beat them or treated them badly. Now they're getting the chance to come out of t h e i r s h e l l . " "If we can't get on now, we won't be able to get on i n the workplace. So i t ' s better i f we get along with them now. We have the opportunity to see what black people are r e a l l y l i k e , not from T.V. or what we've heard." Miss Campbell said that the present black 9B class was an exceptional group, not representative of the average black or white student. The future intake of black students would be more representative. "The 9B Black g i r l s are quite exceptional, they're not your average k i d of any desc r i p t i o n . The new kids coming i n are a more r e a l i s t i c portrayal because some are lazy, some take everything for granted, others work hard, just as i n the white group. To expect them a l l to work hard and be high achievers and highly motivated l i k e the 9Bs i s r a c i s t 135 i n i t s e l f . There was a huge motivation to prove themselves because they were the f i r s t but the ones coming i n now don't need to do so . Their attitude i s more "just accept us for what we are' - the 9 Bs have already broken the ground for them. But they have also set very high standards. They want to be proud of the blacks as a group, they want everyone to be l i k e them. They don't want what they consider the " r i f f - r a f f d r i f t i n g about embarrassing them." (Miss Campbell) She went on to explain that the f i r s t intake were also given every opportunity by the teachers because i t was a new experience f o r everybody but t h i s would not be necessary or possible i n the future. "Every door was opened for them i n a way that wasn't offered to whites. The teachers treated them as a sp e c i a l group; they were quite fortunate as they were given a l o t of chances. With more blacks coming i n , i t won't be possible nor desirable to i s o l a t e a p a r t i c u l a r group and say they're s p e c i a l . But t h a t ' l l be more r e a l i s t i c anyway." (Miss Campbell) 136 Chapter VI DISCUSSION INTEGRATION While the l i t e r a t u r e i s replete with the ways i n which r a c i a l practices were i n t e g r a l and i n s t i t u t i o n a l i z e d i n South A f r i c a , shaping every i n t e r a c t i o n between races (Burman,1986; Kallaway,1991; Christie,1990), the integration of Valour High School occurred r e l a t i v e l y smoothly. Teachers, and white students, themselves s o c i a l i z e d within a h i e r a r c h i c a l r a c i s t system, displayed, for the most part, s u r p r i s i n g l y tolerant and i n c l u s i v e behaviour. ""I put myself i n t h e i r (black students') shoes a l l the time." (white student) , However, i t i s impossible at t h i s stage to determine the extent to which t h i s r e f l e c t e d a genuine a t t i t u d i n a l change i n the teachers, or was, as one teacher suggested, because of job i n s e c u r i t y . A l l the black students I spoke to praised t h e i r teachers for being " f a i r ' and " h e l p f u l ' . Many of the comments made by the some of the white students indicated that they had at least some understanding of the i n j u s t i c e under which the blacks had been forced to l i v e . They also seemed to grasp that "getting along' was imperative for the future and t h i s predicated on understanding each other through personal, d a i l y contact. 137 ""We have the opportunity to see what they're r e a l l y l i k e , not from TV or what we've heard.'' (white student) Not only did these views contradict how they'd been s o c i a l i z e d , but i t brought them into c o n f l i c t with t h e i r right-wing parents. ""Our parents don't want us to mix with blacks. They don't think l i k e us. Our parents are too scared to change t h e i r old ways.*' (white student) In fact, even the parents had changed somewhat "when they saw no disastrous thing happening'; i n 18 months the 10% c e i l i n g on black enrollment had r i s e n to 20%, with a proposal afoot to remove i t completely. While mixed groups i n the classrooms and during recess were very l i m i t e d , when they did occur, there was no animosity. ""They don't seem to mind being i n mixed groups, there's no animosity.'' (teachers) These findings concur with research (Christie,1990; Coutts,1992; Freer,1992; Gaganakis,1992; Frederikse,1992) i n private or alternative schools i n South A f r i c a which showed that r a c i a l mixing had been unproblematic. However, desegregation t h e o r i s t s (Allport,1954 i n Schofield,1982;Pettigrew,1969 i n Schofield,1982; Hawley,1983 et al) agree that mere mixing does not necessarily imply improved race r e l a t i o n s . For t h i s to occur there needs to be equal access to educationalopportunities and equal power within the contact s i t u a t i o n . 138 ADMISSION POLICY Valour High had a stringent admissions p o l i c y which the administrators were determined to invoke u n t i l they were forced "to take i n anybody,' an outcome they believed to be inevitable i n the future. The P r i n c i p a l admitted that the admissions t e s t was anglocentric and biased i n favour of pupils who spoke good English. They wanted to a t t r a c t the "best possible black students', namely those middle-class blacks who most c l o s e l y approximated the white western Ch r i s t i a n norm. Because of the declining white population i n the area, a l l the white students were automatically accommodated i n t h e i r area school. Competition for the remaining places was not, therefore, between white and black students, but between the middle-class and working class blacks. In most foreign countries, integration involves ethnic or foreign minorities but i n South A f r i c a the reverse i s true. Hence the fear of being "swamped' by a t i d a l wave' of black students was a very r e a l and legitimate concern of teachers. Coutts(1992) and Adam & Moodley (1993) also acknowledge t h i s concern. ""The securing of minority rights i n the face of an overwhelmingly numerical superiority of blacks, cannot be summarily disregarded. It i s a pervasive fear fed by perceptions of a deteriorating s o c i a l and economic s i t u a t i o n i n A f r i c a as a whole." (Coutts,1992:416) Two of the reasons for the smooth integration of black students was that the anticipated drop i n academic and behavioral standards had not materialized. However, these , 139 were u n l i k e l y to be maintained with an open admission p o l i c y because many of the excluded students would be those who had been deschooled during the p o l i t i c a l c r i s i s ; they lacked a "culture of education' and had l o s t respect for teachers and d i s c i p l i n e . (Unterhalter, Wolpe ,Gultig, Hart,1991). At f i r s t glance i t seems paradoxical that i t was the black students and t h e i r parents who were most r e s i s t a n t to changing the admission p o l i c y , denouncing t h e i r township peers for being "rude' , and "causing chaos'. But t h i s supports the findings i n private schools where C h r i s t i e , Frederikse, Gaganakis et a l (1991) revealed an alarming degree of prejudice against lower-class black students. In fact these researchers contend that ""the a l i e n a t i o n of the black middle-class from t h e i r brethren i n the townships was one of the most negative consequences of private school , desegregation.'' It would appear that t h i s phenomenon i s being continued i n integrated state schools as w e l l . Far from being paradoxical, however, t h i s phenomenon i s a l o g i c a l consequence of apartheid and emphasizes the contention of Adam and Moodley, C h r i s t i e , Pampallis, Nasson et a l that i n South A f r i c a race and class a r t i c u l a t e i n an intense p o l i t i c a l and i d e o l o g i c a l struggle over power and p r i v i l e g e . In a twist on the "white f l i g h t ' phenomenon that occurred during the early stages of desegregation i n the 140 United States, a black student at Valour High commented: ""One of the dangers of having more blacks i n the school i s that you might lose some of the whites. Then we'll have more blacks than whites and we'11 have to f i n d another school. I started i n a coloured school and i t became black so I l e f t and came here." (black student) The l i t e r a t u r e (Kallaway, Unterhalter, Wolpe, Nasson et a l ) has made i t abundantly c l e a r that apartheid never excluded a l l blacks from accessing the economic resources. Rather, race was used as a mechanism to c o n t r o l who could enter and who was excluded. During periods of intense p o l i t i c a l upheaval and economic i n s t a b i l i t y , i t was a deliberate p o l i c y to co-opt a black middle-class by extending educational p r i v i l e g e s . Reform, however,was often accompanied by repression, with student and trade union a c t i v i s t s amongst the f i r s t to be detained. The student r e b e l l i o n s from 1976 were a s i g n i f i c a n t factor i n the expansion of black education (De Lange Commission,1981 and the White Paper,1983 recommendations) as well as the gradual desegregation of private and l a t e r