AFRICAN LABOUR IN SOUTH CENTRAL AFRICA, 1890-1914 AND NINETEENTH CENTURY COLONIAL LABOUR THEORY by . JOHN MACDONALD MACKENZIE .. M.A., U n i v e r s i t y of Glasgow, 1964 A THESIS SUBMITTED IN THE REQUIREMENTS DOCTOR OF PARTIAL FULFILMENT OF FOR THE DEGREE OF PHILOSOPHY i n the Department of H i s t o r y We .accept t h i s t h e s i s as conforming to the req u i r e d standard THE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA September, 1969 In p r e s e n t i n g t h i s t h e s i s i n p a r t i a l f u l f i l m e n t o f the r e q u i r e m e n t s f o r an advanced degree a t the U n i v e r s i t y o f B r i t i s h C o lumbia, I agree t h a t t h e L i b r a r y s h a l l make i t f r e e l y a v a i l a b l e f o r r e f e r e n c e and s t u d y . I f u r t h e r agree t h a p e r m i s s i o n f o r e x t e n s i v e c o p y i n g o f t h i s t h e s i s f o r s c h o l a r l y p u rposes may be g r a n t e d by the Head o f my Department o r by h i s r e p r e s e n t a t i v e s . I t i s u n d e r s t o o d t h a t c o p y i n g o r p u b l i c a t i o n o f t h i s t h e s i s f o r f i n a n c i a l g a i n s h a l l not be a l l o w e d w i t h o u t my w r i t t e n p e r m i s s i o n . Department The U n i v e r s i t y o f B r i t i s h Columbia Vancouver 8 , Canada Date i i ABSTRACT T h i s t h e s i s i s concerned wi th the m o b i l i s a t i o n of A f r i c a n l abour i n South C e n t r a l A f r i c a and the c r e a t i o n of a dua l economy the re . The problem i t seeks to examine i s why a pu re ly migrant labour system was c rea ted , i n which A f r i c a n s spent on ly shor t pe r iods i n the cash economy i n t e r s p e r s e d wi th longer per iods i n t h e i r own subs is tence one. T h i s problem i s c l o s e l y l i n k e d w i t h the wider i s s u e s of l and p o l i c y , n a t i v e p o l i c y , and c o l o n i a l l abour theory i n the n ine teenth century . Us ing the records of the C o l o n i a l O f f i c e and of the B r i t i s h South A f r i c a Company's a d m i n i s t r a t i o n s i n Northern and Southern Rhodesia , together wi th o ther contemporary m a t e r i a l , an attempt i s made to examine the r e l a t i o n s h i p between developments i n the Rhodesias and wider c o l o n i a l exper ience , between the Company's aims i n i t s a d m i n i s t r a t i o n and the C o l o n i a l O f f i c e ' s c o n t r o l of i t . C o l o n i a l l abour theory i n the n ine teenth century i s found to have emerged as a response to the end of the s lave trade and the emancipation of the s l a v e s , as a need to s u b s t i t u t e for force both s t imu lan t s ( l i k e t a x a t i o n ) to overcome s o - c a l l e d t r o p i c a l indo lence and a modicum of l and hunger to overcome excess ive dependence on subs i s t ence . T h i s had to be balanced, however, by the need to p ro tec t the i n t e r e s t s and r i g h t s of indigenous peoples i n the face of humanitar ian concern and i n t e r n a t i o n a l o p i n i o n . These c o n s i d e r a t i o n s , coupled wi th i i i administrative expediency and the desire of European s e t t l e r communities for the security of s o c i a l and p o l i t i c a l segreg-ation, led to the creation of a reserves policy. In Southern Rhodesia, the absence of a genuine reserves policy during the f i r s t years of settlement appeared to lead to disastrous r e l a t i o n s with the native peoples. The Colonial Office i n s i s t e d upon the creation of reserves, and the effect, i f not the intention, of subsequent Company native policy was to move Africans increasingly on to the reserves, away from European centres of employment, opportunities for marketing produce and stock, and p r i n c i p a l l i n e s of communication. As a r e s u l t , Africans' capacity to respond r a t i o n a l l y to the cash economy actually declined as opportunities for exploring the various avenues into i t were withdrawn with geographical i s o l a t i o n . In consequence labour became a purely migratory experience which entailed b r i e f periods i n the essentially alien environment (accentuated by ordinance) of the town or mine l o c -ation. This was accentuated also by the migration of labour into Southern Rhodesia from throughout South Central A f r i c a and the import of indentured labour from overseas, p o l i c i e s pursued by an administration convinced of the inadequacy of the i n t e r n a l labour supply. Thus Colonial Office concern for the protection of the native inte r e s t led to the perpetuation of an i n e f f i c i e n t and, to the African, disturbing system, which ultimately f a c i l i t -ated the mortgaging of Africans' s o c i a l and p o l i t i c a l development. CONTENTS page. P r e f a c e v I n t r o d u c t i o n 1 Chapter 1: The C o l o n i a l O f f i c e and Labour i n the N i n e t e e n t h C e n t u r y 12 Chapter 2: The South A f r i c a n Background 57 Chapter 3: The M o b i l i s a t i o n o f Labour w i t h i n R h o d e s i a .. 10k Chapter k'. Labour from the D i s t r i c t s , Mashonaland ...... 159 Chapter 5: Labour from the D i s t r i c t s , M a t a b e l e l a n d 205 Chapter 6: Labour from O u t s i d e , I n d i a n Ocean and N o r t h e r n Zambezia 2 1^ Chapter 7: Labour from O u t s i d e , Nyasaland, Mozambique and the T r a n s v a a l 29A-Chapter 8: Labour and the A f r i c a n 329 C o n c l u s i o n 361 A Note on T r i b e s and t h e i r Nomenclature 368 B i b l i o g r a p h y , 369 MAPS Southern R h o d e s i a : D i s t r i c t s and Mines N o r t h e r n R h o d e s i a : T r i b a l Areas Labour Routes i n South C e n t r a l A f r i c a PREFACE There i s no more obvious phenomenon i n A f r i c a than labour migration, and i t has received a p r o p o r t i o n a t e l y l a r g e amount of a t t e n t i o n from both a n t h r o p o l o g i s t s and s o c i o l o g i s t s . H i s t o r i a n s of C e n t r a l A f r i c a have however merely glanced at labour migration. They have seen i t as an important part of European p o l i t i c a l p e n etration, but i t s o r i g i n s have not yet been studied on the s c a l e of S h e i l a van der Horst's Native Labour i n South A f r i c a (1942). The research that has been done i s e i t h e r i n the form of r a t h e r sketchy a r t i c l e s or unpublished theses, and there has been no attempt to set the c o l o n i a l labour experience i n t o the wider context of c o l o n i a l labour theory. This t h e s i s cannot f u l l y f i l l t h i s gap. I t i s intended as an i n t r o d u c t i o n to the problem of the o r i g i n s and develop-ment of a t t i t u d e s towards labour i n both the c o l o n i a l and the t r i b a l s i t u a t i o n s , and the a p p l i c a t i o n of those a t t i t u d e s i n the growth of a dual economy and the formation of p o l i c y . An extremely d i f f i c u l t problem i n t h i s part of A f r i c a i s terminology. South C e n t r a l A f r i c a i s a term of convenience intended to i n c l u d e s e v e r a l modern countries and to draw the mind away from the European-created boundaries so often i r r e l e v a n t i n A f r i c a n h i s t o r y . Unfortunately, i t i s a term based purely on previous European s c h o l a r s h i p . Recently, another term has been coined that has perhaps b e t t e r h i s t o r i c a l precedents, Zambesia (e.g. i n Stokes and Brown, The Zambesian Past, 1966). I t also s u f f e r s from being of European c r e a t i o n and i n s t a n t l y produces v i the unfortunate q u a l i f y i n g phrases Southern Zamhesia and Northern Zambesia. For the purposes of t h i s t h e s i s , South C e n t r a l A f r i c a may be defined as that area from which Rhodesia secured i t s A f r i c a n labour supply between 1890 and 1914, that i s Rhodesia i t s e l f , most of Zambia and Malawi, and pa r t s of Mozambique, the Northern Transvaal and Botswana. A second d i f f i c u l t y i s that c o u n t r i e s have changed t h e i r names, sometimes s e v e r a l times. Some schol a r s appear to make the modern terms r e t r o - a c t i v e ; others use the name current i n each period. In t h i s t h e s i s the modern term w i l l be used i n any general context - as i n the above paragraph - and the h i s t o r i c a l term where a p a r t i c u l a r point of time i s concerned. Yet another problem of terminology i s that so many words that have p e r f e c t l y l e g i t i m a t e meanings have developed p e j o r a t i v e overtones through a s s o c i a t i o n with the c o l o n i a l period. Perhaps the most obvious example i s the word n a t i v e , a word that i s v i r t u a l l y a compliment when used of Wales, Alsace, New England and so on, but i s now to be avoided i n an A f r i c a n context. I t i s unfortunate that h i s t o r i a n s have to avoid such a word, simply because of past misuse, f o r there i s no r e a l s u b s t i t u t e f o r i t . I t has proved necessary to use i t s p a r i n g l y i n t h i s t h e s i s , f o r a t o t a l ban seems f o o l i s h . An even more obvious example of misuse i s the word "boy" i n v a r i a b l y used i n the c o l o n i a l s i t u a t i o n i n C e n t r a l A f r i c a as a synoniym of "labourer" or "servant" or even of simply "male A f r i c a n " . In t h i s t h e s i s the word i s of course used only to mean a male adolescent or c h i l d . I t should be v i i recognised, however, that when i t occurs i n a quotation i t very often involves the much wider meaning! Labour migration i s of course a continuing process -a r e l a t i v e l y s t a b i l i s e d African urban i n d u s t r i a l population i s s t i l l the exception rather than the rule. I t should also be remembered that i n the case of Rhodesia, current p o l i t i c a l problems are coloured by labour migration. There can be l i t t l e doubt that the present regime i s delighted that a truly permanent African urban population has never been created, that the reserves exist as a massive system of outdoor r e l i e f during a period of high African unemployment. Several Africans i n t e r -viewed by me i n Rhodesia regarded th e i r reserves, t h e i r v i l l a g e s , t h e i r land, however small and poor, as an insurance against the vagaries of the European economic climate. Thus Africans i n Rhodesia regard i n s t i t u t i o n s that are undoubtedly a bar to th e i r p o l i t i c a l progress as necessary to th e i r day-to-day needs. To v i s i t a Rhodesian reserve - p a r t i c u l a r l y one near Salisbury - i s to see the conditions so often described by Native Commissioners f i f t y years ago, a community of women and children with an old headman and occasionally an unemployed male or an older c h i l d on holiday from school. Almost d a i l y examples of labour migration appear to the t r a v e l l e r or research worker i n south central A f r i c a : the youthful employee i n a *Hortense Powdermaker i n her Copper Town; Changing A f r i c a (New York, 1962), pp. 92-93 has an excellent example of t h i s problem. One of her research assistants referred to two ten year old boys as "gentlemen", so aware was he of the debasing of the word "boy". v i i i h o t e l saving to buy a team of oxen to help farm the a n c e s t r a l land i n Inyanga; the young men on the Malawian bus b o i s t e r -ously r e t u r n i n g home a f t e r a s p e l l i n the Johannesburg mines; the depot of the Witwatersrand Native Labour A s s o c i a t i o n nearby the Blantyre mission of the Church of C e n t r a l A f r i c a Presbyterian on land a c t u a l l y leased from the mission; the crowded bus that leaves Harare township, S a l i s b u r y , f o r Blantyre every n i g h t , v i a the Mozambique enclave, f u l l of r e t u r n i n g migrants using an o l d route by modern means; the Rhodesian farmer annoyed that the labourer s u p p l i e d by the government agency had "run away"; and, most i n t e r e s t i n g l y of a l l , the A f r i c a n s from the southern end of the country w a i t i n g f o r work on the Mazoe Mine i n Rhodesia who took temporary employment as a r c h a e o l o g i c a l labourers on an excavation on the Portuguese s i t e of Dambarare w i t h i n s i g h t of the mine - as work became a v a i l a b l e , the a r c h a e o l o g i c a l labour-ers melted awayj These are j u s t a few personal examples from an extended v i s i t to Rhodesia, Zambia and Malawi i n 1967. A l l manuscript references i n the t h e s i s apply to the N a t i o n a l Archives of Rhodesia i n S a l i s b u r y , and are p r e f i x e d by the a b b r e v i a t i o n NA. A l l references p r e f i x e d C.O. are C o l o n i a l O f f i c e f i l e s i n the P u b l i c Record O f f i c e , London. A f u l l e r account of the sources can be found i n the b i b l i o -graphy. This t h e s i s has been prepared with the help of the resources of a number of i n s t i t u t i o n s , the u n i v e r s i t i e s of B r i t i s h Columbia, Glasgow and Lancaster, the ''University College i x of Rhodesia, the B r i t i s h Museum, the Pu b l i c Record O f f i c e , the N a t i o n a l R e g i s t e r of Archives, the I n s t i t u t e of H i s t o r i c a l Research, the N a t i o n a l Archives of Rhodesia, the former Church of Scotland mission i n B l a n t y r e , Malawi, and my thanks are due to the various s t a f f s of l i b r a r i e s and archives who have eased my passage. My thanks are also due to my supervisor, Dr. R.V. Kubicek, who read and e f f e c t i v e l y c r i t i c i s e d each chapter a s t o n i s h i n g l y promptly, to the beleaguered h i s t o r y department of the U n i v e r s i t y College of Rhodesia, whose seminars proved so i n f o r m a t i v e , to Mrs. P.E.N. T i n d a l l and the Rev. Kenneth P a t t i s o n , who provided much-needed h o s p i t a l i t y i n Rhodesia and Malawi, and to C a l l i s t o K a p i p i r o and Alex Jana, with whom I explored Rhodesian reserves and up-country Malawi r e s p e c t i v e l y . INTRODUCTION Mi g r a t i o n and labour are expressions of one of the basic i n s t i n c t s of a l l l i v i n g creatures, the i n s t i n c t f o r s u r v i v a l . In human h i s t o r y they have been transformed from mere s u r v i v a l mechanisms to the motive power and the b r a i n of the modern economic system. M i g r a t i o n has changed from a group to an i n d i v i d u a l a c t i v i t y ; i t has acquired i d e o l o g i c a l , r e l i g i o u s and personal motives, but has remained b a s i c a l l y economic. Labour on the other hand has been transformed from a personal to a group a c t i v i t y and i n the process has accumulated immense i d e o l o g i c a l a c c r e t i o n s . This t h e s i s i s concerned with the meeting of two d i f f e r e n t types of migration, and the labour which became a f u n c t i o n of that c l a s h . One migration formed part of the expansion of Europe; the other was the c o n t i n u i n g ebb and flow of Bantu migration which had been going on across A f r i c a f o r many c e n t u r i e s . The migration of Europeans was one of the most s i g n i f i c a n t features of the nineteenth century. I t had been gathering momentum f o r s e v e r a l c e n t u r i e s . The crusading z e a l of Prince Henry the Navigator i n h i s d e s i r e to o u t f l a n k Islam had turned i n t o an a c q u i s i t i v e d r i v e f o r the mineral wealth of South America and the luxury t r a f f i c of the Orient. These mining and t r a d i n g contacts were turned by mercantilism i n t o an econ-omic system that European nations could opt out of only at t h e i r p e r i l . So f o r the f i r s t time Europeans came i n t o contact with other peoples on a g l o b a l s c a l e . The Spanish i n South America 2 were the f i r s t to experience the problems of indigenous labour, and the i d e o l o g i c a l b a t t l e was j o i n e d . The conquistadores acted as conquerors exacting from t h e i r t r i b u t a r y peoples the r i g h t s that conquerors had demanded since the e a r l i e s t days of t r i b a l i s m . As l a t e r i n A f r i c a , the c o l o n i a l power caught up with t h e i r own c o l o n i a l conquerors. Their b r u t a l i t y was answered by the c l e r i c a l paternalism of Las Casas, c o l o n i a l e x p l o i t a t i o n of the Indians by the a m e l i o r a t i v e e f f o r t s of the Spanish Crown. The systems of encomiendas and repartimientos were e s s e n t i a l l y designed to avoid s l a v e r y . They gave the c o l o n i a l s r i g h t s over t r i b u t e and labour, but not over the persons of the Indians, and under p u b l i c r a t h e r than p r i v a t e c o n t r o l . The process of the conquerors brought under the c o n t r o l of a c o l o n i a l power anxious f o r i t s own i n t e r n a t i o n a l p r e s t i g e was to be repeated i n A f r i c a i n the l a t e nineteenth century. But there were important elements of the Spanish experience -the e a r l y c r e a t i o n of a l a r g e "poor white" population and the r a p i d predominance of the mestizo or h a l f - c a s t e population -that were not repeated. Moreover, i n the i n t e r v e n i n g period the European conscience towards A f r i c a s u f f e r e d a prolonged and d i s a s t r o u s lapse. The e a r l y respect of the Portuguese f o r the King of the Congo, or i n a l e s s formalised way f o r the Monomotapa of the Rozwi Empire i n Rhodesia, i n the s i x t e e n t h century proved s h o r t - l i v e d . The Arabs of the East Coast had already solved t h e i r s l i g h t labour d i f f i c u l t i e s by a combination 3 of forced migration and forced unfree labour which f i t t e d very-w e l l i n t o the Moslem t r a d i t i o n : s l a v e r y . Europeans turned s l a v e r y i n t o a system of e x p l o i t a t i o n that has never ceased to d i s t u r b the h i s t o r i c a l conscience, however much h i s t o r i a n s have sought e x p i a t i o n i n i n c r e a s i n g l y shocked and l u r i d d e s c r i p t i o n . Slavery was the most important c o n d i t i o n e r of nineteenth century labour p o l i c y . I t produced i n B r i t a i n a humanitarian r e a c t i o n that was as Tory as i t was Whig and as Whig as i t was Tory: the most ardent a n t i - s l a v e r y gentlemen were also the most anti-democratic. The contemporary j i b e that they were more i n t e r e s t e d i n slaves whom they had never seen than the very r e a l and apparent* s u f f e r i n g s of the domestic working classes- was a pointed one. T h e i r humanitarianism, with a few notable exceptions, was often more akin to the benevol-2 ence of a n t i - v i v i s e c t i o n i s t s . They were however zealous i n devoting t h e i r l i v e s to the e r a d i c a t i o n of a great e v i l , and they founded a crusade that was to have f a r - r e a c h i n g r a m i f i c a t i o n s . Many f a l s e comparisons have been made between the humanitarianism of the a b o l i t i o n i s t s and the s e v e r i t y of •z l a t e nineteenth century i m p e r i a l i s m . C u r t i n has shown^ how those concerned f o r the welfare of slaves could support forced labour as a necessary a l t e r n a t i v e . I t i s thus not true to say that a considerable r e v o l u t i o n i n thought on c o l o n i a l labour - from benevolence to harshness, based on a developing racism - occurred during the nineteenth century. :; The a n t i -s l a v e r y movement produced two quite d i f f e r e n t schools of thought. I t was the progenitor of both a benevolent and a harsh-paternalism, of both the A n t i - S l a v e r y and Aborigines' P r o t e c t i o n S o c i e t i e s of the l a t e r century and of the c o l o n i a l p a t e r n a l i s t s . I t was not of course the sole progenitor of these a t t i t u d e s . Nor i s i t true that advancing European technology was the only other parent of the V i c t o r i a n c u l t u r a l s u p e r i o r i t y complex. When an A f r i c a n i s t l i k e S i r Harry Johnston made the gross e r r o r of c h a r a c t e r i s i n g A f r i c a n peoples as Stone Age,^ he was not j u s t i n f l u e n c e d by the racism of h i s day. He d i d so as the bearer of a strange mixture of thought and impressions that were the l a t e nineteenth century i n h e r i t a n c e . I t was a mixture of Hegelian Euroce.ntrism, of the r a t h e r arrogant brand of u t i l i t a r i a n i s m dispensed at Haileybury e a r l i e r i n the century f o r Indian consumption, of the o b i t e r d i c t a of "armchair a n t h r o p o l o g i s t s " seeking to e s t a b l i s h t h e i r science w i t h a f u l l blown theory of racism, of s o c i o l o g i s t s converting evolutionism to t h e i r own ends,^ of t r a v e l l e r s (a t r u l y important i n f l u e n c e here) conveying as heightened a contrast as p o s s i b l e to t h e i r l a r g e and a v i d reading p u b l i c , of the i n t e l l e c t u a l paternalism proceeding from the u n i v e r s i t i e s , and i n p a r t i c u l a r from Oxford, and f i n a l l y of the V i c t o r i a n obsess-i o n w i t h v i s u a l t e c h n o l o g i c a l achievement i n which they them-selv e s had so e x c e l l e d . The century-long a n t i - s l a v e r y crusade was accompanied by a great debate which centred on the nature of the free labour that was to take i t s place. The debate was conditioned by the v a r ious i n t e l l e c t u a l strands enumerated above, together with the requirements of a developing c a p i t a l i s m that had outgrown the need f o r s l a v e r y , but had not developed a r e a l labour theory or p o l i c y e i t h e r at home or abroad. Both these problems were s t i l l f a r from s o l u t i o n when Europeans, f i r s t penetrated C e n t r a l A f r i c a i n appreciable numbers. Their r e a c t i o n s were based, however u n w i t t i n g l y , p a r t l y on t h i s debate, p a r t l y on South A f r i c a n experience, and p a r t l y on the nature of the s o c i e t i e s they found i n C e n t r a l A f r i c a . They found slave t r a d i n g and indigenous s l a v e r y ; they found an unconcern f o r l i f e which, f o r g e t t i n g t h e i r not so remote ancestors and the nature of the A f r i c a n environment, they c h a r a c t e r i s e d as barbarism and savagery; they found s o c i e t i e s pursuing f i r s t l y the economic migration of s h i f t i n g c u l t i v a t i o n , pressed on r e l e n t l e s s l y by a poor s o i l , and secondly the p o l i t i c a l migration of f i s s i o n and coherence so c h a r a c t e r i s t i c of Bantu t r i b a l o r g a n i s a t i o n . The p o l i t i c a l sway of the Rozwi, the c u l t u r e of the Empire of the Monomotapa which the Portuguese had encountered and respected, had d e c l i n e d and fragmented. Offshoots of two great Bantu peoples, the Zulus from the South and the Luba-Lunda from the North, had become the ove r l o r d s of the region. J u s t as the Roman towns i n England had been ignored by the invading Saxons, so the stone zimbabwes were abandoned. The study of the v a r i e d nature of the response of C e n t r a l A f r i c a n s o c i e t i e s to the whole s e r i e s of i n f l u e n c e s that came to bear upon them i n the nineteenth century has proved one of the most f r u i t f u l approaches to the h i s t o r y of the p r e - c o l o n i a l period. They faced the i n c u r s i o n s of other t r i b e s , and were a s s i m i l a t e d , r a i d e d or compelled to o f f e r t r i b u t e . Superior and subject t r i b e s faced the Arab slave t r a d e r s as f i t f u l c o l l a b o r a t o r s or v i c t i m s as the case might be. ' I n the e a r l y years of European penetration, i t was soon c l e a r that the balance of power would change again. M i s s i o n a r i e s revealed t h i s b e t t e r than any other e a r l y group, simply because they tended to s e t t l e permanently. In Malawi i n p a r t i c u l a r , both at the southern and northern ends of the Lake, they took up residence with the rai d e d and then set about h a l t i n g the a c t i v i t i e s of the r a i d e r s . The m i s s i o n a r i e s i n v a r i a b l y provided a f i l l i p to c o l o n i a l c o n t r o l , though with m i l i t a n t Cape Company c o l o n i a l i s m from the South and m i l i t a n t Foreign O f f i c e diplomatic i m p e r i a l i s m from the East, l i t t l e f i l l i p was necessary. The r u l e r s of C e n t r a l A f r i c a n s o c i e t i e s almost a l l f e l t Lobengula's celebrated sensation of the Chameleon and the F l y . ^ They soon became aware of the dangers of the European i n c u r s i o n s and the t r i b u t e that would be exacted i n defeat -taxes, labour and c o n t r o l . The Europeans o s t e n s i b l y wished to save them from themselves, from savagery and s l a v e r y , but the s u f f e r i n g of the merely probable was i n f i n i t e l y preferable to the systematic s u f f e r i n g of the European tax-gatherer and of 7 1 c a p i t a l i s t e n t e r p r i s e drawing labour i n t o i t s i n s a t i a b l e maw. This European penetration was achieved by a remarkable combination of endemic diplomacy and warfare. T r e a t i e s were p r o f f e r e d , accepted and revoked. Various excuses were tendered f o r the f o r c i b l e d e s t r u c t i o n of w a r l i k e t r i b e s , of which r a i d i n g , slave or otherwise, was the most common. Few events r e v e a l more about A f r i c a n t r i b e s or t h e i r c o l o n i a l r u l e r s than the peaceful - as with the Bemba and the L o z i -or the w a r l i k e - as with the Ndebele, s e c t i o n s of the Ngoni and the Yao - establishment of c o l o n i a l hegemony. Labour migration was then seen by Chartered Company magnates and 7 c o l o n i s t s as the c a t a l y s t of t r i b a l fragmentation and of the erosion of t r a d i t i o n a l a u t h o r i t y . Taxation was i n t r o d -uced to speed t h i s process ( i n a d d i t i o n to p r o v i d i n g revenue) and reserves r e l u c t a n t l y e s t a b l i s h e d at the behest of the i m p e r i a l a u t h o r i t i e s . The acceptance of reserves remained r e l u c t a n t u n t i l European c o l o n i s t s awakened to the p o l i t i c a l dangers of a l a n d l e s s A f r i c a n p r o l e t a r i a t . I n Rhodesia, Europeans have balanced p o l i c y on the knife-edge between the needs of c a p i t a l i s t production and the fear of a p o l i t i c a l l y conscious working c l a s s . Seasonal migration began as an unfortunate n e c e s s i t y - l i k e that of another conquered people, the I r i s h , to England - but what made economic sense d i d not make p o l i t i c a l sense. The I r i s h had e v e n t u a l l y s e t t l e d and formed an urban sub-culture. Given the population imbalance, 8 A f r i c a n s could not be permitted to do the same. The m i s s i o n a r i e s had sought i m p e r i a l c o n t r o l , but the c o n t r o l imposed was seldom to t h e i r l i k i n g . While i t was only w i t h i n i t s framework that they could s u c c e s s f u l l y pursue t h e i r r e l i g i o u s o b j e c t s , they u s u a l l y objected to the c o l o n i a l s ' methods, and t h i s i s p a r t i c u l a r l y true of the r e c r u i t i n g of labour. They faced a very r e a l dilemma here. While approving the end, c i v i l i z a t i o n through the medium of the d i g n i t y of labour, they disapproved of the means. During the penetration period, the more s o p h i s t i c a t e d c h i e f s l i k e Lobengula or Lewanika had been educated - often by the l o c a l missionary - to an awareness of the existence of a moderating i n f l u e n c e , to them the Great White Queen, to us the C o l o n i a l Q O f f i c e . C h i e f s and m i s s i o n a r i e s a l i k e continued to turn to London to curb the worst excesses of the "man on the spot". In the Spanish Empire the Church had succeeded i n doing t h i s with one important d i f f e r e n c e - the Spanish Church was a monolithic establishment i n e x t r i c a b l y bound up with the State. The B r i t i s h Church was fragmented and important only i n s o f a r as the adherents of each branch at home could i n f l u e n c e p o l i c y . What d i s t i n g u i s h e s B r i t i s h c o l o n i a l church h i s t o r y i n South C e n t r a l A f r i c a i s the fashion i n which i t r a p i d l y l o s t c o n t r o l of both the A f r i c a n and the European s i t u a t i o n i n the c o l o n i a l q p eriod. C h i e f s and Church turned to a C o l o n i a l O f f i c e which i n a sense owed i t s modern development to labour. S i r Henry-Ta y l o r describes i n h i s Autobiography"*"^ how inadequate the C o l o n i a l O f f i c e was during the twenties and t h i r t i e s of the nineteenth century to cope with the move towards the a b o l i t i o n of s l a v e r y , how some new and b r i g h t c l e r k s were appointed of whom he was one. S i r James Stephen emerged through emancip-a t i o n as the f i r s t great Permanent Under Secretary. A f t e r him the C o l o n i a l O f f i c e never l o s t i t s humanitarianism, but during the twentieth century i t - l i k e the Church - l o s t c o n t r o l of the Southern A f r i c a n s i t u a t i o n . The Devonshire D e c l a r a t i o n and the P a s s f i e l d Memorandum only j u s t saved i t from l o s i n g . c o n t r o l of East A f r i c a n developments. The c r e a t i o n of the Union of South A f r i c a was a triumph f o r the d e v o l u t i o n i s t s ; the development of the conception of i n d i r e c t r u l e marked the triumph of an an a c h r o n i s t i c Whiggism. Both events were f a t a l to the growth of a c o l o n i a l labour p o l i c y p a r a l l e l to the domestic one. The Ce n t r a l A f r i c a n Federation was a l a s t c l u t c h i n g at straws, a chimera of r a c i a l p artnership and p o l i t i c a l advance. This t h e s i s i s an attempt to approach labour from a number of angles: f i r s t l y from the C o l o n i a l O f f i c e i n the nineteenth century, though what i s s a i d i s merely a general e x p l o r a t i o n , so much remains to be winkled from the C o l o n i a l O f f i c e Archives secondly from the South A f r i c a that produced the Chartered Company and so many of the e a r l y s e t t l e r s ; t h i r d l y from the 10 t r i b a l environment. This provides the background. The t h e s i s goes on to examine the mechanism of migrant labour, the techniques of m o b i l i s a t i o n at work, and the establishment of a corpus of ideas on A f r i c a n labour that has proved l o n g -l i v e d . There are a number of i n c i d e n t a l problems, the r e l a t i o n s h i p of the C o l o n i a l O f f i c e with the Company, of the Company with the s e t t l e r s , of the s e t t l e r s with the A f r i c a n s , of the m i s s i o n a r i e s with the s e t t l e r s , of the C o l o n i a l O f f i c e with i t s o p p o s i t i o n at home, and permutations of a l l f i v e . While p r o v i d i n g constant and i r r i t a t i n g c o n s t r a i n t , the C o l o n i a l O f f i c e not s u r p r i s i n g l y f a i l e d i n t h i s period to e s t a b l i s h the groundwork f o r a progressive labour p o l i c y which was the s i n a qua non of a progressive p o l i t i c a l p o l i c y . Having l o s t the i n i t i a t i v e the C o l o n i a l O f f i c e was never able to regain i t . 11 FOOTNOTES TO INTRODUCTION. 1 See f o r example the recent work of J . Pope-Hennessy, Sins of the Fathers.(London, 19671 2 This contention i s not as remarkable as i t seems. S i r Henry Taylor ( v i d . i n f . ) , who was an o f f i c i a l i n the C o l o n i a l O f f i c e f o r almost f i f t y years from 1824, opposed s l a v e r y , supported Governor Eyre a f t e r h i s b r u t a l supp-r e s s i o n of the Jamaican u p r i s i n g , and attacked v i v i s e c t i o n . For f u r t h e r d e t a i l s see Chapter 1. -3 P h i l i p D. C u r t i n , The Image of A f r i c a , (Madison, 196k), pp.- 273-4. 4 S i r Harry H. Johnston, paper read before the Royal C o l o n i a l I n s t i t u t e , January 15, 1889, quoted i n Stokes & Brown, op. c i t . , p. 356. 5 Thomas Huxley i n h i s Romanes Lecture of 1893 disclaimed the i d e a that b i o l o g i c a l t h e o r i e s of e v o l u t i o n provided any i n d i c a t i o n of human s o c i a l progress, E v o l u t i o n and E t h i c s and Other Essays, (New York, 1898} p. "ET. 6 P h i l i p Mason, The B i r t h of a Dilemma (London, 1958) recounts the King of the Matabele's own d e s c r i p t i o n of h i s f e e l i n g s as the concession:seekers closed i n . 7 E r i c Stokes & Richard Brown, (eds.), The Zambesian Past, (liondon, 1966} p. 93, f o r the Company's hope regarding the Ndebele. The f a c t that the t r i b e d i d not fragment l e d to the War of 1893. 8 There i s an i n t e r e s t i n g example of the monarch expressing h i s personal opinion i n 1911. During the d i s c u s s i o n s regarding the t r a n s f e r of Bechuanaland to South A f r i c a i n 1911, the c h i e f s p e t i t i o n e d George V i n the t r a d i t i o n a l way. He p e r s o n a l l y wrote on a C o l o n i a l O f f i c e minute that h i s sympathies were with the c h i e f s . C.O. 417/499. 9 Terence 0. Ranger, "State and Church i n Southern Rhodesia, - 1919 - 39." H i s t o r i c a l A s s o c i a t i o n of Rhodesia and Nyasaland pamphlet, n.d. 10 Henry Tay l o r , Autobiography, (London, 1885} p. 64. 12 CHAPTER 1 THE COLONIAL OFFICE AND LABOUR IN THE NINETEENTH CENTURY C o l o n i a l labour p o l i c y i n the nineteenth century developed as a response to emancipation. I t was conditioned i n a number of ways: by the t e n t a t i v e ideas of t r u s t e e s h i p that had emerged from the eighteenth century and Burke i n p a r t i c u l a r ; by domestic a t t i t u d e s towards the lab o u r i n g poor; by the r a c i a l views of "armchair" a n t h r o p o l o g i s t s , s o c i o l o g i s t s and of t r a v e l l e r s ; and by the p a t e r n a l i s t i c t r a d i t i o n of a r i s t o c r a t i c r u l e . H i s t o r i a n s have seen the beginnings of t r u s t e e s h i p i n the great speeches of Burke on the impeachment of Warren Hastings. And of course no one i s more eminently quotable than Burke: i t i s very easy to be bl i n d e d to the ambivalence of h i s philosophy. He used such words as " t r u s t " and "accountable""'" and asserted There i s but one law f o r a l l , namely, that law which governs a l l law, the law of our Creator, the law of humanity, j u s t i c e , equity -the law of nature, and of nations. But he was also the fath e r of the c o l o n i a l d e v o l u t i o n i s t s who were to discover that the law of nature was not the law of humanity, j u s t i c e , equity. Although he b r i e f l y took up the m i t i g a t i o n and u l t i m a t e suppression of the slave trade i n 1780, he dropped the i s s u e f o r , as John Morley wryly put i t , " h i s sympathy was too s t r o n g l y under the c o n t r o l of the p o l i t -i c a l reason".^ Humanity and j u s t i c e f o r the slaves was 13 tempered by the need f o r j u s t i c e f o r the owners. Another f a v o u r i t e quotation from t h i s period of i n c i p i e n t t r u s t e e s h i p i s that from the Parliamentary Committee on the East I n d i a Company Charter of 1833: I t i s recognised as an i n d i s p u t a b l e p r i n c i p l e that the i n t e r e s t s of the native subjects are to be consulted i n preference to those of . Europeans whenever the two come i n t o c o n f l i c t . But no c o n f l i c t was recognised where Europeans set out to decide what was good f o r t h e i r Indian subjects, whether the subjects l i k e d i t or not. Moreover, no such unequivocal statement was ever made f o r A u s t r a l a s i a or North America, and not u n t i l the twentieth century f o r A f r i c a . G.R. M e l l o r ' s 5 attempt^ to f i n d a f u l l y revealed and adopted p o l i c y of t r u s t e e s h i p i n the f i r s t h a l f of the nineteenth century i s unconvincing. The sentiments undoubtedly e x i s t e d and received mention i n p o l i c y statements, but f o r most of t h e i r h i s t o r y they were i n v a r i a b l y i n e f f e c t u a l and often i n t e r m i t t e n t . A f t e r S i r James Stephen^ there was never again so great a humanitarian at the C o l o n i a l O f f i c e , but the i d e a of i m p e r i a l r e s p o n s i b i l i t y s u r v i v e d even when high o f f i c i a l s i n the C o l o n i a l O f f i c e were i n league with the great c a p i t a l i s t s of the day, as Edward F a i r f i e l d 7 was. The establishment of the High Commission t e r r i t o r i e s i n South A f r i c a i s evidence of t h i s , although t h e i r subsequent p e r i l o u s h i s t o r y i s e q u a l l y evidence of the tenuous nature of that t r u s t e e s h i p . Ik In short-, B r i t i s h c o l o n i a l p o l i c y has always been, l i k e Janus, two headed. I t was not j u s t that there was admini-s t r a t i v e d i v i s i o n - the I n d i a O f f i c e , the C o l o n i a l O f f i c e and the Foreign O f f i c e f o r p r o t e c t o r a t e s - nor was i t j u s t that there was an a l t e r n a t i o n of two d i f f e r e n t p o l i t i c a l p a r t i e s i n power. I t was the dual nature of the p h i l o s o p h i c a l strands that made up the a t t i t u d e s to the c o l o n i a l possessions. The C o l o n i a l Reformers had taken over Burke's concept of the n e c e s s i t y of devolution and a l l i e d i t with t h e i r own ideas on Systematic C o l o n i z a t i o n , ' organised emigration financed by land s a l e s . The humanitarians d i s t r u s t e d them because they rode roughshod over the r i g h t s of indigenous peoples which were part of the metropolitan t r u s t . In d i f f e r e n t ways they both denied l a i s s e r a l l e r , the f i r s t on an i n d i v i d u a l l e v e l , the second on a c o l l e c t i v e b a s i s . L a t e r i n the century., Herbert Spencer's s o c i o l o g y r e v e a l s e x c e l l e n t l y the inherent c o n f l i c t i n B r i t i s h nineteenth century thought. He attempted to u n i t e the' u t i l -i t a r i a n concept of the greatest happiness of the greatest number with the d o c t r i n e of l a i s s e r f a i r e and Lamarckian e v o l u t i o n , supplemented l a t e r by Darwin's t h e o r i e s of n a t u r a l s e l e c t i o n . His conclusion that the i n t e r e s t of each i n d i v i d u a l a u t o m a t i c a l l y complies with the i n t e r e s t of the aggregate of i n d i v i d u a l s hardly coincided with the u t i l i t a r i a n f a i t h i n the power of b e n e f i c i a l l e g i s l a t i o n imposed from above. Nor d i d i t f i t the p o l i t i c a l r e a l i t i e s when the aggregate i n c l u d e d 15 d i f f e r e n t s o c i a l c l a s s e s or d i f f e r e n t races. Just when s o c i a l Darwinism appeared to be t u r n i n g l a i s s e r f a i r e i n t o something more than j u s t a commercial p o l i c y , i t was overtaken by German metaphysics - C a r l y l e , t h e i r apostle,' described Spencer as "the most immeasurable ass i n Christendom". C a r l y l e provides a magnificent l i n k i n nineteenth century c o l o n i a l thought, by h i s l o n g e v i t y and by the scope of h i s i n f l u e n c e . In Past and Present he argued the e f f i c a c y of systematic emigration as a s a f e t y valve f o r democratic a g i t -a t o r s - " i n s t e a d of s t a y i n g here to be a Physical-Force Q C h a r t i s t , unblessed and no b l e s s i n g j " - as Rhodes was to do l a t e r i n an oft-quoted i n c i d e n t . ^ Remove the malcontents and ease population pressure at one blow. His Occasional Discourse on the Nigger Question"^ revealed the extent of h i s contempt f o r " i n f e r i o r peoples" and f o r "Exeter H a l l P h i l a n -thropy". In the discourse, he attacked the West Indian negroes f o r t h e i r t r o p i c a l indolence (a f a m i l i a r theme i n nineteenth century c o l o n i a l labour theory), t h e i r r e f u s a l to adhere to h i s d o c t r i n e of work, which he so exalted i n Past and Present. In h i s preoccupation with the hero i n h i s t o r y , from Cromwell to F r e d e r i c k the Great, and with German philosophy, he created the antecedents f o r the heroic labours of the great i m p e r i a l -i s t s of the turn of the century. The d i f f e r e n c e that has been observed i n r a c i a l a t t i t u d e s between the f i r s t and second halves of the nineteenth century 16 has frequent l y been expressed i n a f a r too s i m p l i s t i c way. The process was extremely s u b t l e . The racism of the second h a l f of the century d i d not i n v o l v e any r e a l change i n the a t t i t u d e of the European to the non-European: i t i n v o l v e d a change i n a t t i t u d e of the European's - and i n p a r t i c u l a r the Northern European's - a t t i t u d e towards himself. The terminology of "savage s o c i e t i e s " , "lower s o c i e t i e s " , "barbarism" and so on was as prevalent at the beginning of the century as i t was at the end. Darwinian concepts of ev o l u t i o n a p p l i e d s o c i a l l y provided an explanation f o r the d i f f e r e n t " l e v e l s " of s o c i e t y and c i v i l i z a t i o n , and tended to favour the more l i b e r a l monogenesis arguments over the pplygenesis i d e a that had exercised the ant h r o p o l o g i s t s i n 11 debate f o r most of the century. The notion that an "advanced" c i v i l i z a t i o n would a u t o m a t i c a l l y wipe out the re p r e s e n t a t i v e s of a more backward c i v i l i z a t i o n was as common before Darwin as a f t e r him. In h i s celebrated 12 i n a u g u r a l l e c t u r e of 1841 Thomas Arnold, f o r example, a p p l i e d i n e f f e c t a s u r v i v a l of the f i t t e s t argument to the g l o r y and u l t i m a t e destiny of the Saxon race. This concept reached i t s height l a t e r i n the century when S o c i a l Darwinism took on what has been described as i t s e x t e r n a l or c o l l e c t i v i s t guise"*"^ (as opposed to S o c i a l Darwin-ism a p p l i e d to an i n t e r n a l economic l a i s s e r - f a i r e s i t u a t i o n ) . The ideas of Benjamin K i d d " ^ and even more so the extr a o r d i n a r y 15 eugenics of K a r l Pearson ' entered i n t o the f a b r i c of i m p e r i a l i d e a s , and g r e a t l y i n f l u e n c e d notions of c o l o n i a l labour, Pearson wrote both of the replacement of "dark-skinned t r i b e s " by "a capable and sta l w a r t race of white men" and of the e x p l o i t a t i o n of co l o n i e s by the use of indigenous labour. However, e x t e r n a l S o c i a l Darwinism was