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African labour in South Central Africa, 1890-1914 and nineteenth cneutry colonial labour theory 1969

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AFRICAN LABOUR IN SOUTH CENTRAL AFRICA, 1890-1914 AND NINETEENTH CENTURY COLONIAL LABOUR THEORY by . JOHN MACDONALD MACKENZIE .. M.A., U n i v e r s i t y of Glasgow, 1964 A THESIS SUBMITTED IN THE REQUIREMENTS DOCTOR OF PARTIAL FULFILMENT OF FOR THE DEGREE OF PHILOSOPHY i n the Department of H i s t o r y We .accept t h i s t h e s i s as conforming to the req u i r e d standard THE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA September, 1969 In p r e s e n t i n g t h i s t h e s i s i n p a r t i a l f u l f i l m e n t o f the r e q u i r e m e n t s f o r an advanced degree a t the U n i v e r s i t y o f B r i t i s h C o lumbia, I agree t h a t t h e L i b r a r y s h a l l make i t f r e e l y a v a i l a b l e f o r r e f e r e n c e and s t u d y . I f u r t h e r agree t h a p e r m i s s i o n f o r e x t e n s i v e c o p y i n g o f t h i s t h e s i s f o r s c h o l a r l y p u rposes may be g r a n t e d by the Head o f my Department o r by h i s r e p r e s e n t a t i v e s . I t i s u n d e r s t o o d t h a t c o p y i n g o r p u b l i c a t i o n o f t h i s t h e s i s f o r f i n a n c i a l g a i n s h a l l not be a l l o w e d w i t h o u t my w r i t t e n p e r m i s s i o n . Department The U n i v e r s i t y o f B r i t i s h Columbia Vancouver 8 , Canada Date i i ABSTRACT T h i s t h e s i s i s concerned wi th the m o b i l i s a t i o n of A f r i c a n l abour i n South C e n t r a l A f r i c a and the c r e a t i o n of a dua l economy the re . The problem i t seeks to examine i s why a pu re ly migrant labour system was c rea ted , i n which A f r i c a n s spent on ly shor t pe r iods i n the cash economy i n t e r s p e r s e d wi th longer per iods i n t h e i r own subs is tence one. T h i s problem i s c l o s e l y l i n k e d w i t h the wider i s s u e s of l and p o l i c y , n a t i v e p o l i c y , and c o l o n i a l l abour theory i n the n ine teenth century . Us ing the records of the C o l o n i a l O f f i c e and of the B r i t i s h South A f r i c a Company's a d m i n i s t r a t i o n s i n Northern and Southern Rhodesia , together wi th o ther contemporary m a t e r i a l , an attempt i s made to examine the r e l a t i o n s h i p between developments i n the Rhodesias and wider c o l o n i a l exper ience , between the Company's aims i n i t s a d m i n i s t r a t i o n and the C o l o n i a l O f f i c e ' s c o n t r o l of i t . C o l o n i a l l abour theory i n the n ine teenth century i s found to have emerged as a response to the end of the s lave trade and the emancipation of the s l a v e s , as a need to s u b s t i t u t e for force both s t imu lan t s ( l i k e t a x a t i o n ) to overcome s o - c a l l e d t r o p i c a l indo lence and a modicum of l and hunger to overcome excess ive dependence on subs i s t ence . T h i s had to be balanced, however, by the need to p ro tec t the i n t e r e s t s and r i g h t s of indigenous peoples i n the face of humanitar ian concern and i n t e r n a t i o n a l o p i n i o n . These c o n s i d e r a t i o n s , coupled wi th i i i administrative expediency and the desire of European s e t t l e r communities for the security of s o c i a l and p o l i t i c a l segreg- ation, led to the creation of a reserves policy. In Southern Rhodesia, the absence of a genuine reserves policy during the f i r s t years of settlement appeared to lead to disastrous r e l a t i o n s with the native peoples. The Colonial Office i n s i s t e d upon the creation of reserves, and the effect, i f not the intention, of subsequent Company native policy was to move Africans increasingly on to the reserves, away from European centres of employment, opportunities for marketing produce and stock, and p r i n c i p a l l i n e s of communication. As a r e s u l t , Africans' capacity to respond r a t i o n a l l y to the cash economy actually declined as opportunities for exploring the various avenues into i t were withdrawn with geographical i s o l a t i o n . In consequence labour became a purely migratory experience which entailed b r i e f periods i n the essentially alien environment (accentuated by ordinance) of the town or mine l o c - ation. This was accentuated also by the migration of labour into Southern Rhodesia from throughout South Central A f r i c a and the import of indentured labour from overseas, p o l i c i e s pursued by an administration convinced of the inadequacy of the i n t e r n a l labour supply. Thus Colonial Office concern for the protection of the native inte r e s t led to the perpetuation of an i n e f f i c i e n t and, to the African, disturbing system, which ultimately f a c i l i t - ated the mortgaging of Africans' s o c i a l and p o l i t i c a l development. CONTENTS page. P r e f a c e v I n t r o d u c t i o n 1 Chapter 1: The C o l o n i a l O f f i c e and Labour i n the N i n e t e e n t h C e n t u r y 12 Chapter 2: The South A f r i c a n Background 57 Chapter 3: The M o b i l i s a t i o n o f Labour w i t h i n R h o d e s i a .. 10k Chapter k'. Labour from the D i s t r i c t s , Mashonaland ...... 159 Chapter 5: Labour from the D i s t r i c t s , M a t a b e l e l a n d 205 Chapter 6: Labour from O u t s i d e , I n d i a n Ocean and N o r t h e r n Zambezia 2 1̂ Chapter 7: Labour from O u t s i d e , Nyasaland, Mozambique and the T r a n s v a a l 29A- Chapter 8: Labour and the A f r i c a n 329 C o n c l u s i o n 361 A Note on T r i b e s and t h e i r Nomenclature 368 B i b l i o g r a p h y , 369 MAPS Southern R h o d e s i a : D i s t r i c t s and Mines N o r t h e r n R h o d e s i a : T r i b a l Areas Labour Routes i n South C e n t r a l A f r i c a PREFACE There i s no more obvious phenomenon i n A f r i c a than labour migration, and i t has received a p r o p o r t i o n a t e l y l a r g e amount of a t t e n t i o n from both a n t h r o p o l o g i s t s and s o c i o l o g i s t s . H i s t o r i a n s of C e n t r a l A f r i c a have however merely glanced at labour migration. They have seen i t as an important part of European p o l i t i c a l p e n etration, but i t s o r i g i n s have not yet been studied on the s c a l e of S h e i l a van der Horst's Native Labour i n South A f r i c a (1942). The research that has been done i s e i t h e r i n the form of r a t h e r sketchy a r t i c l e s or unpublished theses, and there has been no attempt to set the c o l o n i a l labour experience i n t o the wider context of c o l o n i a l labour theory. This t h e s i s cannot f u l l y f i l l t h i s gap. I t i s intended as an i n t r o d u c t i o n to the problem of the o r i g i n s and develop- ment of a t t i t u d e s towards labour i n both the c o l o n i a l and the t r i b a l s i t u a t i o n s , and the a p p l i c a t i o n of those a t t i t u d e s i n the growth of a dual economy and the formation of p o l i c y . An extremely d i f f i c u l t problem i n t h i s part of A f r i c a i s terminology. South C e n t r a l A f r i c a i s a term of convenience intended to i n c l u d e s e v e r a l modern countries and to draw the mind away from the European-created boundaries so often i r r e l e v a n t i n A f r i c a n h i s t o r y . Unfortunately, i t i s a term based purely on previous European s c h o l a r s h i p . Recently, another term has been coined that has perhaps b e t t e r h i s t o r i c a l precedents, Zambesia (e.g. i n Stokes and Brown, The Zambesian Past, 1966). I t also s u f f e r s from being of European c r e a t i o n and i n s t a n t l y produces v i the unfortunate q u a l i f y i n g phrases Southern Zamhesia and Northern Zambesia. For the purposes of t h i s t h e s i s , South C e n t r a l A f r i c a may be defined as that area from which Rhodesia secured i t s A f r i c a n labour supply between 1890 and 1914, that i s Rhodesia i t s e l f , most of Zambia and Malawi, and pa r t s of Mozambique, the Northern Transvaal and Botswana. A second d i f f i c u l t y i s that c o u n t r i e s have changed t h e i r names, sometimes s e v e r a l times. Some schol a r s appear to make the modern terms r e t r o - a c t i v e ; others use the name current i n each period. In t h i s t h e s i s the modern term w i l l be used i n any general context - as i n the above paragraph - and the h i s t o r i c a l term where a p a r t i c u l a r point of time i s concerned. Yet another problem of terminology i s that so many words that have p e r f e c t l y l e g i t i m a t e meanings have developed p e j o r a t i v e overtones through a s s o c i a t i o n with the c o l o n i a l period. Perhaps the most obvious example i s the word n a t i v e , a word that i s v i r t u a l l y a compliment when used of Wales, Alsace, New England and so on, but i s now to be avoided i n an A f r i c a n context. I t i s unfortunate that h i s t o r i a n s have to avoid such a word, simply because of past misuse, f o r there i s no r e a l s u b s t i t u t e f o r i t . I t has proved necessary to use i t s p a r i n g l y i n t h i s t h e s i s , f o r a t o t a l ban seems f o o l i s h . An even more obvious example of misuse i s the word "boy" i n v a r i a b l y used i n the c o l o n i a l s i t u a t i o n i n C e n t r a l A f r i c a as a synoniym of "labourer" or "servant" or even of simply "male A f r i c a n " . In t h i s t h e s i s the word i s of course used only to mean a male adolescent or c h i l d . I t should be v i i recognised, however, that when i t occurs i n a quotation i t very often involves the much wider meaning! Labour migration i s of course a continuing process - a r e l a t i v e l y s t a b i l i s e d African urban i n d u s t r i a l population i s s t i l l the exception rather than the rule. I t should also be remembered that i n the case of Rhodesia, current p o l i t i c a l problems are coloured by labour migration. There can be l i t t l e doubt that the present regime i s delighted that a truly permanent African urban population has never been created, that the reserves exist as a massive system of outdoor r e l i e f during a period of high African unemployment. Several Africans i n t e r - viewed by me i n Rhodesia regarded th e i r reserves, t h e i r v i l l a g e s , t h e i r land, however small and poor, as an insurance against the vagaries of the European economic climate. Thus Africans i n Rhodesia regard i n s t i t u t i o n s that are undoubtedly a bar to th e i r p o l i t i c a l progress as necessary to th e i r day-to-day needs. To v i s i t a Rhodesian reserve - p a r t i c u l a r l y one near Salisbury - i s to see the conditions so often described by Native Commissioners f i f t y years ago, a community of women and children with an old headman and occasionally an unemployed male or an older c h i l d on holiday from school. Almost d a i l y examples of labour migration appear to the t r a v e l l e r or research worker i n south central A f r i c a : the youthful employee i n a *Hortense Powdermaker i n her Copper Town; Changing A f r i c a (New York, 1962), pp. 92-93 has an excellent example of t h i s problem. One of her research assistants referred to two ten year old boys as "gentlemen", so aware was he of the debasing of the word "boy". v i i i h o t e l saving to buy a team of oxen to help farm the a n c e s t r a l land i n Inyanga; the young men on the Malawian bus b o i s t e r - ously r e t u r n i n g home a f t e r a s p e l l i n the Johannesburg mines; the depot of the Witwatersrand Native Labour A s s o c i a t i o n nearby the Blantyre mission of the Church of C e n t r a l A f r i c a Presbyterian on land a c t u a l l y leased from the mission; the crowded bus that leaves Harare township, S a l i s b u r y , f o r Blantyre every n i g h t , v i a the Mozambique enclave, f u l l of r e t u r n i n g migrants using an o l d route by modern means; the Rhodesian farmer annoyed that the labourer s u p p l i e d by the government agency had "run away"; and, most i n t e r e s t i n g l y of a l l , the A f r i c a n s from the southern end of the country w a i t i n g f o r work on the Mazoe Mine i n Rhodesia who took temporary employment as a r c h a e o l o g i c a l labourers on an excavation on the Portuguese s i t e of Dambarare w i t h i n s i g h t of the mine - as work became a v a i l a b l e , the a r c h a e o l o g i c a l labour- ers melted awayj These are j u s t a few personal examples from an extended v i s i t to Rhodesia, Zambia and Malawi i n 1967. A l l manuscript references i n the t h e s i s apply to the N a t i o n a l Archives of Rhodesia i n S a l i s b u r y , and are p r e f i x e d by the a b b r e v i a t i o n NA. A l l references p r e f i x e d C.O. are C o l o n i a l O f f i c e f i l e s i n the P u b l i c Record O f f i c e , London. A f u l l e r account of the sources can be found i n the b i b l i o - graphy. This t h e s i s has been prepared with the help of the resources of a number of i n s t i t u t i o n s , the u n i v e r s i t i e s of B r i t i s h Columbia, Glasgow and Lancaster, the ''University College i x of Rhodesia, the B r i t i s h Museum, the Pu b l i c Record O f f i c e , the N a t i o n a l R e g i s t e r of Archives, the I n s t i t u t e of H i s t o r i c a l Research, the N a t i o n a l Archives of Rhodesia, the former Church of Scotland mission i n B l a n t y r e , Malawi, and my thanks are due to the various s t a f f s of l i b r a r i e s and archives who have eased my passage. My thanks are also due to my supervisor, Dr. R.V. Kubicek, who read and e f f e c t i v e l y c r i t i c i s e d each chapter a s t o n i s h i n g l y promptly, to the beleaguered h i s t o r y department of the U n i v e r s i t y College of Rhodesia, whose seminars proved so i n f o r m a t i v e , to Mrs. P.E.N. T i n d a l l and the Rev. Kenneth P a t t i s o n , who provided much-needed h o s p i t a l i t y i n Rhodesia and Malawi, and to C a l l i s t o K a p i p i r o and Alex Jana, with whom I explored Rhodesian reserves and up-country Malawi r e s p e c t i v e l y . INTRODUCTION Mi g r a t i o n and labour are expressions of one of the basic i n s t i n c t s of a l l l i v i n g creatures, the i n s t i n c t f o r s u r v i v a l . In human h i s t o r y they have been transformed from mere s u r v i v a l mechanisms to the motive power and the b r a i n of the modern economic system. M i g r a t i o n has changed from a group to an i n d i v i d u a l a c t i v i t y ; i t has acquired i d e o l o g i c a l , r e l i g i o u s and personal motives, but has remained b a s i c a l l y economic. Labour on the other hand has been transformed from a personal to a group a c t i v i t y and i n the process has accumulated immense i d e o l o g i c a l a c c r e t i o n s . This t h e s i s i s concerned with the meeting of two d i f f e r e n t types of migration, and the labour which became a f u n c t i o n of that c l a s h . One migration formed part of the expansion of Europe; the other was the c o n t i n u i n g ebb and flow of Bantu migration which had been going on across A f r i c a f o r many c e n t u r i e s . The migration of Europeans was one of the most s i g n i f i c a n t features of the nineteenth century. I t had been gathering momentum f o r s e v e r a l c e n t u r i e s . The crusading z e a l of Prince Henry the Navigator i n h i s d e s i r e to o u t f l a n k Islam had turned i n t o an a c q u i s i t i v e d r i v e f o r the mineral wealth of South America and the luxury t r a f f i c of the Orient. These mining and t r a d i n g contacts were turned by mercantilism i n t o an econ- omic system that European nations could opt out of only at t h e i r p e r i l . So f o r the f i r s t time Europeans came i n t o contact with other peoples on a g l o b a l s c a l e . The Spanish i n South America 2 were the f i r s t to experience the problems of indigenous labour, and the i d e o l o g i c a l b a t t l e was j o i n e d . The conquistadores acted as conquerors exacting from t h e i r t r i b u t a r y peoples the r i g h t s that conquerors had demanded since the e a r l i e s t days of t r i b a l i s m . As l a t e r i n A f r i c a , the c o l o n i a l power caught up with t h e i r own c o l o n i a l conquerors. Their b r u t a l i t y was answered by the c l e r i c a l paternalism of Las Casas, c o l o n i a l e x p l o i t a t i o n of the Indians by the a m e l i o r a t i v e e f f o r t s of the Spanish Crown. The systems of encomiendas and repartimientos were e s s e n t i a l l y designed to avoid s l a v e r y . They gave the c o l o n i a l s r i g h t s over t r i b u t e and labour, but not over the persons of the Indians, and under p u b l i c r a t h e r than p r i v a t e c o n t r o l . The process of the conquerors brought under the c o n t r o l of a c o l o n i a l power anxious f o r i t s own i n t e r n a t i o n a l p r e s t i g e was to be repeated i n A f r i c a i n the l a t e nineteenth century. But there were important elements of the Spanish experience - the e a r l y c r e a t i o n of a l a r g e "poor white" population and the r a p i d predominance of the mestizo or h a l f - c a s t e population - that were not repeated. Moreover, i n the i n t e r v e n i n g period the European conscience towards A f r i c a s u f f e r e d a prolonged and d i s a s t r o u s lapse. The e a r l y respect of the Portuguese f o r the King of the Congo, or i n a l e s s formalised way f o r the Monomotapa of the Rozwi Empire i n Rhodesia, i n the s i x t e e n t h century proved s h o r t - l i v e d . The Arabs of the East Coast had already solved t h e i r s l i g h t labour d i f f i c u l t i e s by a combination 3 of forced migration and forced unfree labour which f i t t e d very- w e l l i n t o the Moslem t r a d i t i o n : s l a v e r y . Europeans turned s l a v e r y i n t o a system of e x p l o i t a t i o n that has never ceased to d i s t u r b the h i s t o r i c a l conscience, however much h i s t o r i a n s have sought e x p i a t i o n i n i n c r e a s i n g l y shocked and l u r i d d e s c r i p t i o n . Slavery was the most important c o n d i t i o n e r of nineteenth century labour p o l i c y . I t produced i n B r i t a i n a humanitarian r e a c t i o n that was as Tory as i t was Whig and as Whig as i t was Tory: the most ardent a n t i - s l a v e r y gentlemen were also the most anti-democratic. The contemporary j i b e that they were more i n t e r e s t e d i n slaves whom they had never seen than the very r e a l and apparent* s u f f e r i n g s of the domestic working classes- was a pointed one. T h e i r humanitarianism, with a few notable exceptions, was often more akin to the benevol- 2 ence of a n t i - v i v i s e c t i o n i s t s . They were however zealous i n devoting t h e i r l i v e s to the e r a d i c a t i o n of a great e v i l , and they founded a crusade that was to have f a r - r e a c h i n g r a m i f i c a t i o n s . Many f a l s e comparisons have been made between the humanitarianism of the a b o l i t i o n i s t s and the s e v e r i t y of •z l a t e nineteenth century i m p e r i a l i s m . C u r t i n has shown^ how those concerned f o r the welfare of slaves could support forced labour as a necessary a l t e r n a t i v e . I t i s thus not true to say that a considerable r e v o l u t i o n i n thought on c o l o n i a l labour - from benevolence to harshness, based on a developing racism - occurred during the nineteenth century. :; The a n t i - s l a v e r y movement produced two quite d i f f e r e n t schools of thought. I t was the progenitor of both a benevolent and a harsh-paternalism, of both the A n t i - S l a v e r y and Aborigines' P r o t e c t i o n S o c i e t i e s of the l a t e r century and of the c o l o n i a l p a t e r n a l i s t s . I t was not of course the sole progenitor of these a t t i t u d e s . Nor i s i t true that advancing European technology was the only other parent of the V i c t o r i a n c u l t u r a l s u p e r i o r i t y complex. When an A f r i c a n i s t l i k e S i r Harry Johnston made the gross e r r o r of c h a r a c t e r i s i n g A f r i c a n peoples as Stone Age,^ he was not j u s t i n f l u e n c e d by the racism of h i s day. He d i d so as the bearer of a strange mixture of thought and impressions that were the l a t e nineteenth century i n h e r i t a n c e . I t was a mixture of Hegelian Euroce.ntrism, of the r a t h e r arrogant brand of u t i l i t a r i a n i s m dispensed at Haileybury e a r l i e r i n the century f o r Indian consumption, of the o b i t e r d i c t a of "armchair a n t h r o p o l o g i s t s " seeking to e s t a b l i s h t h e i r science w i t h a f u l l blown theory of racism, of s o c i o l o g i s t s converting evolutionism to t h e i r own ends,^ of t r a v e l l e r s (a t r u l y important i n f l u e n c e here) conveying as heightened a contrast as p o s s i b l e to t h e i r l a r g e and a v i d reading p u b l i c , of the i n t e l l e c t u a l paternalism proceeding from the u n i v e r s i t i e s , and i n p a r t i c u l a r from Oxford, and f i n a l l y of the V i c t o r i a n obsess- i o n w i t h v i s u a l t e c h n o l o g i c a l achievement i n which they them- selv e s had so e x c e l l e d . The century-long a n t i - s l a v e r y crusade was accompanied by a great debate which centred on the nature of the free labour that was to take i t s place. The debate was conditioned by the v a r ious i n t e l l e c t u a l strands enumerated above, together with the requirements of a developing c a p i t a l i s m that had outgrown the need f o r s l a v e r y , but had not developed a r e a l labour theory or p o l i c y e i t h e r at home or abroad. Both these problems were s t i l l f a r from s o l u t i o n when Europeans, f i r s t penetrated C e n t r a l A f r i c a i n appreciable numbers. Their r e a c t i o n s were based, however u n w i t t i n g l y , p a r t l y on t h i s debate, p a r t l y on South A f r i c a n experience, and p a r t l y on the nature of the s o c i e t i e s they found i n C e n t r a l A f r i c a . They found slave t r a d i n g and indigenous s l a v e r y ; they found an unconcern f o r l i f e which, f o r g e t t i n g t h e i r not so remote ancestors and the nature of the A f r i c a n environment, they c h a r a c t e r i s e d as barbarism and savagery; they found s o c i e t i e s pursuing f i r s t l y the economic migration of s h i f t i n g c u l t i v a t i o n , pressed on r e l e n t l e s s l y by a poor s o i l , and secondly the p o l i t i c a l migration of f i s s i o n and coherence so c h a r a c t e r i s t i c of Bantu t r i b a l o r g a n i s a t i o n . The p o l i t i c a l sway of the Rozwi, the c u l t u r e of the Empire of the Monomotapa which the Portuguese had encountered and respected, had d e c l i n e d and fragmented. Offshoots of two great Bantu peoples, the Zulus from the South and the Luba-Lunda from the North, had become the ove r l o r d s of the region. J u s t as the Roman towns i n England had been ignored by the invading Saxons, so the stone zimbabwes were abandoned. The study of the v a r i e d nature of the response of C e n t r a l A f r i c a n s o c i e t i e s to the whole s e r i e s of i n f l u e n c e s that came to bear upon them i n the nineteenth century has proved one of the most f r u i t f u l approaches to the h i s t o r y of the p r e - c o l o n i a l period. They faced the i n c u r s i o n s of other t r i b e s , and were a s s i m i l a t e d , r a i d e d or compelled to o f f e r t r i b u t e . Superior and subject t r i b e s faced the Arab slave t r a d e r s as f i t f u l c o l l a b o r a t o r s or v i c t i m s as the case might be. ' I n the e a r l y years of European penetration, i t was soon c l e a r that the balance of power would change again. M i s s i o n a r i e s revealed t h i s b e t t e r than any other e a r l y group, simply because they tended to s e t t l e permanently. In Malawi i n p a r t i c u l a r , both at the southern and northern ends of the Lake, they took up residence with the rai d e d and then set about h a l t i n g the a c t i v i t i e s of the r a i d e r s . The m i s s i o n a r i e s i n v a r i a b l y provided a f i l l i p to c o l o n i a l c o n t r o l , though with m i l i t a n t Cape Company c o l o n i a l i s m from the South and m i l i t a n t Foreign O f f i c e diplomatic i m p e r i a l i s m from the East, l i t t l e f i l l i p was necessary. The r u l e r s of C e n t r a l A f r i c a n s o c i e t i e s almost a l l f e l t Lobengula's celebrated sensation of the Chameleon and the F l y . ^ They soon became aware of the dangers of the European i n c u r s i o n s and the t r i b u t e that would be exacted i n defeat - taxes, labour and c o n t r o l . The Europeans o s t e n s i b l y wished to save them from themselves, from savagery and s l a v e r y , but the s u f f e r i n g of the merely probable was i n f i n i t e l y preferable to the systematic s u f f e r i n g of the European tax-gatherer and of 7 1 c a p i t a l i s t e n t e r p r i s e drawing labour i n t o i t s i n s a t i a b l e maw. This European penetration was achieved by a remarkable combination of endemic diplomacy and warfare. T r e a t i e s were p r o f f e r e d , accepted and revoked. Various excuses were tendered f o r the f o r c i b l e d e s t r u c t i o n of w a r l i k e t r i b e s , of which r a i d i n g , slave or otherwise, was the most common. Few events r e v e a l more about A f r i c a n t r i b e s or t h e i r c o l o n i a l r u l e r s than the peaceful - as with the Bemba and the L o z i - or the w a r l i k e - as with the Ndebele, s e c t i o n s of the Ngoni and the Yao - establishment of c o l o n i a l hegemony. Labour migration was then seen by Chartered Company magnates and 7 c o l o n i s t s as the c a t a l y s t of t r i b a l fragmentation and of the erosion of t r a d i t i o n a l a u t h o r i t y . Taxation was i n t r o d - uced to speed t h i s process ( i n a d d i t i o n to p r o v i d i n g revenue) and reserves r e l u c t a n t l y e s t a b l i s h e d at the behest of the i m p e r i a l a u t h o r i t i e s . The acceptance of reserves remained r e l u c t a n t u n t i l European c o l o n i s t s awakened to the p o l i t i c a l dangers of a l a n d l e s s A f r i c a n p r o l e t a r i a t . I n Rhodesia, Europeans have balanced p o l i c y on the knife-edge between the needs of c a p i t a l i s t production and the fear of a p o l i t i c a l l y conscious working c l a s s . Seasonal migration began as an unfortunate n e c e s s i t y - l i k e that of another conquered people, the I r i s h , to England - but what made economic sense d i d not make p o l i t i c a l sense. The I r i s h had e v e n t u a l l y s e t t l e d and formed an urban sub-culture. Given the population imbalance, 8 A f r i c a n s could not be permitted to do the same. The m i s s i o n a r i e s had sought i m p e r i a l c o n t r o l , but the c o n t r o l imposed was seldom to t h e i r l i k i n g . While i t was only w i t h i n i t s framework that they could s u c c e s s f u l l y pursue t h e i r r e l i g i o u s o b j e c t s , they u s u a l l y objected to the c o l o n i a l s ' methods, and t h i s i s p a r t i c u l a r l y true of the r e c r u i t i n g of labour. They faced a very r e a l dilemma here. While approving the end, c i v i l i z a t i o n through the medium of the d i g n i t y of labour, they disapproved of the means. During the penetration period, the more s o p h i s t i c a t e d c h i e f s l i k e Lobengula or Lewanika had been educated - often by the l o c a l missionary - to an awareness of the existence of a moderating i n f l u e n c e , to them the Great White Queen, to us the C o l o n i a l Q O f f i c e . C h i e f s and m i s s i o n a r i e s a l i k e continued to turn to London to curb the worst excesses of the "man on the spot". In the Spanish Empire the Church had succeeded i n doing t h i s with one important d i f f e r e n c e - the Spanish Church was a monolithic establishment i n e x t r i c a b l y bound up with the State. The B r i t i s h Church was fragmented and important only i n s o f a r as the adherents of each branch at home could i n f l u e n c e p o l i c y . What d i s t i n g u i s h e s B r i t i s h c o l o n i a l church h i s t o r y i n South C e n t r a l A f r i c a i s the fashion i n which i t r a p i d l y l o s t c o n t r o l of both the A f r i c a n and the European s i t u a t i o n i n the c o l o n i a l q p eriod. C h i e f s and Church turned to a C o l o n i a l O f f i c e which i n a sense owed i t s modern development to labour. S i r Henry- Ta y l o r describes i n h i s Autobiography"*"^ how inadequate the C o l o n i a l O f f i c e was during the twenties and t h i r t i e s of the nineteenth century to cope with the move towards the a b o l i t i o n of s l a v e r y , how some new and b r i g h t c l e r k s were appointed of whom he was one. S i r James Stephen emerged through emancip- a t i o n as the f i r s t great Permanent Under Secretary. A f t e r him the C o l o n i a l O f f i c e never l o s t i t s humanitarianism, but during the twentieth century i t - l i k e the Church - l o s t c o n t r o l of the Southern A f r i c a n s i t u a t i o n . The Devonshire D e c l a r a t i o n and the P a s s f i e l d Memorandum only j u s t saved i t from l o s i n g . c o n t r o l of East A f r i c a n developments. The c r e a t i o n of the Union of South A f r i c a was a triumph f o r the d e v o l u t i o n i s t s ; the development of the conception of i n d i r e c t r u l e marked the triumph of an an a c h r o n i s t i c Whiggism. Both events were f a t a l to the growth of a c o l o n i a l labour p o l i c y p a r a l l e l to the domestic one. The Ce n t r a l A f r i c a n Federation was a l a s t c l u t c h i n g at straws, a chimera of r a c i a l p artnership and p o l i t i c a l advance. This t h e s i s i s an attempt to approach labour from a number of angles: f i r s t l y from the C o l o n i a l O f f i c e i n the nineteenth century, though what i s s a i d i s merely a general e x p l o r a t i o n , so much remains to be winkled from the C o l o n i a l O f f i c e Archives secondly from the South A f r i c a that produced the Chartered Company and so many of the e a r l y s e t t l e r s ; t h i r d l y from the 10 t r i b a l environment. This provides the background. The t h e s i s goes on to examine the mechanism of migrant labour, the techniques of m o b i l i s a t i o n at work, and the establishment of a corpus of ideas on A f r i c a n labour that has proved l o n g - l i v e d . There are a number of i n c i d e n t a l problems, the r e l a t i o n s h i p of the C o l o n i a l O f f i c e with the Company, of the Company with the s e t t l e r s , of the s e t t l e r s with the A f r i c a n s , of the m i s s i o n a r i e s with the s e t t l e r s , of the C o l o n i a l O f f i c e with i t s o p p o s i t i o n at home, and permutations of a l l f i v e . While p r o v i d i n g constant and i r r i t a t i n g c o n s t r a i n t , the C o l o n i a l O f f i c e not s u r p r i s i n g l y f a i l e d i n t h i s period to e s t a b l i s h the groundwork f o r a progressive labour p o l i c y which was the s i n a qua non of a progressive p o l i t i c a l p o l i c y . Having l o s t the i n i t i a t i v e the C o l o n i a l O f f i c e was never able to regain i t . 11 FOOTNOTES TO INTRODUCTION. 1 See f o r example the recent work of J . Pope-Hennessy, Sins of the Fathers.(London, 19671 2 This contention i s not as remarkable as i t seems. S i r Henry Taylor ( v i d . i n f . ) , who was an o f f i c i a l i n the C o l o n i a l O f f i c e f o r almost f i f t y years from 1824, opposed s l a v e r y , supported Governor Eyre a f t e r h i s b r u t a l supp- r e s s i o n of the Jamaican u p r i s i n g , and attacked v i v i s e c t i o n . For f u r t h e r d e t a i l s see Chapter 1. -3 P h i l i p D. C u r t i n , The Image of A f r i c a , (Madison, 196k), pp.- 273-4. 4 S i r Harry H. Johnston, paper read before the Royal C o l o n i a l I n s t i t u t e , January 15, 1889, quoted i n Stokes & Brown, op. c i t . , p. 356. 5 Thomas Huxley i n h i s Romanes Lecture of 1893 disclaimed the i d e a that b i o l o g i c a l t h e o r i e s of e v o l u t i o n provided any i n d i c a t i o n of human s o c i a l progress, E v o l u t i o n and E t h i c s and Other Essays, (New York, 1898} p. "ET. 6 P h i l i p Mason, The B i r t h of a Dilemma (London, 1958) recounts the King of the Matabele's own d e s c r i p t i o n of h i s f e e l i n g s as the concession:seekers closed i n . 7 E r i c Stokes & Richard Brown, (eds.), The Zambesian Past, (liondon, 1966} p. 93, f o r the Company's hope regarding the Ndebele. The f a c t that the t r i b e d i d not fragment l e d to the War of 1893. 8 There i s an i n t e r e s t i n g example of the monarch expressing h i s personal opinion i n 1911. During the d i s c u s s i o n s regarding the t r a n s f e r of Bechuanaland to South A f r i c a i n 1911, the c h i e f s p e t i t i o n e d George V i n the t r a d i t i o n a l way. He p e r s o n a l l y wrote on a C o l o n i a l O f f i c e minute that h i s sympathies were with the c h i e f s . C.O. 417/499. 9 Terence 0. Ranger, "State and Church i n Southern Rhodesia, - 1919 - 39." H i s t o r i c a l A s s o c i a t i o n of Rhodesia and Nyasaland pamphlet, n.d. 10 Henry Tay l o r , Autobiography, (London, 1885} p. 64. 12 CHAPTER 1 THE COLONIAL OFFICE AND LABOUR IN THE NINETEENTH CENTURY C o l o n i a l labour p o l i c y i n the nineteenth century developed as a response to emancipation. I t was conditioned i n a number of ways: by the t e n t a t i v e ideas of t r u s t e e s h i p that had emerged from the eighteenth century and Burke i n p a r t i c u l a r ; by domestic a t t i t u d e s towards the lab o u r i n g poor; by the r a c i a l views of "armchair" a n t h r o p o l o g i s t s , s o c i o l o g i s t s and of t r a v e l l e r s ; and by the p a t e r n a l i s t i c t r a d i t i o n of a r i s t o c r a t i c r u l e . H i s t o r i a n s have seen the beginnings of t r u s t e e s h i p i n the great speeches of Burke on the impeachment of Warren Hastings. And of course no one i s more eminently quotable than Burke: i t i s very easy to be bl i n d e d to the ambivalence of h i s philosophy. He used such words as " t r u s t " and "accountable""'" and asserted There i s but one law f o r a l l , namely, that law which governs a l l law, the law of our Creator, the law of humanity, j u s t i c e , equity - the law of nature, and of nations. But he was also the fath e r of the c o l o n i a l d e v o l u t i o n i s t s who were to discover that the law of nature was not the law of humanity, j u s t i c e , equity. Although he b r i e f l y took up the m i t i g a t i o n and u l t i m a t e suppression of the slave trade i n 1780, he dropped the i s s u e f o r , as John Morley wryly put i t , " h i s sympathy was too s t r o n g l y under the c o n t r o l of the p o l i t - i c a l reason".