state schools. While t h i s benefitted many middle-class blacks, i t also created a whole generation of students who l o s t the opportunity to be educated. (Unterhalter, Wolpe, 1992) I r o n i c a l l y , when r e a l reforms occurred i n the "90s the very actions which had propelled some blacks to the front of the l i n e and enabled them to access "good' schools because they were the "black cream', jeopardized the chances of the 141 others who had s a c r i f i c e d education for p o l i t i c a l mobi.lizat.ion. "These schoolchildren were often engaged i n overt p o l i t i c a l action - school boycotts, protests,violent battles with the police and army - during t h i s p e r i o d . " (Draft Educational Policy of the ANC,1992) This could account for the resentment and jealousy of students, manifested i n threats and attacks on those who attended "white' schools, while they continued to languish i n s t i l l i n f e r i o r and troubled township schools. ""The township people hit.us and ask us why we don't go to a black school. I think they're jealous of us." (black student) ""The people i n the township hate us." (black students) Inherent i n the attitude of both black students and educators at Valour High, i s what Gaganakis (1992) refers to as ""an abiding f a i t h i n the meritocracy," the underlying assumption being that a l l children enter the competition for places on more or less equal terms. The poor must simply "work harder.' This echoes Solomon's (1994) contention that Canadian teachers' reluctance to teach a n t i - r a c i s t education arises from t h e i r b e l i e f that ""schools function as meritocratic i n s t i t u t i o n s where i n d i v i d u a l success or f a i l u r e i s a r e s u l t of potential and e f f o r t . " As we have seen, t h i s just i s n ' t so. This presents a r e a l dilemma for both educators and policy-makers who wish to teach for a democratic and non- 142 r a c i a l educational system. While Coutts (1992) recommends that admission p o l i c i e s should not use c u l t u r a l l y biased placement tests i n open state schools, he simultaneously suggests that some form of admission p o l i c y may be' desirable i n the early phases of desegregation because state schools do not have the f i n a n c i a l resources to provide assistance to large numbers of disadvantaged students. EQUAL STATUS Researchers (Pettigrew 1969 c i t e d i n Schofield; Schofield,1982;McCarthy,1990; Cummins, 1988) maintain that for e f f e c t i v e integration to occur there should be equal status and power within the contact s i t u a t i o n . In the desegregation experiences i n other countries, resegregation often occurred within the contact s i t u a t i o n , with disadvantaged students disproportionately represented i n the lower classes and groupings. They did not p a r t i c i p a t e as much as white students, were often excluded from the school power structure and overrepresented amongst those with behavioural problems. This was considered by researchers to be due to, among other things, a low self-concept and low teacher expectations, premised on the " s e l f - f u l f i l l i n g prophecy'. This d i d not seem to be the case at Valour High. There was no distinguishable difference i n classroom p a r t i c i p a t i o n and the expected behavioural problems had not materialized. 143 ""We expected major behavioural problems. But they've had to come into the s i t u a t i o n , handle the boundaries, learn what they can and can't do". (Teacher) However, some teachers and most black students were concerned that an i n f l u x of black township students would impact negatively on behaviour. ""If we had a whole class of black children, how would I survive? I say f i t the mould otherwise I can't cope." (Mrs Jory) ""There would be chaos i f more black students came int o the school. The black students are rude; they don't know how to behave." (black students) Academically black students " s l o t t e d i n ' , a few at the top, some at the bottom and the rest interspersed amongst the white students. In terms of the school power structure, black students were underrepresented i n school leadership roles since those went to students i n the A c l a s s . While t h i s jeopardized the chances of the black students who were underrepresented i n t h i s c l a s s , i t also penalized white students i n the lower a b i l i t y groupings. Within each c l a s s , however, black students were i n leadership roles and were given equal r e s p o n s i b i l i t i e s by the teachers who f e l t they "took t h e i r r e s p o n s i b i l i t i e s more seriously than the white students ' Teachers attributed the lack of problems i n these areas to the fact that they were s t i l l a minority and f e l t insecure about t h e i r status so adapted to the white model and school r u l e s . 144 ASSIMILATION versus ACCOMMODATION While teachers i d e n t i f i e d themselves as those who believed the black students must " f i t i n ' and those who f e l t the school had an obl i g a t i o n to change to meet the needs of i t s new c l i e n t e l e , i n terms of school ethos, classroom praxis and curriculum modification, a s s i m i l a t i o n was the only possible outcome. The norm was an anglo-Christian middle-class model to which a l l students should aspire. ""They (black students) were t o l d they were coming to a school with a Ch r i s t i a n ethic before they were admitted." (Principal) , Rather than a deliberate p o l i c y of ass i m i l a t i o n , i t appeared that these teachers were t r y i n g to maintain the status quo for as long as possible i n the face of tremendous upheaval, making the strange f a m i l i a r and c o n t r o l l a b l e . In the absence of any d i r e c t i v e from the Education Department, they acted out of ignorance of any al t e r n a t i v e ; they c a r r i e d on as usual. It was only a f t e r one teacher had been to a mu l t i c u l t u r a l seminar that she r e a l i s e d that her e f f o r t s to assimilate her black students were a form of racism i n that she was ""trying to impose white standards on black students because we thought (our ways) were s u p e r i o r . " (Miss Young) Again, i t was the black students themselves who seemed to want to approximate the white western norm and distance themselves from the black mass. They were adamant that the English only p o l i c y be s t r i c t l y enforced; teachers reported that black students were sometimes reluctant to discuss 145 t h e i r c u l t u r a l backgrounds or l i f e experiences. ""They want to get away from t h e i r roots, pretend they come from the same sort of homes as the white students.'' This supports researchers (Christie,1990; Pampallis, 1991; Frederikse,1992; Gaganakis,1992) findings i n private schools: ""They (the black students) aspired to become part of the white e l i t e , d e siring the same kinds of c i v i l and s o c i a l p r i v i l e g e s as those held by whites." Adam and Moodley's (1993) explain t h i s i n terms of the struggle i n South A f r i c a being not so much over "race' as access to "power and p r i v i l e g e ' . Nzimande and Pampallis (in Frederikse,1992), however, argue that t h i s same phenomenon i n Zimbabwe i s a t h i n l y disguised form of racism, reproducing the c u l t u r a l subjugation of black students during the c o l o n i a l e r a . " I maintain i t i s a combination of both. The l i t e r a t u r e (Kallaway,1991; Burman, 1986 et al)has many examples of how Bantu education schooled the A f r i c a for i n f e r i o r i t y . Adam & Moodley, (1986,1993) and Bundy, (in Polley,1989) describe i t s disabling e f f e c t s on black people. ""To deny people t h e i r history i s to c r i p p l e them i n t e l l e c t u a l l y and maim them p s y c h o l o g i c a l l y . " (Bundy, 1989 i n Polley,1989) Coutts (1989) explains how a p a r t i c u l a r world view becomes disseminated and part of the c u l t u r a l content of the minds of the people. He does t h i s i n terms of the Gramscian theory of hegemony. ""The purpose of the r u l i n g groups i n popularising t h e i r philosophy and culture i s to perpetuate t h e i r power, wealth and status. Hence schools present the philosophy of the dominant groups as the " o f f i c i a l ' view of the world, 146 while at the same time giving the appearance of representing the i n t e r e s t s of society as a whole. (Coutts,1989:93,94) It i s not surprising, therefore, that black students continue to thoroughly i n t e r n a l i z e the anglo-hegemony. " I always wanted to come to a white school. I was scared of white people before, not that they t e r r i f i e d me but I looked up to them and treated them l i k e gods." (black student) On the other hand, however, e t h n i c i t y and c u l t u r a l d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n were tools of apartheid for keeping blacks underdeveloped. There i s a genuine desire to develop an in t e r n a t i o n a l culture, using an i n t e r n a t i o n a l language so Africans can p a r t i c i p a t e f u l l y i n the "global v i l l a g e ' . English and the anglo culture are seen as quickest and easiest means of doing so. " " A l l (black) parents want the empowerment of t h e i r children to compete equally with others i n the job market." (Coutts,1992:44) This standpoint i s echoed by some of the teachers at Valour High who considered i t t h e i r mandate to give students the c u l t u r a l c a p i t a l to succeed i n the outside world. ""They (black students) need to be t o l d how to behave appropriately Otherwise how w i l l they get on i n the outside world? How w i l l they be able to get j o b s ? " (Mrs Jory) This contradicts most western m u l t i c u l t u r a l t h e o r i s t s who seek to promote and celebrate e t h n i c i t y as a means of empowering disadvantaged minority students. Banks,(1986) however, would seem to, at l e a s t p a r t i a l l y , support Mrs. Jory's standpoint. 