d i r e c t e d not so much against the c o l o n i e s as against other powers. Hence, f o r example, the L a t i n s were looked down on with considerable d i s t a s t e . When the United States was s e i z i n g Puerto Rico, Cuba and the P h i l i p p i n e s from a jaded, i n f e r i o r people, the Spanish, Anglo-Saxon s u p e r i o r i t y was expressed i n Joseph Chamberlain's panteutonism. There was a new high"respect f o r the United States to the extent that B r i t a i n was w i l l i n g to give her support i n the war with Spain and was w i l l i n g to kow-tow to her over boundary disputes, even when the dispute i n v o l v e d one of B r i t a i n ' s own c o l o n i e s , as i n the case of the A l a s k a - B r i t i s h Columbia dispute. But even more important was the changed a t t i t u d e towards Germany. The establishment of the German Empire and of Bismarckian s t a t e s o c i a l i s m had a profound e f f e c t i n B r i t a i n . Fashionable i n t e l l e c t u a l s followed now i n the footsteps of C a r l y l e i n h i s adoration of German philosophy and s t a t e c r a f t r a t h e r than i n the footsteps of Bentham and u t i l i t a r i a n i s m . The Fabians i n t h e i r concern f o r s o c i a l i s m by e x i s t i n g means and t h e i r d i s l i k e of the muddle of the House of Commons 18 r e f l e c t e d t h i s , (and i t must be remembered that Sidney Webb was to some extent a f o l l o w e r of Pearson). So d i d the concern f o r the Education Act of 1902, s t a t e s o c i a l i s m passed by an u n w i t t i n g B a l f o u r , prompted by a j u s t i f i a b l e respect f o r German education and t e c h n i c a l advance. So too d i d A l f r e d M i l n e r ^ w i t h h i s German background and e a r l y education. Thomas Arnold's Saxon destiny reached i t s climax at the end of the century - i t was behind that whole s e r i e s of remarkable w i l l s of C e c i l John Rhodes. Arnold's son, Matthew, forms an i n t e r e s t i n g connection between h i s f a t h e r ' s generation and f i n de s i e c l e i m p e r i a l i s m . While i t i s true that he c a l l e d f o r more Hellenism r a t h e r than Romanism i n p u b l i c l i f e , he expressed contempt f o r the "barbarians, p h i l i s t i n e s and populace" and the now f a m i l i a r d i s s a t i s f a c t i o n with l a i s s e r f a i r e and 17 l a i s s e r a l l e r . ' He was i n f a c t one of the apostles of the meritocracy. Thomas Arnold's Saxon, C a r l y l e ' s hero and Matthew Arnold's meritocrat combined i n the i m p e r i a l i d e a l i s t s . Both Rhodes and M i l n e r dedicated themselves to a l i f e of p u b l i c u t i l i t y i n s u r p r i s i n g l y s i m i l a r phrases. Rhodes wrote "The wish came to render myself u s e f u l to my country"; M i l n e r 18 declared himself ready f o r a l i f e of p u b l i c usefulness. There can be l i t t l e doubt that Rhodes's "mystic duty" was much more important to him than e i t h e r money-making or p o l i t i c s . His f i r s t w i l l expounding h i s i d e a of a secret s o c i e t y to f u r t h e r the ends of the Anglo-Saxon race was w r i t t e n when h i s fortune was 19 s t i l l unmade. The Oxford of Benjamin Jowett and James^-" Anthony Froude - the biographer of C a r l y l e - had created a sense of d i v i n e r i g h t , d i v i n e r i g h t i n being E n g l i s h , d i v i n e r i g h t i n being a member of the i n t e l l i g e n t s i a . I t was a view espoused by Lansdowne, Asquith, S i r Edward Grey, and reached i t s apotheosis i n Curzon. Given t h i s d i v i n e r i g h t and the obsession with heroic personal labours, i t was n a t u r a l that c o l o n i a l labour p o l i c y should be based on the view that indigenous peoples must be the handmaidens of that d i v i n e w i l l . I m p e r i a l s t a t e c r a f t was Germanic: the Germanic t r a d i t i o n of the mailed f i s t i n the vel v e t glove entered c o l o n i a l labour IQ p o l i c y while the humanitarian i d e a l s of Stephen and Merivale y were s t i l l remembered. I t was also Roman. Not only were the i m p e r i a l i s t s educated i n the c l a s s i c s , they consciously adopted and took pride i n Roman a t t i t u d e s . Again Rhodes i s an e x c e l l -ent example of t h i s : he c a r r i e d the Thoughts of Marcus A u r e l i u s around with him, and was g r e a t l y f l a t t e r e d when l i k e n e d i n looks to a Roman Emperor. He had an i l l - c o n c e a l e d contempt f o r the L a t i n peoples - witness h i s b u l l y i n g t a c t i c s with the Portuguese -20 j u s t as Romans and Saxons a l i k e had swept aside the C e l t s . I f r a c i a l a t t i t u d e s emerged from a grand design of European destiny, they fed on f e a r . The fear of replacement dominates much of human a c t i v i t y - i t s most basic and pe r e n n i a l expression i s i n the fear of the ol d e r f o r the younger generation. The 20 Anglo-Indians discovered f e a r a f t e r the Mutiny, as have c o l o n i a l s of the growth of A f r i c a n n a t i o n a l i s m produced by t h e i r own c a p i t a l i s t concentration and p o l i t i c a l r e p r e s s i o n . The A l i e n s Act of 1905 was a U n i o n i s t sop to the fear of the B r i t i s h working c l a s s towards immigrants. The a t t i t u d e s of organised labour towards indigenous peoples i n Southern A f r i c a have above a l l expressed i t . In nineteenth century B r i t a i n fear was a c h a r a c t e r i s t i c of a t t i t u d e s towards the domestic working c l a s s e s ( p l u r a l at the beginning of the century, s i n g u l a r by the end). And that f e a r was as great before the F i r s t World War as i t had been immediately a f t e r the Napoleonic Wars. By 1914 the labour movement had reversed the setbacks of the T a f f Vale and Osborne d e c i s i o n s and the prospect of the " t r i p l e a l l i a n c e " revealed the greatest o b s t r u c t i v e power the unions had yet e x h i b i t e d . The safe image of the l i b e r a l e l i t e unions had gone. I t i s not s u r p r i s i n g that c o l o n i a l labour p o l i c i e s should envisage s t r i c t c o n t r o l . In the c o l o n i a l s i t u a t i o n i t s e l f , f ear was n a t u r a l l y experienced more i n t e n s e l y by the "man on the spot". I t was one of the causes of f r i c t i o n between c o l o n i a l s and the i m p e r i a l a u t h o r i t i e s . Working c l a s s phobias were strong too. T h e i r r a d i c a l supporters were often the loudest proponents of the theory of the d e s t r u c t i o n of i n f e r i o r races. The r a d i c a l s f r e q u e n t l y attacked concerns with c o l o n i a l labour as d i s t r a c t i n g a t t e n t i o n from the p l i g h t of those at home - often with complete j u s t i f -i c a t i o n . The fea r that has already been described had ample 21 expression i n the domestic s i t u a t i o n - i n i n t e r - u n i o n r i v a l r i e s , hatred of I r i s h - C a t h o l i c immigrants and so on. I t was thus r i p e f o r t u r n i n g i n t o Jingoism and Racism at the turn of the century. There was very l i t t l e i d e n t i f i c a t i o n of the oppressed at home with the oppressed i n the c o l o n i e s . Between the days when the Lancashire cotton workers could s a c r i f i c e themselves f o r the slaves of the American South or a working men 1s meeting i n Clerkenwell burn Governor Eyre 21 i n e f f i g y i n 1866 and the days when the i m p e r i a l party became i d e n t i f i e d with dearer bread and Chinese " s l a v e r y " , the working c l a s s e s were wooed by the ideas of s o c i a l i m p e r i a l i s m . The " C r i t i c s of Empire" were e i t h e r i n t e l l e c t u a l 22 r a d i c a l s or j o u r n a l i s t s pandering to a mi n o r i t y t a s t e . The Independent Labour Party, as exemplified by Ramsay MacDonald, advocated not so much a n t i - i m p e r i a l i s m as e t h i c a l i m p e r i a l i s m . In 1897, i t would be d i f f i c u l t to f i n d a working c l a s s meeting that would burn Rhodes or Jameson i n e f f i g y a f t e r the f i a s c o s of the Raid and the Ndebele and Shona r e b e l l i o n s i n Rhodesia. L i b e r a l Imperialism had already created the atmosphere i n which Chamberlain could play the tune of a "forward" c o l o n i a l p o l i c y to considerable p u b l i c acclaim. He of course was the p o l i t i c a l opportunist par excellence. At home he, the aloof, humane c a p i t a l i s t r a d i c a l , imagined he could spike the guns of the s o c i a l i s t s ; i n the c o l o n i a l s e t t i n g he thought he could spike the guns of the humanitarians 22 by p r o v i d i n g a popular i m p e r i a l i s m and a benevolent c a p i t a l i s m . His i d e a of t r a i n i n g h i s son, N e v i l l e , was to send him to a remote West Indian i s l a n d to e s t a b l i s h a p l a n t a t i o n and f i n d manhood i n t o i l and the c o n t r o l of negroes. v Even a f t e r the f a i l u r e of Chamberlain and the r e t u r n of the L i b e r a l s to power, the C o l o n i a l O f f i c e r e t a i n e d i t s combination of l i b e r a l i s m and Hegelian s t a t e c r a f t . They were fused i n a paternalism that would take to i t s e l f the supreme arrogance of the Dual Mandate, which Hobson exposed even before i t was properly f o r m u l a t e d . ^ The Governor Eyre controversy i n the 1860's had produced two f a c t i o n s - the Jamaica Committee of John Stuart M i l l , Herbert Spencer, T.H. Huxley and others, and t h e i r opponents i n C a r l y l e , 25 Ruskin and Tennyson. ^ In the C o l o n i a l O f f i c e bequeathed by Chamberlain, both f a c t i o n s would have found some sentiments with which to sympathise. The r i c h e s t vein of i n f l u e n c e on c o l o n i a l labour p o l i c y i s paternalism. So pervasive i s i t that i t has already been touched on at s e v e r a l p o i n t s . Paternalism i n i t s various forms i s q u ite c l e a r l y not unique to the B a l l i o l and Toynbee H a l l school of the l a t e century. Paternalism has been an extremely strong thread throughout the past few thousand years of h i s t o r y . I t i s a deeply p s y c h o l o g i c a l i n s t i n c t that has not wanted f o r s o c i a l expression. I t has v a r i e d only i n q u a l i t y , from s e v e r i t y to benevolence. I t has always been i n e x t r i c a b l y bound up with r e l i g i o n . I t was c l e a r l y a most extraordinary 23 type of paternalism that produced the Pyramids of Egypt or S i l b u r y H i l l i n England or the great ship b u r i a l s of Scandinavia, and i n c i d e n t a l l y these examples are amongst the e a r l y instances of organised labour on a lar g e s c a l e . Paternalism i s evident i n P l a t o ' s Republic, the paternalism of the philosopher r u l e r , the paternalism of the i d e a - which the E x i s t e n t i a l i s t s have struggled to escape. The p a t e r n a l -ism of the medieval church and feudal a r i s t o c r a c y has given way i n turn to the paternalism of the monarchy, of the army, of the a r i s t o c r a c y , of the middle c l a s s e s , and of the party and the s t a t e . The l i b e r a l i d e a l has never achieved f u l f i l -ment. Paternalism i s an i n t e g r a l part of A f r i c a n c u l t u r e s -the paternalism of the t r i b e as embodied i n the c h i e f and above a l l as disembodied i n the departed ancestors. In the c o l o n i a l s e t t i n g we see a severe paternalism, the t r i b a l , i n c o n f l i c t with a paternalism that was i n fa c t a running a c t i o n between the severe and the benevolent. The r e s u l t was colon-i a l anger and A f r i c a n confusion. A f r i c a n paternalism ran r i g h t through s o c i a l and k i n r e l a t i o n s h i p s . The A f r i c a n male when he married r e t a i n e d h i s dependence while accepting new o b l i g a t i o n s that f i t t e d him more a c t i v e l y i n t o the p a t e r n a l -i s t i c framework. The V i c t o r i a n family was also p a t e r n a l i s t i c , but with important d i f f e r e n c e s . For one t h i n g i t was the nuclear family r a t h e r than the extended, and f o r another i t s 24 components on maturity were hurled o f f to make t h e i r own way i n the world. The Native Cornmissioner from such a background often succeeded i n f i n d i n g a place i n t r i b a l paternalism, u s u a l l y to the detriment of the c h i e f . He i n t e r p r e t e d h i s p a t e r n a l i s t i c duty as being to advise or coerce the A f r i c a n s to enter by means of t h e i r labour the European economic system and adopt the cash c r i t e r i o n of s o c i a l a c c e p t i b i l i t y . In other words he set out to force on them the i n d i v i d u a l fragmentation and traumatic break with f a m i l y l i f e which was such a feature of h i s own s o c i e t y . The Emancipation s t r u g g l e had been a c o n f l i c t of s e v e r i t y and benevolence, the negroes' subsequent s o - c a l l e d indolence a t e r r i b l e l e s s o n . Indolence was a f e a r f u l word to the V i c t o r i a n mind, as i t i s i n a d i f f e r e n t way i n the twentieth century. Tennyson was f a s c i n a t e d by Ulysses' encounter with the Lotos-Eaters and the s a i l o r s ' a t t r a c t i o n to t h e i r l i f e -"Should l i f e a l l labour be? Surely, s u r e l y , slumber i s more sweet than t o i l " . But h i s sonorous sentiment i n the l a s t l i n e of the poem Ulysses - "To strive', to seek, to f i n d , and not to y i e l d " - i s much more c h a r a c t e r i s t i c . There i s the same c o n f l i c t i n W i l l i a m Golding's Lord o f the F l i e s : one group of boys wish to organise the c o l l e c t i o n and d i s t r i b u t i o n of food while the others set o f f f o r a l i f e of indolence and sport at the other end of the i s l a n d . The problem could be ' seen as man's f a l l from grace - the primeval ancestors cast 25 out from Eden and forced to work by the sweat of t h e i r brows; or more s c i e n t i f i c a l l y as proto-man's emergence from the f o r e s t s to the harder l i f e of the p l a i n s . Some have seen a d i s t i n c t i o n between work and labour. Lewis Mumford i n h i s recent The Myth of the Machine presents a p i c t u r e of n e o l i t h i c 26 l i f e where a l l had to work and none had to labour. The V i c t o r i a n s turned work i n t o a moral imperative, and i t so happened that work meant labour to s a t i s f y the needs of c a p i t a l i s t production. I t i s not s u r p r i s i n g that the r e a c t i o n was the worship of the romantic r u r a l i d y l l , by Mor r i s i n h i s d i s t i n c t i v e brand of s o c i a l i s m , by Voysey i n h i s a r c h i t e c t u r e and by Hardy i n h i s novels. In A f r i c a the contrast was immediate and unromantic - between i r o n age t r i b e s with t h e i r v i l l a g e a g r i c u l t u r e and v i l l a g e " i n d u s t r y " ( p o t t e r y and smelting p r i n c i p a l l y ) and the labour of European farm or mine. To the V i c t o r i a n s the end was not i n doubt: man must work and work equalled labour. The o r i g i n s of t h i s moral imperative have been seen i n the Protestant Reformation, but i t should be remembered that the i d e a l of medieval monastic l i f e was hard work as w e l l as contemplation - the C i s t e r c i a n s i n p a r t i c u l a r pursued the i d e a l of laborare est orare. The moral need was enshrined i n B r i t i s h poor law enactment from Tudor times and received i t s apotheosis i n the Poor Law of 1834. Idleness must be made u n a t t r a c t i v e . The m e r c a n t i l i s t s 26 had espoused the need f o r reasons of s t a t e . I t was at the bottom of the ideas of the c o l o n i a l reformers, the systematic c o l o n i s t s . The V i c t o r i a n s turned i t i n t o an i n d i v i d u a l moral need, but i t was nonetheless a reason of s t a t e , and nowhere was t h i s more evident than i n the c o l o n i a l s i t u a t i o n . The removal of the p h y s i c a l compulsion of sla v e r y made the moral need imperative. The notion that labour was i n v i o l a b l e property to be disposed of only at the owners' wish f e l l before the p a t e r n a l i s t i c onslaught that labour was not property, but a s o c i a l duty, a moral o b l i g a t i o n . The f a c t that West Indian negroes had been permitted to lapse i n t o s l o t h was a moral crime that had to be avoided i n the future. In the i m p e r i a l -ism of the l a t e century labour had the contin u i n g j u s t i f i c a t i o n of being an a l t e r n a t i v e to the domestic s l a v e r y and e x t e r n a l slave trade found everywhere i n the advance of ex p l o r e r s , m i s s i o n a r i e s and pioneers. I t was transformed i n t o a moral j u s t i f i c a t i o n f o r e x p l o i t a t i o n to s a t i s f y the most fervent c a p i t a l i s t , the most romantic pioneer, the most "improving" missionary. Paternalism was p a r t i c u l a r l y a t t r a c t i v e because i t s a t i s f i e d two p h i l o s o p h i c a l worlds. B a s i c a l l y i t was deter-m i n i s t i c . Given the r e l i g i o u s content i t could hardly be otherwise. Yet the severity-benevolence debate revealed a considerable scope f o r human t i n k e r i n g - free w i l l w i t h i n a d e t e r m i n i s t i c framework. Moreover, i t was a tremendous, 27 though almost u n w i t t i n g , make-weight to the l a i s s e r f a i r e economists. While they were expounding t h e i r e s s e n t i a l l y d e t e r m i n i s t i c view of the free market, the l e g i s l a t o r s were r e f u s i n g to permit the s o c i a l market to be f r e e . Nowhere was t h i s more true than i n the realm of c o l o n i a l labour. While free trade was only approaching i t s z e n i t h there were constant attempts to c o n t r o l c o l o n i a l labour - l a i s s e r a l l e r was destroyed long before l a i s s e r f a i r e . I t should be noted that i n the c o l o n i a l s i t u a t i o n there i s a two-pronged attack on the c o l o n i a l labour market. I t i s attacked by the colon-i s t s because i t does not produce - they wish to force labour. I t i s attacked by the C o l o n i a l O f f i c e under pressure from the humanitarians because i t creates abuses. We have d i s t i n g u i s h e d paternalism as important because i t forms the megastructure of a l l nineteenth century c o l o n i a l (and domestic) labour t h i n k i n g , because i t i s a vantage point from which to view V i c t o r i a n conceptions, conscious and sub-conscious, and from which to see the attack on the ranks of l a i s s e r f a i r e . On the i n d i v i d u a l plane, paternalism could take a v a r i e t y of forms. The paternalism of the t h i r d E a r l 27 Grey, 'the f i r s t great c o l o n i a l formulator a f t e r Emancipation, was the benevolent paternalism of a r i s t o c r a t i c o b l i g a t i o n ; the paternalism of Lord M i l n e r the more arrogant paternalism of the meritocracy; that of Sydney O l i v i e r °the paternalism of the i n t e l l e c t u a l Fabian, more benevolent, more sympathetic, but 28 no l e s s p a t e r n a l i s t i c . So f a r , the general i n t e l l e c t u a l framework i n which a c o l o n i a l labour p o l i c y was constructed has been reviewed. I t i s now necessary to examine that p o l i c y i t s e l f . I t i s impossible to separate out labour p o l i c y from more general a t t i t u d e s to indigenous peoples. For t h i s reason i t i s i n t e r e s t i n g to begin with a comparison of two i n f l u e n t i a l statements of 1841 - Herman Merivale's l e c t u r e s d e l i v e r e d at Oxford as Professor of P o l i t i c a l Economy and Thomas Arnold's i n a u g u r a l l e c t u r e as Professor of Modern H i s t o r y . Merivale provides a good s t a r t i n g point because he became the Permanent Under Secretary at the C o l o n i a l O f f i c e during one of the most seminal periods f o r c o l o n i a l labour p o l i c y , the s e c r e t a r y s h i p of s t a t e of Lord Grey. A f t e r the inadequacy of Robert W i l l i a m 29 Hay, 7 S i r James Stephen had f i r m l y e s t a b l i s h e d the power of the C o l o n i a l O f f i c e ' s p r i n c i p a l executive o f f i c e r . But Stephen was the r e p r e s e n t a t i v e of an o l d e r s t r a i n . From the moment he entered the C o l o n i a l O f f i c e he was dedicated to A b o l i t i o n . This was h i s l i f e ' s work. Once accomplished, events ran against him. He was implacably opposed to indentured labour, seeing i t r i g h t l y as c o n t r o l l e d s l a v e r y under another name. In i n s i s t i n g on the most r i g i d c o n t r o l s on indentured labour he f i r m l y l a i d down the C o l o n i a l O f f i c e humanitarian t r a d i t i o n . I t f e l l to Merivale to maintain that t r a d i t i o n and yet l i v e with 29 the p o l i t i c a l f a c t of indentured labour. Merivale's l e c t u r e s ^ are remarkable both f o r t h e i r breadth of view and f o r t h e i r l i b e r a l i t y of outlook. In some of h i s views the world has hardly caught up with him to-day. He b e l i e v e d i n complete amalgamation of the races, though he expressed i t i n the language of h i s time, "the only 31 p o s s i b l e Euthanasia of savage communities". He had no ob j e c t i o n whatever to miscegenation - indeed he asserted the 32 "s u p e r i o r energy" of h a l f - c a s t e s . I t i s not s u r p r i s i n g that he admitted that h i s "views must undoubtedly appear somewhat w i l d and c h i m e r i c a l " . In the same year that Merivale's Lectures were published, Thomas Arnold d e l i v e r e d h i s inau g u r a l l e c t u r e . He dated the beginning of E n g l i s h h i s t o r y from the Saxon i n v a s i o n s and not before; he regarded the supremacy of the Germanic race as the u l t i m a t e i n world h i s t o r y . His was the most i n f l u e n t i a l statement yet of the disappearance theory: ...the mass of mankind have no such power; they e i t h e r r e c e i v e the impression of for e i g n elements so completely that t h e i r own i n d i v i d u a l character i s absorbed, and they take t h e i r whole being from without; or being incapable of t a k i n g i n higher elements, they dwindle away when brought i n t o the presence of a more powerful l i f e , and become at l a s t e x t i n c t a l t o g e t h e r . - ^ When Herman Merivale became Stephen's successor at the C o l o n i a l O f f i c e he affirmed a t r a d i t i o n of humanitarian watchfulness that the C o l o n i a l O f f i c e never gave up, even when the c h i l d r e n of the Oxford that Arnold had helped to create r u l e d the Empire 30 and the great c a p i t a l i s t i c e n t e r p r i s e s set up as new monopolies i n the age of the s o - c a l l e d New Imperialism, the Chartered Companies. I t i s p o s s i b l e to trace Merivale's views r i g h t through the nineteenth century debate. His vigorous and o p t i m i s t i c conception of t r u s t e e s h i p with a l l i t s o b l i g a t i o n s becomes the warp to the woof of the c o l o n i a l reformers' and a l l t h e i r successors' hopes f o r an orgy of devolution and a d i s p l a c e d t r u s t . Three main themes run through the c o l o n i a l labour debate of the nineteenth century - t r o p i c a l indolence, land and a r t i f i c i a l s t i m u l a n t s ( u s u a l l y t a x a t i o n ) . The three are c l e a r l y c l o s e l y connected. An excess of the second could produce the f i r s t , and could l i k e w i s e cancel out the e f f e c t s of the t h i r d . Ideas about t r o p i c a l indolence and land developed from West Indian experience, but as the f r o n t i e r s of c o l o n i s e d , A f r i c a were pushed inwards - i n the e a r l i e r p e riod p a r t i c u l a r l y i n South A f r i c a of course - A f r i c a drew i n c r e a s i n g a t t e n t i o n . Opinions derived from the West Indians tended to be passed over to A f r i c a . C l e a r l y t h i s was inadmiss-i b l e , f o r s l a v e r y had atomised t r i b a l s o c i e t y i n t r a n s p l a n t a t i o n , whereas the t r i b e s i n South A f r i c a were of course l a r g e l y i n t a c t . I t was not u n t i l the end of the century that more sympathetic observers began to point out two f a c t s — f i r s t l y that the p o s i t i o n of the male i n t r i b a l s o c i e t y was l a r g e l y a 31 defensive and r i t u a l i s t i c one, and secondly that A f r i c a n a g r i c u l t u r e was even more seasonal than elsewhere with a r a t h e r obviously " s l a c k " season. Merivale accepted the notion of t r o p i c a l indolence, 35 as d i d most subsequent commentators, i n c l u d i n g J.A. Hobson-^ 36 and Sydney O l i v i e r , although O l i v i e r d i d point out that " l o a f i n g " i s both more pleasant and more no t i c e a b l e i n the t r o p i c s . The basic question then was how was t h i s indolence to be overcome. Merivale's answer was simple and t o t a l -there had to be complete amalgamation, promoted above a l l by education, i n c l u d i n g of course r e l i g i o u s and moral i n s t r u c t i o n . Education ought to be a government concern so that i t s import-ance might be f u l l y appreciated. Here Merivale was c l e a r l y f a r i n advance of domestic p o l i c y , and eq u a l l y c l e a r l y r e v e a l s h i s debt to the u t i l i t a r i a n s . The obvious c o r o l l a r y of t h i s view was that reserves could not be permitted. To create reserves was to commit the same e r r o r that had been committed i n North America -the a b d i c a t i o n of r e s p o n s i b i l i t y . Reserves simply postponed the e v i l day. The c o l o n i s t s w i l l complain, and with p e r f e c t t r u t h , of the economical disadvantages which attend the i n t e r p o s i t i o n of u n c u l t i v a t e d or h a l f -c u l t i v a t e d t r a c t s between populous d i s t r i c t s ; of t h e i r own s u f f e r i n g by the proximity of the n a t i v e s , and of the p o l i t i c a l m i s c h i e f s produced by these l i t t l e i n e r t r e p u b l i c s , stagnant i n the very centre of s o c i e t y . And government w i l l f i n d i t s e l f , as i t has 32 always done, unable to r e s i s t these i m p o r t u n i t i e s , and c a j o l e d by the thousand i m p l a u s i b i l i t i e s advanced i n favour of removing these unfortunates a f u r t h e r stage i n t o the wilderness, i t w i l l comply with the exigencies of the times, and the n a t i v e s w i l l be transported to some other region, to be followed there again with sure and r a p i d steps by the encroaching t i d e of European population. 3 ° I t might be argued that Merivale was i n fa c t advocating a d i f f e r e n t form of extermination, that l i k e the u t i l i t a r i a n s he had l i t t l e respect f o r the i n s t i t u t i o n s of other peoples. This i s not s t r i c t l y the case. He pointed out that c e r t a i n i n s t i t u t i o n s were h i g h l y amenable to advancement i n t o western c i v i l i z a t i o n - again an ethnocentric view, but a prophetic one. He saw the i r r e s i s t i b i l i t y of western commerce and technology, and i n the above passage he i n c i d -e n t a l l y prophesied almost p r e c i s e l y what was to happen i n Rhodesia. (The Land Commission of 191.6 that had been expected to increase A f r i c a n reserves i n Rhodesia i n f a c t decreased them). Mer i v a l e ' s conclusion was an extremely o p t i m i s t i c one. I t would be i n t e r e s t i n g to discover whether i t remained so a f t e r he became Permanent Under Secretary. .....we may be s a t i s f i e d with the improved prospect of our r e l a t i o n s with those much abused members of the human famil y , that there i s now l i t t l e f ear of t h e i r being t r e a t e d with i n j u s t i c e and oppression by the founders of c o l o n i e s , armed with the a u t h o r i t y of governments. We have at a l l events o u t l i v e d . t h e days i n which they were considered a l a w f u l prey f o r the f e r o c i t y of , q the z e a l o t , or the c u p i d i t y of the adventurer. 7 33 While not so prophetic here, Merivale does r e v e a l the t o t a l absence of r e a l r a c i s t thought i n h i s p o s i t i o n . In t h i s he followed Stephen of whom Knaplund w r i t e s that "the human-i t a r i a n i s m and e g a l i t a r i a n i s m cropping up so frequently i n h i s o f f i c i a l minutes and memoranda were rooted i n the r e l i g -i o u s c o n v i c t i o n that before God a l l men are e q u a l " . ^ The same could not be s a i d of another important f i g u r e i n the C o l o n i a l O f f i c e whom we must now examine. S i r Henry Tay l o r had a most remarkable c a r e e r . ^ He served i n the "commonplace b r i c k house at the end of Downing S t r e e t " ^ that was the C o l o n i a l O f f i c e f o r almost h a l f a century, 1824 - 1872. On the retirement of Stephen, he was o f f e r e d the Permanent Under Se c r e t a r y s h i p by Grey, but de c l i n e d on the grounds that the post was compatible n e i t h e r with h e a l t h nor with h i s l i t e r -ary p u r s u i t s (he was an i n d i f f e r e n t poet and playwright and the f r i e n d of many of the l e a d i n g l i t e r a r y f i g u r e s of h i s day). His r a c i s t f e e l i n g i s revealed at the time of the Jamaican u p r i s i n g and Governor Eyre controversy. In a l e t t e r to S i r Charles E l l i o t t he argued that he could not agree ....that the value of human l i f e i s i d e n t i c a l i n a l l races, c i v i l i z e d and barbarous. ....The d e s t r u c t i o n of l i f e of a high order produces great sorrow and d i s t r e s s amongst r e l a t i v e s and f r i e n d s . But as you descend the s c a l e , the s u f f e r i n g occasioned i s more l i g h t and t r a n s i t o r y . ^ To r e v e r t to the Emancipation period, we f i n d that he took up the indolence view i n i t s most extreme form: 3k But to apply what i s c a l l e d 'the voluntary system' to the negro populations i s about as reasonable as i t would be to c a l l upon a f l o c k of sheep to f i n d themselves a shepherd. He produced a most ext r a o r d i n a r y i d e a f o r m i t i g a t i n g the e f f e c t s of immediate emancipation. I t was based on h i s conventional b e l i e f i n the i n v i o l a b l e nature of property ( i t was he who proposed the twenty m i l l i o n pounds compensation^). He suggested that each slave ought to be able to buy himself out by instalments. He could be given enough to buy himself f o r Monday and Tuesday. He could then work on Monday and Tuesday to buy Wednesday f o r himself, and so on! In t h i s way eman-c i p a t i o n would be achieved and the v i r t u e of work i n c u l c a t e d at one and the same time. Taylor i n s i s t s i n h i s Autobiography that h i s proposal was turned down f o r purely p o l i t i c a l reasons,^ but the mind can hardly grasp the chaos and abuses that would have r e s u l t e d from such a scheme. I t c e r t a i n l y r e v e a l s Taylor f o r the a r c h e t y p i c a l p a t e r n a l i s t that he was. And yet Taylor was completely unequivocal i n h i s conception of the nature of the t r u s t the i m p e r i a l r e s p o n s i b i l i t y conveyed. In t h i s , l i k e Stephen, he was e n t i r e l y opposed to the c o l o n i a l reformers' devolutionary ideas. In a l e t t e r to Grey, dated May 6, 1852, he defended Grey's p o l i c y of meddling while at the C o l o n i a l O f f i c e , f o r ....even where the welfare of ignorant and unrepresented populations does not r e q u i r e the Home Government to c o n t r o l the l o c a l l e g i s l a t u r e s , there i s another 35 c o n s i d e r a t i o n which may req u i r e i t , which c o n s i d e r a t i o n i s the honour of the Crown ( h i s i t a l i c s ) and that so long as the Crown i s a branch of the l e g i s l a t u r e s - that i s so. long as -the Colonies are Colonies - i t must be the duty of the m i n i s t e r s of the Crown to prevent the C^own from becoming a party to acts of i n j u s t i c e and dishonesty and bad f a i t h . 48 And again i n h i s Autobiography he wrote With regard to the Cape which has h i t h e r t o been the extreme case of m i l i t a r y expenditure f o r the p r o t e c t i o n of a colony, I th i n k the question should be regarded as purely p h i l a n t h r o p i c -a question whether t h i s country t h i n k s i t her duty to save and c i v i l i z e barbarous t r i b e s , whatever be the cost, or i s prepared to l e t loose upon them the barbarous passions of c i v i l i z e d men. I f the former, warfare must be conducted at the Cape by B r i t i s h troops under B r i t i s h c o n t r o l and at the cost of the B r i t i s h Treasury. I f the l a t t e r , i t i s e s s e n t i a l to t h i s country's good name that i r r e s p o n s i b i l i t y should be e s t a b l i s h e d by separation. ^ This was at the same time the essence of t r u s t e e s h i p and of paternalism. The sentiment came from a man who could w r i t e 50 " I do not l i k e the American people or any other people", that of a s e r i e s of dangerous courses the 1832 Reform B i l l was the l e a s t dangerous,-^" and that the American C i v i l War 52 was a lesson to a l l i n the e v i l s of democracy. I t betrays the p a t e r n a l i s t dilemma that w i l l provide p r o t e c t i o n but not respect. The importance of Taylor i n the C o l o n i a l O f f i c e has freq u e n t l y been ignored. He had a considerable i n f l u e n c e on three permanent under s e c r e t a r i e s , Stephen, Merivale and 36 Rogers, and a much l a r g e r number of s e c r e t a r i e s of s t a t e , as w e l l as he l p i n g i n the t r a i n i n g of two future permanent 5k 55 under s e c r e t a r i e s , H e r b e r t ^ and Meade, y and an important p r i n c i p a l a s s i s t a n t under secreta r y , Edward F a i r f i e l d . While the C o l o n i a l O f f i c e o f f i c i a l s had a very considerable i n f l u e n c e on the day-to-day running of the O f f i c e and on the c o n t i n u i t y of p o l i c y over a long period, a t r u l y e f f e c t i v e and d o c t r i n a i r e C o l o n i a l Secretary l i k e the t h i r d E a r l Grey could have a greater i n f l u e n c e on the d i r e c t i o n of future p o l i c y . The examination of Grey must also begin with Emancipation. Jus t before Emancipation, Grey, then Viscount Howick, was parliamentary under secretary to Lord Goderich at the C o l o n i a l O f f i c e i n h i s f a t h e r ' s a d m i n i s t r a t i o n . I t was then he f i r s t produced the i d e a that was to have most e f f e c t on c o l o n i a l labour p o l i c y - the i d e a of the d i r e c t tax. He proposed the i m p o s i t i o n of a land tax on the 56 emancipated negroes. When h i s view f a i l e d to f i n d favour (and Taylor f o r one opposed i t ) , he resigned. When he became C o l o n i a l Secretary i n 18^ -6 h i s chance of p u t t i n g h i s ideas on d i r e c t t a x a t i o n i n t o p r a c t i c e had a r r i v e d . His creed was based on f a m i l i a r p r i n c i p l e s - t h e . r e s p o n s i b i l i t y of the B r i t i s h imperium, the need f o r labour based on t a x a t i o n , the Pax B r i t a n n i c a , p u b l i c works, and the need f o r a t o t a l amalgamation of the races. Taxation was f o r him the great s o l u t i o n , "the motive 37 to e x e r t i o n " , ^ the stimulant that t r o p i c a l indolence r e q u i r e d When Governor S i r W i l l i a m Winniett of the Gold Coast expatiate 58 i n a despatch of May 22, 1850, y on the n e c e s s i t y of forced labour, Grey's r e a c t i o n was one of su s p i c i o n . Instead he saw to i t that W i n n i e t t ' s successor secured the co-operation of the c h i e f s of the Gold Coast to a p o l l tax of one s h i l l i n g on every man, woman and c h i l d . This symbolizes Grey's p o l i c y But before the Gold Coast case arose he had already begun the a p p l i c a t i o n of h i s ideas i n Ceylon and N a t a l . His concept of the stimulant was an o l d one. Hugh Murray i n h i s E n q u i r i e s H i s t o r i c a l and Moral Respecting the Character of Nations and the Progress of Soci e t y (Edinburgh, 1 8 0 8 ) ^ had postulated that the optimum c o n d i t i o n of progress occurs where the environment i s n e i t h e r too. hard nor too easy and so stim u l a t e s the r i g h t quantity of labour for the p u r s u i t of the a r t s . He answered Malthus by arguing that population pressure could present a necessary and b e n e f i c i a l challenge to labour. In a celebrated despatch to Governor Torrington i n Ceylon Grey expressed t h i s view i n terms of the c o l o n i a l s i t u a t i o n : In a l l European c o u n t r i e s , the ne c e s s i t y of supplying t h e i r d a i l y wants i s , to the lab o u r i n g c l a s s e s , a s u f f i c i e n t motive to ex e r t i o n ; indeed the d i f f i c u l t y which they experience i n obta i n i n g the means of a comfortable subsistence i s so great that i t has ge n e r a l l y been considered (as i t always ought to be) the great object f o r 38 the Governments of these co u n t r i e s , i n t h e i r f i n a n c i a l arrangements, to avoid aggravating t h i s d i f f i c u l t y by the i m p o s i t i o n of taxes c a l c u l a t e d to enhance the cost of subsistence. But the case i s very d i f f e r e n t i n t r o p i c a l c l i m a t e s , where the population i s very scanty i n proportion to the extent of the t e r r i t o r y ; where the s o i l , as I have already observed, r e a d i l y y i e l d s a sub-s i s t e n c e i n r e t u r n f o r very l i t t l e labour and where c l o t h i n g , f u e l , and l o d g i n g , such as are r e q u i r e d , are obtained very e a s i l y . In such circumstances there can be but l i t t l e motive to e x e r t i o n , to men s a t i s f i e d with an abundant supply of t h e i r mere p h y s i c a l wants; and accordingly experience proves that i t i s the d i s p o s i t i o n of the races of men by which these c o u n t r i e s are g e n e r a l l y i n h a b i t e d , to sink i n t o an easy and l i s t l e s s mode of l i f e , q uite incompatible with any high degree of c i v i l i z a t i o n . In Ceylon too he promoted h i s i d e a of p u b l i c works i n the Road Ordinance of 1847. I t enacted that every male i n h a b i t -ant of the I s l a n d between the ages of eighteen and f i f t y - f i v e years should be required to perform s i x days labour on road c o n s t r u c t i o n and maintenance, or commute the s e r v i c e f o r a payment, the value of which v a r i e d , but was nowhere more than three s h i l l i n g s . These roads were required to enable the p l a n t e r s to transport t h e i r coffee from the high lands of Ceylon to the coast f o r export. The Road Ordinance imposed i n e f f e c t a d i r e c t tax. Fear of i t s e f f e c t when i t came i n t o operation i n 1849 c o n t r i b u t e d to the i n s u r r e c t i o n of that year. But by f a r the most s i g n i f i c a n t area f o r the i m p o s i t i o n 39 of Grey's ideas was South A f r i c a . There the annexation of N a t a l i n 1843 and of B r i t i s h K a f f r a r i a to the Cape i n 1847 brought B r i t i s h a d m i n i s t r a t i o n i n t o contact with the Bantu on a scale h i t h e r t o unknown i n Cape Colony. S i r Harry Smith was sent to pursue a s i m i l a r p o l i c y to that e f f e c t e d i n New Zealand, f o r ....although no doubt there are some important p o i n t s of d i f f e r e n c e i n the character of the n a t i v e s of New Zealand and of the K a f i r s , yet i n the main, human nature i s everywhere the same, and the l a t t e r are f a r l e s s completely barbarous than the former were f o r t y or f i f t y years ago.