^ Humanity and j u s t i c e f o r the slaves was 13 tempered by the need f o r j u s t i c e f o r the owners. Another f a v o u r i t e quotation from t h i s period of i n c i p i e n t t r u s t e e s h i p i s that from the Parliamentary Committee on the East I n d i a Company Charter of 1833: I t i s recognised as an i n d i s p u t a b l e p r i n c i p l e that the i n t e r e s t s of the native subjects are to be consulted i n preference to those of . Europeans whenever the two come i n t o c o n f l i c t . But no c o n f l i c t was recognised where Europeans set out to decide what was good f o r t h e i r Indian subjects, whether the subjects l i k e d i t or not. Moreover, no such unequivocal statement was ever made f o r A u s t r a l a s i a or North America, and not u n t i l the twentieth century f o r A f r i c a . G.R. M e l l o r ' s 5 attempt^ to f i n d a f u l l y revealed and adopted p o l i c y of t r u s t e e s h i p i n the f i r s t h a l f of the nineteenth century i s unconvincing. The sentiments undoubtedly e x i s t e d and received mention i n p o l i c y statements, but f o r most of t h e i r h i s t o r y they were i n v a r i a b l y i n e f f e c t u a l and often i n t e r m i t t e n t . A f t e r S i r James Stephen^ there was never again so great a humanitarian at the C o l o n i a l O f f i c e , but the i d e a of i m p e r i a l r e s p o n s i b i l i t y s u r v i v e d even when high o f f i c i a l s i n the C o l o n i a l O f f i c e were i n league with the great c a p i t a l i s t s of the day, as Edward F a i r f i e l d 7 was. The establishment of the High Commission t e r r i t o r i e s i n South A f r i c a i s evidence of t h i s , although t h e i r subsequent p e r i l o u s h i s t o r y i s e q u a l l y evidence of the tenuous nature of that t r u s t e e s h i p . Ik In short-, B r i t i s h c o l o n i a l p o l i c y has always been, l i k e Janus, two headed. I t was not j u s t that there was admini- s t r a t i v e d i v i s i o n - the I n d i a O f f i c e , the C o l o n i a l O f f i c e and the Foreign O f f i c e f o r p r o t e c t o r a t e s - nor was i t j u s t that there was an a l t e r n a t i o n of two d i f f e r e n t p o l i t i c a l p a r t i e s i n power. I t was the dual nature of the p h i l o s o p h i c a l strands that made up the a t t i t u d e s to the c o l o n i a l possessions. The C o l o n i a l Reformers had taken over Burke's concept of the n e c e s s i t y of devolution and a l l i e d i t with t h e i r own ideas on Systematic C o l o n i z a t i o n , ' organised emigration financed by land s a l e s . The humanitarians d i s t r u s t e d them because they rode roughshod over the r i g h t s of indigenous peoples which were part of the metropolitan t r u s t . In d i f f e r e n t ways they both denied l a i s s e r a l l e r , the f i r s t on an i n d i v i d u a l l e v e l , the second on a c o l l e c t i v e b a s i s . L a t e r i n the century., Herbert Spencer's s o c i o l o g y r e v e a l s e x c e l l e n t l y the inherent c o n f l i c t i n B r i t i s h nineteenth century thought. He attempted to u n i t e the' u t i l - i t a r i a n concept of the greatest happiness of the greatest number with the d o c t r i n e of l a i s s e r f a i r e and Lamarckian e v o l u t i o n , supplemented l a t e r by Darwin's t h e o r i e s of n a t u r a l s e l e c t i o n . His conclusion that the i n t e r e s t of each i n d i v i d u a l a u t o m a t i c a l l y complies with the i n t e r e s t of the aggregate of i n d i v i d u a l s hardly coincided with the u t i l i t a r i a n f a i t h i n the power of b e n e f i c i a l l e g i s l a t i o n imposed from above. Nor d i d i t f i t the p o l i t i c a l r e a l i t i e s when the aggregate i n c l u d e d 15 d i f f e r e n t s o c i a l c l a s s e s or d i f f e r e n t races. Just when s o c i a l Darwinism appeared to be t u r n i n g l a i s s e r f a i r e i n t o something more than j u s t a commercial p o l i c y , i t was overtaken by German metaphysics - C a r l y l e , t h e i r apostle,' described Spencer as "the most immeasurable ass i n Christendom". C a r l y l e provides a magnificent l i n k i n nineteenth century c o l o n i a l thought, by h i s l o n g e v i t y and by the scope of h i s i n f l u e n c e . In Past and Present he argued the e f f i c a c y of systematic emigration as a s a f e t y valve f o r democratic a g i t - a t o r s - " i n s t e a d of s t a y i n g here to be a Physical-Force Q C h a r t i s t , unblessed and no b l e s s i n g j " - as Rhodes was to do l a t e r i n an oft-quoted i n c i d e n t . ^ Remove the malcontents and ease population pressure at one blow. His Occasional Discourse on the Nigger Question"^ revealed the extent of h i s contempt f o r " i n f e r i o r peoples" and f o r "Exeter H a l l P h i l a n - thropy". In the discourse, he attacked the West Indian negroes f o r t h e i r t r o p i c a l indolence (a f a m i l i a r theme i n nineteenth century c o l o n i a l labour theory), t h e i r r e f u s a l to adhere to h i s d o c t r i n e of work, which he so exalted i n Past and Present. In h i s preoccupation with the hero i n h i s t o r y , from Cromwell to F r e d e r i c k the Great, and with German philosophy, he created the antecedents f o r the heroic labours of the great i m p e r i a l - i s t s of the turn of the century. The d i f f e r e n c e that has been observed i n r a c i a l a t t i t u d e s between the f i r s t and second halves of the nineteenth century 16 has frequent l y been expressed i n a f a r too s i m p l i s t i c way. The process was extremely s u b t l e . The racism of the second h a l f of the century d i d not i n v o l v e any r e a l change i n the a t t i t u d e of the European to the non-European: i t i n v o l v e d a change i n a t t i t u d e of the European's - and i n p a r t i c u l a r the Northern European's - a t t i t u d e towards himself. The terminology of "savage s o c i e t i e s " , "lower s o c i e t i e s " , "barbarism" and so on was as prevalent at the beginning of the century as i t was at the end. Darwinian concepts of ev o l u t i o n a p p l i e d s o c i a l l y provided an explanation f o r the d i f f e r e n t " l e v e l s " of s o c i e t y and c i v i l i z a t i o n , and tended to favour the more l i b e r a l monogenesis arguments over the pplygenesis i d e a that had exercised the ant h r o p o l o g i s t s i n 11 debate f o r most of the century. The notion that an "advanced" c i v i l i z a t i o n would a u t o m a t i c a l l y wipe out the re p r e s e n t a t i v e s of a more backward c i v i l i z a t i o n was as common before Darwin as a f t e r him. In h i s celebrated 12 i n a u g u r a l l e c t u r e of 1841 Thomas Arnold, f o r example, a p p l i e d i n e f f e c t a s u r v i v a l of the f i t t e s t argument to the g l o r y and u l t i m a t e destiny of the Saxon race. This concept reached i t s height l a t e r i n the century when S o c i a l Darwinism took on what has been described as i t s e x t e r n a l or c o l l e c t i v i s t guise"*"^ (as opposed to S o c i a l Darwin- ism a p p l i e d to an i n t e r n a l economic l a i s s e r - f a i r e s i t u a t i o n ) . The ideas of Benjamin K i d d " ^ and even more so the extr a o r d i n a r y 15 eugenics of K a r l Pearson ' entered i n t o the f a b r i c of i m p e r i a l i d e a s , and g r e a t l y i n f l u e n c e d notions of c o l o n i a l labour, Pearson wrote both of the replacement of "dark-skinned t r i b e s " by "a capable and sta l w a r t race of white men" and of the e x p l o i t a t i o n of co l o n i e s by the use of indigenous labour. However, e x t e r n a l S o c i a l Darwinism was d i r e c t e d not so much against the c o l o n i e s as against other powers. Hence, f o r example, the L a t i n s were looked down on with considerable d i s t a s t e . When the United States was s e i z i n g Puerto Rico, Cuba and the P h i l i p p i n e s from a jaded, i n f e r i o r people, the Spanish, Anglo-Saxon s u p e r i o r i t y was expressed i n Joseph Chamberlain's panteutonism. There was a new high"respect f o r the United States to the extent that B r i t a i n was w i l l i n g to give her support i n the war with Spain and was w i l l i n g to kow-tow to her over boundary disputes, even when the dispute i n v o l v e d one of B r i t a i n ' s own c o l o n i e s , as i n the case of the A l a s k a - B r i t i s h Columbia dispute. But even more important was the changed a t t i t u d e towards Germany. The establishment of the German Empire and of Bismarckian s t a t e s o c i a l i s m had a profound e f f e c t i n B r i t a i n . Fashionable i n t e l l e c t u a l s followed now i n the footsteps of C a r l y l e i n h i s adoration of German philosophy and s t a t e c r a f t r a t h e r than i n the footsteps of Bentham and u t i l i t a r i a n i s m . The Fabians i n t h e i r concern f o r s o c i a l i s m by e x i s t i n g means and t h e i r d i s l i k e of the muddle of the House of Commons 18 r e f l e c t e d t h i s , (and i t must be remembered that Sidney Webb was to some extent a f o l l o w e r of Pearson). So d i d the concern f o r the Education Act of 1902, s t a t e s o c i a l i s m passed by an u n w i t t i n g B a l f o u r , prompted by a j u s t i f i a b l e respect f o r German education and t e c h n i c a l advance. So too d i d A l f r e d M i l n e r ^ w i t h h i s German background and e a r l y education. Thomas Arnold's Saxon destiny reached i t s climax at the end of the century - i t was behind that whole s e r i e s of remarkable w i l l s of C e c i l John Rhodes. Arnold's son, Matthew, forms an i n t e r e s t i n g connection between h i s f a t h e r ' s generation and f i n de s i e c l e i m p e r i a l i s m . While i t i s true that he c a l l e d f o r more Hellenism r a t h e r than Romanism i n p u b l i c l i f e , he expressed contempt f o r the "barbarians, p h i l i s t i n e s and populace" and the now f a m i l i a r d i s s a t i s f a c t i o n with l a i s s e r f a i r e and 17 l a i s s e r a l l e r . ' He was i n f a c t one of the apostles of the meritocracy. Thomas Arnold's Saxon, C a r l y l e ' s hero and Matthew Arnold's meritocrat combined i n the i m p e r i a l i d e a l i s t s . Both Rhodes and M i l n e r dedicated themselves to a l i f e of p u b l i c u t i l i t y i n s u r p r i s i n g l y s i m i l a r phrases. Rhodes wrote "The wish came to render myself u s e f u l to my country"; M i l n e r 18 declared himself ready f o r a l i f e of p u b l i c usefulness. There can be l i t t l e doubt that Rhodes's "mystic duty" was much more important to him than e i t h e r money-making or p o l i t i c s . His f i r s t w i l l expounding h i s i d e a of a secret s o c i e t y to f u r t h e r the ends of the Anglo-Saxon race was w r i t t e n when h i s fortune was 19 s t i l l unmade. The Oxford of Benjamin Jowett and James^-" Anthony Froude - the biographer of C a r l y l e - had created a sense of d i v i n e r i g h t , d i v i n e r i g h t i n being E n g l i s h , d i v i n e r i g h t i n being a member of the i n t e l l i g e n t s i a . I t was a view espoused by Lansdowne, Asquith, S i r Edward Grey, and reached i t s apotheosis i n Curzon. Given t h i s d i v i n e r i g h t and the obsession with heroic personal labours, i t was n a t u r a l that c o l o n i a l labour p o l i c y should be based on the view that indigenous peoples must be the handmaidens of that d i v i n e w i l l . I m p e r i a l s t a t e c r a f t was Germanic: the Germanic t r a d i t i o n of the mailed f i s t i n the vel v e t glove entered c o l o n i a l labour IQ p o l i c y while the humanitarian i d e a l s of Stephen and Merivale y were s t i l l remembered. I t was also Roman. Not only were the i m p e r i a l i s t s educated i n the c l a s s i c s , they consciously adopted and took pride i n Roman a t t i t u d e s . Again Rhodes i s an e x c e l l - ent example of t h i s : he c a r r i e d the Thoughts of Marcus A u r e l i u s around with him, and was g r e a t l y f l a t t e r e d when l i k e n e d i n looks to a Roman Emperor. He had an i l l - c o n c e a l e d contempt f o r the L a t i n peoples - witness h i s b u l l y i n g t a c t i c s with the Portuguese - 20 j u s t as Romans and Saxons a l i k e had swept aside the C e l t s . I f r a c i a l a t t i t u d e s emerged from a grand design of European destiny, they fed on f e a r . The fear of replacement dominates much of human a c t i v i t y - i t s most basic and pe r e n n i a l expression i s i n the fear of the ol d e r f o r the younger generation. The 20 Anglo-Indians discovered f e a r a f t e r the Mutiny, as have c o l o n i a l s of the growth of A f r i c a n n a t i o n a l i s m produced by t h e i r own c a p i t a l i s t concentration and p o l i t i c a l r e p r e s s i o n . The A l i e n s Act of 1905 was a U n i o n i s t sop to the fear of the B r i t i s h working c l a s s towards immigrants. The a t t i t u d e s of organised labour towards indigenous peoples i n Southern A f r i c a have above a l l expressed i t . In nineteenth century B r i t a i n fear was a c h a r a c t e r i s t i c of a t t i t u d e s towards the domestic working c l a s s e s ( p l u r a l at the beginning of the century, s i n g u l a r by the end). And that f e a r was as great before the F i r s t World War as i t had been immediately a f t e r the Napoleonic Wars. By 1914 the labour movement had reversed the setbacks of the T a f f Vale and Osborne d e c i s i o n s and the prospect of the " t r i p l e a l l i a n c e " revealed the greatest o b s t r u c t i v e power the unions had yet e x h i b i t e d . The safe image of the l i b e r a l e l i t e unions had gone. I t i s not s u r p r i s i n g that c o l o n i a l labour p o l i c i e s should envisage s t r i c t c o n t r o l . In the c o l o n i a l s i t u a t i o n i t s e l f , f ear was n a t u r a l l y experienced more i n t e n s e l y by the "man on the spot". I t was one of the causes of f r i c t i o n between c o l o n i a l s and the i m p e r i a l a u t h o r i t i e s . Working c l a s s phobias were strong too. T h e i r r a d i c a l supporters were often the loudest proponents of the theory of the d e s t r u c t i o n of i n f e r i o r races. The r a d i c a l s f r e q u e n t l y attacked concerns with c o l o n i a l labour as d i s t r a c t i n g a t t e n t i o n from the p l i g h t of those at home - often with complete j u s t i f - i c a t i o n . The fea r that has already been described had ample 21 expression i n the domestic s i t u a t i o n - i n i n t e r - u n i o n r i v a l r i e s , hatred of I r i s h - C a t h o l i c immigrants and so on. I t was thus r i p e f o r t u r n i n g i n t o Jingoism and Racism at the turn of the century. There was very l i t t l e i d e n t i f i c a t i o n of the oppressed at home with the oppressed i n the c o l o n i e s . Between the days when the Lancashire cotton workers could s a c r i f i c e themselves f o r the slaves of the American South or a working men 1s meeting i n Clerkenwell burn Governor Eyre 21 i n e f f i g y i n 1866 and the days when the i m p e r i a l party became i d e n t i f i e d with dearer bread and Chinese " s l a v e r y " , the working c l a s s e s were wooed by the ideas of s o c i a l i m p e r i a l i s m . The " C r i t i c s of Empire" were e i t h e r i n t e l l e c t u a l 22 r a d i c a l s or j o u r n a l i s t s pandering to a mi n o r i t y t a s t e . The Independent Labour Party, as exemplified by Ramsay MacDonald, advocated not so much a n t i - i m p e r i a l i s m as e t h i c a l i m p e r i a l i s m . In 1897, i t would be d i f f i c u l t to f i n d a working c l a s s meeting that would burn Rhodes or Jameson i n e f f i g y a f t e r the f i a s c o s of the Raid and the Ndebele and Shona r e b e l l i o n s i n Rhodesia. L i b e r a l Imperialism had already created the atmosphere i n which Chamberlain could play the tune of a "forward" c o l o n i a l p o l i c y to considerable p u b l i c acclaim. He of course was the p o l i t i c a l opportunist par excellence. At home he, the aloof, humane c a p i t a l i s t r a d i c a l , imagined he could spike the guns of the s o c i a l i s t s ; i n the c o l o n i a l s e t t i n g he thought he could spike the guns of the humanitarians 22 by p r o v i d i n g a popular i m p e r i a l i s m and a benevolent c a p i t a l i s m . His i d e a of t r a i n i n g h i s son, N e v i l l e , was to send him to a remote West Indian i s l a n d to e s t a b l i s h a p l a n t a t i o n and f i n d manhood i n t o i l and the c o n t r o l of negroes. v Even a f t e r the f a i l u r e of Chamberlain and the r e t u r n of the L i b e r a l s to power, the C o l o n i a l O f f i c e r e t a i n e d i t s combination of l i b e r a l i s m and Hegelian s t a t e c r a f t . They were fused i n a paternalism that would take to i t s e l f the supreme arrogance of the Dual Mandate, which Hobson exposed even before i t was properly f o r m u l a t e d . ^ The Governor Eyre controversy i n the 1860's had produced two f a c t i o n s - the Jamaica Committee of John Stuart M i l l , Herbert Spencer, T.H. Huxley and others, and t h e i r opponents i n C a r l y l e , 25 Ruskin and Tennyson. ^ In the C o l o n i a l O f f i c e bequeathed by Chamberlain, both f a c t i o n s would have found some sentiments with which to sympathise. The r i c h e s t vein of i n f l u e n c e on c o l o n i a l labour p o l i c y i s paternalism. So pervasive i s i t that i t has already been touched on at s e v e r a l p o i n t s . Paternalism i n i t s various forms i s q u ite c l e a r l y not unique to the B a l l i o l and Toynbee H a l l school of the l a t e century. Paternalism has been an extremely strong thread throughout the past few thousand years of h i s t o r y . I t i s a deeply p s y c h o l o g i c a l i n s t i n c t that has not wanted f o r s o c i a l expression. I t has v a r i e d only i n q u a l i t y , from s e v e r i t y to benevolence. I t has always been i n e x t r i c a b l y bound up with r e l i g i o n . I t was c l e a r l y a most extraordinary 23 type of paternalism that produced the Pyramids of Egypt or S i l b u r y H i l l i n England or the great ship b u r i a l s of Scandinavia, and i n c i d e n t a l l y these examples are amongst the e a r l y instances of organised labour on a lar g e s c a l e . Paternalism i s evident i n P l a t o ' s Republic, the paternalism of the philosopher r u l e r , the paternalism of the i d e a - which the E x i s t e n t i a l i s t s have struggled to escape. The p a t e r n a l - ism of the medieval church and feudal a r i s t o c r a c y has given way i n turn to the paternalism of the monarchy, of the army, of the a r i s t o c r a c y , of the middle c l a s s e s , and of the party and the s t a t e . The l i b e r a l i d e a l has never achieved f u l f i l - ment. Paternalism i s an i n t e g r a l part of A f r i c a n c u l t u r e s - the paternalism of the t r i b e as embodied i n the c h i e f and above a l l as disembodied i n the departed ancestors. In the c o l o n i a l s e t t i n g we see a severe paternalism, the t r i b a l , i n c o n f l i c t with a paternalism that was i n fa c t a running a c t i o n between the severe and the benevolent. The r e s u l t was colon- i a l anger and A f r i c a n confusion. A f r i c a n paternalism ran r i g h t through s o c i a l and k i n r e l a t i o n s h i p s . The A f r i c a n male when he married r e t a i n e d h i s dependence while accepting new o b l i g a t i o n s that f i t t e d him more a c t i v e l y i n t o the p a t e r n a l - i s t i c framework. The V i c t o r i a n family was also p a t e r n a l i s t i c , but with important d i f f e r e n c e s . For one t h i n g i t was the nuclear family r a t h e r than the extended, and f o r another i t s 24 components on maturity were hurled o f f to make t h e i r own way i n the world. The Native Cornmissioner from such a background often succeeded i n f i n d i n g a place i n t r i b a l paternalism, u s u a l l y to the detriment of the c h i e f . He i n t e r p r e t e d h i s p a t e r n a l i s t i c duty as being to advise or coerce the A f r i c a n s to enter by means of t h e i r labour the European economic system and adopt the cash c r i t e r i o n of s o c i a l a c c e p t i b i l i t y . In other words he set out to force on them the i n d i v i d u a l fragmentation and traumatic break with f a m i l y l i f e which was such a feature of h i s own s o c i e t y . The Emancipation s t r u g g l e had been a c o n f l i c t of s e v e r i t y and benevolence, the negroes' subsequent s o - c a l l e d indolence a t e r r i b l e l e s s o n . Indolence was a f e a r f u l word to the V i c t o r i a n mind, as i t i s i n a d i f f e r e n t way i n the twentieth century. Tennyson was f a s c i n a t e d by Ulysses' encounter with the Lotos-Eaters and the s a i l o r s ' a t t r a c t i o n to t h e i r l i f e - "Should l i f e a l l labour be? Surely, s u r e l y , slumber i s more sweet than t o i l " . But h i s sonorous sentiment i n the l a s t l i n e of the poem Ulysses - "To strive', to seek, to f i n d , and not to y i e l d " - i s much more c h a r a c t e r i s t i c . There i s the same c o n f l i c t i n W i l l i a m Golding's Lord o f the F l i e s : one group of boys wish to organise the c o l l e c t i o n and d i s t r i b u t i o n of food while the others set o f f f o r a l i f e of indolence and sport at the other end of the i s l a n d . The problem could be ' seen as man's f a l l from grace - the primeval ancestors cast 25 out from Eden and forced to work by the sweat of t h e i r brows; or more s c i e n t i f i c a l l y as proto-man's emergence from the f o r e s t s to the harder l i f e of the p l a i n s . Some have seen a d i s t i n c t i o n between work and labour. Lewis Mumford i n h i s recent The Myth of the Machine presents a p i c t u r e of n e o l i t h i c 26 l i f e where a l l had to work and none had to labour. The V i c t o r i a n s turned work i n t o a moral imperative, and i t so happened that work meant labour to s a t i s f y the needs of c a p i t a l i s t production. I t i s not s u r p r i s i n g that the r e a c t i o n was the worship of the romantic r u r a l i d y l l , by Mor r i s i n h i s d i s t i n c t i v e brand of s o c i a l i s m , by Voysey i n h i s a r c h i t e c t u r e and by Hardy i n h i s novels. In A f r i c a the contrast was immediate and unromantic - between i r o n age t r i b e s with t h e i r v i l l a g e a g r i c u l t u r e and v i l l a g e " i n d u s t r y " ( p o t t e r y and smelting p r i n c i p a l l y ) and the labour of European farm or mine. To the V i c t o r i a n s the end was not i n doubt: man must work and work equalled labour. The o r i g i n s of t h i s moral imperative have been seen i n the Protestant Reformation, but i t should be remembered that the i d e a l of medieval monastic l i f e was hard work as w e l l as contemplation - the C i s t e r c i a n s i n p a r t i c u l a r pursued the i d e a l of laborare est orare. The moral need was enshrined i n B r i t i s h poor law enactment from Tudor times and received i t s apotheosis i n the Poor Law of 1834. Idleness must be made u n a t t r a c t i v e . The m e r c a n t i l i s t s 26 had espoused the need f o r reasons of s t a t e . I t was at the bottom of the ideas of the c o l o n i a l reformers, the systematic c o l o n i s t s . The V i c t o r i a n s turned i t i n t o an i n d i v i d u a l moral need, but i t was nonetheless a reason of s t a t e , and nowhere was t h i s more evident than i n the c o l o n i a l s i t u a t i o n . The removal of the p h y s i c a l compulsion of sla v e r y made the moral need imperative. The notion that labour was i n v i o l a b l e property to be disposed of only at the owners' wish f e l l before the p a t e r n a l i s t i c onslaught that labour was not property, but a s o c i a l duty, a moral o b l i g a t i o n . The f a c t that West Indian negroes had been permitted to lapse i n t o s l o t h was a moral crime that had to be avoided i n the future. In the i m p e r i a l - ism of the l a t e century labour had the contin u i n g j u s t i f i c a t i o n of being an a l t e r n a t i v e to the domestic s l a v e r y and e x t e r n a l slave trade found everywhere i n the advance of ex p l o r e r s , m i s s i o n a r i e s and pioneers. I t was transformed i n t o a moral j u s t i f i c a t i o n f o r e x p l o i t a t i o n to s a t i s f y the most fervent c a p i t a l i s t , the most romantic pioneer, the most "improving" missionary. Paternalism was p a r t i c u l a r l y a t t r a c t i v e because i t s a t i s f i e d two p h i l o s o p h i c a l worlds. B a s i c a l l y i t was deter- m i n i s t i c . Given the r e l i g i o u s content i t could hardly be otherwise. Yet the severity-benevolence debate revealed a considerable scope f o r human t i n k e r i n g - free w i l l w i t h i n a d e t e r m i n i s t i c framework. Moreover, i t was a tremendous, 27 though almost u n w i t t i n g , make-weight to the l a i s s e r f a i r e economists. While they were expounding t h e i r e s s e n t i a l l y d e t e r m i n i s t i c view of the free market, the l e g i s l a t o r s were r e f u s i n g to permit the s o c i a l market to be f r e e . Nowhere was t h i s more true than i n the realm of c o l o n i a l labour. While free trade was only approaching i t s z e n i t h there were constant attempts to c o n t r o l c o l o n i a l labour - l a i s s e r a l l e r was destroyed long before l a i s s e r f a i r e . I t should be noted that i n the c o l o n i a l s i t u a t i o n there i s a two-pronged attack on the c o l o n i a l labour market. I t i s attacked by the colon- i s t s because i t does not produce - they wish to force labour. I t i s attacked by the C o l o n i a l O f f i c e under pressure from the humanitarians because i t creates abuses. We have d i s t i n g u i s h e d paternalism as important because i t forms the megastructure of a l l nineteenth century c o l o n i a l (and domestic) labour t h i n k i n g , because i t i s a vantage point from which to view V i c t o r i a n conceptions, conscious and sub- conscious, and from which to see the attack on the ranks of l a i s s e r f a i r e . On the i n d i v i d u a l plane, paternalism could take a v a r i e t y of forms. The paternalism of the t h i r d E a r l 27 Grey, 'the f i r s t great c o l o n i a l formulator a f t e r Emancipation, was the benevolent paternalism of a r i s t o c r a t i c o b l i g a t i o n ; the paternalism of Lord M i l n e r the more arrogant paternalism of the meritocracy; that of Sydney O l i v i e r °the paternalism of the i n t e l l e c t u a l Fabian, more benevolent, more sympathetic, but 28 no l e s s p a t e r n a l i s t i c . So f a r , the general i n t e l l e c t u a l framework i n which a c o l o n i a l labour p o l i c y was constructed has been reviewed. I t i s now necessary to examine that p o l i c y i t s e l f . I t i s impossible to separate out labour p o l i c y from more general a t t i t u d e s to indigenous peoples. For t h i s reason i t i s i n t e r e s t i n g to begin with a comparison of two i n f l u e n t i a l statements of 1841 - Herman Merivale's l e c t u r e s d e l i v e r e d at Oxford as Professor of P o l i t i c a l Economy and Thomas Arnold's i n a u g u r a l l e c t u r e as Professor of Modern H i s t o r y . Merivale provides a good s t a r t i n g point because he became the Permanent Under Secretary at the C o l o n i a l O f f i c e during one of the most seminal periods f o r c o l o n i a l labour p o l i c y , the s e c r e t a r y s h i p of s t a t e of Lord Grey. A f t e r the inadequacy of Robert W i l l i a m 29 Hay, 7 S i r James Stephen had f i r m l y e s t a b l i s h e d the power of the C o l o n i a l O f f i c e ' s p r i n c i p a l executive o f f i c e r . But Stephen was the r e p r e s e n t a t i v e of an o l d e r s t r a i n . From the moment he entered the C o l o n i a l O f f i c e he was dedicated to A b o l i t i o n . This was h i s l i f e ' s work. Once accomplished, events ran against him. He was implacably opposed to indentured labour, seeing i t r i g h t l y as c o n t r o l l e d s l a v e r y under another name. In i n s i s t i n g on the most r i g i d c o n t r o l s on indentured labour he f i r m l y l a i d down the C o l o n i a l O f f i c e humanitarian t r a d i t i o n . I t f e l l to Merivale to maintain that t r a d i t i o n and yet l i v e with 29 the p o l i t i c a l f a c t of indentured labour. Merivale's l e c t u r e s ^ are remarkable both f o r t h e i r breadth of view and f o r t h e i r l i b e r a l i t y of outlook. In some of h i s views the world has hardly caught up with him to-day. He b e l i e v e d i n complete amalgamation of the races, though he expressed i t i n the language of h i s time, "the only 31 p o s s i b l e Euthanasia of savage communities". He had no ob j e c t i o n whatever to miscegenation - indeed he asserted the 32 "s u p e r i o r energy" of h a l f - c a s t e s . I t i s not s u r p r i s i n g that he admitted that h i s "views must undoubtedly appear somewhat w i l d and c h i m e r i c a l " . In the same year that Merivale's Lectures were published, Thomas Arnold d e l i v e r e d h i s inau g u r a l l e c t u r e . He dated the beginning of E n g l i s h h i s t o r y from the Saxon i n v a s i o n s and not before; he regarded the supremacy of the Germanic race as the u l t i m a t e i n world h i s t o r y . His was the most i n f l u e n t i a l statement yet of the disappearance theory: ...the mass of mankind have no such power; they e i t h e r r e c e i v e the impression of for e i g n elements so completely that t h e i r own i n d i v i d u a l character i s absorbed, and they take t h e i r whole being from without; or being incapable of t a k i n g i n higher elements, they dwindle away when brought i n t o the presence of a more powerful l i f e , and become at l a s t e x t i n c t a l t o g e t h e r . - ^ When Herman Merivale became Stephen's successor at the C o l o n i a l O f f i c e he affirmed a t r a d i t i o n of humanitarian watchfulness that the C o l o n i a l O f f i c e never gave up, even when the c h i l d r e n of the Oxford that Arnold had helped to create r u l e d the Empire 30 and the great c a p i t a l i s t i c e n t e r p r i s e s set up as new monopolies i n the age of the s o - c a l l e d New Imperialism, the Chartered Companies. I t i s p o s s i b l e to trace Merivale's views r i g h t through the nineteenth century debate. His vigorous and o p t i m i s t i c conception of t r u s t e e s h i p with a l l i t s o b l i g a t i o n s becomes the warp to the woof of the c o l o n i a l reformers' and a l l t h e i r successors' hopes f o r an orgy of devolution and a d i s p l a c e d t r u s t . Three main themes run through the c o l o n i a l labour debate of the nineteenth century - t r o p i c a l indolence, land and a r t i f i c i a l s t i m u l a n t s ( u s u a l l y t a x a t i o n ) . The three are c l e a r l y c l o s e l y connected. An excess of the second could produce the f i r s t , and could l i k e w i s e cancel out the e f f e c t s of the t h i r d . Ideas about t r o p i c a l indolence and land developed from West Indian experience, but as the f r o n t i e r s of c o l o n i s e d , A f r i c a were pushed inwards - i n the e a r l i e r p e riod p a r t i c u l a r l y i n South A f r i c a of course - A f r i c a drew i n c r e a s i n g a t t e n t i o n . Opinions derived from the West Indians tended to be passed over to A f r i c a . C l e a r l y t h i s was inadmiss- i b l e , f o r s l a v e r y had atomised t r i b a l s o c i e t y i n t r a n s p l a n t a t i o n , whereas the t r i b e s i n South A f r i c a were of course l a r g e l y i n t a c t . I t was not u n t i l the end of the century that more sympathetic observers began to point out two f a c t s — f i r s t l y that the p o s i t i o n of the male i n t r i b a l s o c i e t y was l a r g e l y a 31 defensive and r i t u a l i s t i c one, and secondly that A f r i c a n a g r i c u l t u r e was even more seasonal than elsewhere with a r a t h e r obviously " s l a c k " season. Merivale accepted the notion of t r o p i c a l indolence, 35 as d i d most subsequent commentators, i n c l u d i n g J.A. Hobson-^ 36 and Sydney O l i v i e r , although O l i v i e r d i d point out that " l o a f i n g " i s both more pleasant and more no t i c e a b l e i n the t r o p i c s . The basic question then was how was t h i s indolence to be overcome. Merivale's answer was simple and t o t a l - there had to be complete amalgamation, promoted above a l l by education, i n c l u d i n g of course r e l i g i o u s and moral i n s t r u c t i o n . Education ought to be a government concern so that i t s import- ance might be f u l l y appreciated. Here Merivale was c l e a r l y f a r i n advance of domestic p o l i c y , and eq u a l l y c l e a r l y r e v e a l s h i s debt to the u t i l i t a r i a n s . The obvious c o r o l l a r y of t h i s view was that reserves could not be permitted. To create reserves was to commit the same e r r o r that had been committed i n North America - the a b d i c a t i o n of r e s p o n s i b i l i t y . Reserves simply postponed the e v i l day. The c o l o n i s t s w i l l complain, and with p e r f e c t t r u t h , of the economical disadvantages which attend the i n t e r p o s i t i o n of u n c u l t i v a t e d or h a l f - c u l t i v a t e d t r a c t s between populous d i s t r i c t s ; of t h e i r own s u f f e r i n g by the proximity of the n a t i v e s , and of the p o l i t i c a l m i s c h i e f s produced by these l i t t l e i n e r t r e p u b l i c s , stagnant i n the very centre of s o c i e t y . And government w i l l f i n d i t s e l f , as i t has 32 always done, unable to r e s i s t these i m p o r t u n i t i e s , and c a j o l e d by the thousand i m p l a u s i b i l i t i e s advanced i n favour of removing these unfortunates a f u r t h e r stage i n t o the wilderness, i t w i l l comply with the exigencies of the times, and the n a t i v e s w i l l be transported to some other region, to be followed there again with sure and r a p i d steps by the encroaching t i d e of European population. 3 ° I t might be argued that Merivale was i n fa c t advocating a d i f f e r e n t form of extermination, that l i k e the u t i l i t a r i a n s he had l i t t l e respect f o r the i n s t i t u t i o n s of other peoples. This i s not s t r i c t l y the case. He pointed out that c e r t a i n i n s t i t u t i o n s were h i g h l y amenable to advancement i n t o western c i v i l i z a t i o n - again an ethnocentric view, but a prophetic one. He saw the i r r e s i s t i b i l i t y of western commerce and technology, and i n the above passage he i n c i d - e n t a l l y prophesied almost p r e c i s e l y what was to happen i n Rhodesia. (The Land Commission of 191.6 that had been expected to increase A f r i c a n reserves i n Rhodesia i n f a c t decreased them). Mer i v a l e ' s conclusion was an extremely o p t i m i s t i c one. I t would be i n t e r e s t i n g to discover whether i t remained so a f t e r he became Permanent Under Secretary. .....we may be s a t i s f i e d with the improved prospect of our r e l a t i o n s with those much abused members of the human famil y , that there i s now l i t t l e f ear of t h e i r being t r e a t e d with i n j u s t i c e and oppression by the founders of c o l o n i e s , armed with the a u t h o r i t y of governments. We have at a l l events o u t l i v e d . t h e days i n which they were considered a l a w f u l prey f o r the f e r o c i t y of , q the z e a l o t , or the c u p i d i t y of the adventurer. 7 33 While not so prophetic here, Merivale does r e v e a l the t o t a l absence of r e a l r a c i s t thought i n h i s p o s i t i o n . In t h i s he followed Stephen of whom Knaplund w r i t e s that "the human- i t a r i a n i s m and e g a l i t a r i a n i s m cropping up so frequently i n h i s o f f i c i a l minutes and memoranda were rooted i n the r e l i g - i o u s c o n v i c t i o n that before God a l l men are e q u a l " . ^ The same could not be s a i d of another important f i g u r e i n the C o l o n i a l O f f i c e whom we must now examine. S i r Henry Tay l o r had a most remarkable c a r e e r . ^ He served i n the "commonplace b r i c k house at the end of Downing S t r e e t " ^ that was the C o l o n i a l O f f i c e f o r almost h a l f a century, 1824 - 1872. On the retirement of Stephen, he was o f f e r e d the Permanent Under Se c r e t a r y s h i p by Grey, but de c l i n e d on the grounds that the post was compatible n e i t h e r with h e a l t h nor with h i s l i t e r - ary p u r s u i t s (he was an i n d i f f e r e n t poet and playwright and the f r i e n d of many of the l e a d i n g l i t e r a r y f i g u r e s of h i s day). His r a c i s t f e e l i n g i s revealed at the time of the Jamaican u p r i s i n g and Governor Eyre controversy. In a l e t t e r to S i r Charles E l l i o t t he argued that he could not agree ....that the value of human l i f e i s i d e n t i c a l i n a l l races, c i v i l i z e d and barbarous. ....The d e s t r u c t i o n of l i f e of a high order produces great sorrow and d i s t r e s s amongst r e l a t i v e s and f r i e n d s . But as you descend the s c a l e , the s u f f e r i n g occasioned i s more l i g h t and t r a n s i t o r y . ^ To r e v e r t to the Emancipation period, we f i n d that he took up the indolence view i n i t s most extreme form: 3k But to apply what i s c a l l e d 'the voluntary system' to the negro populations i s about as reasonable as i t would be to c a l l upon a f l o c k of sheep to f i n d themselves a shepherd. He produced a most ext r a o r d i n a r y i d e a f o r m i t i g a t i n g the e f f e c t s of immediate emancipation. I t was based on h i s conventional b e l i e f i n the i n v i o l a b l e nature of property ( i t was he who proposed the twenty m i l l i o n pounds compensation^). He suggested that each slave ought to be able to buy himself out by instalments. He could be given enough to buy himself f o r Monday and Tuesday. He could then work on Monday and Tuesday to buy Wednesday f o r himself, and so on! In t h i s way eman- c i p a t i o n would be achieved and the v i r t u e of work i n c u l c a t e d at one and the same time. Taylor i n s i s t s i n h i s Autobiography that h i s proposal was turned down f o r purely p o l i t i c a l reasons,^ but the mind can hardly grasp the chaos and abuses that would have r e s u l t e d from such a scheme. I t c e r t a i n l y r e v e a l s Taylor f o r the a r c h e t y p i c a l p a t e r n a l i s t that he was. And yet Taylor was completely unequivocal i n h i s conception of the nature of the t r u s t the i m p e r i a l r e s p o n s i b i l i t y conveyed. In t h i s , l i k e Stephen, he was e n t i r e l y opposed to the c o l o n i a l reformers' devolutionary ideas. In a l e t t e r to Grey, dated May 6, 1852, he defended Grey's p o l i c y of meddling while at the C o l o n i a l O f f i c e , f o r ....even where the welfare of ignorant and unrepresented populations does not r e q u i r e the Home Government to c o n t r o l the l o c a l l e g i s l a t u r e s , there i s another 35 c o n s i d e r a t i o n which may req u i r e i t , which c o n s i d e r a t i o n i s the honour of the Crown ( h i s i t a l i c s ) and that so long as the Crown i s a branch of the l e g i s l a t u r e s - that i s so. long as -the Colonies are Colonies - i t must be the duty of the m i n i s t e r s of the Crown to prevent the C^own from becoming a party to acts of i n j u s t i c e and dishonesty and bad f a i t h . 