147 " M i n o r i t y students can assimilate e s s e n t i a l aspects of the mainstream culture without surrendering the most important aspects of t h e i r f i r s t culture or becoming alienated from i t . The school should help students to develop knowledge, s k i l l s and attitudes needed to (do t h i s ) . " (Banks,1986:24) Nor d i d the black students at Valour High necessarily want a pure anglo culture. A l l of them said they would l i k e to A f r i c a n i s e the school somewhat by singing Zulu hymns, celebrating A f r i c a n h i s t o r i c a l and p o l i t i c a l heroes etc. This perspective emphasizes Bot(1992) and Coutts' (1992) point that the complexity of South A f r i c a ' s s o c i a l environment necessitates balancing two seemingly contradictory goals, namely building a common i d e n t i t y while s t i l l recognizing d i v e r s i t y . This would account for the black students resistance to "special treatment' by some teachers who t r i e d to make up • for perceived disadvantage. They seemed to i n t e r p r e t the teachers e f f o r t s on t h e i r behalf as patronising. Having always been treated d i f f e r e n t l y , what they seemed to want most was the opportunity to be treated the same. ""They must tr e a t us a l l the same. We don't need t h e i r p i t y . ""The teachers must make the black students r e a l i s e , the more d i f f i c u l t i t i s , the more e f f o r t we must put i n t o i t . " (black students) This contradicts Cummins (1987,1988) and McCarthy's (1990) theories of p r i o r i t i z i n g the needs of the disadvantaged but rather than completely negating t h e i r theory i t indicates rather that these students lack the 148 • understanding of how the legacy of apartheid can perpetuate disadvantage. Moreover, as one of the teachers explained, the students, from Std. 9B, who expressed these views, were "an exceptional l o t , not your average k i d of any des c r i p t i o n . ' Because they were the f i r s t intake, there was "a huge motivation to prove themselves.' But an educational system has to be f a i r f or a l l students, most of whom are not exceptional. Indeed, despite protesting against the "special treatment', they nevertheless, recognised that they warranted some spe c i a l consideration because of t h e i r l i f e s t y l e . ""Because most of us l i v e i n the townships, we only get home at 4 .30 p.m. or 5.30 p.m. and we s t i l l have to do housework and homework. Sometimes we're so t i r e d we f a l l asleep on our books.'' (black student) TEACHERS' EXPECTATIONS Evidence (Schofield,1 9 8 2 ; Hawley et a l 1983)has shown that teachers are c r u c i a l i n successful integration by modeling the desired behaviours and attitudes. R i s t (1979, c i t e d i n Schofield,1 9 8 2^describes the " s e l f - f u l f i l l i n g prophecy " whereby the teachers low expectations of students, usually black or minority, causes students to react negatively i n return, thus confirming the o r i g i n a l low opinion. / At Valour High, the reverse was occurring. The middle- class white teachers held very p o s i t i v e attitudes towards J 149 the black middle-class students but had very low expectations of the lower-class white students. "The black children have enormous expectations which the white children don't have. The white childre n would happily be hairdressers and l i s t e n to pop music a l l day. But the black childr e n want to be doctors and lawyers.'' (teacher) ""There's no culture (amongst the white parents).So you can't expect much from the k i d s . " (teacher) Teachers often made derogatory remarks d i r e c t l y to me or to each other about students i n the lower a b i l i t y groups. ""You can't do much with these dummies." ""You can't do much with t h i s class - there's nothing there. They're hopeless. They don't have the background." (teachers) - Teachers praised the black parents for t h e i r involvement i n e x t r a - c u r r i c u l a r a c t i v i t i e s , such as a Talent Night, despite the long way they had to t r a v e l . ""The white parents would never dream of doing t h a t . " (teacher) While teachers may have been cautious about t h e i r attitudes towards black students because of my presence, they were les s l i k e l y to be on t h e i r guard regarding attitudes to white students. Moreover, while racism has been elevated to monstrous proportions on the South A f r i c a n scene, c l a s s attitudes have been absorbed u n r e f l e c t i v e l y into people's everyday l i f e and i n t e r a c t i o n . Racism has always been known to be abnormal; e l i t i s m , on the other hand, i s accepted p r a c t i c e . s Hence the comments made by these teachers provide an honest arid i n t r i g u i n g insight into how race and class i n t e r a c t i n South A f r i c a and play themselves out within the educational system. While there has been some documentation of integration of middle-class blacks into e l i t i s t private or alternate schools i n South A f r i c a , to my knowledge there has been no study on the integration of middle-class black students i n lower-class white schools.,:, Coutts(1992) makes the point that while the mixing of races i n private or middle-class schools, has been generally unproblematic, i t i s more, l i k e l y to be v o l a t i l e i n working cla s s areas as communities compete for scarce resources. While t h i s has not been the case yet at Valour High, probably due to the small percentage of black students, mostly from the professional c l a s s , with the increase i n numbers, t h i s could well be the case. White students b i t t e r l y resented teachers attempts to compensate f o r perceived disadvantage. ""If a white c h i l d makes an excuse for not doing her homework, I probably wouldn\t accept i t . But i f a black students said she was unable to do her homework because t h e i r had been trouble i n the township the night before, I would take i t seriously.'* (white teacher) ""They can get away with things that we can't. I f they don't dp t h e i r homework, i t doesn't matter but i f we don't we're jumped on.'' (white student) ""They dp get extra p r i v i l e g e s . I t ' s not f a i r , there's f a v o u r i t i s m . " (white student) While teachers are often j u s t i f i e d i n compensating f o r black students disadvantage, the reasons need to be made e x p l i c i t . In the above s i t u a t i o n the teacher could perhaps 151 have encouraged the student to explain the Inkatha/ANC violence that was rocking the townships p r i o r to the elec t i o n s . However, t h i s i s a d e l i c a t e s i t u a t i o n because white students have stated they don't want to t a l k p o l i t i c s . "The black students are t r y i n g to make us f e e l g u i l t y by t a l k i n g p o l i t i c s a l l the time." (white student) Black students, on the other hand, often f e e l embarrassed, knowing the white students r e a l l y don't understand t h e i r l i v e s . "The white g i r l s have never been into a loc a t i o n (township) i n t h e i r l i v e s . They think we are just k i l l i n g each other a l l the time." (black student) But by not saying anything, i t i s easy to see how the teachers' well-meaning "affirmative action' i s interpreted as "favouritism.' This attitude, together with the low teacher expectation of working-class whites and low a b i l i t y students, and exacerbated by t h e i r d e c l i n i n g numbers, could well lead the white students at Valour High to f e e l alienated and disempowered; there i s a p o s s i b i l i t y that they could well become the disadvantaged minority of the future. PEDAGOGICAL CHANGES Research (Schofield, 1983; Hawley et a l , 1983; S l a v i n , 1987; McGroarty 1992) indicates that d i f f e r e n t pedagogical strategies w i l l f a c i l i t a t e e f f e c t i v e learning and race r e l a t i o n s . 