°l Li k e Merivale, and u n l i k e such r a d i c a l s as Roebuck, Grey regarded the d e s t r u c t i o n of indigenous peoples as unthink-able, even i f i t were p o s s i b l e , which i n the case of the Bantu was soon obviously not the case. For my own part I confess I should grieve to t h i n k that the u l t i m a t e occupation of Southern A f r i c a by a c i v i l i z e d population were only to be accomplished, l i k e that of North America, by the gradual d e s t r u c t i o n of the native races before the advancing t i d e of a white occupation of the s o i l . I b e l i e v e t h a t , i n s t e a d of t h i s , the c i v i l i z a t i o n of the Black, and the u l t i m a t e amalgamation of the two races, i s not i m p r a c t i c a b l e , i f the s u p e r i o r power of t h i s country i s w i s e l y and generously used to enforce on both s i d e s a respect f o r each other's r i g h t s and to f o s t e r a l l those germs-of improvement which are already showing themselves among the a b o r i g i n a l population."2 Amalgamation and respect were indeed an unusually i d e a l i s t i c combination, doomed to f a i l u r e when the true s i z e of the A f r i c a n population became evident, and when the diamonds of Kimberley and the gold of the Rand created t h e i r i n s a t i a b l e t h i r s t f o r A f r i c a n labour from a l l over Southern A f r i c a . But given t h i s view i t was n a t u r a l that Grey was opposed to the i d e a of reserves. He proposed f o r the settlement of Nata l a l a r g e number of l o c a t i o n s s c a t t e r e d amongst the European population. By t h i s means the Europeans would be supplied with l o c a l r e s e r v o i r s of labour, while A f r i c a n s would be g r e a t l y and gently encouraged to enter the European economy and indeed way of l i f e . L i k e Merivale he prescribed education i n the h a b i t s of c i v i l i z e d l i f e . The r e s u l t he envisaged was to become a f a m i l i a r s h i b b o l e t h of the c i v i l i z i n g mission school -the growing demand f o r the manufactured a r t i c l e s of Europe which would increase the trade and revenue of the colony and the wealth of the Mother Country. Needless to say, a d i r e c t tax completed the p i c t u r e of the A f r i c a n i n h a b i t a n t s of Natal being l e d along the road to c i v i l i z a t i o n . Both the nature of the tax and the p r i n c i p l e of the l o c a t i o n s began the debate between Grey and Shepstone, the diplomatic agent who was to become Natal's f i r s t Native A d m i n i s t r a t o r . Shepstone i n s i s t e d that the tax of seven s h i l l i n g s which was f i r s t imposed i n 1849 should be a hut tax r a t h e r than Grey's preference f o r a c a t t l e or land tax. Moreover, Shepstone disagreed with Grey's l o c a t i o n p o l i c y . He d i s l i k e d the i d e a of amalgamation, and held that A f r i c a n s 41 could only be administered through t h e i r c h i e f s by an e n t i r e l y separate a d m i n i s t r a t i o n on reserves. The c o n f l i c t of the " i m p e r i a l f a c t o r " and the "man on the spot", already of long standing, was c a r r i e d over i n t o the establishment of a n a t i v e p o l i c y . Grey's creed was a s u r p r i s i n g mixture of severe p a t e r n a l -ism and i d e a l i s m . In a despatch to S i r Harry Smith, November 3 0 , 1 8 4 9 , ^ he r e g r e t t e d that the N a t a l tax was not high enough; had i t been imposed e a r l i e r , i t could then have been increased. He went on to suggest that the compulsory labour l e v i e d i n l i e u of tax should be deployed on road works. On the other hand he asserted that he looked to the day when there would be uniform-i t y of t a x a t i o n f o r both Europeans and A f r i c a n s . Such a hope was, to use Merivale's word, c h i m e r i c a l , but Grey's p r i n c i p l e of d i r e c t t a x a t i o n of n a t i v e peoples became the norm i n most p a r t s of the dependent empire. A f u r t h e r a p p l i c a t i o n of Grey's tax.was i n the M a u r i t i u s Labour Ordinance of 1847, designed to meet the problems created by the i n f l u x of indentured labourers to the I s l a n d . . Since Grey was also important i n the establishment of indentured labour on a r e g u l a r f o o t i n g , i t i s now necessary to survey the i n s t i t u t i o n of indentured labour and i t s e f f e c t on labour a t t i t u d e s . The.indentured labour p r i n c i p l e developed from the p r a c t i c e of i n d e n t u r i n g European servants f o r work i n the American and 42 West Indian c o l o n i e s i n the seventeenth c e n t u r y . I n the eighteenth century i t had l a r g e l y given way to s l a v e r y - i t had been attacked both on the grounds of expense and of humanity. I t was r e s u r r e c t e d now as part of the s l a v e r y and free labour debate. As e a r l y as 1829 the French i s l a n d of Bourbon i n the Indian Ocean had received labourers from 65 I n d i a . J In 1834 immigration began to M a u r i t i u s . L a t e r B r i t i s h Guiana and to a l e s s e r extent Jamaica and T r i n i d a d were to p a r t i c i p a t e . I t became i n f a c t part of the general upsurge of migration of the period - Portuguese from Madeira, Scotch and I r i s h , Germans and Maltese, l i b e r a t e d slaves from the squadrons on the West A f r i c a n coast, and Chinese through-out the e n t i r e P a c i f i c area. The Chinese indentured labour system r e v e a l s .very w e l l the fashion i n which indentured labour appeared as a s u b s t i t u t e f o r s l a v e r y . I t began - l i k e s l a v e r y - s u r r e p t i t i o u s l y , from s e v e r a l p o r t s , of which Amoy was the most important. The f i r s t f u l l - s c a l e operations were undertaken by the French f o r Bourbon i n 1845 and by the Spanish f o r Cuba i n 1847 . L i k e s l a v e r y i t s w i f t l y set up a la r g e network of vested i n t e r e s t s - B r i t i s h , American, French, Spanish and Dutch shipping i n t e r e s t s , agents i n the f o r e i g n communities of Canton, Shanghai, Hong Kong and Macao, and Chinese business men i n Singapore, Penang, San F r a n c i s c o . I t created abuses - l i k e kidnapping - which forced the Chinese a u t h o r i t i e s to recognise i t s existence and attempt to regulate i t from the 1850's ( i t had h i t h e r t o been i l l e g a l ) . The c r e d i t - t i c k e t system had already produced the widespread serfdom of debt-peonage, even more i n t o l e r a b l e than the system that had p r e v a i l e d i n South America. Indentured labour moreover helped to create the Chinese xenophobia f o r Europeans, fanned by the communities i n Shanghai, Canton and the other t r e a t y ports, that became such an important feature of twentieth century Chinese h i s t o r y . I t created a r e c i p r o c a l xenophobia f i r s t l y i n A u s t r a l i a and l a t e r i n B r i t i s h Columbia and C a l i f o r n i a , that produced f i r s t of a l l c o n t r o l and then e x c l u s i o n . Chinese were s c a t t e r e d by i t throughout the P a c i f i c area (the con t i n u a t i o n of an age-old migration) and i n t o such f a r - f l u n g places as the s i l v e r mines of Peru and the p l a n t a t -i o n s of Cuba and B r i t i s h Guiana. Many f e l l out of s i g h t of the European conscience, but that conscience was powerfully aroused by the Rand Chinese immigration (of which more i n Chapter 2) and the indentured system i n Western Samoa as l a t e as the e a r l y nineteen t w e n t i e s . ^ But to r e t u r n to the Indian indentured labour that had a c t u a l l y preceded the Chinese, the f i r s t burst of i l l - c o n t r o l l e d migration of Indians, high m o r t a l i t y r a t e s , and accusations of inhumanity not s u r p r i s i n g l y soon r a i s e d the cry of a new s l a v e r y . In 1838 Brougham i n the Lords attacked the t r a f f i c , and s h o r t l y the Times followed s u i t . ' From 1839 to 1843 the migration was banned. Meanwhile, emigration from S i e r r a Leone was permitted from 1840 and Wakefield produced a v a r i a n t on h i s 44 systematic c o l o n i z a t i o n ideas. Immigration from A f r i c a ought to be encouraged, supervised by a p u b l i c a u t h o r i t y , and f i n a n -ced from a tax on land i n the West I n d i e s . I n e v i t a b l y , the labour question became i n e x t r i c a b l y bound up with the question of the West Indian monopoly. In Peel's a d m i n i s t r a t i o n , Stanley at the C o l o n i a l O f f i c e began a g i t a t i n g f o r a renewal of Indian immigration. R u s s e l l too b e l i e v e d that the c o l o n i e s ought to be b o l s t e r e d by immigrat-i o n r a t h e r than p r o t e c t i o n . By 1843, West A f r i c a n , Indian and Chinese schemes under the supervision of responsible government o f f i c e r s , were i n the a i r . The West A f r i c a n was only a p a r t i a l success, the Chinese a f a i l u r e , but the Indian was to become the pattern f o r the r e s t of the century. M a u r i t i u s became the symbol of the good and e v i l of indentured labour. M a u r i t i u s was helped through the post-emancipation d i f f i c u l t i e s by the immigrants, but on the other hand was provided with a l a r g e vagrant problem. I t was to combat t h i s , and the h a b i t of employee and employer of f r e q u e n t l y changing jobs and workers r e s p e c t i v e l y , that Grey made h i s new t a x a t i o n proposals. He suggested to the Gover-nor that there ought to be a tax on immigrants not under con-t r a c t and a stamp duty on c o n t r a c t s . These were incorporated i n Ordinance 22 of 1847, along with p r o v i s i o n f o r a duty on departures of l e s s than f i v e years' residence, and an increase r o i n the penalty f o r absence from work. 45 The e q u a l i s a t i o n of the sugar dut i e s made the c o n f l i c t between slave and free labour a genuine one, i n that s l a v e -grown sugar from Cuba and South America could now compete eq u a l l y with West Indian sugar. The c o l o n i e s seemed to l o s e a l l round. The absence of immigrants r a i s e d c r i e s of d i s t r e s s ; the cost of the immigrants helped the c o l o n i e s to the f i n a n c i a l crashes and bankruptcies of 1847-48. Despite i m p e r i a l a i d , ^ the c o l o n i e s , thoroughly d i s i l l u s i o n e d , became extremely r e l u c t a n t to bear the cost of r e p a t r i a t i o n . Grey espoused the p r i n c i p l e of permanent t r a n s p o r t a t i o n - of complete v i l l a g e communities i f need be - but t h i s was not acceptable to I n d i a House. I t i s not s u r p r i s i n g , that Stephen at one time expressed himself "completely b a f f l e d " by,the whole 70 labour i s s u e . What i s important about the resurgence of indentured labour i s the a t t i t u d e of mind that, even a f t e r the end of s l a v e r y , labour could be drawn on from a r e s e r v o i r and returned at w i l l , subject to r e s t r i c t i o n s and c o n t r o l s . From the time of Grey onwards the migration was f i r m l y e s t a b l i s h e d . I t was extended to other nations. When the Palmerston government wished to stop the French t a k i n g free A f r i c a n labour from West A f r i c a i n 1858 - because i t looked too much l i k e s l a v e r y - S i r F r e d e r i c Ro-gers was sent to P a r i s to negotiate f o r Indian indentured labour. As Rogers himself s a i d , the charge of quasi-slavery was simply transfeireid from 71 the Foreign O f f i c e to the India:; O f f i c e . ' Thereafter, as 46 w e l l as to French possessions, M a u r i t i u s , B r i t i s h Guiana, and the West I n d i e s , Indians would go to Natal and East A f r i c a , Chinese to the S t r a i t s Settlements, Borneo and South A f r i c a . A whole range of migrations of i n c r e a s i n g e c c e n t r i c i t y would 72 73 be proposed - Arabs to Rhodesia, Assyrians to Borneo, Jews to Uganda^ - before indentured labour was f i n a l l y d i s c r e d i t e d between the two world wars* The migrants who stayed c o n t r i b u t e d to the p l u r a l s o c i e t i e s that R u s s e l l and Stephen i n the beginning had feared as one of the r e s u l t s of indentured labour. As an i n t e r e s t i n g footnote to transport h i s t o r y , the movements of l a r g e numbers of indentured labourers helped to keep s a i l i n g ships a l i v e at a time when a l l other 75 passengers were t r a v e l l i n g by steam. y On the i s s u e of indentured labour the C o l o n i a l O f f i c e and the C o l o n i a l Reformers could f i n d some common ground. Moreover, both Grey and the reformers r e v e a l a basic V i c t o r i a n dilemma. Grey was a convinced free trader at the same time as he espoused metropolitan r e s p o n s i b i l i t y and s o c i a l c o n t r o l of labour. The C o l o n i a l Reformers on the other hand attacked the notion of r e s p o n s i b i l i t y and demanded self-government a l l round ( s o c i a l freedom), while c r e a t i n g the systematic c o l o n i z a t i o n plans which denied the free market i n land s a l e s . The C o l o n i a l Reformers have u s u a l l y received a good press. They normally took up the usual R a d i c a l p o s i t i o n that there must be no more extensions of t e r r i t o r y and devolution of e x i s t i n g 47 c o l o n i e s , but they drove t h e i r p r i n c i p l e s to an absurd, i f l o g i c a l , conclusion. They refused to see any d i f f e r e n c e between the Cape and Canada. Above a l l they i n s i s t e d that i t was an unavoidable law that indigenous peoples must disappear. Roebuck attacked the humanitarians f o r t h e i r f e a r of c o l o n i a l r u l e ( i . e . l o c a l r u l e ) . The lesson of h i s t o r y was that the savage must disappear i n face of the r e l e n t l e s s advance of the superior race, and i t was f u t i l e to t a l k of j u s t i c e and humanity when confronted with such an immutable law. They f a i l e d to see that the lesson of h i s t o r y was no i r o n law, but simply Merivale's " f e r o c i t y of the z e a l o t " and ''cupidity of the adventurer". The humanit-a r i a n s d i d see t h i s and before the arguments of Cobden, Glad-stone, Roebuck, Adderley, Wakefield, Molesworth, and Hume, they clung to the view that was l a t e r to be r a t i o n a l i s e d i n t o a f u l l - b l o w n d o c t r i n e of t r u s t e e s h i p . T h e i r tragedy was that the a c t i v i t i e s of the Boers on the "turbulent f r o n t i e r " l e d them ever f u r t h e r i n t o commitments and warfare. Sixteen years a f t e r Grey's p u b l i c a t i o n of h i s C o l o n i a l P o l i c y , C B . Adderley (parliamentary under secretary at the C o l o n i a l O f f i c e , 1866-68 and chairman of the celebrated S e l e c t Committee of 1865) published h i s Review of the C o l o n i a l P o l i c y of Lord John R u s s e l l ' s A d m i n i s t r a t i o n by E a r l Grey and of Subsequent C o l o n i a l H i s t o r y . Needless to say, he was h i g h l y c r i t i c a l of the i m p e r i a l government's p a t e r n a l i s t a t t i t u d e and 48 was s c e p t i c a l of the c i v i l i z i n g i n f l u e n c e of d i r e c t t a x a t i o n . Of N a t a l he s a i d that " b e t t e r r e l a t i o n s with the n a t i v e s 77 cannot be expected while the Colony i s so kept i n childhood". The r e s t of h i s argument can be expressed i n three basic b e l i e f s - that E n g l i s h c o l o n i e s could only t h r i v e with E n g l i s h 7 8 freedom;' that Crown c o l o n i e s were not extensions of Empire, but merely occupations f o r use; that i t was n e i t h e r necessary nor p o s s i b l e to attempt to c i v i l i z e indigenous peoples. Adderley's most damaging c r i t i c i s m of Grey was that h i s p o l i c y f a l t e r e d between the only two p o s s i b i l i t i e s i n South A f r i c a -c o n t r o l of n a t i v e peoples through t h e i r c h i e f s or the d e s t r u c t -ion of the c h i e f s and t r i b e s a l t o g e t h e r , ^ ^ ( a s i n s t i t u t i o n s that i s ) . Adderley was r i g h t - although as we have seen Grey's p o l i c y had been obstructed by Shepstone - and i t was a f a l t e r i n g that was to continue i n t o the twentieth century. The ground-work of a c o l o n i a l labour p o l i c y was formed i n the s h i f t i n g sands of the c o n f l i c t between the elements symbolized by Grey and Adderley. Late nineteenth century c o l o n i a l a t t i t u d e s towards labour r e f l e c t e d a l l the c o n f l i c t s enumerated above: humanitarianism or severe paternalism, forced labour or free labour supplement-ed by itomi grant indentured labour, d i r e c t stimulants or i n d i r e c t s t i m u l ants, reserves or no reserves, maintenance of t r i b e s or d e s t r u c t i o n of t r i b e s , i m p e r i a l r e s p o n s i b i l i t y or c o l o n i a l freedom. And s u f f u s i n g a l l were notions of the d i g n i t y of labour, of labour as a great c i v i l i s i n g f o r ce, of labour as k9 the key to economic progress, as the p r i n c i p a l prop of an i m p e r i a l p o l i c y . These ideas and these c o n f l i c t s had t h e i r greatest expression i n South A f r i c a , and were passed on, as w i l l be seen, i n p a r t i c u l a r l y acute form to Rhodesia. 50 FOOTNOTES TO CHAPTER 1. 1 In h i s speech on Fox's East I n d i a B i l l , Dec. 1, 1783? quoted i n G.R. M e l l o r , B r i t i s h I m p e r i a l Trusteeship, 1783-1850, (London, 1 9 5 D , p.22. 2 The impeachment of Warren Hastings, May 28, 1794. 3 John Morley, Burke (London, 1888) , p.187. 4 Quoted i n I.M. Cumpston, Indians Overseas i n B r i t i s h T e r r i t o r i e s , 1834-1854, (London, 1953), p . 2 . 5 M e l l o r , o p . c i t . 6 S i r James Stephen, 1789-1859, son of James Stephen, a b o l i t i o n i s t but otherwise Tory die-hard; c a l l e d to bar, 1811; l e g a l adviser to the C o l o n i a l O f f i c e , 1813-1836; Permanent Under Secretary, 1836-1847; Regius Professor of Modern H i s t o r y at Cambridge, 1849-7 Edward F a i r f i e l d , 1845-1897, a s s i s t a n t under secreta r y , C o l o n i a l O f f i c e , 1892-1897; p r i n c i p a l a s s i s t a n t under secretar y , 1897. His c o m p l i c i t y i n the Jameson Raid i s w e l l known, and i s amply evidenced i n the s o - c a l l e d "missing telegrams" p r i n t e d i n J.G; Lockhart & CM. Woodhouse, Rhodes (London, 1963) , appendix. 8 E x t r a c t p r i n t e d i n George Bennett, The Concept of Empire, Burke to A t t l e e , 1774-1947 (London, 1962) , pp. 139-140. 9 " I was i n the East End of London yesterday and attended a meeting of the unemployed. I l i s t e n e d to the w i l d speeches, which were j u s t a cry f o r 'breadi bread!' and on my way home I pondered over the scene and I became more than ever convinced of the importance of im p e r i a l i s m . . . . My cherished i d e a i s a s o l u t i o n f o r the s o c i a l problem, i . e . , i n order to save the 40,000,000 i n h a b i t a n t s of the United Kingdom from a bloody c i v i l war, we c o l o n i a l s t a t e -smen must acquire new lands to s e t t l e the surplus populat-i o n , to provide new markets f o r the goods produced i n the f a c t o r i e s and mines. The Empire, as I have always s a i d , i s a bread and b u t t e r question. I f you want to avoid c i v i l war, you must become i m p e r i a l i s t s . " Quoted i n V.I. Lenin's Imperialism, the Highest Stage of C a p i t a l i s m (Moscow, 1968), p.74. Also i n Bernard Semmel",.; I m p e r i a l -ism and S o c i a l Reform (London, i 9 6 0 ) , p.16. 10 Fraser's Magazine, December, 1849. 51 11 For a d i s c u s s i o n of the monogenesis and polygenesis arguments, see C u r t i n , o p . c i t . 12 Thomas Arnold, Inaugural Lecture on the Study of Modern H i s t o r y , (Oxford, 1 8 4 1 ) . • 13 See Semmel, o p . c i t . , chapter I I I f o r a con s i d e r a t i o n of the S o c i a l Darwinism of Kidd and Pearson. 14 See p a r t i c u l a r l y Benjamin Kidd's-The Co n t r o l of the Trop i c s , (New York, 1 8 9 8 ) . 15 K a r l Pearson's ideas on " S o c i a l i s m and Natural S e l e c t i o n " and on eugenics are contained i n a la r g e number of works. See p a r t i c u l a r l y The Grammar of Science, (London, 1 9 0 0 ) . 16 A l f r e d M i l n e r , 1854-1925 , educ. Tubingen, King's College, London, and B a l l i o l College, Oxford; c a l l e d to bar, 1881; a s s i s t a n t e d i t o r of P a l l M a l l Gazette under Stead, 1883; j o i n t s e c r e t a r y of U n i v e r s i t y Extension Society i n White-chapel; p r i v a t e secretary of Goschen, Chancellor of the Exchequer, 1884-1889 ; d i r e c t o r general of accounts i n Egypt, l 8 o 9 - l 8 9 2 ; chairman of Board of Inland Revenue, 1892-1897 ; High Commissioner i n South A f r i c a and Governor of Cape (Later of Transvaal), 1897-1905 ; C o l o n i a l Secretary, 1919 -1921 . 17 Matthew Arnold, Culture and Anarchy, (London, 1 8 6 9 ) . 18 Lockhart & Woodhouse, o p . c i t . , p.68, the Rhodes quotation and the D i c t i o n a r y of N a t i o n a l Biography f o r the M i l n e r ( i t was a d i a r y e n t r y ) . See a l s o , C e c i l Headlam, The M i l n e r Papers (2 v o l s . , London, 1 9 3 3 ) . 19 Herman Me r i v a l e , 1806-1874, educ. O r i e l and T r i n i t y Colleges, Oxford; c a l l e d to bar, 1832; Professor of P o l i t i c a l Economy at Oxford, 1837-1847; a s s i s t a n t under secretar y , C o l o n i a l O f f i c e , 1847; permanent under se c r e t a r y , 1848-1859; permanent under secreta r y , I n d i a O f f i c e , 1 8 5 9 . 20 The recent upsurge i n i n t e r e s t i n C e l t i c h i s t o r y and archaeology i s i n t e r e s t i n g h i s t o r i o g r a p h i c a l l y . I t dates e n t i r e l y from the d i s c r e d i t i n g of the exaggerated views of Saxon destiny. 21 This i n c i d e n t i s mentioned i n the D i c t i o n a r y of N a t i o n a l Biography entry on Eyre. 52 22 Bernard P o r t e r , C r i t i c s of Empire (London, 1 9 6 8 ) . 23 For t h i s i n t e r e s t i n g i n c i d e n t , see K e i t h F e l l i n g , L i f e of N e v i l l e Chamberlain, (London, 1 9 4 4 ) , pp.17-31 . 24 v i d . i n f . , Chapter 2 , pp.82-84. 25 Eyre's b r u t a l suppression of the Jamaican i n s u r r e c t i o n of 1865 i s well-known. For years a f t e r h i s r e c a l l he was hounded by the humanitarian Jamaica Committee, whom C a r l y l e c a l l e d "a knot of nigger p h i l a n t h r o p i s t s " . 26 Lewis Mumford, The Myth of the Machine (New York, 1 9 6 7 ) . 27 S i r Henry George Grey, Viscount Howick, t h i r d E a r l Grey, 1802-1894; educ. T r i n i t y , Cambridge; entered House of Commons as Whig, 1826; parliamentary under se c r e t a r y f o r the c o l o n i e s , 1831-1833 ; secretary f o r war, 1835-1839 ; s e c r e t a r y of st a t e f o r the c o l o n i e s , 1846-1852 . 28 Sydney O l i v i e r , f i r s t Baron, 1859-1943 ; educ. Corpus C h r i s t i , Oxford; entered C o l o n i a l O f f i c e , 1882; Fabian, 1885; • honourary se c r e t a r y of the Fabians, 1886-1889 ; C o l o n i a l Secretary, B r i t i s h Honduras, 1890-1891 ; Auditor General, Leeward I s l a n d s , 1895-1896; C o l o n i a l Secretary, Jamaica, 1900-1904 ; Governor o f Jamaica, 1.907-1913; permanent under se c r e t a r y to the Board of A g r i c u l t u r e and F i s h e r i e s , 1913-1917 ; a s s i s t a n t comptroller and au d i t o r of the exchequer, 1917-1920 ; Secretary of State f o r I n d i a , 1924 . 29 For a comment on Robert W i l l i a m Hay see the Autobiography of S i r Henry Taylor, p.231. 30 Herman Me r i v a l e , Lectures on C o l o n i z a t i o n and Colonies, (London, 1 8 4 1 ) , 2 v o l s . 31 M e r i v a l e , . o p . c i t . , V o l . I I , p . l 8 l . 32 i b i d . , p.201. 33 i b i d . , p . l 8 l . 34 Arnold, o p . c i t . , p.39. 35 J.A. Hobson, Imperialism; a Study,(London, 1 9 0 2 ) , Chapter 4 , Imperialism and Lower. Races. 36 Sydney O l i v i e r , White C a p i t a l and Coloured Labour, (London, 1 9 0 6 ) , passim. 37 M e r i v a l e , Lectures XVIII and XIX. 38 M e r i v a l e , Lecture XVII, p.176. 53 39 Meriyale, Lecture X V I I I , pp.153-154. 40 Paul Knaplund, S i r James Stephen and the B r i t i s h C o l o n i a l System, (Madison, 1 9 5 3 ) , p.20. 41 S i r Henry Taylor, 1800-1886; educ. by h i s f a t h e r , an ardent admirer of Godwin; entered C o l o n i a l O f f i c e , 1824; refused o f f e r to succeed Staphen, 1847; responsible to the s e c r e t a r y of s t a t e alone, 1859 . 42 Taylor, o p . c i t . , p. 3if. 43 Taylor to E l l i o t , June 12 , 1868 i n Edward Dowden (ed.), The Correspondence of S i r Henry Taylor (London, 1 8 8 8 ) , pp.284-285* Two more i n t e r e s t i n g i n s i g h t s i n t o the mind of Taylor - and indeed i n t o the V i c t o r i a n mind - a r i s e i n two other l e t t e r s i n the same volume. In one, p.302, he argues (1870) that c o r p o r a l punishment does not b r u t a l -i s e the p u b l i c mind, but i n s t e a d provides i t with a sense of moral s a t i s f a c t i o n . In another l e t t e r , p.396, he attacks vehemently (1881) the p r a c t i c e of v i v i s e c t i o n . 44 Taylor, Autobiography, p.265. 45 i b i d . , p.127. 46 i b i d . , pp.127 -129. 47 But he wished to throw o f f Canada, the damnosa h e r e d i t a s , a l t o g e t h e r , because of the dangers of war with the United States. i b i d . , p.234. See also Taylor to E a r l Grey, May 6 , 1852 , Correspondence, pp.199-200. 48 Taylor, Correspondence, p.199. 49 Taylor, Autobiography, p.236. 50 i b i d . , p.231. This was i n r e p l y to a l e t t e r from Merivale who had expressed "American p a r t i a l i t i e s " , p r e f e r r i n g an org a n i s a t i o n constructed to an org a n i s a t i o n c o n s t r u c t i v e l y evolved. 51 i b i d . , p.222. 52 i b i d . , p.223. 53 S i r F r e d e r i c Rogers, Lord B l a c h f o r d , 1811-1889 ; educ. at O r i e l , Oxford; f r i e n d and p u p i l of Newman and H u r r e l l Froude; sympathetic to t r a c t a r i a n movement; leader w r i t e r on the Times;. helped to found the Guardian, 1846; Comm-i s s i o n e r f o r Emigration,; mission to P a r i s re. indentured labour, 1858-1859 ; permanent under secretary at the C o l o n i a l O f f i c e , 1 8 6 0 - 1 8 7 1 . 54 54 S i r Robert George Wyndham Herbert, 1831-1905 , grandson of F i r s t E a r l of Carnarvon; educ. B a l l i o l ; private-, secretary to W.E. Gladstone, 1855; C o l o n i a l Secretary, Queensland, 1858; a s s i s t a n t s e c r e t a r y , Board of Trade, 1868; a s s i s t a n t under secreta r y , C o l o n i a l O f f i c e , 1870-; permanent under secreta r y , 1871-1892 . 55 S i r Robert Meade, 1835-1898 , permanent under se c r e t a r y , C o l o n i a l O f f i c e , 1892 -1897 . 56 For h i s proposals on Emancipation, see Henry George, t h i r d E a r l Grey, The C o l o n i a l P o l i c y of Lord John R u s s e l l ' s A d m i n i s t r a t i o n , (London, 1 8 5 3 ) , V o l . I , p.76, T a y l o r , Autobiography, p.125, and W.P. M o r r e l l , The C o l o n i a l P o l i c y of Peel and R u s s e l l , (Oxford, 1 9 3 0 ) , p.201. 57 Grey, o p . c i t . , V o l . I I , p.260. 58 C.O. 9 6 / 1 8 . Quoted i n C u r t i n , o p . c i t . , p.454. 59 I b i d . , p.248. 60 Grey, o p . c i t . , V o l . I , p . 8 l . 61 Grey, o p . c i t . , V o l . I I , p. 204 . 62 I b i d . , p.253. 63 P r i n t e d as an appendix to Grey, o p . c i t . , V o l . I I , pp.494-508. 64 A good d e s c r i p t i o n of t h i s i s i n Epic W i l l i a m s , C a p i t a l i s m and Slavery, (Chapel H i l l , 1 9 4 4 ) . 65 For Indian indentured labour, see Cumpston, o p . c i t . , M e l l o r , o p . c i t . , and M o r r e l l , o p . c i t . 66 P.C. Campbell, Chinese Coolie ••Emigration to Countries w i t h i n the B r i t i s h Empire, (London, 1 9 2 3 ) . - • 67 Cumpston, o p . c i t . , pp . 19 & 2 2 . 68 Grey, o p . c i t . , V o l . I , pp.71-75. Grey to Governor Gomm of M a u r i t i u s , Sept. 29 , 1846 . " I am of opinion t h a t , i n s t e a d of encouraging the Indian labourers to enter, before they a r r i v e at M a u r i t i u s , i n t o c o n t r a c t s of labour f o r s e v e r a l years f o r p a r t i c u l a r employers, and then endeavouring by s t r i n g e n t r e g u l a t i o n s to enforce the performance of these c o n t r a c t s , under 55 circumstances i n which i t i s i n the i n t e r e s t of the immigrants to break them; the true p o l i c y would be to adopt r e g u l a t i o n s , of which the e f f e c t would be, to make i t the decided and obvious i n t e r e s t of the immigrants to work s t e a d i l y and i n d u s t r i o u s l y f o r the same employers f o r a considerable time " He goes on to connect h i s ideas f o r M a u r i t i u s with h i s proposals f o r immediate emancipation and t a x a t i o n of the slaves of 1833 . 69 Two loans were o f f e r e d by the i m p e r i a l government -one of £ 2 0 0 , 0 0 0 to B r i t i s h Guiana and T r i n i d a d i n 1846, and another of £ 5 0 0 , 0 0 0 to the West Ind i e s i n 1848 . Both Grey and R u s s e l l regarded aided immigr-a t i o n as a quid pro quo f o r the e q u a l i s a t i o n of the sugar d u t i e s . 70 Cumpston, o p . c i t . , p.89. 71 G.E. Marindin (ed.), L e t t e r s of Fr e d e r i c Rogers, Lord Bla c h f o r d , (London, 1 8 9 6 ) , p.171. 72 v i d . i n f . , pp. 2 4 5 - 2 5 2 . 73 K.G. Tregonning, Under Chartered Company Rule, North Borneo, 1881-1946 , (Singapore, 1 9 5 8 ) . P.154. The Assyrians e v e n t u a l l y went to B r i t i s h GUiana. I am purposely b l u r r i n g the d i s t i n c t i o n between indentured, labour and permanent migrant labour because i t was so often b l u r r e d i n p r a c t i c e . Only the Transvaal Chinese operation was c a r r i e d out with such thoroughness (mainly by c o n f i n i n g the Chinese to compounds) that there was a hundred per cent r e t u r n . 74 In 1903 , Joseph Chamberlain suggested Uganda to the Jewish leader, H e r z l , as a place of settlement to which he could l e a d the Jews from the persecution of Eastern Europe. 75 E.H.H. A r c h i b a l d , T r a v e l l e r s by Sea, (London, H.M.S.O., 1 9 6 2 ) , p.27. Note that migrant labourers were regarded and p r i c e d as f r e i g h t . 76 Hansard, 3 r d . s e r i e s V o l . CXVI, 1851 , pp.273-275. Roebuck advocated that c o l o n i s t s of su p e r i o r i n t e l l i g e n c e ought to be planted i n K a f f r a r i a . To c r i e s of NOi NOJ from members he s a i d , " I t was absurd to say you could a t t a i n the end without i n c u r r i n g the consequences...... The end j u s t i f i e s the means." 77 Adderley, o p . c i t . , p . 1 8 6 . Peel i n 1849 had described t h i s reverence f o r the c o l o n i a l l e g i s l a t u r e as "a high and haughty s p i r i t of l i b e r t y " . T aylor (Autobiography, p.269) described t h i s sentiment as preposterous. Taylor had no patience with West Indian c o l o n i a l l e g i s l a t u r e s i n p a r t i c u l a r . See M o r r e l l , o p . c i t . , p.286. When Palmerston turned out R u s s e l l ' s a d m i n i s t r a t i o n i n 1852, Adderley was wa i t i n g with a motion of censure on the government's c o l o n i a l p o l i c y and was confident of v i c t o r y . Palmer-ston f o r e s t a l l e d him. Grey was sorry he had no chance of defending himself. 57 CHAPTER 2 THE SOUTH AFRICAN BACKGROUND I t i s impossible to i n t e r p r e t nineteenth century B r i t i s h h i s t o r y i n terms of an o s c i l l a t i o n i n p o l i c y of two a l t e r n a t -i n g p a r t i e s i n power. C e r t a i n l y from the 1860s, i t i s not po s s i b l e to discover a p r o - i m p e r i a l party ranged against an a n t i - i m p e r i a l one.^ There were important d i f f e r e n c e s i n p o l i c y , such as the successive attempts at federation i n South A f r i c a , culminating i n Kimberley (with help from the Boers) r e v e r s i n g Carnarvon. In I n d i a , the successive v i c e r o y a l t i e s of Lytton, Ripon, D u f f e r i n and Lansdowne e x h i b i t e d considerable r e v e r s a l s of p o l i c y . But what i s more remarkable i s the accommodation between the p a r t i e s . Each chartered two i m p e r i a l companies. Neither a Tory l i k e Curzon nor a Whig l i k e Minto could consider ceding any r e a l power to Indians. In South A f r i c a , Rhodes, while always d i s t r u s t i n g "the i m p e r i a l f a c t o r " , found he could work almost e q u a l l y h a p p i l y with a L i b e r a l I m p e r i a l i s t or a Union i s t government. When Campbell-Bannerman set out to reverse U n i o n i s t p o l i c y i n South A f r i c a , he was not pursuing a l i t t l e Englander p o l i c y , but simply a d i f f e r e n t s o r t of Empire. A l l t h i s served to obscure the importance of the na t i v e peoples. In I n d i a Congress was not given s u f f i c i e n t n o t i c e : Curzon was prophesying i t s t o t a l downfall at the opening of the century when h i s own acts - and p a r t i c u l a r l y the P a r t i t i o n 58 of Bengal - would provide i t with e f f e c t i v e r a l l y i n g ground.^ In South A f r i c a the problems of Bantu, Boer and B r i t o n escalated, but i t was the Boer-Briton confrontation that exploded, and i n doing so served to obscure the Bantu problem. The f a c t that A f r i c a n s remained so d o c i l e while Europeans fought each other, unfortunately fostered the impression - aided too by t h e i r subsequent u n w i l l i n g n e s s to go to work r that they were of l i t t l e p o l i t i c a l import-ance. •." The L i b e r a l Government swept to power i n 1906 saw the triumph of d e v o l u t i o n . In 1906 B a l f o u r revealed once more that the opposition to i m p e r i a l r e s p o n s i b i l i t y had always cut across party l i n e s . He argued that I f any one Colony i n s i s t e d upon enslaving i t s hewers of wood and drawers of water, i t would have a pe r f e c t r i g h t to do so, and to request Great B r i t a i n or the c o l o n i e s , i f they i n t e r f e r e d , to mind t h e i r own business, as i t was only ^ e x e r c i s i n g i t s r i g h t of self-government. B a l f o u r was p r o v i d i n g a h y p o t h e t i c a l case that few i n that period b e l i e v e d would ever come about. J . Ramsay MacDonald, w r i t i n g i n 1907, argued i n favour of South A f r i c a n Federation because he b e l i e v e d that the Cape would never give up i t s "native p o l i c y " and that with f e d e r a t i o n , the s t a t e and i t s white population would be more c i v i l i z e d , and would u l t i m a t e l y extend the Cape p o l i c y to the r e s t of the country.^ This helps to e x p l a i n why W.P. Schreiner, no l e s s than a former 59 Cape premier, who saw the dangers and l e d a delegation to 7 r e v e a l them, was ignored. And so the L i b e r a l Party, remem-berin g i t s past c o l o n i a l r a d i c a l i s m , rushed i n t o South A f r i c a n d e v o l u t i o n . While i t s l e f t hand encouraged the r i s e of democracy and s o c i a l j u s t i c e at home, i t s r i g h t hand denied them abroad. What the Boer War had obscured to the L i b e r a l Government, to B a l f o u r and to MacDonald, was Adam Smith's concept of the c o n f l i c t between defence and opulence. This c o n f l i c t has o been seen as the key to a l l South A f r i c a n labour p o l i c y , and i t has never been more obvious than i n the present day. At f i r s t the problem of defence was e x t e r n a l . Hottentots and Bushmen were never seen as a r e a l defence problem. They simply provided f u r t h e r evidence f o r the " a n t h r o p o l o g i s t s " laws of the disappearance of the savage races. I t i s i r o n i c that the Cape 4 9 t h Ordinance of 1828 permitted the entry of Bantu to work, while the more celebrated 5 0 t h of the same year gave the Hottentots e q u a l i t y before the law. The a r r i v a l of the Bantu to work combined with the annexations of N a t a l and B r i t i s h K a f f r a r i a turned the e x t e r n a l defence of the Boer commandoes i n t o an i n t e r n a l one. I t took time f o r i t s magnitude to be f u l l y appreciated, j u s t as the Ehodesian pioneers a r r i v i n g i n Mashonaland i n 1890 g r o s s l y underestimated the A f r i c a n population because of the sca t t e r e d nature of the small Shoha settlements. 60 Grey's N a t a l p o l i c y has already been reviewed i n i t s wider i m p e r i a l context. I t i s now po s s i b l e to add a fr e s h c o n s i d e r a t i o n to the p o l i c y of small reserves and a s s i m i l a t i o n - defence. Small s c a t t e r e d l o c a t i o n s would i n e v i t a b l y break up the t r i b e s . In the future the p o l i c y of a s s i m i l a t i o n would proceed side-by-side with defensive measures. In 1855 S i r George Grey i n h i s opening address to the Cape Parliament announced that the A f r i c a n s were to become a part of ourselves, with a common f a i t h and common i n t e r e s t s , u s e f u l servants, consumers of our goods, c o n t r i b u t o r s to our revenue; i n short a source of strength and wealth to t h i s colony, such as Providence designed them to be.9 Yet at the same time defensive r e s t r i c t i o n s were placed on the m o b i l i t y of A f r i c a n labour. In 1853 the r i g h t of t a k i n g out a pass to v i s i t a f r i e n d was withdrawn. In 1856 a c e n t r a l o f f i c e .of r e g i s t r a t i o n was to be set up at King-williamstown. In 1838 s i x a c t s were passed to c o n t r o l immigration. One very r e v e a l i n g act was described as "An act f o r preventing C o l o n i a l Fingoes and c e r t a i n other subjects of her Majesty /"the Fingoes were a Bantu t r i b e from the North-East Cape7 from being mistaken f o r K a f i r s , and thereby harassed and aggrieved". As the Transkeian t e r r i t o r i e s were added to the Cape, the pass laws f o r immigrants ceased to apply, and i n s t e a d t h e i r A f r i c a n i n h a b i t a n t s came under the j u r i s d i c t i o n 61 of the Masters and Servants Laws. The t r a d i t i o n of Masters and Servants l e g i s l a t i o n making breach of c i v i l c o n t r a c t s a c r i m i n a l offence was f i r m l y e s t a b l i s h e d i n 1856, based on an e a r l i e r Masters, Servants and Apprentices Ordinance of 1 8 4 1 . I t should be noted that t h i s s ort of defensive l e g i s -l a t i o n was also the norm i n B r i t a i n f o r most of the nineteenth century. The combination laws may have been repealed i n 1825 , but any a c t i v i t y outside a narrow area of wage and hours n e g o t i a t i o n s s t i l l c a r r i e d c r i m i n a l l i a b i l i t y . The very phrase Masters and Servants was not abandoned i n B r i t a i n u n t i l the 1875 Employers and Workmen Act. While the problems are obviously very d i f f e r e n t , the motives behind the l e g i s l a t i o n were by no means d i s s i m i l a r . The fa c t that domestic and c o l o n i a l p o l i c y diverged widely i n the twentieth century help to confirm the t h e s i s that "Imperialism and the Rise of Labour" (to quote the t i t l e of Halevy's study) were incompatible. While Labour sentiment was often i m p e r i a l i s t - witness some of the Fabians, and J.H. Thomas's celebrated remark to the o f f i c i a l s of the C o l o n i a l O f f i c e , "I'm here to see there's no mucking about with the B r i t i s h Empire""^- i t provided an example at home that was not l o s t on the n a t i o n a l i s t s abroad. From the l 8 5 0's onwards, as the demand f o r labour i n South A f r i c a increased, l e g i s l a t i o n had to be a compromise between defence and the "motive to e x e r t i o n " . N a t a l r e v e a l s t h i s w e l l . In 1854 the Na t a l Native A f f a i r s Commission advocated an increase i n tax, reduction i n the s i z e of l o c a t i o n s and exemptions from tax f o r labourers. In 1855 an Ordinance forbade A f r i c a n s from s q u a t t i n g on Crown or p r i v a t e land; i n 1857 A f r i c a n s i n employment were made exempt from tax; but the tax was not r a i s e d from Grey's f i g u r e u n t i l 1875 when i t went up to fourteen s h i l l i n g s . Indentured Indians were introduced between i 8 6 0 and 1866 . There was more Indian immigration from 1874 , and Indian population f i g u r e s rose r a p i d l y u n t i l the end of the century. Meanwhile i n the Transvaal labour was regarded by the Boers as a t r i b u t e to conquerors. Here i n the N a t a l l e g i s l a t i o n and the Transvaal a t t i t u d e s we already have the precedents f o r the Rhodesian experience. And a l l t h i s before the appearance of the l a r g e c a p i t a l i s t undertakings of the diamond and gold mines. The mines are only of i n t e r e s t to t h i s t h e s i s i n s o f a r as they provided competition f o r Rhodesia l a t e r i n the century. In a sense the Rhodesian experience was more akin to that i n South A f r i c a before the d i s c o v e r i e s of mineral wealth, f o r labour deployment i n Rhodesia was always extremely s c a t t e r e d , and never h i g h l y concentrated as i n -Kimberley or on the Rand. With the growth of the mines however, we do have a great increase i n the importance of two f a c t o r s . F i r s t l y , wants became a greater stimulant to labour - c h i e f s sent out t h e i r men "to earn a gun". Secondly, the r e c r u i t i n g net was cast ever wider. A t a b l e " ^ of new r e g i s t r a t i o n s at the Kimberley 63 and de Beers Mines i n 1884 best r e v e a l s t h i s : Shangaans B r i t i s h Basutos Sekukuni Basutos Zulus Portuguese Zulus Bakhatlas Matabele C o l o n i a l s Bakwenas Batlapings Swazis Bamangwatos Barolongs Transvaal Basutos Others 681 195 2215 813 4 4 6 36 120 375 33 277 11 56 115 47. Already the labour network stretched throughout Southern A f r i c a , i n t o the f u r t h e s t corners of Bechuanaland, i n t o the South West of what was to become Southern Rhodesia, and i n t o Mozambique. The opening of the gold mines cast the net even f u r t h e r , and introduced the p r a c t i c e of organised recruitment. As the need f o r labour on r a i l w a y c o n s t r u c t i o n and the development of towns increased, i n c r e a s i n g l y severe measures were taken to ensure that s q u a t t i n g on Crown land was not a comfortable a c t i v i t y . I n 1869> Cape Colony imposed a rent of ten s h i l l i n g s per hut on Crown land. In 1884, a rent of one pound per hut was l e v i e d i n N a t a l . The 1876 Cape Location Act was designed against the s i m i l a r p r a c t i c e on p r i v a t e land. A tax was imposed on landowners f o r tenants not i n bona f i d e employment. . In 1880, the b r i e f B r i t i s h a d m i n i s t r a t i o n i n the Transvaal repealed the d i f f e r e n t i a l Boer t a x a t i o n , and imposed a uniform tax of ten s h i l l i n g s . These were the s t i m u l a n t s , but the c o n t i n u i n g need f o r defence i s revealed i n the s t r i c t vagrancy law of 1879 at the Cape, which g r e a t l y discouraged the movement of A f r i c a n s , and therefore impeded t h e i r e f f o r t s to f i n d work. In the l 8 9 0's the labour t h i r s t of the gold mines of the Rand saw the establishment of greater o r g a n i s a t i o n i n r e c r u i t -ment and d i s t r i b u t i o n . In 1893 a Native Labour Commissioner was appointed; i n I 8 9 6 a Native Labour Supply A s s o c i a t i o n was set up; i n 1895 recruitment i n Portuguese East A f r i c a was s u c c e s s f u l l y c e n t r a l i s e d ; i n l889> 1896 and 1897 there were combinations of employers to reduce wages; and the 1895 pass law by which the employer kept the pass during the period of s e r v i c e was designed against desertions. Taxation continued to play a v i t a l r o l e . A hut tax l e v i e d i n the Transvaal i n 1895 was i n e f f e c t a p o l l tax. In I898 there was a new departure i n p o l i c y when these taxes were l e v i e d f o r the f i r s t , time i n towns. The Orange Free State already had a p o l l tax of ten s h i l l i n g s , and i n 1893 and I898 enacted squatters laws l i m i t i n g squatters to f i v e f a m i l i e s on p r i v a t e land. Despite the o r g a n i s a t i o n of labour r e c r u i t i n g , the e v i l s of p r i v a t e t o u t i n g continued, and the dispute between the farmers and the mining community - which w i l l become very f a m i l i a r i n Rhodesia -became i n c r e a s i n g l y acerbic as demand increased. In the Cape the Location Law was amended i n 1892 , i n c r e a s i n g the tax on landowners to one pound f o r every male A f r i c a n not 65 i n employment. Many were turned o f f the land as a r e s u l t . In 1894 the Glen Grey Act of the Cape widened the e x p l i c i t dependence of labour on t a x a t i o n . A tax of ten s h i l l i n g s was imposed on a l l those not i n work - labour f o r three months provided exemption f o r a year; continuous labour f o r three years gave exemption f o r l i f e . The Act also encouraged A f r i c a n s to take up land by q u i t - r e n t under the European system of survey and i n d i v i d u a l tenure, another attempted attack on communalism. Rhodes i n i n t r o d u c i n g the b i l l i n t o the Cape Parliament openly asserted that i t was hoped the measure 12 