48 And again i n h i s Autobiography he wrote With regard to the Cape which has h i t h e r t o been the extreme case of m i l i t a r y expenditure f o r the p r o t e c t i o n of a colony, I th i n k the question should be regarded as purely p h i l a n t h r o p i c - a question whether t h i s country t h i n k s i t her duty to save and c i v i l i z e barbarous t r i b e s , whatever be the cost, or i s prepared to l e t loose upon them the barbarous passions of c i v i l i z e d men. I f the former, warfare must be conducted at the Cape by B r i t i s h troops under B r i t i s h c o n t r o l and at the cost of the B r i t i s h Treasury. I f the l a t t e r , i t i s e s s e n t i a l to t h i s country's good name that i r r e s p o n s i b i l i t y should be e s t a b l i s h e d by separation. ^ This was at the same time the essence of t r u s t e e s h i p and of paternalism. The sentiment came from a man who could w r i t e 50 " I do not l i k e the American people or any other people", that of a s e r i e s of dangerous courses the 1832 Reform B i l l was the l e a s t dangerous,-^" and that the American C i v i l War 52 was a lesson to a l l i n the e v i l s of democracy. I t betrays the p a t e r n a l i s t dilemma that w i l l provide p r o t e c t i o n but not respect. The importance of Taylor i n the C o l o n i a l O f f i c e has freq u e n t l y been ignored. He had a considerable i n f l u e n c e on three permanent under s e c r e t a r i e s , Stephen, Merivale and 36 Rogers, and a much l a r g e r number of s e c r e t a r i e s of s t a t e , as w e l l as he l p i n g i n the t r a i n i n g of two future permanent 5k 55 under s e c r e t a r i e s , H e r b e r t ^ and Meade, y and an important p r i n c i p a l a s s i s t a n t under secreta r y , Edward F a i r f i e l d . While the C o l o n i a l O f f i c e o f f i c i a l s had a very considerable i n f l u e n c e on the day-to-day running of the O f f i c e and on the c o n t i n u i t y of p o l i c y over a long period, a t r u l y e f f e c t i v e and d o c t r i n a i r e C o l o n i a l Secretary l i k e the t h i r d E a r l Grey could have a greater i n f l u e n c e on the d i r e c t i o n of future p o l i c y . The examination of Grey must also begin with Emancipation. Jus t before Emancipation, Grey, then Viscount Howick, was parliamentary under secretary to Lord Goderich at the C o l o n i a l O f f i c e i n h i s f a t h e r ' s a d m i n i s t r a t i o n . I t was then he f i r s t produced the i d e a that was to have most e f f e c t on c o l o n i a l labour p o l i c y - the i d e a of the d i r e c t tax. He proposed the i m p o s i t i o n of a land tax on the 56 emancipated negroes. When h i s view f a i l e d to f i n d favour (and Taylor f o r one opposed i t ) , he resigned. When he became C o l o n i a l Secretary i n 18̂ -6 h i s chance of p u t t i n g h i s ideas on d i r e c t t a x a t i o n i n t o p r a c t i c e had a r r i v e d . His creed was based on f a m i l i a r p r i n c i p l e s - t h e . r e s p o n s i b i l i t y of the B r i t i s h imperium, the need f o r labour based on t a x a t i o n , the Pax B r i t a n n i c a , p u b l i c works, and the need f o r a t o t a l amalgamation of the races. Taxation was f o r him the great s o l u t i o n , "the motive 37 to e x e r t i o n " , ^ the stimulant that t r o p i c a l indolence r e q u i r e d When Governor S i r W i l l i a m Winniett of the Gold Coast expatiate 58 i n a despatch of May 22, 1850, y on the n e c e s s i t y of forced labour, Grey's r e a c t i o n was one of su s p i c i o n . Instead he saw to i t that W i n n i e t t ' s successor secured the co-operation of the c h i e f s of the Gold Coast to a p o l l tax of one s h i l l i n g on every man, woman and c h i l d . This symbolizes Grey's p o l i c y But before the Gold Coast case arose he had already begun the a p p l i c a t i o n of h i s ideas i n Ceylon and N a t a l . His concept of the stimulant was an o l d one. Hugh Murray i n h i s E n q u i r i e s H i s t o r i c a l and Moral Respecting the Character of Nations and the Progress of Soci e t y (Edinburgh, 1 8 0 8 ) ^ had postulated that the optimum c o n d i t i o n of progress occurs where the environment i s n e i t h e r too. hard nor too easy and so stim u l a t e s the r i g h t quantity of labour for the p u r s u i t of the a r t s . He answered Malthus by arguing that population pressure could present a necessary and b e n e f i c i a l challenge to labour. In a celebrated despatch to Governor Torrington i n Ceylon Grey expressed t h i s view i n terms of the c o l o n i a l s i t u a t i o n : In a l l European c o u n t r i e s , the ne c e s s i t y of supplying t h e i r d a i l y wants i s , to the lab o u r i n g c l a s s e s , a s u f f i c i e n t motive to ex e r t i o n ; indeed the d i f f i c u l t y which they experience i n obta i n i n g the means of a comfortable subsistence i s so great that i t has ge n e r a l l y been considered (as i t always ought to be) the great object f o r 38 the Governments of these co u n t r i e s , i n t h e i r f i n a n c i a l arrangements, to avoid aggravating t h i s d i f f i c u l t y by the i m p o s i t i o n of taxes c a l c u l a t e d to enhance the cost of subsistence. But the case i s very d i f f e r e n t i n t r o p i c a l c l i m a t e s , where the population i s very scanty i n proportion to the extent of the t e r r i t o r y ; where the s o i l , as I have already observed, r e a d i l y y i e l d s a sub- s i s t e n c e i n r e t u r n f o r very l i t t l e labour and where c l o t h i n g , f u e l , and l o d g i n g , such as are r e q u i r e d , are obtained very e a s i l y . In such circumstances there can be but l i t t l e motive to e x e r t i o n , to men s a t i s f i e d with an abundant supply of t h e i r mere p h y s i c a l wants; and accordingly experience proves that i t i s the d i s p o s i t i o n of the races of men by which these c o u n t r i e s are g e n e r a l l y i n h a b i t e d , to sink i n t o an easy and l i s t l e s s mode of l i f e , q uite incompatible with any high degree of c i v i l i z a t i o n . In Ceylon too he promoted h i s i d e a of p u b l i c works i n the Road Ordinance of 1847. I t enacted that every male i n h a b i t - ant of the I s l a n d between the ages of eighteen and f i f t y - f i v e years should be required to perform s i x days labour on road c o n s t r u c t i o n and maintenance, or commute the s e r v i c e f o r a payment, the value of which v a r i e d , but was nowhere more than three s h i l l i n g s . These roads were required to enable the p l a n t e r s to transport t h e i r coffee from the high lands of Ceylon to the coast f o r export. The Road Ordinance imposed i n e f f e c t a d i r e c t tax. Fear of i t s e f f e c t when i t came i n t o operation i n 1849 c o n t r i b u t e d to the i n s u r r e c t i o n of that year. But by f a r the most s i g n i f i c a n t area f o r the i m p o s i t i o n 39 of Grey's ideas was South A f r i c a . There the annexation of N a t a l i n 1843 and of B r i t i s h K a f f r a r i a to the Cape i n 1847 brought B r i t i s h a d m i n i s t r a t i o n i n t o contact with the Bantu on a scale h i t h e r t o unknown i n Cape Colony. S i r Harry Smith was sent to pursue a s i m i l a r p o l i c y to that e f f e c t e d i n New Zealand, f o r ....although no doubt there are some important p o i n t s of d i f f e r e n c e i n the character of the n a t i v e s of New Zealand and of the K a f i r s , yet i n the main, human nature i s everywhere the same, and the l a t t e r are f a r l e s s completely barbarous than the former were f o r t y or f i f t y years ago.°l Li k e Merivale, and u n l i k e such r a d i c a l s as Roebuck, Grey regarded the d e s t r u c t i o n of indigenous peoples as unthink- able, even i f i t were p o s s i b l e , which i n the case of the Bantu was soon obviously not the case. For my own part I confess I should grieve to t h i n k that the u l t i m a t e occupation of Southern A f r i c a by a c i v i l i z e d population were only to be accomplished, l i k e that of North America, by the gradual d e s t r u c t i o n of the native races before the advancing t i d e of a white occupation of the s o i l . I b e l i e v e t h a t , i n s t e a d of t h i s , the c i v i l i z a t i o n of the Black, and the u l t i m a t e amalgamation of the two races, i s not i m p r a c t i c a b l e , i f the s u p e r i o r power of t h i s country i s w i s e l y and generously used to enforce on both s i d e s a respect f o r each other's r i g h t s and to f o s t e r a l l those germs-of improvement which are already showing themselves among the a b o r i g i n a l population."2 Amalgamation and respect were indeed an unusually i d e a l i s t i c combination, doomed to f a i l u r e when the true s i z e of the A f r i c a n population became evident, and when the diamonds of Kimberley and the gold of the Rand created t h e i r i n s a t i a b l e t h i r s t f o r A f r i c a n labour from a l l over Southern A f r i c a . But given t h i s view i t was n a t u r a l that Grey was opposed to the i d e a of reserves. He proposed f o r the settlement of Nata l a l a r g e number of l o c a t i o n s s c a t t e r e d amongst the European population. By t h i s means the Europeans would be supplied with l o c a l r e s e r v o i r s of labour, while A f r i c a n s would be g r e a t l y and gently encouraged to enter the European economy and indeed way of l i f e . L i k e Merivale he prescribed education i n the h a b i t s of c i v i l i z e d l i f e . The r e s u l t he envisaged was to become a f a m i l i a r s h i b b o l e t h of the c i v i l i z i n g mission school - the growing demand f o r the manufactured a r t i c l e s of Europe which would increase the trade and revenue of the colony and the wealth of the Mother Country. Needless to say, a d i r e c t tax completed the p i c t u r e of the A f r i c a n i n h a b i t a n t s of Natal being l e d along the road to c i v i l i z a t i o n . Both the nature of the tax and the p r i n c i p l e of the l o c a t i o n s began the debate between Grey and Shepstone, the diplomatic agent who was to become Natal's f i r s t Native A d m i n i s t r a t o r . Shepstone i n s i s t e d that the tax of seven s h i l l i n g s which was f i r s t imposed i n 1849 should be a hut tax r a t h e r than Grey's preference f o r a c a t t l e or land tax. Moreover, Shepstone disagreed with Grey's l o c a t i o n p o l i c y . He d i s l i k e d the i d e a of amalgamation, and held that A f r i c a n s 41 could only be administered through t h e i r c h i e f s by an e n t i r e l y separate a d m i n i s t r a t i o n on reserves. The c o n f l i c t of the " i m p e r i a l f a c t o r " and the "man on the spot", already of long standing, was c a r r i e d over i n t o the establishment of a n a t i v e p o l i c y . Grey's creed was a s u r p r i s i n g mixture of severe p a t e r n a l - ism and i d e a l i s m . In a despatch to S i r Harry Smith, November 3 0 , 1 8 4 9 , ^ he r e g r e t t e d that the N a t a l tax was not high enough; had i t been imposed e a r l i e r , i t could then have been increased. He went on to suggest that the compulsory labour l e v i e d i n l i e u of tax should be deployed on road works. On the other hand he asserted that he looked to the day when there would be uniform- i t y of t a x a t i o n f o r both Europeans and A f r i c a n s . Such a hope was, to use Merivale's word, c h i m e r i c a l , but Grey's p r i n c i p l e of d i r e c t t a x a t i o n of n a t i v e peoples became the norm i n most p a r t s of the dependent empire. A f u r t h e r a p p l i c a t i o n of Grey's tax.was i n the M a u r i t i u s Labour Ordinance of 1847, designed to meet the problems created by the i n f l u x of indentured labourers to the I s l a n d . . Since Grey was also important i n the establishment of indentured labour on a r e g u l a r f o o t i n g , i t i s now necessary to survey the i n s t i t u t i o n of indentured labour and i t s e f f e c t on labour a t t i t u d e s . The.indentured labour p r i n c i p l e developed from the p r a c t i c e of i n d e n t u r i n g European servants f o r work i n the American and 42 West Indian c o l o n i e s i n the seventeenth c e n t u r y . I n the eighteenth century i t had l a r g e l y given way to s l a v e r y - i t had been attacked both on the grounds of expense and of humanity. I t was r e s u r r e c t e d now as part of the s l a v e r y and free labour debate. As e a r l y as 1829 the French i s l a n d of Bourbon i n the Indian Ocean had received labourers from 65 I n d i a . J In 1834 immigration began to M a u r i t i u s . L a t e r B r i t i s h Guiana and to a l e s s e r extent Jamaica and T r i n i d a d were to p a r t i c i p a t e . I t became i n f a c t part of the general upsurge of migration of the period - Portuguese from Madeira, Scotch and I r i s h , Germans and Maltese, l i b e r a t e d slaves from the squadrons on the West A f r i c a n coast, and Chinese through- out the e n t i r e P a c i f i c area. The Chinese indentured labour system r e v e a l s .very w e l l the fashion i n which indentured labour appeared as a s u b s t i t u t e f o r s l a v e r y . I t began - l i k e s l a v e r y - s u r r e p t i t i o u s l y , from s e v e r a l p o r t s , of which Amoy was the most important. The f i r s t f u l l - s c a l e operations were undertaken by the French f o r Bourbon i n 1845 and by the Spanish f o r Cuba i n 1847 . L i k e s l a v e r y i t s w i f t l y set up a la r g e network of vested i n t e r e s t s - B r i t i s h , American, French, Spanish and Dutch shipping i n t e r e s t s , agents i n the f o r e i g n communities of Canton, Shanghai, Hong Kong and Macao, and Chinese business men i n Singapore, Penang, San F r a n c i s c o . I t created abuses - l i k e kidnapping - which forced the Chinese a u t h o r i t i e s to recognise i t s existence and attempt to regulate i t from the 1850's ( i t had h i t h e r t o been i l l e g a l ) . The c r e d i t - t i c k e t system had already produced the widespread serfdom of debt-peonage, even more i n t o l e r a b l e than the system that had p r e v a i l e d i n South America. Indentured labour moreover helped to create the Chinese xenophobia f o r Europeans, fanned by the communities i n Shanghai, Canton and the other t r e a t y ports, that became such an important feature of twentieth century Chinese h i s t o r y . I t created a r e c i p r o c a l xenophobia f i r s t l y i n A u s t r a l i a and l a t e r i n B r i t i s h Columbia and C a l i f o r n i a , that produced f i r s t of a l l c o n t r o l and then e x c l u s i o n . Chinese were s c a t t e r e d by i t throughout the P a c i f i c area (the con t i n u a t i o n of an age-old migration) and i n t o such f a r - f l u n g places as the s i l v e r mines of Peru and the p l a n t a t - i o n s of Cuba and B r i t i s h Guiana. Many f e l l out of s i g h t of the European conscience, but that conscience was powerfully aroused by the Rand Chinese immigration (of which more i n Chapter 2) and the indentured system i n Western Samoa as l a t e as the e a r l y nineteen t w e n t i e s . ^ But to r e t u r n to the Indian indentured labour that had a c t u a l l y preceded the Chinese, the f i r s t burst of i l l - c o n t r o l l e d migration of Indians, high m o r t a l i t y r a t e s , and accusations of inhumanity not s u r p r i s i n g l y soon r a i s e d the cry of a new s l a v e r y . In 1838 Brougham i n the Lords attacked the t r a f f i c , and s h o r t l y the Times followed s u i t . ' From 1839 to 1843 the migration was banned. Meanwhile, emigration from S i e r r a Leone was permitted from 1840 and Wakefield produced a v a r i a n t on h i s 44 systematic c o l o n i z a t i o n ideas. Immigration from A f r i c a ought to be encouraged, supervised by a p u b l i c a u t h o r i t y , and f i n a n - ced from a tax on land i n the West I n d i e s . I n e v i t a b l y , the labour question became i n e x t r i c a b l y bound up with the question of the West Indian monopoly. In Peel's a d m i n i s t r a t i o n , Stanley at the C o l o n i a l O f f i c e began a g i t a t i n g f o r a renewal of Indian immigration. R u s s e l l too b e l i e v e d that the c o l o n i e s ought to be b o l s t e r e d by immigrat- i o n r a t h e r than p r o t e c t i o n . By 1843, West A f r i c a n , Indian and Chinese schemes under the supervision of responsible government o f f i c e r s , were i n the a i r . The West A f r i c a n was only a p a r t i a l success, the Chinese a f a i l u r e , but the Indian was to become the pattern f o r the r e s t of the century. M a u r i t i u s became the symbol of the good and e v i l of indentured labour. M a u r i t i u s was helped through the post- emancipation d i f f i c u l t i e s by the immigrants, but on the other hand was provided with a l a r g e vagrant problem. I t was to combat t h i s , and the h a b i t of employee and employer of f r e q u e n t l y changing jobs and workers r e s p e c t i v e l y , that Grey made h i s new t a x a t i o n proposals. He suggested to the Gover- nor that there ought to be a tax on immigrants not under con- t r a c t and a stamp duty on c o n t r a c t s . These were incorporated i n Ordinance 22 of 1847, along with p r o v i s i o n f o r a duty on departures of l e s s than f i v e years' residence, and an increase r o i n the penalty f o r absence from work. 45 The e q u a l i s a t i o n of the sugar dut i e s made the c o n f l i c t between slave and free labour a genuine one, i n that s l a v e - grown sugar from Cuba and South America could now compete eq u a l l y with West Indian sugar. The c o l o n i e s seemed to l o s e a l l round. The absence of immigrants r a i s e d c r i e s of d i s t r e s s ; the cost of the immigrants helped the c o l o n i e s to the f i n a n c i a l crashes and bankruptcies of 1847-48. Despite i m p e r i a l a i d , ^ the c o l o n i e s , thoroughly d i s i l l u s i o n e d , became extremely r e l u c t a n t to bear the cost of r e p a t r i a t i o n . Grey espoused the p r i n c i p l e of permanent t r a n s p o r t a t i o n - of complete v i l l a g e communities i f need be - but t h i s was not acceptable to I n d i a House. I t i s not s u r p r i s i n g , that Stephen at one time expressed himself "completely b a f f l e d " by,the whole 70 labour i s s u e . What i s important about the resurgence of indentured labour i s the a t t i t u d e of mind that, even a f t e r the end of s l a v e r y , labour could be drawn on from a r e s e r v o i r and returned at w i l l , subject to r e s t r i c t i o n s and c o n t r o l s . From the time of Grey onwards the migration was f i r m l y e s t a b l i s h e d . I t was extended to other nations. When the Palmerston government wished to stop the French t a k i n g free A f r i c a n labour from West A f r i c a i n 1858 - because i t looked too much l i k e s l a v e r y - S i r F r e d e r i c Ro-gers was sent to P a r i s to negotiate f o r Indian indentured labour. As Rogers himself s a i d , the charge of quasi-slavery was simply transfeireid from 71 the Foreign O f f i c e to the India:; O f f i c e . ' Thereafter, as 46 w e l l as to French possessions, M a u r i t i u s , B r i t i s h Guiana, and the West I n d i e s , Indians would go to Natal and East A f r i c a , Chinese to the S t r a i t s Settlements, Borneo and South A f r i c a . A whole range of migrations of i n c r e a s i n g e c c e n t r i c i t y would 72 73 be proposed - Arabs to Rhodesia, Assyrians to Borneo, Jews to Uganda^ - before indentured labour was f i n a l l y d i s c r e d i t e d between the two world wars* The migrants who stayed c o n t r i b u t e d to the p l u r a l s o c i e t i e s that R u s s e l l and Stephen i n the beginning had feared as one of the r e s u l t s of indentured labour. As an i n t e r e s t i n g footnote to transport h i s t o r y , the movements of l a r g e numbers of indentured labourers helped to keep s a i l i n g ships a l i v e at a time when a l l other 75 passengers were t r a v e l l i n g by steam. y On the i s s u e of indentured labour the C o l o n i a l O f f i c e and the C o l o n i a l Reformers could f i n d some common ground. Moreover, both Grey and the reformers r e v e a l a basic V i c t o r i a n dilemma. Grey was a convinced free trader at the same time as he espoused metropolitan r e s p o n s i b i l i t y and s o c i a l c o n t r o l of labour. The C o l o n i a l Reformers on the other hand attacked the notion of r e s p o n s i b i l i t y and demanded self-government a l l round ( s o c i a l freedom), while c r e a t i n g the systematic c o l o n i z a t i o n plans which denied the free market i n land s a l e s . The C o l o n i a l Reformers have u s u a l l y received a good press. They normally took up the usual R a d i c a l p o s i t i o n that there must be no more extensions of t e r r i t o r y and devolution of e x i s t i n g 47 c o l o n i e s , but they drove t h e i r p r i n c i p l e s to an absurd, i f l o g i c a l , conclusion. They refused to see any d i f f e r e n c e between the Cape and Canada. Above a l l they i n s i s t e d that i t was an unavoidable law that indigenous peoples must disappear. Roebuck attacked the humanitarians f o r t h e i r f e a r of c o l o n i a l r u l e ( i . e . l o c a l r u l e ) . The lesson of h i s t o r y was that the savage must disappear i n face of the r e l e n t l e s s advance of the superior race, and i t was f u t i l e to t a l k of j u s t i c e and humanity when confronted with such an immutable law. They f a i l e d to see that the lesson of h i s t o r y was no i r o n law, but simply Merivale's " f e r o c i t y of the z e a l o t " and ''cupidity of the adventurer". The humanit- a r i a n s d i d see t h i s and before the arguments of Cobden, Glad- stone, Roebuck, Adderley, Wakefield, Molesworth, and Hume, they clung to the view that was l a t e r to be r a t i o n a l i s e d i n t o a f u l l - b l o w n d o c t r i n e of t r u s t e e s h i p . T h e i r tragedy was that the a c t i v i t i e s of the Boers on the "turbulent f r o n t i e r " l e d them ever f u r t h e r i n t o commitments and warfare. Sixteen years a f t e r Grey's p u b l i c a t i o n of h i s C o l o n i a l P o l i c y , C B . Adderley (parliamentary under secretary at the C o l o n i a l O f f i c e , 1866-68 and chairman of the celebrated S e l e c t Committee of 1865) published h i s Review of the C o l o n i a l P o l i c y of Lord John R u s s e l l ' s A d m i n i s t r a t i o n by E a r l Grey and of Subsequent C o l o n i a l H i s t o r y . Needless to say, he was h i g h l y c r i t i c a l of the i m p e r i a l government's p a t e r n a l i s t a t t i t u d e and 48 was s c e p t i c a l of the c i v i l i z i n g i n f l u e n c e of d i r e c t t a x a t i o n . Of N a t a l he s a i d that " b e t t e r r e l a t i o n s with the n a t i v e s 77 cannot be expected while the Colony i s so kept i n childhood". The r e s t of h i s argument can be expressed i n three basic b e l i e f s - that E n g l i s h c o l o n i e s could only t h r i v e with E n g l i s h 7 8 freedom;' that Crown c o l o n i e s were not extensions of Empire, but merely occupations f o r use; that i t was n e i t h e r necessary nor p o s s i b l e to attempt to c i v i l i z e indigenous peoples. Adderley's most damaging c r i t i c i s m of Grey was that h i s p o l i c y f a l t e r e d between the only two p o s s i b i l i t i e s i n South A f r i c a - c o n t r o l of n a t i v e peoples through t h e i r c h i e f s or the d e s t r u c t - ion of the c h i e f s and t r i b e s a l t o g e t h e r , ^ ^ ( a s i n s t i t u t i o n s that i s ) . Adderley was r i g h t - although as we have seen Grey's p o l i c y had been obstructed by Shepstone - and i t was a f a l t e r i n g that was to continue i n t o the twentieth century. The ground- work of a c o l o n i a l labour p o l i c y was formed i n the s h i f t i n g sands of the c o n f l i c t between the elements symbolized by Grey and Adderley. Late nineteenth century c o l o n i a l a t t i t u d e s towards labour r e f l e c t e d a l l the c o n f l i c t s enumerated above: humanitarianism or severe paternalism, forced labour or free labour supplement- ed by itomi grant indentured labour, d i r e c t stimulants or i n d i r e c t s t i m u l ants, reserves or no reserves, maintenance of t r i b e s or d e s t r u c t i o n of t r i b e s , i m p e r i a l r e s p o n s i b i l i t y or c o l o n i a l freedom. And s u f f u s i n g a l l were notions of the d i g n i t y of labour, of labour as a great c i v i l i s i n g f o r ce, of labour as k9 the key to economic progress, as the p r i n c i p a l prop of an i m p e r i a l p o l i c y . These ideas and these c o n f l i c t s had t h e i r greatest expression i n South A f r i c a , and were passed on, as w i l l be seen, i n p a r t i c u l a r l y acute form to Rhodesia. 50 FOOTNOTES TO CHAPTER 1. 1 In h i s speech on Fox's East I n d i a B i l l , Dec. 1, 1783? quoted i n G.R. M e l l o r , B r i t i s h I m p e r i a l Trusteeship, 1783-1850, (London, 1 9 5 D , p.22. 2 The impeachment of Warren Hastings, May 28, 1794. 3 John Morley, Burke (London, 1888) , p.187. 4 Quoted i n I.M. Cumpston, Indians Overseas i n B r i t i s h T e r r i t o r i e s , 1834-1854, (London, 1953), p . 2 . 5 M e l l o r , o p . c i t . 6 S i r James Stephen, 1789-1859, son of James Stephen, a b o l i t i o n i s t but otherwise Tory die-hard; c a l l e d to bar, 1811; l e g a l adviser to the C o l o n i a l O f f i c e , 1813-1836; Permanent Under Secretary, 1836-1847; Regius Professor of Modern H i s t o r y at Cambridge, 1849- 7 Edward F a i r f i e l d , 1845-1897, a s s i s t a n t under secreta r y , C o l o n i a l O f f i c e , 1892-1897; p r i n c i p a l a s s i s t a n t under secretar y , 1897. His c o m p l i c i t y i n the Jameson Raid i s w e l l known, and i s amply evidenced i n the s o - c a l l e d "missing telegrams" p r i n t e d i n J.G; Lockhart & CM. Woodhouse, Rhodes (London, 1963) , appendix. 8 E x t r a c t p r i n t e d i n George Bennett, The Concept of Empire, Burke to A t t l e e , 1774-1947 (London, 1962) , pp. 139-140. 9 " I was i n the East End of London yesterday and attended a meeting of the unemployed. I l i s t e n e d to the w i l d speeches, which were j u s t a cry f o r 'breadi bread!' and on my way home I pondered over the scene and I became more than ever convinced of the importance of im p e r i a l i s m . . . . My cherished i d e a i s a s o l u t i o n f o r the s o c i a l problem, i . e . , i n order to save the 40,000,000 i n h a b i t a n t s of the United Kingdom from a bloody c i v i l war, we c o l o n i a l s t a t e - smen must acquire new lands to s e t t l e the surplus populat- i o n , to provide new markets f o r the goods produced i n the f a c t o r i e s and mines. The Empire, as I have always s a i d , i s a bread and b u t t e r question. I f you want to avoid c i v i l war, you must become i m p e r i a l i s t s . " Quoted i n V.I. Lenin's Imperialism, the Highest Stage of C a p i t a l i s m (Moscow, 1968), p.74. Also i n Bernard Semmel",.; I m p e r i a l - ism and S o c i a l Reform (London, i 9 6 0 ) , p.16. 10 Fraser's Magazine, December, 1849. 51 11 For a d i s c u s s i o n of the monogenesis and polygenesis arguments, see C u r t i n , o p . c i t . 12 Thomas Arnold, Inaugural Lecture on the Study of Modern H i s t o r y , (Oxford, 1 8 4 1 ) . • 13 See Semmel, o p . c i t . , chapter I I I f o r a con s i d e r a t i o n of the S o c i a l Darwinism of Kidd and Pearson. 14 See p a r t i c u l a r l y Benjamin Kidd's-The Co n t r o l of the Trop i c s , (New York, 1 8 9 8 ) . 15 K a r l Pearson's ideas on " S o c i a l i s m and Natural S e l e c t i o n " and on eugenics are contained i n a la r g e number of works. See p a r t i c u l a r l y The Grammar of Science, (London, 1 9 0 0 ) . 16 A l f r e d M i l n e r , 1854-1925 , educ. Tubingen, King's College, London, and B a l l i o l College, Oxford; c a l l e d to bar, 1881; a s s i s t a n t e d i t o r of P a l l M a l l Gazette under Stead, 1883; j o i n t s e c r e t a r y of U n i v e r s i t y Extension Society i n White- chapel; p r i v a t e secretary of Goschen, Chancellor of the Exchequer, 1884-1889 ; d i r e c t o r general of accounts i n Egypt, l 8 o 9 - l 8 9 2 ; chairman of Board of Inland Revenue, 1892-1897 ; High Commissioner i n South A f r i c a and Governor of Cape (Later of Transvaal), 1897-1905 ; C o l o n i a l Secretary, 1919 -1921 . 17 Matthew Arnold, Culture and Anarchy, (London, 1 8 6 9 ) . 18 Lockhart & Woodhouse, o p . c i t . , p.68, the Rhodes quotation and the D i c t i o n a r y of N a t i o n a l Biography f o r the M i l n e r ( i t was a d i a r y e n t r y ) . See a l s o , C e c i l Headlam, The M i l n e r Papers (2 v o l s . , London, 1 9 3 3 ) . 19 Herman Me r i v a l e , 1806-1874, educ. O r i e l and T r i n i t y Colleges, Oxford; c a l l e d to bar, 1832; Professor of P o l i t i c a l Economy at Oxford, 1837-1847; a s s i s t a n t under secretar y , C o l o n i a l O f f i c e , 1847; permanent under se c r e t a r y , 1848-1859; permanent under secreta r y , I n d i a O f f i c e , 1 8 5 9 . 20 The recent upsurge i n i n t e r e s t i n C e l t i c h i s t o r y and archaeology i s i n t e r e s t i n g h i s t o r i o g r a p h i c a l l y . I t dates e n t i r e l y from the d i s c r e d i t i n g of the exaggerated views of Saxon destiny. 21 This i n c i d e n t i s mentioned i n the D i c t i o n a r y of N a t i o n a l Biography entry on Eyre. 52 22 Bernard P o r t e r , C r i t i c s of Empire (London, 1 9 6 8 ) . 23 For t h i s i n t e r e s t i n g i n c i d e n t , see K e i t h F e l l i n g , L i f e of N e v i l l e Chamberlain, (London, 1 9 4 4 ) , pp.17-31 . 24 v i d . i n f . , Chapter 2 , pp.82-84. 25 Eyre's b r u t a l suppression of the Jamaican i n s u r r e c t i o n of 1865 i s well-known. For years a f t e r h i s r e c a l l he was hounded by the humanitarian Jamaica Committee, whom C a r l y l e c a l l e d "a knot of nigger p h i l a n t h r o p i s t s " . 26 Lewis Mumford, The Myth of the Machine (New York, 1 9 6 7 ) . 27 S i r Henry George Grey, Viscount Howick, t h i r d E a r l Grey, 1802-1894; educ. T r i n i t y , Cambridge; entered House of Commons as Whig, 1826; parliamentary under se c r e t a r y f o r the c o l o n i e s , 1831-1833 ; secretary f o r war, 1835-1839 ; s e c r e t a r y of st a t e f o r the c o l o n i e s , 1846-1852 . 28 Sydney O l i v i e r , f i r s t Baron, 1859-1943 ; educ. Corpus C h r i s t i , Oxford; entered C o l o n i a l O f f i c e , 1882; Fabian, 1885; • honourary se c r e t a r y of the Fabians, 1886-1889 ; C o l o n i a l Secretary, B r i t i s h Honduras, 1890-1891 ; Auditor General, Leeward I s l a n d s , 1895-1896; C o l o n i a l Secretary, Jamaica, 1900-1904 ; Governor o f Jamaica, 1.907-1913; permanent under se c r e t a r y to the Board of A g r i c u l t u r e and F i s h e r i e s , 1913-1917 ; a s s i s t a n t comptroller and au d i t o r of the exchequer, 1917-1920 ; Secretary of State f o r I n d i a , 1924 . 29 For a comment on Robert W i l l i a m Hay see the Autobiography of S i r Henry Taylor, p.231. 30 Herman Me r i v a l e , Lectures on C o l o n i z a t i o n and Colonies, (London, 1 8 4 1 ) , 2 v o l s . 31 M e r i v a l e , . o p . c i t . , V o l . I I , p . l 8 l . 32 i b i d . , p.201. 33 i b i d . , p . l 8 l . 34 Arnold, o p . c i t . , p.39. 35 J.A. Hobson, Imperialism; a Study,(London, 1 9 0 2 ) , Chapter 4 , Imperialism and Lower. Races. 36 Sydney O l i v i e r , White C a p i t a l and Coloured Labour, (London, 1 9 0 6 ) , passim. 37 M e r i v a l e , Lectures XVIII and XIX. 38 M e r i v a l e , Lecture XVII, p.176. 53 39 Meriyale, Lecture X V I I I , pp.153-154. 40 Paul Knaplund, S i r James Stephen and the B r i t i s h C o l o n i a l System, (Madison, 1 9 5 3 ) , p.20. 41 S i r Henry Taylor, 1800-1886; educ. by h i s f a t h e r , an ardent admirer of Godwin; entered C o l o n i a l O f f i c e , 1824; refused o f f e r to succeed Staphen, 1847; responsible to the s e c r e t a r y of s t a t e alone, 1859 . 42 Taylor, o p . c i t . , p. 3if. 43 Taylor to E l l i o t , June 12 , 1868 i n Edward Dowden (ed.), The Correspondence of S i r Henry Taylor (London, 1 8 8 8 ) , pp.284-285* Two more i n t e r e s t i n g i n s i g h t s i n t o the mind of Taylor - and indeed i n t o the V i c t o r i a n mind - a r i s e i n two other l e t t e r s i n the same volume. In one, p.302, he argues (1870) that c o r p o r a l punishment does not b r u t a l - i s e the p u b l i c mind, but i n s t e a d provides i t with a sense of moral s a t i s f a c t i o n . In another l e t t e r , p.396, he attacks vehemently (1881) the p r a c t i c e of v i v i s e c t i o n . 44 Taylor, Autobiography, p.265. 45 i b i d . , p.127. 46 i b i d . , pp.127 -129. 47 But he wished to throw o f f Canada, the damnosa h e r e d i t a s , a l t o g e t h e r , because of the dangers of war with the United States. i b i d . , p.234. See also Taylor to E a r l Grey, May 6 , 1852 , Correspondence, pp.199-200. 48 Taylor, Correspondence, p.199. 49 Taylor, Autobiography, p.236. 50 i b i d . , p.231. This was i n r e p l y to a l e t t e r from Merivale who had expressed "American p a r t i a l i t i e s " , p r e f e r r i n g an org a n i s a t i o n constructed to an org a n i s a t i o n c o n s t r u c t i v e l y evolved. 51 i b i d . , p.222. 52 i b i d . , p.223. 53 S i r F r e d e r i c Rogers, Lord B l a c h f o r d , 1811-1889 ; educ. at O r i e l , Oxford; f r i e n d and p u p i l of Newman and H u r r e l l Froude; sympathetic to t r a c t a r i a n movement; leader w r i t e r on the Times;. helped to found the Guardian, 1846; Comm- i s s i o n e r f o r Emigration,; mission to P a r i s re. indentured labour, 1858-1859 ; permanent under secretary at the C o l o n i a l O f f i c e , 1 8 6 0 - 1 8 7 1 . 54 54 S i r Robert George Wyndham Herbert, 1831-1905 , grandson of F i r s t E a r l of Carnarvon; educ. B a l l i o l ; private-, secretary to W.E. Gladstone, 1855; C o l o n i a l Secretary, Queensland, 1858; a s s i s t a n t s e c r e t a r y , Board of Trade, 1868; a s s i s t a n t under secreta r y , C o l o n i a l O f f i c e , 1870-; permanent under secreta r y , 1871-1892 . 55 S i r Robert Meade, 1835-1898 , permanent under se c r e t a r y , C o l o n i a l O f f i c e , 1892 -1897 . 56 For h i s proposals on Emancipation, see Henry George, t h i r d E a r l Grey, The C o l o n i a l P o l i c y of Lord John R u s s e l l ' s A d m i n i s t r a t i o n , (London, 1 8 5 3 ) , V o l . I , p.76, T a y l o r , Autobiography, p.125, and W.P. M o r r e l l , The C o l o n i a l P o l i c y of Peel and R u s s e l l , (Oxford, 1 9 3 0 ) , p.201. 57 Grey, o p . c i t . , V o l . I I , p.260. 58 C.O. 9 6 / 1 8 . Quoted i n C u r t i n , o p . c i t . , p.454. 59 I b i d . , p.248. 60 Grey, o p . c i t . , V o l . I , p . 8 l . 61 Grey, o p . c i t . , V o l . I I , p. 204 . 62 I b i d . , p.253. 63 P r i n t e d as an appendix to Grey, o p . c i t . , V o l . I I , pp.494- 508. 64 A good d e s c r i p t i o n of t h i s i s i n Epic W i l l i a m s , C a p i t a l i s m and Slavery, (Chapel H i l l , 1 9 4 4 ) . 65 For Indian indentured labour, see Cumpston, o p . c i t . , M e l l o r , o p . c i t . , and M o r r e l l , o p . c i t . 66 P.C. Campbell, Chinese Coolie ••Emigration to Countries w i t h i n the B r i t i s h Empire, (London, 1 9 2 3 ) . - • 67 Cumpston, o p . c i t . , pp . 19 & 2 2 . 68 Grey, o p . c i t . , V o l . I , pp.71-75. Grey to Governor Gomm of M a u r i t i u s , Sept. 29 , 1846 . " I am of opinion t h a t , i n s t e a d of encouraging the Indian labourers to enter, before they a r r i v e at M a u r i t i u s , i n t o c o n t r a c t s of labour f o r s e v e r a l years f o r p a r t i c u l a r employers, and then endeavouring by s t r i n g e n t r e g u l a t i o n s to enforce the performance of these c o n t r a c t s , under 55 circumstances i n which i t i s i n the i n t e r e s t of the immigrants to break them; the true p o l i c y would be to adopt r e g u l a t i o n s , of which the e f f e c t would be, to make i t the decided and obvious i n t e r e s t of the immigrants to work s t e a d i l y and i n d u s t r i o u s l y f o r the same employers f o r a considerable time " He goes on to connect h i s ideas f o r M a u r i t i u s with h i s proposals f o r immediate emancipation and t a x a t i o n of the slaves of 1833 . 69 Two loans were o f f e r e d by the i m p e r i a l government - one of £ 2 0 0 , 0 0 0 to B r i t i s h Guiana and T r i n i d a d i n 1846, and another of £ 5 0 0 , 0 0 0 to the West Ind i e s i n 1848 . Both Grey and R u s s e l l regarded aided immigr- a t i o n as a quid pro quo f o r the e q u a l i s a t i o n of the sugar d u t i e s . 70 Cumpston, o p . c i t . , p.89. 71 G.E. Marindin (ed.), L e t t e r s of Fr e d e r i c Rogers, Lord Bla c h f o r d , (London, 1 8 9 6 ) , p.171. 72 v i d . i n f . , pp. 2 4 5 - 2 5 2 . 73 K.G. Tregonning, Under Chartered Company Rule, North Borneo, 1881-1946 , (Singapore, 1 9 5 8 ) . P.154. The Assyrians e v e n t u a l l y went to B r i t i s h GUiana. I am purposely b l u r r i n g the d i s t i n c t i o n between indentured, labour and permanent migrant labour because i t was so often b l u r r e d i n p r a c t i c e . Only the Transvaal Chinese operation was c a r r i e d out with such thoroughness (mainly by c o n f i n i n g the Chinese to compounds) that there was a hundred per cent r e t u r n . 74 In 1903 , Joseph Chamberlain suggested Uganda to the Jewish leader, H e r z l , as a place of settlement to which he could l e a d the Jews from the persecution of Eastern Europe. 75 E.H.H. A r c h i b a l d , T r a v e l l e r s by Sea, (London, H.M.S.O., 1 9 6 2 ) , p.27. Note that migrant labourers were regarded and p r i c e d as f r e i g h t . 76 Hansard, 3 r d . s e r i e s V o l . CXVI, 1851 , pp.273-275. Roebuck advocated that c o l o n i s t s of su p e r i o r i n t e l l i g e n c e ought to be planted i n K a f f r a r i a . To c r i e s of NOi NOJ from members he s a i d , " I t was absurd to say you could a t t a i n the end without i n c u r r i n g the consequences...... The end j u s t i f i e s the means." 77 Adderley, o p . c i t . , p . 1 8 6 . Peel i n 1849 had described t h i s reverence f o r the c o l o n i a l l e g i s l a t u r e as "a high and haughty s p i r i t of l i b e r t y " . T aylor (Autobiography, p.269) described t h i s sentiment as preposterous. Taylor had no patience with West Indian c o l o n i a l l e g i s l a t u r e s i n p a r t i c u l a r . See M o r r e l l , o p . c i t . , p.286. When Palmerston turned out R u s s e l l ' s a d m i n i s t r a t i o n i n 1852, Adderley was wa i t i n g with a motion of censure on the government's c o l o n i a l p o l i c y and was confident of v i c t o r y . Palmer- ston f o r e s t a l l e d him. Grey was sorry he had no chance of defending himself. 57 CHAPTER 2 THE SOUTH AFRICAN BACKGROUND I t i s impossible to i n t e r p r e t nineteenth century B r i t i s h h i s t o r y i n terms of an o s c i l l a t i o n i n p o l i c y of two a l t e r n a t - i n g p a r t i e s i n power. C e r t a i n l y from the 1860s, i t i s not po s s i b l e to discover a p r o - i m p e r i a l party ranged against an a n t i - i m p e r i a l one.