152 " I n t e r r a c i a l interactions are not an automatic outcome of school desegregation but must be promoted through s p e c i f i c programs and a c t i v i t i e s i n the s c h o o l . " (Hawley et a l 1983) Findings have revealed that t r a d i t i o n a l , teacher- N fronted classrooms, where learning occurs through the transmission of knowledge i n l e c t u r e , question/answer format, tended to have poor intergroup r e l a t i o n s , with l i t t l e motivation f o r slow learners. On the other hand, v heterogeneous groupings, co-operative learning tasks, with the teacher acting as f a c i l i t a t o r or guide, promoted equal status interactions and f a c i l i t a t e d learning. (Schofield, 1983; Hawley et al,1983: Slavin, 1987; McGroarty,1992) Coutts(1992) and Bot (1992) recommend incorporating the l a t t e r strategies i n South A f r i c a n m u l t i c u l t u r a l schools, where the t r a d i t i o n a l teaching s t y l e , driven by a preoccupation with t e s t i n g and examinations, p r e v a i l s . This was c e r t a i n l y the case at Valour High, where teaching was grounded i n t r a d i t i o n a l pedagogy and the whole system was exam-driven. ""There's no time to teach, no time to prepare creative lessons. The matric exam i s what rules us a l l . I know our teaching methods are inadequate but everyone w i l l t e l l you i t ' s the only way to get through the s y l l a b u s . " (teacher) While these methods did not generally, at t h i s point i n the desegregation of Valour High, seem to a f f e c t the academic performance of black students, who " s l o t t e d i n ' with the white students and were not overly represented i n 153 the lower a b i l i t y groups, i t did impact negatively on i n t e r - group r e l a t i o n s . There was l i t t l e evidence of physical integration i n the school. While most teachers and students believed the goal of the school should be to integrate students, nobody saw the desegregation within the school as a problem. Rather there was a d i s t i n c t aversion by students and educators to "forced integration.' ""If you force i t , i t ' s going to be seen as something imposed l i k e apartheid was imposed - now we're imposing integration.'' (Principal) Miss Campbell saw resegregation-as a necessary phase before true integration on an equal footing could take place. ""Maybe they need to get t h e i r i d e n t i t y f i r s t and then say, "Here we are, now we're ready to mix with you on our terms because i n i t i a l l y they were mixing on the whites terms. " This view was supported by some other teachers who f e l t homogeneous groups often benefitted black students. They could help each other with language d i f f i c u l t i e s , they were not dominated by the whites and they could draw on t h e i r own backgrounds and experiences. Using heterogeneous groupings, and co-operative learning strategies, however, would be a way of integrating "naturally', as a part of classroom procedure. The benefits i n terms of a deeper understanding of the other's culture are evident from the following comment by a white student: . 1 5 4 ""When we have them i n our groups i n c l a s s , we get to know them better and we learn how to work with them and get along with them.'' Developing a deeper appreciation and awareness of each other's l i v e s , would also help overcome one of t h e i r main reasons f o r not integrating, namely the lack of,any common ground, world views or experiences. ""The white g i r l s l i v e s are so barren. We t a l k about p o l i t i c s and the things that happen i n the location (township). they t a l k about boys and then they f i g h t . We can't r e l a t e to them" (black students) This comment also indicates that contrary to the common notion that racism manifests i t s e l f as exclusion by the 'j • ' • - dominant group, at Valour High i t appeared to often be the subordinate group that i n i t i a t e d the separation. ""It's not that the white kids don't want to s i t with us, i t i s we who don't want to s i t with them. " (black student) There i s a tendency i n situations of change to overgeneralise new approaches and strategies rather than applying a va r i e t y of solutions to a complex problem. Consequently, at Valour High, i t would probably be more e f f e c t i v e to sometimes use heterogeneous groupings and co- operative learning strategies, and at other times homogeneous groups and competitive p r a c t i c e s . S i m i l a r l y , u n t i l the whole examination system i s overhauled, t r a d i t i o n a l teaching styles could be interspersed with a more student-centred approach. 155 This i s consistent with the approach of Banks (1986) who favours a more h o l i s t i c approach i n solving the problems of minority students. I t also supports Coutts' (1989,1992) contention that a wide range of options are necessary to accommodate the complexities of the South A f r i c a n context. Language was i d e n t i f i e d by the teachers as the most problematic area i n teaching i n Integrated classes. While the current admission p o l i c y managed to s i f t out those black students with poor English a b i l i t y , t h i s would become more d i f f i c u l t because of the increasing number of avai l a b l e spaces for black students, and a growing awareness that the practice i t s e l f was discriminatory. Teachers saw language p r o f i c i e n c y as the single f a c t o r impeding black students' progress. Nevertheless, none had changed t h e i r teaching methods to accommodate t h i s , "except to go more slowly', which involved using simpler words or explaining the vocabulary. Some teachers admitted penalising the students f o r s p e l l i n g mistakes even though the student had understood c o g n i t i v e l y because they did not want to jeopardise t h e i r chances i n the examinations. . ""I don't know i f I should be taking marks of f i n such cases but I need a d i r e c t i v e from the education department otherwise what happen when these g i r l s write t h e i r matric exam?" (teacher) There were no support programs for second-language learners e i t h e r within the regular class nor i n s p e c i a l 156 classes. Nor were teachers, who had spent t h e i r entire careers teaching i n homogeneous , un i - l i n g u a l classes, given any t r a i n i n g to cope with t h e i r new s i t u a t i o n . Moreover, the r e s p o n s i b i l i t y for language development f e l l on English teachers, with other subject teachers not recognizing i t as part of t h e i r new teaching mandate. Research on second-language a c q u i s i t i o n (Brown,1984; Mohan,1986; Nunan,1988;) shows the c r u c i a l need for a l l teachers to develop methods for teaching ESL students. Cummins (1988) distinguishes between basic interpersonal communication (BICS) , which takes two years to acquire, and cognitive academic language proficiency (CALP) which takes 5-7 years to acquire. Rather than have ESL students stagnate for years i n " s p e c i a l ' classes u n t i l t h e i r CALP l e v e l has caught up to native speakers, the trend i n North America, B r i t a i n and A u s t r a l i a has been to mainstream them i n regular classes. This avoids marginalizing them and denying them the opportunity of learning at a conceptually higher l e v e l . However, to implement t h i s requires f i n a n c i a l support and t r a i n i n g for a l l teachers. They need to learn how to revise c u r r i c u l a , retaining the concepts but simplifying the language; they need to learn.how to help ESL students access the content despite t h e i r lack of l i n g u i s t i c proficiency. A few teachers at Valour High were beginning to r e a l i z e the need for a r a d i c a l r e v i s i o n of pedagogy: 157 "The biology syllabus i s completely out of touch with the needs of black c h i l d r e n . Why should they have to learn 30 new terms every time we teach an animal or plant? We should just teach p r i n c i p l e s and forget a l l these l a b e l s . " (teacher) However, at the time of the study, there was very l i t t l e i n the way of in-service teacher t r a i n i n g . Desegregation i n state schools had occurred r e l a t i v e l y quickly. Teachers were "fumbling i n the dark', eager to tap my expertise, anxious for d i r e c t i v e s from the education department. When some teachers d i d go to workshops, the re s u l t was instant and overwhelming. As one teacher expressed i t : ""Suddenly my whole focus changed i n one day." Under the circumstances, the teachers were coping remarkably well i n what must have been an extremely challenging and s t r e s s f u l s i t u a t i o n . Learning was occurring and race r e l a t i o n s were r e l a t i v e l y unproblematic. As one teacher put i t : ""Things ari s e and we deal with them and that's what we've done so f a r . We haven't been taught what to do. We've just pitched i n and looked at the kids and said ""Let's go!" MULTICULTURAL /ANTI-RACIST EDUCATION The literature(Tomlinson, 1989; Moodley, 1983; Cummins, 1988; McCarthy, 1990) shows that i n other countries attempts to reverse a s s i m i l a t i o n and address the issue of unequal status within schools found expression i n m u l t i c u l t u r a l and 158 a n t i - r a c i s t education. M u l t i c u l t u r a l education has enjoyed some success i n preparing people for l i f e i n a p l u r a l i s t i c society; for i n s t i l l i n g tolerance of races, r e l i g i o n s and