would cause an improvement i n the labour supply. In f a c t the labour tax s e c t i o n s of the Glen Grey Act never worked and were repealed eleven years l a t e r , but the philosophy behind them i s important to subsequent South A f r i c a n and Rhodesian labour p o l i c y . A f t e r the Boer War, South A f r i c a experienced a dearth of labour. The War had d i v e r t e d labourers elsewhere or kept them at home; the army had paid high wages to scouts, messengers, labourers during the War, so p r o v i d i n g the means to stay at home f o r a while; and the mine owners took t h e i r f i r s t step towards encouraging labour by combining to reduce wages. In 1904 the Report of the Transvaal Labour Commission"1"^ revealed the nat-ure of the debate i n the Transvaal mining community regarding the encouragement of A f r i c a n labour or i t s replacement by European labour. Defence has been stressed as an important 66 part of South A f r i c a n n a t i v e labour p o l i c y from i t s beginnings: we now f i n d an i n t e r e s t i n g v a r i a t i o n on t h i s theme. In h i s evidence before the Commission one witness, Rudd, s a i d Could Mr. Kidd replace the 200,000 n a t i v e workers by 100,000 u n s k i l l e d whites, they would simply hold the Government of the country i n the hollow of t h e i r hand. I p r e f e r to see the more i n t e l l e c t u a l s e c t i o n of the community at the helm The Native i s at present, and I hope w i l l long remain, a u s e f u l intermediary between the white employer and employee. ^ The A f r i c a n s were here seen as a b u f f e r between the c a p i t a l -i s t s and t h e i r f e a r of democracy. I t was a question of l e s s e r e v i l s - the S c y l l a and Charybdis of South A f r i c a n p o l i c y . The i n t r o d u c t i o n of Chinese labour was the expedient adopted to solve the problem of the r e f u s a l of A f r i c a n s to work and the r e f u s a l of the mine owners to use Europeans i n s t e a d . A t o t a l of 60,000 Chinese a r r i v e d on the Rand before they were a l l returned by 1912. The proj e c t helped the U n i o n i s t Government to i t s f a l l i n 1905; the attempted confinement of so many Chinese i n compounds and the r e s u l t -ant h i g h l y p u b l i c i s e d e v i l s of gambling, male p r o s t i t u t i o n and violence helped to d i s c r e d i t the whole system of inde n t -ured labour. By t h i s time, however, the much-vaunted free 15 labour market had been destroyed. At a c r i t i c a l moment, A f r i c a n labour had been undercut by the Chinese, who, although paid more than A f r i c a n s , were o b l i g e d to stay longer and were 67 more e f f e c t i v e l y under the owners' c o n t r o l . In South A f r i c a , Chinese indentured labour confirmed an e s t a b l i s h e d pattern of migrant labour. In B r i t a i n , the Chinese labour i s s u e was seen not as an attack upon the i n t e r e s t of A f r i c a n labour but as an attack upon the i n t e r e s t of white labour, not so much as a humanitarian i s s u e but 'as a c o n f l i c t between U n i o n i s t Imper-i a l i s m and L i b e r a l Imperialism. With the growing power of the European unions before and a f t e r the F i r s t World War, defensive p r o v i s i o n s loomed ever l a r g e r i n South A f r i c a n labour p o l i c y , u n t i l to-day the N a t i o n a l i s t Government i s attempting the w e l l - n i g h impossible task of r e t u r n i n g A f r i c a n s to t h e i r Bantustans, g l o r i f i e d reserves. . In Adam Smith's c o n f l i c t of defence and opulence, defence has become pre-eminent. For the sake of u n i t y South A f r i c a n labour p o l i c y has been b r i e f l y reviewed over some hundred years of i t s h i s t o r y . I t i s impossible to understand the Rhodesian experience w i t h -out reference to South A f r i c a . Rhodesia's ordinances were l a r g e l y based on those of the Cape and of N a t a l , her administ-r a t o r s were from South A f r i c a , the native commissioners were i n v a r i a b l y from the N a t a l native a d m i n i s t r a t i o n . Under the High Commissioner f o r South A f r i c a , Rhodesia was. t r e a t e d a d m i n i s t r a t i v e l y as an extension of South A f r i c a ; as the b r a i n c h i l d of Rhodes t h i s was an i n e v i t a b l e mental a t t i t u d e , p a r t i c u l a r l y as federation or union with South A f r i c a was 68 throughout the p r e - F i r s t World War period a d i s t i n c t probab-i l i t y . For the duration of the C e n t r a l A f r i c a n Federation, Rhodesia looked b r i e f l y North and East. In recent years the o l d o r i e n t a t i o n has r e - e s t a b l i s h e d i t s e l f . Although the a t t i t u d e was uppermost, i t i s the purpose of t h i s t h e s i s to e s t a b l i s h the d i f f e r e n t c o n d i t i o n s that p r e v a i l e d i n Rhodesia, and above a l l the nature of the power exercised by the i m p e r i a l a u t h o r i t y over the B r i t i s h South A f r i c a Company. In h i s evidence to the Transvaal Labour Commission, S i r Percy F i t z p a t r i c k s a i d I s t a r t e d with and clung to the b e l i e f that we had an u n l i m i t e d supply ^~of labour_ 7 i n C e n t r a l A f r i c a i f we chose to~extend our o r g a n i s a t i o n and i n c u r the expense, and I s e v e r a l times discussed with him /""Rhodes^ "the p o s s i b i l i t y of pushing on tjhe Cape""of Cairo r a i l w a y with the object of pushing up the supply. ° The push to the North has been seen as the search f o r a golden Eldorado, as a p u r s u i t f o r the f u r t h e r expansion of the Saxon race. Here i s some evidence-at l e a s t that another commodity was sought, a commodity required to e x p l o i t the known r i c h e s of Kimberley and the Rand: labour. Labour r e c r u i t e r s were already t r y i n g t h e i r l u c k i n the North from the 1870s. They were part of the romantic but arduous pioneering i n C e n t r a l A f r i c a that i n s p i r e d i n Rhodes and S i r Harry Johnston 1^ t h e i r dreams of the Cape to Cairo l i n k . These pioneers, m i s s i o n a r i e s , hunters, e x p l o r e r s , had a great e f f e c t on the formation of 69 views on A f r i c a and A f r i c a n s , f o r t h e i r works had an extremely 1 8 wide and eager public., Undoubtedly the most prevalent view of the A f r i c a n that emerged was the c h i l d view, an i d e a current and i n f l u e n t i a l from the mid-nineteenth century to the mid-twentieth. There are a thousand p o s s i b l e expressions of t h i s , but that of Lugard i s e f f e c t i v e i n i t s succinctness and i n t e r e s t i n g as the opinion of a great Governor. To him the A f r i c a n holds the p o s i t i o n of a l a t e born c h i l d i n the family of nations, and must as yet be schooled i n the d i s c i p l i n e of the nursery.1° Given nineteenth century c o n d i t i o n s i n A f r i c a and the exhausted and fever-ridden s t a t e of the t r a v e l l e r s , i t i s perhaps not s u r p r i s i n g that they derived an extremely poor opinion of A f r i c a n s . What i s curious i s that so many of them wished to impose on A f r i c a n s concepts of work, of p u n c t u a l i t y , and of the cash economy that were b r u t a l i s i n g t h e i r own s o c i e t y at home, and that so many of them had set out to escape. David L i v i n g s t o n e had himself escaped from the world of sweated m i l l l a b o u r i n g . In h i s ideas f o r massive European emigration to A f r i c a he wished to a l l e v i a t e the i o t of the working c l a s s at home, but i t never seems to have occurred to him that the a r r i v a l of the European economy might have a s i m i l a r e f f e c t 20 on the A f r i c a n . I t i s p o s s i b l e that i n the midst of A f r i c a home s o c i e t y i t s e l f took on a romanticised impression and nothing could seem worse than the sl a v e r y and warfare that 70 A f r i c a n s s u f f e r e d from. At any r a t e , the a r r i v a l of the European economy was regarded as the s a l v a t i o n of the A f r i c a n , and i f , l i k e a c h i l d , he had to be d i s c i p l i n e d to work, i t was e n t i r e l y f o r h i s own good. E a r l y m i s s i o n a r i e s freque ntly had d i f f i c u l t i e s i n f i n d i n g labour, simply because, according to the current r e a l i t i e s i n A f r i c a , any s e l f - r e s p e c t i n g man would provide himself with s l a v e s , and moreover because the more wa r l i k e t r i b e s , accustomed to having slaves themselves, were quite 21 u n w i l l i n g to serve i n a menial capacity f o r Europeans. For many pioneers the' answer was forced labour. One of them, James Stewart, who t r a v e l l e d i n the Zambezi area i n the e a r l y s i x t i e s , b e l i e v e d t h i s was 7the only p o s s i b l e approach. On viewing the d e s t r u c t i o n of Nyanja v i l l a g e s by Yao r a i d e r s , he wrote A f t e r a l l the l o s s of an A f r i c a n v i l l a g e i s l i t t l e l o s s to the owners, and none to the world g e n e r a l l y . They can soon r e b u i l d and anything that compels them to work i s r a t h e r a b l e s s i n g than a curse.22 Another, more i l l u s t r i o u s , S i r Samuel Baker, adopted forced labour while Governor of Equatoria, b e l i e v i n g i t to be necessary to overcome i n s t i n c t i v e i d l e n e s s . 2 ^ In h i s book, The A l b e r t N'yanza, he wrote i n a vein h i g h l y reminiscent of E a r l Grey, though more extreme: The n a t i v e s of t r o p i c a l c o u n t r i e s do not progress.: enervated by intense heat, they i n c l i n e r a t h e r to repose and amusement than to labour. Free 71 from the r i g o u r s of winters, and the excitement of changes i n the seasons, the native- character assumes the monotony of t h e i r country's temperature. They have no n a t u r a l d i f f i c u l t i e s to contend with-no struggle with adverse storms and i c y winds and frost-bound s o i l ; but an e v e r l a s t i n g summer, and f e r t i l e ground producing with l i t t l e t i l l a g e , e x c i t e no e n t e r p r i s e ; and the human mind, unexercised by d i f f i c u l t i e s , s i n k s i n t o languor and decay.^4 Of course Stewart and Baker were w r i t i n g about very d i f f e r e n t parts of the Continent, but t h e i r views derived from the same t e c h n o l o g i c a l l y o r i e n t a t e d contempt. They could understand "backwardness" (Baker a c t u a l l y placed i t at the l e v e l of animal e x i s t e n c e ) , but they were quite unable to comprehend that A f r i c a n s might have s u f f e r e d r e l a t i v e r e t r o g r e s s i o n . In t h i s they r e f l e c t e d t h e i r age, when Improvement was the p r i n c i p a l norm. Baker was an a d m i n i s t r a t o r , though of a h i g h l y unorthodox k i n d . Other more conventional a d m i n i s t r a t o r s also wrote cop i o u s l y of t h e i r views of the A f r i c a n and h i s future. I t 25 i s i n t e r e s t i n g to s t a r t with S i r B a r t l e Frere ^ because he represents so w e l l a school whose views would be taken over and modified by the p r i n c i p a l s i n the period covered by t h i s t h e s i s . Towards the end of a l i f e of long experience i n I n d i a , South A f r i c a and Zanzibar, Frere read a paper On the Laws a f f e c t i n g the R e l a t i o n s between C i v i l i z e d and Savage L i f e , as bearing on the dealings of C o l o n i s t s with Aborigines, to 72 the A n t h r o p o l o g i c a l I n s t i t u t e of Great B r i t a i n and I r e l a n d on June 28 , 1 8 8 1 . Frere maintains i n t h i s paper that while i t i s usual f o r savage races to be destroyed, expelled or driven back i n the face of a c i v i l i z e d power, t h i s law does not hold f o r more vigorous races l i k e the Bantu. T h e i r savagery i s destroyed by another means, namely by proximity to the European c i v i l i z a t i o n and by anxiety to approximate to t h i s c i v i l i z a t i o n . "There are no p r a c t i c a l l i m i t s to the changes that may thus take place." But there are c e r t a i n necessary c o n d i t i o n s f o r these changes to take place, of which the most important i s "Such a peace as Romans and E n g l i s h have ensured to subject races as a consequence of c i v i l i z e d sovereignty", a peace b r i n g i n g "-with i t p r o t e c t i o n f o r l i f e and property, p r a c t i c a l e q u a l i t y before the law, s u b s t i t u t i o n of i n d i v i d u a l property f o r t r i b a l commonage, a b o l i t i o n of s l a v e r y and p r i v a t e r i g h t s of making war and c a r r y i n g arms, education i n the a r t s of c i v i l i z e d l i f e , l e g i s l a t i o n against the manufacture and sale of i n t o x i c a t i n g substances that r u i n h e a l t h and r e t a r d m a t e r i a l welfare of the nati v e community. To secure a l l t h i s an equitable form of t a x a t i o n i s req u i r e d to meet the expenses of the a d m i n i s t r a t i o n . T h i s i s an extremely s u c c i n c t and i l l u m i n a t i n g d e s c r i p t i o n of the p o l i c y of the " c i v i l i z i n g mission" school of administ-r a t o r s on the threshold of the s o - c a l l e d New Imperialism. In some ways the d i s c u s s i o n on the close of Frere's paper i s even more i n t e r e s t i n g f o r contemporary views than the paper i t s e l f . 73 One speaker c r i t i c i s e d Frere f o r h i s use of analogies from the Roman Empire.. The B r i t o n s that the Romans met i n England were much more c i v i l i z e d than the na t i v e s of South A f r i c a , and they were a f t e r a l l Aryans] The second speaker began by c r i t i c i s i n g the lumping together of the Bantu race as a chimera, and then went on to c r i t i c i s e the Roman analogy from the opposite end. The pax B r i t a n n i c a i s not l i k e the pax Romana. Our c i v i l i z a t i o n i s s t i f f . The Romans i n t e r m a r r i e d . We impose an uncongenial r e l i g i o n . Rome became the great melt-i n g pot of the Empire - peoples went there from a l l over the known world. But negroes do not come to meetings of s o c i e t i e s 27 l i k e ours. ' Another speaker, s t i l l desperately t r y i n g to f i n d laws, postulated the law that n a t i v e peoples disappear i n face of Europeans i n temperate clim a t e s , but not i n t r o p i c a l c l i m a t e s . In t h i s d i s c u s s i o n we see the extremes of p s e u d o - s c i e n t i f i c racism juxtaposed with the most enlightened opinion of the day. In the year that Frere d e l i v e r e d h i s paper, A l f r e d M i l n e r was c a l l e d to the bar and s t a r t e d w r i t i n g f o r the P a l l M a l l Gazette. He had w r i t t e n i n h i s d i a r y that he f e l t himself destined f o r a l i f e of " p u b l i c usefulness", a symbolic paternal PQ i d e a l i s t sentiment. y His b r i g h t contemporaries at B a l l i o l , L y t t e l t o n G e l l - ^ 0 and Henry Birchenough^ 1 - both future d i r e c t o r s of the B r i t i s h South A f r i c a Company - were al s o i n London, Birchenough a c t u a l l y sharing rooms with M i l n e r . Rhodes was at O r i e l , dreaming dreams. Sidney Webb entered 7k the C o l o n i a l O f f i c e , and Sydney O l i v i e r would f o l l o w him i n 1882 . The B r i t i s h North Borneo Company-^ was granted i t s c h a r t e r , the f i r s t of the new monopolies, the f i r s t chartered company to administer a t e r r i t o r y since the East I n d i a Company had l o s t i t s c h a r t e r i n 1858 . C o l o n i a l e x p l o i t a t i o n had entered a f r e s h phase. As Frere was reading h i s paper that revealed so much of past experience, the stage was set f o r the i m p e r i a l i s m of the great p a t e r n a l i s t s ready to apply Germanic methods to the problems Frere described. There was l i t t l e o p p o s i t i o n . C h a u v i n i s t i c i m p e r i a l i s m cut d i r e c t l y across party l i n e s * The Independent Labour Party was as yet weak. The m a j o r i t y of the Fabians were as i m p e r i a l i s t as the Unionist Party i t s e l f ( Sydney O l i v i e r a notable exception ). Opposition came p r i n c i p a l l y from without, from the s o c i e t i e s , the "Exeter H a l l f a c t i o n " that had taken to i t s e l f the duty of being the i r r e p r e s s i b l e conscience of the na t i o n . The c r i e s of a new s l a v e r y , of forced labour, of the need f o r i m p e r i a l p r o t e c t i o n f o r indigenous peoples would be heard again - p r i n c i p a l l y from the B r i t i s h and Foreign Aborigines' P r o t e c t i o n Society - and coupled with war and r e b e l l i o n i n Rhodesia, would see to i t that Joseph Chamberlain's a d m i n i s t r a t i o n at the C o l o n i a l O f f i c e was not only a more vigorous approach to c o l o n i a l p o l i c y , but also a more f i r m espousal of the notion of i m p e r i a l r e s p o n s i b i l i t y . I t i s appropriate at t h i s stage to consider the a t t i t u d e s to A f r i c a n labour of C e c i l Rhodes himself. He was a f t e r a l l 75 the Colossus, i n some ways almost the oracle f o r a d m i n i s t r a t o r s i n Rhodesia. L i k e most things about the man, h i s a t t i t u d e was e n t i r e l y p a r a d o x i c a l . He urged the most shady dealings with A f r i c a n c h i e f s l i k e Lobengula-^ ; he f e l l wholeheartedly i n t o the slaughter and r e p r i s a l that followed the Ndebele and Shona XL " r e b e l l i o n s " - ^ ; yet he could win immense A f r i c a n respect i n personal r e l a t i o n s , as i n the p a r l e y i n g a f t e r the Ndebele " r e b e l l i o n " . He adhered wholeheartedly to the " c h i l d view", yet could express the celebrated high-flown statement of "equal r i g h t s f o r every c i v i l i z e d man south of the Zambezi", the c i v i l i z e d man being "a man whether white or black who has s u f f i c i e n t education to w r i t e h i s name, has some property or "55 works, i n f a c t i s not a l o a f e r " . "Loafer" was a f a v o u r i t e word of Rhodes. I t r e f l e c t s w e l l h i s a t t i t u d e towards work as a moral v i r t u e . He drove himself unmercilessly and expected others to do the same. I f A f r i c a n s i n s i s t e d on " l o a f i n g " , they could not be c i v i l i z e d , and therefore to make them c i v i l i z e d , they had to be persuaded to work. Rhodes's " c h i l d view" was apparent i n h i s support of the " s t r o p b i l l " of 1891, which proposed c o r p o r a l punishment f o r A f r i c a n s . I t was dropped. I t was apparent also i n h i s sponsoring of the Glen Grey A c t ^ . He pleaded that h i s own school education was more i n the nature of s l a v e r y than the work expected of an A f r i c a n . He spoke too i n terms of an "inexorable law": I f you are r e a l l y one who loves the 76 n a t i v e s , you must make them worthy of the country they l i v e i n , or else they are c e r t a i n , by an inexorable law, to l o s e t h e i r country. You w i l l c e r t a i n l y not make them worthy i f you allow them / to s i t i n i d l e n e s s and i f you do not ,o t r a i n them i n the a r t s of c i v i l i z a t i o n . The paradox i s p e r f e c t l y revealed by Woodhouse i n the Rhodes biography. Having attempted to show how much more enlightened Rhodes was compared with the Boers, Woodhouse w r i t e s , The best that could be s a i d of him i n t h i s matter - and he often s a i d i t himself -was that he regarded the n a t i v e s as c h i l d -ren, who might one day attain the adult l e v e l of the white man, but were s t i l l f a r from i t . Even that was only true of him i n theory. In p r a c t i c e i t would be t r u e r to say that he regarded them as domestic animals: which i s not to imply c r u e l t y , f o r Englishmen are u s u a l l y kind to domestic animals. But u n l i k e c h i l d r e n dogs are not expected to grow up i n t o human a d u l t s ; and u n l i k e c h i l d r e n dogs may be shot when they get out of hand. That was c e r t a i n l y Rhodes's a t t i t u d e to the Matabele /~Ndebele_7in the e a r l y weeks of the Rebellion.-^ The domestic animal view f i t s Boer opinion of the period r a t h e r w e l l ; yet the Boers regarded Rhodes as a n e g r o p h i l i s t . The paradox has been e s t a b l i s h e d , i t i s t r u e , by reference to Rhodes's opinions at d i f f e r e n t p o i n t s i n h i s career, but these p o i n t s are separated by no more than a few years, and h i s ambivalence i s symptomatic of much of Southern A f r i c a n opinion. Rhodes c e r t a i n l y d i d nothing to a l l a y the fears of the B r i t i s h and Foreign Aborigines* P r o t e c t i o n Society, as expressed i n Fox Bourne's pamphlet Matabeleland and the 30 Chartered Company, y or i n the B r i t i s h and Foreign Aborigines' 77 P r o t e c t i o n S o c i e t y ' s O u t l i n e s of a Suggested Charter f o r Natives under B r i t i s h Rule i n South A f r i c a , ^ which had proposed that the A f r i c a n s should be wards of the Crown; that reserves should be under Crown c o n t r o l ; that there should be more power f o r the c h i e f s , education and advance-ment f o r the n a t i v e s , r e g u l a t i o n of i n t e r f e r e n c e from outside, f o r example with regard to labour; that taxes ought to be r e s t r i c t e d to hut tax, agreed with the n a t i v e s ; that the pass system ought to be l i m i t e d to a s i n g l e passport to help the A f r i c a n s ; that there ought to be complete freedom of a c t i o n to seek labour, no curfew and no i n t o x i c a t i n g l i q u o r ; and that the n a t i v e s who have completely l e f t the reserves ought to be admitted to some r i g h t s and p r i v i l e g e s as f e l l o w subjects with the whites. This was what Lord M i l n e r was quite unprepared to do. His views on labour are revealed i n countless despatches from South A f r i c a . They coincided r a t h e r too a c c u r a t e l y - f o r the t a s t e of the C o l o n i a l O f f i c e o f f i c i a l s , and indeed of h i s Resident Commissioner i n Rhodesia, S i r Ma r s h a l l C l a r k e ^ -wi t h those of the d i r e c t o r s of the B r i t i s h South A f r i c a Company and the men on the spot. He took a favourable a t t i t u d e towards forced labour, p a r t i c u l a r l y f o r p u b l i c works. He f e l t i t was the duty of native commissioners to put p o s i t i v e moral pressure on the A f r i c a n s to work, and as h i s j u s t i f i c a t i o n he sought refuge i n the o l d t r o p i c a l indolence argument - "The 78 black man i s n a t u r a l l y i n c l i n e d , much more than the white, to do nothing at a l l " . ^ He c e r t a i n l y r e a l i s e d the embarrassment such views caused the government and even attempted to suppress on occasion an offending sentence of a despatch that was to appear i n a parliamentary paper. M i l n e r , burdened as he was with the Briton-Boer problem and the r e s u l t i n g war i n South A f r i c a , lacked a d o c t r i n a i r e " n a t i v e p o l i c y " . He made l i t t l e c o n t r i b u t i o n to the reserves-amalgamation debate. And of course h i s downfall and censure came about because he permitted, almost i n a d v e r t -e n t l y , the i l l e g a l c o r p o r a l punishment of Chinese labourers. A l l was subordinated by t h i s time to h i s r e c o n s t r u c t i o n , h i s development of the mining economy, and consequent encouragement of B r i t i s h , immigration. The B r i t i s h and Foreign Aborigines' P r o t e c t i o n S o c i e t y Charter ( v i d . sup.) had expressed a curious mixture of respect f o r A f r i c a n i n s t i t u t i o n s , more power to c h i e f s , and the notion of amalgamation, equal r i g h t s . Rhodes too had spoken of equal r i g h t s ; he has also been described by h i s most recent biographers as a reserves man, b e l i e v i n g that they would protect the A f r i c a n from the v i c e s of the European, permit him to c u l t i v a t e h i s own p l o t of land i n peace, and give him a rudimentary p o l i t i c a l e d u c a t i o n . ^ I t i s a dilemma that runs, r i g h t through the labour p o l i c y of the period., Neither South A f r i c a nor Rhodesia wanted a permanent labour force f o r 7 9 s e c u r i t y reasons. There was a fear of what would happen when the mines, a wasting asset, would no longer provide work. But the reserves on the other hand provided too much scope f o r l e t h a r g y , f o r the backward r u l e of c h i e f s ( c f . Herman Merivale on reserves) and above a l l i n s u f f i c i e n t labour f o r present needs. The backwardness of the reserves was as much a matter fo r concern f o r the humanitarians and m i s s i o n a r i e s as f o r the o f f i c i a l s of the Chartered Company. The fashion i n which Rhodesian A f r i c a n s were forced i n t o a state of great i n s e c u r i t y on, or a c t i v e l y e x pelled from, Crown land, p r i v a t e property, u r b a n l l o c a t i o n s , and even the reserves themselves (when a l i e n -a t i o n took place as the r e s u l t of inadequate survey0', w i l l be recounted i n greater d e t a i l l a t e r . This i n s e c u r i t y r e s u l t e d from the establishment of a 45 powerful a n t i - r e s e r v e s lobby. H. Wilson Fox, y i n h i s copious memoranda of 1 9 1 0 and 1 9 1 2 drawn up f o r the Board of the Company, 46 attacked reserves and t r i b a l i s m . He d i d however reach the l o g i c a l conclusion that there had to be a permanent l o c a l labour p o l i c y . I t would also seem pre f e r a b l e to arrange that the circumstances of the r e l a t i o n s between the two races siould, as f a r as p o s s i b l e , be such that they should be able to regard each other from some other paint of view than the economic one.47 I t was a f i n e sentiment, but the mineowners seemed u n w i l l i n g to work i t . There were advantages as w e l l as disadvantages i n a quick turnover of labour without wives and c h i l d r e n . 80 Obviously wages could be kept down, and there was always the p o s s i b i l i t y - p a r t i c u l a r l y acute under Rhodesian c o n d i t i o n s -that a mine might be worked out and closed. I t was the farmers, with much l e s s danger of working out* t h e i r p r o p e r t i e s , who most strenuously advocated a pool of l o c a l labour. Wilson Fox quoted t h e i r congress of 1911, which resolved with regard to " f o r e i g n " labour that the boys be allowed to b r i n g t h e i r women with them, so that they may, i f they choose, settle f o r a number of years, or permanently, i f they wish, i n Southern R h o d e s i a . ^ But the farmers were nonetheless u n w i l l i n g to pay the wages necessary f o r such a permanent settlement. The most important convert to the a n t i - r e s e r v e s p o s i t i o n was Lord G l a d s t o n e , ^ High Commissi.oner i n South A f r i c a , 1910-1914, whose despatches seem to i n d i c a t e that he was to a l a r g e extent converted to h i s European environment i n South A f r i c a . With regard to the Southern Rhodesian Commission on Native 50 Reserves, he wrote to Lewis Harcourt, Secretary of S t a t e , I expressed the hope to Mr. Malcolm^"*" that some arrangement would be made to prevent the n a t i v e s from wandering over the reserves f a r too l a r g e f o r t h e i r present requirements. The p r a c t i c e i s demoralising and prejudices improvement i n a g r i c u l t u r e . Mr. Malcolm asked me whether o b j e c t i o n would be taken to some curtailment of the area now a l l o t t e d . I s a i d that I d i d not think there would n e c e s s a r i l y be o b j e c t i o n s to curtailment, provided that i t could be j u s t i f i e d by the c l e a r 81 advantage of the whole scheme to the n a t i v e s . We agreed that i t would he d e s i r a b l e to adopt the p r i n c i p l e s of the Natives' Land Act. - that n a t i v e s should be p r o h i b i t e d from ho l d i n g land i n t e r r i t o r y under white occupation and v i c e versa.52 i This despatch was met with a chorus of disapproval i n the C o l o n i a l O f f i c e . The extension of the Union Land Act to Rhodesia was regarded as "impossible and quite unacceptable". L a t e r , another o f f i c i a l wrote, " I t i s c l e a r that the reserves c o n s t i t u t e the only r e a l means of safeguarding the n a t i v e i n t e r e s t " . ^ In a despatch of the previous week, Gladstone provides an e x c e l l e n t i n s i g h t i n t o current opinion of the A f r i c a n . On a v i s i t to Rhodesia, he went to Zimbabwe, that e s s e n t i a l of the A f r i c a n Grand Tour, and wrote The greatest f a c t o r i n the i r r e s i s t a b l e a t t r a c t i v e n e s s of Zimbabwe i s the mystery of i t s o r i g i n s . The flame of controversy has played round each feature of the r u i n s during the l a s t ten years. The only r e s u l t i s that the doctors d i f f e r . But there i s one conclusion that forces i t s e l f on the mind of the layman, with the weight almost of c o n v i c t i o n , and that i s that no Bantu or negroid races were ever capable e i t h e r of such a stupendous conception or of i t s masterly execution.55 As e a r l y as 1906, an archarologist had asserted that Zimbabwe had been b u i l t by A f r i c a n s , ^ and now there i s no doubt what-ever among ar c h a e o l o g i s t s that the "stupendous conception" i s 57 indeed the work of Bantu peoples.^' As t h i s passage makes c l e a r , i t was not j u s t that Gladstone could not b e l i e v e that 82 Great Zimbabwe had been b u i l t by A f r i c a n s , but he d i d not want to b e l i e v e i t : such a p o s s i b i l i t y would upset h i s con-ception of the A f r i c a n s ' place i n the c o l o n i e s . He had been sent as a great L i b e r a l statesman to be.the f i r s t Governor General of the Union of South A f r i c a , and there-fore i m p l i c i t l y accepted the colour bar enshrined i n i t s c o n s t i t u t i o n . I f these be the sentiments on land and c u l t u r e of a L i b e r a l statesman of some s t a t u r e , i t i s reasonable to ask where the mantle of Stephen and Merivale had f a l l e n during t h i s period. Was t h e i r humanitarian s p i r i t continued only by Exeter H a l l philanthropy? An examination of works by a l i b e r a l , a Fabian and a l e a d i n g member of the Independent Labour Party w i l l attempt to discover the nature, the strength and the i n f l u e n c e of the opposition to the " o f f i c i a l o p i n i o n " of the day, with p a r t i c u l a r reference to Southern A f r i c a . 58 J.A. Hobson's Imperialism: A Study^ i s celebrated f o r h i s attack on c a p i t a l i s t i m p e r i a l i s m . His premises with 59 regard to investment have now been l a r g e l y r e f u t e d , J but l e s s n o t i c e has been taken of h i s s e c t i o n on "Native Races". He expressed a b e l i e f i n the c i v i l i z i n g mission - "The resources of the t r o p i c s w i l l not be developed v o l u n t a r i l y GO by the n a t i v e s themselves". White men could only organise and superintend the labour of the n a t i v e s . By doing t h i s they can educate the n a t i v e s i n the a r t s of i n d u s t r y 8 3 and stimulate i n them a desire f o r m a t e r i a l and moral progress, implanting new.'wants' which form in^-every s o c i e t y the r o o t s of c i v i l i z a t i o n . He accepted the analogy of the education of c h i l d r e n , but attacked the chartered companies as " l i t t l e e l se than p r i v a t e despotism rendered more than u s u a l l y precarious i n that i t C p has been e s t a b l i s h e d f o r the sake of dividends", and was too dependent on the whim of the Managing D i r e c t o r . In a prophetic remark, he feared the p o l i t i c a l ambitions of the imported r u l e r s . He saw through some of the basic c o n t r a d i c t i o n s of paternalism, p o i n t i n g out that the k i n d of c i v i l i z a t i o n to be imposed depended e n t i r e l y upon the " c i v i l i z i n g nations"; that there was no attempt to understand the a c t i v e or l a t e n t progressive forces of the subject race; that the i n t e r n a t i o n a l agreements of 1 8 8 3 and 1 8 9 0 , c a r v i n g up t e r r i t o r y , cast a strange l i g h t on the t r u s t theory. But, l i k e a l l h i s contemporaries, he f a i l e d to see the dramatic r i s e i n n a t i o n a l -ism. He regarded l e s s i n t e r f e r e n c e i n independent Indian s t a t e s as a good s i g n , and moreover he was very complimentary about Basutoland as an example of sane i m p e r i a l i s m i n the midst of insane i m p e r i a l i s m . He f a i l e d to see the immense problems the one would cause to a twentieth century s t a t e , and the dangers economic underdevelopment would cause to the freedom of the other. Insane i m p e r i a l i s m he c l a s s i f i e d as handing over "these races to the economic e x p l o i t a t i o n of white c o l o n i s t s who w i l l use them as ' l i v e t o o l s ' and t h e i r lands as r e p o s i t o r i e s 8k Cx of mining or other p r o f i t a b l e treasure". ^ So f a r as labour i s concerned, Hobson's sole l e g i t i m a t e pressures are the pressure of r i s i n g population, of new needs, and of i n c r e a s i n g consumption. A l l t a x a t i o n i s forced labour; so i s the b r i b i n g of c h i e f t a i n s to use t h e i r i n f l u e n c e , as advocated by "the p h i l a n t h r o p i c E a r l Grey" (the Fourth E a r l ) . ^ He attacked the a l l i a n c e of a d m i n i s t r a t i o n and c a p i t a l i s m to be found most b l a t a n t l y i n South A f r i c a , i n Rhodes, on the Rand, and i n Grey. At l e a s t , he argued i r o n i c a l l y , the Transvaal had the v i r t u e of being methodical - they took away-a l l l a n d , broke up the t r i b a l system, and gave the A f r i c a n no a l t e r n a t i v e but to work. This had a bearing on the i d e a of the permanent labour force i n the l o c a t i o n s , advocated by the President of the Rand Chamber of Mines i n 1 8 9 8 ^ and again by the South A f r i c a n Native A f f a i r s Commission of 1905, (which i s t r e a t e d i n Hobson's second e d i t i o n i n 1906). To Hobson, such an i d e a would turn A f r i c a n s i n t o hostages to c a p i t a l i s m , v i r t u a l l y a s c r i p t i g l o e b i (remembering the South American and Portuguese A f r i c a n methods), simply breeding the next gener-a t i o n of labourers. He f e l t that white communities i n these c a p i t a l i s t s i t u a t i o n s could never escape the t a i n t of p a r a s i t i s m . With remarkable c l a r i t y Hobson saw a l l the c o n t r a d i c t i o n s of the revealed p o l i c y of h i s day. But i n t h e i r place he set up a new set of c o n t r a d i c t i o n s , based on h i s conception of the c i v i l i z i n g mission through the medium of i n d i r e c t r u l e . While ' 85 he had plenty of s t r i c t u r e s about the nature of western c a p i t a l i s m and of t r u s t e e s h i p , he f a i l e d to question the q u a l i t y of r u l e that i n d i r e c t r u l e would produce. Sydney O l i v i e r was, as George Bernard Shaw i n h i s 67 l i v e l y memoir of him pointed out, ' a rare character. He was a c o l o n i a l a d m i n i s t r a t o r who attended to a l l the pomp and trappings of a c o l o n i a l governorship at the same time as questioning the very existence of the i m p e r i a l power. His White C a p i t a l i s m and Coloured Labour i s a curious book. Several chapters of i t are devoted to a t t a c k i n g bad race r e l a t i o n s i n the United S t a t e s , and e x t o l l i n g the b e t t e r c o n d i t i o n s i n the West I n d i e s . ?/hen he does come to the p o i n t , he espouses the o l d f r i e n d , t r o p -i c a l indolence: the A f r i c a n has no mechanical habit of i n d u s t r y . He has no i d e a of any o b l i g a t i o n to be i n d u s t r i o u s f o r i n d u s t r y ' s sake, no conception of any e s s e n t i a l d i g n i t y i n labour i t s e l f , no d e l i g h t i n g r a t u i t o u s t o i l . ° 9 He agreed with the South A f r i c a n Native A f f a i r s Commission of 70 1905 that i f the A f r i c a n i s paid more he w i l l simply work l e s s , but he d i d make the attempt as we s h a l l see to e s t a b l i s h a c u l t u r a l explanation f o r t h i s phenomenon. He provided an e x c e l l e n t i r o n i c d e s c r i p t i o n of "'the theory" behind c o l o n i a l e x p l o i t a t i o n . T r o p i c a l c o u n t r i e s are not s u i t e d for' settlement by whites. Europeans cannot labour and b r i n g up f a m i l i e s there. The b l a c k can breed and labour under good 86 government, but he cannot develop h i s own country's resources. He i s b r u t i s h , benighted and unprogressive. The ' p r i n c i p a l reason of ( s i c ) t h i s c o n d i t i o n i s that h i s l i f e i s made so easy f o r him by nature that he i s not forced to work. The white man must, the r e f o r e , i n the i n t e r e s t s of humanity make arrangements to induce the black man to work f o r him. To him the economic p r o f i t which the black man does not value and cannot use; to the l a t t e r the moral and s o c i a l advancement and e l e v a t i o n . To e f f e c t t h i s development i s the 'White man's Burden'; i n t h i s way must we c o n t r o l the t r o p i c s ; along these l i n e s alone can the problem of r a c i a l r e l a t i o n s i n our new possessions be solved.'' 7! The core of h i s argument rested on f i v e p r o p o s i t i o n s . , F i r s t l y , the only d i s t r e s s caused by the l a c k of labour i n South A f r i c a was the d i s t r e s s of the foreign i n v e s t o r unable to obtain what he regarded as an adequate r e t u r n on h i s investment. Secondly the d i s a f f e c t i o n between European and A f r i c a n was not the d i s a f f e c t i o n of race p r e j u d i c e , but the d i s a f f e c t i o n of c a p i t a l i s m to labour and of i n d u s t r i a l jealousy. T h i r d l y , where he cannot force the t r o p i c a l peoples to labour f o r him, the c a p i t a l i s t turns t o . c o u n t r i e s where the population i s under great r e s t r a i n t , namely I n d i a and China. F o u r t h l y the c a p i t a l i s t who pleads a missionary motive i s i n e f f e c t a l i a r . I f he r e a l l y f e l t t h i s he would be a missionary. F i f t h l y , the n e g r o p h i l i s t i s he whose judgement has not been d i s t o r t e d by the economic demands of 72 the c a p i t a l i s t i n d u s t r i a l system. In h i s attack on the indentured labour system he pointed out that the West Indian 87 negro thought that the c o o l i e was more of a slave than o f f i c i a l opinion d i d . He went on from t h i s to describe the negro i n the West I n d i e s as more free and independent than the i n d u s t -r i a l p r o l e t a r i a t at home. He was not averse to a sharp t h r u s t at a f e l l o w c o l o n i a l admin i s t r a t o r , The d i s t i n c t i o n i n s e n s i b i l i t y , i n i n d u s t r i a l standard, between an a l i e n race and the white, i s deemed by such an a u t h o r i t y as Lord M i l n e r , a P r o v i d e n t i a l dispensation. Such a doctrine r e a c t s upon the temper- of the employer i n i n d u s t r y , and on h i s conception of s u i t a b l e methods f o r d e a l i n g with coloured workmen. ' M i l n e r ' s d o c t r i n e , he went on, i s the product of the i n d u s t r i a l r e l a t i o n - i t has grown r a p i d l y wherever c a p i t a l i s t i c e n t e r p r i s e has been extended. I t followed that the c o l o n i a l i s t c a p i t a l -i s t ' s f e ars are the fears of the c a p i t a l i s t everywhere, fears of the i l l - e f f e c t s of C h r i s t i a n i s i n g the population, fears of educating them to ideas above t h e i r s t a t i o n . O l i v i e r revealed a remarkable sympathy f o r the A f r i c a n ethos. The A f r i c a n i s more conscious of the unformulated powers of l i f e and l e s s under the dominion of the formulated; h i s consciousness i s more open to what i s beneath the s u p e r f i c i a l r a f t of e s t a b l i s h e d means of s u r v i v a l and l e s s a c c e s s i b l e to r a t i o n a l economic motive, and consequently u n r e l i a b l e as a wage earner. And so the A f r i c a n i s regarded as a c h i l d , yet he i s taxed and expected to work. But as soon as he takes up the a t t i t u d e of a Wat T y l o r or a Hampden he i s v i l i f i e d and k i l l e d . ^ With one s i n g l e 88 obvious blow, he knocked Arnold's, and a l l h i s d i s c i p l e s ' devotion to the Saxons on the head - he pointed out t h e i r 75 t r i b a l i s m and t h e i r savagery. • He could indeed have gone f u r t h e r and pointed to the remarkable s i m i l a r i t i e s between Saxon notions of crime and punishment and those of, say, the Ndebele. O l i v i e r ' s arguments were c e r t a i n l y damaging, but although he l a t e r b r i e f l y became the Secretary of State f o r I n d i a , he had very l i t t l e e f f e c t on the course of events, at l e a s t i n the short term. His f r i e n d , Sidney Webb, was l a t e r as Lord P a s s f i e l d to enunciate unequivocally the t r u s t f o r n a t i v e peoples i n East A f r i c a , but O l i v i e r , t h e o r e t i c a l l y d e s t r u c t i v e , was unable to construct an a l t e r n a t i v e . He b e l i e v e d that Europeans should go to A f r i c a since i t was underpopulated, and an A f r i c a n land monopoly was as i n t o l e r a b l e as any other.' How an a d m i n i s t r a t i v e accommodation could be reached on such a b a s i s , he was s i l e n t . He had nothing to say on the forces of A f r i c a n n a t i o n a l i s m , although the precedents were already there i n I n d i a and i n embryo i n West A f r i c a . O l i v i e r i n short was f i r m l y caught i n the p a t e r n a l i s t web. He could see that the notion of "upbringing" was wrong; that the manner of that "upbringing" was wrong; but he could f i n d no channel by which to t r e a t the subject as an adult. J . Ramsay MacDonald i n h i s Labour and the E m p i r e ^ d i d have a p r e s c r i p t i o n -8 9 the-democratic p r i n c i p l e of native a d m i n i s t r a t i o n i s to develop na t i v e c i v i l i z a t i o n on i t s own l i n e s - the educational method; the i m p e r i a l i s t method i s to impose on i t . a n a l i e n ; 7o c i v i l i z a t i o n - the p o l i t i c a l method.... The E n g l i s h merchant i s celebrated f o r seeking to s e l l what the customers ought to have, r a t h e r than what they want, and t h i s has been ap p l i e d to the theory of B r i t i s h c o l o n i a l i s m . 