^ There were important d i f f e r e n c e s i n p o l i c y , such as the successive attempts at federation i n South A f r i c a , culminating i n Kimberley (with help from the Boers) r e v e r s i n g Carnarvon. In I n d i a , the successive v i c e r o y a l t i e s of Lytton, Ripon, D u f f e r i n and Lansdowne e x h i b i t e d considerable r e v e r s a l s of p o l i c y . But what i s more remarkable i s the accommodation between the p a r t i e s . Each chartered two i m p e r i a l companies. Neither a Tory l i k e Curzon nor a Whig l i k e Minto could consider ceding any r e a l power to Indians. In South A f r i c a , Rhodes, while always d i s t r u s t i n g "the i m p e r i a l f a c t o r " , found he could work almost e q u a l l y h a p p i l y with a L i b e r a l I m p e r i a l i s t or a Union i s t government. When Campbell-Bannerman set out to reverse U n i o n i s t p o l i c y i n South A f r i c a , he was not pursuing a l i t t l e Englander p o l i c y , but simply a d i f f e r e n t s o r t of Empire. A l l t h i s served to obscure the importance of the na t i v e peoples. In I n d i a Congress was not given s u f f i c i e n t n o t i c e : Curzon was prophesying i t s t o t a l downfall at the opening of the century when h i s own acts - and p a r t i c u l a r l y the P a r t i t i o n 58 of Bengal - would provide i t with e f f e c t i v e r a l l y i n g ground.^ In South A f r i c a the problems of Bantu, Boer and B r i t o n escalated, but i t was the Boer-Briton confrontation that exploded, and i n doing so served to obscure the Bantu problem. The f a c t that A f r i c a n s remained so d o c i l e while Europeans fought each other, unfortunately fostered the impression - aided too by t h e i r subsequent u n w i l l i n g n e s s to go to work r that they were of l i t t l e p o l i t i c a l import- ance. •." The L i b e r a l Government swept to power i n 1906 saw the triumph of d e v o l u t i o n . In 1906 B a l f o u r revealed once more that the opposition to i m p e r i a l r e s p o n s i b i l i t y had always cut across party l i n e s . He argued that I f any one Colony i n s i s t e d upon enslaving i t s hewers of wood and drawers of water, i t would have a pe r f e c t r i g h t to do so, and to request Great B r i t a i n or the c o l o n i e s , i f they i n t e r f e r e d , to mind t h e i r own business, as i t was only ^ e x e r c i s i n g i t s r i g h t of self-government. B a l f o u r was p r o v i d i n g a h y p o t h e t i c a l case that few i n that period b e l i e v e d would ever come about. J . Ramsay MacDonald, w r i t i n g i n 1907, argued i n favour of South A f r i c a n Federation because he b e l i e v e d that the Cape would never give up i t s "native p o l i c y " and that with f e d e r a t i o n , the s t a t e and i t s white population would be more c i v i l i z e d , and would u l t i m a t e l y extend the Cape p o l i c y to the r e s t of the country.^ This helps to e x p l a i n why W.P. Schreiner, no l e s s than a former 59 Cape premier, who saw the dangers and l e d a delegation to 7 r e v e a l them, was ignored. And so the L i b e r a l Party, remem- berin g i t s past c o l o n i a l r a d i c a l i s m , rushed i n t o South A f r i c a n d e v o l u t i o n . While i t s l e f t hand encouraged the r i s e of democracy and s o c i a l j u s t i c e at home, i t s r i g h t hand denied them abroad. What the Boer War had obscured to the L i b e r a l Government, to B a l f o u r and to MacDonald, was Adam Smith's concept of the c o n f l i c t between defence and opulence. This c o n f l i c t has o been seen as the key to a l l South A f r i c a n labour p o l i c y , and i t has never been more obvious than i n the present day. At f i r s t the problem of defence was e x t e r n a l . Hottentots and Bushmen were never seen as a r e a l defence problem. They simply provided f u r t h e r evidence f o r the " a n t h r o p o l o g i s t s " laws of the disappearance of the savage races. I t i s i r o n i c that the Cape 4 9 t h Ordinance of 1828 permitted the entry of Bantu to work, while the more celebrated 5 0 t h of the same year gave the Hottentots e q u a l i t y before the law. The a r r i v a l of the Bantu to work combined with the annexations of N a t a l and B r i t i s h K a f f r a r i a turned the e x t e r n a l defence of the Boer commandoes i n t o an i n t e r n a l one. I t took time f o r i t s magnitude to be f u l l y appreciated, j u s t as the Ehodesian pioneers a r r i v i n g i n Mashonaland i n 1890 g r o s s l y underestimated the A f r i c a n population because of the sca t t e r e d nature of the small Shoha settlements. 60 Grey's N a t a l p o l i c y has already been reviewed i n i t s wider i m p e r i a l context. I t i s now po s s i b l e to add a fr e s h c o n s i d e r a t i o n to the p o l i c y of small reserves and a s s i m i l a t i o n - defence. Small s c a t t e r e d l o c a t i o n s would i n e v i t a b l y break up the t r i b e s . In the future the p o l i c y of a s s i m i l a t i o n would proceed side-by-side with defensive measures. In 1855 S i r George Grey i n h i s opening address to the Cape Parliament announced that the A f r i c a n s were to become a part of ourselves, with a common f a i t h and common i n t e r e s t s , u s e f u l servants, consumers of our goods, c o n t r i b u t o r s to our revenue; i n short a source of strength and wealth to t h i s colony, such as Providence designed them to be.9 Yet at the same time defensive r e s t r i c t i o n s were placed on the m o b i l i t y of A f r i c a n labour. In 1853 the r i g h t of t a k i n g out a pass to v i s i t a f r i e n d was withdrawn. In 1856 a c e n t r a l o f f i c e .of r e g i s t r a t i o n was to be set up at King- williamstown. In 1838 s i x a c t s were passed to c o n t r o l immigration. One very r e v e a l i n g act was described as "An act f o r preventing C o l o n i a l Fingoes and c e r t a i n other subjects of her Majesty /"the Fingoes were a Bantu t r i b e from the North- East Cape7 from being mistaken f o r K a f i r s , and thereby harassed and aggrieved". As the Transkeian t e r r i t o r i e s were added to the Cape, the pass laws f o r immigrants ceased to apply, and i n s t e a d t h e i r A f r i c a n i n h a b i t a n t s came under the j u r i s d i c t i o n 61 of the Masters and Servants Laws. The t r a d i t i o n of Masters and Servants l e g i s l a t i o n making breach of c i v i l c o n t r a c t s a c r i m i n a l offence was f i r m l y e s t a b l i s h e d i n 1856, based on an e a r l i e r Masters, Servants and Apprentices Ordinance of 1 8 4 1 . I t should be noted that t h i s s ort of defensive l e g i s - l a t i o n was also the norm i n B r i t a i n f o r most of the nineteenth century. The combination laws may have been repealed i n 1825 , but any a c t i v i t y outside a narrow area of wage and hours n e g o t i a t i o n s s t i l l c a r r i e d c r i m i n a l l i a b i l i t y . The very phrase Masters and Servants was not abandoned i n B r i t a i n u n t i l the 1875 Employers and Workmen Act. While the problems are obviously very d i f f e r e n t , the motives behind the l e g i s l a t i o n were by no means d i s s i m i l a r . The fa c t that domestic and c o l o n i a l p o l i c y diverged widely i n the twentieth century help to confirm the t h e s i s that "Imperialism and the Rise of Labour" (to quote the t i t l e of Halevy's study) were incompatible. While Labour sentiment was often i m p e r i a l i s t - witness some of the Fabians, and J.H. Thomas's celebrated remark to the o f f i c i a l s of the C o l o n i a l O f f i c e , "I'm here to see there's no mucking about with the B r i t i s h Empire""^- i t provided an example at home that was not l o s t on the n a t i o n a l i s t s abroad. From the l 8 5 0's onwards, as the demand f o r labour i n South A f r i c a increased, l e g i s l a t i o n had to be a compromise between defence and the "motive to e x e r t i o n " . N a t a l r e v e a l s t h i s w e l l . In 1854 the Na t a l Native A f f a i r s Commission advocated an increase i n tax, reduction i n the s i z e of l o c a t i o n s and exemptions from tax f o r labourers. In 1855 an Ordinance forbade A f r i c a n s from s q u a t t i n g on Crown or p r i v a t e land; i n 1857 A f r i c a n s i n employment were made exempt from tax; but the tax was not r a i s e d from Grey's f i g u r e u n t i l 1875 when i t went up to fourteen s h i l l i n g s . Indentured Indians were introduced between i 8 6 0 and 1866 . There was more Indian immigration from 1874 , and Indian population f i g u r e s rose r a p i d l y u n t i l the end of the century. Meanwhile i n the Transvaal labour was regarded by the Boers as a t r i b u t e to conquerors. Here i n the N a t a l l e g i s l a t i o n and the Transvaal a t t i t u d e s we already have the precedents f o r the Rhodesian experience. And a l l t h i s before the appearance of the l a r g e c a p i t a l i s t undertakings of the diamond and gold mines. The mines are only of i n t e r e s t to t h i s t h e s i s i n s o f a r as they provided competition f o r Rhodesia l a t e r i n the century. In a sense the Rhodesian experience was more akin to that i n South A f r i c a before the d i s c o v e r i e s of mineral wealth, f o r labour deployment i n Rhodesia was always extremely s c a t t e r e d , and never h i g h l y concentrated as i n -Kimberley or on the Rand. With the growth of the mines however, we do have a great increase i n the importance of two f a c t o r s . F i r s t l y , wants became a greater stimulant to labour - c h i e f s sent out t h e i r men "to earn a gun". Secondly, the r e c r u i t i n g net was cast ever wider. A t a b l e " ^ of new r e g i s t r a t i o n s at the Kimberley 63 and de Beers Mines i n 1884 best r e v e a l s t h i s : Shangaans B r i t i s h Basutos Sekukuni Basutos Zulus Portuguese Zulus Bakhatlas Matabele C o l o n i a l s Bakwenas Batlapings Swazis Bamangwatos Barolongs Transvaal Basutos Others 681 195 2215 813 4 4 6 36 120 375 33 277 11 56 115 47. Already the labour network stretched throughout Southern A f r i c a , i n t o the f u r t h e s t corners of Bechuanaland, i n t o the South West of what was to become Southern Rhodesia, and i n t o Mozambique. The opening of the gold mines cast the net even f u r t h e r , and introduced the p r a c t i c e of organised recruitment. As the need f o r labour on r a i l w a y c o n s t r u c t i o n and the development of towns increased, i n c r e a s i n g l y severe measures were taken to ensure that s q u a t t i n g on Crown land was not a comfortable a c t i v i t y . I n 1869> Cape Colony imposed a rent of ten s h i l l i n g s per hut on Crown land. In 1884, a rent of one pound per hut was l e v i e d i n N a t a l . The 1876 Cape Location Act was designed against the s i m i l a r p r a c t i c e on p r i v a t e land. A tax was imposed on landowners f o r tenants not i n bona f i d e employment. . In 1880, the b r i e f B r i t i s h a d m i n i s t r a t i o n i n the Transvaal repealed the d i f f e r e n t i a l Boer t a x a t i o n , and imposed a uniform tax of ten s h i l l i n g s . These were the s t i m u l a n t s , but the c o n t i n u i n g need f o r defence i s revealed i n the s t r i c t vagrancy law of 1879 at the Cape, which g r e a t l y discouraged the movement of A f r i c a n s , and therefore impeded t h e i r e f f o r t s to f i n d work. In the l 8 9 0's the labour t h i r s t of the gold mines of the Rand saw the establishment of greater o r g a n i s a t i o n i n r e c r u i t - ment and d i s t r i b u t i o n . In 1893 a Native Labour Commissioner was appointed; i n I 8 9 6 a Native Labour Supply A s s o c i a t i o n was set up; i n 1895 recruitment i n Portuguese East A f r i c a was s u c c e s s f u l l y c e n t r a l i s e d ; i n l889> 1896 and 1897 there were combinations of employers to reduce wages; and the 1895 pass law by which the employer kept the pass during the period of s e r v i c e was designed against desertions. Taxation continued to play a v i t a l r o l e . A hut tax l e v i e d i n the Transvaal i n 1895 was i n e f f e c t a p o l l tax. In I898 there was a new departure i n p o l i c y when these taxes were l e v i e d f o r the f i r s t , time i n towns. The Orange Free State already had a p o l l tax of ten s h i l l i n g s , and i n 1893 and I898 enacted squatters laws l i m i t i n g squatters to f i v e f a m i l i e s on p r i v a t e land. Despite the o r g a n i s a t i o n of labour r e c r u i t i n g , the e v i l s of p r i v a t e t o u t i n g continued, and the dispute between the farmers and the mining community - which w i l l become very f a m i l i a r i n Rhodesia - became i n c r e a s i n g l y acerbic as demand increased. In the Cape the Location Law was amended i n 1892 , i n c r e a s i n g the tax on landowners to one pound f o r every male A f r i c a n not 65 i n employment. Many were turned o f f the land as a r e s u l t . In 1894 the Glen Grey Act of the Cape widened the e x p l i c i t dependence of labour on t a x a t i o n . A tax of ten s h i l l i n g s was imposed on a l l those not i n work - labour f o r three months provided exemption f o r a year; continuous labour f o r three years gave exemption f o r l i f e . The Act also encouraged A f r i c a n s to take up land by q u i t - r e n t under the European system of survey and i n d i v i d u a l tenure, another attempted attack on communalism. Rhodes i n i n t r o d u c i n g the b i l l i n t o the Cape Parliament openly asserted that i t was hoped the measure 12 would cause an improvement i n the labour supply. In f a c t the labour tax s e c t i o n s of the Glen Grey Act never worked and were repealed eleven years l a t e r , but the philosophy behind them i s important to subsequent South A f r i c a n and Rhodesian labour p o l i c y . A f t e r the Boer War, South A f r i c a experienced a dearth of labour. The War had d i v e r t e d labourers elsewhere or kept them at home; the army had paid high wages to scouts, messengers, labourers during the War, so p r o v i d i n g the means to stay at home f o r a while; and the mine owners took t h e i r f i r s t step towards encouraging labour by combining to reduce wages. In 1904 the Report of the Transvaal Labour Commission"1"^ revealed the nat- ure of the debate i n the Transvaal mining community regarding the encouragement of A f r i c a n labour or i t s replacement by European labour. Defence has been stressed as an important 66 part of South A f r i c a n n a t i v e labour p o l i c y from i t s beginnings: we now f i n d an i n t e r e s t i n g v a r i a t i o n on t h i s theme. In h i s evidence before the Commission one witness, Rudd, s a i d Could Mr. Kidd replace the 200,000 n a t i v e workers by 100,000 u n s k i l l e d whites, they would simply hold the Government of the country i n the hollow of t h e i r hand. I p r e f e r to see the more i n t e l l e c t u a l s e c t i o n of the community at the helm The Native i s at present, and I hope w i l l long remain, a u s e f u l intermediary between the white employer and employee. ^ The A f r i c a n s were here seen as a b u f f e r between the c a p i t a l - i s t s and t h e i r f e a r of democracy. I t was a question of l e s s e r e v i l s - the S c y l l a and Charybdis of South A f r i c a n p o l i c y . The i n t r o d u c t i o n of Chinese labour was the expedient adopted to solve the problem of the r e f u s a l of A f r i c a n s to work and the r e f u s a l of the mine owners to use Europeans i n s t e a d . A t o t a l of 60,000 Chinese a r r i v e d on the Rand before they were a l l returned by 1912. The proj e c t helped the U n i o n i s t Government to i t s f a l l i n 1905; the attempted confinement of so many Chinese i n compounds and the r e s u l t - ant h i g h l y p u b l i c i s e d e v i l s of gambling, male p r o s t i t u t i o n and violence helped to d i s c r e d i t the whole system of inde n t - ured labour. By t h i s time, however, the much-vaunted free 15 labour market had been destroyed. At a c r i t i c a l moment, A f r i c a n labour had been undercut by the Chinese, who, although paid more than A f r i c a n s , were o b l i g e d to stay longer and were 67 more e f f e c t i v e l y under the owners' c o n t r o l . In South A f r i c a , Chinese indentured labour confirmed an e s t a b l i s h e d pattern of migrant labour. In B r i t a i n , the Chinese labour i s s u e was seen not as an attack upon the i n t e r e s t of A f r i c a n labour but as an attack upon the i n t e r e s t of white labour, not so much as a humanitarian i s s u e but 'as a c o n f l i c t between U n i o n i s t Imper- i a l i s m and L i b e r a l Imperialism. With the growing power of the European unions before and a f t e r the F i r s t World War, defensive p r o v i s i o n s loomed ever l a r g e r i n South A f r i c a n labour p o l i c y , u n t i l to-day the N a t i o n a l i s t Government i s attempting the w e l l - n i g h impossible task of r e t u r n i n g A f r i c a n s to t h e i r Bantustans, g l o r i f i e d reserves. . In Adam Smith's c o n f l i c t of defence and opulence, defence has become pre-eminent. For the sake of u n i t y South A f r i c a n labour p o l i c y has been b r i e f l y reviewed over some hundred years of i t s h i s t o r y . I t i s impossible to understand the Rhodesian experience w i t h - out reference to South A f r i c a . Rhodesia's ordinances were l a r g e l y based on those of the Cape and of N a t a l , her administ- r a t o r s were from South A f r i c a , the native commissioners were i n v a r i a b l y from the N a t a l native a d m i n i s t r a t i o n . Under the High Commissioner f o r South A f r i c a , Rhodesia was. t r e a t e d a d m i n i s t r a t i v e l y as an extension of South A f r i c a ; as the b r a i n c h i l d of Rhodes t h i s was an i n e v i t a b l e mental a t t i t u d e , p a r t i c u l a r l y as federation or union with South A f r i c a was 68 throughout the p r e - F i r s t World War period a d i s t i n c t probab- i l i t y . For the duration of the C e n t r a l A f r i c a n Federation, Rhodesia looked b r i e f l y North and East. In recent years the o l d o r i e n t a t i o n has r e - e s t a b l i s h e d i t s e l f . Although the a t t i t u d e was uppermost, i t i s the purpose of t h i s t h e s i s to e s t a b l i s h the d i f f e r e n t c o n d i t i o n s that p r e v a i l e d i n Rhodesia, and above a l l the nature of the power exercised by the i m p e r i a l a u t h o r i t y over the B r i t i s h South A f r i c a Company. In h i s evidence to the Transvaal Labour Commission, S i r Percy F i t z p a t r i c k s a i d I s t a r t e d with and clung to the b e l i e f that we had an u n l i m i t e d supply ^~of labour_ 7 i n C e n t r a l A f r i c a i f we chose to~extend our o r g a n i s a t i o n and i n c u r the expense, and I s e v e r a l times discussed with him /""Rhodes^ "the p o s s i b i l i t y of pushing on tjhe Cape""of Cairo r a i l w a y with the object of pushing up the supply. ° The push to the North has been seen as the search f o r a golden Eldorado, as a p u r s u i t f o r the f u r t h e r expansion of the Saxon race. Here i s some evidence-at l e a s t that another commodity was sought, a commodity required to e x p l o i t the known r i c h e s of Kimberley and the Rand: labour. Labour r e c r u i t e r s were already t r y i n g t h e i r l u c k i n the North from the 1870s. They were part of the romantic but arduous pioneering i n C e n t r a l A f r i c a that i n s p i r e d i n Rhodes and S i r Harry Johnston 1^ t h e i r dreams of the Cape to Cairo l i n k . These pioneers, m i s s i o n a r i e s , hunters, e x p l o r e r s , had a great e f f e c t on the formation of 69 views on A f r i c a and A f r i c a n s , f o r t h e i r works had an extremely 1 8 wide and eager public., Undoubtedly the most prevalent view of the A f r i c a n that emerged was the c h i l d view, an i d e a current and i n f l u e n t i a l from the mid-nineteenth century to the mid-twentieth. There are a thousand p o s s i b l e expressions of t h i s , but that of Lugard i s e f f e c t i v e i n i t s succinctness and i n t e r e s t i n g as the opinion of a great Governor. To him the A f r i c a n holds the p o s i t i o n of a l a t e born c h i l d i n the family of nations, and must as yet be schooled i n the d i s c i p l i n e of the nursery.1° Given nineteenth century c o n d i t i o n s i n A f r i c a and the exhausted and fever-ridden s t a t e of the t r a v e l l e r s , i t i s perhaps not s u r p r i s i n g that they derived an extremely poor opinion of A f r i c a n s . What i s curious i s that so many of them wished to impose on A f r i c a n s concepts of work, of p u n c t u a l i t y , and of the cash economy that were b r u t a l i s i n g t h e i r own s o c i e t y at home, and that so many of them had set out to escape. David L i v i n g s t o n e had himself escaped from the world of sweated m i l l l a b o u r i n g . In h i s ideas f o r massive European emigration to A f r i c a he wished to a l l e v i a t e the i o t of the working c l a s s at home, but i t never seems to have occurred to him that the a r r i v a l of the European economy might have a s i m i l a r e f f e c t 20 on the A f r i c a n . I t i s p o s s i b l e that i n the midst of A f r i c a home s o c i e t y i t s e l f took on a romanticised impression and nothing could seem worse than the sl a v e r y and warfare that 70 A f r i c a n s s u f f e r e d from. At any r a t e , the a r r i v a l of the European economy was regarded as the s a l v a t i o n of the A f r i c a n , and i f , l i k e a c h i l d , he had to be d i s c i p l i n e d to work, i t was e n t i r e l y f o r h i s own good. E a r l y m i s s i o n a r i e s freque ntly had d i f f i c u l t i e s i n f i n d i n g labour, simply because, according to the current r e a l i t i e s i n A f r i c a , any s e l f - r e s p e c t i n g man would provide himself with s l a v e s , and moreover because the more wa r l i k e t r i b e s , accustomed to having slaves themselves, were quite 21 u n w i l l i n g to serve i n a menial capacity f o r Europeans. For many pioneers the' answer was forced labour. One of them, James Stewart, who t r a v e l l e d i n the Zambezi area i n the e a r l y s i x t i e s , b e l i e v e d t h i s was 7the only p o s s i b l e approach. On viewing the d e s t r u c t i o n of Nyanja v i l l a g e s by Yao r a i d e r s , he wrote A f t e r a l l the l o s s of an A f r i c a n v i l l a g e i s l i t t l e l o s s to the owners, and none to the world g e n e r a l l y . They can soon r e b u i l d and anything that compels them to work i s r a t h e r a b l e s s i n g than a curse.22 Another, more i l l u s t r i o u s , S i r Samuel Baker, adopted forced labour while Governor of Equatoria, b e l i e v i n g i t to be necessary to overcome i n s t i n c t i v e i d l e n e s s . 2 ^ In h i s book, The A l b e r t N'yanza, he wrote i n a vein h i g h l y reminiscent of E a r l Grey, though more extreme: The n a t i v e s of t r o p i c a l c o u n t r i e s do not progress.: enervated by intense heat, they i n c l i n e r a t h e r to repose and amusement than to labour. Free 71 from the r i g o u r s of winters, and the excitement of changes i n the seasons, the native- character assumes the monotony of t h e i r country's temperature. They have no n a t u r a l d i f f i c u l t i e s to contend with-no struggle with adverse storms and i c y winds and frost-bound s o i l ; but an e v e r l a s t i n g summer, and f e r t i l e ground producing with l i t t l e t i l l a g e , e x c i t e no e n t e r p r i s e ; and the human mind, unexercised by d i f f i c u l t i e s , s i n k s i n t o languor and decay.^4 Of course Stewart and Baker were w r i t i n g about very d i f f e r e n t parts of the Continent, but t h e i r views derived from the same t e c h n o l o g i c a l l y o r i e n t a t e d contempt. They could understand "backwardness" (Baker a c t u a l l y placed i t at the l e v e l of animal e x i s t e n c e ) , but they were quite unable to comprehend that A f r i c a n s might have s u f f e r e d r e l a t i v e r e t r o g r e s s i o n . In t h i s they r e f l e c t e d t h e i r age, when Improvement was the p r i n c i p a l norm. Baker was an a d m i n i s t r a t o r , though of a h i g h l y unorthodox k i n d . Other more conventional a d m i n i s t r a t o r s also wrote cop i o u s l y of t h e i r views of the A f r i c a n and h i s future. I t 25 i s i n t e r e s t i n g to s t a r t with S i r B a r t l e Frere ^ because he represents so w e l l a school whose views would be taken over and modified by the p r i n c i p a l s i n the period covered by t h i s t h e s i s . Towards the end of a l i f e of long experience i n I n d i a , South A f r i c a and Zanzibar, Frere read a paper On the Laws a f f e c t i n g the R e l a t i o n s between C i v i l i z e d and Savage L i f e , as bearing on the dealings of C o l o n i s t s with Aborigines, to 72 the A n t h r o p o l o g i c a l I n s t i t u t e of Great B r i t a i n and I r e l a n d on June 28 , 1 8 8 1 . Frere maintains i n t h i s paper that while i t i s usual f o r savage races to be destroyed, expelled or driven back i n the face of a c i v i l i z e d power, t h i s law does not hold f o r more vigorous races l i k e the Bantu. T h e i r savagery i s destroyed by another means, namely by proximity to the European c i v i l i z a t i o n and by anxiety to approximate to t h i s c i v i l i z a t i o n . "There are no p r a c t i c a l l i m i t s to the changes that may thus take place." But there are c e r t a i n necessary c o n d i t i o n s f o r these changes to take place, of which the most important i s "Such a peace as Romans and E n g l i s h have ensured to subject races as a consequence of c i v i l i z e d sovereignty", a peace b r i n g i n g "-with i t p r o t e c t i o n f o r l i f e and property, p r a c t i c a l e q u a l i t y before the law, s u b s t i t u t i o n of i n d i v i d u a l property f o r t r i b a l commonage, a b o l i t i o n of s l a v e r y and p r i v a t e r i g h t s of making war and c a r r y i n g arms, education i n the a r t s of c i v i l i z e d l i f e , l e g i s l a t i o n against the manufacture and sale of i n t o x i c a t i n g substances that r u i n h e a l t h and r e t a r d m a t e r i a l welfare of the nati v e community. To secure a l l t h i s an equitable form of t a x a t i o n i s req u i r e d to meet the expenses of the a d m i n i s t r a t i o n . T h i s i s an extremely s u c c i n c t and i l l u m i n a t i n g d e s c r i p t i o n of the p o l i c y of the " c i v i l i z i n g mission" school of administ- r a t o r s on the threshold of the s o - c a l l e d New Imperialism. In some ways the d i s c u s s i o n on the close of Frere's paper i s even more i n t e r e s t i n g f o r contemporary views than the paper i t s e l f . 73 One speaker c r i t i c i s e d Frere f o r h i s use of analogies from the Roman Empire.. The B r i t o n s that the Romans met i n England were much more c i v i l i z e d than the na t i v e s of South A f r i c a , and they were a f t e r a l l Aryans] The second speaker began by c r i t i c i s i n g the lumping together of the Bantu race as a chimera, and then went on to c r i t i c i s e the Roman analogy from the opposite end. The pax B r i t a n n i c a i s not l i k e the pax Romana. Our c i v i l i z a t i o n i s s t i f f . The Romans i n t e r m a r r i e d . We impose an uncongenial r e l i g i o n . Rome became the great melt- i n g pot of the Empire - peoples went there from a l l over the known world. But negroes do not come to meetings of s o c i e t i e s 27 l i k e ours. ' Another speaker, s t i l l desperately t r y i n g to f i n d laws, postulated the law that n a t i v e peoples disappear i n face of Europeans i n temperate clim a t e s , but not i n t r o p i c a l c l i m a t e s . In t h i s d i s c u s s i o n we see the extremes of p s e u d o - s c i e n t i f i c racism juxtaposed with the most enlightened opinion of the day. In the year that Frere d e l i v e r e d h i s paper, A l f r e d M i l n e r was c a l l e d to the bar and s t a r t e d w r i t i n g f o r the P a l l M a l l Gazette. He had w r i t t e n i n h i s d i a r y that he f e l t himself destined f o r a l i f e of " p u b l i c usefulness", a symbolic paternal PQ i d e a l i s t sentiment. y His b r i g h t contemporaries at B a l l i o l , L y t t e l t o n G e l l - ^ 0 and Henry Birchenough^ 1 - both future d i r e c t o r s of the B r i t i s h South A f r i c a Company - were al s o i n London, Birchenough a c t u a l l y sharing rooms with M i l n e r . Rhodes was at O r i e l , dreaming dreams. Sidney Webb entered 7k the C o l o n i a l O f f i c e , and Sydney O l i v i e r would f o l l o w him i n 1882 . The B r i t i s h North Borneo Company-^ was granted i t s c h a r t e r , the f i r s t of the new monopolies, the f i r s t chartered company to administer a t e r r i t o r y since the East I n d i a Company had l o s t i t s c h a r t e r i n 1858 . C o l o n i a l e x p l o i t a t i o n had entered a f r e s h phase. As Frere was reading h i s paper that revealed so much of past experience, the stage was set f o r the i m p e r i a l i s m of the great p a t e r n a l i s t s ready to apply Germanic methods to the problems Frere described. There was l i t t l e o p p o s i t i o n . C h a u v i n i s t i c i m p e r i a l i s m cut d i r e c t l y across party l i n e s * The Independent Labour Party was as yet weak. The m a j o r i t y of the Fabians were as i m p e r i a l i s t as the Unionist Party i t s e l f ( Sydney O l i v i e r a notable exception ). Opposition came p r i n c i p a l l y from without, from the s o c i e t i e s , the "Exeter H a l l f a c t i o n " that had taken to i t s e l f the duty of being the i r r e p r e s s i b l e conscience of the na t i o n . The c r i e s of a new s l a v e r y , of forced labour, of the need f o r i m p e r i a l p r o t e c t i o n f o r indigenous peoples would be heard again - p r i n c i p a l l y from the B r i t i s h and Foreign Aborigines' P r o t e c t i o n Society - and coupled with war and r e b e l l i o n i n Rhodesia, would see to i t that Joseph Chamberlain's a d m i n i s t r a t i o n at the C o l o n i a l O f f i c e was not only a more vigorous approach to c o l o n i a l p o l i c y , but also a more f i r m espousal of the notion of i m p e r i a l r e s p o n s i b i l i t y . I t i s appropriate at t h i s stage to consider the a t t i t u d e s to A f r i c a n labour of C e c i l Rhodes himself. He was a f t e r a l l 75 the Colossus, i n some ways almost the oracle f o r a d m i n i s t r a t o r s i n Rhodesia. L i k e most things about the man, h i s a t t i t u d e was e n t i r e l y p a r a d o x i c a l . He urged the most shady dealings with A f r i c a n c h i e f s l i k e Lobengula-^ ; he f e l l wholeheartedly i n t o the slaughter and r e p r i s a l that followed the Ndebele and Shona XL " r e b e l l i o n s " - ^ ; yet he could win immense A f r i c a n respect i n personal r e l a t i o n s , as i n the p a r l e y i n g a f t e r the Ndebele " r e b e l l i o n " . He adhered wholeheartedly to the " c h i l d view", yet could express the celebrated high-flown statement of "equal r i g h t s f o r every c i v i l i z e d man south of the Zambezi", the c i v i l i z e d man being "a man whether white or black who has s u f f i c i e n t education to w r i t e h i s name, has some property or "55 works, i n f a c t i s not a l o a f e r " . "Loafer" was a f a v o u r i t e word of Rhodes. I t r e f l e c t s w e l l h i s a t t i t u d e towards work as a moral v i r t u e . He drove himself unmercilessly and expected others to do the same. I f A f r i c a n s i n s i s t e d on " l o a f i n g " , they could not be c i v i l i z e d , and therefore to make them c i v i l i z e d , they had to be persuaded to work. Rhodes's " c h i l d view" was apparent i n h i s support of the " s t r o p b i l l " of 1891, which proposed c o r p o r a l punishment f o r A f r i c a n s . I t was dropped. I t was apparent also i n h i s sponsoring of the Glen Grey A c t ^ . He pleaded that h i s own school education was more i n the nature of s l a v e r y than the work expected of an A f r i c a n . He spoke too i n terms of an "inexorable law": I f you are r e a l l y one who loves the 76 n a t i v e s , you must make them worthy of the country they l i v e i n , or else they are c e r t a i n , by an inexorable law, to l o s e t h e i r country. You w i l l c e r t a i n l y not make them worthy i f you allow them / to s i t i n i d l e n e s s and i f you do not ,o t r a i n them i n the a r t s of c i v i l i z a t i o n . The paradox i s p e r f e c t l y revealed by Woodhouse i n the Rhodes biography. Having attempted to show how much more enlightened Rhodes was compared with the Boers, Woodhouse w r i t e s , The best that could be s a i d of him i n t h i s matter - and he often s a i d i t himself - was that he regarded the n a t i v e s as c h i l d - ren, who might one day attain the adult l e v e l of the white man, but were s t i l l f a r from i t . Even that was only true of him i n theory. In p r a c t i c e i t would be t r u e r to say that he regarded them as domestic animals: which i s not to imply c r u e l t y , f o r Englishmen are u s u a l l y kind to domestic animals. But u n l i k e c h i l d r e n dogs are not expected to grow up i n t o human a d u l t s ; and u n l i k e c h i l d r e n dogs may be shot when they get out of hand. That was c e r t a i n l y Rhodes's a t t i t u d e to the Matabele /~Ndebele_7in the e a r l y weeks of the Rebellion.-^ The domestic animal view f i t s Boer opinion of the period r a t h e r w e l l ; yet the Boers regarded Rhodes as a n e g r o p h i l i s t . The paradox has been e s t a b l i s h e d , i t i s t r u e , by reference to Rhodes's opinions at d i f f e r e n t p o i n t s i n h i s career, but these p o i n t s are separated by no more than a few years, and h i s ambivalence i s symptomatic of much of Southern A f r i c a n opinion. Rhodes c e r t a i n l y d i d nothing to a l l a y the fears of the B r i t i s h and Foreign Aborigines* P r o t e c t i o n Society, as expressed i n Fox Bourne's pamphlet Matabeleland and the 30 Chartered Company, y or i n the B r i t i s h and Foreign Aborigines' 77 P r o t e c t i o n S o c i e t y ' s O u t l i n e s of a Suggested Charter f o r Natives under B r i t i s h Rule i n South A f r i c a , ^ which had proposed that the A f r i c a n s should be wards of the Crown; that reserves should be under Crown c o n t r o l ; that there should be more power f o r the c h i e f s , education and advance- ment f o r the n a t i v e s , r e g u l a t i o n of i n t e r f e r e n c e from outside, f o r example with regard to labour; that taxes ought to be r e s t r i c t e d to hut tax, agreed with the n a t i v e s ; that the pass system ought to be l i m i t e d to a s i n g l e passport to help the A f r i c a n s ; that there ought to be complete freedom of a c t i o n to seek labour, no curfew and no i n t o x i c a t i n g l i q u o r ; and that the n a t i v e s who have completely l e f t the reserves ought to be admitted to some r i g h t s and p r i v i l e g e s as f e l l o w subjects with the whites. This was what Lord M i l n e r was quite unprepared to do. His views on labour are revealed i n countless despatches from South A f r i c a . They coincided r a t h e r too a c c u r a t e l y - f o r the t a s t e of the C o l o n i a l O f f i c e o f f i c i a l s , and indeed of h i s Resident Commissioner i n Rhodesia, S i r Ma r s h a l l C l a r k e ^ - wi t h those of the d i r e c t o r s of the B r i t i s h South A f r i c a Company and the men on the spot. He took a favourable a t t i t u d e towards forced labour, p a r t i c u l a r l y f o r p u b l i c works. He f e l t i t was the duty of native commissioners to put p o s i t i v e moral pressure on the A f r i c a n s to work, and as h i s j u s t i f i c a t i o n he sought refuge i n the o l d t r o p i c a l indolence argument - "The 78 black man i s n a t u r a l l y i n c l i n e d , much more than the white, to do nothing at a l l " . ^ He c e r t a i n l y r e a l i s e d the embarrassment such views caused the government and even attempted to suppress on occasion an offending sentence of a despatch that was to appear i n a parliamentary paper. M i l n e r , burdened as he was with the Briton-Boer problem and the r e s u l t i n g war i n South A f r i c a , lacked a d o c t r i n a i r e " n a t i v e p o l i c y " . He made l i t t l e c o n t r i b u t i o n to the reserves-amalgamation debate. And of course h i s downfall and censure came about because he permitted, almost i n a d v e r t - e n t l y , the i l l e g a l c o r p o r a l punishment of Chinese labourers. A l l was subordinated by t h i s time to h i s r e c o n s t r u c t i o n , h i s development of the mining economy, and consequent encouragement of B r i t i s h , immigration. The B r i t i s h and Foreign Aborigines' P r o t e c t i o n S o c i e t y Charter ( v i d . sup.) had expressed a curious mixture of respect f o r A f r i c a n i n s t i t u t i o n s , more power to c h i e f s , and the notion of amalgamation, equal r i g h t s . Rhodes too had spoken of equal r i g h t s ; he has also been described by h i s most recent biographers as a reserves man, b e l i e v i n g that they would protect the A f r i c a n from the v i c e s of the European, permit him to c u l t i v a t e h i s own p l o t of land i n peace, and give him a rudimentary p o l i t i c a l e d u c a t i o n . ^ I t i s a dilemma that runs, r i g h t through the labour p o l i c y of the period., Neither South A f r i c a nor Rhodesia wanted a permanent labour force f o r 7 9 s e c u r i t y reasons. There was a fear of what would happen when the mines, a wasting asset, would no longer provide work. But the reserves on the other hand provided too much scope f o r l e t h a r g y , f o r the backward r u l e of c h i e f s ( c f . Herman Merivale on reserves) and above a l l i n s u f f i c i e n t labour f o r present needs. The backwardness of the reserves was as much a matter fo r concern f o r the humanitarians and m i s s i o n a r i e s as f o r the o f f i c i a l s of the Chartered Company. The fashion i n which Rhodesian A f r i c a n s were forced i n t o a state of great i n s e c u r i t y on, or a c t i v e l y e x pelled from, Crown land, p r i v a t e property, u r b a n l l o c a t i o n s , and even the reserves themselves (when a l i e n - a t i o n took place as the r e s u l t of inadequate survey0', w i l l be recounted i n greater d e t a i l l a t e r . This i n s e c u r i t y r e s u l t e d from the establishment of a 45 powerful a n t i - r e s e r v e s lobby. H. Wilson Fox, y i n h i s copious memoranda of 1 9 1 0 and 1 9 1 2 drawn up f o r the Board of the Company, 46 attacked reserves and t r i b a l i s m . He d i d however reach the l o g i c a l conclusion that there had to be a permanent l o c a l labour p o l i c y . I t would also seem pre f e r a b l e to arrange that the circumstances of the r e l a t i o n s between the two races siould, as f a r as p o s s i b l e , be such that they should be able to regard each other from some other paint of view than the economic one.47 I t was a f i n e sentiment, but the mineowners seemed u n w i l l i n g to work i t . There were advantages as w e l l as disadvantages i n a quick turnover of labour without wives and c h i l d r e n . 