other ways of l i f e (Tomlinson, 1989); of v a l i d a t i n g black and minority students' culture, i n order to improve race r e l a t i o n s and improve the academic achievement of disadvantaged students. (Verma & Bagley, 1982; Skutnabb-Kangas, 1988 et al) Hawley , Crain et a l (1983), Solomon (1994) c i t e numerous examples of the l i n k between m u l t i - c u l t u r a l education and p o s i t i v e race r e l a t i o n s and improved performance. Coutts (1992) sees m u l t i c u l t u r a l education as meeting the objectives of a new, democratic South A f r i c a n society. This would include af f i r m a t i v e action and bridging programs to reverse disadvantage. He also believes that MCE, by transmitting knowledge, attitudes and understandings about r a c i a l issues, would create a c r i t i c a l awareness i n students of the p o l i t i c a l and s o c i a l structures that promote racism. He warns, however, that many black parents would r e j e c t the focus on unique aspects of t h e i r own culture as they seek access to the dominant f i r s t world economy, society and l i f e s t y l e . This i s understandable as the promotion of e t h n i c i t y , d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n and t r i b a l i s m was part of apartheid's "divide and r u l e ' p o l i c y . This was evident at Valour High according to the 159 English teacher Miss Campbell: ""We were studying Chinua Achebe's ""Things F a l l A p a r t " which dealt with t r i b a l l i f e i n Nigeria. The black g i r l s were quite reluctant to discuss t h e i r wonderful myths and legends. " However, the pos i t i v e influence of MCE at Valour High was evident a f t e r a teacher, Miss Young, had been to a mu l t i c u l t u r a l workshop. As she describes i t , i t made her aware that the " " " a s s i m i l a t i o n i s t ' approach was but another form of racism. " She was also able to connect what she had learnt to changes she could make i n the curriculum. ""Most of what we teach i s i r r e l e v a n t . (Instead of) teaching how r i v e r s erode, we should be discussing issues such as the upgrading of the squatter settlements." Getting black students to t a l k about t h e i r l i f e experiences also seemed to improve race r e l a t i o n s . ""Once I had to do a project on a township and I had to ta l k to a bunch of black students. I noticed that when I showed i n t e r e s t i n them, a l l of a sudden they were a l l friends. They opened up to me, I couldn't believe the change. The atmosphere was so much better, not nearly so tense, l i k e our white group and t h e i r black group." (white student) Teaching from an MCE perspective would lead to a greater understanding and respect f o r other r e l i g i o n s amongst s t a f f as well as students. ""The teachers don't respect my culture. One teacher asked me to take o f f the s t r i n g around my w r i s t . But i n Hindu r e l i g i o n i t s a protection f o r u s . " (Indian student) The main reason given by black and white students f o r segregated groups was that t h e i r backgrounds, world views and experiences were so remote from one another that there 160 was no p o s s i b i l i t y for dialogue. "We never s i t together during breaks or classes because we have d i f f e r e n t backgrounds and that cannot be changed i n a year or two." (black student) MCE would help overcome t h i s e s p e c i a l l y i f i t were, as Hawley, Crain et a l (1983) recommend, not only r e f l e c t e d i n c u r r i c u l a changes but i n many aspects of the school, such as wall displays, l i b r a r y books, recognition of other cultures' s i g n i f i c a n t dates and leaders. There was some evidence of t h i s happening at Valour High. Some teachers t r i e d to encourage students to use black writers and pertinent themes i n the Drama program, other teachers t r i e d to r e l a t e issues i n English setbooks to t h e i r own l i v e s with p o s i t i v e r e s u l t s . ""When we discussed violence i n the townships, the white students were-wide-eyed; they had no idea of the horrendous home circumstances of t h e i r classmates. I t d i d them good to hear the s t o r i e s and made them more sympathetic and r e s p e c t f u l of the black students who had endured so much and could r i s e above i t . " (Miss Peters) The l i b r a r i a n had introduced a number of black writers into the l i b r a r y , while s i g n i f i c a n t changes were taking place i n the history curriculum. The Physical Education teacher had instructed students during one class to make up t h e i r own games. Although the white students had r e s i s t e d at f i r s t and she had had to lecture them on t r y i n g to adapt to the black culture for a change, the project had been very successful. ""It was such fun. The black g i r l s can make up games out of nothing." (white student) 161 In order to counteract the resistance of some blacks to focussing on d i v e r s i t y and c u l t u r a l differences, the s i m i l a r i t i e s amongst d i f f e r e n t cultures needs to constantly be stressed. This also teaches towards what Coutts (1992) refer s to as the seemingly contradictory goals i n South A f r i c a , o f b u i lding a common i d e n t i t y while s t i l l respecting d i v e r s i t y . The success which Miss Wood had i n the most v o l a t i l e and polarized class when they discussed parental problems, an issue both black and white students could i d e n t i f y with, supports t h i s point. Researchers (Cummins, 1988; McCarthy, 1990; Moodley,1983 et al) argue that the f a i l u r e to d i r e c t l y address the dynamics of race r e l a t i o n s has resulted i n MCE being i n e f f e c t i v e i n challenging the anglo-hegemony and the power structure that exists between the dominant and marginalised groups i n the society. This has led to a n t i - r a c i s t education practices. Coutts (1992) contends that t h i s would be too inflammatory i n the South A f r i c a n context so would ultimately be more damaging than e f f e c t i v e . Miss Campbell supports t h i s contention: " I can't t a l k openly about apartheid because I get t h i s h o s t i l e reaction or they'd be tearing each other apart or. there'd be t h i s quiet s i l e n c e . I t ' s l i k e a secret agreement - l e t ' s not say anything that's going to i n f u r i a t e anybody else because otherwise i t ' s going to blow up. I t ' s very threatening. " 162 While white students wanted to learn about the personal l i v e s of black students, they .insisted that i t be non- c o n t r o v e r s i a l ; "talking p o l i t i e s ' implied "blame', "making them f e e l g u i l t y . ' ""I l i k e to hear about t h e i r r e a l l i f e . . . . B u t they (black.students) bring p o l i t i c s into everything." (white student) - A n t i - r a c i s t education has met with s i m i l a r resistance from teachers and administrators i n North America and B r i t a i n . (Solomon, 1994). The reasons given have been "too inflammatory, too p o l i t i c a l , too confrontational, too g u i l t - i n d u c i n g . " Solomon contends that rather than i n d i c a t e the inappropriateness of these p o l i c i e s , educators need to transform t h e i r p r a c t i c e . In order to achieve t h i s f a c u l t i e s of education need to develop i n teachers a " c r i t i c a l l i t e r a c y ' i n order for them ""to recognize and c r i t i c i z e p o l i t i c a l and economic structures that oppress marginalised groups." (Solomon, 1994) I contend that that teaching of a n t i - r a c i s t education i s c r u c i a l i n the South Af r i c a n context. Although apartheid has now been dismantled, i t s legacy i n terms of deprivation i n a l l aspects of l i f e - home, school and work- w i l l be f e l t for decades to come. ""It w i l l necessitate affirmative action programs, demographic development, adequate land a l l o c a t i o n and services, compensatory and c u l t u r a l enrichment programs i n order to address disadvantage, deprivation and c u l t u r a l d i s l o c a t i o n . " (McGurk, c i t e d i n Polley, 1989). In the educational arena, the aftermath of 163 apartheid has impacted on many school outcomes. Students and teachers need to understand the root causes that have resulted i n c e r t a i n p r a c t i c e s . - Black and white students need to understand the reasons for the so-called " s p e c i a l treatment' of c e r t a i n groups. Teachers need to be able to d i f f e r e n t i a t e between r e a l disadvantage and projected g u i l t . - Black middle-class students need to understand the reasons why black working class c h i l d r e n are "r e s e n t f u l ' and "jealous'; why and how they are excluded from admission to "white' schools. - Students need to understand how race and cla s s i n t e r a c t as a means of exclusion i n the South A f r i c a n arena. - Educators, policymakers and students need to understand why many blacks want to embrace the "white' culture; they need to understand the c u l t u r a l erosion apartheid wrought and the ways i n which the dominant group has