79 In a p a r t i a l preview of Schumpeter,' J MacDonald found i m p e r i a l a d m i n i s t r a t i o n the preserve of the upper c l a s s - "the most narrow v i s i o n e d of our s o c i a l c l a s s e s " . L i k e other c r i t i c s , he sought, and e a s i l y found i n c o n s i s t e n c i e s - there can be membership of the Empire without r e s p o n s i b i l i t y to the i m p e r i a l l i f e ; the man on the spot conception of the i m p e r i a l respon-s i b i l i t y i s a negation of the i m p e r i a l i d e a . And he added that i n f a c t no one i s regarded as being on the spot unless he belongs to the m a j o r i t y . He argued that the i m p e r i a l a u t h o r i t i e s ought to r e t a i n c o n t r o l over n a t i v e a f f a i r s u n t i l the franchise i s granted - South A f r i c a should know that a l i b e r a l p o l i c y i s imposed upon i t not by Downing S t r e e t , but by the Empire. However, h i s dictum, "We req u i r e r e s i d e n t s r a t h e r than govern-o r s " , revealed another convert to i n d i r e c t r u l e , a remarkable Q-i p o s i t i o n f o r a man of the L e f t . Hobson, O l i v i e r and MacDonald a l l accepted some of the suppositions of the labour theory of t h e i r day. They f a i l e d to unravel the complications of c o l o n i a l r a c e - r e l a t i o n s , a d m i n i s t r a t i v e problems and labour p o l i c y . Moreover, Hobson 90 and MacDonald were converts to the developing fashion of i n d i r e c t r u l e , a p o l i c y which could indeed b l i n k at i n d i g -enous forms of forced labour and s l a v e r y . The L o z i of Barotseland, f o r example, probably maintained s l a v e r y longer than Northern Rhodesian a d m i n i s t r a t o r s l i k e d to think. The greatest exponent of the p o l i c y of i n d i r e c t r u l e was Op of course F r e d e r i c k Lugard, who was between 1900 and 1906 a c t i v e l y imposing i t throughout Northern N i g e r i a . Although he had no d i r e c t concern with Southern A f r i c a a f t e r h i s e a r l y career, h i s p o l i c i e s and views repay examination because of the enormous i n f l u e n c e they enjoyed. To what extent d i d h i s p o l i c y f i t the i d e a l i s e d view.of Hobson and MacDonald? Recently, E r i c Stokes has pointed o u t ^ that Lugard pursued h i s p o l i c i e s not because of the exigencies of the s i t u a t i o n - as has often been argued - not i n other words from a p o s i t i o n of weakness, but from a p o s i t i o n of strength. Where there was a p o s i t i o n of r e a l weakness, as i n the Niger Coast P r o t e c t o r a t e or i n Malawi, the extension of a u t h o r i t y was a "more gradual process, and i n the end one more d e s t r u c t i v e of indigenous p o l i t i c a l f o r m s " . ^ In other words, Lugard's p o l i c y d i d not necess-a r i l y a r i s e from any respect f o r the Muslim emirates, but from a d e s i r e to extend a u t h o r i t y s w i f t l y and e f f e c t i v e l y by means of knocking out "the m i l i t a r y r e s i s t a n c e of the emirates with a few s w i f t blows, oust the o l d r u l e r s and i n s t a l p l i a n t success-85 ors". y The acclaim with which Lugard's p o l i c y has been 91 r e c e i v e d may indeed have been based on the wrong premises. Yet t h i s was to become the p r i n c i p a l gospel of c o l o n i a l p o l i c y i n A f r i c a with enormous e f f e c t s on reserves and labour p o l i c i e s . When we examine Lugard's approach to labour, we f i n d a l l the d i f f i c u l t i e s and i n c o n s i s t e n c i e s of c o l o n i a l labour p o l i c y . His Dual Mandate i n B r i t i s h T r o p i c a l A f r i c a ^ was published outside our period, but the views contained i n i t are merely a systematization of ideas current i n theory and p r a c t i c e f o r some years. On the one hand he had a tendency to favour the.; peasant c u l t i v a t o r , but adopted a modified form of the t r o p i c a l abundance and t r o p i c a l indolence theory. . He f e l t that t a x a t i o n was a stimulant to productive i n d u s t r y because i t tended to d i m i n i s h the l a r g e surplus of grain crops that would otherwise be used f o r beer-making and as an excuse 86 f o r l a z i n e s s i n the f o l l o w i n g season. Thus he saw the f u n c t i o n of t a x a t i o n to be the creaming of the surplus that l e d to indolence i f i t were not forced i n t o a market economy. On. the other hand, he was prepared to admit the educative i n f l u e n c e of forced labour, though he i n s i s t e d i t should only be s a n c t i o n -ed as an emergency act, provided i t was made a t t r a c t i v e enough to stimulate voluntary recruitment s u b s e q u e n t l y . ^ He was prepared to mix the d i r e c t stimulant with the i n d i r e c t . Both these p o s i t i o n s had been a s s a i l e d ever since the s l a v e r y - f r e e labour debate of a hundred years before, the one because d i r e c t 9 2 t a x a t i o n was so l i t t l e known to the domestic working c l a s s , and because i t was so often l i n k e d with a confused or i n d e f e n s i b l e land p o l i c y , the other because i t smacked so much of the s l a v e r y i t intended to replace. I t i s p o s s i b l e that at a time when the s t a t e i n B r i t a i n was entering more and more i n t o the p r i v a t e l i v e s of i t s c i t i z e n s , such methods of c o n t r o l l i n g c o l o n i a l labour d i d not seem so unacceptable. While Lord Lugard, i n an extremely moderate way, rode both horses of the c o l o n i a l labour p o l i c y - and they were indeed ridden f o r most of the inter-war period - S i r Harry Johnston was, as he had always been, more d i r e c t . He i n s i s t e d oo i n the H i s t o r y of the C o l o n i z a t i o n of A f r i c a by A l i e n Races that i t was a b s o l u t e l y necessary f o r A f r i c a n s to work or be trampled underfoot. This would be even more l i k e l y i f medical science made s u f f i c i e n t advance that the unhealthy areas of A f r i c a could be made habi t a b l e f o r Europeans, f o r "a rush may then. sweep away the p r e - e x i s t i n g r i g h t s of i n f e r i o r oq races". ' He prophesied r i g h t l y that i n Southern A f r i c a the black man would continue to be the source of cheap labour f o r a long time, and that he would gr a d u a l l y be pushed o f f the high on to the low v e l d . I t was the d i s u n i t y of the A f r i c a n that had permitted the entry of Europeans i n the f i r s t place, and i t was i n h i s continuing d i s u n i t y that hope l a y f o r the European: And j u s t as i t would need some amazing and stupendous event f o r a l l A s i a to r i s e as one man against the i n v a s i o n of Europe, so i t i s d i f f i c u l t to conceive 93 that the black man w i l l e v e ntually form one u n i t e d negro people demanding autonomy, and p u t t i n g an end to the c o n t r o l of the white man, and to the immigration, settlement, and i n t e r c o u r s e ^ of s u p e r i o r races from Europe and A s i a . 7 But l i k e the i n v a s i o n i t s e l f - and Johnston appears not to have considered t h i s - i t could be done piecemeal. Johnston's u l t i m a t e v i s i o n was of a race of Europeans i n A f r i c a with dark s k i n s -Great white nations w i l l populate i n course of time South A f r i c a , North A f r i c a , and Egypt; and r i l l s of Caucasion blood w i l l continue, as i n the recent and remote past, to c i r c u l a t e through Negro A f r i c a , leavening the many m i l l i o n s of black men with that element of the white-skinned sub-species which alone has evolved beauty of f a c i a l features and o r i g i n a l i t y of i n v e n t i o n i n thought and deed No doubt, as i n A s i a and South America, the eventual outcome of the c o l o n i z a t i o n of A f r i c a by a l i e n peoples w i l l be a compromise-a dark-skinned race with a white man's features and a white man's b r a i n . " By what miracle of eugenics t h i s would happen, he i s s i l e n t . The end of European r u l e was to Johnston unthinkable. This i s one of the most important f a c t s to remember about the vast m a j o r i t y of policy-makers i n A f r i c a during our period. In one sense, however, both Lugard and Johnston a r r i v e d at a corner of the t r u t h about the future, (and the view of the future of any s o c i e t y i s v i t a l to how i t handles the present). The vortex of twentieth century technology, i n d u s t r i a l i s m , and education would c l a i m a l l s o c i e t i e s . How was t h i s process to be f a c i l i t a t e d ? I t could be done gently, 94 by the c r e a t i o n of reserves to provide some communal s e c u r i t y , but j u s t enough land hunger to provide a stimulant - along with taxes and developing wants - to work. Gr i t could be e f f e c t e d by the d e s t r u c t i o n of t r i b a l e n t i t i e s , by the breaking up of reserves i n the name of land improvement, by a s o r t of A f r i c a n Highland Clearance designed to force "back-ward" peoples i n t o the modern economy. The f i r s t would produce the f a m i l i a r , i n e f f i c i e n t , but g l o r i o u s l y cheap, migrant labour system, which l e f t women and c h i l d r e n conven-i e n t l y beyond the pale of education and s o c i a l s e r v i c e s . The second might create a more e f f i c i e n t labour force, but the inhumanity by which t h i s would be accomplished offended the humanitarians, and the s o c i a l and p o l i t i c a l dangers offended the p o l i t i c a l r e a l i s t s . The f i r s t became orthodoxy, and so a t t e n t i o n was paid n e i t h e r to the e f f i c i e n c y of the labour f o r c e , nor to the s o c i a l and p o l i t i c a l future of the A f r i c a n s , nor to the development of the peasant c u l t i v a t o r . The c o n f l i c t had been continuing i n South A f r i c a f o r a century. The B r i t i s h a f t e r much i n t r o s p e c t i o n and debate i n e f f e c t adopted the f i r s t p o l i c y . With l e s s debate, the A f r i k a a n s people had always adopted the clearance method, though not at f i r s t f o r i n d u s t r i a l ends of course. When Rhodes set out to o u t f l a n k the Boers, he opened up a vast new area where the same problem would be faced. A f r i c a n t r i b a l s o c i e t i e s i n C e n t r a l A f r i c a faced a 95 dynamic n a t i o n a l i s m , convinced of i t s own d i v i n e r i g h t , i n the l a t e nineteenth century. I t was !a n a t i o n a l i s m f u l l of i n t e r n a l c o n f l i c t s , that spoke with many voi c e s , the e x p l o i t -er, the missionary, the humane adm i n i s t r a t o r . I t carved out blocks of t e r r i t o r y and attempted to turn them i n t o labour u n i t s , while at the same time carving them up again f o r the sake of i n d i r e c t r u l e . I t e s t a b l i s h e d a labour melting pot, and then t r i e d to keep the i n g r e d i e n t s apart. The only response p o s s i b l e was another natio n a l i s m , developed i n the seed-bed of c a p i t a l i s t production. Western European s o c i e t y d i v i d e d against i t s e l f encountered fragmented s o c i e t i e s , and created w i t h i n the Pax B r i t a n n i c a (or whichever pax i t might be) an economic, a s o c i a l and even t u a l l y a p o l i t i c a l ferment. I t i s now necessary to turn to the o r i g i n s of t h i s process i n Rhodesia. 96 FOOTNOTES TO CHAPTER 2. 1 A point confirmed by W. David Mclntyre i n h i s recent The Im p e r i a l F r o n t i e r i n the Tropics, 1865-1875 (London, 1967). 2 A. Keppel-Jones i n h i s South A f r i c a (London, 1949) denied the e f f e c t of the "alternation of p a r t i e s i n domestic p o l i t i c s on the South A f r i c a n s i t u a t i o n , but both S i r Henry T a y l o r (Autobio graphy, pp. 131 & 241) and C e c i l Rhodes (Lockhart and Woodhouse, Rhodes, p.69) f e l t that t h i s a l t e r n a t i o n was extremely important i n v a c i l l a t i n g c o l o n i a l p o l i c y . 3 For a d i s c u s s i o n of the d i f f e r e n t a t t i t u d e s to empire of Campbell-Bannerman and of M i l n e r . see A.M. G o l l i n ' s Proconsul i n P o l i t i c s (London, 1 9 6 4 ; . 4 In 1900 Curzon s a i d that Congress was " t o t t e r i n g to i t s f a l l " , quoted i n R.J. Moore, L i b e r a l i s m and Indian P o l i t i c s , 1872-1922 (London, 1966), p.7*5^ This was of course part of Curzon's c o n v i c t i o n that he was working f o r a l l Indians, and that Congress was of a purely s e c t i o n a l nature. 5 Quoted i n J . Ramsay MacDonald, Labour and the Empire (London, 1907), p.37. B a l f o u r s a i d t h i s with regard to • the South A f r i c a n Chinese Labour Ordinance. 6 i b i d . , p.58. 7 W.P. Schreiner, 1857-1919; c a l l e d to C ape bar, 1882; attorney general i n Rhodes's second m i n i s t r y , 1887; premier of Cape Colony at outbreak of the Boer War; pre f e r r e d to defend an A f r i c a n , Denizulu, i n a case brought against him by the Nata l Government rather than attend the South A f r i c a n N a t i o n a l Convention of 1908-1909; favoured a f e d e r a l c o n s t i t u t i o n f o r South A f r i c a . 8 S h e i l a van der Horst, Native Labour i n South A f r i c a (London, 1942). 9 Quoted i n van der Horst, op. c i t . , p.17. 10 Quoted i n Lyman, R.W., The F i r s t Labour Government, 1924 (London, 1 9 5 7 ) , p.106. 11 van der Horst, op. c i t . , p.84. 12 Lockhart and Woodhouse, op. c i t . , p.197. 97 13 Cd. 1897. 14 i b i d . , p.65. 15 See D.J.N. Denoon, "The Transvaal Labour C r i s i s . • 1 9 0 1 -1906", J o u r n a l of A f r i c a n H i s t o r y , V I I , 3 (1967), pp.481-494. 16 Cd. 1897, p.124. 17 Roland O l i v e r , S i r Harry Johnston and the Scramble f o r A f r i c a (London, 1957) stakes the claim of Johnston to be one of the o r i g i n a t o r s , i f not the o r i g i n a t o r , of the Cape to Cairo i d e a . 18 See I-I.A.C. Cairns, Prelude'to Imperialism, B r i t i s h Reactions to C e n t r a l A f r i c a n Society , ""1840-1890 (London, 1965) f o r an i n t e r e s t i n g and f u l l d i s c u s s i o n of these e a r l y contacts. 19 F r e d e r i c k D. Lugard, The Rise of Our East A f r i c a n Empire (Edinburgh & London, 1893), v o l . I~| p.74• 20 J.P.R. W a l l i s (ed.), The Zambezi Expedition of David L i v i n g s t o n e 1853-1863 (London, 1956; , 2 v o l s . 21 Cairns, o p . c i t . , p.31. -These remarks are c u l l e d from the d i a r y of J.S." Moffat, 1864-22 J.P.R. W a l l i s (ed.), The Zambezi Jo u r n a l of James Stewart 1862-1863 (London, 19527T '. 23 . T.D. Murray and A.S. White, S i r Samuel Baker: a Memoir (London, 1895) , pp. 150-153- Every t r i b e was to be compelled to produce a c e r t a i n amount of corn and cotton -i t sounds r a t h e r l i k e the rubber p o l i c y of Leopold's Congo. 24 Samuel Baker, The A l b e r t N.:':,yanza (London, 1958), p . x x i i i . 25 S i r B a r t l e Frere, 1815-1884; educ. Haileybury; w r i t e r -ship i n the Bombay c i v i l s e r v i c e , 1834; a s s i s t a n t c o l l -e c tor at Poona, 1835; a s s i s t a n t commissioner of customs, 1845; p o l i t i c a l r e s i d e n t to the Raja of Sa t t a r a , and then commissioner when S a t t a r a was annexed; 1850, commissioner fo r Sind; 1859, member of the Governor General's c o u n c i l ; 1862, Governor of Bombay; 1872, sent to Zanzibar to negotiate a t r e a t y with the Sultan; 1877, Governor of the Cape, and set about Carnarvon's plan f o r the federation of South A f r i c a ; r e c a l l e d , 1880. 98 26 J o u r n a l of the An t h r o p o l o g i c a l I n s t i t u t e of Great B r i t a i n and I r e l a n d , V o l . XI, (June 28, 1881), pp.313-352. 27 There i s a f a s c i n a t i n g example of t h i s reluctance to permit the subject peoples of the Empire to come to B r i t a i n at the time of the coronation of Edward V I I . Lewanika, King of the Barotse, announced that he wished to attend the coronation. A l l the o f f i c i a l of the C o l o n i a l O f f i c e hoped that he would stay away. As one put i t , a whole host of na t i v e c h i e f s would then wish to come, "and the prospect i s r a t h e r a p p a l l i n g " . The permanent under se c r e t a r y , S i r Montague Ommanney, f e l t that i n v i t a t i o n s ought to be confined to "r e p r e s e n t a t i v e s of the r u l i n g face". Lewanika eventually d i d come, and Chamber-l a i n ordered that he be provided with a uniform with plenty of gold lace.' (minutes 13/1/02 & 16/6/02, C.O. 417/343 & 3 4 4 ) . 28 He wrote f i r s t l y under John Morley and l a t e r under W..T. Stead, though he eve n t u a l l y disagreed with the l a t t e r ' s sensationalism, and resigned i n 1885. 29 See E r i c Stokes, The P o l i t i c a l Ideas of E n g l i s h Imperialism. Inaugural l e c t u r e at the U n i v e r s i t y College of Rhodesia and Nyasaland, (London, I960). 30 P. L y t t e l t o n G e l l , 1852-1926; educ. King's College, London, and B a l l i o l College, Oxford; f i r s t chairman, Council U n i v e r s i t i e s Settlement i n East London, 1884-1896; D i r e c t -or of the Guardian Insurance Company and of the B r i t i s h South A f r i c a Company from 1899. 31 Henry Birchenough, 1853-1937; f e l l o w of the Royal Empire Society, Chairman of Rhodesia and Mashonaland Railway Companies from 1925; President of the B r i t i s h South A f r i c a Company, and D i r e c t o r of the I m p e r i a l and Contin-e n t a l Gas A s s o c i a t i o n ; Government s p e c i a l trade commiss-io n e r to South A f r i c a , 1903; member of the T a r i f f Commission 1904; member of Lord B a l f o u r of Burl e i g h ' s Committee on Commercial and I n d u s t r i a l P o l i c y , 1916; Chairman, Advisory Council to the M i n i s t r y of Recon-s t r u c t i o n , 1918. 32 For the h i s t o r y of the B r i t i s h North Borneo Company, see K.G. Tregonning, Under Chartered Company Rule, North Borneo 1881-1946, (Singapore, 1958). 33 Quite apart from the shady diplomacy, see Rhodes's agree-ment with Frank Johnson of 1889 to overthrow the Ndebele by a midnight r a i d . Cairns, o p . c i t . , p.236, and E r i c Stokes & Richard Brown, The Zambesian Past, p.88. 99 34 O l i v e Schreiner's novel, Trooper Peter Halket i n Mashona-land i s an indictment of Rhodes f o r h i s a c t i v i t i e s at t h i s time. The f r o n t i s p i e c e shows s e v e r a l Rhodesian pioneers g r i n n i n g beside the bodies of se v e r a l A f r i c a n s hanging from t r e e s . 35 Lockhart & Woodhouse, o p . c i t . , p.444. 36 v i d . sup. p.65. 37 Lockhart & Woodhouse, o p . c i t . , p.197. 38 i b i d . , p.348. 39 H.R. Fox Bourne, Matabeleland and the Chartered Company (London, 1 8 9 7 ) . H.R. Fox Bourne was the Secretary of the B r i t i s h and Foreign Aborigines' P r o t e c t i o n Society. 40 London, 1900. 41 S i r M a r s h a l l Clarke, 1841-1909 ; A.D.C. to S i r Thomas Shepstone; played an important part i n the federations attempts of 1877 -1881 ; Resident Magistrate, Basutoland, 1881; Resident Commissioner, Basutoland, 1884-1893 ; A c t i n g A d m i n i s t r a t o r , Zululand, 1893-1898 ; Resident Commissioner, Southern Rhodesia, 1898-1905 . He was by f a r the best Resident Commissioner that Rhodesia had. Ramsay MacDonald i n Labour and the Empire p.101, held him up as an example of an enlightened n a t i v e admin-i s t r a t o r . The Resident Commissionership was an o f f i c e created under the Order i n Council of 1898 which imposed t i g h t e r c o n t r o l s on the B r i t i s h South A f r i c a Company a d m i n i s t r a t i o n . 42 M i l n e r to Chamberlain, Oct. 4 , 1901. C.O. 4 1 7 / 3 2 1 . 43 T e l . , M i l n e r to Chamberlain, Aug. 8, 1902 . He asked that the f i r s t paragraph of a despatch be not published. In f a c t he was too l a t e . C.O.417/345. 44 Lockhart & Woodhouse, o p . c i t . , p . 1 9 6 . 45 H. Wilson Fox, 1863 -1921 ; M.P. ( U n i o n i s t ) , North Warwicks, 1917 -1921 ; educ. U n i v e r s i t y College, London, T r i n i t y College, Cambridge, and L i n c o l n ' s Inn; e d i t o r of South A f r i c a n Mining J o u r n a l , 1892; p u b l i c prosec-u t o r , Rhodesia, 1894; d i r e c t o r of transport and commissariat, Mashonaland, 1897; manager, B.S.A.Co., 1898; D i r e c t o r of B.S.A.Co., 1913; Vice President of Royal Geographical Society, Fellow Royal C o l o n i a l I n s t -i t u t e e t c . 100 46 Memorandum on the C o n s t i t u t i o n a l , P o l i t i c a l , F i n a n c i a l and Other Questions concerning Rhodesia ( p r i n t e d f o r the information of the Board, 1910). Another (1912). 47 Memo., 1912, p.245. 48 i b i d . , p.246. 49 -Herbert John, Viscount Gladstone, 1854-1930; son of W.E. and h i s f a t h e r ' s p r i v a t e secretary 1880-1881; L i b e r a l whip. 1881-1885; under secretary at the Home O f f i c e (1892-1894); F i r s t commissioner of Works (1894-1895); Chief L i b e r a l Whip (1899); Home Secretary (1905-1910); F i r s t Governor General, South A f r i c a , 1910-1914. "In e f f e c t he abandoned Gladstonian l i b e r a l i s m " . (D.N.B.) 50 Lewis V. Harcourt, 1863-1922, Son of S i r W i l l i a m Harcourt, l i t t l e Englander, p r i v a t e s e c r e t a r y to fat h e r ; F i r s t Comm-i s s i o n e r of Works, 1905-1910; C o l o n i a l Secretary, I9IO-I915. 51 Dougal 0. Malcolm, 1877-1955; educ. Eton & New College Oxford; Fellow of A l l Souls (1899); entered the C o l o n i a l O f f i c e (1900); p r i v a t e secretary to Lord Selborne (High Commissioner i n South A f r i c a ) , 1905-1910; Secretary to Lord Grey i n Canada, 1910-1911; j o i n e d Treasury, 1912; D i r e c t o r of B.S.A.Co., 1913; President of the Company, from 1937. In 1939 he published a e u l o g i s t i c account of the e x p l o i t s of the Company to celebrate the F i f t i e t h anniversary of the Charter. The B r i t i s h South A f r i c a Company, 1889-1939, (London, 1939). 52 Gladstone to Harcourt, Nov. 13, 1913. C.O. 417/526. 53 A l l who minuted the above were agreed. 54 Minute on Gladstone to Harcourt, Nov. 20, 1913, C.O. 417/526. The o f f i c i a l was Vernon who was commenting on the e v i c t i o n of A f r i c a n s from a l i e n a t e d land when they would not pay the grazing fees imposed by the l a n d l o r d . 55 Gladstone to Harcourt, Nov. 6, 1913, C.O. 417/526. 56 The f i r s t man to say that Zimbabwe was of Bantu o r i g i n , and not E t h i o p i a n or Carthaginian or any of the other romantic p o s s i b i l i t i e s was Randall-Maciver i n Medieval Rhodesia, (London, 1906). He was not beli e v e d . In the l a t e twenties the excavations of Miss Caton-Thompson and Miss Kathleen Kenyon e s t a b l i s h e d a u t h o r i t i v e l y that the r u i n s are indeed of Bantu o r i g i n * To t h i s day i t i s very d i f f i c u l t to convince European Rhodesians of t h i s f a c t . 101 See G. Caton-Thompson, Zimbabwe Culture,(Oxford, 1 9 3 1 ) , and K.R. Robinson, R. Summers & A. Whitty, Zimbabwe Excavat-i o n s , 1958 , (Bulawayo, 1 9 6 1 ) . 57 The problem of Zimbabwe has unpleasant repercussions i n Rhodesia under the Smith regime. The grant of the government to the H i s t o r i c a l Monuments Commission has r e c e n t l y been reduced, and although the economic c o n d i t i o n of the country would appear to j u s t i f y t h i s , there i s also the s u s p i c i o n among ar c h a e o l o g i s t s that t h e i r f i n d i n g s are unpopular simply because they are f i n d i n g more h i s t o r y f o r the A f r i c a n s of Rhodesia than the pioneers ever gave them c r e d i t f o r . 58 J.A. Hobson: Imperialism: a Study (London 1902) 59 A recent e x c e l l e n t c o l l e c t i o n of documents w e l l i l l u s t r a t e s the development of and the attac k s upon the theory of c a p i t a l i s t i m p e r i a l i s m . D.K. Fieldhouse, The Theory of C a p i t a l i s t Imperialism, (London, 1 9 6 7 ) . 60 Hobson, o p . c i t . , p.239. 61 i b i d . , p.240. 62 i b i d . , p.243. 63 i b i d . , p.259. 64 A l b e r t Henry George Grey. Fourth E a r l , 1851-1917 , nephew of T h i r d E a r l ( v i d . sup.;; i n H 0use of Commons, 1880-1886 ; became a l i b e r a l u n i o n i s t ; f r i e n d of W.T. Stead, who introduced him to C e c i l Rhodes, "who impressed him the most of any man that he had known" (D.N.B.); joined Board of B.S.A.Co. i n 1889, though Joseph Chamberlain t r i e d to dissuade him; a d m i n i s t r a t o r of Rhodesia, 1897; keen to introduce Glen Grey type of measure; Governor General of Canada, 1 9 0 4 - 1 9 1 1 . 65 Hobson, o p . c i t . , p.298. Cd. 9345. 66 Hobson, o p . c i t . , p.295. 67 Margaret O l i v i e r , L e t t e r s and Selected W r i t i n g s of Sydney O l i v i e r , (London, 1 9 4 8 ) . George Bernard Shaw w r i t e s "Some Impressions". Sydney O l i v i e r ' s d e s c r i p t i o n ( i n a fragment of autobiography i n c l u d e d i n t h i s volume) of the sta t e of the C o l o n i a l O f f i c e when he entered i t i n 1882 i s as f a s c i n a t i n g and i l l u m i n a t i n g as S i r Henry Taylor's d e s c r i p t i o n of the defence of the C o l o n i a l O f f i c e against the C h a r t i s t s i n I848 i n h i s Autobiography, pp.35-36. 102 73 i b i d . 74 i b i d . 75 i b i d . 76 i b i d . 68 Sydney O l i v i e r , White C a p i t a l and Coloured Labour, (London, 1906) . 69 O l i v i e r , o p . c i t . , p.82. 70 Cd. 2399. 71 O l i v i e r , o p . c i t . , p.2. 72 i b i d . , chapters XI, XII and X I I I passim, p.127. pp.149-151. p.163. p.138. 77 J . Ramsay MacDonald, Labour and the Empire, (London, 1907) . 78 MacDonald, o p . c i t . , p.18. 79 Joseph Schumpeter, Imperialism and S o c i a l Classes, Tubingen, 1919); f i r s t E n g l i s h edn., 1951. 80 MacDonald, o p . c i t . , p.27. 81 i b i d . , p.101. 82 Lord F r e d e r i c k D e a l t r y Lugard, 1858-1945; educ. Sandhurst; Afghan War, 1879-1880; Sudan Campaign, 1885; Burma, 1886-1887; Lake Nyasa, 1888; a d m i n i s t r a t o r of Uganda, 1889-1892; Royal Niger Company, Borgu T r e a t i e s , 1894-1895; Lake Ngami ( B r i t i s h West Charterland), 1896-1897; Commissioner, H i n t e r l a n d , Lagos and N i g e r i a ; High Commissioner & Commander i n c h i e f , Northern N i g e r i a , 1900-1906; Governor, Hong Kong, 1907-1912; Governor, North & South N i g e r i a , 1912-1913; Governor General, N i g e r i a , 1914-1919; B r i t i s h member of Mandates Commission at the League of Nations, 1922-1936. 83 Stokes & Brown, o p . c i t . , p.354. 84 i b i d . 85 i b i d . 86 F.D. Lugard, The Dual Mandate i n B r i t i s h T r o p i c a l A f r i c a , (London, 1922"K 5th edn. with i n t r o . by Margery Perham, 1965, P.235. 103 87 i b i d . , p.423. 88 H.H. Johnston, A H i s t o r y of the C o l o n i z a t i o n of A f r i c a by- A l i e n Paces, (Cambridge, 1899); 2nd edn., 1913. S i r Harry Hamilton Johnston, 1838-1927; educ. King's College, London & Royal Academy of A r t s , 1876-1880; explored North A f r i c a , Portuguese West & River Congo, 1879-1883; s c i e n t i f i c expedition to K i l i m a n j a r o , 1884; H.M. Vice-Consul i n Cameroons, 1885; a c t i n g consul, Niger Coast P r o t e c t o r a t e , 1887; Consul, Mozambique, 1888; founding B r i t i s h C e n t r a l A f r i c a P r o t e c t o r a t e , 1889; Commissioner and Consul General, B r i t i s h C e n t r a l A f r i c a P r o t e c t o r a t e , 1889-1896; Consul General, Tunis, 1897-1899; S p e c i a l Commissioner and Consul General, Uganda, 1899-1901. 89 Johnston, o p . c i t . , 1913 edn., p.445. 90 i b i d . , p.450. 91 i b i d . , p.450-451. 104 CHAPTER 3 THE MOBILISATION OF LABOUR WITHIN RHODESIA In d i s c u s s i n g the beginnings of labour migration i n Rhodesia, i t i s important to remember that both the Shona and the Ndebele peoples had been on the move u n t i l comparatively r e c e n t l y . The Shona had been driven North East by the invad-i n g Ngoni, and l a t e r by the Ndebele, who had themselves been driven northwards from the Transvaal by the Boers. The Ndebele had soon s u f f e r e d a harrowing succession dispute upon the death of M z i l i k a z i , and Lobengula was hardly i n s t a l l e d before he faced the concession seekers, convinced of a North-ern Eldorado long before even the Rand was discovered. One of the best-known of the e a r l y explorer-prospectors 2 was Thomas Baines. He s u r p r i s i n g l y proposed that the a c t i v i t i e s of Europeans could be r e s t r i c t e d to a d v i s i n g and t r a d i n g , that the Ndebele could work the gold f o r themselves. C l e a r l y there were two f a l l a c i e s i n t h i s i d e a - i n the f i r s t place the Ndebele had no experience of mining, u n l i k e the Shona, and secondly they had n e i t h e r the t e c h n o l o g i c a l nor c a p i t a l base on which to conduct mining operations that would s a t i s f y European middle men. In 1870, a concession was granted to the London and Limpopo Mining Company at T a t i , long the subject of dispute among the Ndebele, the Bamangwato, the Boers, and the Im p e r i a l Government. I t was never very s u c c e s s f u l and i t s labour force 105 was always s m a l l . The Company never succeeded i n s e c u r i n g i t s r e l a t i o n s h i p with the Ndebele, and r e a c t e d h y s t e r i c a l l y at the outbreak o f h o s t i l i t i e s i n the Matabele War.^ But i t d i d show the way, both m e t a p h o r i c a l l y and g e o g r a p h i c a l l y , (being on the way to Kimberley f o r the Matabele), to p a i d l a b o u r f o r Europeans. Ndebeles were alr e a d y f i n d i n g t h e i r way to Kimberley d u r i n g the l a t e 1870s. They took the journey to the mines probably more f o r communal reasons than p e r s o n a l . A p e r i o d of l a b o u r at the mines had become a means f o r a man to prove h i m s e l f , and more important to earn enough cash f o r a gun or some other t r a d i n g a r t i c l e s .that would b e n e f i t h i s c h i e f and h i s t r i b e . Such labou r was remote, an experience wholly e x t e r n a l to the man's t r i b a l l i f e , and withdrawal was compar-a t i v e l y easy.. The t a b l e quoted i n chapter 2 r e v e a l s as many as 120 Ndebele r e c r u i t s r e g i s t e r i n g at Kimberley i n 1884. Ndebele s o c i e t y was d i v i d e d i n t o three s t r a t a : the Za n s i , the o r i g i n a l Zulus who had departed from N a t a l under M z i l i k a z i ; the Enhla, peoples who were a s s i m i l a t e d on the way North; the H o l i , the peoples whose lands they e v e n t u a l l y occupied. The H o l i outnumbered the other two groups together. I t i s im p o s s i b l e to d i s c o v e r from-which stratum of„Ndebele s o c i e t y these men d e r i v e d , and i t i s true that many a s s e r t e d themselves 5 to be Ndebele even when they were not. Lobengula appears to have been anxious.to h e l p r e c r u i t e r s at t h i s p e r i o d , and one 106 would expect that he would order men from the Holi or Enhla s t r a t a of his society to go to work, and not from his regiments.^ The f i r s t evidence we have of a r e c r u i t i n g expedition i s that of Alexander B a i l l i e , sent North by the Griqualand West administration i n 1876. His account reveals the Ndebele method one would expect. Lobengula sent out two strong patrols. One returned with twenty four men, but the other was caught by the rains i n a s i c k l y part of the country, and so to f u l f i l his agreement, Lobengula provided B a i l l i e with f i f t y of his own attendants. The Ndebele came into contact with labouring i n a dif f e r e n t way after 1890. When the Pioneer Column made i t s way into Mashonaland - saved by the re s t r a i n t of Lobengula -i t s members had the promised grants of land to look forward to, but i t was the gold claims that p r i n c i p a l l y interested them. The long t r a d i t i o n of a Northern Eldorado and the recent gold fever i n the Transvaal had seen to that. I t was not long before the Ndebele found themselves excluded from raiding and levying tribute from t h e i r neighbouring peoples. I n d i r e c t l y t h i s had been a tribute of labour. These Shona peoples now found themselves exposed to a new form of tribute, a tribute of direct labour for the Europeans who established farms or claims i n the v i c i n i t y . In the border area around Fort V i c t o r i a , there can be l i t t l e doubt that some at least of 107 the l o c a l A f r i c a n s accepted labour as a form of p r o t e c t i o n fi?om Q t h e i r former Ndebele o v e r l o r d s . However, such l aboure r s were j u s t as l i a b l e to f l ee to t h e i r g ran i t e kopjes at the s l i g h t -9 est h i n t of the a r r i v a l of an Ndebele i m p i . Th i s e a r l y Chartered pe r iod i s ex t r ao rd ina ry i n many ways. The C o l o n i a l O f f i c e p o s i t i v e l y went out of i t s way to avo id r e s p o n s i b i l i t y . When a p e t i t i o n from the s e t t l e r s -an e a r l y example of set t ler-Company f r i c t i o n - was forwarded to the C o l o n i a l O f f i c e by Labouchere, Knut s fo rd , the Secre ta ry of S t a t e , dec la red that he could not i n v o l v e h i m s e l f i n the Company's o rd inances . "^ Moreover the C o l o n i a l O f f i c e had refused to appoint a Resident i n the char te red t e r r i t o r y . ^ 12 The f i r s t r e a l a d m i n i s t r a t o r , Jameson, acted - to put i t i n the words of a C o l o n i a l O f f i c e o f f i c i a l i n 1897 - as a b e n e f i c -13 ent despot. y I t i s ha rd ly s u r p r i s i n g then that the e a r l y l abour p o l i c y should be e n t i r e l y haphazard. The Company made i t s own ordinances , and supplemented them w i t h e x t r a - l e g a l a d m i n i s t r a t i v e a c t i v i t y . P ioneers staked out t h e i r grants of three thousand acres and made i n f o r m a l agreements w i t h the i n h a b i t a n t s of any A f r i c a n v i l l a g e s tha t happened to l i e upon them. The Company s w i f t l y s e i zed upon two w e l l - e s t a b l i s h e d l abour p r a c t i c e s - l o c a t i o n s near towns s t r i c t l y c o n t r o l l e d for A f r i c a n migrants o n l y , and the s t imulan t of t a x a t i o n . I t i s c l e a r from the Company's S a l i s b u r y Na t ive Rules and Regu la t ions of 1892"^ that we are a l ready encounter ing 108 the s e c u r i t y provisons that were the b a s i s of labour p o l i c y i n the provinces and s t a t e s to the South. On February 22nd, 1892, n o t i c e was given that an o f f i c e f o r the r e g i s t r a t i o n and p r o t e c t i o n of servants and n a t i v e s had been e s t a b l i s h e d i n S a l i s b u r y ; that Mr. Garrett Doyle had been appointed R e g i s t r a r of Natives, and that r u l e s and r e g u l a t i o n s would be s t r i c t l y enforced. On September 26th of the same year r u l e s and r e g u l a t i o n s were posted which claimed to create a balance between the p r o t e c t i o n of A f r i c a n s and'of t h e i r employers. A l l A f r i c a n s seeking work i n S a l i s b u r y had to report to the R e g i s t r a r to secure a pass p e r m i t t i n g them to remain i n S a l i s b u r y a c e r t a i n number of days. I f an A f r i c a n were found i n the township without a pass or a contract of labour, he could be f i n e d by the magistrate £ 1 or given 14 days imprisonment with or without hard labour. The employees r e q u i r e d a w r i t t e n pass to be outside the l o c a t i o n between the hours of 9.0 p.m. and d a y l i g h t , subject to a penalty of £ 2 and/ or 14 days imprisonment. The R e g i s t r a r of Natives was to a s s i s t A f r i c a n s i n f i n d i n g employment and "to a i d , advise and p r o t e c t them", h i s a c t i v i t i e s being financed by a stamp of one s h i l l i n g f o r each month of labour covered by the c o n t r a c t . These p r o v i s i o n s " f o r the b e t t e r p r o t e c t i o n of native labourers and f o r the suppression of vagrancy w i t h i n the l i m i t s of c e r t a i n townships" were incorporated i n the R e g i s t r a t i o n o f Natives Regulations of 1895> which extended t h e i r operation to 1 0 9 15 Bulawayo, Umtali, Fort V i c t o r i a , Gwelo, as w e l l as S a l i s b u r y . y While the p r o t e c t i o n of A f r i c a n servants and labourers i s stre s s e d , i t i s c l e a r that the township pass system and the curfew were designed to protect the European i n h a b i t a n t s . Moreover, there appears to be no p r o v i s i o n whatever f o r wives and f a m i l i e s and f o r v i s i t s to and from the l o c a t i o n . The p r i n c i p l e i s c l e a r l y l a i d down that the l o c a t i o n i s to be the temporary abode of an employee who i s bound to leave on the date s p e c i f i e d by h i s pass or by h i s contract. At Umtali, f o r example, the p o l i c e were described as over-zealous. They had begun to a r r e s t A f r i c a n s before they had time to reach the nat i v e commissioner's o f f i c e and obtain a pass."^ This had an adverse e f f e c t on the supply of labour i n the town. Secondly, the Company took up a t a x a t i o n p o l i c y . In the Na t i o n a l Archives of Rhodesia, there i s a record of an i n t e r e s t -i n g conversation between Rhodes and Jameson on t a x a t i o n , a conversation that took place on May 15, 1892: Mr. Rhodes: As my suggestion, please consider we are strong enough to put on a hut tax f o r the f o l l o w i n g reasons - we don't s e l l l i q u o r to the n a t i v e s , and they must be choke f u l l of beads and c a l i c o . The r e s u l t i s a steady d r a i n on any gold i n the country, which i s e i t h e r buried or taken to the Portuguese to buy l i q u o r • with. A hut tax t a k i n g money, produce or labour w i l l at any rat e save us some of our gold carted out of the country; the only doubt i s whether we are strong enough. Dr. Jameson: I quite agree, and I am sure we are strong enough. The only d i f f i c u l t y w i l l be the c o l l e c t i o n . ' The labour motive i s here conspicuous by i t s absence, but 110 i t was not to remain so f o r l o n g . When the Company d i d set about a t a x a t i o n p o l i c y , i t c r e a t e d a d r a f t ordinance at a s i n g u l a r l y u n p r o p i t i o u s time, 18 the middle of the Matabele War. T h i s ordinance was of course intended f o r Mashonaland only, and the Company attemp-ted to move with c o n s i d e r a b l e haste. The C o l o n i a l O f f i c e , however, r e f u s e d to be h u r r i e d . When the Company made f r e s h e f f o r t s i n J u l y of 1 8 9 3 , t h e need f o r s e t t l e d i n d u s t r y and f o r inducements to go to work were e x p l i c i t l y mentioned. The ordinance was postponed u n t i l the f o l l o w i n g year, and Rhodes i m p a t i e n t l y gave orders f o r the tax to be c o l l e c t e d before the C o l o n i a l O f f i c e had a c t u a l l y given i t s assent. T h i s was t y p i c a l of Rhodes, but the whole i s s u e i s most i n t e r e s t i n g from the p o i n t of view of the C o l o n i a l O f f i c e r e a c t i o n . I t marks the temporary v i c t o r y of a Company f a c t i o n w i t h i n the C o l o n i a l O f f i c e . When the tax had o r i g i n a l l y been proposed, Sydney O l i v i e r , true to h i s s o c i a l i s t b e l i e f s , and f l y i n g i n the face of C o l o n i a l O f f i c e as w e l l as Company p o l i c y , wrote: The f u r t h e r concession they d e s i r e i s a concession of f o r c e d labour. They employ the P e c k s n i f f i a n argument with which we are so f a m i l i a r i n South A f r i c a , that i t i s the h o l y mission of the white man to teach the n a t i v e h a b i t s of s e t t l e d i n d u s t r y : the i n d u s t r y , bien entendu, being always contemplated under the form of wage labour f o r the white man i n the mines or on the l a n d which he cannot work f o r h i m s e l f . I l l They want to k i l l two b i r d s with one stone, he went on -ex p r o p r i a t e the land, s t a r v e the n a t i v e s i n t o working f o r the white e x p r o p r i a t o r on t h e i r own former property. H i s su p e r i o r , Edward F a i r f i e l d , produced a l l the con v e n t i o n a l . 2 1 arguments on the b e n e f i t s of t a x a t i o n and labour. But i n 1 8 9 4 , F a i r f i e l d was prepared to go f u r t h e r . While ad m i t t i n g that the Company's a d m i n i s t r a t i o n had been c o l l e c t -i n g tax wholly i l l e g a l l y , he advised that i t would be b e t t e r 2 2 not to q u a r r e l with the Company over the i s s u e . Rhodes had "squared"yet another u s e f u l contact. F a i r f i e l d d i d i n f a c t conduct a p r i v a t e correspondence with Bourcher Hawksley, the Company's s o l i c i t o r i n London, who was to loom l a r g e i n the Jameson Raid. In J u l y of 1 8 9 3 , F a i r f i e l d had w r i t t e n My dear Hawksley, In r e . the hut tax, you w i l l have an answer i n a day or two, not c l o s i n g the door o f hope, or damning the tax e t e r n a l l y , but p o i n t i n g out that as Lendy and then Matabele have been unhappily c o r r u p t e d by the example of the House of Commons and taken to banging one another about, t h i s i s h a r d l y the moment to proceed with the c o n s i d e r a t i o n of the su b j e c t , i n t e r annos l e g e s ( f i s c a l e s ) s i l e n t . Rhodes' argument t h a t the n e c e s s i t y of paying the tax w i l l compel the Mashonas to work f o r the mining companies i s a l l w e l l enough i n a Stock Exchange Luncheon Room, but i t i s h a r d l y a Parliamentary argument y T a x a t i o n to st i m u l a t e l a b o u r had indeed been a parliamentary argument i n the past, and by the end of the century i t was- to be one again. 