80 Obviously wages could be kept down, and there was always the p o s s i b i l i t y - p a r t i c u l a r l y acute under Rhodesian c o n d i t i o n s - that a mine might be worked out and closed. I t was the farmers, with much l e s s danger of working out* t h e i r p r o p e r t i e s , who most strenuously advocated a pool of l o c a l labour. Wilson Fox quoted t h e i r congress of 1911, which resolved with regard to " f o r e i g n " labour that the boys be allowed to b r i n g t h e i r women with them, so that they may, i f they choose, settle f o r a number of years, or permanently, i f they wish, i n Southern R h o d e s i a . ^ But the farmers were nonetheless u n w i l l i n g to pay the wages necessary f o r such a permanent settlement. The most important convert to the a n t i - r e s e r v e s p o s i t i o n was Lord G l a d s t o n e , ^ High Commissi.oner i n South A f r i c a , 1910- 1914, whose despatches seem to i n d i c a t e that he was to a l a r g e extent converted to h i s European environment i n South A f r i c a . With regard to the Southern Rhodesian Commission on Native 50 Reserves, he wrote to Lewis Harcourt, Secretary of S t a t e , I expressed the hope to Mr. Malcolm^"*" that some arrangement would be made to prevent the n a t i v e s from wandering over the reserves f a r too l a r g e f o r t h e i r present requirements. The p r a c t i c e i s demoralising and prejudices improvement i n a g r i c u l t u r e . Mr. Malcolm asked me whether o b j e c t i o n would be taken to some curtailment of the area now a l l o t t e d . I s a i d that I d i d not think there would n e c e s s a r i l y be o b j e c t i o n s to curtailment, provided that i t could be j u s t i f i e d by the c l e a r 81 advantage of the whole scheme to the n a t i v e s . We agreed that i t would he d e s i r a b l e to adopt the p r i n c i p l e s of the Natives' Land Act. - that n a t i v e s should be p r o h i b i t e d from ho l d i n g land i n t e r r i t o r y under white occupation and v i c e versa.52 i This despatch was met with a chorus of disapproval i n the C o l o n i a l O f f i c e . The extension of the Union Land Act to Rhodesia was regarded as "impossible and quite unacceptable". L a t e r , another o f f i c i a l wrote, " I t i s c l e a r that the reserves c o n s t i t u t e the only r e a l means of safeguarding the n a t i v e i n t e r e s t " . ^ In a despatch of the previous week, Gladstone provides an e x c e l l e n t i n s i g h t i n t o current opinion of the A f r i c a n . On a v i s i t to Rhodesia, he went to Zimbabwe, that e s s e n t i a l of the A f r i c a n Grand Tour, and wrote The greatest f a c t o r i n the i r r e s i s t a b l e a t t r a c t i v e n e s s of Zimbabwe i s the mystery of i t s o r i g i n s . The flame of controversy has played round each feature of the r u i n s during the l a s t ten years. The only r e s u l t i s that the doctors d i f f e r . But there i s one conclusion that forces i t s e l f on the mind of the layman, with the weight almost of c o n v i c t i o n , and that i s that no Bantu or negroid races were ever capable e i t h e r of such a stupendous conception or of i t s masterly execution.55 As e a r l y as 1906, an archarologist had asserted that Zimbabwe had been b u i l t by A f r i c a n s , ^ and now there i s no doubt what- ever among ar c h a e o l o g i s t s that the "stupendous conception" i s 57 indeed the work of Bantu peoples.^' As t h i s passage makes c l e a r , i t was not j u s t that Gladstone could not b e l i e v e that 82 Great Zimbabwe had been b u i l t by A f r i c a n s , but he d i d not want to b e l i e v e i t : such a p o s s i b i l i t y would upset h i s con- ception of the A f r i c a n s ' place i n the c o l o n i e s . He had been sent as a great L i b e r a l statesman to be.the f i r s t Governor General of the Union of South A f r i c a , and there- fore i m p l i c i t l y accepted the colour bar enshrined i n i t s c o n s t i t u t i o n . I f these be the sentiments on land and c u l t u r e of a L i b e r a l statesman of some s t a t u r e , i t i s reasonable to ask where the mantle of Stephen and Merivale had f a l l e n during t h i s period. Was t h e i r humanitarian s p i r i t continued only by Exeter H a l l philanthropy? An examination of works by a l i b e r a l , a Fabian and a l e a d i n g member of the Independent Labour Party w i l l attempt to discover the nature, the strength and the i n f l u e n c e of the opposition to the " o f f i c i a l o p i n i o n " of the day, with p a r t i c u l a r reference to Southern A f r i c a . 58 J.A. Hobson's Imperialism: A Study^ i s celebrated f o r h i s attack on c a p i t a l i s t i m p e r i a l i s m . His premises with 59 regard to investment have now been l a r g e l y r e f u t e d , J but l e s s n o t i c e has been taken of h i s s e c t i o n on "Native Races". He expressed a b e l i e f i n the c i v i l i z i n g mission - "The resources of the t r o p i c s w i l l not be developed v o l u n t a r i l y GO by the n a t i v e s themselves". White men could only organise and superintend the labour of the n a t i v e s . By doing t h i s they can educate the n a t i v e s i n the a r t s of i n d u s t r y 8 3 and stimulate i n them a desire f o r m a t e r i a l and moral progress, implanting new.'wants' which form in^-every s o c i e t y the r o o t s of c i v i l i z a t i o n . He accepted the analogy of the education of c h i l d r e n , but attacked the chartered companies as " l i t t l e e l se than p r i v a t e despotism rendered more than u s u a l l y precarious i n that i t C p has been e s t a b l i s h e d f o r the sake of dividends", and was too dependent on the whim of the Managing D i r e c t o r . In a prophetic remark, he feared the p o l i t i c a l ambitions of the imported r u l e r s . He saw through some of the basic c o n t r a d i c t i o n s of paternalism, p o i n t i n g out that the k i n d of c i v i l i z a t i o n to be imposed depended e n t i r e l y upon the " c i v i l i z i n g nations"; that there was no attempt to understand the a c t i v e or l a t e n t progressive forces of the subject race; that the i n t e r n a t i o n a l agreements of 1 8 8 3 and 1 8 9 0 , c a r v i n g up t e r r i t o r y , cast a strange l i g h t on the t r u s t theory. But, l i k e a l l h i s contemporaries, he f a i l e d to see the dramatic r i s e i n n a t i o n a l - ism. He regarded l e s s i n t e r f e r e n c e i n independent Indian s t a t e s as a good s i g n , and moreover he was very complimentary about Basutoland as an example of sane i m p e r i a l i s m i n the midst of insane i m p e r i a l i s m . He f a i l e d to see the immense problems the one would cause to a twentieth century s t a t e , and the dangers economic underdevelopment would cause to the freedom of the other. Insane i m p e r i a l i s m he c l a s s i f i e d as handing over "these races to the economic e x p l o i t a t i o n of white c o l o n i s t s who w i l l use them as ' l i v e t o o l s ' and t h e i r lands as r e p o s i t o r i e s 8k Cx of mining or other p r o f i t a b l e treasure". ^ So f a r as labour i s concerned, Hobson's sole l e g i t i m a t e pressures are the pressure of r i s i n g population, of new needs, and of i n c r e a s i n g consumption. A l l t a x a t i o n i s forced labour; so i s the b r i b i n g of c h i e f t a i n s to use t h e i r i n f l u e n c e , as advocated by "the p h i l a n t h r o p i c E a r l Grey" (the Fourth E a r l ) . ^ He attacked the a l l i a n c e of a d m i n i s t r a t i o n and c a p i t a l i s m to be found most b l a t a n t l y i n South A f r i c a , i n Rhodes, on the Rand, and i n Grey. At l e a s t , he argued i r o n i c a l l y , the Transvaal had the v i r t u e of being methodical - they took away- a l l l a n d , broke up the t r i b a l system, and gave the A f r i c a n no a l t e r n a t i v e but to work. This had a bearing on the i d e a of the permanent labour force i n the l o c a t i o n s , advocated by the President of the Rand Chamber of Mines i n 1 8 9 8 ^ and again by the South A f r i c a n Native A f f a i r s Commission of 1905, (which i s t r e a t e d i n Hobson's second e d i t i o n i n 1906). To Hobson, such an i d e a would turn A f r i c a n s i n t o hostages to c a p i t a l i s m , v i r t u a l l y a s c r i p t i g l o e b i (remembering the South American and Portuguese A f r i c a n methods), simply breeding the next gener- a t i o n of labourers. He f e l t that white communities i n these c a p i t a l i s t s i t u a t i o n s could never escape the t a i n t of p a r a s i t i s m . With remarkable c l a r i t y Hobson saw a l l the c o n t r a d i c t i o n s of the revealed p o l i c y of h i s day. But i n t h e i r place he set up a new set of c o n t r a d i c t i o n s , based on h i s conception of the c i v i l i z i n g mission through the medium of i n d i r e c t r u l e . While ' 85 he had plenty of s t r i c t u r e s about the nature of western c a p i t a l i s m and of t r u s t e e s h i p , he f a i l e d to question the q u a l i t y of r u l e that i n d i r e c t r u l e would produce. Sydney O l i v i e r was, as George Bernard Shaw i n h i s 67 l i v e l y memoir of him pointed out, ' a rare character. He was a c o l o n i a l a d m i n i s t r a t o r who attended to a l l the pomp and trappings of a c o l o n i a l governorship at the same time as questioning the very existence of the i m p e r i a l power. His White C a p i t a l i s m and Coloured Labour i s a curious book. Several chapters of i t are devoted to a t t a c k i n g bad race r e l a t i o n s i n the United S t a t e s , and e x t o l l i n g the b e t t e r c o n d i t i o n s i n the West I n d i e s . ?/hen he does come to the p o i n t , he espouses the o l d f r i e n d , t r o p - i c a l indolence: the A f r i c a n has no mechanical habit of i n d u s t r y . He has no i d e a of any o b l i g a t i o n to be i n d u s t r i o u s f o r i n d u s t r y ' s sake, no conception of any e s s e n t i a l d i g n i t y i n labour i t s e l f , no d e l i g h t i n g r a t u i t o u s t o i l . ° 9 He agreed with the South A f r i c a n Native A f f a i r s Commission of 70 1905 that i f the A f r i c a n i s paid more he w i l l simply work l e s s , but he d i d make the attempt as we s h a l l see to e s t a b l i s h a c u l t u r a l explanation f o r t h i s phenomenon. He provided an e x c e l l e n t i r o n i c d e s c r i p t i o n of "'the theory" behind c o l o n i a l e x p l o i t a t i o n . T r o p i c a l c o u n t r i e s are not s u i t e d for' settlement by whites. Europeans cannot labour and b r i n g up f a m i l i e s there. The b l a c k can breed and labour under good 86 government, but he cannot develop h i s own country's resources. He i s b r u t i s h , benighted and unprogressive. The ' p r i n c i p a l reason of ( s i c ) t h i s c o n d i t i o n i s that h i s l i f e i s made so easy f o r him by nature that he i s not forced to work. The white man must, the r e f o r e , i n the i n t e r e s t s of humanity make arrangements to induce the black man to work f o r him. To him the economic p r o f i t which the black man does not value and cannot use; to the l a t t e r the moral and s o c i a l advancement and e l e v a t i o n . To e f f e c t t h i s development i s the 'White man's Burden'; i n t h i s way must we c o n t r o l the t r o p i c s ; along these l i n e s alone can the problem of r a c i a l r e l a t i o n s i n our new possessions be solved.'' 7! The core of h i s argument rested on f i v e p r o p o s i t i o n s . , F i r s t l y , the only d i s t r e s s caused by the l a c k of labour i n South A f r i c a was the d i s t r e s s of the foreign i n v e s t o r unable to obtain what he regarded as an adequate r e t u r n on h i s investment. Secondly the d i s a f f e c t i o n between European and A f r i c a n was not the d i s a f f e c t i o n of race p r e j u d i c e , but the d i s a f f e c t i o n of c a p i t a l i s m to labour and of i n d u s t r i a l jealousy. T h i r d l y , where he cannot force the t r o p i c a l peoples to labour f o r him, the c a p i t a l i s t turns t o . c o u n t r i e s where the population i s under great r e s t r a i n t , namely I n d i a and China. F o u r t h l y the c a p i t a l i s t who pleads a missionary motive i s i n e f f e c t a l i a r . I f he r e a l l y f e l t t h i s he would be a missionary. F i f t h l y , the n e g r o p h i l i s t i s he whose judgement has not been d i s t o r t e d by the economic demands of 72 the c a p i t a l i s t i n d u s t r i a l system. In h i s attack on the indentured labour system he pointed out that the West Indian 87 negro thought that the c o o l i e was more of a slave than o f f i c i a l opinion d i d . He went on from t h i s to describe the negro i n the West I n d i e s as more free and independent than the i n d u s t - r i a l p r o l e t a r i a t at home. He was not averse to a sharp t h r u s t at a f e l l o w c o l o n i a l admin i s t r a t o r , The d i s t i n c t i o n i n s e n s i b i l i t y , i n i n d u s t r i a l standard, between an a l i e n race and the white, i s deemed by such an a u t h o r i t y as Lord M i l n e r , a P r o v i d e n t i a l dispensation. Such a doctrine r e a c t s upon the temper- of the employer i n i n d u s t r y , and on h i s conception of s u i t a b l e methods f o r d e a l i n g with coloured workmen. ' M i l n e r ' s d o c t r i n e , he went on, i s the product of the i n d u s t r i a l r e l a t i o n - i t has grown r a p i d l y wherever c a p i t a l i s t i c e n t e r p r i s e has been extended. I t followed that the c o l o n i a l i s t c a p i t a l - i s t ' s f e ars are the fears of the c a p i t a l i s t everywhere, fears of the i l l - e f f e c t s of C h r i s t i a n i s i n g the population, fears of educating them to ideas above t h e i r s t a t i o n . O l i v i e r revealed a remarkable sympathy f o r the A f r i c a n ethos. The A f r i c a n i s more conscious of the unformulated powers of l i f e and l e s s under the dominion of the formulated; h i s consciousness i s more open to what i s beneath the s u p e r f i c i a l r a f t of e s t a b l i s h e d means of s u r v i v a l and l e s s a c c e s s i b l e to r a t i o n a l economic motive, and consequently u n r e l i a b l e as a wage earner. And so the A f r i c a n i s regarded as a c h i l d , yet he i s taxed and expected to work. But as soon as he takes up the a t t i t u d e of a Wat T y l o r or a Hampden he i s v i l i f i e d and k i l l e d . ^ With one s i n g l e 88 obvious blow, he knocked Arnold's, and a l l h i s d i s c i p l e s ' devotion to the Saxons on the head - he pointed out t h e i r 75 t r i b a l i s m and t h e i r savagery. • He could indeed have gone f u r t h e r and pointed to the remarkable s i m i l a r i t i e s between Saxon notions of crime and punishment and those of, say, the Ndebele. O l i v i e r ' s arguments were c e r t a i n l y damaging, but although he l a t e r b r i e f l y became the Secretary of State f o r I n d i a , he had very l i t t l e e f f e c t on the course of events, at l e a s t i n the short term. His f r i e n d , Sidney Webb, was l a t e r as Lord P a s s f i e l d to enunciate unequivocally the t r u s t f o r n a t i v e peoples i n East A f r i c a , but O l i v i e r , t h e o r e t i c a l l y d e s t r u c t i v e , was unable to construct an a l t e r n a t i v e . He b e l i e v e d that Europeans should go to A f r i c a since i t was underpopulated, and an A f r i c a n land monopoly was as i n t o l e r a b l e as any other.' How an a d m i n i s t r a t i v e accommodation could be reached on such a b a s i s , he was s i l e n t . He had nothing to say on the forces of A f r i c a n n a t i o n a l i s m , although the precedents were already there i n I n d i a and i n embryo i n West A f r i c a . O l i v i e r i n short was f i r m l y caught i n the p a t e r n a l i s t web. He could see that the notion of "upbringing" was wrong; that the manner of that "upbringing" was wrong; but he could f i n d no channel by which to t r e a t the subject as an adult. J . Ramsay MacDonald i n h i s Labour and the E m p i r e ^ d i d have a p r e s c r i p t i o n - 8 9 the-democratic p r i n c i p l e of native a d m i n i s t r a t i o n i s to develop na t i v e c i v i l i z a t i o n on i t s own l i n e s - the educational method; the i m p e r i a l i s t method i s to impose on i t . a n a l i e n ; 7o c i v i l i z a t i o n - the p o l i t i c a l method.... The E n g l i s h merchant i s celebrated f o r seeking to s e l l what the customers ought to have, r a t h e r than what they want, and t h i s has been ap p l i e d to the theory of B r i t i s h c o l o n i a l i s m . 79 In a p a r t i a l preview of Schumpeter,' J MacDonald found i m p e r i a l a d m i n i s t r a t i o n the preserve of the upper c l a s s - "the most narrow v i s i o n e d of our s o c i a l c l a s s e s " . L i k e other c r i t i c s , he sought, and e a s i l y found i n c o n s i s t e n c i e s - there can be membership of the Empire without r e s p o n s i b i l i t y to the i m p e r i a l l i f e ; the man on the spot conception of the i m p e r i a l respon- s i b i l i t y i s a negation of the i m p e r i a l i d e a . And he added that i n f a c t no one i s regarded as being on the spot unless he belongs to the m a j o r i t y . He argued that the i m p e r i a l a u t h o r i t i e s ought to r e t a i n c o n t r o l over n a t i v e a f f a i r s u n t i l the franchise i s granted - South A f r i c a should know that a l i b e r a l p o l i c y i s imposed upon i t not by Downing S t r e e t , but by the Empire. However, h i s dictum, "We req u i r e r e s i d e n t s r a t h e r than govern- o r s " , revealed another convert to i n d i r e c t r u l e , a remarkable Q-i p o s i t i o n f o r a man of the L e f t . Hobson, O l i v i e r and MacDonald a l l accepted some of the suppositions of the labour theory of t h e i r day. They f a i l e d to unravel the complications of c o l o n i a l r a c e - r e l a t i o n s , a d m i n i s t r a t i v e problems and labour p o l i c y . Moreover, Hobson 90 and MacDonald were converts to the developing fashion of i n d i r e c t r u l e , a p o l i c y which could indeed b l i n k at i n d i g - enous forms of forced labour and s l a v e r y . The L o z i of Barotseland, f o r example, probably maintained s l a v e r y longer than Northern Rhodesian a d m i n i s t r a t o r s l i k e d to think. The greatest exponent of the p o l i c y of i n d i r e c t r u l e was Op of course F r e d e r i c k Lugard, who was between 1900 and 1906 a c t i v e l y imposing i t throughout Northern N i g e r i a . Although he had no d i r e c t concern with Southern A f r i c a a f t e r h i s e a r l y career, h i s p o l i c i e s and views repay examination because of the enormous i n f l u e n c e they enjoyed. To what extent d i d h i s p o l i c y f i t the i d e a l i s e d view.of Hobson and MacDonald? Recently, E r i c Stokes has pointed o u t ^ that Lugard pursued h i s p o l i c i e s not because of the exigencies of the s i t u a t i o n - as has often been argued - not i n other words from a p o s i t i o n of weakness, but from a p o s i t i o n of strength. Where there was a p o s i t i o n of r e a l weakness, as i n the Niger Coast P r o t e c t o r a t e or i n Malawi, the extension of a u t h o r i t y was a "more gradual process, and i n the end one more d e s t r u c t i v e of indigenous p o l i t i c a l f o r m s " . ^ In other words, Lugard's p o l i c y d i d not necess- a r i l y a r i s e from any respect f o r the Muslim emirates, but from a d e s i r e to extend a u t h o r i t y s w i f t l y and e f f e c t i v e l y by means of knocking out "the m i l i t a r y r e s i s t a n c e of the emirates with a few s w i f t blows, oust the o l d r u l e r s and i n s t a l p l i a n t success- 85 ors". y The acclaim with which Lugard's p o l i c y has been 91 r e c e i v e d may indeed have been based on the wrong premises. Yet t h i s was to become the p r i n c i p a l gospel of c o l o n i a l p o l i c y i n A f r i c a with enormous e f f e c t s on reserves and labour p o l i c i e s . When we examine Lugard's approach to labour, we f i n d a l l the d i f f i c u l t i e s and i n c o n s i s t e n c i e s of c o l o n i a l labour p o l i c y . His Dual Mandate i n B r i t i s h T r o p i c a l A f r i c a ^ was published outside our period, but the views contained i n i t are merely a systematization of ideas current i n theory and p r a c t i c e f o r some years. On the one hand he had a tendency to favour the.; peasant c u l t i v a t o r , but adopted a modified form of the t r o p i c a l abundance and t r o p i c a l indolence theory. . He f e l t that t a x a t i o n was a stimulant to productive i n d u s t r y because i t tended to d i m i n i s h the l a r g e surplus of grain crops that would otherwise be used f o r beer-making and as an excuse 86 f o r l a z i n e s s i n the f o l l o w i n g season. Thus he saw the f u n c t i o n of t a x a t i o n to be the creaming of the surplus that l e d to indolence i f i t were not forced i n t o a market economy. On. the other hand, he was prepared to admit the educative i n f l u e n c e of forced labour, though he i n s i s t e d i t should only be s a n c t i o n - ed as an emergency act, provided i t was made a t t r a c t i v e enough to stimulate voluntary recruitment s u b s e q u e n t l y . ^ He was prepared to mix the d i r e c t stimulant with the i n d i r e c t . Both these p o s i t i o n s had been a s s a i l e d ever since the s l a v e r y - f r e e labour debate of a hundred years before, the one because d i r e c t 9 2 t a x a t i o n was so l i t t l e known to the domestic working c l a s s , and because i t was so often l i n k e d with a confused or i n d e f e n s i b l e land p o l i c y , the other because i t smacked so much of the s l a v e r y i t intended to replace. I t i s p o s s i b l e that at a time when the s t a t e i n B r i t a i n was entering more and more i n t o the p r i v a t e l i v e s of i t s c i t i z e n s , such methods of c o n t r o l l i n g c o l o n i a l labour d i d not seem so unacceptable. While Lord Lugard, i n an extremely moderate way, rode both horses of the c o l o n i a l labour p o l i c y - and they were indeed ridden f o r most of the inter-war period - S i r Harry Johnston was, as he had always been, more d i r e c t . He i n s i s t e d oo i n the H i s t o r y of the C o l o n i z a t i o n of A f r i c a by A l i e n Races that i t was a b s o l u t e l y necessary f o r A f r i c a n s to work or be trampled underfoot. This would be even more l i k e l y i f medical science made s u f f i c i e n t advance that the unhealthy areas of A f r i c a could be made habi t a b l e f o r Europeans, f o r "a rush may then. sweep away the p r e - e x i s t i n g r i g h t s of i n f e r i o r oq races". ' He prophesied r i g h t l y that i n Southern A f r i c a the black man would continue to be the source of cheap labour f o r a long time, and that he would gr a d u a l l y be pushed o f f the high on to the low v e l d . I t was the d i s u n i t y of the A f r i c a n that had permitted the entry of Europeans i n the f i r s t place, and i t was i n h i s continuing d i s u n i t y that hope l a y f o r the European: And j u s t as i t would need some amazing and stupendous event f o r a l l A s i a to r i s e as one man against the i n v a s i o n of Europe, so i t i s d i f f i c u l t to conceive 93 that the black man w i l l e v e ntually form one u n i t e d negro people demanding autonomy, and p u t t i n g an end to the c o n t r o l of the white man, and to the immigration, settlement, and i n t e r c o u r s e ^ of s u p e r i o r races from Europe and A s i a . 7 But l i k e the i n v a s i o n i t s e l f - and Johnston appears not to have considered t h i s - i t could be done piecemeal. Johnston's u l t i m a t e v i s i o n was of a race of Europeans i n A f r i c a with dark s k i n s - Great white nations w i l l populate i n course of time South A f r i c a , North A f r i c a , and Egypt; and r i l l s of Caucasion blood w i l l continue, as i n the recent and remote past, to c i r c u l a t e through Negro A f r i c a , leavening the many m i l l i o n s of black men with that element of the white-skinned sub-species which alone has evolved beauty of f a c i a l features and o r i g i n a l i t y of i n v e n t i o n i n thought and deed No doubt, as i n A s i a and South America, the eventual outcome of the c o l o n i z a t i o n of A f r i c a by a l i e n peoples w i l l be a compromise- a dark-skinned race with a white man's features and a white man's b r a i n . " By what miracle of eugenics t h i s would happen, he i s s i l e n t . The end of European r u l e was to Johnston unthinkable. This i s one of the most important f a c t s to remember about the vast m a j o r i t y of policy-makers i n A f r i c a during our period. In one sense, however, both Lugard and Johnston a r r i v e d at a corner of the t r u t h about the future, (and the view of the future of any s o c i e t y i s v i t a l to how i t handles the present). The vortex of twentieth century technology, i n d u s t r i a l i s m , and education would c l a i m a l l s o c i e t i e s . How was t h i s process to be f a c i l i t a t e d ? I t could be done gently, 94 by the c r e a t i o n of reserves to provide some communal s e c u r i t y , but j u s t enough land hunger to provide a stimulant - along with taxes and developing wants - to work. Gr i t could be e f f e c t e d by the d e s t r u c t i o n of t r i b a l e n t i t i e s , by the breaking up of reserves i n the name of land improvement, by a s o r t of A f r i c a n Highland Clearance designed to force "back- ward" peoples i n t o the modern economy. The f i r s t would produce the f a m i l i a r , i n e f f i c i e n t , but g l o r i o u s l y cheap, migrant labour system, which l e f t women and c h i l d r e n conven- i e n t l y beyond the pale of education and s o c i a l s e r v i c e s . The second might create a more e f f i c i e n t labour force, but the inhumanity by which t h i s would be accomplished offended the humanitarians, and the s o c i a l and p o l i t i c a l dangers offended the p o l i t i c a l r e a l i s t s . The f i r s t became orthodoxy, and so a t t e n t i o n was paid n e i t h e r to the e f f i c i e n c y of the labour f o r c e , nor to the s o c i a l and p o l i t i c a l future of the A f r i c a n s , nor to the development of the peasant c u l t i v a t o r . The c o n f l i c t had been continuing i n South A f r i c a f o r a century. The B r i t i s h a f t e r much i n t r o s p e c t i o n and debate i n e f f e c t adopted the f i r s t p o l i c y . With l e s s debate, the A f r i k a a n s people had always adopted the clearance method, though not at f i r s t f o r i n d u s t r i a l ends of course. When Rhodes set out to o u t f l a n k the Boers, he opened up a vast new area where the same problem would be faced. A f r i c a n t r i b a l s o c i e t i e s i n C e n t r a l A f r i c a faced a 95 dynamic n a t i o n a l i s m , convinced of i t s own d i v i n e r i g h t , i n the l a t e nineteenth century. I t was !a n a t i o n a l i s m f u l l of i n t e r n a l c o n f l i c t s , that spoke with many voi c e s , the e x p l o i t - er, the missionary, the humane adm i n i s t r a t o r . I t carved out blocks of t e r r i t o r y and attempted to turn them i n t o labour u n i t s , while at the same time carving them up again f o r the sake of i n d i r e c t r u l e . I t e s t a b l i s h e d a labour melting pot, and then t r i e d to keep the i n g r e d i e n t s apart. The only response p o s s i b l e was another natio n a l i s m , developed i n the seed-bed of c a p i t a l i s t production. Western European s o c i e t y d i v i d e d against i t s e l f encountered fragmented s o c i e t i e s , and created w i t h i n the Pax B r i t a n n i c a (or whichever pax i t might be) an economic, a s o c i a l and even t u a l l y a p o l i t i c a l ferment. I t i s now necessary to turn to the o r i g i n s of t h i s process i n Rhodesia. 96 FOOTNOTES TO CHAPTER 2. 1 A point confirmed by W. David Mclntyre i n h i s recent The Im p e r i a l F r o n t i e r i n the Tropics, 1865-1875 (London, 1967). 2 A. Keppel-Jones i n h i s South A f r i c a (London, 1949) denied the e f f e c t of the "alternation of p a r t i e s i n domestic p o l i t i c s on the South A f r i c a n s i t u a t i o n , but both S i r Henry T a y l o r (Autobio graphy, pp. 131 & 241) and C e c i l Rhodes (Lockhart and Woodhouse, Rhodes, p.69) f e l t that t h i s a l t e r n a t i o n was extremely important i n v a c i l l a t i n g c o l o n i a l p o l i c y . 3 For a d i s c u s s i o n of the d i f f e r e n t a t t i t u d e s to empire of Campbell-Bannerman and of M i l n e r . see A.M. G o l l i n ' s Proconsul i n P o l i t i c s (London, 1 9 6 4 ; . 4 In 1900 Curzon s a i d that Congress was " t o t t e r i n g to i t s f a l l " , quoted i n R.J. Moore, L i b e r a l i s m and Indian P o l i t i c s , 1872-1922 (London, 1966), p.7*5̂  This was of course part of Curzon's c o n v i c t i o n that he was working f o r a l l Indians, and that Congress was of a purely s e c t i o n a l nature. 5 Quoted i n J . Ramsay MacDonald, Labour and the Empire (London, 1907), p.37. B a l f o u r s a i d t h i s with regard to • the South A f r i c a n Chinese Labour Ordinance. 6 i b i d . , p.58. 7 W.P. Schreiner, 1857-1919; c a l l e d to C ape bar, 1882; attorney general i n Rhodes's second m i n i s t r y , 1887; premier of Cape Colony at outbreak of the Boer War; pre f e r r e d to defend an A f r i c a n , Denizulu, i n a case brought against him by the Nata l Government rather than attend the South A f r i c a n N a t i o n a l Convention of 1908-1909; favoured a f e d e r a l c o n s t i t u t i o n f o r South A f r i c a . 8 S h e i l a van der Horst, Native Labour i n South A f r i c a (London, 1942). 9 Quoted i n van der Horst, op. c i t . , p.17. 10 Quoted i n Lyman, R.W., The F i r s t Labour Government, 1924 (London, 1 9 5 7 ) , p.106. 11 van der Horst, op. c i t . , p.84. 12 Lockhart and Woodhouse, op. c i t . , p.197. 97 13 Cd. 1897. 14 i b i d . , p.65. 15 See D.J.N. Denoon, "The Transvaal Labour C r i s i s . • 1 9 0 1 - 1906", J o u r n a l of A f r i c a n H i s t o r y , V I I , 3 (1967), pp.481-494. 16 Cd. 1897, p.124. 17 Roland O l i v e r , S i r Harry Johnston and the Scramble f o r A f r i c a (London, 1957) stakes the claim of Johnston to be one of the o r i g i n a t o r s , i f not the o r i g i n a t o r , of the Cape to Cairo i d e a . 18 See I-I.A.C. Cairns, Prelude'to Imperialism, B r i t i s h Reactions to C e n t r a l A f r i c a n Society , ""1840-1890 (London, 1965) f o r an i n t e r e s t i n g and f u l l d i s c u s s i o n of these e a r l y contacts. 19 F r e d e r i c k D. Lugard, The Rise of Our East A f r i c a n Empire (Edinburgh & London, 1893), v o l . I~| p.74• 20 J.P.R. W a l l i s (ed.), The Zambezi Expedition of David L i v i n g s t o n e 1853-1863 (London, 1956; , 2 v o l s . 21 Cairns, o p . c i t . , p.31. -These remarks are c u l l e d from the d i a r y of J.S." Moffat, 1864- 22 J.P.R. W a l l i s (ed.), The Zambezi Jo u r n a l of James Stewart 1862-1863 (London, 19527T '. 23 . T.D. Murray and A.S. White, S i r Samuel Baker: a Memoir (London, 1895) , pp. 150-153- Every t r i b e was to be compelled to produce a c e r t a i n amount of corn and cotton - i t sounds r a t h e r l i k e the rubber p o l i c y of Leopold's Congo. 24 Samuel Baker, The A l b e r t N.:':,yanza (London, 1958), p . x x i i i . 25 S i r B a r t l e Frere, 1815-1884; educ. Haileybury; w r i t e r - ship i n the Bombay c i v i l s e r v i c e , 1834; a s s i s t a n t c o l l - e c tor at Poona, 1835; a s s i s t a n t commissioner of customs, 1845; p o l i t i c a l r e s i d e n t to the Raja of Sa t t a r a , and then commissioner when S a t t a r a was annexed; 1850, commissioner fo r Sind; 1859, member of the Governor General's c o u n c i l ; 1862, Governor of Bombay; 1872, sent to Zanzibar to negotiate a t r e a t y with the Sultan; 1877, Governor of the Cape, and set about Carnarvon's plan f o r the federation of South A f r i c a ; r e c a l l e d , 1880. 98 26 J o u r n a l of the An t h r o p o l o g i c a l I n s t i t u t e of Great B r i t a i n and I r e l a n d , V o l . XI, (June 28, 1881), pp.313-352. 27 There i s a f a s c i n a t i n g example of t h i s reluctance to permit the subject peoples of the Empire to come to B r i t a i n at the time of the coronation of Edward V I I . Lewanika, King of the Barotse, announced that he wished to attend the coronation. A l l the o f f i c i a l of the C o l o n i a l O f f i c e hoped that he would stay away. As one put i t , a whole host of na t i v e c h i e f s would then wish to come, "and the prospect i s r a t h e r a p p a l l i n g " . The permanent under se c r e t a r y , S i r Montague Ommanney, f e l t that i n v i t a t i o n s ought to be confined to "r e p r e s e n t a t i v e s of the r u l i n g face". Lewanika eventually d i d come, and Chamber- l a i n ordered that he be provided with a uniform with plenty of gold lace.' (minutes 13/1/02 & 16/6/02, C.O. 417/343 & 3 4 4 ) . 28 He wrote f i r s t l y under John Morley and l a t e r under W..T. Stead, though he eve n t u a l l y disagreed with the l a t t e r ' s sensationalism, and resigned i n 1885. 29 See E r i c Stokes, The P o l i t i c a l Ideas of E n g l i s h Imperialism. Inaugural l e c t u r e at the U n i v e r s i t y College of Rhodesia and Nyasaland, (London, I960). 30 P. L y t t e l t o n G e l l , 1852-1926; educ. King's College, London, and B a l l i o l College, Oxford; f i r s t chairman, Council U n i v e r s i t i e s Settlement i n East London, 1884-1896; D i r e c t - or of the Guardian Insurance Company and of the B r i t i s h South A f r i c a Company from 1899. 31 Henry Birchenough, 1853-1937; f e l l o w of the Royal Empire Society, Chairman of Rhodesia and Mashonaland Railway Companies from 1925; President of the B r i t i s h South A f r i c a Company, and D i r e c t o r of the I m p e r i a l and Contin- e n t a l Gas A s s o c i a t i o n ; Government s p e c i a l trade commiss- io n e r to South A f r i c a , 1903; member of the T a r i f f Commission 1904; member of Lord B a l f o u r of Burl e i g h ' s Committee on Commercial and I n d u s t r i a l P o l i c y , 1916; Chairman, Advisory Council to the M i n i s t r y of Recon- s t r u c t i o n , 1918. 32 For the h i s t o r y of the B r i t i s h North Borneo Company, see K.G. Tregonning, Under Chartered Company Rule, North Borneo 1881-1946, (Singapore, 1958). 33 Quite apart from the shady diplomacy, see Rhodes's agree- ment with Frank Johnson of 1889 to overthrow the Ndebele by a midnight r a i d . Cairns, o p . c i t . , p.236, and E r i c Stokes & Richard Brown, The Zambesian Past, p.88. 99 34 O l i v e Schreiner's novel, Trooper Peter Halket i n Mashona- land i s an indictment of Rhodes f o r h i s a c t i v i t i e s at t h i s time. The f r o n t i s p i e c e shows s e v e r a l Rhodesian pioneers g r i n n i n g beside the bodies of se v e r a l A f r i c a n s hanging from t r e e s . 35 Lockhart & Woodhouse, o p . c i t . , p.444. 36 v i d . sup. p.65. 37 Lockhart & Woodhouse, o p . c i t . , p.197. 38 i b i d . , p.348. 39 H.R. Fox Bourne, Matabeleland and the Chartered Company (London, 1 8 9 7 ) . H.R. Fox Bourne was the Secretary of the B r i t i s h and Foreign Aborigines' P r o t e c t i o n Society. 40 London, 1900. 41 S i r M a r s h a l l Clarke, 1841-1909 ; A.D.C. to S i r Thomas Shepstone; played an important part i n the federations attempts of 1877 -1881 ; Resident Magistrate, Basutoland, 1881; Resident Commissioner, Basutoland, 1884-1893 ; A c t i n g A d m i n i s t r a t o r , Zululand, 1893-1898 ; Resident Commissioner, Southern Rhodesia, 1898-1905 . He was by f a r the best Resident Commissioner that Rhodesia had. Ramsay MacDonald i n Labour and the Empire p.101, held him up as an example of an enlightened n a t i v e admin- i s t r a t o r . The Resident Commissionership was an o f f i c e created under the Order i n Council of 1898 which imposed t i g h t e r c o n t r o l s on the B r i t i s h South A f r i c a Company a d m i n i s t r a t i o n . 