projected i t s world view. Not to explore the underlying cause of racism and how i t has been used as a mechanism of control through the ideology of apartheid, would be both dishonest and a d i s t o r t i o n of h i s t o r y . However, i t i s important to take in t o account the resistance to ARE by teachers and students both i n South A f r i c a and other countries. Solomon (1994) favours 164 "browbeating' teachers during t h e i r pre-service, . t r a i n i n g i n t o developing a " c r i t i c a l l i t e r a c y ' i n order for them to recognize and c r i t i c i z e p o l i t i c a l structures that oppress marginalized groups. Hawley, Crain et a l (1983) however, warn against overly attempting to change teachers' attitudes. They believe t h i s should be a more gradual, long- term goal, a r i s i n g out of new strategies and subsequent changed behaviours i n the classroom. I would recommend rather, modifying the way ARE i s taught, and changing the name to something less uni- dimensional and accusatory. I t should be more i n c l u s i v e and; examine the multiple ways i n which s o c i a l j u s t i c e i s subverted. A more h o l i s t i c approach i s needed to wrestle with a complex and dynamic problem in.a complex and dynamic world. Social i n j u s t i c e , unfortunately a world-wide phenomenon, i s the r e s u l t of some people manipulating access to power and p r i v i l e g e to the benefit of themselves and the exclusion of others. Racism, sexism and e l i t i s m have been the h i s t o r i c mechanisms of achieving t h i s , r e s u l t i n g i n the oppression / disadvantage of c e r t a i n races, Women and the working c l a s s . The personal experience of racism should be linked to the personal experiences of sexism and e l i t i s m , these i n turn being link e d to i n j u s t i c e on a global l e v e l . Nor are these categories s t a t i c - a s we move i n t o a highly complex 165 world, they may a r t i c u l a t e with each other and form d i f f e r e n t combinations, or there may be new ways of manipulating the system. By g l o b a l i z i n g the issue of racism, l i n k i n g i t to other forms of oppression and embedding i t i n the "core* curriculum, say a History or Social studies course, some of the inflammatory, accusatory and guilt-inducing elements w i l l be removed while the problem, s o c i a l i n j u s t i c e , w i l l s t i l l be bared and examined. At Valour High a l l students may experience disadvantage i n d i f f e r e n t ways and to d i f f e r e n t degrees. Thus they can share t h e i r personal experiences, and re l a t e them to issues on a global l e v e l , such as the Holocaust, Women's ' Emancipation movement, workers' revolutions etc. This then provides a basis whereby they can unite and evaluate strategies for overcoming s o c i a l i n j u s t i c e . Valour High provided a glimpse of both the pote n t i a l for v i o l e n t confrontation , i n the " f i l t h y township' debate as well as the potential for f r i e n d l y r e c o n c i l i a t i o n , as i n the discussion over parental problems. I t also revealed a surprising desire on the part of the white students to make integration work, as well as an obdurate resistance to being "blamed' for past i n j u s t i c e s . While I have argued for the need to address racism d i r e c t l y , i t must be done i n an atmosphere that permits the ultimate i d e n t i f i c a t i o n of si m i l a r goals for a l l students. 166 In t h i s way they can "debate and learn t h e - s k i l l s necessary to l i v e i n a c r i t i c a l democracy"(Solomon, 1994), educated to recognize and contest power d i f f e r e n t i a l s . In South A f r i c a n jargon t h i s would translate into preparation for p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n a non-racial, non- sexist, n o n - e l i t i s t society that provides equal opportunity and the redress of imbalances. CONCLUSION The purpose of t h i s study was to examine ways i n which educators, themselves s o c i a l i z e d within a h i e r a r c h i c a l r a c i s t society, deal with the task of f a c i l i t a t i n g e f f e c t i v e learning among ch i l d r e n of d i f f e r e n t races. However, t h i s study goes beyond i t s o r i g i n a l purpose i n that the richness of the data revealed many paradoxes, contradictions and unpredictable outcomes i n the South Af r i c a n desegregating experience. These w i l l be explored below. Such i s the effectiveness of the ethnographic method! Teachers and administrators at Valour High had been given v i r t u a l l y no support, f i n a n c i a l l y , p r o f e s s i o n a l l y or psychologically, to cope with integration i n a s i t u a t i o n of extreme p o l a r i z a t i o n . Nevertheless, they were facing the task f a i r l y e f f e c t i v e l y - learning was occurring f o r a l l students and r a c i a l mixing was, at le a s t s u p e r f i c i a l l y , unproblematic. Black students generally considered t h e i r white 167 teachers to be " f a i r " and " h e l p f u l ' and indeed, there were many examples of teachers and administrators p r i o r i t i z i n g \ the needs of the black students. While there were incidents of a crude r a c i a l nature, on the whole white students showed some understanding of the way apartheid oppressed black people. They also seemed to grasp that "getting along' was imperative f o r the future of t h e i r country. This, however, brought them int o c o n f l i c t with t h e i r own parents, who were mainly working c l a s s whites. Because of the competition f o r scarce resources, the lower class whites have h i s t o r i c a l l y been the most r a c i s t and conservative, since apartheid p r i v i l e g e d them at the expense of t h e i r black "comrades'. These findings challenge the stereotype of white South Africans and are somewhat surprising, given that a l l whites were s o c i a l i z e d within a h i e r a r c h i c a l , r a c i s t system, validated by the State, Church and Court. However, t h i s study supports previous research (Adam & Moodley, C h r i s t i e et a l 1992) i n contending that South A f r i c a may best be understood as a c a p i t a l i s t and c l a s s - based society,wherein race and c l a s s a r t i c u l a t e i n an intense p o l i t i c a l and i d e o l o g i c a l struggle over power and p r i v i l e g e . Moreover, t r a d i t i o n a l desegregation l i t e r a t u r e ( A l l p o r t , Pettigrew, c i t e d i n Schofield,1982; Hawley,1983 et al) concurs that mere mixing does not imply improved race 168 re l a t i o n s or equal education for a l l groups. For t h i s to occur, there needs to be equal access and equal power within the contact s i t u a t i o n . An examination of the admissions' p o l i c y at Valour High provides a clue to the r e l a t i v e l y smooth t r a n s i t i o n to a r a c i a l l y integrated school. It acts as a screening device enabling the school to l i m i t the numbers of black students and accept only the best, namely the ones who spoke English well and most c l o s e l y approximated the white, western Ch r i s t i a n norm - the ones who were most l i k e l y to " f i t i n ' . However, t h i s was unl i k e l y to be maintained for long. The white population i n the area was s t a t i c and the school, equipped for 1,000 students only had 450. It would either have to close down or f i l l the remaining spaces with black students. Teachers were concerned about a drop i n academic and behavioural standards i f the entrance c r i t e r i a were loosened or removed completely. This was a legitimate concern due to the fact that many of the black township students had sabotaged t h e i r education because of p o l i t i c a l mobilization. There was also the very r e a l fear of being outnumbered and completely surrendering the white ethos of the school. Paradoxically, however, the most vociferous resistance was from the black students and t h e i r parents who were unanimous i n t h e i r disapproval of admitting more black students. Again, t h i s brings into focus that while previously 169 race had overshadowed cl a s s as a mechanism of exclusion, the dismantling of apartheid has begun to c r y s t a l i s e class d i v i s i o n s . A l l the black students at Valour High were from the middle-class. They were ra p i d l y a l i g n i n g themselves with white cultu r e and distancing themselves from the working-class blacks. This study corroborates other research (Adam & Moodley, C h r i s t i e , Coutts et a l . 