112 During the years of the uneasy truce i n Rhodesia before the Matabele War, the Company probably had hopes that the Ndebele would fragment as a r e s u l t of labour m i g r a t i o n . ^ Labour migration would a t t r a c t young w a r r i o r s anxious to acquire the t r a d i n g goods that had been e x h i b i t e d i n Matabeleland f o r decades. The residue would be a broken t r i b a l system and an i n e f f e c t i v e w a r r i o r remnant. But demand was n e i t h e r so great nor co n d i t i o n s s u f f i c i e n t l y a t t r a c t i v e f o r t h i s v i s i o n to be i n any way r e a l i s t i c . In any case there were s u f f i c i e n t H o l i peoples to s a t i s f y e a r l y demand i n Rhodesia and even i n Kimberley and the Transvaal. The conclusion of the Matabele War saw the extension of the Company's i r r e g u l a r p o l i c i e s to Matabeleland. The s e t t l e r combatants had been ent i c e d , l i k e the pioneers, with promises of grants of land - t h i s time 3,000 rnorgen or about 6,000 acres. The Company was anxious also to extend i t s t a x a t i o n , though the C o l o n i a l O f f i c e I n s i s t e d that reserves should f i r s t be set up, and were duly placated by the Shangani and Gwaai reserves, even although these were t o t a l l y inadequate i n terms of water and s o i l resources. By and l a r g e the Ndebele stayed put. Jame-son's agreement with the indunas a f t e r the War was r e l a t i v e l y l i b e r a l , and one of the c o n d i t i o n s imposed was that the c h i e f s 25 should send t h e i r men out to work. y Out of town, labour was simply exacted by owners of land or claims from the A f r i c a n s who happened to l i v e on t h e i r 113 concessions. This p r a c t i c e was to a c e r t a i n extent regulated by the High Commissioner's proclamation No. Ik of 1896. Not l e s s than seven heads of f a m i l i e s could be e s t a b l i s h e d as a p r i -vate l o c a t i o n , and rent could be l e v i e d a f t e r the f i r s t year i f the Chief Native Commissioner were s a t i s f i e d that there was s u f f i c i e n t land f o r a l l , except those l e a v i n g as labour-migrants. But the proclamation was purely permissive, and throughout Mashonaland and Matabeleland there were other i n f o r m a l , e x t r a - l e g a l arrangements. The South A f r i c a n 27 Native A f f a i r s Commission of Enquiry of 1905 declared that as unalienated land was disposed of, the A f r i c a n s on i t were " l e f t to make the best terms they could with the owners and are g e n e r a l l y permitted to remain upon c o n d i t i o n of paying pQ r e n t , f u r n i s h i n g labour, or both". These arrangements c l e a r l y had obvious b e n e f i t s f o r the labour-hungry s e t t l e r s , and i n e f f e c t created t i n y r e s e r v o i r s of labour attached to each European e n t e r p r i s e , a concept that would probably have appealed to the t h i r d E a r l Grey. But i t was to create problems and abuses. Throughout t h i s e a r l y period mines were as s c a t t e r e d as the farms. In the f i r s t place, concessions f o r the pioneers or f o r those p a r t i c i p a t i n g i n the V i c t o r i a Agreement 2^ had of course been on an i n d i v i d u a l b a s i s . Secondly, the gold deposits had turned out to be extremely s c a t t e r e d . There c e r t a i n l y was no reef i n Rhodesia as on the Rand. Hence the Ilk country was much more favourable to the small man, and prospectors always had the hope of f r e s h d i s c o v e r i e s . A l -though the Chartered Company i n s i s t e d on the f l o t a t i o n of companies f o r the e x p l o i t a t i o n of the gold, e n t e r p r i s e s remained extremely small u n t i l the e a r l y years of the twentieth century. Since claims were u s u a l l y associated with the grant or purchase of a larg e t r a c t of land, mines i n the e a r l y years supplied themselves with labour very much as the farms d i d . In other words the assumption i n t h i s period was that European e n t e r p r i s e , whether mining or farming, could simply be superimposed on the e x i s t i n g pattern of A f r i c a n k r a a l s , and labour exacted i n re t u r n f o r the r i g h t to continue working a p o r t i o n of the land. This assumption ignored however a number of important c o n s i d e r a t i o n s . F i r s t l y , e n t e r p r i s e s would not remain so small that such a labour p o l i c y would continue to be f e a s i b l e . Secondly the i m p e r i a l government would i n s i s t on the c r e a t i o n of reserves. T h i r d l y , v i l l a g e s were not s t a t i c , but were accustomed to move on when the s o i l became exhausted. Fourth-l y the absence of t r a d i t i o n a l r a i d i n g f o r c a t t l e , the o f f i c i a l sanction f o r the custom of l o b o l o , ^ ^ and the cr e a t i o n of new markets, would a l l lead to a vast increase i n A f r i c a n stock, which would soon become a "nuisance" to European farmers. And f i f t h l y , i n c r e a s i n g labour migration would deplete the number of p o t e n t i a l labourers f o r the land or mine owner. E v e n t u a l l y , 115 indeed, those people whose k r a a l s were near to a mine were the l a s t people to go to work there, simply because they were able to make an adequate l i v i n g s e l l i n g t h e i r produce or p r o v i d i n g other s e r v i c e s . ^ ~ Elsewhere, the n a t i v e commissioners simply i n s t r u c t e d the headmen to turn out some labour. Whether or not t h i s was forced labour became the great question when the Company was faced with the r e b e l l i o n s not only of the Ndebele but also of the Shona, and the I m p e r i a l Government set about i n v e s t i g a t -i n g i t s causes. The debate about whether or not there was forced labour i s however something of a red h e r r i n g . I t i s , as some one i n the C o l o n i a l O f f i c e s a i d , l a r g e l y a matter of d e f i n i t i o n , and whatever was the nature of the p h y s i c a l compulsion, there was compulsion of an i n d i r e c t type through-out the period - t a x a t i o n , e v i c t i o n s from land, compulsion by headmen or f a t h e r s anxious f o r cash. Forced labour was found to be one of the causes of the r e b e l l i o n s by S i r Richard 32 M a r t i n , and i t was a s u f f i c i e n t l y emotive subject to be a u s e f u l t o o l i n the hands of the Company's enemies. C e r t a i n l y i t e x i s t e d i n one form or another, but i t was j u s t one of s e v e r a l causes, and by no means the most important. The r i n d e r p e s t k i l l i n g s , the tyranny of the A f r i c a n p o l i c e , the sense of being conquered peoples, and above a l l the tremendous* i n f l u e n c e of the t r i b a l r e l i g i o u s a u t h o r i t i e s , ^ were more important. 116 What i s s u r p r i s i n g i s that the Company and contemporary observers were so unaware of what was coming. One w r i t e r , E.F. Knight, ^ gave a glowing and o p t i m i s t i c account of a v i s i t to Rhodesia i n 1 8 9 4 . He contrasted the pre-Matabele War period with the period of h i s v i s i t . Then the Shona had freq u e n t l y f l e d to t h e i r g r a n i t e kopjes to escape the r a i d i n g Matabele. Now they had come down to the p l a i n s , and were even i n h a b i t i n g the former No Man's Land between the Matabele and the Mashona. In Mashonaland there i s now no d i f f i c u l t y i n o b t a i n i n g a s u f f i c i e n c y of that cheap and e f f i c i e n t n a t i v e labour without which the land, despite a l l i t s n a t u r a l wealth, would remain a wilderness.- 7- 7 He f e l t that the. swiftness with which the a d m i n i s t r a t i o n had been re s t o r e d a f t e r the war was remarkable. He was opposed to the establishment of reserves, arguing that the then current system of p e r m i t t i n g k r a a l s to remain sc a t t e r e d amongst the white population would be the most productive of labour. He attacked the notion that there was any forced labour i n Rhodesia and i n s i s t e d that indunas were simply induced to supply voluntary labour. In J u l y of 1 8 9 4 , j u s t a few months a f t e r the War, 8 0 0 Ndebele entered Bulawayo to work on the b r i c k f i e l d s and i n other c a p a c i t i e s . But he feared that' there was a danger of the na t i v e s becoming too 36 r i c h , so p r e j u d i c i n g t h e i r w i l l to work. Knight's view of Rhodesia i n 1 8 9 4 reveals a lar g e number 117 of a t t i t u d e s that must have been present among the s e t t l e r s . They had achieved what they wanted, the d e s t r u c t i o n of the Ndebele nation and army; they had a considerable optimism about the future now that they were no.longer menaced by a w a r r i o r power. This euphoria was j u s t p o s s i b l e i n 1894, but i t i s s u r p r i s i n g that the a d m i n i s t r a t i o n was so unaware of the r e b e l l i o n s that were to come almost u n t i l they broke out. F.C. Selous, the explorer and hunter who had guided the pioneer column up to the Mashonaland plateau, wrote of the rumblings before the storm i n Sunshine and Storm i n Rhodesia ( 1 8 9 6 ) . As Knight had done, he praised the magnanimity of the settlement a f t e r the war. The Ndebele were permitted to go on occupying t h e i r lands, and most of t h e i r indunas were l e f t i n power provided that they suppl i e d through the n a t i v e commissioners labourers f o r the farms and mines. These labour " r e g u l a t i o n s " , Selous went on, proved extremely irksome to the Ndebele because they were so i n d o l e n t , with the r e s u l t that A f r i c a n p o l i c e were sent to the k r a a l s to see to i t that labourers were sent out, "and these policemen, I fear, some-times exceeded t h e i r d u t i e s , and used t h e i r p o s i t i o n to 38 tyrannise over the people". An induna, Umlugulu, who had been one of Lobengula's indunas, complained to him of the trou b l e caused by the A f r i c a n p o l i c e . There was undoubtedly and i n e v i t a b l y s t r a i n between the 118 Ndebele and the Shona i n the e a r l y period. Before the Matabele War, we have seen that the peoples around Fort V i c t o r i a s e v e r a l times sought refuge from the Ndebele impi e i t h e r by j o i n i n g the Europeans or by f l e e i n g to t h e i r g ranite kopjes. This antagonism d i d not die overnight, p a r t i c u l a r l y when i t was exacerbated by European ideas of e q u a l i t y before the law. However the r e b e l l i o n s revealed the way i n which both Ndebele and Shona could combine i n the common object of c a s t i n g out the Europeans, i n f l u e n c e d as they were by the r e l i g i o u s a u t h o r i t i e s which the Ndebele had l a r g e l y taken 30 over from the Shona. y There i s evidence a l s o that e a r l y s t r a i n i n labour r e l a t i o n s was caused by the d i v i s i o n s w i t h i n Ndebele s o c i e t y . The p r i v i l e g e s of a w a r r i o r c l a s s died hard. H.C. Thomson i n h i s Rhodesia and i t s Government, normally extremely h o s t i l e to the Company, explained that the forced labour between the Matabele War and the r e b e l l i o n s was p a r t l y an attempt on the part of the a d m i n i s t r a t i o n to equalise Ndebele s o c i e t y and stamp out indigenous s l a v e r y . ^ The Zansi c l a s s had, according to him, been using the H o l i and the Enhla to earn t h e i r tax f o r them. There i s very l i t t l e other evidence f o r t h i s , but there i s no reason to d i s b e l i e v e Thomson, and i t i s c e r t a i n l y true that the Ndebele system was quite a r i g i d caste system, and inter-marriage f o r instance was discouraged u n t i l comparatively r e c e n t l y . ^ So i t would probably be s u r p r i s i n g 119 i f such s o c i a l s t r a i n s had not e x i s t e d . An e a r l y t r a d i t i o n of labour migration from outside had been set up i n the realm of domestic labour. Domestic servants were r e c r u i t e d from the Cape and N a t a l , from Portuguese East A f r i c a , the B r i t i s h C e n t r a l A f r i c a P r o t e c t -orate, and even from as f a r away as Kenya and Uganda.^ These a l i e n s were sometimes resented by the indigenous A f r i c a n s , p a r t i c u l a r l y when - as with those from the Cape -43 they received much higher wages. y A considerable number of Cape A f r i c a n s had been r e c r u i t e d f o r the Pioneer Column, and not u n n a t u r a l l y received the best jobs. At f i r s t the hut tax had not been too onerous. The n a t i v e commissioners had accepted stock or produce during the f i r s t year, a form of t r i b u t e that was quite f a m i l i a r . In 1895 however, the Chief Native Commissioner proposed that the p r o f i t s from the sale of stock ( u s u a l l y to the white market) should accrue to the n a t i v e department ra t h e r than be a c c r e d i t e d to the v i l l a g e that had supplied them, so that the A f r i c a n taxpayers would r e a l i s e the very r e a l disadvantage i n hand-i n g over stock and grain r a t h e r than c a s h . ^ At l e a s t one n a t i v e commissioner reported that t h i s p o l i c y was h i g h l y s u c c e s s f u l i n i n d u c i n g A f r i c a n s to go out to work. On the other hand, t a x a t i o n d i d not a r r i v e i n every part of the country at once. I t was not u n t i l a f t e r the r e b e l l i o n s that tax was l e v i e d on some of the northern areas of the country, 120 near the Zambezi V a l l e y . ^ Lewis Gann has pointed out that the small and pioneer-i n g nature of the native a d m i n i s t r a t i o n meant that o f f i c e r s were frequently moved a r o u n d . ^ They had thus l i t t l e chance of becoming t r u l y cognisant with the peoples of any one d i s t r i c t . Moreover, many of the e a r l y o f f i c e r s of the n a t i v e a d m i n i s t r a t i o n were of i n d i f f e r e n t q u a l i t y . They fre q u e n t l y had l i t t l e or no a d m i n i s t r a t i v e experience. One f o r example had been a trooper i n the pioneer corps, and then a t r a d e r before becoming a f i e l d cornet and l a t e r a n a t i v e commissioner.^ Their E n g l i s h i n the e a r l y handwritten r e p o r t s y i s often poor - the Chief Native Commissioner fre q u e n t l y made s p e l l i n g and grammatical c o r r e c t i o n s i n red i n k - and they ignored s p e c i f i c i n s t r u c t i o n s from the Chief Native Commissioner as to p o l i c y , the arrangement of t h e i r r e p o r t s , and so on. Of course, Company posts of t h i s nature d i d not have the p r e s t i g e nor the s e c u r i t y of i m p e r i a l appointments; the country was s t i l l u n s e t t l e d and hardly developed at a l l ; and many of the native commissioners were to l o s e t h e i r l i v e s i n the " r e b e l l i o n s " of 1896 and 1897. But even while the r e b e l l i o n s were i n progress, native commissioners continued to d i s p l a y an unsympathetic arrogance and an exaggerated duty to turn out labour. One wrote ( r e f e r r i n g to the method used of a t t a c k i n g the Shona i n t h e i r g r a n i t e kopje strongholds), "the Mashonas express t h e i r great 121 o b j e c t i o n of ( s i c ) being dynamited", another, "I have j u s t r e c e i v e d an order from Mr. Baden f o r a hundred mine boys and 51 am c o l l e c t i n g them";^ and a l i t t l e l a t e r another wrote, " I t seems to be f e a r e d that the r a t e of pay could not be brought down again owing to some supposed p e c u l i a r i t i e s of the n a t i v e m i n d " . 5 2 The answers of the n a t i v e commissioners of Mashonaland to a c i r c u l a r i s s u e d by the C h i e f Native Commissioner i n 1895 are very r e v e a l i n g . T h i s c i r c u l a r enquired about the n a t i v e commissioners' views on la b o u r and the n e c e s s i t y to i n t r o d u c e l e g i s l a t i o n - to r e g u l a t e the same. The s i x r e p l i e s (from Charter, H a r t l e y , Marondellas, S a l i s b u r y town, S a l i s b u r y d i s t r i c t , and Umtali) a l l unreservedly supported f o r c e d 53 l a b o u r . T h e y produced v a r i o u s schemes f o r the o p e r a t i o n of a quota system of e x t r a c t i n g l a b o u r e r s from each k r a a l , taken out f o r p e r i o d s of three months at a time, and r e t u r n e d i n p l a c e of another batch; there should be a tax or punish-ment ( p r e f e r a b l y c o r p o r a l ) on those who d i d not comply; there should be more p o l i c e to chase up d e s e r t e r s ; k r a a l s were becoming too s c a t t e r e d because of the new-found s e c u r i t y , and ought to be c e n t r a l i s e d i n a l o c a t i o n where they could be b e t t e r supervised; there should be a r e g i s t e r of a l l l a b o u r e r s . One made i t c l e a r that he w a s . a c t u a l l y attempt-i n g such a p o l i c y i n h i s d i s t r i c t . Only two f e l t that there ought to be some improvements i n the conditions at the p l a c e s 122 of work, and s i n g l e d out the p r a c t i c e of employers f l o g g i n g t h e i r labourers as a current abuse. In 1898, so soon a f t e r the end of the " r e b e l l i o n s " , the ol d labour r e c r u i t i n g methods are s t i l l i n evidence. Some of the f l a v o u r of these a c t i v i t i e s can be derived from the rat h e r l u r i d q u a r t e r l y r e p o r t s of the nati v e commissioners of that year. They s t i l l t a l k of " c o l l e c t i n g " , of "forward-i n g " and of " d e l i v e r i n g " . A l l 76 labourers d e l i v e r e d to the Confidence Reef mine e a r l y i n that year ran away; 38 were "sent back". In V i c t o r i a , "pressure" was brought to bear on account of a r r e a r s i n tax. But at the same time the nati v e commissioner reported that labour migration was g e t t i n g a bad 5 4 name because of the numbers who died en route. ^ As might be expected from such a raw a d m i n i s t r a t i o n labour p o l i c y was by no means uniform i n t h i s e a r l y period. But the basic points of a c o l o n i a l labour p o l i c y had already emerged. D i r e c t t a x a t i o n was the cornerstone of the p o l i c y of s t i m u l -ants. As Knight r e v e a l s , the dispute between those who des i r e d reserves f o r the A f r i c a n s and those who pr e f e r r e d at l e a s t t e r r i t o r i a l i n t e g r a t i o n had been jo i n e d . As a quid pro quo f o r the Matabeleland t a x a t i o n , the C o l o n i a l O f f i c e had i n s i s t e d on the establishment of reserves, even i f , i n the absence of any adequate s u p e r v i s i o n , they were to be t o t a l l y u n s u i t a b l e as the Gwaai and Shangani reserves were. The Company pursued very much i t s own p o l i c y . There was no 123 i m p e r i a l o f f i c e r on the spot. The High Commissioner i n South A f r i c a was a remote and hardly e f f e c t i v e f i g u r e . Conditions may have remained so had not the Jameson Raid and the Ndebele and Shona r e b e l l i o n s produced a massive attack on the Company's Charter, the Martin Report on the Company's Native Administ-r a t i o n , and the need f o r the C o l o n i a l O f f i c e to b a i l the Company out, i n Rhodesia i n the shape of i m p e r i a l troops, and i n London, support f o r the continuation of the Charter. Subsequently, the m o b i l i s a t i o n of labour became a more complex and a more c o n t r o l l e d operation. But while the dual economy developed, the p r i n c i p l e s by which labour might be l e g i t i m a t e l y m obilised became a continuing dispute. One of the best known documents i n Rhodesian h i s t o r y i s S i r Richard Martin's Report on the Native A d m i n i s t r a t i o n of 55 the B r i t i s h South A f r i c a Company, 1897. I t s f i n d i n g s on, i n t e r a l i a , the question of forced labour, are so well-known that i t i s unnecessary to deal with them at any length h e r e . 5 ^ I t s importance l i e s i n three f a c t o r s - the nature of the reception i t was accorded i n the C o l o n i a l O f f i c e , the deep d i s t r u s t of o f f i c i a l s of the native department that i t engend-ered there, and the d i s t i n c t i o n i t continued to make between i n d i r e c t and d i r e c t means of compulsion. Needless to say, the Company expressed s e l f - r i g h t e o u s shock at the f i n d i n g s of the new commandant general and deputy 124 commissioner, and they made every attempt to delay Chamber-l a i n i n presenting i t to Parliament and to the Selec t Comm-57 i t t e e on the B r i t i s h South A f r i c a Company then meeting. The C o l o n i a l O f f i c e promptly introduced two problems of d e f i n i t i o n - whether or not the Company or i t s o f f i c i a l s were at f a u l t , and at what point forced labour ceased to be 58 forced labour. Lord Grey produced an extended r e p l y to 59 Martin's Report, 7 which was i n f a c t favourably received by Chamberlain, although h i s own o f f i c i a l s were by no means so convinced. Of course, by the very nature of the subject, i t was as p o s s i b l e to produce a corpus of evidence denying the existence of forced labour as i t was to discover a body supporting i t . Chamberlain indeed f e l t that Martin had not made s u f f i c i e n t allowances, and went so f a r as to assert that some form of forced labour was necessary to the spread of c i v i l i s a t i o n i n A f r i c a . ^ " S i r Richard Martin has been too unbending, but h i s report should not be b e l i t t l e d or thrown over", was the r e p l y of one of the Company's most vigorous c r i t i c s , Hartmann J u s t . ^ The f u r t h e s t Mr. Chamberlain should go, J u s t went on, was to agree that encouragement to labour by hut tax was necessary f o r the n a t i v e s ' c i v i l i z a t i o n . I t i s evident from t h i s that because of Chamberlain's o u t r i g h t support f o r the Company - p a r t i c u l a r l y i n the shape of the honest and charismatic Grey - the C o l o n i a l O f f i c e o f f i c i a l s had, i n order to r e s t r a i n the Secretary of State, to move 125 c l o s e r to h i s p o s i t i o n . So f a r as the forced labour i s s u e i s concerned, about which so much paper and argument was wasted, one has sympathies with another o f f i c i a l , F r e d e r i c k Graham, who wrote "The matter i s now merely of academic i n t e r e s t " . ^ - 7 While the new c o n s t i t u t i o n a l formula was being evolved, the o f f i c i a l s followed t h e i r n a t u r a l propensity to a t t a c k the Company; Edward F a i r f i e l d , the Board's most f a i t h f u l support-er, died when they most needed him. The attacks were d i r e c t -ed against the whole South A f r i c a n b a s i s of the Company: "Mr. Hawksley i s the Company i n London, as Mr. Rhodes i s i n A f r i c a , and a p r e t t y mess they have made of i t . The most urgent reforms required are to place Mr. Rhodes under c o n t r o l , and to so c o n s t i t u t e the London Board as to make i t something more than a mere machine to r e g i s t e r the d i c t a on com-p l i c a t e d a d m i n i s t r a t i v e questions of a man whose function i s to advise on l e g a l tech-n i c a l i t i e s . " " ^ Of course, the Charter was safe. The usual g l i b reasons of Treasury parsimony and Chamberlain's own i m p l i c -a t i o n i n the Jameson Raid are p l a u s i b l e enough. But there was a more fundamental reason, which M i l n e r expressed i n a 65 l e t t e r to H.H. Asquith: y that nothing would unite Boer and B r i t o n more e f f e c t i v e l y against the i m p e r i a l a u t h o r i t i e s than i f they took a strong l i n e against the Company " f o r the p r o t -e c t i o n of the Blacks". "This i s the whole crux of the South A f r i c a n p o s i t i o n . " ^ ( i t i s i n t e r e s t i n g to consider to what extent the Transvaal f e l t l e s s outflanked by a commercial r a t h e r than an i m p e r i a l i n t e r e s t , even when that commercial 126 i n t e r e s t had i n s t i g a t e d a v i o l a t i o n of i t s t e r r i t o r y . ) M i l n e r expressed the hope of being able to maintain a humane and progressive system i n Rhodesia with the c o n t r o l he had over the a d m i n i s t r a t i o n . The great t h i n g here i s to secure the appointment of honourable and capable men as magistrates and n a t i v e commissioners. I f that can be done, I t h i n k the l o t of the n a t i v e s may be a very t o l e r a b l e one and that even a system of compulsory labour indeed, under f a i r c o n d i t i o n s and proper safeguards, may be turned to t h e i r advantage.67 These are the two basic clues to the future of labour m o b i l i s a t i o n i n Rhodesia. Rhodesia's future l a y administ-r a t i v e l y , commercially, and u l t i m a t e l y p o l i t i c a l l y with the r e s t of southern A f r i c a , despite the f a c t that she would have an independent l i n k with the Indian Ocean i n the not-t o o - d i s t a n t f u t u r e . The Charter had to remain i n being because i t s u i t e d M i n e r ' s South A f r i c a n p o l i c i e s . The future of Rhodesian A f r i c a n s was obscured as e f f e c t i v e l y as that of t h e i r cousins i n the South by the Boer-Briton dispute. M i l n e r ' s second a s s e r t i o n that the p r i n c i p a l labour safeguard ought to l i e simply i n a corps of able magistrates and n a t i v e commissioners was to create, by the C o l o n i a l O f f i c e ' s u n w i l l -ingness to accept i t , the most contentious and o b s c u r a n t i s t i s s u e amongst the v a r i o u s p a r t i e s , A f r i c a n s , s e t t l e r s , Company, High Commissioners and C o l o n i a l O f f i c e . The C o l o n i a l O f f i c e was to i n s i s t i n s t e a d on a somewhat unreal e x c l u s i o n of n a t i v e 127 commissioners from the whole business of labour recruitment. The Boer War had a very considerable e f f e c t on the development of labour p o l i c y i n Rhodesia. I t held up f o r se v e r a l years the d e f i n i t i o n and the execution of the C o l o n i a l O f f i c e a t t i t u d e . N a t u r a l l y , M i l n e r , faced with war and the culmination of h i s South A f r i c a n p o l i c i e s , could only regard Rhodesia as a minor f r i n g e problem during these years. Reports of the Resident Commissioner ( a post set up by the new Order-in-Council of 1898) had to run the gauntlet of the High Commissioner's over-worked o f f i c e , and t h i s meant e i t h e r delay, or as Qn one notorious occasion, l o s s f o r over a year. The r o l e of nati v e commissioners i n the r e c r u i t i n g of labour was to b e d e v i l p o l i c y throughout our period. The i l l - r e p u t e earned by the na t i v e commissioners before the 1897/1898 r e c o n s t r u c t i o n r e s u l t e d i n a C o l o n i a l O f f i c e i n s i s t e n c e that labour r e c r u i t i n g ought to be i n the hands of an independent labour bureau, despite the f a c t that the newly-appointed Resident Commissioner (whom Chamberlain described i n a t r a d i t i o n a l phrase as h i s "eyes and ears") now had access to a l l n a t i v e commissioners' r e p o r t s . Just such labour bureaux were set up i n I 8 9 8 and 1899 when Mashonaland and Matabeleland each received a labour board. These had however l i t t l e e f f e c t on the a c t i v i t i e s of nati v e commissioners, who continued to play an a c t i v e part i n recruitment, and indeed 128 the Mashonaland board had no r e c r u i t i n g agents at a l l , being s o l e l y concerned with d i s t r i b u t i o n . ^ The work of the boards was sabotaged by the facts that t h e i r t a r i f f s were not adhered to, and that there was continuing competition between the two provinces. The labour supply and demand fluctuated v i o l e n t l y i n these closing years of the century. In 1898, two mines had 7 0 to close for lack of labour, although the Resident Commiss-ioner was l a t e r to imply that the mines often closed for other 71 reasons and used the labour supply as a scapegoat.' In l899> on the other hand, the native department i n s i s t e d on the.hut tax being paid i n July, and refused to give a period of grace 7 2 as had been the practice hitherto.' The result was a glut of labour: a large proportion of the intending labourers had to be sent home, and within a very short time there was a renewed labour famine. Conditions remained exceptionally poor at the mines, and those which offered better pay, better food, or s l i g h t l y better treatment had no d i f f i c u l t y i n 7 3 obtaining labour. ^ Meanwhile, Colonial Office suspicions had again been aroused by the a c t i v i t i e s of the two Chief Native Commiss-ioners, Taylor and Taberer, i n a whole series of indabas they held i n the course of 1899.^ These indabas-were held with a considerable show of European power: l o c a l Europeans, native commissioners, missionaries, police were present. In 129" Mashonaland, the Bishop of Mashonaland and a detachment of f i f t y mounted B r i t i s h South A f r i c a i P o l i c e took part. In Matabeleland, the r e c r u i t i n g agents of the new labour board were introduced to the assembled headmen. In t h e i r addresses to these indabas the Chief Native Commissioners i n s i s t e d that i t was the duty of the people to go out to work, that other peoples l i k e the Fingoes (a Cape Bantu t r i b e who were c u r r e n t l y being s e t t l e d i n the Bembezi d i s t r i c t under an agreement with Rhodes) would come i n and take t h e i r land, that Mr. Rhodes would be very angry with them, that i t was a white man's country and that the A f r i c a n s had to work l i k e white men, that the l o c a l reserve would be taken from them i f they d i d not work, and that although there would be no force used, i t would be the indunas' duty to turn out labour. At each indaba there was s t r e s s on the i d e a of batches of men going out to work f o r three months at a time. In one d i s t r i c t , Taylor asked how would they l i k e i t i f he were to send the p o l i c e and messengers around the k r a a l s to turn people out to work. The assembled headmen were f a r from i n a r t i c u l a t e at these meetings. On two occasions (at I n s i z a and Bubi) head-men expressed bewilderment that they were t o l d i n one breath there would be no forced labour, and i n the next that they would have to turn out labour. There were complaints also of poor wages, of i n j u r i e s and deaths at the mines, that 130 there were not enough men l e f t to work the land, of the f a c t that bureau r e c r u i t s earned l e s s than those r e c r u i t e d independently,, that "boys" from the Cape received much higher wages, that they were sometimes sent back when there was no work f o r -them. They resented also the f a c t that the admin-i s t r a t o r s attacked those parts of t h e i r custom, such as w i t c h c r a f t and c e r t a i n beer and dance f e s t i v a l s , to which they objected, but upheld other parts such as l o b o l o , which served t h e i r purposes. Taylor announced that f a t h e r s - i n - l a w should i n s i s t on r e c e i v i n g l o b o l o f o r t h e i r daughters. I t w i l l become c l e a r l a t e r why there was t h i s i n s i s t e n c e on l o b o l o . The r e p o r t s of these indabas caused the biggest s t i r i n the C o l o n i a l O f f i c e since the Martin Report. The o f f i c i a l s r e f e r r e d to Chamberlain's i n s i s t e n c e to Rosmead (then High Commissioner) i n 1896, that labour was not to be extorted through indunas as t h i s smacked of forced labour. And the Secretary of State himself wrote that the Chief Native Comm-i s s i o n e r s ' inducements were " d i r e c t l y c a l c u l a t e d to lead to 75 forced labour". ^ The C o l o n i a l O f f i c e brushed aside the attempts of the Company and of Taylor to defend the i n d a b a s . ^ Taylor i n s i s t e d that i t was necessary to act i n t h i s way i n order to uphold the a u t h o r i t y of the indunas, and r e f e r r e d to the d e c l i n e i n labour recruitment during the past year, and the i n e f f e c t i v e n e s s of the low hut tax i n g e t t i n g men out to work. 131 The C o l o n i a l O f f i c e continued to send some of i t s sharpest l e t t e r s to the Company, i n s i s t i n g that the d r a f t n a t i v e r e g u l a t i o n s would have to be forwarded before they were produced as a f a i t accompli i n the L e g i s l a t i v e Council (also set up by the 1898 O r d e r - i n - C o u n c i l ) , that some a l t e r n a t i v e 77 on the l i n e s of the Cape Glen Grey Act'' would have to be found, and r e f u s i n g to accept the Board's excuse that i t was 78 too busy. I f any f u r t h e r evidence were needed to confirm the C o l o n i a l O f f i c e -in i t s suspicion of the nati v e department and i n i t s co n t i n u i n g c o n v i c t i o n i n the need f o r an independ-ent r e c r u i t i n g o r g a n i s a t i o n , t h i s was i t . In 1901, the Resident Commissioner, S i r Marshall Clarke began to play an important part i n the Company-Colonial O f f i c e debate. A whole s e r i e s of re p o r t s a r r i v e d from him during t h i s year, many of which had been held up f o r a considerable period i n the High Commissioner's o f f i c e . Clarke f e l t that i n the case of i l l - t r e a t m e n t , i t was ea s i e r f o r labourers to desert than to apply f o r redress to the o f f i c i a l who had r e c r u i t e d them. He reported that "the d u t i e s of the nati v e commissioners to induce the na t i v e s to work and afterwards to c o l l e c t taxes from t h e i r wages u n w i l l i n g l y earned, make t h e i r 79 p o s i t i o n d i f f i c u l t and d e t r a c t s from t h e i r i n f l u e n c e " . He went on to take up the a t t i t u d e that the only true inducement to labour was the development of " l e g i t i m a t e wants", that tax was an u n s a t i s f a c t o r y way of g e t t i n g people out to work, and 132 80 that he disapproved of any a p p l i c a t i o n of the Glen Grey Act. This was a more " l i b e r a l " a t t i t u d e than even the C o l o n i a l O f f i c e was w i l l i n g to take up. But h i s most damning piece of information was that "pressure l i t t l e short of for c e " had again been used by the na t i v e commissioners i n the r e c r u i t i n g of labour. The C o l o n i a l O f f i c e set about a t i g h t e r r e i n i n g i n of the Company on the labour issue than had ever been exerted before. The Company was informed that i n future r e c r u i t i n g w i t h i n the country had to be on an independent b a s i s , but on an o f f i c i a l b a s i s outside ( i n f a c t t h i s d i s t i n c t i o n never On r e a l l y o p e r a t e d ) ; 0 that i f the n a t i v e commissioners d i d not behave, they would have to be appointed by the High Comm-i s s i o n e r and be d i r e c t l y r e s ponsible to him, though paid by the Company; that "a st a t e of things which has been t o l e r a t e d to 83 Op too long cannot and w i l l not be allowed o continue". The . Company reacted with considerable pique. Meanwhile there had already been f u r t h e r half-hearted attempts to set up a new labour supply a s s o c i a t i o n , but these had been thwarted by i n t e r - p r o v i n c i a l r i v a l r y , a n d when a new labour board was even t u a l l y set up, i t l a s t e d hardly more 85 than a year from i t s inauguration on J u l y 1s t 1900. y The whole s i t u a t i o n was g r e a t l y b l u r r e d by the f a c t that the C o l o n i a l O f f i c e was a c t i n g upon re p o r t s of the Resident Comm-i s s i o n e r that were months or even over a year o l d . I m p e r i a l 133 impotence was revealed when, j u s t as a sterner l i n e was being taken with the Company, nati v e commissioners had again to be used f o r r e c r u i t i n g because of the f a i l u r e of the 1900 board. S i r M a r s h a l l Clarke, to the annoyance of the C o l o n i a l O f f i c e , appeared to indulge i n a v o l t e face by d e c l a r i n g that i n the establishment of a labour bureau the Company was simply being permitted to s h u f f l e o f f complete r e s p o n s i b i l i t y from i t s e l f on to a quasi-independent board dependent f o r i t s success on or government o f f i c i a l s . His judgment was, however, as w i l l be shown below, as shrewd as i t u s u a l l y was. M i l n e r supported the Company i n i t s predicament by telegraphing on the veto on o f f i c i a l a c t i v i t y We must riot r i d e the p r i n c i p l e to death i n ignorance or i n disregard, of l o c a l circumstances We must not go too f a r ahead of c o l o n i a l sentiment and lead them to suppose we are s a c r i f i c i n g t h e i r s u b s t a n t i a l i n t e r e s t s f o r the sake of a hard and f a s t rule.°> S i r M a r s h a l l Clarke acquiesced i n the i n s t r u c t i o n s to the n a t i v e commissioners that they were only to make requirements 00 known and r e g i s t e r r e c r u i t s who presented themselves. He e v e n t u a l l y had to' agree also that i n c o l l e c t i n g tax, the n a t i v e commissioners would have to inform those who could not pay that labour was.available i n other d i s t r i c t s . ° 9 They had s t i l l not escaped the basic problem of semantics, what c o n s t i t -9 0 uted d i r e c t or i n d i r e c t pressure. y That remarkable asset of the Company, A l b e r t , f o u r t h E a r l 134 Grey, was able again to t i d e the Company over, and by p r i v a t e communication with Joseph Chamberlain, persuade the C o l o n i a l O f f i c e to agree to t h i s i n t e r i m a r r a n g e m e n t . T h e Company pleaded that the business community was not yet s o p h i s t i c a t e d 92 enough to s u s t a i n a t r u l y independent labour bureau, and miners and farmers combined f o r once to attack the C o l o n i a l O f f i c e f o r meddling i n what they regarded as the p e r f e c t l y °3 l e g i t i m a t e work of the n a t i v e commissioners.' y The P r e s i d -ent of the Chamber of Mines i n h i s address to the Annual 94 Meeting i n 1 9 0 2 y ^ was able to make a good case f o r the r e -i n t r o d u c t i o n of more s t r i c t government c o n t r o l i n r e c r u i t i n g i n view of the reappearance of the p r i v a t e labour " t o u t s " , concerned only with numbers and c a p i t a t i o n fees, who had been such a bane i n the e a r l y p eriod. But h i s pleas f o r the greater p r o t e c t i o n of A f r i c a n s were not u n n a t u r a l l y regarded w i t h i n the C o l o n i a l O f f i c e as s p e c i a l pleading. Two new labour bureaux were i n f a c t to be set up before 1914 . While they l a s t e d longer than t h e i r predecessors, they experienced p r e c i s e l y the same d i f f i c u l t i e s . F i r s t and foremost, they f a i l e d u t t e r l y to break the seasonal c y c l e of labour so f a m i l i a r throughout A f r i c a . When labour was p l e n t i f u l a f t e r the harvest, the mines could supply them-selves adequately from independent p r i v a t e recruitment, and the bureau was l e f t with i t s r e c r u i t s on i t s hands, and since i t was too expensive to keep these r e c r u i t s i n the depots, 135 95 they were sent home or forwarded to the Rand. y When the seasonal shortage occurred, the bureau had no r e c r u i t s l i k e everyone e l s e . The bureaux contributed to the jealousy between the various communities i n Rhodesia: between Bulawayo and S a l i s b u r y , which had s w i f t l y e s t a b l i s h e d an i n t e r - c i t y a c e r b i t y , between the l a r g e r and the smaller mines, and between the miners and the farmers. The Labour Fees Ordinance of 1906 (which imposed a tax of one s h i l l i n g per month on a l l labourers, regardless of whether bureau r e c r u i t s or not, l e v i e d on the mineowners i n order to help finance the bureau) antagonised a number of mines who f e l t that the bureau was an organised c h a r i t y f o r supplying labour to poorer, l e s s well-organised mines. The mines were moreover disappointed with the standard of r e c r u i t the bureau sent, f o r experienced and h e a l t h i e r r e c r u i t s p r e f e r r e d to t r a v e l independently. Moreover, i t was w e l l -known that dishonest mines applied f o r more labourers than they required i n the hope of g e t t i n g the r i g h t number when s c a r c i t y prompted the im p o s i t i o n of a s t r i c t quota system. y So f a r as the farmers were concerned the bureau was con s t a n t l y suspected of being v i r t u a l l y a mining preserve. The c a p i t a t i o n fees were too high f o r the farmers. When the Labour Tax Ordinance o f 1911 was passed (a s i m i l a r measure to that of 1906 except that i t was imposed on the farmers also) they indulged i n widespread r e f u s a l to pay. 136 Several were f i n e d or sent to prison before the ordinance was repealed. Finance was indeed the never-ending worry of the various bureaux. The s t i p u l a t i o n s that were l a i d down by the i m p e r i a l a u t h o r i t i e s with regard to medical examinations, food, c l o t h i n g , t r a n s p o r t , a c c l i m a t i s a t i o n i n depots and so on, cost more money than the bureaux were ever able to a f f o r d or r a i s e i n c a p i t a t i o n fees. The s e t t i n g up of great chains of r e s t houses, a day's march apart, was another immense c a p i t a l cost. (These r e g u l a t i o n s w i l l be reviewed i n a l a t e r chapter.) Above a l l , the bureaux were extremely unpopular amongst the A f r i c a n s themselves. They d i s l i k e d the l o s s of freedom i m p l i e d i n the bureaux' shunting of them around; they d i s -l i k e d being sent to mines that were unpopular, being separated from t h e i r f r i e n d s ; the bureaux A f r i c a n employees frequently came i n t o d isrepute; and labourers found that bureau r e c r u i t s i n v a r i a b l y received a lower wage at the mines than those who had presented themselves i n d e p e n d e n t l y . ^ Moreover, the t i c k e t or coupon system of payment, used throughout the mines, was very unpopular, and m i l i t a t e d against labour recruitment. Under t h i s system, the A f r i c a n labourer was paid not by the calendar month, but b y the number of s h i f t s he completed, t h i r t y s h i f t s or endorsements on h i s t i c k e t being the usual number. This was c l e a r l y open to abuses, and i n a d d i t i o n gave a completely misleading impression about wage r a t e s - t o 137 the C o l o n i a l O f f i c e , where i t ¥/as widely assumed that a completed t i c k e t amounted to one month's labour. In f a c t , i t could be much more. The Chief Native Commissioner 98 attacked t h i s system, re c o g n i s i n g i t s dangers, but n e i t h e r the n a t i v e department nor the bureaux succeeded i n destroy-i n g i t . There was another immense problem i n the C o l o n i a l O f f i c e ' s i n s i s t e n c e on t h i s p o l i c y . And that i s to what extent the bureaux were genuinely independent and success-f u l l y excluded the members of the nati v e department from r e c r u i t i n g . At the beginning, the board d i d so not at a l l . In the l o n g e r - l a s t i n g bureaux i t i s s t i l l questionable whether the n a t i v e department was excluded. Both i n 1899 and i n 1903, n a t i v e commissioners became general managers of labour bureaux; some of the agents were r e c r u i t e d from the n a t i v e department ( f i v e i n 1899); the Chief Native Commissioners and other Company o f f i c i a l s (such as mining o f f i c i a l s ) were on the boards of the bureaux. The 1903 bureau was empowered to arrange f o r r e c r u i t i n g agreements with the B r i t i s h C e n t r a l A f r i c a n P r o t e c t o r a t e , Portuguese East A f r i c a , and the Trans-v a a l . I t i s here that the ul t i m a t e i r o n y emerges. The i d e a that the bureaux were independent concerns merely under goverment su p e r v i s i o n was a f i c t i o n . The bureau of 1903 was, despite i t s p u b l i c share i s s u e , v i r t u a l l y a department of the ad m i n i s t r a t i o n i n terms of personnel and of p o l i c y c o n t r o l . 