42 M i l n e r to Chamberlain, Oct. 4 , 1901. C.O. 4 1 7 / 3 2 1 . 43 T e l . , M i l n e r to Chamberlain, Aug. 8, 1902 . He asked that the f i r s t paragraph of a despatch be not published. In f a c t he was too l a t e . C.O.417/345. 44 Lockhart & Woodhouse, o p . c i t . , p . 1 9 6 . 45 H. Wilson Fox, 1863 -1921 ; M.P. ( U n i o n i s t ) , North Warwicks, 1917 -1921 ; educ. U n i v e r s i t y College, London, T r i n i t y College, Cambridge, and L i n c o l n ' s Inn; e d i t o r of South A f r i c a n Mining J o u r n a l , 1892; p u b l i c prosec- u t o r , Rhodesia, 1894; d i r e c t o r of transport and commissariat, Mashonaland, 1897; manager, B.S.A.Co., 1898; D i r e c t o r of B.S.A.Co., 1913; Vice President of Royal Geographical Society, Fellow Royal C o l o n i a l I n s t - i t u t e e t c . 100 46 Memorandum on the C o n s t i t u t i o n a l , P o l i t i c a l , F i n a n c i a l and Other Questions concerning Rhodesia ( p r i n t e d f o r the information of the Board, 1910). Another (1912). 47 Memo., 1912, p.245. 48 i b i d . , p.246. 49 -Herbert John, Viscount Gladstone, 1854-1930; son of W.E. and h i s f a t h e r ' s p r i v a t e secretary 1880-1881; L i b e r a l whip. 1881-1885; under secretary at the Home O f f i c e (1892- 1894); F i r s t commissioner of Works (1894-1895); Chief L i b e r a l Whip (1899); Home Secretary (1905-1910); F i r s t Governor General, South A f r i c a , 1910-1914. "In e f f e c t he abandoned Gladstonian l i b e r a l i s m " . (D.N.B.) 50 Lewis V. Harcourt, 1863-1922, Son of S i r W i l l i a m Harcourt, l i t t l e Englander, p r i v a t e s e c r e t a r y to fat h e r ; F i r s t Comm- i s s i o n e r of Works, 1905-1910; C o l o n i a l Secretary, I9IO-I915. 51 Dougal 0. Malcolm, 1877-1955; educ. Eton & New College Oxford; Fellow of A l l Souls (1899); entered the C o l o n i a l O f f i c e (1900); p r i v a t e secretary to Lord Selborne (High Commissioner i n South A f r i c a ) , 1905-1910; Secretary to Lord Grey i n Canada, 1910-1911; j o i n e d Treasury, 1912; D i r e c t o r of B.S.A.Co., 1913; President of the Company, from 1937. In 1939 he published a e u l o g i s t i c account of the e x p l o i t s of the Company to celebrate the F i f t i e t h anniversary of the Charter. The B r i t i s h South A f r i c a Company, 1889-1939, (London, 1939). 52 Gladstone to Harcourt, Nov. 13, 1913. C.O. 417/526. 53 A l l who minuted the above were agreed. 54 Minute on Gladstone to Harcourt, Nov. 20, 1913, C.O. 417/526. The o f f i c i a l was Vernon who was commenting on the e v i c t i o n of A f r i c a n s from a l i e n a t e d land when they would not pay the grazing fees imposed by the l a n d l o r d . 55 Gladstone to Harcourt, Nov. 6, 1913, C.O. 417/526. 56 The f i r s t man to say that Zimbabwe was of Bantu o r i g i n , and not E t h i o p i a n or Carthaginian or any of the other romantic p o s s i b i l i t i e s was Randall-Maciver i n Medieval Rhodesia, (London, 1906). He was not beli e v e d . In the l a t e twenties the excavations of Miss Caton-Thompson and Miss Kathleen Kenyon e s t a b l i s h e d a u t h o r i t i v e l y that the r u i n s are indeed of Bantu o r i g i n * To t h i s day i t i s very d i f f i c u l t to convince European Rhodesians of t h i s f a c t . 101 See G. Caton-Thompson, Zimbabwe Culture,(Oxford, 1 9 3 1 ) , and K.R. Robinson, R. Summers & A. Whitty, Zimbabwe Excavat- i o n s , 1958 , (Bulawayo, 1 9 6 1 ) . 57 The problem of Zimbabwe has unpleasant repercussions i n Rhodesia under the Smith regime. The grant of the government to the H i s t o r i c a l Monuments Commission has r e c e n t l y been reduced, and although the economic c o n d i t i o n of the country would appear to j u s t i f y t h i s , there i s also the s u s p i c i o n among ar c h a e o l o g i s t s that t h e i r f i n d i n g s are unpopular simply because they are f i n d i n g more h i s t o r y f o r the A f r i c a n s of Rhodesia than the pioneers ever gave them c r e d i t f o r . 58 J.A. Hobson: Imperialism: a Study (London 1902) 59 A recent e x c e l l e n t c o l l e c t i o n of documents w e l l i l l u s t r a t e s the development of and the attac k s upon the theory of c a p i t a l i s t i m p e r i a l i s m . D.K. Fieldhouse, The Theory of C a p i t a l i s t Imperialism, (London, 1 9 6 7 ) . 60 Hobson, o p . c i t . , p.239. 61 i b i d . , p.240. 62 i b i d . , p.243. 63 i b i d . , p.259. 64 A l b e r t Henry George Grey. Fourth E a r l , 1851-1917 , nephew of T h i r d E a r l ( v i d . sup.;; i n H 0use of Commons, 1880-1886 ; became a l i b e r a l u n i o n i s t ; f r i e n d of W.T. Stead, who introduced him to C e c i l Rhodes, "who impressed him the most of any man that he had known" (D.N.B.); joined Board of B.S.A.Co. i n 1889, though Joseph Chamberlain t r i e d to dissuade him; a d m i n i s t r a t o r of Rhodesia, 1897; keen to introduce Glen Grey type of measure; Governor General of Canada, 1 9 0 4 - 1 9 1 1 . 65 Hobson, o p . c i t . , p.298. Cd. 9345. 66 Hobson, o p . c i t . , p.295. 67 Margaret O l i v i e r , L e t t e r s and Selected W r i t i n g s of Sydney O l i v i e r , (London, 1 9 4 8 ) . George Bernard Shaw w r i t e s "Some Impressions". Sydney O l i v i e r ' s d e s c r i p t i o n ( i n a fragment of autobiography i n c l u d e d i n t h i s volume) of the sta t e of the C o l o n i a l O f f i c e when he entered i t i n 1882 i s as f a s c i n a t i n g and i l l u m i n a t i n g as S i r Henry Taylor's d e s c r i p t i o n of the defence of the C o l o n i a l O f f i c e against the C h a r t i s t s i n I848 i n h i s Autobiography, pp.35-36. 102 73 i b i d . 74 i b i d . 75 i b i d . 76 i b i d . 68 Sydney O l i v i e r , White C a p i t a l and Coloured Labour, (London, 1906) . 69 O l i v i e r , o p . c i t . , p.82. 70 Cd. 2399. 71 O l i v i e r , o p . c i t . , p.2. 72 i b i d . , chapters XI, XII and X I I I passim, p.127. pp.149-151. p.163. p.138. 77 J . Ramsay MacDonald, Labour and the Empire, (London, 1907) . 78 MacDonald, o p . c i t . , p.18. 79 Joseph Schumpeter, Imperialism and S o c i a l Classes, Tubingen, 1919); f i r s t E n g l i s h edn., 1951. 80 MacDonald, o p . c i t . , p.27. 81 i b i d . , p.101. 82 Lord F r e d e r i c k D e a l t r y Lugard, 1858-1945; educ. Sandhurst; Afghan War, 1879-1880; Sudan Campaign, 1885; Burma, 1886-1887; Lake Nyasa, 1888; a d m i n i s t r a t o r of Uganda, 1889-1892; Royal Niger Company, Borgu T r e a t i e s , 1894- 1895; Lake Ngami ( B r i t i s h West Charterland), 1896- 1897; Commissioner, H i n t e r l a n d , Lagos and N i g e r i a ; High Commissioner & Commander i n c h i e f , Northern N i g e r i a , 1900-1906; Governor, Hong Kong, 1907-1912; Governor, North & South N i g e r i a , 1912-1913; Governor General, N i g e r i a , 1914-1919; B r i t i s h member of Mandates Commission at the League of Nations, 1922-1936. 83 Stokes & Brown, o p . c i t . , p.354. 84 i b i d . 85 i b i d . 86 F.D. Lugard, The Dual Mandate i n B r i t i s h T r o p i c a l A f r i c a , (London, 1922"K 5th edn. with i n t r o . by Margery Perham, 1965, P.235. 103 87 i b i d . , p.423. 88 H.H. Johnston, A H i s t o r y of the C o l o n i z a t i o n of A f r i c a by- A l i e n Paces, (Cambridge, 1899); 2nd edn., 1913. S i r Harry Hamilton Johnston, 1838-1927; educ. King's College, London & Royal Academy of A r t s , 1876-1880; explored North A f r i c a , Portuguese West & River Congo, 1879-1883; s c i e n t i f i c expedition to K i l i m a n j a r o , 1884; H.M. Vice-Consul i n Cameroons, 1885; a c t i n g consul, Niger Coast P r o t e c t o r a t e , 1887; Consul, Mozambique, 1888; founding B r i t i s h C e n t r a l A f r i c a P r o t e c t o r a t e , 1889; Commissioner and Consul General, B r i t i s h C e n t r a l A f r i c a P r o t e c t o r a t e , 1889-1896; Consul General, Tunis, 1897-1899; S p e c i a l Commissioner and Consul General, Uganda, 1899-1901. 89 Johnston, o p . c i t . , 1913 edn., p.445. 90 i b i d . , p.450. 91 i b i d . , p.450-451. 104 CHAPTER 3 THE MOBILISATION OF LABOUR WITHIN RHODESIA In d i s c u s s i n g the beginnings of labour migration i n Rhodesia, i t i s important to remember that both the Shona and the Ndebele peoples had been on the move u n t i l comparatively r e c e n t l y . The Shona had been driven North East by the invad- i n g Ngoni, and l a t e r by the Ndebele, who had themselves been driven northwards from the Transvaal by the Boers. The Ndebele had soon s u f f e r e d a harrowing succession dispute upon the death of M z i l i k a z i , and Lobengula was hardly i n s t a l l e d before he faced the concession seekers, convinced of a North- ern Eldorado long before even the Rand was discovered. One of the best-known of the e a r l y explorer-prospectors 2 was Thomas Baines. He s u r p r i s i n g l y proposed that the a c t i v i t i e s of Europeans could be r e s t r i c t e d to a d v i s i n g and t r a d i n g , that the Ndebele could work the gold f o r themselves. C l e a r l y there were two f a l l a c i e s i n t h i s i d e a - i n the f i r s t place the Ndebele had no experience of mining, u n l i k e the Shona, and secondly they had n e i t h e r the t e c h n o l o g i c a l nor c a p i t a l base on which to conduct mining operations that would s a t i s f y European middle men. In 1870, a concession was granted to the London and Limpopo Mining Company at T a t i , long the subject of dispute among the Ndebele, the Bamangwato, the Boers, and the Im p e r i a l Government. I t was never very s u c c e s s f u l and i t s labour force 105 was always s m a l l . The Company never succeeded i n s e c u r i n g i t s r e l a t i o n s h i p with the Ndebele, and r e a c t e d h y s t e r i c a l l y at the outbreak o f h o s t i l i t i e s i n the Matabele War.^ But i t d i d show the way, both m e t a p h o r i c a l l y and g e o g r a p h i c a l l y , (being on the way to Kimberley f o r the Matabele), to p a i d l a b o u r f o r Europeans. Ndebeles were alr e a d y f i n d i n g t h e i r way to Kimberley d u r i n g the l a t e 1870s. They took the journey to the mines probably more f o r communal reasons than p e r s o n a l . A p e r i o d of l a b o u r at the mines had become a means f o r a man to prove h i m s e l f , and more important to earn enough cash f o r a gun or some other t r a d i n g a r t i c l e s .that would b e n e f i t h i s c h i e f and h i s t r i b e . Such labou r was remote, an experience wholly e x t e r n a l to the man's t r i b a l l i f e , and withdrawal was compar- a t i v e l y easy.. The t a b l e quoted i n chapter 2 r e v e a l s as many as 120 Ndebele r e c r u i t s r e g i s t e r i n g at Kimberley i n 1884. Ndebele s o c i e t y was d i v i d e d i n t o three s t r a t a : the Za n s i , the o r i g i n a l Zulus who had departed from N a t a l under M z i l i k a z i ; the Enhla, peoples who were a s s i m i l a t e d on the way North; the H o l i , the peoples whose lands they e v e n t u a l l y occupied. The H o l i outnumbered the other two groups together. I t i s im p o s s i b l e to d i s c o v e r from-which stratum of„Ndebele s o c i e t y these men d e r i v e d , and i t i s true that many a s s e r t e d themselves 5 to be Ndebele even when they were not. Lobengula appears to have been anxious.to h e l p r e c r u i t e r s at t h i s p e r i o d , and one 106 would expect that he would order men from the Holi or Enhla s t r a t a of his society to go to work, and not from his regiments.^ The f i r s t evidence we have of a r e c r u i t i n g expedition i s that of Alexander B a i l l i e , sent North by the Griqualand West administration i n 1876. His account reveals the Ndebele method one would expect. Lobengula sent out two strong patrols. One returned with twenty four men, but the other was caught by the rains i n a s i c k l y part of the country, and so to f u l f i l his agreement, Lobengula provided B a i l l i e with f i f t y of his own attendants. The Ndebele came into contact with labouring i n a dif f e r e n t way after 1890. When the Pioneer Column made i t s way into Mashonaland - saved by the re s t r a i n t of Lobengula - i t s members had the promised grants of land to look forward to, but i t was the gold claims that p r i n c i p a l l y interested them. The long t r a d i t i o n of a Northern Eldorado and the recent gold fever i n the Transvaal had seen to that. I t was not long before the Ndebele found themselves excluded from raiding and levying tribute from t h e i r neighbouring peoples. I n d i r e c t l y t h i s had been a tribute of labour. These Shona peoples now found themselves exposed to a new form of tribute, a tribute of direct labour for the Europeans who established farms or claims i n the v i c i n i t y . In the border area around Fort V i c t o r i a , there can be l i t t l e doubt that some at least of 107 the l o c a l A f r i c a n s accepted labour as a form of p r o t e c t i o n fi?om Q t h e i r former Ndebele o v e r l o r d s . However, such l aboure r s were j u s t as l i a b l e to f l ee to t h e i r g ran i t e kopjes at the s l i g h t - 9 est h i n t of the a r r i v a l of an Ndebele i m p i . Th i s e a r l y Chartered pe r iod i s ex t r ao rd ina ry i n many ways. The C o l o n i a l O f f i c e p o s i t i v e l y went out of i t s way to avo id r e s p o n s i b i l i t y . When a p e t i t i o n from the s e t t l e r s - an e a r l y example of set t ler-Company f r i c t i o n - was forwarded to the C o l o n i a l O f f i c e by Labouchere, Knut s fo rd , the Secre ta ry of S t a t e , dec la red that he could not i n v o l v e h i m s e l f i n the Company's o rd inances . "^ Moreover the C o l o n i a l O f f i c e had refused to appoint a Resident i n the char te red t e r r i t o r y . ^ 12 The f i r s t r e a l a d m i n i s t r a t o r , Jameson, acted - to put i t i n the words of a C o l o n i a l O f f i c e o f f i c i a l i n 1897 - as a b e n e f i c - 13 ent despot. y I t i s ha rd ly s u r p r i s i n g then that the e a r l y l abour p o l i c y should be e n t i r e l y haphazard. The Company made i t s own ordinances , and supplemented them w i t h e x t r a - l e g a l a d m i n i s t r a t i v e a c t i v i t y . P ioneers staked out t h e i r grants of three thousand acres and made i n f o r m a l agreements w i t h the i n h a b i t a n t s of any A f r i c a n v i l l a g e s tha t happened to l i e upon them. The Company s w i f t l y s e i zed upon two w e l l - e s t a b l i s h e d l abour p r a c t i c e s - l o c a t i o n s near towns s t r i c t l y c o n t r o l l e d for A f r i c a n migrants o n l y , and the s t imulan t of t a x a t i o n . I t i s c l e a r from the Company's S a l i s b u r y Na t ive Rules and Regu la t ions of 1892"̂  that we are a l ready encounter ing 108 the s e c u r i t y provisons that were the b a s i s of labour p o l i c y i n the provinces and s t a t e s to the South. On February 22nd, 1892, n o t i c e was given that an o f f i c e f o r the r e g i s t r a t i o n and p r o t e c t i o n of servants and n a t i v e s had been e s t a b l i s h e d i n S a l i s b u r y ; that Mr. Garrett Doyle had been appointed R e g i s t r a r of Natives, and that r u l e s and r e g u l a t i o n s would be s t r i c t l y enforced. On September 26th of the same year r u l e s and r e g u l a t i o n s were posted which claimed to create a balance between the p r o t e c t i o n of A f r i c a n s and'of t h e i r employers. A l l A f r i c a n s seeking work i n S a l i s b u r y had to report to the R e g i s t r a r to secure a pass p e r m i t t i n g them to remain i n S a l i s b u r y a c e r t a i n number of days. I f an A f r i c a n were found i n the township without a pass or a contract of labour, he could be f i n e d by the magistrate £ 1 or given 14 days imprisonment with or without hard labour. The employees r e q u i r e d a w r i t t e n pass to be outside the l o c a t i o n between the hours of 9.0 p.m. and d a y l i g h t , subject to a penalty of £ 2 and/ or 14 days imprisonment. The R e g i s t r a r of Natives was to a s s i s t A f r i c a n s i n f i n d i n g employment and "to a i d , advise and p r o t e c t them", h i s a c t i v i t i e s being financed by a stamp of one s h i l l i n g f o r each month of labour covered by the c o n t r a c t . These p r o v i s i o n s " f o r the b e t t e r p r o t e c t i o n of native labourers and f o r the suppression of vagrancy w i t h i n the l i m i t s of c e r t a i n townships" were incorporated i n the R e g i s t r a t i o n o f Natives Regulations of 1895> which extended t h e i r operation to 1 0 9 15 Bulawayo, Umtali, Fort V i c t o r i a , Gwelo, as w e l l as S a l i s b u r y . y While the p r o t e c t i o n of A f r i c a n servants and labourers i s stre s s e d , i t i s c l e a r that the township pass system and the curfew were designed to protect the European i n h a b i t a n t s . Moreover, there appears to be no p r o v i s i o n whatever f o r wives and f a m i l i e s and f o r v i s i t s to and from the l o c a t i o n . The p r i n c i p l e i s c l e a r l y l a i d down that the l o c a t i o n i s to be the temporary abode of an employee who i s bound to leave on the date s p e c i f i e d by h i s pass or by h i s contract. At Umtali, f o r example, the p o l i c e were described as over-zealous. They had begun to a r r e s t A f r i c a n s before they had time to reach the nat i v e commissioner's o f f i c e and obtain a pass."^ This had an adverse e f f e c t on the supply of labour i n the town. Secondly, the Company took up a t a x a t i o n p o l i c y . In the Na t i o n a l Archives of Rhodesia, there i s a record of an i n t e r e s t - i n g conversation between Rhodes and Jameson on t a x a t i o n , a conversation that took place on May 15, 1892: Mr. Rhodes: As my suggestion, please consider we are strong enough to put on a hut tax f o r the f o l l o w i n g reasons - we don't s e l l l i q u o r to the n a t i v e s , and they must be choke f u l l of beads and c a l i c o . The r e s u l t i s a steady d r a i n on any gold i n the country, which i s e i t h e r buried or taken to the Portuguese to buy l i q u o r • with. A hut tax t a k i n g money, produce or labour w i l l at any rat e save us some of our gold carted out of the country; the only doubt i s whether we are strong enough. Dr. Jameson: I quite agree, and I am sure we are strong enough. The only d i f f i c u l t y w i l l be the c o l l e c t i o n . ' The labour motive i s here conspicuous by i t s absence, but 110 i t was not to remain so f o r l o n g . When the Company d i d set about a t a x a t i o n p o l i c y , i t c r e a t e d a d r a f t ordinance at a s i n g u l a r l y u n p r o p i t i o u s time, 18 the middle of the Matabele War. T h i s ordinance was of course intended f o r Mashonaland only, and the Company attemp- ted to move with c o n s i d e r a b l e haste. The C o l o n i a l O f f i c e , however, r e f u s e d to be h u r r i e d . When the Company made f r e s h e f f o r t s i n J u l y of 1 8 9 3 , t h e need f o r s e t t l e d i n d u s t r y and f o r inducements to go to work were e x p l i c i t l y mentioned. The ordinance was postponed u n t i l the f o l l o w i n g year, and Rhodes i m p a t i e n t l y gave orders f o r the tax to be c o l l e c t e d before the C o l o n i a l O f f i c e had a c t u a l l y given i t s assent. T h i s was t y p i c a l of Rhodes, but the whole i s s u e i s most i n t e r e s t i n g from the p o i n t of view of the C o l o n i a l O f f i c e r e a c t i o n . I t marks the temporary v i c t o r y of a Company f a c t i o n w i t h i n the C o l o n i a l O f f i c e . When the tax had o r i g i n a l l y been proposed, Sydney O l i v i e r , true to h i s s o c i a l i s t b e l i e f s , and f l y i n g i n the face of C o l o n i a l O f f i c e as w e l l as Company p o l i c y , wrote: The f u r t h e r concession they d e s i r e i s a concession of f o r c e d labour. They employ the P e c k s n i f f i a n argument with which we are so f a m i l i a r i n South A f r i c a , that i t i s the h o l y mission of the white man to teach the n a t i v e h a b i t s of s e t t l e d i n d u s t r y : the i n d u s t r y , bien entendu, being always contemplated under the form of wage labour f o r the white man i n the mines or on the l a n d which he cannot work f o r h i m s e l f . I l l They want to k i l l two b i r d s with one stone, he went on - ex p r o p r i a t e the land, s t a r v e the n a t i v e s i n t o working f o r the white e x p r o p r i a t o r on t h e i r own former property. H i s su p e r i o r , Edward F a i r f i e l d , produced a l l the con v e n t i o n a l . 2 1 arguments on the b e n e f i t s of t a x a t i o n and labour. But i n 1 8 9 4 , F a i r f i e l d was prepared to go f u r t h e r . While ad m i t t i n g that the Company's a d m i n i s t r a t i o n had been c o l l e c t - i n g tax wholly i l l e g a l l y , he advised that i t would be b e t t e r 2 2 not to q u a r r e l with the Company over the i s s u e . Rhodes had "squared"yet another u s e f u l contact. F a i r f i e l d d i d i n f a c t conduct a p r i v a t e correspondence with Bourcher Hawksley, the Company's s o l i c i t o r i n London, who was to loom l a r g e i n the Jameson Raid. In J u l y of 1 8 9 3 , F a i r f i e l d had w r i t t e n My dear Hawksley, In r e . the hut tax, you w i l l have an answer i n a day or two, not c l o s i n g the door o f hope, or damning the tax e t e r n a l l y , but p o i n t i n g out that as Lendy and then Matabele have been unhappily c o r r u p t e d by the example of the House of Commons and taken to banging one another about, t h i s i s h a r d l y the moment to proceed with the c o n s i d e r a t i o n of the su b j e c t , i n t e r annos l e g e s ( f i s c a l e s ) s i l e n t . Rhodes' argument t h a t the n e c e s s i t y of paying the tax w i l l compel the Mashonas to work f o r the mining companies i s a l l w e l l enough i n a Stock Exchange Luncheon Room, but i t i s h a r d l y a Parliamentary argument y T a x a t i o n to st i m u l a t e l a b o u r had indeed been a parliamentary argument i n the past, and by the end of the century i t was- to be one again. 112 During the years of the uneasy truce i n Rhodesia before the Matabele War, the Company probably had hopes that the Ndebele would fragment as a r e s u l t of labour m i g r a t i o n . ^ Labour migration would a t t r a c t young w a r r i o r s anxious to acquire the t r a d i n g goods that had been e x h i b i t e d i n Matabeleland f o r decades. The residue would be a broken t r i b a l system and an i n e f f e c t i v e w a r r i o r remnant. But demand was n e i t h e r so great nor co n d i t i o n s s u f f i c i e n t l y a t t r a c t i v e f o r t h i s v i s i o n to be i n any way r e a l i s t i c . In any case there were s u f f i c i e n t H o l i peoples to s a t i s f y e a r l y demand i n Rhodesia and even i n Kimberley and the Transvaal. The conclusion of the Matabele War saw the extension of the Company's i r r e g u l a r p o l i c i e s to Matabeleland. The s e t t l e r combatants had been ent i c e d , l i k e the pioneers, with promises of grants of land - t h i s time 3,000 rnorgen or about 6,000 acres. The Company was anxious also to extend i t s t a x a t i o n , though the C o l o n i a l O f f i c e I n s i s t e d that reserves should f i r s t be set up, and were duly placated by the Shangani and Gwaai reserves, even although these were t o t a l l y inadequate i n terms of water and s o i l resources. By and l a r g e the Ndebele stayed put. Jame- son's agreement with the indunas a f t e r the War was r e l a t i v e l y l i b e r a l , and one of the c o n d i t i o n s imposed was that the c h i e f s 25 should send t h e i r men out to work. y Out of town, labour was simply exacted by owners of land or claims from the A f r i c a n s who happened to l i v e on t h e i r 113 concessions. This p r a c t i c e was to a c e r t a i n extent regulated by the High Commissioner's proclamation No. Ik of 1896. Not l e s s than seven heads of f a m i l i e s could be e s t a b l i s h e d as a p r i - vate l o c a t i o n , and rent could be l e v i e d a f t e r the f i r s t year i f the Chief Native Commissioner were s a t i s f i e d that there was s u f f i c i e n t land f o r a l l , except those l e a v i n g as labour- migrants. But the proclamation was purely permissive, and throughout Mashonaland and Matabeleland there were other i n f o r m a l , e x t r a - l e g a l arrangements. The South A f r i c a n 27 Native A f f a i r s Commission of Enquiry of 1905 declared that as unalienated land was disposed of, the A f r i c a n s on i t were " l e f t to make the best terms they could with the owners and are g e n e r a l l y permitted to remain upon c o n d i t i o n of paying pQ r e n t , f u r n i s h i n g labour, or both". These arrangements c l e a r l y had obvious b e n e f i t s f o r the labour-hungry s e t t l e r s , and i n e f f e c t created t i n y r e s e r v o i r s of labour attached to each European e n t e r p r i s e , a concept that would probably have appealed to the t h i r d E a r l Grey. But i t was to create problems and abuses. Throughout t h i s e a r l y period mines were as s c a t t e r e d as the farms. In the f i r s t place, concessions f o r the pioneers or f o r those p a r t i c i p a t i n g i n the V i c t o r i a Agreement 2^ had of course been on an i n d i v i d u a l b a s i s . Secondly, the gold deposits had turned out to be extremely s c a t t e r e d . There c e r t a i n l y was no reef i n Rhodesia as on the Rand. Hence the Ilk country was much more favourable to the small man, and prospectors always had the hope of f r e s h d i s c o v e r i e s . A l - though the Chartered Company i n s i s t e d on the f l o t a t i o n of companies f o r the e x p l o i t a t i o n of the gold, e n t e r p r i s e s remained extremely small u n t i l the e a r l y years of the twentieth century. Since claims were u s u a l l y associated with the grant or purchase of a larg e t r a c t of land, mines i n the e a r l y years supplied themselves with labour very much as the farms d i d . In other words the assumption i n t h i s period was that European e n t e r p r i s e , whether mining or farming, could simply be superimposed on the e x i s t i n g pattern of A f r i c a n k r a a l s , and labour exacted i n re t u r n f o r the r i g h t to continue working a p o r t i o n of the land. This assumption ignored however a number of important c o n s i d e r a t i o n s . F i r s t l y , e n t e r p r i s e s would not remain so small that such a labour p o l i c y would continue to be f e a s i b l e . Secondly the i m p e r i a l government would i n s i s t on the c r e a t i o n of reserves. T h i r d l y , v i l l a g e s were not s t a t i c , but were accustomed to move on when the s o i l became exhausted. Fourth- l y the absence of t r a d i t i o n a l r a i d i n g f o r c a t t l e , the o f f i c i a l sanction f o r the custom of l o b o l o , ^ ^ and the cr e a t i o n of new markets, would a l l lead to a vast increase i n A f r i c a n stock, which would soon become a "nuisance" to European farmers. And f i f t h l y , i n c r e a s i n g labour migration would deplete the number of p o t e n t i a l labourers f o r the land or mine owner. E v e n t u a l l y , 115 indeed, those people whose k r a a l s were near to a mine were the l a s t people to go to work there, simply because they were able to make an adequate l i v i n g s e l l i n g t h e i r produce or p r o v i d i n g other s e r v i c e s . ^ ~ Elsewhere, the n a t i v e commissioners simply i n s t r u c t e d the headmen to turn out some labour. Whether or not t h i s was forced labour became the great question when the Company was faced with the r e b e l l i o n s not only of the Ndebele but also of the Shona, and the I m p e r i a l Government set about i n v e s t i g a t - i n g i t s causes. The debate about whether or not there was forced labour i s however something of a red h e r r i n g . I t i s , as some one i n the C o l o n i a l O f f i c e s a i d , l a r g e l y a matter of d e f i n i t i o n , and whatever was the nature of the p h y s i c a l compulsion, there was compulsion of an i n d i r e c t type through- out the period - t a x a t i o n , e v i c t i o n s from land, compulsion by headmen or f a t h e r s anxious f o r cash. Forced labour was found to be one of the causes of the r e b e l l i o n s by S i r Richard 32 M a r t i n , and i t was a s u f f i c i e n t l y emotive subject to be a u s e f u l t o o l i n the hands of the Company's enemies. C e r t a i n l y i t e x i s t e d i n one form or another, but i t was j u s t one of s e v e r a l causes, and by no means the most important. The r i n d e r p e s t k i l l i n g s , the tyranny of the A f r i c a n p o l i c e , the sense of being conquered peoples, and above a l l the tremendous* i n f l u e n c e of the t r i b a l r e l i g i o u s a u t h o r i t i e s , ^ were more important. 116 What i s s u r p r i s i n g i s that the Company and contemporary observers were so unaware of what was coming. One w r i t e r , E.F. Knight, ^ gave a glowing and o p t i m i s t i c account of a v i s i t to Rhodesia i n 1 8 9 4 . He contrasted the pre-Matabele War period with the period of h i s v i s i t . Then the Shona had freq u e n t l y f l e d to t h e i r g r a n i t e kopjes to escape the r a i d i n g Matabele. Now they had come down to the p l a i n s , and were even i n h a b i t i n g the former No Man's Land between the Matabele and the Mashona. In Mashonaland there i s now no d i f f i c u l t y i n o b t a i n i n g a s u f f i c i e n c y of that cheap and e f f i c i e n t n a t i v e labour without which the land, despite a l l i t s n a t u r a l wealth, would remain a wilderness.- 7- 7 He f e l t that the. swiftness with which the a d m i n i s t r a t i o n had been re s t o r e d a f t e r the war was remarkable. He was opposed to the establishment of reserves, arguing that the then current system of p e r m i t t i n g k r a a l s to remain sc a t t e r e d amongst the white population would be the most productive of labour. He attacked the notion that there was any forced labour i n Rhodesia and i n s i s t e d that indunas were simply induced to supply voluntary labour. In J u l y of 1 8 9 4 , j u s t a few months a f t e r the War, 8 0 0 Ndebele entered Bulawayo to work on the b r i c k f i e l d s and i n other c a p a c i t i e s . But he feared that' there was a danger of the na t i v e s becoming too 36 r i c h , so p r e j u d i c i n g t h e i r w i l l to work. Knight's view of Rhodesia i n 1 8 9 4 reveals a lar g e number 117 of a t t i t u d e s that must have been present among the s e t t l e r s . They had achieved what they wanted, the d e s t r u c t i o n of the Ndebele nation and army; they had a considerable optimism about the future now that they were no.longer menaced by a w a r r i o r power. This euphoria was j u s t p o s s i b l e i n 1894, but i t i s s u r p r i s i n g that the a d m i n i s t r a t i o n was so unaware of the r e b e l l i o n s that were to come almost u n t i l they broke out. F.C. Selous, the explorer and hunter who had guided the pioneer column up to the Mashonaland plateau, wrote of the rumblings before the storm i n Sunshine and Storm i n Rhodesia ( 1 8 9 6 ) . As Knight had done, he praised the magnanimity of the settlement a f t e r the war. The Ndebele were permitted to go on occupying t h e i r lands, and most of t h e i r indunas were l e f t i n power provided that they suppl i e d through the n a t i v e commissioners labourers f o r the farms and mines. These labour " r e g u l a t i o n s " , Selous went on, proved extremely irksome to the Ndebele because they were so i n d o l e n t , with the r e s u l t that A f r i c a n p o l i c e were sent to the k r a a l s to see to i t that labourers were sent out, "and these policemen, I fear, some- times exceeded t h e i r d u t i e s , and used t h e i r p o s i t i o n to 38 tyrannise over the people". An induna, Umlugulu, who had been one of Lobengula's indunas, complained to him of the trou b l e caused by the A f r i c a n p o l i c e . There was undoubtedly and i n e v i t a b l y s t r a i n between the 118 Ndebele and the Shona i n the e a r l y period. Before the Matabele War, we have seen that the peoples around Fort V i c t o r i a s e v e r a l times sought refuge from the Ndebele impi e i t h e r by j o i n i n g the Europeans or by f l e e i n g to t h e i r g ranite kopjes. This antagonism d i d not die overnight, p a r t i c u l a r l y when i t was exacerbated by European ideas of e q u a l i t y before the law. However the r e b e l l i o n s revealed the way i n which both Ndebele and Shona could combine i n the common object of c a s t i n g out the Europeans, i n f l u e n c e d as they were by the r e l i g i o u s a u t h o r i t i e s which the Ndebele had l a r g e l y taken 30 over from the Shona. y There i s evidence a l s o that e a r l y s t r a i n i n labour r e l a t i o n s was caused by the d i v i s i o n s w i t h i n Ndebele s o c i e t y . The p r i v i l e g e s of a w a r r i o r c l a s s died hard. H.C. Thomson i n h i s Rhodesia and i t s Government, normally extremely h o s t i l e to the Company, explained that the forced labour between the Matabele War and the r e b e l l i o n s was p a r t l y an attempt on the part of the a d m i n i s t r a t i o n to equalise Ndebele s o c i e t y and stamp out indigenous s l a v e r y . ^ The Zansi c l a s s had, according to him, been using the H o l i and the Enhla to earn t h e i r tax f o r them. There i s very l i t t l e other evidence f o r t h i s , but there i s no reason to d i s b e l i e v e Thomson, and i t i s c e r t a i n l y true that the Ndebele system was quite a r i g i d caste system, and inter-marriage f o r instance was discouraged u n t i l comparatively r e c e n t l y . ^ So i t would probably be s u r p r i s i n g 119 i f such s o c i a l s t r a i n s had not e x i s t e d . An e a r l y t r a d i t i o n of labour migration from outside had been set up i n the realm of domestic labour. Domestic servants were r e c r u i t e d from the Cape and N a t a l , from Portuguese East A f r i c a , the B r i t i s h C e n t r a l A f r i c a P r o t e c t - orate, and even from as f a r away as Kenya and Uganda.^ These a l i e n s were sometimes resented by the indigenous A f r i c a n s , p a r t i c u l a r l y when - as with those from the Cape - 43 they received much higher wages. y A considerable number of Cape A f r i c a n s had been r e c r u i t e d f o r the Pioneer Column, and not u n n a t u r a l l y received the best jobs. At f i r s t the hut tax had not been too onerous. The n a t i v e commissioners had accepted stock or produce during the f i r s t year, a form of t r i b u t e that was quite f a m i l i a r . In 1895 however, the Chief Native Commissioner proposed that the p r o f i t s from the sale of stock ( u s u a l l y to the white market) should accrue to the n a t i v e department ra t h e r than be a c c r e d i t e d to the v i l l a g e that had supplied them, so that the A f r i c a n taxpayers would r e a l i s e the very r e a l disadvantage i n hand- i n g over stock and grain r a t h e r than c a s h . ^ At l e a s t one n a t i v e commissioner reported that t h i s p o l i c y was h i g h l y s u c c e s s f u l i n i n d u c i n g A f r i c a n s to go out to work. On the other hand, t a x a t i o n d i d not a r r i v e i n every part of the country at once. I t was not u n t i l a f t e r the r e b e l l i o n s that tax was l e v i e d on some of the northern areas of the country, 120 near the Zambezi V a l l e y . ^ Lewis Gann has pointed out that the small and pioneer- i n g nature of the native a d m i n i s t r a t i o n meant that o f f i c e r s were frequently moved a r o u n d . ^ They had thus l i t t l e chance of becoming t r u l y cognisant with the peoples of any one d i s t r i c t . Moreover, many of the e a r l y o f f i c e r s of the n a t i v e a d m i n i s t r a t i o n were of i n d i f f e r e n t q u a l i t y . They fre q u e n t l y had l i t t l e or no a d m i n i s t r a t i v e experience. One f o r example had been a trooper i n the pioneer corps, and then a t r a d e r before becoming a f i e l d cornet and l a t e r a n a t i v e commissioner.^ Their E n g l i s h i n the e a r l y handwritten r e p o r t s y i s often poor - the Chief Native Commissioner fre q u e n t l y made s p e l l i n g and grammatical c o r r e c t i o n s i n red i n k - and they ignored s p e c i f i c i n s t r u c t i o n s from the Chief Native Commissioner as to p o l i c y , the arrangement of t h e i r r e p o r t s , and so on. Of course, Company posts of t h i s nature d i d not have the p r e s t i g e nor the s e c u r i t y of i m p e r i a l appointments; the country was s t i l l u n s e t t l e d and hardly developed at a l l ; and many of the native commissioners were to l o s e t h e i r l i v e s i n the " r e b e l l i o n s " of 1896 and 1897. But even while the r e b e l l i o n s were i n progress, native commissioners continued to d i s p l a y an unsympathetic arrogance and an exaggerated duty to turn out labour. One wrote ( r e f e r r i n g to the method used of a t t a c k i n g the Shona i n t h e i r g r a n i t e kopje strongholds), "the Mashonas express t h e i r great 121 o b j e c t i o n of ( s i c ) being dynamited", another, "I have j u s t r e c e i v e d an order from Mr. Baden f o r a hundred mine boys and 51 am c o l l e c t i n g them";^ and a l i t t l e l a t e r another wrote, " I t seems to be f e a r e d that the r a t e of pay could not be brought down again owing to some supposed p e c u l i a r i t i e s of the n a t i v e m i n d " . 