1992) which has shown that what blacks desire most i s access to the power and p r i v i l e g e that whites had monopolized. This e n t a i l e d access to a world language and a world culture - English and anglo culture has been perceived as the quickest route to achieve t h i s . Moreover, apartheid had robbed blacks of a hi s t o r y and a pride i n t h e i r own culture and contributions. In Gramscian terms, t h i s was replaced by the propagation of an " o f f i c i a l ' world view by the dominant group. I t i s understandable therefore that the black middle-class i n t e r n a l i z e d t h i s hegemony. In addition, e t h n i c i t y and t r a d i t i o n a l black culture was manipulated by the apartheid regime and rather than being a source of pride and achievement, has instead become associated with deprivation, d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n and primitiveness by middle-class blacks. A l l these reasons combine i n an attempt to illuminate the seemingly unnatural desire by middle-class blacks to distance themselves from t h e i r black lower-class brethren. South A f r i c a n l i t e r a t u r e , (Kallaway, Nasson, Burman et 170 al) has shown that apartheid did not exclude a l l blacks from education and p r i v i l e g e . On the contrary, i t was an e x p l i c i t aim to co-opt a black middle-class both to meet the changing labour needs of the country and i n the hope that they could s t a b i l i z e the p o l i t i c a l s i t u a t i o n . However, these reform measures were both a response to the p o l i t i c a l mobilization of student a c t i v i s t s , union members and the working c l a s s and were usually accompanied by the repression of these very people. Thus, i r o n i c a l l y , the very actions that propelled the black middle-class into a p o s i t i o n whereby they could e a s i l y access the "good" schools, namely the former white schools, i n turn jeopardized the l i f e chances of those who had sabotaged t h e i r education for p o l i t i c a l m obilization. Thus i t i s imperative for any education system i n a "new' South A f r i c a that professes democracy and equality to address t h i s issue. This study goes beyond current research i n the f i e l d by exposing the perceptions of white teachers towards white working cl a s s students. In doing so, i t highlights again the r o l e of c l a s s i n South A f r i c a . The research does not, however, determine the extent to which the black middle- class aligns i t s e l f with white culture per se or within i t s s o c i a l c l a s s . My hunch would be that middle-class blacks perceived white society as homogeneous, a l l possessing the "golden egg'. However as more blacks penetrate the c i r c l e of power 171 and p r i v i l e g e , i t w i l l become increasingly apparent that white society i s as s t r a t i f i e d as t h e i r own. Hence, I would anticipate an increasing distancing from the white working c l a s s . There were already some ind i c a t i o n s of t h i s at Valour High. Two black families had chosen to l i v e outside the Woodsville catchment area because " i t wasn't good enough'. In addition the blacks seemed to be upwardly mobile i n contrast to the entrenched white c l a s s . This can be deduced by the students' career aspirations and t h e i r parents' positions. While the black parents represented the lower middle-class i n that they were small business people, p r i n c i p a l s , teachers and nurses, t h e i r c h i l d r e n expected to be lawyers, doctors and professors. On the other hand, the career expectations of the white students r e f l e c t e d t h e i r parents' aspirations - c l e r k s , secretaries-and hairdressers. However, more research i s needed i n t h i s area. RECOMMENDATIONS In order to f a c i l i t a t e i ntegration at Valour High, pedagogical changes need t o be made, most importantly with regard to i n - s e r v i c e teacher t r a i n i n g . Teachers need to be supported with on-going seminars, workshops and lectu r e s . They need to learn how to mediate r a c i a l incidents, cope with students with l i m i t e d language pr o f i c i e n c y and adapt t h e i r c u r r i c u l a so that i t has more relevance i n preparing t h e i r students for p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n a democratic 172 society. They need exposure to new teaching techniques which w i l l help them teach i n a m u l t i r a c i a l class c o n s i s t i n g of native and non-native speakers of English. New teaching techniques may also help break down the resegregation that prevailed at the school. The study has revealed the importance of teaching from a m u l t i c u l t u r a l standpoint to foster a respect, tolerance and understanding of other cultures i n a society which h i s t o r i c a l l y had l i t t l e knowledge of each other. This should reduce the number of r a c i s t incidents. I t should also promote more integration as one of the main reasons f o r segregated groups, according to both black and white students, was that they knew so l i t t l e about each other's l i v e s that they had "nothing to t a l k about.' In t h i s study I have argued f o r the importance of teaching e x p l i c i t l y about racism while acknowledging that i t s "accusatory', "guilt-inducing' and "inflammatory* tone i s often counter-productive. Hence I have advocated a more i n c l u s i v e form of ARE which examines So c i a l I n j u s t i c e and explores the many d i f f e r e n t ways, including racism, that i t i s manifested. In a school such as Valour High, which contains black and white students, middle-class blacks, working-class whites, and perhaps i n the future, working-class blacks, disadvantage w i l l be perceived i n d i f f e r e n t ways, i n d i f f e r e n t degrees. A l l these need to be explored. But i n such a s i t u a t i o n of extreme p o l a r i z a t i o n , 173 i t i s imperative not only to understand and c r i t i q u e the nature of oppression, but also to provide a basis whereby students can unite and evaluate strategies for overcoming s o c i a l i n j u s t i c e . Valour High i s i n an extremely vulnerable p o s i t i o n , given the low socio-economic status of the surrounding community, i t s proximity to densely populated black areas and i t s need to a t t r a c t more students to the school. Coutts (1989,1992) has pointed out that r a c i a l mixing i s more l i k e l y to be problematic under such circumstances. Frederikse (1992) found that former white, suburban state schools i n Zimbabwe have deteriorated due to white and middle-class black " f l i g h t ' and the loss of w e l l - q u a l i f i e d teachers. To avoid such problems, Coutts recommends maintaining some form of entrance c r i t e r i a , at least i n i t i a l l y , i n those schools which do not have academic support and bridging programs f o r severely disadvantaged students. While acknowledging that t h i s i s discriminatory, Coutts believes that having disadvantaged students floundering without assistance i n such schools would benefit nobody. Bearing i n mind the teachers', black parents' and students' concerns at Valour High, regarding a drop i n "standards', I would agree with Coutts* p o s i t i o n that some form of s e l e c t i v e admission be maintained i n i t i a l l y . However, the government and education department should make .174 the bolst e r i n g of black education i n the townships, e s p e c i a l l y at the primary l e v e l , a p r i o r i t y . Massive funding should also be directed towards support programs at former white suburban schools, e s p e c i a l l y those i n areas such as Woodsville, since schools i n these areas w i l l be on the front l i n e s of desegregation en masse. Extensive t academic and bridging programs need to be i n place p r i o r to the i n f l u x of deprived students, so as to make ava i l a b l e the best possible educational opportunities for these c h i l d r e n , while simultaneously not compromising the education of the other black and white students. As Valour High and other state schools embark on new, unchartered t e r r i t o r y , i t should be borne i n mind that i n c l u s i o n and exclusion may combine i n d i f f e r e n t ways. To look at s o c i a l i n j u s t i c e only from the uni-dimensional standpoint of racism, without taking cognizance of other factors, such as cl a s s , w i l l no longer be adequate. To ensure an equal education for a l l i n a democratic South A f r i c a , a dynamic, h o l i s t i c approach w i l l be needed. LIMITATIONS OF THE STUDY One of the l i m i t a t i o n s of the present study i s that i t was an examination of one p a r t i c u l a r school, namely a formerly white g i r l s ' high school i n a white working c l a s s area, bordering black townships. Hence, the g e n e r a l i z a b i l i t y of the findings may be li m i t e d . However, because of the in-depth focus of the study and the 175 consistency of the res u l t s obtained from interviews and observations, there i s a l i k e l i h o o d that the conclusions may be applicable to other schools i n s i m i l a r s i t u a t i o n s . Moreover, the findings c o n s i s t e n t l y support previous research i n si m i l a r integrated schools i n South A f r i c a . IMPLICATIONS FOR FUTURE RESEARCH One of the purposes of t h i s study was to contribute to the accumulation of basic data i n an area which, because of i t s newness, has been underresearched. Further in-depth studies of other desegregating schools could confirm or contest the themes that have emerged from t h i s study. Another intention was to explore the interplay between race and cla s s i n South A f r i c a . This has developed i n t o one of the main themes from t h i s study. A r e p l i c a t i o n of t h i s study with boys' schools, elementary schools or schools i n d i f f e r e n t socio-economic areas, would provide greater understanding of the i n t e r a c t i o n between class and race i n South A f r i c a . While some research has been undertaken i n integrated private or al t e r n a t i v e schools i n South A f r i c a , there has been l i t t l e documentation of the desegregation of state schools. Further research i s needed i n t h i s area. One of the themes to have emerged from t h i s study of a state school, which to my knowledge has never been i d e n t i f i e d i n the l i t e r a t u r e , was the attitudes of white middle-class teachers towards white working cl a s s c h i l d r e n . 