138 But other a d m i n i s t r a t i o n s , such as that of Nyasaland, a c t u a l l y refused to deal with i t because i t was not an agency of the Rhodesian a d m i n i s t r a t i o n . • Native commissioners continued to c o l l a b o r a t e with i t s agents, and indeed i t s agents frequently acted as pass o f f i c e r s f o r the i s s u e of permits to go to work. "'"^ While t h i s covert c o l l a b o r a t i o n went on, the A d m i n i s t r a t o r , S i r W i l l i a m M i l t o n , determined to placate the C o l o n i a l O f f i c e on the i s s u e . When a Rhodesian committee appointed to enquire i n t o n a t i v e labour reported i n 1906, i t recommended that the n a t i v e commissioners should again be permitted to do the r e c r u i t i n g , but M i l t o n scotched the i d e a at once.^"^ Yet the bureau's unpopularity and d i f f i c -u l t i e s were such that tov/ard the end of i t s l i f e , i t ceased to r e c r u i t i n Rhodesia a l l together, and began to concentrate on the Company's vast estate and r e s e r v o i r i n the North, l e a v i n g the South to independent r e c r u i t i n g , and, presumably to n a t i v e commissioner " i n f l u e n c e " . In 1908, the Company ad m i n i s t r a t i o n had taken over the r e c r u i t i n g operations i n 102 Northern Rhodesia, l e a v i n g the bureau to operate i n Southern Rhodesia only. But i n 1912, the new bureau set up i n that year, operated only i n Northern Rhodesia. While the various labour bureaux were succeeding i n a l i e n a t i n g most sectors of Rhodesian s o c i e t y , black and white, the Company was of course continuing i t s p o l i c y of stimulants. We have seen that i n the indabas of l899> the Chief Native 139 Commissioners set out to persuade A f r i c a n s to i n s i s t on l o b o l o . This was eventually given s t a t u t o r y expression i n the Native Marriages Ordinance of 1901. There i s no question that a f u r t h e r stimulant to labour v/as one of the p r i n c i p a l c o nsid-e r a t i o n s behind t h i s ordinance. The Ad m i n i s t r a t o r s a i d so i n 103 a despatch to the Resident Commissioner, y although he p o i n t -ed out that there were the a d d i t i o n a l reasons of avoiding contentious l i t i g a t i o n with regard to forced marriages, i n f a n t b e t r o t h a l and so on. Lobolo v/as made compulsory, except f o r C h r i s t i a n marriages, and l i m i t s were set on the number of c a t t l e that could be t r a n s f e r r e d . The C o l o n i a l O f f i c e pointed out that the custom of l o b o l o , though u n i v e r s a l i n Mashonaland, was not u n i v e r s a l throughout Matabeleland, and had indeed died out i n some p l a c e s . B u t the High Commissioner telegraphed that the a d m i n i s t r a t i o n could reserve powers of suspension i n c e r t a i n districts.^~®y The m i s s i o n a r i e s had of course opposed lob o l o f o r a long time, f a i l i n g to see that i t had p r e c i s e l y the moral e f f e c t s they would have desired. There i s an i n t e r e s t i n g missionary r e a c t i o n i n the Zambezi Mission Record, the mag-azine of the J e s u i t Mission i n Ce n t r a l A f r i c a . Father R i c h a r t z of the Chishawasha Mission wrote that whenever the boys l e f t school, the "p e r n i c i o u s custom of l o b o l o " l u r e d them o f f to town to earn more wages than they could p o s s i b l y . earn at the mission. And there they relapsed i n t o paganism. Discussion on the r a i s i n g of the hut tax continued over a considerable number of years. But the C o l o n i a l O f f i c e made any increase c o n d i t i o n a l upon the formal settlement of reserves. Under the 1898 Order-in-Council, the na t i v e commissioners were simply authorised to set aside such land as they deemed necessary f o r the needs of the nati v e s i n t h e i r d i s t r i c t s . The r e s u l t was a completely confused and heterogeneous p o l i c y . Some n a t i v e commissioners set aside vast t r a c t s of land, s u i t a b l e and uns u i t a b l e ; others a l l o c a t e d small reserves scattered throughout t h e i r d i s t r i c t s -again reminiscent of the p o l i c y of the t h i r d E a r l Grey. When l i s t s of reserves were submitted to the C o l o n i a l O f f i c e i n June of 1901, o f f i c i a l s were able to detect c e r t a i n chopping and 107 changing from previous l i s t s . ' D e s c r i p t i o n and surveying were u s u a l l y inadequate, and S i r Hartmann Just concluded that " t h i s i s very u n s a t i s f a c t o r y " . In 1903, the C o l o n i a l O f f i c e received information that land on reserves was being 1 OQ a l i e n a t e d to p r i v a t e farmers, y which served to accentuate the C o l o n i a l O f f i c e ' s d i s q u i e t at a time when the Secretary of State was about to give approval to a tax increase. The Company d i d however proceed with i t s attempted adapt-a t i o n of the Glen Grey Act (which involved remission of tax fo r work done). But since the Glen Grey Act had encompassed at the same time another important p r i n c i p l e , sale of land to A f r i c a n s by q u i t rent, which was not going to be inc l u d e d i n 141 the Rhodesian ordinance, the Glen Grey p r o v i s i o n s were not acceptable to the C o l o n i a l O f f i c e . The amount mooted f o r the increased tax was £ 2 . A deputation c o n s i s t i n g of the President of the Chamber of Mines, the President of the Rhodesian Farmers' and Land-owners' A s s o c i a t i o n , the President of the Bulawayo. Chamber of Commerce, and a member of the L e g i s l a t i v e C o u n c i l , went to see M i l n e r i n Johannesburg i n January of 1903 . They demanded a tax of £ 4 , an increase of 700 per cent. M i l n e r informed that he was w i l l i n g to consider a tax of £ 2 , which was the same as the Transvaal tax, f o r he f e l t " l e g i s l a t i o n f o r the co l o n i e s should not be e n t i r e l y guided by home sent-iment"."''^ Having taken up t h i s p o s i t i o n , . M i l n e r stubbornly adhered to i t , even a f t e r the Resident Commissioner had decided that a £ 2 tax was excessive. The Resident Commissioner combined with missionary opin-i o n , i n c l u d i n g most notably Father R i c h a r t z of the Chishawasha Mission and John White, General Secretary of the Wesleyan Missions. Between them they argued that the A f r i c a n s would be unable to meet such a tax, that i t would i n v o l v e hardship f o r A f r i c a n women, that i t was i n e f f e c t an i n d i r e c t tax on Europeans, that the employers who could only pay low wages (which i n c l u d e d the missions) would be s e r i o u s l y a f f e c t e d , that the recent bad harvest aggravated na t i v e unrest, and that the labour shortage was s p u r i o u s . 1 1 1 R i c h a r t z argued 1/---2 that even although h i s mission was only f i f t e e n miles from S a l i s b u r y , h i s men would have d i f f i c u l t i e s earning enough ly h 113 H P to pay the tax. The Administrator t r i e d to buy him o f f by o f f e r i n g s p e c i a l consideration f o r h i s tenants.' M i l n e r was adamant that the hut tax would i n v o l v e no hardship; "Nothing can shake my c o n v i c t i o n on t h i s s u b j e c t " . ! " ^ He even wrote to the Admi n i s t r a t o r that he was embarrassed by the opinion of the Resident Commissioner, and that i f M i l t o n 115 went on with the ordinance he would give i t h i s support. The ordinance was i n f a c t e ventually disallowed by the Secretary of State on the grounds of fears of f u r t h e r A f r i c a n unrest. The Company was i n s t e a d authorised to introduce a tax of £1, and the f i r s t c o l l e c t i o n of t h i s began i n 1904 a f t e r , the usual announcements i n i n d a b a s . T h e r e i s good evidence that the C o l o n i a l O f f i c e fear of another r e b e l l i o n was j u s t i f i e d , f o r repor t s of unrest a f t e r the tax 1 1 7 v/as introduced c o n s t i t u t e d something more than simply rumour. ' The higher tax appeared to solve the labour problems temporarily. In -succeeding years there were reports of surpluses, of r e c r u i t s being sent to the Rand, of a demand f o r s k i l l e d labour which the Bureau could not meet, since experienced labourers found t h e i r own way to work. Hence the rent which the commercial branch of the Company began to levy on i t s unalienated land i n 1908 had more the appearance of a producer of revenue than.of a stimulant. 143 Of course the s e t t l e r s r e f u s e d to accept the Company's view of u n a l i e n a t e d l a n d as i t s own p r i v a t e property, and even the n a t i v e commissioners complained that the new rent was 1 1 9 a t a c t l e s s and unnecessary f u r t h e r burden on the A f r i c a n s . I t was however the n a t u r a l c o r o l l a r y of another piece of l e g i s l a t i o n that came i n t o f o r c e i n that year, the P r i v a t e L o c a t i o n s Ordinance. T h i s added to the i n s e c u r i t y of A f r i c a n s on the l a n d by b r i n g i n g i n t o the open the problem of whether A f r i c a n s ought to be moved on to the r e s e r v e s . The South A f r i c a n Native A f f a i r s Commission of Enquiry of 1905 had recommended it . , an'd those farmers who attacked " k a f f i r - f a r m i n g " or who objected to t h e i r tenants' stock wanted i t . On the other hand the C h i e f Native Commissioner of Mashonaland wished to encourage A f r i c a n s to l i v e on p r i v a t e land so that they would not s i n k i n t o the apathy of the r e s e r v e s , and farmers who found tenants to be t h e i r best source of la b o u r went so f a r as to demand that A f r i c a n s i n v o l v e d i n a l a b o u r agreement under the 1896 Proclamation (see p. 113 ) should not be permitted to have passes to go to work. The ordinance the Company proposed i n v o l v e d a tax on tenants, l o c a t i o n agreements r e g i s t e r e d with the n a t i v e commissioner, and a guarantee of s u f f i c i e n t l a n d f o r the tenants' needs. I t aroused c o n s i d e r a b l e o p p o s i t i o n among those concerned with the l a b o u r supply. The S e c r e t a r y of the Chamber of Mines wrote to the Ad m i n i s t r a t o r that the P r i v a t e Locations Ordin-ance would lead to the d e s t r u c t i o n of a valuable source of the labour supply of the t e r r i t o r y by r e l e a s i n g the nat i v e of the n e c e s s i t y to earn the £ 3 0 , 0 0 0 per annum, which i s the amount now paid to landowners i n respect of rent.. I t w i l l i n short, tend to d r i v e them on to reserves where they can e x i s t rent f r e e , i n s l u g g i s h indolence and barbarism. 2 1 This was the case of the absentee l a n d l o r d s , such as the mining companies, against whom the ordinance was p a r t l y d i r e c t e d . Opposition was such that the L e g i s l a t i v e Council succeeded i n emasculating the b i l l . The tax that emerged had to be paid only on those A f r i c a n s who were not i n bona f i d e employment and who paid rent. In other words, a l a n d -owner could keep a p o t e n t i a l labour supply on h i s land and not pay tax, provided he charged no rent from them. I t would appear that the farmers' f a c t i o n w i t h i n the L e g i s l a t i v e Council had won, f o r as the b i l l emerged, i t was designed almost s o l e l y against absentee l a n d l o r d s . And the p r o t e c t i v e clauses f o r the tenants - such as that the nat i v e commissioner had to approve the land as s u f f i c i e n t f o r the tenants' needs -were excluded. Moreover, i n one d i s t r i c t at l e a s t , Mel-s e t t e r , landowners l e v i e d labour from t h e i r tenants, and succeeded i n avoiding the payment of tax. Moreover, the reserves i n M e l s e t t e r were p a r t i c u l a r l y u n s u i t a b l e , and there 122 were no reserves at a l l i n the adjacent d i s t r i c t of Inyanga. 145 Thus i t can be seen that the n o n - a v a i l a b i l i t y of a s u i t a b l e reserve could c o n s t i t u t e a considerable c o n s t r a i n t upon A f r i c a n s ' freedom of choice with regard to labour and land. There were circumstances under which t h i s d i s t r a i n t could occur f o r t u i t o u s l y . For example a r i n d e r p e s t out-break might r e s u l t i n a ban on the movement of c a t t l e . A f r i c a n s might then have no option but to stay where they were, and t h i s might i n c u r some labour agreement with the 123 landowner. ^ I n s e c u r i t y f o r the A f r i c a n then seems to have been the main r e s u l t of the Company land p o l i c y i n e f f e c t i f not i n i n t e n t i o n . The r e g u l a t i o n s with regard to A f r i c a n s i n towns remained burdensome. Both the Native Urban Locations Ordinance (which included the mines) of 1906 and the S a l i s b u r y Native Location Rules and Regulations of 1907 caused consider-able concern w i t h i n the C o l o n i a l O f f i c e . The r e g u l a t i o n s were regarded as "elaborate and vexatious" and t h e i r "aim i s of course to make l i f e on the l o c a t i o n as burdensome as p o s s i b l e " . "*"2^ ' The development of a powerful a n t i - r e s e r v e s lobby (described i n chapter 2) contributed to t h i s i n s e c u r i t y . And the r e l a t i o n s h i p of t h i s to the need f o r a labour supply i s obvious. The P r i v a t e Locations Ordinance i s an e x c e l l e n t example of a measure that could s l i p through the net of the Resident Commissioner. The C o l o n i a l O f f i c e appears to have been 146 t o t a l l y o b l i v i o u s of the p r a c t i c e s that could e x i s t under i t s aegis. The labour boards also r e v e a l how tenuous was the c o n t r o l of the C o l o n i a l O f f i c e over the substance of labour r e c r u i t i n g . The problem of the reserves r e v e a l s the i n e v i t a b l e ignorance of the C o l o n i a l O f f i c e , which had to accept a f l u i d p o l i c y u n t i l the Coryndon Land Commission reported i n 1916. While the C o l o n i a l O f f i c e could be s p e c t a c u l a r l y s u c c e s s f u l on such c l e a r i s s u e s as the r a i s i n g of the hut tax or the improvement of c o n d i t i o n s on the mines, i t permitted land and labour p o l i c y to d r i f t . T h i s d r i f t i s revealed i n a number of ways. In 1907, an extraordinary system was set up i n the Mrewas, Mtokos, and V i c t o r i a d i s t r i c t s , whereby the n a t i v e commissioners acted 1 2 5 as forwarding agents, ^ which seemed yet again to v i t i a t e the attempts to create an independent r e c r u i t i n g system. In 1911, by Ordinance 16 of that year, p r i v a t e r e c r u i t e r s had to be l i c e n s e d by the Government, but t h e i r c ontinuing existence served to make the bureaux' task impossible. In 1911, the Chief Native Commissioner of Mashonaland suggested that an o f f i c e r should be appointed iniieach d i s t r i c t , " c o n t i n u a l l y on the move v i s i t i n g c h i e f s and k r a a l s and preaching the 1 2 7 gospel of labour". In 1912, he spoke of " s t i r r i n g up -1 pQ the n a t i v e s to a sense of t h e i r o b l i g a t i o n s to the state", In the same year, the Chief Native Commissioner sent out a memorandum to a l l h i s n a t i v e commissioners enquiring what 147 they thought of a proposed system whereby, a f t e r a c a r e f u l census, A f r i c a n s ' c e r t i f i c a t e s would be examined annually, and they would be spoken to severely i f no work had been done. Of twenty-one n a t i v e commissioners c i r c u l a r i s e d , eleven agreed (some proclaiming that t h i s was already standard p r a c t i c e ) , four disagreed (mainly because of absence of l e g a l sanctions) and s i x had r e s e r v a t i o n s . A l l except one agreed that r e c r u i t i n g ought to be on a personal b a s i s and not done through the c h i e f s . Only one considered that t h i s could amount to forced labour, observing that i f the n a t i v e commissioner d i d the ordering, he might also f i n d himself 129 punishing disobedience. J By the outbreak of the F i r s t World War, Rhodesian labour demands were being s a t i s f i e d because of the i n s e c u r i t y on the land, t a x a t i o n , r e n t s , the custom of l o b o l o , and the c r e a t i o n of such " l e g i t i m a t e " needs as ploughs, broken teams of oxen, c l o t h i n g , and even b i c y c l e s . But while wants increased, the o p p o r t u n i t i e s f o r a l t e r n a t i v e s also increased, i n . t h e sale of stock, g r a i n , and market gardening produce. I t i s t h i s "grass r o o t s " operation of labour s t i m u l i which w i l l be examined i n the next chapter. 148 FOOTNOTES TO CHAPTER 3 1 Richard Brown, The Ndebele Succession C r i s i s , 1868-1877, Central A f r i c a n H i s t o r i c a l Association, 1962. 2 NA;, Baines MSS. And L.H. Gann,, A History of Southern Rhodesia, Early Days to 1934. (London, 1965), pp.55-57 J.P.R. W a l l i s , (ed.), The Northern G o l d f i e l d s Diaries of Thomas Baines. (London, 1946). 3., Baines to Windus, A p r i l 24, 1874. BA, 7/l/2 4 C.7196 f o r the T a t i Company's demands f o r imperial p r o t e c t i o n . 5 A.J.B. Hughes, & J . Van Velsen, The Ndebele. (London, 1955). 6 Hughes & Van Velsen, o p . c i t . H.J. Taylor, A Short History of the Native Tribes of Matab.eleland written f o r the information of the South A f r i c a n Native A f f a i r s Commission. Annexure to minutes of Board of B.S.A.Co., Feb. 17, 1904. C.O.417/397. 7 Gann, o p . c i t . , p.60. 8 C.7171 & C.7555. 9 E.F. Knight, Rhodesia of To-day, (London, 1895), chapter 1. K. Bradley i n The Diary of a D i s t r i c t O f f i c e r , (London, 1943), pp.19-21 describes how the Cewa s i m i l a r l y b u i l t t h e i r v i l l a g e s up h i l l s i d e s as defence against the Ngoni. 10 C.7171. And C l a i r e P a l l e y , The C o n s t i t u t i o n a l History and Law of Southern Rhodesia, 1888-1965, (Oxford, 1966), p.105. 11 In 1892, the High Commissioner's representative at the court of Lobengula i n Bulawayo, J.S. Moffat, was moved South. 12 A.R. Colquhoun, sometimes r e f e r r e d to as the f i r s t admin-i s t r a t o r , was s t y l e d Acting Resident Commissioner f o r Mashonaland. He resigned i n I89I. 13 Minute, June 17, 1897. C O . 417/231. 14 It i s s i g n i f i c a n t that these Rules and Regulations, together with the R e g i s t r a t i o n of Natives Regulations of 18§5, were not transmitted to the C o l o n i a l Office u n t i l 1897. C.O. 417/232. 149 15 i b i d . 16 Report of the N a t i v e Commissioner, U m t a l i , March 31, 1901 NA N9/1/7 17 NA A. 1/3/10 18 B.S.A.Co., to CO., May 17, 1893. C O . 417/110. 19 B.S.A.Co., to CO., J u l y 7, 1893. i b i d . 20 Miinute to above, J u l y 8, 1893. 21 i b i d . 22 Mdnute, June 29, 1894 CIO. 417/136. 23 NA. CT 1/3/1 24 Moffat to H a r r i s , Feb. 17, 1891 MO 1/1/5/4. 25 There are s e v e r a l t e s t i m o n i e s to t h i s i n f o r m a l arrange-ment. F.C SeloUs, Sunshine and Storm i n Rhodesia, (London, I896), p.x. K n i g h t , op . . c i t . . p.17 Percy F. Hone, Southern Rhodesia, (London, 1909), p.41. 26 This assumption that l abour migrants would be permanently l o s t to the l a n d i s odd c o n s i d e r i n g the Company's other p o l i c i e s . 27 Cd. 2399. 28 Cd. 2399, p.31. 29 This was the enl i s t m e n t agreement entered i n t o by Jameson and the p r o s p e c t i v e combatants i n the Matabele War. 30 The Nativ e Marriages Ordinance of 1901. 31 Hone, o p . c i t . , p.64. 32 He was sent to Rhodesia a f t e r the Jameson Raid and the outbreak of the Matabele R e b e l l i o n , s t y l e d Commandant General and Deputy Commissioner. 33 T.O. Ranger, The Role of Ndebele and Shona R e l i g i o u s A u t h o r i t i e s i n the R e b e l l i o n s of 1896 and 1897 i n E. Stokes & R. Brown, The Zambesian P a s t , (London, 1966), pp.94-136. There i s more expansive treatment i n Ranger's ISO recent monograph on the rebellions, Revolt i n Southern Rhodesia, 1896-97, (London, 1967) . 34 Knight, op.cit. 35 i b i d . , p.4. 36 i b i d . , p.17. He pointed out that Africans i n Rhodesia could earn more than domestic servants i n B r i t a i n , which was of course perfectly true, although there was less security i n Rhodesian employment. Moreover, the r e l a t -ive earnings of African and European were closer at this time than they were at any*subsequent period. 37 Selous, op.cit., preface. 38 i b i d . 39 Hughes & van Velsen, op.cit. & Ranger, op.cit. 40 H.C.Thomson, Rhodesia and i t s Government, (London, 1898), p.186. p.1§6: "Jameson had assured Gambo /one of the leading indunas7 that the Holi would s t i l l have to be the servants of the Matabele, but the Matabele were forced to work alongside the H o l i . " See also Hone, op.cit., p.41. 41 Hughes & van Velsen, op.cit., p.74. 42 Hone, op.cit., p. 17. Hugh Marshall Hole, Old Rhodesian Days, (London, 1928) , p. 45: "For domestic purposes we r e l i e d mainly on boys imported from the t e r r i t o r i e s of the East Coast, where they had long been accustomed to work for s l o t h f u l Portuguese employers and had become f a i r l y e f f i c i e n t house servants." 43 A considerable number of Cape Africans were recruited for the Pioneer Column, and not unnaturally obtained the best jobs i n Rhodesia. In 1899, a headman com-plained to the Chief Native Commissioner of Matabeleland about the influence and wages of these "Cape boys". Indaba at Fort Usher. Annexures to the minutes of Board of B.S.A.Co., Oct. 18, 1899. C.O. 417/276. 44 C i r c u l a r of Chief Native Commissioner, A p r i l 19, 1895, NA N 4 / 1 / 1 . 45 Report of the native commissioner, Chilimanzi and Chibi, Dec. 1895. NA N 9 / 1 / 1 . 151 4 6 The n a t i v e commissioner's c o n t r o l was not f u l l y e x e r c i s e d over the Wankie d i s t r i c t f o r example u n t i l at l e a s t 1 9 0 3 : NA NB 6 / 1 / 4 . Even nearer the centres of white p o p u l a t -i o n , the n a t i v e commissioners o f t e n had d i f f i c u l t i e s c o l l e c t i n g the t a x . The n a t i v e commissioner of the Bubi d i s t r i c t , r e p o r t e d i n 1 8 9 8 t h a t he could not c o l l e c t hut tax i n the w i l d e r p a r t s of the d i s t r i c t : NA NB 6 / 1 / 1 . And the n a t i v e commissioner of the Makoni d i s t r i c t complained i n 1 8 9 9 t h a t he might have a chance of c o l l e c t i n g a l l the hut t a x i f h i s d i s t r i c t were h a l f the s i z e : NA N9/1/4. 47 Gann, o p . c i t . , p . 1 2 7 . 4 8 NA N 9 / 2 / 1 . 4 9 Moreover the r e p o r t s have been very badly kept. They appear to have been v a r i o u s l y soaked, eaten by t e r m i t e s , and j u s t rescued from f i r e . 50 N a t i v e commissioner, H a r t l e y H i l l , NA N 9 / 2 / 1 . 51 N a t i v e commissioner, Ndanga, i b i d . 52 N a t i v e commissioner, V i c t o r i a , NA N 9 / 2 / 2 . 5 3 NA N 1/2/2. 5 4 A l l these r e p o r t s are i n NA N 9 / 3 / 2 . 5 5 C . 8 5 4 7 . 5 6 M a r t i n found t h a t f o r c e d l a b o u r had indeed e x i s t e d i n Matabeleland, though he was l e s s sure about Mashonaland (he c l e a r l y had no access to the r e p o r t s d e s c r i b e d on p .122 s u p r a ) . But i n e x t e n u a t i o n he found that n a t i v e commissioners had at f i r s t endeavoured to o b t a i n l a b o u r through the indunas, and when t h i s was not forthcoming they had r e s o r t e d to f o r c e . 5 7 B.S.A.Co., to C.O. Mar. 2 4 , 1 8 9 7 , e x p r e s s i n g great shock a t the a l l e g a t i o n s and p l e a d i n g t h a t the Report be not submitted to the S e l e c t Committee u n t i l they had prepared a r e p l y . Since the l e t t e r was not marked "immediate", i t was not opened u n t i l Chamberlain had a l r e a d y taken the M a r t i n Report to the S e l e c t Committee. c.o. 4 1 7 / 2 3 1 . . 152 58 Minutes to the above. 59 Enclosure B.S.A.Co. to C.O. J u l y 2 1 , 1 8 9 7 , C.O.417/232. 60 Chamberlain to F r e d e r i c k Graham, n.d. C.O. 4 1 7 / 2 3 2 . 61 Minute to the above. C.O. 4 1 7 / 2 3 2 . 62 i b i d . 63 Minute of Graham, i b i d . 64 Minute of Graham to new n a t i v e r e g u l a t i o n s , June 1 7 , 1 8 9 7 . C.O. 4 1 7 / 2 3 1 . 65 C e c i l Headlam, ( e d . ) , The M i l n e r Papers, (London, 1 9 3 1 ) , pp. 1 7 7 - 1 7 9 . M i l n e r t o - A s q u i t h , Nov. 1 8 , 1 8 9 7 . 66 i b i d . , p. 1 7 8 . 67 i b i d . , p. 1 7 9 . 68 Report of S i r M a r s h a l l C l a r k e on Labour f o r the Mines, n.d., but appears to r e f e r to 1 8 9 9 . A r r i v e d a t the C o l o n i a l O f f i c e i n A p r i l 1 9 0 1 . Enclosure i n M i l n e r to Chamberlain no. 353 of 1 9 0 1 . C.O. 4 1 7 / 3 1 9 . F. P e r r y (the i m p e r i a l s e c r e t a r y ) to Hartmann J u s t , Mar. 2 1 , 1 9 0 1 , e n c l o s i n g what he d e s c r i b e d as a "great bundle of a r r e a r s " . Again i n 1 9 0 4 , we f i n d that two d i s p a t c h e s of the Resident Commissioner of Dec. 1902 were not t r a n s m i t t e d to the C o l o n i a l O f f i c e u n t i l J u l y of 1 9 0 4 . M i l n e r to L y t t l e t o n , J u l y 3 0 , 1 9 0 4 , CO. 4 1 7 / 3 9 2 . 69 The S a l i s b u r y Bureau i t s e l f s a i d , "We are convinced t h a t the n a t i v e commissioners i n t h i s province have h e a r t i l y and c o r d i a l l y co-operated w i t h the labour bureau to o b t a i n l a b o u r f o r the mines, and t h a t a l l p o s s i b l e moral and l e g a l pressure has been e x e r c i s e d by the n a t i v e commissioners to induce the n a t i v e s to work on the mines. Enclosure i n Resident Commissioner to High Commissioner, Mar. 1 2 , 1900 , . enclosed i n K i t c h e n e r to Chamberlain, May 3 1 , 1 9 0 1 . C.O. 417 / 3 2 0 . 70 There i s a d e s c r i p t i o n of the c l o s i n g of the Bonsor and Dunraven mines i n Howard Hensman, A H i s t o r y of Rhodesia, (Edinburgh, 1 9 0 0 ) , p. 2 8 5 . But he does p o i n t out t h a t an e x p l o s i o n a t the Bonsor Mine, causing l o s s of l i f e had c o n t r i b u t e d to the acute l a b o u r shortage t h e r e . 153 71 C l a r k e to M i l n e r , May 3 , 1 9 0 4 , enclosed i n M i l n e r to L y t t e l t o n , June 6, 1 9 0 4 , C.O. 4 1 7 / 3 9 2 . 72 C l a r k e ' s r e p o r t which a r r i v e d i n the CO., lon g over-due, i n A p r i l of 1 9 0 1 . , 73 C l a r k e , enclosure i n K i t c h e n e r to Chamberlain, May 3 1 , 1 9 0 1 . Thomson, o p . c i t . , p.51 de s c r i b e s the comparative ease.with which an employer who p a i d and t r e a t e d w e l l c o u l d o b t a i n l a b o u r a t a time of very c o n s i d e r a b l e shortage. 74 Reports of indabas h e l d throughout Rhodesia i n 1 8 9 9 , annexures to minutes of board of B.S.A.Co., Oct. 1 8 , 1 8 9 9 . C O . 4 1 7 / 2 7 6 . 75 Minute of Chamberlain to the above, Dec. 2 0 , 1899• 76 B.S.A.Co., to CO., Feb. 2 2 , 1900. C.O. 4 1 7 / 2 0 8 . B.S.A.Co., to C O . J u l y 1 2 , 1900. C.O. 4 1 7 / 3 1 0 , and Ta y l o r to M i l t o n , May 26, 1900 , . i b i d . T a y l o r ' s appointment to the post of under-secretary f o r n a t i v e a f f a i r s was vetoed by the C o l o n i a l O f f i c e i n 1 9 0 2 . S i r R i c h a r d M a r t i n wrote on t h a t o c c a s i o n , " I do not b e l i e v e i n T a y l o r as a C h i e f Native Commissioner" M a r t i n to Graham, August 6 , 1 9 0 2 . C O . 4 1 7 / 3 6 3 -77 v i d . sup., p.65. 78 C O . to B.S.A.Co., J u l y 1 2 , 1900. C O . 4 1 7 / 3 0 8 . 79 C l a r k e ' s Report which a r r i v e d i n the C o l o n i a l O f f i c e . i n A p r i l of 1 9 0 1 . See a l s o Cd. 1 2 0 0 . 80 i b i d . 81 C.O. to B.S.A.Co., Oct. ,3, 1901 C.O. 4 1 7 / 3 2 0 . 82 The q u o t a t i o n i s from S i r Montague Ommanney's minute on the need f o r a st r o n g l e t t e r . 83 B.S.A-Co., to C.O. Oct. 1 0 , 1 9 0 1 . C.O. 4 1 7 / 3 3 8 Ommanney wrote i n a minute of a v i s i t by Grey and L y t t e l t o n G e l l to the C o l o n i a l O f f i c e , complaining of the tone of the C o l o n i a l O f f i c e ' s correspondence. " I understand t h a t Mr. G e l l , who appears; to be r a t h e r 154 an i m p u l s i v e person, t o l d Lord Selborne t h a t the white p o p u l a t i o n of Southern Rhodesia were much i r r i t a t e d and were s u l k i n g about Downing S t r e e t i n t e r f e r e n c e . No doubt they would l i k e an a b s o l u t e l y f r e e hand as regards n a t i v e l a b o u r , but so l o n g as the S e c r e t a r y of State i s r e s p o n s i b l e f o r the n a t i v e l a b o u r p o l i c y , they must submit to reasonable r e g u l a t i o n s " . I t i s i n t e r e s t i n g to note t h a t M i l n e r a l s o f r e q u e n t l y r e f e r r e d to the importance of not o f f e n d i n g c o l o n i a l sentiment.* He was of course a great f r i e n d of L y t t e l t o n G-ell, corresponded w i t h him weekly.for many ye a r s , and a c t u a l l y o f f e r e d him the I m p e r i a l S e c r e t a r y s h i p when h e . ( M i l n e r ) f i r s t went to the Cape ( G e l l p r i v a t e papers c u r r e n t l y being c a t a l -ogued a t the N a t i o n a l R e g i s t e r of A r c h i v e s , London). 84 C l a r k e to M i l n e r March 1 2 , 1 9 0 0 , enclosure i n P e r r y to J u s t , March 2 1 , 1901. C.O. 4 1 7 / 3 1 9 . 85 C l a r k e to M i l n e r May 8 , 1 9 0 1 , enclosure i n K i t c h e n e r to Chamberlain May 3 1 , 1 9 0 1 . C.O. 4 1 7 / 3 2 0 . 86 C l a r k e to M i l n e r Aug. 3 0 , 1 9 0 1 , enclosure i n M i l n e r to Chamberlain Oct. 2 4 , 1 9 0 1 . C.O. 4 1 7 / 3 2 1 . Of the ' e a r l i e r r e p o r t s , Graham had w r i t t e n " I f these r e p o r t s are p u b l i s h e d there w i l l be a p r e t t y k e t t l e of f i s h . I t was i n consequence of a s i m i l a r r e p o r t t h a t S i r R, M a r t i n ' s p o s i t i o n i n Rhodesia became i n t o l e r a b l e " . Minute, May 3 1 , 1 9 0 1 . C.O. 4 1 7 / 3 2 0 . 87 T e l . , M i l n e r to Chamberlain, Nov. 2 7 , 1 9 0 1 , C.O. 4 1 7 / 3 2 1 . 88 C l a r k e td M i l n e r Aug. 3 0 , 1 9 0 1 , enclosure i n M i l n e r to Chamberlain Oct. 2 4 , 1 9 0 1 . :And B.S.A.Co. to CO., Nov 2 9 , 1 9 0 1 . C O . 417 / 3 3 8 . 89 C l a r k e to M i l n e r Nov. 7 , 1 9 0 2 , enclosure i n M i l n e r to Chamberlain Nov. 2 4 , 1 9 0 2 . C O . 417 / 3 4 5 . 90 "How are we to d i s c r i m i n a t e between n i c e degrees of moral suasion,," Minute, J u l y 26, 1 9 0 1 , C.O. 4 1 7 / 3 2 0 . 91 Chamberlain to Ommanney Nov. 2 9 , 1 9 0 1 , e n c l o s i n g a p r i v a t e l e t t e r from E a r l Grey, Nov. 2 8 , 1 9 0 1 . C O . 4 1 7 / 3 2 1 . 155 92 B.S.A.Co., to C O . J u l y 28, 1902. C.O. 417/364. 93 Enclosures M i l n e r to Chamberlain, Jan.17, 1902, C O . 417 / 3 4 3 , and A p r i l 4, 1902, C.O. 417 / 3 3 4 . There i s a l s o a p r i v a t e l e t t e r P. L y t t e l t o n G e l l to H.W. J u s t , Dec. 16, 1901, CO. 417 / 3 4 3 , p o i n t i n g out the annoyance of the Rhodesian p u b l i c o p i n i o n , and-c l a i m i n g t h a t the new p o l i c y stood i n the way of A f r i c a n s seeking "spontaneous i n d i v i d u a l c o n t r a c t s " . 94 E n c l o s u r e , M i l n e r to Chamberlain June 20, 1902 C O . 417/344. 95 C l a r k e to M i l n e r May 3 , 1904 ( C O . 417 / 3 9 2 ) , enclosure Wiilner to L y t t e l t o n June 6, 19*04, r e p o r t i n g that 50 r e c r u i t s had had to be sent to the Rand, and t h a t more would f o l l o w . I n another d i s p a t c h (Feb. 16, 1905, enclosure i n M i l n e r to L y t t e l t o n Mar. 13, 1905, C.O. 417/407) the Resident Commissioner r e p o r t e d t h a t 1 , 7 3 6 Rhodesian r e c r u i t s of the Native Labour Bureau had been sent to the Rand between May 1st and August 31st of 1904. 96 Hone, o p . c i t . , pp.70-74 has a good d e s c r i p t i o n of these p r a c t i c e s . 97 This i s a grievance t h a t appears i n a very wide v a r i e t y of sources. I t was mentioned s e v e r a l times at the indabas of 1899 ( v i d . sup.). The u n p o p u l a r i t y of the bureau amongst A f r i c a n s i s a r e c u r r e n t r e f r a i n from a l l s e c t i o n s of Rhodesian s o c i e t y . 98 Report of C h i e f N a t i v e Commissioner, Mashonaland, 1 9 0 7 . NA N9/1/10. 99 W.H. Moodie, a n a t i v e commissioner became c h i e f labour agent of the 1899 bureau. V a l Gielgud became the ge n e r a l manager of the 1903 bureau: he too was a n a t i v e comm-i s s i o n e r at the time of h i s appointment. Five- agents of the bureau of 1899 were r e c r u i t e d , from the n a t i v e department. B.S.A.Co., Reports, 1899. 100 G i e l g u d to Clarke Dec. 22, 1904, enclosure i n M i l n e r to L y t t e l t o n , Jan. 1, 1905. C O . 417/407. 101 M i l t o n to Chamber of Mines, Feb. 21, 1906, enclosure i n Selborne to E l g i n , Jan. 1., 1906. C.O. 417/422. 102 See B.S.A.Co., Reports, 1908. 103 M i l t o n to Clarke Mar. 18, 1 9 0 1 , enclosure Perry to C O . May 8, 1 9 0 1 . C O . 417 / 3 2 0 . 156 104 Tel.^j Chamberlain to M i l n e r 10th May, 1901. The C o l o n i a l O f f i c e was a l s o concerned about the j u s t i c e of making non?:compliance a punishable o f f e n c e . 105 T e l . M i l n e r to Chamberlain, June 15, 1901, i b i d . 106 Zambezi M i s s i o n Record, V o l . I , No. 11, Jan., 1901. 107 There i s a v a s t correspondence on the reserves i n K i t c h e n e r to Chamberlain, June 14, 1901, C.O. 417/320. The Resident Commissioner observed t h a t c e r t a i n reserves had disappeared or been reduced i n area. One which had o r i g i n a l l y been d e s c r i b e d as "very good" was now d e s c r i b e d as " u n s u i t a b l e " . 108 Minute to above. 109 M i l n e r to Chamberlain, March 23, 1903. C.O. 417/371. 110 M i l n e r to Chamberlain, Jan. 12, 1903 C O . 417/371. 111 Lawley to Chamberlain, Aug. 10, 1903, C O . 417 /373, c o n t a i n i n g l a r g e number of enclosures from the Resident Commissioner on the l a t t e r ' s o b j e c t i o n s to the tax i n c r e a s e . 112 Resident Commissioner to High Commissioner, J u l y 7, 1903, i b i d . 113 M i l t o n to C l a r k e , J u l y 6, 1903, i b i d . W i t h i n the C o l o n a i l O f f i c e i t was S i r Hartmann J u s t who most v i g o r o u s l y opposed the £2 hut t a x . 114 This q u o t a t i o n comes from M i l n e r ' s comments on the immense correspondence w i t h the A d m i n i s t r a t o r and the Resident Commissioner. M i l n e r a g a i n a s s e r t e d h i s b e l i e f i n the b e n e f i c i a l ' n a t u r e of "every form of h e a l t h y , open-air, manual l a b o u r " . He f o r g o t t h a t l a b o u r i n the mines c o u l d be n e i t h e r open-air nor h e a l t h y . 115 M i l n e r to M i l t o n ( c o n f i d e n t i a l ) June 16, 1903. Through-out the hut tax controversy there was a great d e a l of d i r e c t correspondence between the A d m i n i s t r a t o r and the High Commissioner. Had the C o l o n i a l O f f i c e not upheld C l a r k e h i s p o s i t i o n would have appeared l u d i c r o u s . M i l n e r subsequently suggested t h a t the post of Resident 157 Commissioner c o u l d be dispensed w i t h , but the C o l o n i a l O f f i c e would not hear o f i t . T e l . , M i l n e r to L y t t e l t o n August 12, 1904. C.O. 417/392. 116 Annexures to minutes of Board of B.S.A.Co., March 2 9 , 1904. C.O. 417/398. 117 M i l n e r to L y t t e l t o n ( c o n f i d e n t i a l ) A p r i l 11, 1904 on rumours of u n r e s t i n Inyanga. And a l s o the r e p o r t of the n a t i v e commissioner, Charter d i s t r i c t , t h a t mess-engers from the Mlimp were i n c i t i n g r e b e l l i o n because of the i n c r e a s e d t a x . African:'spies heard that the r e b e l l i o n was to take p l a c e throughout Mashonaland. Report of Feb. 17, 1904, annexure 6 to the Board minutes of March 2 9 , 1904. C.O. 417/398. 118 G i e l g u d p o i n t e d out the bureau's dilemma as to what to do w i t h A f r i c a n s who came from-the North of the Zambezi d u r i n g the g l u t . Should they be given preference over Rhodesian A f r i c a n s or be p e r m i t t e d to r e t u r n home w i t h news of t h e i r i l l - f o r t u n e . L e t t e r of Gielgud to the Rhodesia H e r a l d , Feb. 6, 1905. 119 Report of the C h i e f N a t i v e Commissioner f o r Mashonaland, W.S. Taberer, 1908. N9/1/H. 120 For most of my m a t e r i a l on the P r i v a t e L o c a t i o n s Ordin-ance I am indebted to an unpublished paper of Mr. J . K e i t h Rennie_, "The P r i v a t e L o c a t i o n s Ordinance (1908) and the M e l s e t t e r .Labour Agreements." 121 S e c r e t a r y of the Chamber of Mines to A d m i n i s t r a t o r , June 15, 1906 NA A 8/21 / 1 1 . 122 -Milner to L y t t e l t o n , Aug. 2 9 , 1904 (C.0.417 /392) p o i n t -i n g out the absence of a reserve i n Inyanga. One was e v e n t u a l l y p r o v i d e d when a mining company surrendered i t s h o l d i n g f o r the purpose. 123 N a t i v e commissioner Bulilima-Mangwe, 1910. NB 6 / l / H . 124 Minute of G r i n d l e on Selborne to E l g i n , Nov. 25, 1907. • C.O. 417/438. 125 Report of C h i e f N a t i v e Commissioner, Mashonaland, 1907. NA N9/1/10. 158 126 See r e p o r t of C h i e f Native Commissioner Mashonaland, 1 9 1 2 , f o r e f f e c t of t h i s NA N9/1/15. 127 Report of C h i e f N a t i v e Commissioner,.Mashonaland, 1 9 1 1 . NA N 9 / 1 / 1 4 . 128 Report, 1 9 1 2 . NA N 9 / 1 / 1 5 . 129 A l l the r e p l i e s to the c i r c u l a r are i n NA N 3 / 2 2 / 9 . 159 CHAPTER 4 LABOUR FROM THE DISTRICTS MASHONALAND Before i n v e s t i g a t i n g the i n i t i a l response of A f r i c a n s to the money economy of t h e i r European overlords, i t i s necessary f i r s t to examine the nature of the sources. They are, almost without exception, of European provenance. The most d e t a i l -ed l o c a l sources - and f o r the purposes of t h i s study the most i l l u m i n a t i n g - are the n a t i v e commissioners' r e p o r t s . These provide i n t e r e s t i n g sets of s t a t i s t i c s about population, k r a a l and hut concentration, crops, stock, t r a d i n g , labour, and the response of t r i b a l s o c i e t y to ordinances and r e g u l -a t i o n s . But these f i g u r e s have to be approached with great caution. Native commissioners were obliged to supply f i g u r e s each year, but the means of o b t a i n i n g them acc u r a t e l y were seldom at t h e i r d i s p o s a l . The c h i e f n a t i v e commission-ers were fr e q u e n t l y confronted with f i g u r e s that i n the aggregate made an obvious nonsense. The Chief Native Commissioner f o r Mashonaland viewed the s t a t i s t i c a l d i f f i c u l -t i e s of labour with mounting despair as the n a t i v e r e g i s t r a t -i o n ordinance of 1903 (which had provided that A f r i c a n s going to work re q u i r e d to take out a pass) became i n c r e a s i n g l y unenforceable. Although the f i g u r e s have to be approached with caution, i t i s however p o s s i b l e to discern the i n t e r n a l l o g i c of the 160 f i g u r e s f o r any one d i s t r i c t . Even here the native commissioner's prejudices have to be taken i n t o account: h i s c o n v i c t i o n that " h i s " people were l a z y , or a l t e r n a t -i v e l y that they supplied quite enough labour c o n s i s t e n t with the requirements of indigenous a g r i c u l t u r e . And such an a t t i t u d e would c l e a r l y be r e l a t e d to h i s respect or l a c k of i t f o r that indigenous a g r i c u l t u r e . The d i f f i c u l t i e s of population s t a t i s t i c s are t h r e e f o l d . F i r s t l y , the boundaries of d i s t r i c t s c o n t i n u a l l y changed; secondly, the country was i n s u f f i c i e n t l y surveyed to produce anything l i k e an accurate area f o r each d i s t r i c t ; and t h i r d l y the land and f i s c a l p o l i c i e s of the Company admin-i s t r a t i o n caused the A f r i c a n population to be c o n t i n u a l l y on the move. I t i s therefore impossible to make comparisons from year to year unless i t i s c l e a r that boundaries were constant and l i t t l e movement took place, although such move-ment i s i n i t s e l f h i g h l y s i g n i f i c a n t . Reasonable accuracy can be presumed i n t a x a t i o n s t a t i s t i c s , and these provide a good index of population (provided tax was l e v i e d e f f e c t i v e l y from the whole d i s t r i c t ) . In t h i s way, the de jure p o p u l a t i o n /can he: (and was) used as an i n d i c a t i o n of the de facto population, although to do so we have to use a conversion f a c t o r derived from the na t i v e commissioner's observations. S t a t i s t i c s of k r a a l density and of k r a a l s i z e can be presumed accurate at l e a s t i n absolute terms, whether k r a a l s 161 were lar g e or s m a l l , s c a t t e r e d or concentrated. The n a t i v e commissioner could not f a i l but be aware of population d i s t r i b u t i o n i n t h i s crude way. The same a p p l i e s to the incidence of stock r e a r i n g , whether c a t t l e sheep or goats. The n a t i v e commissioner appears to have spent a considerable amount of h i s time on h i s t r a v e l s simply counting, people and animals. While h i s sums could not bear the d e t a i l e d a n a l y s i s of a modern economist, they do provide h i s t o r i c a l p o i n t e r s to the nature and scale of the accommodation between the European and the indigenous economy. The s t a t i s t i c s of t r a d i n g i n any given d i s t r i c t are extremely important as an i n d i c a t i o n of a l t e r n a t i v e methods of e n t e r i n g the cash economy and as a c o r r e l a t i v e of the success or f a i l u r e of labour r e c r u i t i n g . Here again i t i s p o s s i b l e to make judgments i n absolute terms to s a t i s f y the nume r i c a l l y l e s s r i g o r o u s , though d i f f e r e n t , demands of h i s t o r i c a l a n a l y s i s . The economist has been i n t e r e s t e d i n whether the A f r i c a n s ' response to the European economy has been a r a t i o n a l or an i r r a t i o n a l one, v/hether he has set out to maximise h i s r e a l income or simply respond to the pressures, moral and f i s c a l , placed upon him; whether he has seen the wage earning part of h i s labour as supplementary and comple-mentary to h i s v i l l a g e a g r i c u l t u r e , or simply an e x t e r n a l experience imposed upon him as a form of t r i b u t e and bearing 162 l i t t l e r e l a t i o n to h i s t r a d i t i o n a l economic l i f e . C e n t r a l to t h i s d i s c u s s i o n i s the question of the backward s l o p i n g labour supply f u n c t i o n , whereby the supply of labour d e c l i n e s as wages inc r e a s e , since the labourer's c e i l i n g of want i s reached more r a p i d l y and he i s able to withdraw h i s labour a f t e r a shorter period. This i s of course quite the opposite to what happens i n a s o p h i s t i c a t e d economy. I t should be noted that i n one important respect the demands of the European economy coincided with the preferen-ces of the A f r i c a n labour force. An economy i n t h i s i n c i p i e n t s t a t e required a l a r g e , but h i g h l y f l e x i b l e and h i g h l y mobile labour force. In almost every sector of the European economy we f i n d the demand f o r labour i s f o r l a r g e numbers f o r short periods. This was obviously true of the c o n s t r u c t i o n i n d u s t r y , p a r t i c u l a r l y i n the case of r a i l w a y or telegraph c o n s t r u c t i o n . I t was true of farming, f o r i r r i g a t i o n works, f o r the h i g h l y seasonal nature of the Rhodesian climate and growing p o t e n t i a l , f o r the demands of a s p e c i a l i s e d crop l i k e tobacco, already coming i n t o vogue by 1914 . Less obviously, i t was true of the mining i n d u s t r y . Rhodesia was prospectors' country, more s u i t e d to small workers than l a r g e concentrations, p a r t i c u l a r l y a f t e r the Company's r e l a x a t i o n of the c o n d i t i o n s on the establishment of such smaller concerns. I f mines s w i f t l y appeared, they also s w i f t l y disappeared. 