5 2 The answers of the n a t i v e commissioners of Mashonaland to a c i r c u l a r i s s u e d by the C h i e f Native Commissioner i n 1895 are very r e v e a l i n g . T h i s c i r c u l a r enquired about the n a t i v e commissioners' views on la b o u r and the n e c e s s i t y to i n t r o d u c e l e g i s l a t i o n - to r e g u l a t e the same. The s i x r e p l i e s (from Charter, H a r t l e y , Marondellas, S a l i s b u r y town, S a l i s b u r y d i s t r i c t , and Umtali) a l l unreservedly supported f o r c e d 53 l a b o u r . T h e y produced v a r i o u s schemes f o r the o p e r a t i o n of a quota system of e x t r a c t i n g l a b o u r e r s from each k r a a l , taken out f o r p e r i o d s of three months at a time, and r e t u r n e d i n p l a c e of another batch; there should be a tax or punish- ment ( p r e f e r a b l y c o r p o r a l ) on those who d i d not comply; there should be more p o l i c e to chase up d e s e r t e r s ; k r a a l s were becoming too s c a t t e r e d because of the new-found s e c u r i t y , and ought to be c e n t r a l i s e d i n a l o c a t i o n where they could be b e t t e r supervised; there should be a r e g i s t e r of a l l l a b o u r e r s . One made i t c l e a r that he w a s . a c t u a l l y attempt- i n g such a p o l i c y i n h i s d i s t r i c t . Only two f e l t that there ought to be some improvements i n the conditions at the p l a c e s 122 of work, and s i n g l e d out the p r a c t i c e of employers f l o g g i n g t h e i r labourers as a current abuse. In 1898, so soon a f t e r the end of the " r e b e l l i o n s " , the ol d labour r e c r u i t i n g methods are s t i l l i n evidence. Some of the f l a v o u r of these a c t i v i t i e s can be derived from the rat h e r l u r i d q u a r t e r l y r e p o r t s of the nati v e commissioners of that year. They s t i l l t a l k of " c o l l e c t i n g " , of "forward- i n g " and of " d e l i v e r i n g " . A l l 76 labourers d e l i v e r e d to the Confidence Reef mine e a r l y i n that year ran away; 38 were "sent back". In V i c t o r i a , "pressure" was brought to bear on account of a r r e a r s i n tax. But at the same time the nati v e commissioner reported that labour migration was g e t t i n g a bad 5 4 name because of the numbers who died en route. ^ As might be expected from such a raw a d m i n i s t r a t i o n labour p o l i c y was by no means uniform i n t h i s e a r l y period. But the basic points of a c o l o n i a l labour p o l i c y had already emerged. D i r e c t t a x a t i o n was the cornerstone of the p o l i c y of s t i m u l - ants. As Knight r e v e a l s , the dispute between those who des i r e d reserves f o r the A f r i c a n s and those who pr e f e r r e d at l e a s t t e r r i t o r i a l i n t e g r a t i o n had been jo i n e d . As a quid pro quo f o r the Matabeleland t a x a t i o n , the C o l o n i a l O f f i c e had i n s i s t e d on the establishment of reserves, even i f , i n the absence of any adequate s u p e r v i s i o n , they were to be t o t a l l y u n s u i t a b l e as the Gwaai and Shangani reserves were. The Company pursued very much i t s own p o l i c y . There was no 123 i m p e r i a l o f f i c e r on the spot. The High Commissioner i n South A f r i c a was a remote and hardly e f f e c t i v e f i g u r e . Conditions may have remained so had not the Jameson Raid and the Ndebele and Shona r e b e l l i o n s produced a massive attack on the Company's Charter, the Martin Report on the Company's Native Administ- r a t i o n , and the need f o r the C o l o n i a l O f f i c e to b a i l the Company out, i n Rhodesia i n the shape of i m p e r i a l troops, and i n London, support f o r the continuation of the Charter. Subsequently, the m o b i l i s a t i o n of labour became a more complex and a more c o n t r o l l e d operation. But while the dual economy developed, the p r i n c i p l e s by which labour might be l e g i t i m a t e l y m obilised became a continuing dispute. One of the best known documents i n Rhodesian h i s t o r y i s S i r Richard Martin's Report on the Native A d m i n i s t r a t i o n of 55 the B r i t i s h South A f r i c a Company, 1897. I t s f i n d i n g s on, i n t e r a l i a , the question of forced labour, are so well-known that i t i s unnecessary to deal with them at any length h e r e . 5 ^ I t s importance l i e s i n three f a c t o r s - the nature of the reception i t was accorded i n the C o l o n i a l O f f i c e , the deep d i s t r u s t of o f f i c i a l s of the native department that i t engend- ered there, and the d i s t i n c t i o n i t continued to make between i n d i r e c t and d i r e c t means of compulsion. Needless to say, the Company expressed s e l f - r i g h t e o u s shock at the f i n d i n g s of the new commandant general and deputy 124 commissioner, and they made every attempt to delay Chamber- l a i n i n presenting i t to Parliament and to the Selec t Comm- 57 i t t e e on the B r i t i s h South A f r i c a Company then meeting. The C o l o n i a l O f f i c e promptly introduced two problems of d e f i n i t i o n - whether or not the Company or i t s o f f i c i a l s were at f a u l t , and at what point forced labour ceased to be 58 forced labour. Lord Grey produced an extended r e p l y to 59 Martin's Report, 7 which was i n f a c t favourably received by Chamberlain, although h i s own o f f i c i a l s were by no means so convinced. Of course, by the very nature of the subject, i t was as p o s s i b l e to produce a corpus of evidence denying the existence of forced labour as i t was to discover a body supporting i t . Chamberlain indeed f e l t that Martin had not made s u f f i c i e n t allowances, and went so f a r as to assert that some form of forced labour was necessary to the spread of c i v i l i s a t i o n i n A f r i c a . ^ " S i r Richard Martin has been too unbending, but h i s report should not be b e l i t t l e d or thrown over", was the r e p l y of one of the Company's most vigorous c r i t i c s , Hartmann J u s t . ^ The f u r t h e s t Mr. Chamberlain should go, J u s t went on, was to agree that encouragement to labour by hut tax was necessary f o r the n a t i v e s ' c i v i l i z a t i o n . I t i s evident from t h i s that because of Chamberlain's o u t r i g h t support f o r the Company - p a r t i c u l a r l y i n the shape of the honest and charismatic Grey - the C o l o n i a l O f f i c e o f f i c i a l s had, i n order to r e s t r a i n the Secretary of State, to move 125 c l o s e r to h i s p o s i t i o n . So f a r as the forced labour i s s u e i s concerned, about which so much paper and argument was wasted, one has sympathies with another o f f i c i a l , F r e d e r i c k Graham, who wrote "The matter i s now merely of academic i n t e r e s t " . ^ - 7 While the new c o n s t i t u t i o n a l formula was being evolved, the o f f i c i a l s followed t h e i r n a t u r a l propensity to a t t a c k the Company; Edward F a i r f i e l d , the Board's most f a i t h f u l support- er, died when they most needed him. The attacks were d i r e c t - ed against the whole South A f r i c a n b a s i s of the Company: "Mr. Hawksley i s the Company i n London, as Mr. Rhodes i s i n A f r i c a , and a p r e t t y mess they have made of i t . The most urgent reforms required are to place Mr. Rhodes under c o n t r o l , and to so c o n s t i t u t e the London Board as to make i t something more than a mere machine to r e g i s t e r the d i c t a on com- p l i c a t e d a d m i n i s t r a t i v e questions of a man whose function i s to advise on l e g a l tech- n i c a l i t i e s . " " ^ Of course, the Charter was safe. The usual g l i b reasons of Treasury parsimony and Chamberlain's own i m p l i c - a t i o n i n the Jameson Raid are p l a u s i b l e enough. But there was a more fundamental reason, which M i l n e r expressed i n a 65 l e t t e r to H.H. Asquith: y that nothing would unite Boer and B r i t o n more e f f e c t i v e l y against the i m p e r i a l a u t h o r i t i e s than i f they took a strong l i n e against the Company " f o r the p r o t - e c t i o n of the Blacks". "This i s the whole crux of the South A f r i c a n p o s i t i o n . " ^ ( i t i s i n t e r e s t i n g to consider to what extent the Transvaal f e l t l e s s outflanked by a commercial r a t h e r than an i m p e r i a l i n t e r e s t , even when that commercial 126 i n t e r e s t had i n s t i g a t e d a v i o l a t i o n of i t s t e r r i t o r y . ) M i l n e r expressed the hope of being able to maintain a humane and progressive system i n Rhodesia with the c o n t r o l he had over the a d m i n i s t r a t i o n . The great t h i n g here i s to secure the appointment of honourable and capable men as magistrates and n a t i v e commissioners. I f that can be done, I t h i n k the l o t of the n a t i v e s may be a very t o l e r a b l e one and that even a system of compulsory labour indeed, under f a i r c o n d i t i o n s and proper safeguards, may be turned to t h e i r advantage.67 These are the two basic clues to the future of labour m o b i l i s a t i o n i n Rhodesia. Rhodesia's future l a y administ- r a t i v e l y , commercially, and u l t i m a t e l y p o l i t i c a l l y with the r e s t of southern A f r i c a , despite the f a c t that she would have an independent l i n k with the Indian Ocean i n the not- t o o - d i s t a n t f u t u r e . The Charter had to remain i n being because i t s u i t e d M i n e r ' s South A f r i c a n p o l i c i e s . The future of Rhodesian A f r i c a n s was obscured as e f f e c t i v e l y as that of t h e i r cousins i n the South by the Boer-Briton dispute. M i l n e r ' s second a s s e r t i o n that the p r i n c i p a l labour safeguard ought to l i e simply i n a corps of able magistrates and n a t i v e commissioners was to create, by the C o l o n i a l O f f i c e ' s u n w i l l - ingness to accept i t , the most contentious and o b s c u r a n t i s t i s s u e amongst the v a r i o u s p a r t i e s , A f r i c a n s , s e t t l e r s , Company, High Commissioners and C o l o n i a l O f f i c e . The C o l o n i a l O f f i c e was to i n s i s t i n s t e a d on a somewhat unreal e x c l u s i o n of n a t i v e 127 commissioners from the whole business of labour recruitment. The Boer War had a very considerable e f f e c t on the development of labour p o l i c y i n Rhodesia. I t held up f o r se v e r a l years the d e f i n i t i o n and the execution of the C o l o n i a l O f f i c e a t t i t u d e . N a t u r a l l y , M i l n e r , faced with war and the culmination of h i s South A f r i c a n p o l i c i e s , could only regard Rhodesia as a minor f r i n g e problem during these years. Reports of the Resident Commissioner ( a post set up by the new Order-in-Council of 1898) had to run the gauntlet of the High Commissioner's over-worked o f f i c e , and t h i s meant e i t h e r delay, or as Qn one notorious occasion, l o s s f o r over a year. The r o l e of nati v e commissioners i n the r e c r u i t i n g of labour was to b e d e v i l p o l i c y throughout our period. The i l l - r e p u t e earned by the na t i v e commissioners before the 1897/1898 r e c o n s t r u c t i o n r e s u l t e d i n a C o l o n i a l O f f i c e i n s i s t e n c e that labour r e c r u i t i n g ought to be i n the hands of an independent labour bureau, despite the f a c t that the newly- appointed Resident Commissioner (whom Chamberlain described i n a t r a d i t i o n a l phrase as h i s "eyes and ears") now had access to a l l n a t i v e commissioners' r e p o r t s . Just such labour bureaux were set up i n I 8 9 8 and 1899 when Mashonaland and Matabeleland each received a labour board. These had however l i t t l e e f f e c t on the a c t i v i t i e s of nati v e commissioners, who continued to play an a c t i v e part i n recruitment, and indeed 128 the Mashonaland board had no r e c r u i t i n g agents at a l l , being s o l e l y concerned with d i s t r i b u t i o n . ^ The work of the boards was sabotaged by the facts that t h e i r t a r i f f s were not adhered to, and that there was continuing competition between the two provinces. The labour supply and demand fluctuated v i o l e n t l y i n these closing years of the century. In 1898, two mines had 7 0 to close for lack of labour, although the Resident Commiss- ioner was l a t e r to imply that the mines often closed for other 71 reasons and used the labour supply as a scapegoat.' In l899> on the other hand, the native department i n s i s t e d on the.hut tax being paid i n July, and refused to give a period of grace 7 2 as had been the practice hitherto.' The result was a glut of labour: a large proportion of the intending labourers had to be sent home, and within a very short time there was a renewed labour famine. Conditions remained exceptionally poor at the mines, and those which offered better pay, better food, or s l i g h t l y better treatment had no d i f f i c u l t y i n 7 3 obtaining labour. ^ Meanwhile, Colonial Office suspicions had again been aroused by the a c t i v i t i e s of the two Chief Native Commiss- ioners, Taylor and Taberer, i n a whole series of indabas they held i n the course of 1899.^ These indabas-were held with a considerable show of European power: l o c a l Europeans, native commissioners, missionaries, police were present. In 129" Mashonaland, the Bishop of Mashonaland and a detachment of f i f t y mounted B r i t i s h South A f r i c a i P o l i c e took part. In Matabeleland, the r e c r u i t i n g agents of the new labour board were introduced to the assembled headmen. In t h e i r addresses to these indabas the Chief Native Commissioners i n s i s t e d that i t was the duty of the people to go out to work, that other peoples l i k e the Fingoes (a Cape Bantu t r i b e who were c u r r e n t l y being s e t t l e d i n the Bembezi d i s t r i c t under an agreement with Rhodes) would come i n and take t h e i r land, that Mr. Rhodes would be very angry with them, that i t was a white man's country and that the A f r i c a n s had to work l i k e white men, that the l o c a l reserve would be taken from them i f they d i d not work, and that although there would be no force used, i t would be the indunas' duty to turn out labour. At each indaba there was s t r e s s on the i d e a of batches of men going out to work f o r three months at a time. In one d i s t r i c t , Taylor asked how would they l i k e i t i f he were to send the p o l i c e and messengers around the k r a a l s to turn people out to work. The assembled headmen were f a r from i n a r t i c u l a t e at these meetings. On two occasions (at I n s i z a and Bubi) head- men expressed bewilderment that they were t o l d i n one breath there would be no forced labour, and i n the next that they would have to turn out labour. There were complaints also of poor wages, of i n j u r i e s and deaths at the mines, that 130 there were not enough men l e f t to work the land, of the f a c t that bureau r e c r u i t s earned l e s s than those r e c r u i t e d independently,, that "boys" from the Cape received much higher wages, that they were sometimes sent back when there was no work f o r -them. They resented also the f a c t that the admin- i s t r a t o r s attacked those parts of t h e i r custom, such as w i t c h c r a f t and c e r t a i n beer and dance f e s t i v a l s , to which they objected, but upheld other parts such as l o b o l o , which served t h e i r purposes. Taylor announced that f a t h e r s - i n - l a w should i n s i s t on r e c e i v i n g l o b o l o f o r t h e i r daughters. I t w i l l become c l e a r l a t e r why there was t h i s i n s i s t e n c e on l o b o l o . The r e p o r t s of these indabas caused the biggest s t i r i n the C o l o n i a l O f f i c e since the Martin Report. The o f f i c i a l s r e f e r r e d to Chamberlain's i n s i s t e n c e to Rosmead (then High Commissioner) i n 1896, that labour was not to be extorted through indunas as t h i s smacked of forced labour. And the Secretary of State himself wrote that the Chief Native Comm- i s s i o n e r s ' inducements were " d i r e c t l y c a l c u l a t e d to lead to 75 forced labour". ^ The C o l o n i a l O f f i c e brushed aside the attempts of the Company and of Taylor to defend the i n d a b a s . ^ Taylor i n s i s t e d that i t was necessary to act i n t h i s way i n order to uphold the a u t h o r i t y of the indunas, and r e f e r r e d to the d e c l i n e i n labour recruitment during the past year, and the i n e f f e c t i v e n e s s of the low hut tax i n g e t t i n g men out to work. 131 The C o l o n i a l O f f i c e continued to send some of i t s sharpest l e t t e r s to the Company, i n s i s t i n g that the d r a f t n a t i v e r e g u l a t i o n s would have to be forwarded before they were produced as a f a i t accompli i n the L e g i s l a t i v e Council (also set up by the 1898 O r d e r - i n - C o u n c i l ) , that some a l t e r n a t i v e 77 on the l i n e s of the Cape Glen Grey Act'' would have to be found, and r e f u s i n g to accept the Board's excuse that i t was 78 too busy. I f any f u r t h e r evidence were needed to confirm the C o l o n i a l O f f i c e -in i t s suspicion of the nati v e department and i n i t s co n t i n u i n g c o n v i c t i o n i n the need f o r an independ- ent r e c r u i t i n g o r g a n i s a t i o n , t h i s was i t . In 1901, the Resident Commissioner, S i r Marshall Clarke began to play an important part i n the Company-Colonial O f f i c e debate. A whole s e r i e s of re p o r t s a r r i v e d from him during t h i s year, many of which had been held up f o r a considerable period i n the High Commissioner's o f f i c e . Clarke f e l t that i n the case of i l l - t r e a t m e n t , i t was ea s i e r f o r labourers to desert than to apply f o r redress to the o f f i c i a l who had r e c r u i t e d them. He reported that "the d u t i e s of the nati v e commissioners to induce the na t i v e s to work and afterwards to c o l l e c t taxes from t h e i r wages u n w i l l i n g l y earned, make t h e i r 79 p o s i t i o n d i f f i c u l t and d e t r a c t s from t h e i r i n f l u e n c e " . He went on to take up the a t t i t u d e that the only true inducement to labour was the development of " l e g i t i m a t e wants", that tax was an u n s a t i s f a c t o r y way of g e t t i n g people out to work, and 132 80 that he disapproved of any a p p l i c a t i o n of the Glen Grey Act. This was a more " l i b e r a l " a t t i t u d e than even the C o l o n i a l O f f i c e was w i l l i n g to take up. But h i s most damning piece of information was that "pressure l i t t l e short of for c e " had again been used by the na t i v e commissioners i n the r e c r u i t i n g of labour. The C o l o n i a l O f f i c e set about a t i g h t e r r e i n i n g i n of the Company on the labour issue than had ever been exerted before. The Company was informed that i n future r e c r u i t i n g w i t h i n the country had to be on an independent b a s i s , but on an o f f i c i a l b a s i s outside ( i n f a c t t h i s d i s t i n c t i o n never On r e a l l y o p e r a t e d ) ; 0 that i f the n a t i v e commissioners d i d not behave, they would have to be appointed by the High Comm- i s s i o n e r and be d i r e c t l y r e s ponsible to him, though paid by the Company; that "a st a t e of things which has been t o l e r a t e d to 83 Op too long cannot and w i l l not be allowed o continue". The . Company reacted with considerable pique. Meanwhile there had already been f u r t h e r half-hearted attempts to set up a new labour supply a s s o c i a t i o n , but these had been thwarted by i n t e r - p r o v i n c i a l r i v a l r y , a n d when a new labour board was even t u a l l y set up, i t l a s t e d hardly more 85 than a year from i t s inauguration on J u l y 1s t 1900. y The whole s i t u a t i o n was g r e a t l y b l u r r e d by the f a c t that the C o l o n i a l O f f i c e was a c t i n g upon re p o r t s of the Resident Comm- i s s i o n e r that were months or even over a year o l d . I m p e r i a l 133 impotence was revealed when, j u s t as a sterner l i n e was being taken with the Company, nati v e commissioners had again to be used f o r r e c r u i t i n g because of the f a i l u r e of the 1900 board. S i r M a r s h a l l Clarke, to the annoyance of the C o l o n i a l O f f i c e , appeared to indulge i n a v o l t e face by d e c l a r i n g that i n the establishment of a labour bureau the Company was simply being permitted to s h u f f l e o f f complete r e s p o n s i b i l i t y from i t s e l f on to a quasi-independent board dependent f o r i t s success on or government o f f i c i a l s . His judgment was, however, as w i l l be shown below, as shrewd as i t u s u a l l y was. M i l n e r supported the Company i n i t s predicament by telegraphing on the veto on o f f i c i a l a c t i v i t y We must riot r i d e the p r i n c i p l e to death i n ignorance or i n disregard, of l o c a l circumstances We must not go too f a r ahead of c o l o n i a l sentiment and lead them to suppose we are s a c r i f i c i n g t h e i r s u b s t a n t i a l i n t e r e s t s f o r the sake of a hard and f a s t rule.°> S i r M a r s h a l l Clarke acquiesced i n the i n s t r u c t i o n s to the n a t i v e commissioners that they were only to make requirements 00 known and r e g i s t e r r e c r u i t s who presented themselves. He e v e n t u a l l y had to' agree also that i n c o l l e c t i n g tax, the n a t i v e commissioners would have to inform those who could not pay that labour was.available i n other d i s t r i c t s . ° 9 They had s t i l l not escaped the basic problem of semantics, what c o n s t i t - 9 0 uted d i r e c t or i n d i r e c t pressure. y That remarkable asset of the Company, A l b e r t , f o u r t h E a r l 134 Grey, was able again to t i d e the Company over, and by p r i v a t e communication with Joseph Chamberlain, persuade the C o l o n i a l O f f i c e to agree to t h i s i n t e r i m a r r a n g e m e n t . T h e Company pleaded that the business community was not yet s o p h i s t i c a t e d 92 enough to s u s t a i n a t r u l y independent labour bureau, and miners and farmers combined f o r once to attack the C o l o n i a l O f f i c e f o r meddling i n what they regarded as the p e r f e c t l y °3 l e g i t i m a t e work of the n a t i v e commissioners.' y The P r e s i d - ent of the Chamber of Mines i n h i s address to the Annual 94 Meeting i n 1 9 0 2 y ^ was able to make a good case f o r the r e - i n t r o d u c t i o n of more s t r i c t government c o n t r o l i n r e c r u i t i n g i n view of the reappearance of the p r i v a t e labour " t o u t s " , concerned only with numbers and c a p i t a t i o n fees, who had been such a bane i n the e a r l y p eriod. But h i s pleas f o r the greater p r o t e c t i o n of A f r i c a n s were not u n n a t u r a l l y regarded w i t h i n the C o l o n i a l O f f i c e as s p e c i a l pleading. Two new labour bureaux were i n f a c t to be set up before 1914 . While they l a s t e d longer than t h e i r predecessors, they experienced p r e c i s e l y the same d i f f i c u l t i e s . F i r s t and foremost, they f a i l e d u t t e r l y to break the seasonal c y c l e of labour so f a m i l i a r throughout A f r i c a . When labour was p l e n t i f u l a f t e r the harvest, the mines could supply them- selves adequately from independent p r i v a t e recruitment, and the bureau was l e f t with i t s r e c r u i t s on i t s hands, and since i t was too expensive to keep these r e c r u i t s i n the depots, 135 95 they were sent home or forwarded to the Rand. y When the seasonal shortage occurred, the bureau had no r e c r u i t s l i k e everyone e l s e . The bureaux contributed to the jealousy between the various communities i n Rhodesia: between Bulawayo and S a l i s b u r y , which had s w i f t l y e s t a b l i s h e d an i n t e r - c i t y a c e r b i t y , between the l a r g e r and the smaller mines, and between the miners and the farmers. The Labour Fees Ordinance of 1906 (which imposed a tax of one s h i l l i n g per month on a l l labourers, regardless of whether bureau r e c r u i t s or not, l e v i e d on the mineowners i n order to help finance the bureau) antagonised a number of mines who f e l t that the bureau was an organised c h a r i t y f o r supplying labour to poorer, l e s s well-organised mines. The mines were moreover disappointed with the standard of r e c r u i t the bureau sent, f o r experienced and h e a l t h i e r r e c r u i t s p r e f e r r e d to t r a v e l independently. Moreover, i t was w e l l - known that dishonest mines applied f o r more labourers than they required i n the hope of g e t t i n g the r i g h t number when s c a r c i t y prompted the im p o s i t i o n of a s t r i c t quota system. y So f a r as the farmers were concerned the bureau was con s t a n t l y suspected of being v i r t u a l l y a mining preserve. The c a p i t a t i o n fees were too high f o r the farmers. When the Labour Tax Ordinance o f 1911 was passed (a s i m i l a r measure to that of 1906 except that i t was imposed on the farmers also) they indulged i n widespread r e f u s a l to pay. 136 Several were f i n e d or sent to prison before the ordinance was repealed. Finance was indeed the never-ending worry of the various bureaux. The s t i p u l a t i o n s that were l a i d down by the i m p e r i a l a u t h o r i t i e s with regard to medical examinations, food, c l o t h i n g , t r a n s p o r t , a c c l i m a t i s a t i o n i n depots and so on, cost more money than the bureaux were ever able to a f f o r d or r a i s e i n c a p i t a t i o n fees. The s e t t i n g up of great chains of r e s t houses, a day's march apart, was another immense c a p i t a l cost. (These r e g u l a t i o n s w i l l be reviewed i n a l a t e r chapter.) Above a l l , the bureaux were extremely unpopular amongst the A f r i c a n s themselves. They d i s l i k e d the l o s s of freedom i m p l i e d i n the bureaux' shunting of them around; they d i s - l i k e d being sent to mines that were unpopular, being separated from t h e i r f r i e n d s ; the bureaux A f r i c a n employees frequently came i n t o d isrepute; and labourers found that bureau r e c r u i t s i n v a r i a b l y received a lower wage at the mines than those who had presented themselves i n d e p e n d e n t l y . ^ Moreover, the t i c k e t or coupon system of payment, used throughout the mines, was very unpopular, and m i l i t a t e d against labour recruitment. Under t h i s system, the A f r i c a n labourer was paid not by the calendar month, but b y the number of s h i f t s he completed, t h i r t y s h i f t s or endorsements on h i s t i c k e t being the usual number. This was c l e a r l y open to abuses, and i n a d d i t i o n gave a completely misleading impression about wage r a t e s - t o 137 the C o l o n i a l O f f i c e , where i t ¥/as widely assumed that a completed t i c k e t amounted to one month's labour. In f a c t , i t could be much more. The Chief Native Commissioner 98 attacked t h i s system, re c o g n i s i n g i t s dangers, but n e i t h e r the n a t i v e department nor the bureaux succeeded i n destroy- i n g i t . There was another immense problem i n the C o l o n i a l O f f i c e ' s i n s i s t e n c e on t h i s p o l i c y . And that i s to what extent the bureaux were genuinely independent and success- f u l l y excluded the members of the nati v e department from r e c r u i t i n g . At the beginning, the board d i d so not at a l l . In the l o n g e r - l a s t i n g bureaux i t i s s t i l l questionable whether the n a t i v e department was excluded. Both i n 1899 and i n 1903, n a t i v e commissioners became general managers of labour bureaux; some of the agents were r e c r u i t e d from the n a t i v e department ( f i v e i n 1899); the Chief Native Commissioners and other Company o f f i c i a l s (such as mining o f f i c i a l s ) were on the boards of the bureaux. The 1903 bureau was empowered to arrange f o r r e c r u i t i n g agreements with the B r i t i s h C e n t r a l A f r i c a n P r o t e c t o r a t e , Portuguese East A f r i c a , and the Trans- v a a l . I t i s here that the ul t i m a t e i r o n y emerges. The i d e a that the bureaux were independent concerns merely under goverment su p e r v i s i o n was a f i c t i o n . The bureau of 1903 was, despite i t s p u b l i c share i s s u e , v i r t u a l l y a department of the ad m i n i s t r a t i o n i n terms of personnel and of p o l i c y c o n t r o l . 138 But other a d m i n i s t r a t i o n s , such as that of Nyasaland, a c t u a l l y refused to deal with i t because i t was not an agency of the Rhodesian a d m i n i s t r a t i o n . • Native commissioners continued to c o l l a b o r a t e with i t s agents, and indeed i t s agents frequently acted as pass o f f i c e r s f o r the i s s u e of permits to go to work. "'"̂  While t h i s covert c o l l a b o r a t i o n went on, the A d m i n i s t r a t o r , S i r W i l l i a m M i l t o n , determined to placate the C o l o n i a l O f f i c e on the i s s u e . When a Rhodesian committee appointed to enquire i n t o n a t i v e labour reported i n 1906, i t recommended that the n a t i v e commissioners should again be permitted to do the r e c r u i t i n g , but M i l t o n scotched the i d e a at once.^"^ Yet the bureau's unpopularity and d i f f i c - u l t i e s were such that tov/ard the end of i t s l i f e , i t ceased to r e c r u i t i n Rhodesia a l l together, and began to concentrate on the Company's vast estate and r e s e r v o i r i n the North, l e a v i n g the South to independent r e c r u i t i n g , and, presumably to n a t i v e commissioner " i n f l u e n c e " . In 1908, the Company ad m i n i s t r a t i o n had taken over the r e c r u i t i n g operations i n 102 Northern Rhodesia, l e a v i n g the bureau to operate i n Southern Rhodesia only. But i n 1912, the new bureau set up i n that year, operated only i n Northern Rhodesia. While the various labour bureaux were succeeding i n a l i e n a t i n g most sectors of Rhodesian s o c i e t y , black and white, the Company was of course continuing i t s p o l i c y of stimulants. We have seen that i n the indabas of l899> the Chief Native 139 Commissioners set out to persuade A f r i c a n s to i n s i s t on l o b o l o . This was eventually given s t a t u t o r y expression i n the Native Marriages Ordinance of 1901. There i s no question that a f u r t h e r stimulant to labour v/as one of the p r i n c i p a l c o nsid- e r a t i o n s behind t h i s ordinance. The Ad m i n i s t r a t o r s a i d so i n 103 a despatch to the Resident Commissioner, y although he p o i n t - ed out that there were the a d d i t i o n a l reasons of avoiding contentious l i t i g a t i o n with regard to forced marriages, i n f a n t b e t r o t h a l and so on. Lobolo v/as made compulsory, except f o r C h r i s t i a n marriages, and l i m i t s were set on the number of c a t t l e that could be t r a n s f e r r e d . The C o l o n i a l O f f i c e pointed out that the custom of l o b o l o , though u n i v e r s a l i n Mashonaland, was not u n i v e r s a l throughout Matabeleland, and had indeed died out i n some p l a c e s . B u t the High Commissioner telegraphed that the a d m i n i s t r a t i o n could reserve powers of suspension i n c e r t a i n districts.^~®y The m i s s i o n a r i e s had of course opposed lob o l o f o r a long time, f a i l i n g to see that i t had p r e c i s e l y the moral e f f e c t s they would have desired. There i s an i n t e r e s t i n g missionary r e a c t i o n i n the Zambezi Mission Record, the mag- azine of the J e s u i t Mission i n Ce n t r a l A f r i c a . Father R i c h a r t z of the Chishawasha Mission wrote that whenever the boys l e f t school, the "p e r n i c i o u s custom of l o b o l o " l u r e d them o f f to town to earn more wages than they could p o s s i b l y . earn at the mission. And there they relapsed i n t o paganism. Discussion on the r a i s i n g of the hut tax continued over a considerable number of years. But the C o l o n i a l O f f i c e made any increase c o n d i t i o n a l upon the formal settlement of reserves. Under the 1898 Order-in-Council, the na t i v e commissioners were simply authorised to set aside such land as they deemed necessary f o r the needs of the nati v e s i n t h e i r d i s t r i c t s . The r e s u l t was a completely confused and heterogeneous p o l i c y . Some n a t i v e commissioners set aside vast t r a c t s of land, s u i t a b l e and uns u i t a b l e ; others a l l o c a t e d small reserves scattered throughout t h e i r d i s t r i c t s - again reminiscent of the p o l i c y of the t h i r d E a r l Grey. When l i s t s of reserves were submitted to the C o l o n i a l O f f i c e i n June of 1901, o f f i c i a l s were able to detect c e r t a i n chopping and 107 changing from previous l i s t s . ' D e s c r i p t i o n and surveying were u s u a l l y inadequate, and S i r Hartmann Just concluded that " t h i s i s very u n s a t i s f a c t o r y " . In 1903, the C o l o n i a l O f f i c e received information that land on reserves was being 1 OQ a l i e n a t e d to p r i v a t e farmers, y which served to accentuate the C o l o n i a l O f f i c e ' s d i s q u i e t at a time when the Secretary of State was about to give approval to a tax increase. The Company d i d however proceed with i t s attempted adapt- a t i o n of the Glen Grey Act (which involved remission of tax fo r work done). But since the Glen Grey Act had encompassed at the same time another important p r i n c i p l e , sale of land to A f r i c a n s by q u i t rent, which was not going to be inc l u d e d i n 141 the Rhodesian ordinance, the Glen Grey p r o v i s i o n s were not acceptable to the C o l o n i a l O f f i c e . The amount mooted f o r the increased tax was £ 2 . A deputation c o n s i s t i n g of the President of the Chamber of Mines, the President of the Rhodesian Farmers' and Land- owners' A s s o c i a t i o n , the President of the Bulawayo. Chamber of Commerce, and a member of the L e g i s l a t i v e C o u n c i l , went to see M i l n e r i n Johannesburg i n January of 1903 . They demanded a tax of £ 4 , an increase of 700 per cent. M i l n e r informed that he was w i l l i n g to consider a tax of £ 2 , which was the same as the Transvaal tax, f o r he f e l t " l e g i s l a t i o n f o r the co l o n i e s should not be e n t i r e l y guided by home sent- iment"."''^ Having taken up t h i s p o s i t i o n , . M i l n e r stubbornly adhered to i t , even a f t e r the Resident Commissioner had decided that a £ 2 tax was excessive. The Resident Commissioner combined with missionary opin- i o n , i n c l u d i n g most notably Father R i c h a r t z of the Chishawasha Mission and John White, General Secretary of the Wesleyan Missions. Between them they argued that the A f r i c a n s would be unable to meet such a tax, that i t would i n v o l v e hardship f o r A f r i c a n women, that i t was i n e f f e c t an i n d i r e c t tax on Europeans, that the employers who could only pay low wages (which i n c l u d e d the missions) would be s e r i o u s l y a f f e c t e d , that the recent bad harvest aggravated na t i v e unrest, and that the labour shortage was s p u r i o u s . 1 1 1 R i c h a r t z argued 1/---2 that even although h i s mission was only f i f t e e n miles from S a l i s b u r y , h i s men would have d i f f i c u l t i e s earning enough ly h 113 H P to pay the tax. The Administrator t r i e d to buy him o f f by o f f e r i n g s p e c i a l consideration f o r h i s tenants.' M i l n e r was adamant that the hut tax would i n v o l v e no hardship; "Nothing can shake my c o n v i c t i o n on t h i s s u b j e c t " . ! " ^ He even wrote to the Admi n i s t r a t o r that he was embarrassed by the opinion of the Resident Commissioner, and that i f M i l t o n 115 went on with the ordinance he would give i t h i s support. The ordinance was i n f a c t e ventually disallowed by the Secretary of State on the grounds of fears of f u r t h e r A f r i c a n unrest. The Company was i n s t e a d authorised to introduce a tax of £1, and the f i r s t c o l l e c t i o n of t h i s began i n 1904 a f t e r , the usual announcements i n i n d a b a s . T h e r e i s good evidence that the C o l o n i a l O f f i c e fear of another r e b e l l i o n was j u s t i f i e d , f o r repor t s of unrest a f t e r the tax 1 1 7 v/as introduced c o n s t i t u t e d something more than simply rumour. ' The higher tax appeared to solve the labour problems temporarily. In -succeeding years there were reports of surpluses, of r e c r u i t s being sent to the Rand, of a demand f o r s k i l l e d labour which the Bureau could not meet, since experienced labourers found t h e i r own way to work. Hence the rent which the commercial branch of the Company began to levy on i t s unalienated land i n 1908 had more the appearance of a producer of revenue than.of a stimulant. 143 Of course the s e t t l e r s r e f u s e d to accept the Company's view of u n a l i e n a t e d l a n d as i t s own p r i v a t e property, and even the n a t i v e commissioners complained that the new rent was 1 1 9 a t a c t l e s s and unnecessary f u r t h e r burden on the A f r i c a n s . I t was however the n a t u r a l c o r o l l a r y of another piece of l e g i s l a t i o n that came i n t o f o r c e i n that year, the P r i v a t e L o c a t i o n s Ordinance. T h i s added to the i n s e c u r i t y of A f r i c a n s on the l a n d by b r i n g i n g i n t o the open the problem of whether A f r i c a n s ought to be moved on to the r e s e r v e s . The South A f r i c a n Native A f f a i r s Commission of Enquiry of 1905 had recommended it . , an'd those farmers who attacked " k a f f i r - f a r m i n g " or who objected to t h e i r tenants' stock wanted i t . On the other hand the C h i e f Native Commissioner of Mashonaland wished to encourage A f r i c a n s to l i v e on p r i v a t e land so that they would not s i n k i n t o the apathy of the r e s e r v e s , and farmers who found tenants to be t h e i r best source of la b o u r went so f a r as to demand that A f r i c a n s i n v o l v e d i n a l a b o u r agreement under the 1896 Proclamation (see p. 113 ) should not be permitted to have passes to go to work. The ordinance the Company proposed i n v o l v e d a tax on tenants, l o c a t i o n agreements r e g i s t e r e d with the n a t i v e commissioner, and a guarantee of s u f f i c i e n t l a n d f o r the tenants' needs. I t aroused c o n s i d e r a b l e o p p o s i t i o n among those concerned with the l a b o u r supply. The S e c r e t a r y of the Chamber of Mines wrote to the Ad m i n i s t r a t o r that the P r i v a t e Locations Ordin- ance would lead to the d e s t r u c t i o n of a valuable source of the labour supply of the t e r r i t o r y by r e l e a s i n g the nat i v e of the n e c e s s i t y to earn the £ 3 0 , 0 0 0 per annum, which i s the amount now paid to landowners i n respect of rent.. I t w i l l i n short, tend to d r i v e them on to reserves where they can e x i s t rent f r e e , i n s l u g g i s h indolence and barbarism. 