176 Further research p o s s i b i l i t i e s i n t h i s area are vast. While t h i s study shows the way i n which the black middle-class i s approximating the white, western norm and distancing i t s e l f from the black working-class, i t does not indicate which white c l a s s , i f any, i t i s al i g n i n g i t s e l f with. W i l l the upwardly mobile black middle-class distance i t s e l f from the white working cl a s s i n schools such as Valour High or w i l l there be a p o s s i b i l i t y for common ground and unity? Many fascinating research problems l i e i n t h i s area. Contrary to the North American desegregation experience, i n Valour High, the black students, p a r t i c u l a r l y one group, were achieving despite t h e i r backgrounds of disadvantage, deprivation and disenfranchisement. In the t r a d i t i o n of Maslow (1968) and Lawrence Lightfoot (1988), a study of high-functioning black students who succeed "despite a l l odds', would be an i n t r i g u i n g and worthwhile undertaking. The study took place before the f i r s t free e l e c t i o n s i n South A f r i c a when the education system was i n a state of flux and confusion. Since then the new government, the ANC, has implemented t h e i r own education p o l i c y . Further research could examine whether state schools are teaching i n accordance with the ANC education p o l i c y objectives, namely preparing childr e n for active p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n a non-racial, 177 non-sexist, democratic country, that provides equal education for a l l . IMPLICATIONS FOR CANADIAN PRACTICE A South African school just embarking on integration, provides Canadian th e o r i s t s with the unique opportunity to witness an education system on the cusp of t r a n s i t i o n from an authoritarian, homogeneous, u n i l i n g u a l ethnocentric model to a democratic, m u l t i c u l t u r a l , m u l t i l i n g u a l and global model. The ways i n which South A f r i c a n educators at Valour High grappled with the following issues could provide valuable insights and implications for Canadian p r a c t i c e . - Trying to balance the seemingly contradictory goals of b u i l d i n g a national i d e n t i t y while s t i l l recognizing d i v e r s i t y . - The ways i n which the oppressed group seeks to gain access to a world language and dominant, f i r s t world. economy, society and l i f e s t y l e , while s t i l l r e t a i n i n g the unique aspects of t h e i r own culture and e t h n i c i t y . - How to develop p o s i t i v e intergroup r e l a t i o n s i n the classroom when each group has been r i g i d l y p o l a r i z e d by i n s t i t u t i o n a l i z e d racism. - The ways i n which s o c i a l c l a s s a f f e c t s t h i s process. - How to f a c i l i t a t e second language a c q u i s i t i o n i n a t r a d i t i o n a l l y u n i l i n g u a l c l a s s . - The ongoing debate between m u l t i c u l t u r a l and a n t i - r a c i s t education - whether to implement them arid how to implement 178 them i n a s i t u a t i o n of extreme p o l a r i z a t i o n . - The extent to which the admission of a new student c l i e n t e l e necessitates curriculum and pedagogical change. - Contrary to t r a d i t i o n a l desegregation l i t e r a t u r e , black students at the school were achieving academically. 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INTERVIEW GUIDELINES These w i l l p a r a l l e l the Observation Guidelines to a large extent, as well as providing the opportunity for the P r i n c i p a l and teachers to " t e l l t h e i r own s t o r i e s " . 1. How do you select Black students f o r admission? (Principal only). 2. What are the school songs, logos, symbols, mascots and celebrations? Have they changed as a re s u l t of opening the school to students from other races? Do you envisage any changes occurring i n the future? 3. Is there a parent association? Is i t m u l t i - r a c i a l ? What a c t i v i t i e s does i t promote? ( P r i n c i p a l only). 4. Who are the school prefects, captains, club presidents? How are they chosen? 5. Which students get punished more often? What for? What i s the nature of the punishment? Does i t a f f e c t a l l children equally? 6. How do you organize your classroom? Seating/grouping arrangements? 7. What r e s p o n s i b i l i t i e s do you give Black and White students? Do they require the same amount of attention? Who stays a f t e r school/the lesson to discuss problems, questions they might have? 8 . Who i n i t i a t e s classroom discussions, answers questions, asks questions, models correct answers? 9. How important are grades i n your class? What are the academic results i n your class? Have academic standards changed as a resul t of opening the school to students from other races? Do you envisage any changes occurring i n t h i s area? Explain. What kind of support i s there for students with language or learning d i f f i c u l t i e s ? 10. What kind of teaching methods do you use? Co-operative/competitive classroom? Lecture format/discussion, task-based? A b i l i t y grouping? Teacher-fronted/teacher as f a c i l i t a t o r ? Have there been any-~e4ianc[es in t h i s area as a re s u l t of r a c i a l integration? Do you envisage any occurring i n the future? Interview Guidelines Page Two 11. Have you made any changes i n the curriculum as a re s u l t of integration? Explain: Do you envisage doing so i n the future? Explain: Do you f e e l i t ' s important to connect the personal experiences of your students with classroom learning? How do you do this? 12. What are the problems that a r i s e i n your class (& school) because of integration? 13. Do you consider that opening the schools to children from a l l races has had a p o s i t i v e or negative e f f e c t on the school/your class? Please specify i n what ways. 14. What are your hopes/fears/expectations f o r the future i n terms of a r a c i a l l y integrated school. 15. Any other comments you'd l i k e to make? OBSERVATION GUIDELINES 1. What i s the s o c i a l context of the school? Physical description of immediate area - White/racially mixed; socio- economic status; proximity of school to pupi l s ' homes. 2. How supportive are the parents and community? Is there a parent association; i s i t m u l t i - r a c i a l ; what kinds of a c t i v i t i e s does i t p a r t i c i p a t e in? 3. What i s the school ethos? School songs, logos, symbols, mascots and celebrations. 4. How are status r e l a t i o n s reproduced i n school? (a) Who are the prefects, sports captains, house captains, class captains and club presidents? (b) Which students get punished more often and for what infringements? What i s the nature of the punishment? 5. What r a c i a l attitudes exist amongst teachers and students, and amongst students themselves? (a) Physical arrangement of desks. (b) Club and team membership. (c) Playground contact and associations. (d) After school associations. 6. What are teachers expectations of children? What r e s p o n s i b i l i t i e s do the teachers give Black and White students; how much attention do teachers give to t h e i r answers, questions, problems? 7. Who i n i t i a t e s classroom responses, discussions? Which students do the teachers c a l l upon to respond to questions, model answers, give opinions? 8. How does the school promote p o s i t i v e self-concept among i t s pupils? #3, 4, 5, 6, 7, 10 w i l l provide i n d i c a t o r s f o r this question. 9. What kind of pedagogy does the teacher use? Co-operative versus competitive classroom environment? A b i l i t y streaming or grouping? Support for students with language or learning limitations? Does the teacher stress grades? How? What are the academic results? IS? Observation Guidelines Page Two 10. To what extent does the curriculum accommodate African culture? Examine h i s t o r y textbooks, to see i f they r e f l e c t the h i s t o r i e s and contributions of a l l r a c i a l groups; does i t deal with the history of Apartheid, Black struggle for equality, Black leaders and heroes? Is the a r t , music, drama of non-Anglo cultures included i n these classes? What languages are taught?

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