2 1 This was the case of the absentee l a n d l o r d s , such as the mining companies, against whom the ordinance was p a r t l y d i r e c t e d . Opposition was such that the L e g i s l a t i v e Council succeeded i n emasculating the b i l l . The tax that emerged had to be paid only on those A f r i c a n s who were not i n bona f i d e employment and who paid rent. In other words, a l a n d - owner could keep a p o t e n t i a l labour supply on h i s land and not pay tax, provided he charged no rent from them. I t would appear that the farmers' f a c t i o n w i t h i n the L e g i s l a t i v e Council had won, f o r as the b i l l emerged, i t was designed almost s o l e l y against absentee l a n d l o r d s . And the p r o t e c t i v e clauses f o r the tenants - such as that the nat i v e commissioner had to approve the land as s u f f i c i e n t f o r the tenants' needs - were excluded. Moreover, i n one d i s t r i c t at l e a s t , Mel- s e t t e r , landowners l e v i e d labour from t h e i r tenants, and succeeded i n avoiding the payment of tax. Moreover, the reserves i n M e l s e t t e r were p a r t i c u l a r l y u n s u i t a b l e , and there 122 were no reserves at a l l i n the adjacent d i s t r i c t of Inyanga. 145 Thus i t can be seen that the n o n - a v a i l a b i l i t y of a s u i t a b l e reserve could c o n s t i t u t e a considerable c o n s t r a i n t upon A f r i c a n s ' freedom of choice with regard to labour and land. There were circumstances under which t h i s d i s t r a i n t could occur f o r t u i t o u s l y . For example a r i n d e r p e s t out- break might r e s u l t i n a ban on the movement of c a t t l e . A f r i c a n s might then have no option but to stay where they were, and t h i s might i n c u r some labour agreement with the 123 landowner. ^ I n s e c u r i t y f o r the A f r i c a n then seems to have been the main r e s u l t of the Company land p o l i c y i n e f f e c t i f not i n i n t e n t i o n . The r e g u l a t i o n s with regard to A f r i c a n s i n towns remained burdensome. Both the Native Urban Locations Ordinance (which included the mines) of 1906 and the S a l i s b u r y Native Location Rules and Regulations of 1907 caused consider- able concern w i t h i n the C o l o n i a l O f f i c e . The r e g u l a t i o n s were regarded as "elaborate and vexatious" and t h e i r "aim i s of course to make l i f e on the l o c a t i o n as burdensome as p o s s i b l e " . "*"2^ ' The development of a powerful a n t i - r e s e r v e s lobby (described i n chapter 2) contributed to t h i s i n s e c u r i t y . And the r e l a t i o n s h i p of t h i s to the need f o r a labour supply i s obvious. The P r i v a t e Locations Ordinance i s an e x c e l l e n t example of a measure that could s l i p through the net of the Resident Commissioner. The C o l o n i a l O f f i c e appears to have been 146 t o t a l l y o b l i v i o u s of the p r a c t i c e s that could e x i s t under i t s aegis. The labour boards also r e v e a l how tenuous was the c o n t r o l of the C o l o n i a l O f f i c e over the substance of labour r e c r u i t i n g . The problem of the reserves r e v e a l s the i n e v i t a b l e ignorance of the C o l o n i a l O f f i c e , which had to accept a f l u i d p o l i c y u n t i l the Coryndon Land Commission reported i n 1916. While the C o l o n i a l O f f i c e could be s p e c t a c u l a r l y s u c c e s s f u l on such c l e a r i s s u e s as the r a i s i n g of the hut tax or the improvement of c o n d i t i o n s on the mines, i t permitted land and labour p o l i c y to d r i f t . T h i s d r i f t i s revealed i n a number of ways. In 1907, an extraordinary system was set up i n the Mrewas, Mtokos, and V i c t o r i a d i s t r i c t s , whereby the n a t i v e commissioners acted 1 2 5 as forwarding agents, ^ which seemed yet again to v i t i a t e the attempts to create an independent r e c r u i t i n g system. In 1911, by Ordinance 16 of that year, p r i v a t e r e c r u i t e r s had to be l i c e n s e d by the Government, but t h e i r c ontinuing existence served to make the bureaux' task impossible. In 1911, the Chief Native Commissioner of Mashonaland suggested that an o f f i c e r should be appointed iniieach d i s t r i c t , " c o n t i n u a l l y on the move v i s i t i n g c h i e f s and k r a a l s and preaching the 1 2 7 gospel of labour". In 1912, he spoke of " s t i r r i n g up -1 pQ the n a t i v e s to a sense of t h e i r o b l i g a t i o n s to the state", In the same year, the Chief Native Commissioner sent out a memorandum to a l l h i s n a t i v e commissioners enquiring what 147 they thought of a proposed system whereby, a f t e r a c a r e f u l census, A f r i c a n s ' c e r t i f i c a t e s would be examined annually, and they would be spoken to severely i f no work had been done. Of twenty-one n a t i v e commissioners c i r c u l a r i s e d , eleven agreed (some proclaiming that t h i s was already standard p r a c t i c e ) , four disagreed (mainly because of absence of l e g a l sanctions) and s i x had r e s e r v a t i o n s . A l l except one agreed that r e c r u i t i n g ought to be on a personal b a s i s and not done through the c h i e f s . Only one considered that t h i s could amount to forced labour, observing that i f the n a t i v e commissioner d i d the ordering, he might also f i n d himself 129 punishing disobedience. J By the outbreak of the F i r s t World War, Rhodesian labour demands were being s a t i s f i e d because of the i n s e c u r i t y on the land, t a x a t i o n , r e n t s , the custom of l o b o l o , and the c r e a t i o n of such " l e g i t i m a t e " needs as ploughs, broken teams of oxen, c l o t h i n g , and even b i c y c l e s . But while wants increased, the o p p o r t u n i t i e s f o r a l t e r n a t i v e s also increased, i n . t h e sale of stock, g r a i n , and market gardening produce. I t i s t h i s "grass r o o t s " operation of labour s t i m u l i which w i l l be examined i n the next chapter. 148 FOOTNOTES TO CHAPTER 3 1 Richard Brown, The Ndebele Succession C r i s i s , 1868-1877, Central A f r i c a n H i s t o r i c a l Association, 1962. 2 NA;, Baines MSS. And L.H. Gann,, A History of Southern Rhodesia, Early Days to 1934. (London, 1965), pp.55-57 J.P.R. W a l l i s , (ed.), The Northern G o l d f i e l d s Diaries of Thomas Baines. (London, 1946). 3., Baines to Windus, A p r i l 24, 1874. BA, 7/l/2 4 C.7196 f o r the T a t i Company's demands f o r imperial p r o t e c t i o n . 5 A.J.B. Hughes, & J . Van Velsen, The Ndebele. (London, 1955). 6 Hughes & Van Velsen, o p . c i t . H.J. Taylor, A Short History of the Native Tribes of Matab.eleland written f o r the information of the South A f r i c a n Native A f f a i r s Commission. Annexure to minutes of Board of B.S.A.Co., Feb. 17, 1904. C.O.417/397. 7 Gann, o p . c i t . , p.60. 8 C.7171 & C.7555. 9 E.F. Knight, Rhodesia of To-day, (London, 1895), chapter 1. K. Bradley i n The Diary of a D i s t r i c t O f f i c e r , (London, 1943), pp.19-21 describes how the Cewa s i m i l a r l y b u i l t t h e i r v i l l a g e s up h i l l s i d e s as defence against the Ngoni. 10 C.7171. And C l a i r e P a l l e y , The C o n s t i t u t i o n a l History and Law of Southern Rhodesia, 1888-1965, (Oxford, 1966), p.105. 11 In 1892, the High Commissioner's representative at the court of Lobengula i n Bulawayo, J.S. Moffat, was moved South. 12 A.R. Colquhoun, sometimes r e f e r r e d to as the f i r s t admin- i s t r a t o r , was s t y l e d Acting Resident Commissioner f o r Mashonaland. He resigned i n I89I. 13 Minute, June 17, 1897. C O . 417/231. 14 It i s s i g n i f i c a n t that these Rules and Regulations, together with the R e g i s t r a t i o n of Natives Regulations of 18§5, were not transmitted to the C o l o n i a l Office u n t i l 1897. C.O. 417/232. 149 15 i b i d . 16 Report of the N a t i v e Commissioner, U m t a l i , March 31, 1901 NA N9/1/7 17 NA A. 1/3/10 18 B.S.A.Co., to CO., May 17, 1893. C O . 417/110. 19 B.S.A.Co., to CO., J u l y 7, 1893. i b i d . 20 Miinute to above, J u l y 8, 1893. 21 i b i d . 22 Mdnute, June 29, 1894 CIO. 417/136. 23 NA. CT 1/3/1 24 Moffat to H a r r i s , Feb. 17, 1891 MO 1/1/5/4. 25 There are s e v e r a l t e s t i m o n i e s to t h i s i n f o r m a l arrange- ment. F.C SeloUs, Sunshine and Storm i n Rhodesia, (London, I896), p.x. K n i g h t , op . . c i t . . p.17 Percy F. Hone, Southern Rhodesia, (London, 1909), p.41. 26 This assumption that l abour migrants would be permanently l o s t to the l a n d i s odd c o n s i d e r i n g the Company's other p o l i c i e s . 27 Cd. 2399. 28 Cd. 2399, p.31. 29 This was the enl i s t m e n t agreement entered i n t o by Jameson and the p r o s p e c t i v e combatants i n the Matabele War. 30 The Nativ e Marriages Ordinance of 1901. 31 Hone, o p . c i t . , p.64. 32 He was sent to Rhodesia a f t e r the Jameson Raid and the outbreak of the Matabele R e b e l l i o n , s t y l e d Commandant General and Deputy Commissioner. 33 T.O. Ranger, The Role of Ndebele and Shona R e l i g i o u s A u t h o r i t i e s i n the R e b e l l i o n s of 1896 and 1897 i n E. Stokes & R. Brown, The Zambesian P a s t , (London, 1966), pp.94-136. There i s more expansive treatment i n Ranger's ISO recent monograph on the rebellions, Revolt i n Southern Rhodesia, 1896-97, (London, 1967) . 34 Knight, op.cit. 35 i b i d . , p.4. 36 i b i d . , p.17. He pointed out that Africans i n Rhodesia could earn more than domestic servants i n B r i t a i n , which was of course perfectly true, although there was less security i n Rhodesian employment. Moreover, the r e l a t - ive earnings of African and European were closer at this time than they were at any*subsequent period. 37 Selous, op.cit., preface. 38 i b i d . 39 Hughes & van Velsen, op.cit. & Ranger, op.cit. 40 H.C.Thomson, Rhodesia and i t s Government, (London, 1898), p.186. p.1§6: "Jameson had assured Gambo /one of the leading indunas7 that the Holi would s t i l l have to be the servants of the Matabele, but the Matabele were forced to work alongside the H o l i . " See also Hone, op.cit., p.41. 41 Hughes & van Velsen, op.cit., p.74. 42 Hone, op.cit., p. 17. Hugh Marshall Hole, Old Rhodesian Days, (London, 1928) , p. 45: "For domestic purposes we r e l i e d mainly on boys imported from the t e r r i t o r i e s of the East Coast, where they had long been accustomed to work for s l o t h f u l Portuguese employers and had become f a i r l y e f f i c i e n t house servants." 43 A considerable number of Cape Africans were recruited for the Pioneer Column, and not unnaturally obtained the best jobs i n Rhodesia. In 1899, a headman com- plained to the Chief Native Commissioner of Matabeleland about the influence and wages of these "Cape boys". Indaba at Fort Usher. Annexures to the minutes of Board of B.S.A.Co., Oct. 18, 1899. C.O. 417/276. 44 C i r c u l a r of Chief Native Commissioner, A p r i l 19, 1895, NA N 4 / 1 / 1 . 45 Report of the native commissioner, Chilimanzi and Chibi, Dec. 1895. NA N 9 / 1 / 1 . 151 4 6 The n a t i v e commissioner's c o n t r o l was not f u l l y e x e r c i s e d over the Wankie d i s t r i c t f o r example u n t i l at l e a s t 1 9 0 3 : NA NB 6 / 1 / 4 . Even nearer the centres of white p o p u l a t - i o n , the n a t i v e commissioners o f t e n had d i f f i c u l t i e s c o l l e c t i n g the t a x . The n a t i v e commissioner of the Bubi d i s t r i c t , r e p o r t e d i n 1 8 9 8 t h a t he could not c o l l e c t hut tax i n the w i l d e r p a r t s of the d i s t r i c t : NA NB 6 / 1 / 1 . And the n a t i v e commissioner of the Makoni d i s t r i c t complained i n 1 8 9 9 t h a t he might have a chance of c o l l e c t i n g a l l the hut t a x i f h i s d i s t r i c t were h a l f the s i z e : NA N9/1/4. 47 Gann, o p . c i t . , p . 1 2 7 . 4 8 NA N 9 / 2 / 1 . 4 9 Moreover the r e p o r t s have been very badly kept. They appear to have been v a r i o u s l y soaked, eaten by t e r m i t e s , and j u s t rescued from f i r e . 50 N a t i v e commissioner, H a r t l e y H i l l , NA N 9 / 2 / 1 . 51 N a t i v e commissioner, Ndanga, i b i d . 52 N a t i v e commissioner, V i c t o r i a , NA N 9 / 2 / 2 . 5 3 NA N 1/2/2. 5 4 A l l these r e p o r t s are i n NA N 9 / 3 / 2 . 5 5 C . 8 5 4 7 . 5 6 M a r t i n found t h a t f o r c e d l a b o u r had indeed e x i s t e d i n Matabeleland, though he was l e s s sure about Mashonaland (he c l e a r l y had no access to the r e p o r t s d e s c r i b e d on p .122 s u p r a ) . But i n e x t e n u a t i o n he found that n a t i v e commissioners had at f i r s t endeavoured to o b t a i n l a b o u r through the indunas, and when t h i s was not forthcoming they had r e s o r t e d to f o r c e . 5 7 B.S.A.Co., to C.O. Mar. 2 4 , 1 8 9 7 , e x p r e s s i n g great shock a t the a l l e g a t i o n s and p l e a d i n g t h a t the Report be not submitted to the S e l e c t Committee u n t i l they had prepared a r e p l y . Since the l e t t e r was not marked "immediate", i t was not opened u n t i l Chamberlain had a l r e a d y taken the M a r t i n Report to the S e l e c t Committee. c.o. 4 1 7 / 2 3 1 . . 152 58 Minutes to the above. 59 Enclosure B.S.A.Co. to C.O. J u l y 2 1 , 1 8 9 7 , C.O.417/232. 60 Chamberlain to F r e d e r i c k Graham, n.d. C.O. 4 1 7 / 2 3 2 . 61 Minute to the above. C.O. 4 1 7 / 2 3 2 . 62 i b i d . 63 Minute of Graham, i b i d . 64 Minute of Graham to new n a t i v e r e g u l a t i o n s , June 1 7 , 1 8 9 7 . C.O. 4 1 7 / 2 3 1 . 65 C e c i l Headlam, ( e d . ) , The M i l n e r Papers, (London, 1 9 3 1 ) , pp. 1 7 7 - 1 7 9 . M i l n e r t o - A s q u i t h , Nov. 1 8 , 1 8 9 7 . 66 i b i d . , p. 1 7 8 . 67 i b i d . , p. 1 7 9 . 68 Report of S i r M a r s h a l l C l a r k e on Labour f o r the Mines, n.d., but appears to r e f e r to 1 8 9 9 . A r r i v e d a t the C o l o n i a l O f f i c e i n A p r i l 1 9 0 1 . Enclosure i n M i l n e r to Chamberlain no. 353 of 1 9 0 1 . C.O. 4 1 7 / 3 1 9 . F. P e r r y (the i m p e r i a l s e c r e t a r y ) to Hartmann J u s t , Mar. 2 1 , 1 9 0 1 , e n c l o s i n g what he d e s c r i b e d as a "great bundle of a r r e a r s " . Again i n 1 9 0 4 , we f i n d that two d i s p a t c h e s of the Resident Commissioner of Dec. 1902 were not t r a n s m i t t e d to the C o l o n i a l O f f i c e u n t i l J u l y of 1 9 0 4 . M i l n e r to L y t t l e t o n , J u l y 3 0 , 1 9 0 4 , CO. 4 1 7 / 3 9 2 . 69 The S a l i s b u r y Bureau i t s e l f s a i d , "We are convinced t h a t the n a t i v e commissioners i n t h i s province have h e a r t i l y and c o r d i a l l y co-operated w i t h the labour bureau to o b t a i n l a b o u r f o r the mines, and t h a t a l l p o s s i b l e moral and l e g a l pressure has been e x e r c i s e d by the n a t i v e commissioners to induce the n a t i v e s to work on the mines. Enclosure i n Resident Commissioner to High Commissioner, Mar. 1 2 , 1900 , . enclosed i n K i t c h e n e r to Chamberlain, May 3 1 , 1 9 0 1 . C.O. 417 / 3 2 0 . 70 There i s a d e s c r i p t i o n of the c l o s i n g of the Bonsor and Dunraven mines i n Howard Hensman, A H i s t o r y of Rhodesia, (Edinburgh, 1 9 0 0 ) , p. 2 8 5 . But he does p o i n t out t h a t an e x p l o s i o n a t the Bonsor Mine, causing l o s s of l i f e had c o n t r i b u t e d to the acute l a b o u r shortage t h e r e . 153 71 C l a r k e to M i l n e r , May 3 , 1 9 0 4 , enclosed i n M i l n e r to L y t t e l t o n , June 6, 1 9 0 4 , C.O. 4 1 7 / 3 9 2 . 72 C l a r k e ' s r e p o r t which a r r i v e d i n the CO., lon g over- due, i n A p r i l of 1 9 0 1 . , 73 C l a r k e , enclosure i n K i t c h e n e r to Chamberlain, May 3 1 , 1 9 0 1 . Thomson, o p . c i t . , p.51 de s c r i b e s the comparative ease.with which an employer who p a i d and t r e a t e d w e l l c o u l d o b t a i n l a b o u r a t a time of very c o n s i d e r a b l e shortage. 74 Reports of indabas h e l d throughout Rhodesia i n 1 8 9 9 , annexures to minutes of board of B.S.A.Co., Oct. 1 8 , 1 8 9 9 . C O . 4 1 7 / 2 7 6 . 75 Minute of Chamberlain to the above, Dec. 2 0 , 1899• 76 B.S.A.Co., to CO., Feb. 2 2 , 1900. C.O. 4 1 7 / 2 0 8 . B.S.A.Co., to C O . J u l y 1 2 , 1900. C.O. 4 1 7 / 3 1 0 , and Ta y l o r to M i l t o n , May 26, 1900 , . i b i d . T a y l o r ' s appointment to the post of under-secretary f o r n a t i v e a f f a i r s was vetoed by the C o l o n i a l O f f i c e i n 1 9 0 2 . S i r R i c h a r d M a r t i n wrote on t h a t o c c a s i o n , " I do not b e l i e v e i n T a y l o r as a C h i e f Native Commissioner" M a r t i n to Graham, August 6 , 1 9 0 2 . C O . 4 1 7 / 3 6 3 - 77 v i d . sup., p.65. 78 C O . to B.S.A.Co., J u l y 1 2 , 1900. C O . 4 1 7 / 3 0 8 . 79 C l a r k e ' s Report which a r r i v e d i n the C o l o n i a l O f f i c e . i n A p r i l of 1 9 0 1 . See a l s o Cd. 1 2 0 0 . 80 i b i d . 81 C.O. to B.S.A.Co., Oct. ,3, 1901 C.O. 4 1 7 / 3 2 0 . 82 The q u o t a t i o n i s from S i r Montague Ommanney's minute on the need f o r a st r o n g l e t t e r . 83 B.S.A-Co., to C.O. Oct. 1 0 , 1 9 0 1 . C.O. 4 1 7 / 3 3 8 Ommanney wrote i n a minute of a v i s i t by Grey and L y t t e l t o n G e l l to the C o l o n i a l O f f i c e , complaining of the tone of the C o l o n i a l O f f i c e ' s correspondence. " I understand t h a t Mr. G e l l , who appears; to be r a t h e r 154 an i m p u l s i v e person, t o l d Lord Selborne t h a t the white p o p u l a t i o n of Southern Rhodesia were much i r r i t a t e d and were s u l k i n g about Downing S t r e e t i n t e r f e r e n c e . No doubt they would l i k e an a b s o l u t e l y f r e e hand as regards n a t i v e l a b o u r , but so l o n g as the S e c r e t a r y of State i s r e s p o n s i b l e f o r the n a t i v e l a b o u r p o l i c y , they must submit to reasonable r e g u l a t i o n s " . I t i s i n t e r e s t i n g to note t h a t M i l n e r a l s o f r e q u e n t l y r e f e r r e d to the importance of not o f f e n d i n g c o l o n i a l sentiment.* He was of course a great f r i e n d of L y t t e l t o n G-ell, corresponded w i t h him weekly.for many ye a r s , and a c t u a l l y o f f e r e d him the I m p e r i a l S e c r e t a r y s h i p when h e . ( M i l n e r ) f i r s t went to the Cape ( G e l l p r i v a t e papers c u r r e n t l y being c a t a l - ogued a t the N a t i o n a l R e g i s t e r of A r c h i v e s , London). 84 C l a r k e to M i l n e r March 1 2 , 1 9 0 0 , enclosure i n P e r r y to J u s t , March 2 1 , 1901. C.O. 4 1 7 / 3 1 9 . 85 C l a r k e to M i l n e r May 8 , 1 9 0 1 , enclosure i n K i t c h e n e r to Chamberlain May 3 1 , 1 9 0 1 . C.O. 4 1 7 / 3 2 0 . 86 C l a r k e to M i l n e r Aug. 3 0 , 1 9 0 1 , enclosure i n M i l n e r to Chamberlain Oct. 2 4 , 1 9 0 1 . C.O. 4 1 7 / 3 2 1 . Of the ' e a r l i e r r e p o r t s , Graham had w r i t t e n " I f these r e p o r t s are p u b l i s h e d there w i l l be a p r e t t y k e t t l e of f i s h . I t was i n consequence of a s i m i l a r r e p o r t t h a t S i r R, M a r t i n ' s p o s i t i o n i n Rhodesia became i n t o l e r a b l e " . Minute, May 3 1 , 1 9 0 1 . C.O. 4 1 7 / 3 2 0 . 87 T e l . , M i l n e r to Chamberlain, Nov. 2 7 , 1 9 0 1 , C.O. 4 1 7 / 3 2 1 . 88 C l a r k e td M i l n e r Aug. 3 0 , 1 9 0 1 , enclosure i n M i l n e r to Chamberlain Oct. 2 4 , 1 9 0 1 . :And B.S.A.Co. to CO., Nov 2 9 , 1 9 0 1 . C O . 417 / 3 3 8 . 89 C l a r k e to M i l n e r Nov. 7 , 1 9 0 2 , enclosure i n M i l n e r to Chamberlain Nov. 2 4 , 1 9 0 2 . C O . 417 / 3 4 5 . 90 "How are we to d i s c r i m i n a t e between n i c e degrees of moral suasion,," Minute, J u l y 26, 1 9 0 1 , C.O. 4 1 7 / 3 2 0 . 91 Chamberlain to Ommanney Nov. 2 9 , 1 9 0 1 , e n c l o s i n g a p r i v a t e l e t t e r from E a r l Grey, Nov. 2 8 , 1 9 0 1 . C O . 4 1 7 / 3 2 1 . 155 92 B.S.A.Co., to C O . J u l y 28, 1902. C.O. 417/364. 93 Enclosures M i l n e r to Chamberlain, Jan.17, 1902, C O . 417 / 3 4 3 , and A p r i l 4, 1902, C.O. 417 / 3 3 4 . There i s a l s o a p r i v a t e l e t t e r P. L y t t e l t o n G e l l to H.W. J u s t , Dec. 16, 1901, CO. 417 / 3 4 3 , p o i n t i n g out the annoyance of the Rhodesian p u b l i c o p i n i o n , and- c l a i m i n g t h a t the new p o l i c y stood i n the way of A f r i c a n s seeking "spontaneous i n d i v i d u a l c o n t r a c t s " . 94 E n c l o s u r e , M i l n e r to Chamberlain June 20, 1902 C O . 417/344. 95 C l a r k e to M i l n e r May 3 , 1904 ( C O . 417 / 3 9 2 ) , enclosure Wiilner to L y t t e l t o n June 6, 19*04, r e p o r t i n g that 50 r e c r u i t s had had to be sent to the Rand, and t h a t more would f o l l o w . I n another d i s p a t c h (Feb. 16, 1905, enclosure i n M i l n e r to L y t t e l t o n Mar. 13, 1905, C.O. 417/407) the Resident Commissioner r e p o r t e d t h a t 1 , 7 3 6 Rhodesian r e c r u i t s of the Native Labour Bureau had been sent to the Rand between May 1st and August 31st of 1904. 96 Hone, o p . c i t . , pp.70-74 has a good d e s c r i p t i o n of these p r a c t i c e s . 97 This i s a grievance t h a t appears i n a very wide v a r i e t y of sources. I t was mentioned s e v e r a l times at the indabas of 1899 ( v i d . sup.). The u n p o p u l a r i t y of the bureau amongst A f r i c a n s i s a r e c u r r e n t r e f r a i n from a l l s e c t i o n s of Rhodesian s o c i e t y . 98 Report of C h i e f N a t i v e Commissioner, Mashonaland, 1 9 0 7 . NA N9/1/10. 99 W.H. Moodie, a n a t i v e commissioner became c h i e f labour agent of the 1899 bureau. V a l Gielgud became the ge n e r a l manager of the 1903 bureau: he too was a n a t i v e comm- i s s i o n e r at the time of h i s appointment. Five- agents of the bureau of 1899 were r e c r u i t e d , from the n a t i v e department. B.S.A.Co., Reports, 1899. 100 G i e l g u d to Clarke Dec. 22, 1904, enclosure i n M i l n e r to L y t t e l t o n , Jan. 1, 1905. C O . 417/407. 101 M i l t o n to Chamber of Mines, Feb. 21, 1906, enclosure i n Selborne to E l g i n , Jan. 1., 1906. C.O. 417/422. 102 See B.S.A.Co., Reports, 1908. 103 M i l t o n to Clarke Mar. 18, 1 9 0 1 , enclosure Perry to C O . May 8, 1 9 0 1 . C O . 417 / 3 2 0 . 156 104 Tel.^j Chamberlain to M i l n e r 10th May, 1901. The C o l o n i a l O f f i c e was a l s o concerned about the j u s t i c e of making non?:compliance a punishable o f f e n c e . 105 T e l . M i l n e r to Chamberlain, June 15, 1901, i b i d . 106 Zambezi M i s s i o n Record, V o l . I , No. 11, Jan., 1901. 107 There i s a v a s t correspondence on the reserves i n K i t c h e n e r to Chamberlain, June 14, 1901, C.O. 417/320. The Resident Commissioner observed t h a t c e r t a i n reserves had disappeared or been reduced i n area. One which had o r i g i n a l l y been d e s c r i b e d as "very good" was now d e s c r i b e d as " u n s u i t a b l e " . 108 Minute to above. 109 M i l n e r to Chamberlain, March 23, 1903. C.O. 417/371. 110 M i l n e r to Chamberlain, Jan. 12, 1903 C O . 417/371. 111 Lawley to Chamberlain, Aug. 10, 1903, C O . 417 /373, c o n t a i n i n g l a r g e number of enclosures from the Resident Commissioner on the l a t t e r ' s o b j e c t i o n s to the tax i n c r e a s e . 112 Resident Commissioner to High Commissioner, J u l y 7, 1903, i b i d . 113 M i l t o n to C l a r k e , J u l y 6, 1903, i b i d . W i t h i n the C o l o n a i l O f f i c e i t was S i r Hartmann J u s t who most v i g o r o u s l y opposed the £2 hut t a x . 114 This q u o t a t i o n comes from M i l n e r ' s comments on the immense correspondence w i t h the A d m i n i s t r a t o r and the Resident Commissioner. M i l n e r a g a i n a s s e r t e d h i s b e l i e f i n the b e n e f i c i a l ' n a t u r e of "every form of h e a l t h y , open-air, manual l a b o u r " . He f o r g o t t h a t l a b o u r i n the mines c o u l d be n e i t h e r open-air nor h e a l t h y . 115 M i l n e r to M i l t o n ( c o n f i d e n t i a l ) June 16, 1903. Through- out the hut tax controversy there was a great d e a l of d i r e c t correspondence between the A d m i n i s t r a t o r and the High Commissioner. Had the C o l o n i a l O f f i c e not upheld C l a r k e h i s p o s i t i o n would have appeared l u d i c r o u s . M i l n e r subsequently suggested t h a t the post of Resident 157 Commissioner c o u l d be dispensed w i t h , but the C o l o n i a l O f f i c e would not hear o f i t . T e l . , M i l n e r to L y t t e l t o n August 12, 1904. C.O. 417/392. 116 Annexures to minutes of Board of B.S.A.Co., March 2 9 , 1904. C.O. 417/398. 117 M i l n e r to L y t t e l t o n ( c o n f i d e n t i a l ) A p r i l 11, 1904 on rumours of u n r e s t i n Inyanga. And a l s o the r e p o r t of the n a t i v e commissioner, Charter d i s t r i c t , t h a t mess- engers from the Mlimp were i n c i t i n g r e b e l l i o n because of the i n c r e a s e d t a x . African:'spies heard that the r e b e l l i o n was to take p l a c e throughout Mashonaland. Report of Feb. 17, 1904, annexure 6 to the Board minutes of March 2 9 , 1904. C.O. 417/398. 118 G i e l g u d p o i n t e d out the bureau's dilemma as to what to do w i t h A f r i c a n s who came from-the North of the Zambezi d u r i n g the g l u t . Should they be given preference over Rhodesian A f r i c a n s or be p e r m i t t e d to r e t u r n home w i t h news of t h e i r i l l - f o r t u n e . L e t t e r of Gielgud to the Rhodesia H e r a l d , Feb. 6, 1905. 119 Report of the C h i e f N a t i v e Commissioner f o r Mashonaland, W.S. Taberer, 1908. N9/1/H. 120 For most of my m a t e r i a l on the P r i v a t e L o c a t i o n s Ordin- ance I am indebted to an unpublished paper of Mr. J . K e i t h Rennie_, "The P r i v a t e L o c a t i o n s Ordinance (1908) and the M e l s e t t e r .Labour Agreements." 121 S e c r e t a r y of the Chamber of Mines to A d m i n i s t r a t o r , June 15, 1906 NA A 8/21 / 1 1 . 122 -Milner to L y t t e l t o n , Aug. 2 9 , 1904 (C.0.417 /392) p o i n t - i n g out the absence of a reserve i n Inyanga. One was e v e n t u a l l y p r o v i d e d when a mining company surrendered i t s h o l d i n g f o r the purpose. 123 N a t i v e commissioner Bulilima-Mangwe, 1910. NB 6 / l / H . 124 Minute of G r i n d l e on Selborne to E l g i n , Nov. 25, 1907. • C.O. 417/438. 125 Report of C h i e f N a t i v e Commissioner, Mashonaland, 1907. NA N9/1/10. 158 126 See r e p o r t of C h i e f Native Commissioner Mashonaland, 1 9 1 2 , f o r e f f e c t of t h i s NA N9/1/15. 127 Report of C h i e f N a t i v e Commissioner,.Mashonaland, 1 9 1 1 . NA N 9 / 1 / 1 4 . 128 Report, 1 9 1 2 . NA N 9 / 1 / 1 5 . 129 A l l the r e p l i e s to the c i r c u l a r are i n NA N 3 / 2 2 / 9 . 159 CHAPTER 4 LABOUR FROM THE DISTRICTS MASHONALAND Before i n v e s t i g a t i n g the i n i t i a l response of A f r i c a n s to the money economy of t h e i r European overlords, i t i s necessary f i r s t to examine the nature of the sources. They are, almost without exception, of European provenance. The most d e t a i l - ed l o c a l sources - and f o r the purposes of t h i s study the most i l l u m i n a t i n g - are the n a t i v e commissioners' r e p o r t s . These provide i n t e r e s t i n g sets of s t a t i s t i c s about population, k r a a l and hut concentration, crops, stock, t r a d i n g , labour, and the response of t r i b a l s o c i e t y to ordinances and r e g u l - a t i o n s . But these f i g u r e s have to be approached with great caution. Native commissioners were obliged to supply f i g u r e s each year, but the means of o b t a i n i n g them acc u r a t e l y were seldom at t h e i r d i s p o s a l . The c h i e f n a t i v e commission- ers were fr e q u e n t l y confronted with f i g u r e s that i n the aggregate made an obvious nonsense. The Chief Native Commissioner f o r Mashonaland viewed the s t a t i s t i c a l d i f f i c u l - t i e s of labour with mounting despair as the n a t i v e r e g i s t r a t - i o n ordinance of 1903 (which had provided that A f r i c a n s going to work re q u i r e d to take out a pass) became i n c r e a s i n g l y unenforceable. Although the f i g u r e s have to be approached with caution, i t i s however p o s s i b l e to discern the i n t e r n a l l o g i c of the 160 f i g u r e s f o r any one d i s t r i c t . Even here the native commissioner's prejudices have to be taken i n t o account: h i s c o n v i c t i o n that " h i s " people were l a z y , or a l t e r n a t - i v e l y that they supplied quite enough labour c o n s i s t e n t with the requirements of indigenous a g r i c u l t u r e . And such an a t t i t u d e would c l e a r l y be r e l a t e d to h i s respect or l a c k of i t f o r that indigenous a g r i c u l t u r e . The d i f f i c u l t i e s of population s t a t i s t i c s are t h r e e f o l d . F i r s t l y , the boundaries of d i s t r i c t s c o n t i n u a l l y changed; secondly, the country was i n s u f f i c i e n t l y surveyed to produce anything l i k e an accurate area f o r each d i s t r i c t ; and t h i r d l y the land and f i s c a l p o l i c i e s of the Company admin- i s t r a t i o n caused the A f r i c a n population to be c o n t i n u a l l y on the move. I t i s therefore impossible to make comparisons from year to year unless i t i s c l e a r that boundaries were constant and l i t t l e movement took place, although such move- ment i s i n i t s e l f h i g h l y s i g n i f i c a n t . Reasonable accuracy can be presumed i n t a x a t i o n s t a t i s t i c s , and these provide a good index of population (provided tax was l e v i e d e f f e c t i v e l y from the whole d i s t r i c t ) . In t h i s way, the de jure p o p u l a t i o n /can he: (and was) used as an i n d i c a t i o n of the de facto population, although to do so we have to use a conversion f a c t o r derived from the na t i v e commissioner's observations. S t a t i s t i c s of k r a a l density and of k r a a l s i z e can be presumed accurate at l e a s t i n absolute terms, whether k r a a l s 161 were lar g e or s m a l l , s c a t t e r e d or concentrated. The n a t i v e commissioner could not f a i l but be aware of population d i s t r i b u t i o n i n t h i s crude way. The same a p p l i e s to the incidence of stock r e a r i n g , whether c a t t l e sheep or goats. The n a t i v e commissioner appears to have spent a considerable amount of h i s time on h i s t r a v e l s simply counting, people and animals. While h i s sums could not bear the d e t a i l e d a n a l y s i s of a modern economist, they do provide h i s t o r i c a l p o i n t e r s to the nature and scale of the accommodation between the European and the indigenous economy. The s t a t i s t i c s of t r a d i n g i n any given d i s t r i c t are extremely important as an i n d i c a t i o n of a l t e r n a t i v e methods of e n t e r i n g the cash economy and as a c o r r e l a t i v e of the success or f a i l u r e of labour r e c r u i t i n g . Here again i t i s p o s s i b l e to make judgments i n absolute terms to s a t i s f y the nume r i c a l l y l e s s r i g o r o u s , though d i f f e r e n t , demands of h i s t o r i c a l a n a l y s i s . The economist has been i n t e r e s t e d i n whether the A f r i c a n s ' response to the European economy has been a r a t i o n a l or an i r r a t i o n a l one, v/hether he has set out to maximise h i s r e a l income or simply respond to the pressures, moral and f i s c a l , placed upon him; whether he has seen the wage earning part of h i s labour as supplementary and comple- mentary to h i s v i l l a g e a g r i c u l t u r e , or simply an e x t e r n a l experience imposed upon him as a form of t r i b u t e and bearing 162 l i t t l e r e l a t i o n to h i s t r a d i t i o n a l economic l i f e . C e n t r a l to t h i s d i s c u s s i o n i s the question of the backward s l o p i n g labour supply f u n c t i o n , whereby the supply of labour d e c l i n e s as wages inc r e a s e , since the labourer's c e i l i n g of want i s reached more r a p i d l y and he i s able to withdraw h i s labour a f t e r a shorter period. This i s of course quite the opposite to what happens i n a s o p h i s t i c a t e d economy. I t should be noted that i n one important respect the demands of the European economy coincided with the preferen- ces of the A f r i c a n labour force. An economy i n t h i s i n c i p i e n t s t a t e required a l a r g e , but h i g h l y f l e x i b l e and h i g h l y mobile labour force. In almost every sector of the European economy we f i n d the demand f o r labour i s f o r l a r g e numbers f o r short periods. This was obviously true of the c o n s t r u c t i o n i n d u s t r y , p a r t i c u l a r l y i n the case of r a i l w a y or telegraph c o n s t r u c t i o n . I t was true of farming, f o r i r r i g a t i o n works, f o r the h i g h l y seasonal nature of the Rhodesian climate and growing p o t e n t i a l , f o r the demands of a s p e c i a l i s e d crop l i k e tobacco, already coming i n t o vogue by 1914 . Less obviously, i t was true of the mining i n d u s t r y . Rhodesia was prospectors' country, more s u i t e d to small workers than l a r g e concentrations, p a r t i c u l a r l y a f t e r the Company's r e l a x a t i o n of the c o n d i t i o n s on the establishment of such smaller concerns. I f mines s w i f t l y appeared, they also s w i f t l y disappeared. 163 This chapter sets out to give a resume of the labour s i t u a t i o n i n each d i s t r i c t during the period 1898-1914 . The date 1898 has been.chosen since from that date the n a t i v e department was completely reorganised, and i t i s only from that date that v i r t u a l l y the whole country came under i t s j u r i s d i c t i o n , a l t h o u g h . i t was another few years before the a u t h o r i t y of the Company a d m i n i s t r a t i o n was c a r r i e d to the extreme edges of the low v e l d i n the North or the South. The d i s t r i c t s w i l l here be t r e a t e d i n the two provinces of . Matabeleland and Mashonaland, since u n t i l 1913 each had a d i f f e r e n t Chief Native Commissioner with somewhat d i f f e r e n t views on labour, c o n d i t i o n s were d i f f e r e n t i n each, and the t r i b a l concentration was d i f f e r e n t i n each. In 1913, the two n a t i v e a d m i n i s t r a t i o n s were combined under S i r Herbert T a y l o r , the man whom the C o l o n i a l O f f i c e had refused to consider as under secretary f o r n a t i v e a f f a i r s because of h i s a c t i v i t i e s i n the 1899 indabas. In 1905, the South A f r i c a n Native A f f a i r s Commission (Cd . 2399) had reached the conclusion that the maximum man- power f i g u r e which could be extracted from the indigenous economy without occasioning i t s breakdown was 50% of tne male population between the ages of 1 5 ,and 40 . This became the g u i d e l i n e i n Rhodesia, and i t soon became something of a magic f i g u r e i n the r e p o r t s of Rhodesian nat i v e commissioners.. I t appears so frequently, that i t i s d i f f i c u l t not to suspect 164 that n a t i v e commissioners f e l t under some o b l i g a t i o n to produce the " r i g h t " f i g u r e . However, the f i g u r e was sometimes genuinely exceeded, and o c c a s i o n a l l y the f i g u r e s are d e t a i l e d enough to show that not a l l the o f f i c e r s were simply anxious to please. In t h i s connection, i t must be remembered that we are d e a l i n g with a labour force i n a constant s t a t e of f l u x , working from one to twelve months i n the year. A 50% labour f i g u r e f o r any one year does not therefore mean a 50% withdrawal from the indigenous economy at one point i n time, although as the length of time worked g r e a t l y increased l a t e r i n the period, t h i s became i n c r e a s i n g l y the case. The f o l l o w i n g review of a l l the n a t i v e department d i s t r i c t s i n Rhodesia attempts to examine the r e l a t i o n s h i p of a number of d i f f e r e n t f a c t o r s at d i s t r i c t l e v e l to the performance of that d i s t r i c t as a labour s u p p l i e r . These f a c t o r s are the pressure of population, the type of land tenure, the incidence of stock holding, the amount of t r a d i n g , the proximity to centres of employment, and the nature of the indigenous economy of the area. A l l of t h i s must n e c e s s a r i l y be seen through the eyes of the native commissioners, although they must be t r e a t e d as p a r t i c i p a n t s as w e l l as observers. However, as f a r as p o s s i b l e , a l l these f a c t o r s w i l l be examined from the A f r i c a n point of view. 165 The province of Mashonaland i s t r e a t e d i n t h i s chapter; the province of Matabeleland i n the next. Mashonaland was the f i r s t area taken over by the pioneers i n 1890. The c a p i t a l was e s t a b l i s h e d at Fort S a l i s b u r y on the high plateau, almost e x a c t l y i n the centre of the province. Mines were e s t a b l i s h - ed to the North, North West and South West of the town. Farms spread out on the high v e l d , and l a t e r on to the low v e l d , when tobacco v/as developed e a r l y t h i s century. The Shona peoples of the province were g e n e r a l l y regard- ed as poor labourers because of t h e i r supposedly inadequate physiques and u n w i l l i n g n e s s to leave the