163 This chapter sets out to give a resume of the labour s i t u a t i o n i n each d i s t r i c t during the period 1898-1914 . The date 1898 has been.chosen since from that date the n a t i v e department was completely reorganised, and i t i s only from that date that v i r t u a l l y the whole country came under i t s j u r i s d i c t i o n , a l t h o u g h . i t was another few years before the a u t h o r i t y of the Company a d m i n i s t r a t i o n was c a r r i e d to the extreme edges of the low v e l d i n the North or the South. The d i s t r i c t s w i l l here be t r e a t e d i n the two provinces of . Matabeleland and Mashonaland, since u n t i l 1913 each had a d i f f e r e n t Chief Native Commissioner with somewhat d i f f e r e n t views on labour, c o n d i t i o n s were d i f f e r e n t i n each, and the t r i b a l concentration was d i f f e r e n t i n each. In 1913, the two n a t i v e a d m i n i s t r a t i o n s were combined under S i r Herbert T a y l o r , the man whom the C o l o n i a l O f f i c e had refused to consider as under secretary f o r n a t i v e a f f a i r s because of h i s a c t i v i t i e s i n the 1899 indabas. In 1905, the South A f r i c a n Native A f f a i r s Commission (Cd . 2399) had reached the conclusion that the maximum man-power f i g u r e which could be extracted from the indigenous economy without occasioning i t s breakdown was 50% of tne male population between the ages of 1 5 ,and 40 . This became the g u i d e l i n e i n Rhodesia, and i t soon became something of a magic f i g u r e i n the r e p o r t s of Rhodesian nat i v e commissioners.. I t appears so frequently, that i t i s d i f f i c u l t not to suspect 164 that n a t i v e commissioners f e l t under some o b l i g a t i o n to produce the " r i g h t " f i g u r e . However, the f i g u r e was sometimes genuinely exceeded, and o c c a s i o n a l l y the f i g u r e s are d e t a i l e d enough to show that not a l l the o f f i c e r s were simply anxious to please. In t h i s connection, i t must be remembered that we are d e a l i n g with a labour force i n a constant s t a t e of f l u x , working from one to twelve months i n the year. A 50% labour f i g u r e f o r any one year does not therefore mean a 50% withdrawal from the indigenous economy at one point i n time, although as the length of time worked g r e a t l y increased l a t e r i n the period, t h i s became i n c r e a s i n g l y the case. The f o l l o w i n g review of a l l the n a t i v e department d i s t r i c t s i n Rhodesia attempts to examine the r e l a t i o n s h i p of a number of d i f f e r e n t f a c t o r s at d i s t r i c t l e v e l to the performance of that d i s t r i c t as a labour s u p p l i e r . These f a c t o r s are the pressure of population, the type of land tenure, the incidence of stock holding, the amount of t r a d i n g , the proximity to centres of employment, and the nature of the indigenous economy of the area. A l l of t h i s must n e c e s s a r i l y be seen through the eyes of the native commissioners, although they must be t r e a t e d as p a r t i c i p a n t s as w e l l as observers. However, as f a r as p o s s i b l e , a l l these f a c t o r s w i l l be examined from the A f r i c a n point of view. 165 The province of Mashonaland i s t r e a t e d i n t h i s chapter; the province of Matabeleland i n the next. Mashonaland was the f i r s t area taken over by the pioneers i n 1890. The c a p i t a l was e s t a b l i s h e d at Fort S a l i s b u r y on the high plateau, almost e x a c t l y i n the centre of the province. Mines were e s t a b l i s h -ed to the North, North West and South West of the town. Farms spread out on the high v e l d , and l a t e r on to the low v e l d , when tobacco v/as developed e a r l y t h i s century. The Shona peoples of the province were g e n e r a l l y regard-ed as poor labourers because of t h e i r supposedly inadequate physiques and u n w i l l i n g n e s s to leave the indigenous economy. But Mashonaland was close to the main s u p p l i e s of e x t e r n a l labour from North East Rhodesia, Nyasaland and Mozambique. S a l i s b u r y was the goal f o r the labour routes v i a F e i r a and Tete and f o r the r a i l w a y l i n e from B e i r a . A number of t a b l e s f o l l o w f o r which some explanation i s r e q u i r e d . The three f a m i l i a r d i v i s i o n s of land w i l l be stressed: the reserves as they e x i s t e d i n t h e i r somewhat f l u i d s t a t e up to the Southern Rhodesian Native Reserves Commission of 1916; unalienated land which the Company regarded as i t s own, and therefore as land on which i t could l e v y r e n t ; and a l i e n a t e d land, taken up by farmers, mines, and absentee companies, upon which the p r o v i s i o n s of the P r i v a t e Locations Ordinance operated. The category of able bodied men, which w i l l be encounter-166 ed i n the t a b l e s , u s u a l l y c o n s i s t e d of tax-payers between the ages of 18 and 40, e x c l u d i n g k r a a l heads whose d u t i e s kept them at home. Where k r a a l s tended to be s m a l l , there would be a l a r g e r number of headmen, and t h e r e f o r e a s m a l l e r p o t e n t i a l l a b o u r supply, q u i t e apart from the f a c t t h a t s m a l l e r k r a a l s could supply fewer men because of the reduced p o s s i b i l i t y of d i v i s i o n of labour. Domiciled a l i e n s were those a l i e n s ( l a b o u r e r s from o u t s i d e Southern Rhodesia) who had been i n the country l o n g enough that they had to pay tax. There f o l l o w s the review of each d i s t r i c t of Mashonaland. MAZOE The Mazoe d i s t r i c t was f o r s e v e r a l years two d i s t r i c t s , North and South Mazoe, which s t r e t c h e d from S a l i s b u r y r i g h t up to the Portuguese East A f r i c a f r o n t i e r . North Mazoe was e v e n t u a l l y l a r g e l y i n c o r p o r a t e d i n the Darwin d i s t r i c t , and there were i n f a c t so many other boundary changes that i t i s q u i t e i m p o s s i b l e to compare f i g u r e s over any p e r i o d of time. The e n t i r e area North of S a l i s b u r y , East of Lornagundi and West of Mrewa and Mtoko, had a p o p u l a t i o n of from 20,000 to 30,000 d u r i n g the p e r i o d 1898-1914, c l u s t e r e d i n very l a r g e v i l l a g e s . The area's a g r i c u l t u r e was p r i m i t i v e ; there were very few c a t t l e ; i n any good harvest there was a tendency to overtrade. In 1906, i t was r e p o r t e d from North 167 Mazoe that the Makorikori and Chikundi people p r e f e r r e d cash f o r l o b o l o purposes, although stock f o r l o b o l o increased i n subsequent years. During the e a r l y years labour was turned out r i g o r o u s l y . In 1899 and 1900, 1,000 men from each d i s t r i c t were "sent" south. In 1899, the c l e r k - i n - c h a r g e of South Mazoe sent a l l those out to work who had i n s u f f i c i e n t money f o r tax. Touts operated up to the Zambezi, and a steady stream of " a l i e n s " from the B r i t i s h C e n t r a l A f r i c a P r o t e c t o r a t e (Nyasaland) and Portuguese East A f r i c a soon became a feature of the d i s t r i c t . . Most of these p r e f e r r e d to go to the bigger mines of the south, some even as f a r as Kimberley, although some stayed, often f o r long periods. In 1913 there were 1,800 domiciled a l i e n taxpayers i n the southern part of the region (by then the Mazoe d i s t r i c t ) . ' Bad harvests and a t t a c k s of l o c u s t s had a demoralising e f f e c t on the l o c a l i n h a b i t a n t s , as had the considerable competition of northern labourers. In 1903, i t was reported that fewer and fewer Shona came out, and that was i n a year of bad harvest, although there was abundant labour from the north. When t h i s northern labour declined i n numbers, the area faced an acute labour shortage. In 1911, the n a t i v e commissioner reported that he was impressing on the c h i e f s the need f o r labour to turn out, and on European newcomers the need to t r e a t A f r i c a n s w e l l . 168 In 1910, the nati v e commissioner described h i s f i s c a l p o l i c y . H is messengers watched assiduously f o r a l l boys who reached taxable age; he f e l t that there ought to be remission of tax f o r s i x months' work; a l i e n s ought not to be taxed, since they l e f t as soon as the time f o r t h e i r f i r s t t a x i n g came round. By 1910, s t i l l l e s s than kO% of the able bodied population worked. The e f f e c t of the B r i t i s h South A f r i c a Company rent had been simply to send most A f r i c a n s on unalienated land to the reserves s w i f t l y created f o r them. Agreements under the P r i v a t e Locations Ordinance were almost e n t i r e l y f o r labour, and i n 1913, Drew reported that the stringency of the agreements v a r i e d accord-i n g to the proximity of the reserves. Landowners close to a reserve could not r i s k so severe an agreement as those f u r t h e r away, av c l e a r admission. that the motive of many landowners v/as to e x t o r t as much rent as p o s s i b l e consistent with r e t a i n i n g t h e i r labour supply. In 1912, he submitted the f o l l o w i n g labour r e t u r n . 1 able bodied men i n d i s t r i c t 2 no. v/ho 3 period 4 2 as % worked months of 1 reserves unalienated land a l i e n a t e d l and 1,753 845 3 4 8 8 0 55 3 69 619 6 0 0 4 97 The f i g u r e f o r those on a l i e n a t e d land r e v e a l s the extent of •V labour agreements binding labourers to t h e i r l a n d l o r d s , and 169 i n f l a t i n g the t o t a l labour f i g u r e . These f i g u r e s apply to the smaller Mazoe d i s t r i c t not f a r North of S a l i s b u r y . DARWIN The Darwin d i s t r i c t was created out of the Mazoe d i s t r i c t i n 1909 and l i e s to the-North of S a l i s b u r y . The population rose r a p i d l y from 10,855 i n 1909 to over 15 , 000 i n 1913 , almost a l l i n reserves, apart from a small number on mines. The area was poor i n stock; there were no ploughs; and harvests v a r i e d widely over the period. In 1911 , the crop was damaged by unusually heavy l a t e rains,and the n a t i v e commissioner reported that the A f r i c a n s were too short handed to save i t , despite the f a c t that only a small percent-age went to work. .The demand f o r labour expanded during the period because prospectors were a c t i v e l y at work, and because the border at the north was closed due to smallpox on the Portuguese s i d e . Immigrant labourers tended i n any case to pass through the d i s t r i c t to the r i c h e r lands of the south. The n a t i v e commissioner attacked p r i v a t e t o u t i n g and r e g r e t t e d the closure of the Rhodesia Native Labour Bureau agency i n 1911 . There were no people at a l l on a l i e n a t e d land and the few who were on unalienated land moved i n t o the reserves or i n t o Portuguese t e r r i t o r y a f t e r the i m p o s i t i o n of the B r i t i s h South A f r i c a Company rent. A l l the i n h a b i t a n t s were therefore i n 170 reserves and i n 1 9 1 2 of 4 , 5 0 0 able bodied men, only 1,372 worked an average of ki months ( 3 1 % ) . However, this extremely low figure may have been based on the issue of passes, a notoriously bad guide to the actual numbers going out to work. But the area does appear thoroughly depressed. The mines i n the d i s t r i c t had d i f f i c u l t y i n finding labour, and they also had d i f f i c u l t i e s i n obtaining meal ( 1 9 1 1 report), so communications may have been an important part of the problem. SALISBURY The Salisbury d i s t r i c t was lar g e l y superseded i n 1909 by the Goromonzi d i s t r i c t , l y i n g immediately to the north and east of the c i t y of Salisbury. The population increased from 11,836 i n 1900 to 15,715 i n 1908. Two acres per head of population were cultivated, and crops were invariably good (despite frequent reports of locust damage), except for f a i l u r e s i n 1903 and 1907. Employment i n the d i s t r i c t was on European farms and on a few mines l i k e the Arcturus, Joker, Kambongo and Red Dragon. Almost a l l the l o c a l labour supply remained i n the d i s t r i c t from preference, despite the fact that wages were lower. Labour fluctuated as widely as i s usual i n such a d i s t r i c t . The figure never reached 50% of the able bodied population u n t i l 1907 when the crop f a i l e d and the approach of hut tax 171 c o l l e c t i o n brought out an unemployable g l u t on. to the labour market, and there was a corresponding decrease i n wages. There were few c a t t l e i n the d i s t r i c t , and to t h i s f a c t the na t i v e commissioner i n 1901 a t t r i b u t e d the poor labour supply. G0R0M0NZI Goromonzi was created i n 1909, i n c o r p o r a t i n g the S a l i s b u r y d i s t r i c t . The population rose r a p i d l y from 15 ,880 i n 1909 to 18,928 i n 1913, the increase being general on both reserves and a l i e n a t e d land, there being l i t t l e evidence of much movement from the l a t t e r to the former. In 1913, the population v/as d i s t r i b u t e d 15,000 on reserves, 3,309 on a l i e n a t e d land, and 619 on mines. There v/as a reasonable amount of stock, but no ploughs, f o r h e a v i l y v/ooded land was used. As might be expected i n a d i s t r i c t so close to S a l i s b u r y , there was a large opportun-i t y f o r t r a d i n g , although there was a tendency f o r t h i s to decrease as European farmers began to go i n f o r extensive mealie growing, which was of course the A f r i c a n s ' most marketable crop. So much d i d the l o c a l i n h a b i t a n t s p r e f e r to be t h e i r own masters that they a c t u a l l y employed others from other d i s t r i c t s to work f o r them at 10/- per month. Moreover, those v i l l a g e s near the mines could make money from beer-making and p r o s t i t u t i o n . On a v i s i t to the Chikwakwa 172 Reserve i n 1909, the n a t i v e commissioner, R.C. N e s b i t t , could see few young women, and was t o l d that they were at the mines making money. The labour performance was described as poor r i g h t up to the end of the period, although the f i g u r e s tend to b e l i e t h i s view. There was employment f o r some 12,000 i n the d i s t r i c t (1909), made up mainly of a l i e n s and "indigenous" A f r i c a n s from other d i s t r i c t s . I n 1910, of an-able bodied population of 3,666, 1,340 worked (37%), and i n 1913, 1,869 of 3,980 worked (47%), but these were pass s t a t i s t i c s , which the n a t i v e commissioner himself described as useless. More-over, i n 1913, he reported that there was i n s u f f i c i e n t work i n the area f o r the a l i e n s , and that they were going to the mines at Gatooma. MARANDELLAS The Marandellas d i s t r i c t l i e s across the l i n e of r a i l between S a l i s b u r y and Umtali on the high v e l d . In 1901, the population of 13,436 was d i s t r i b u t e d i n 120 k r a a l s of an average of 28 huts and 112 people each. The d i s t r i c t became mainly a farming one, although there was eventually some mining employment. With r a i l w a y and road passing through there was c l e a r l y considerable opportunity f o r employment or marketing i n e i t h e r S a l i s b u r y or Umtali, or i n the mines to the south west. However, there was the usual I' 173 f l i g h t to the reserves i n the l a t e r years, and that meant away from the l i n e s of communication where the land was a l i e n a t e d to European farmers. In 1909, there were 1 ,300 on p r i v a t e land and 1 ,410 on unalienated land of a populat-i o n of 1 3 , 3 4 1 . A l l those subject to the B r i t i s h South A f r i c a Company rent on unalienated land moved almost immed-i a t e l y a f t e r i t s i m p o s i t i o n . By 1913, of a population of 1 9 , 3 0 1 , 1 8 , 2 4 3 were i n reserves, and only 143 and 851 were l e f t on unalienated and a l i e n a t e d land r e s p e c t i v e l y . Trade f l u c t u a t e d w i l d l y according to the q u a l i t y of the harvest. In 1903 , a poor harvest brought out lar g e numbers of prospective labourers who headed f o r S a l i s b u r y , Gwelo, H a r t l e y and Mazoe. Not u n t i l 1908 and 1909 was there a lar g e amount of t r a d i n g again, but i n 1911 acreages contracted because of the d e c l i n e i n p r i c e s . Farming had remained p r i m i t i v e , without ploughs and few draught animals, although there was approximately one head of c a t t l e to every four i n the population. In the e a r l y years, r a i l w a y and road c o n s t r u c t i o n proved very popular and paid w e l l . The labour supply subsequently f l u c t u a t e d w i t h the harvest u n t i l i n 1912 i t reached over 60% ( 2 , 3 6 3 of an able bodied population of 3 , 9 0 0 ) , working f o r an average of f i v e months. 174 MREWA This d i s t r i c t l i e s to the North of Marandellas. Between 1900 and 1911 the population doubled and by the l a t t e r date they were almost a l l accommodated i n reserves (22 ,947) . I t i s good farming country, though not s u i t e d to the plough, and most of the harvests i n the period were extremely good. I t therefore became an ar e a _ o f considerable t r a d i n g . In 1909, the n a t i v e commissioner reported that 12,000 bags of grai n were s o l d at an average p r i c e of 3 / - . In the same year 80 b u l l s were s o l d to Europeans. This alone would account f o r ' w e l l over h a l f of the hut tax. There were good s a l e s again i n 1911 and 1912, although p r i c e s f e l l i n 1913. Stock increased very r a p i d l y : i n 1901 there were only 550 head of c a t t l e i n the area; by 1906, 2 ,411 , and t h i s had more than doubled by 1911. The labour supply v a r i e d considerably from year to year. Even i n seasons of bad harvest, as i n 1903 and 1907, i t was not good. In 1903, young men stayed at home to hunt f o r subsistence with the r e s t . In 1907, the l o c u s t s were very numerous and required considerable manpower to prot e c t the gardens. The n a t i v e commissioner repeatedly pointed out that a young man could earn enough to pay hut tax f o r h i s whole f a m i l y , i n c l u d i n g father and brothers. The labour supply was however normally able to f u l f i l l o c a l demand, which v/as e n t i r e l y farming work, but from the n a t i v e commissioner's 175 • f i g u r e s and estimates, i t never seems to have reached 50% of the able bodied population. In 1912 , i t was only 38%, working f o r anything from one to twelve months. In 1913 , i t was decreasing. The n a t i v e commissioner, E. Edwards, saw only one s o l u t i o n to the problem - smaller reserves and higher t a x a t i o n . MT0K0 The Mtoko d i s t r i c t l i e s North East of Mrewa and North of Makoni and Umtali, on the main route through the Mozambique enclave from B l a n t y r e . The population increased over the period by s e v e r a l thousand, p r i n c i p a l l y owing to immigration i n t o the s p a r s e l y populated northern d i s t r i c t , to 2 2 , 1 9 0 i n 1913 , a l l of them on reserves. The s o i l was extremely l i g h t and sandy, unable to bear maize, s u i t a b l e only f o r v a r i o u s types of m i l l e t , and the population v/as very widely s c a t t e r e d i n groups of j u s t a few huts. There was seldom a crop surplus, and almost no cash t r a d i n g i n g r a i n . There was however a considerable quantity of c a t t l e and l a r g e numbers were traded i n 1908, 1909, 1910 and 1911 . In the l a t t e r year, 450 b u l l s were s o l d to Europeans, and 300 head were traded f o r g r a i n . Employment opportunity i n the area was s l i g h t . There were two or three mines on the K a i s e r Wilhelm G o l d f i e l d s whose furtunes f l u c t u a t e d g r e a t l y . There was employment as runners, p o r t e r s , servants and c a t t l e d r i v e r s . In. 176 a d d i t i o n , the Anglo-Portuguese boundary commission provided employment f o r s e v e r a l years f o r s e v e r a l hundred men. Those who l e f t the d i s t r i c t tended to go to Umtali, a movement s t a r t e d by an American co n t r a c t o r c a l l e d Oreeclr who had taken l a r g e numbers from the Mtoko d i s t r i c t as w e l l as the Makoni d i s t r i c t to Umtali i n the l a t e n i n e t i e s . In 1909 the d i s t r i c t was quarantined because of smallpox and the i n h a b i t -ants were brought together i n t o l a r g e r k r a a l s i n an attempt to stamp out the disease. I t was also hoped of course that t h i s r a t i o n a l i s a t i o n would improve the labour supply, although i t was hardly s u i t e d to the s o i l and the a g r i c u l t u r e of the area. In f a c t , the labour supply u s u a l l y seemed adequate, since there was comparatively l i t t l e opportunity i n the d i s t r i c t - . Towards the end of the period, opportunity d i d i n f a c t c o n t r a c t , although the na t i v e commissioner i n 1912 reported that 2 , 8 4 5 of an able bodied population of 4 , 4 6 2 on the reserves had worked (62%). One of the features of the area was the larg e number of labourers who passed through from Portuguese East A f r i c a and Nyasaland, although t h i s contracted l a t e r i n the period. I t meant that the d i s t r i c t swarmed with touts of whom the nati v e commissioners u s u a l l y disapproved. The touts waited on the labour routes f o r hungry gangs whom they would take over and " s e l l " f o r c a p i t a t i o n fees to the mines of the south. The na t i v e commissioner i n 1911 , Charles B u l l o c k , recommended that 1 7 7 food ought to be provided f o r such gangs to save them from the t o u t s . The a c t i n g n a t i v e commissioner i n 1 9 1 3 , G.E. Wincel, revealed very w e l l i n h i s report the a l l - t o o - f r e q u e n t contempt f o r the indigenous economy, and the hope that "wants" would d r i v e labour out: The innate'indolence which l u r e s them to an a g r i c u l t u r a l l i f e w i l l not stand against t h e i r v a n i t y which makes things that can only be paid o f f with money absolute n e c e s s i t i e s . LOMAGUNDI The Lomagundi d i s t r i c t and the s u b - d i s t r i c t of Kanyamba ( s p l i t i n 1 9 0 9 - 1 9 1 0 ) l a y to the extreme North of Rhodesia on the bank of the Zambezi, with a boundary with both Northern Rhodesia and Mozambique. I t had a large population s c a t t e r e d over an immense area. While a g r i c u l t u r e remained very backward and l i t t l e land was a l i e n a t e d , there v/as considerable employment opportunity i n the d i s t r i c t because of the opening of s e v e r a l mines, of which the A y r s h i r e and the Eldorado v/ere the most important. By 1 9 1 0 , as many as 6 , 0 0 0 were employed i n the area. There was a great deal of t r a d i n g i n smaller stock: i n 1 9 1 0 the Eldorado mine manager estimated that he had purchased during the year small stock to the value of £ 7 9 0 . This could account f o r a l o t of tax. 173 The labour performance of the region continued very poor f o r a number of years. In 1903, only 10% of the able bodied male population were estimated to have gone to work. Lobolo remained small, and wants low. Moreover, being very much a " p i o n e e r " d i s t r i c t , the e a r l y s e t t l e r s gained a bad re p u t a t i o n f o r i l l - t r e a t m e n t of t h e i r employ-ees. In 1899, the a c t i n g n a t i v e commissioner, B.B. Talbot, attacked them severely f o r t h i s , and i n 1909 (when 26% of able bodied males went out) W. S'elwyn Bazeley s t i l l c o n s id-ered that the co n d i t i o n s of labour were an important d i s -i n c e n t i v e . The d i s t r i c t l a y a s t r i d e the most important labour route from the north i n the e a r l y years. In 1907, 14,813 a l i e n s sought passes to seek work. These came across the f e r r y at F e i r a from Portuguese East A f r i c a and Northern Rhodesia. This f i g u r e began to d e c l i n e when the r a i l w a y reached up i n t o Northern Rhodesia, d i r e c t i n g the Bemba and the B i s a down the r a i l w a y to Li v i n g s t o n e and Bulawayo. But numbers from Nyasaland and Mozambique remained high, and k r a a l s on the road were able to earn t h e i r tax by s e l l i n g beer and mealies to t r a v e l l e r s - p a r t i c u l a r l y those r e t u r n i n g . Moreover, the men of the region d i d quite a l o t of the work i n the indigenous economy, since much tree f e l l i n g was requ i r e d , and t h i s was men's work. Rent o b l i g a t i o n s were not high, both because l i t t l e land was a l i e n a t e d and because 179 i t was impossible to c o l l e c t the B r i t i s h South A f r i c a Company rent on unalienated land u n t i l 1911. I t could not be c o l l e c t e d e a r l i e r because no reserves had been demarcated, and i t s c o l l e c t i o n would have caused la r g e s c a l e emigration across the Zambezi. Corresponding with a l a r g e i n f l u x of s e t t l e r s and small workers to the area, and therefore an increase i n opportunity, labour f i g u r e s rose considerably i n 1911, (a year of bad h a r v e s t ) , to 5,000 of an able-bodied male population of 7,036 (71%). The n a t i v e commissioner himself was s u r p r i s e d , but i n s i s t e d that h i s s t a f f had c a r e f u l l y checked the f i g u r e s , and provided a l i s t of reasons: there was a poor crop; l e s s a l i e n labour, and so l e s s k r a a l s a l e s ; s e l l i n g of beer at mines had been stamped out; and there had been a constant haranguing of c h i e f s on the need f o r labour. He advocated that the country should become independent of a l i e n labour. In the f o l l o w i n g year, the a s s i s t a n t native commissioner was able to w r i t e "...the general complaint that the indigenous n a t i v e w i l l not work i s quite unfounded". This area i s a unique example of one of ample a l t e r n a t i v e o p p o r t u n i t i e s of e n t e r i ng the cash economy, which were knocked away by the government and by changing c o n d i t i o n s . HARTLEY This was a very l a r g e , sparsely populated d i s t r i c t , 180 c o n t a i n i n g the Gatooma mining area, and some of the country's most important mines, j u s t South of S a l i s b u r y . I t was some time before a reasonably accurate population f i g u r e was a r r i v e d at. In 1906, i t was sta t e d to be 6,895, and i t rose by 1913 to 11,705. An i d e a of the employment p o t e n t i a l of the area can be derived from the f a c t that by 1909 the la b o u r i n g force of a l i e n and indigenous A f r i c a n s ' from other d i s t r i c t s had almost o u t s t r i p p e d the t o t a l l o c a l population, and by 1910 was s e v e r a l hundred i n excess of i t . Almost a l l of the l o c a l population were i n reserves, where stock were p l e n t i f u l , although a g r i c u l t u r e was p r i m i t i v e . There was a l o t of t r a d i n g , but a r e a l l y good harvest, as i n 1911, g r e a t l y reduced the amount and the p r i c e , f o r traders were s a t i s f i e d with the produce of Europeans and of other d i s t r i c t s . The Shona were slow to o f f e r themselves f o r work and only stayed f o r short periods when they d i d . By 1900 a lar g e contingent of North Zambezi labourers was already supplying 40% of the t o t a l labour f o r c e ; another 20% were from P o r t -uguese East A f r i c a , and the remaining 40% were from w i t h i n Rhodesia. During 1906 and 1907, demand f o r labour rose r a p i d l y since the Giant and the B a t t l e f i e l d s mines began crushing operations, and there was a large increase i n the number of small mining concerns. Since l a r g e numbers of labourers from the North passed s t r a i g h t through the d i s t r i c t on t h e i r way to the Rand, the n a t i v e commissioner i n t e n s i f i e d 181 h i s e f f o r t s to turn out l o c a l labour. In 1908 he informed the c h i e f s and headmen that there would have to be an improve-ment. He also set about stopping the sale of beer to the mine compounds, e x p l i c i t l y because A f r i c a n s earned too much money i n t h i s way. In the same year, however, the B r i t i s h South A f r i c a Company rent sent many A f r i c a n s o f f to the reserves. Yet i n 1912, the nati v e commissioner, E.G. Howman, reported that 1 ,590 of an able bodied male population of 2,385 had worked f o r an average of s i x months (67%). This may have already been an i n d i c a t i o n of the q u a l i t y of the reserves to which almost a l l the A f r i c a n s had now been driven. In h i s 1913 report Howman attacked these reserves: the Sanyati was " f l y " ( t s e t s e ) i n f e s t e d ; the Ganga was congested; and the Gabaza was only a narrow s t r i p of land wedged between farms. In the same report he provided complete labour f i g u r e s f o r the mines, which are so i n t e r e s t i n g as to merit quoting i n f u l l . month a l i e n . . indigenous 1912 1913 1912 1913 January 5 ,514 5 ,582 1,763 1,192 February 5 ,437 5 ,483 1,760 1,290 March 5 ,393 5 ,510 1,833 1,539 A p r i l ' 4 , 9 6 0 5 ,650 2,106 1,574 May 4 , 1 9 4 5 ,474 2,488 1,920 June 5 ,199 4 , 2 9 4 2 , 4 6 0 2 , 2 9 1 J u l y 5 ,473 5 ,667 2 ,463 2 , 7 4 4 August 5 ,383 5 ,815 2 ,347 2 , 2 7 1 September 5 ,373 6 ,259 1,818 1,975 October 5 ,515 6 , 5 0 0 1,620 1,747 November 5,598 6 ,615 1,349 1,509 December 5 ,523 - 1,213 -182 The average d i s t r i b u t i o n by o r i g i n was 1,700 from Southern Rhodesia; 1,300 from Portuguese t e r r i t o r y ; 2,700 from Northern Rhodesia; 1 and 1,400 from Nyasaland. These f i g u r e s r e v e a l extremely w e l l the nature of seasonal employment on the mines, although the d i f f e r e n t i a l between the dry and growing seasons i s not as great as i t had been i n e a r l i e r years. During the p l a n t i n g season towards the end of the year, a l i e n labour l a r g e l y compensated f o r the dearth of l o c a l labour. Hence the majority of a l i e n s t r a v e l l e d i n winter months, which, p a r t i c u l a r l y f o r those from the warmer North, could be i n j u r i o u s to t h e i r h e a l t h (see chapter 8 ) . The f i g u r e s cannot however t e l l us which form of labour c o n s t i t u t e d competition f o r which. Indigenous labourers were able to f i n d work during the period when they were l e a s t r e q u i r e d i n the indigenous economy. On the other hand the d i f f e r e n t i a l between the growing periods might have been greater i f the l o c a l i n h a b i t a n t s had not had the compet-i t i o n of outside labour. In 1913, Howman pointed out that bad employers alone were short of labour and depended on the bureau, which was very bad f o r i t s r e p u t a t i o n . CHARTER This d i s t r i c t l i e s i n Cen t r a l Rhodesia between Har t l e y and V i c t o r i a , to the East of Gwelo and Selukwe. I t was one of the most s e t t l e d d i s t r i c t s during the " r e b e l l i o n s " and 183 became i n consequence an important t r a d i n g centre f o r g r a i n while much of the r e s t of the country was i n . t u r m o i l . In 1903 there were 46,074 i n h a b i t a n t s i n 769 k r a a l s of about 30 people each. A considerable amount of land a l i e n a t i o n took place, and by 1913 the vast m a j o r i t y of the population were i n reserves. The population d i s t r i b u t i o n between 1909 and 1913 makes a u s e f u l comparison. 1909 1910 1913 reserves 42,300 47,496 48,593 unalienated land 1,500' 1,166 200 a l i e n a t e d land 10,000 7,288 9,964 The 1910 f i g u r e s r e v e a l the extent of movement to the reserves, while the 1913 f i g u r e s r e v e a l the fashion i n which land a l i e n -a t i o n could catch up with those on unalienated land. The pattern of movement was already set up by 1899, when there was extensive a l i e n a t i o n to the E x p l o r i n g Land and M i n e r a l Company and to Willoughby's C e n t r a l E s t a t e s . In consequence, 2,000 huts had to be moved, and the nati v e commissioner reported that the A f r i c a n s r a i s e d no ob j e c t i o n because they were happy to turn over new land. (This might appear as a piece of s p e c i a l pleading, but i t i s important to remember that A f r i c a n s of the area were accustomed to movement, both f o r s e c u r i t y reasons and i n search of v i r g i n s o i l . ) The population had a tendency to increase n a t u r a l l y on the healthy high v e l d , but not on the l e s s healthy low v e l d . The area remained important i n grain and c a t t l e t r a d i n g , i 184 and i n the l a t e r years ploughs were r a p i d l y acquired. There were a lar g e number of government subsid i s e d c h i e f s i n t h i s area. The labourers of the area had some unfortunate experiences i n the e a r l y years. Quite apart from the bad he a l t h record of the Selukwe mines i n that period, the A f r i k a n e r farmers of the region were reported i n 1898 to i l l - t r e a t t h e i r employees and cheat them of t h e i r wages. Then a contingent r e c r u i t e d by a na t i v e commissioner Taylor and Colonel Beal i n I 8 9 8 f o r Company road b u i l d i n g were never paid (the a c t i n g n a t i v e commissioner, B.B.Talbot, complained that t h i s was bad f o r the reputation of the Company). Men were not s u r p r i s i n g l y deterred by the s i c k -ness contracted at the mines, and i n s i s t e d that the v i s i t -a t i o n s of l o c u s t s kept them at home. There were some Shangaans i n the south of the d i s t r i c t who revealed t h e i r customary independence by i n s i s t i n g on working f o r the mine of t h e i r choice. The sale of grain provided' most with t h e i r hut tax. In 1906 there were a r r e a r s of tax i n a year when the labour supply was poor. In 1908 and 1909 the na t i v e commissioner, J.W. P o s s e l t , described the communal beer party reaping system and the wishes of the women as the biggest d i s i n c e n t -i v e to labour. Nonetheless, he d i s l i k e d one of the i n c e n t -i v e s , the B r i t i s h South A f r i c a Company rent, which he regarded 185 quite r i g h t l y - as an unwarrantable confusion of the.t admin-i s t r a t i v e and commercial branches of the Company. • In 1910, he reported that 50% had worked, and i n 1912 he a s c r i b e d the continuing labour d i f f i c u l t y to the f a c t that many stayed permanently at work, that many/had earned enough f o r s e v e r a l years, and that others were r i c h i n c a t t l e . In 1913 he recommended a system of i n d e n t u r i n g teenagers. Some 1,500 were a f f e c t e d under the P r i v a t e Locations Ordinance and r e n t s v a r i e d from 10/- to £1 , being remitted at the r a t e of 10/- per month worked. The E x p l o r i n g Land and M i n e r a l s Company put up i t s rent f o r 978 men and sued 80 f o r a r r e a r s (although the n a t i v e commissioner reported that the agent had been l a x ) . The Rhodesdale Estate put up i t s rent and charged c r i p p l i n g g r a z i n g fees which were w i t h -drawn on P o s s e l t ' s representations. GUTU Gutu l i e s immediately to the North of V i c t o r i a . I t s population f i g u r e s are d i f f i c u l t to handle. In 1910, when f i g u r e s are u s u a l l y accurate, there was a l a r g e over-estimate. In 1913, a population of perhaps 38,100 were d i s t r i b u t e d 31,250 i n - r e s e r v e s , 4,100 on unalienated land, and 2,750 on a l i e n a t e d land. There was very l i t t l e employment opportunity i n the d i s t r i c t , and i t became perhaps more than any other d i s t r i c t , the despair of successive native commissioners. 186 There was some gr a i n t r a d i n g , ploughs were used and progressive a g r i c u l t u r a l techniques were fostered on the lands of the Dutch Reformed M i s s i o n at Gutu and Chingombe, but the p r i n c i p a l source of wealth was c a t t l e . By 1909 there were 17,600 c a t t l e i n the Gutu d i s t r i c t . While the people i n the adjacent C h i l i m a n z i d i s t r i c t avoided s e l l i n g , the people of Gutu s o l d i n large numbers. In 1907, 2 , 0 0 0 c a t t l e were s o l d , 400 were slaughtered f o r food and s a c r i f i c e , and i n a d d i t i o n , 1 ,000 small stock were k i l l e d and 500 traded. Despite considerable s a l e s , the numbers of c a t t l e never ran down as they d i d i n V i c t o r i a ( v i d . i n f . ) . At f i r s t , the d i s t r i c t seemed to provide a very s a t i s -f a c t o r y labour force. In 1899> 1,822 were sent to Gweio and Selukwe; i n 1900 , 3>435 were sent. But during t h i s period h e a l t h and the death r a t e at the Selukwe mines can only be described as d i s a s t r o u s . There was a death r a t e of almost 10%. Much of t h i s i l l - h e a l t h was caused by pulmonary diseases contracted by i n h a b i t a n t s of the hot low v e l d of Gutu working i n unusual and unhealthy c o n d i t i o n s at the much higher a l t i t u d e of Selukwe. The n a t i v e commissioner, J.H. W i l l i a m s , reported i n 1899 that every k r a a l i n h i s d i s t r i c t (there were 230 of almost one hundred people each) had l o s t someone at the Selukwe mines, and i n some cases there had been s e v e r a l deaths. He added that anyone who had been to the Transvaal mines could not be induced to go to the mines of Selukwe. I t seems as though the d i s t r i c t never recovered 187 i t s confidence a f t e r t h i s decimation. On the i n s i s t e n c e of the C o l o n i a l O f f i c e , n a t i v e commissioners ceased t h e i r a c t i v i t y i n supplying labour a f t e r 1901,^ and t h e r e a f t e r Gutu supplied so small a number that n a t i v e commissioners were shy of p r o v i d i n g f i g u r e s at a l l . The f i g u r e provided i n 1908 of 1 ,657 was based on passes issued and i s therefore suspect, since so many t r a v e l l e d independently and since pass f i g u r e s were regarded as useless i n most parts of the country, but i f i t i s i n any way accurate i t can r e f l e c t only about 24% of the able bodied male population, and t h i s was c e r t a i n -l y a year of high c a t t l e s a l e s . In 1910 the n a t i v e commissioner, E.T. Kenny, attacked the employers, but i n 1911 he suggested that the Government ought to take over a l l r e c r u i t i n g , and that a l l boys of 14 to 18 years should be apprenticed. Even i n the bad harvest year of 1912 there was l i t t l e improvement, and i n 1913 the A f r i c a n s would not turn out f o r f e a r of another bad harvest, but when i t turned out w e l l , they stayed to enjoy i t s f r u i t s ! CRTLIMANZI The C h i l i m a n z i d i s t r i c t l a y adjacent to Gutu, East of Charter. For a period from 1902 to 1908 i t was coupled with the Gutu d i s t r i c t and i n 1910 i t was enlarged. I t i s there-fore impossible to compare population f i g u r e s , e s p e c i a l l y as those i n the e a r l y years were admitted to be guesses. Two 188 groups of f i g u r e s are however useful"and trustworthy. 1911 1913 reserves unalienated land a l i e n a t e d land 6 , 8 0 0 1,700 5 ,500 11 ,979 4 , 3 9 1 The 1913 f i g u r e f o r the reserves w a s ' i n f l a t e d both by movement w i t h i n the d i s t r i c t and by the immigration of some 2 , 0 0 0 who moved i n from the V i c t o r i a d i s t r i c t to escape the The number of ploughs i n use, the numbers of stock, and the extent of t r a d i n g g r e a t l y increased i n the l a t e r few years. Between 1909 and 1911 c a t t l e increased from 4 , 0 0 0 to 1 3 , 0 0 0 (only a f r a c t i o n of t h i s can be a t t r i b u t e d to the enlargement of the d i s t r i c t ) , and u n l i k e V i c t o r i a or C h i b i very few were s o l d . Moreover, most young men provided work f o r t h e i r l o b o l o . In 1908, the nati v e comm-i s s i o n e r reported that the people of the d i s t r i c t p r e f e r r e d to work f o r t h e i r tax; some 144 c a t t l e were k i l l e d f o r food and s a c r i f i c e , some were exchanged f o r g r a i n , but none were s o l d . There was employment opportunity i n the d i s t r i c t on small mines and farms. Labourers also t r a v e l l e d to Gwelo and Selukwe. 1 ,102 were sent out by the na t i v e commissioner's o f f i c e i n 1899, when he reported that A f r i c a n s p r e f e r r e d to be sent through the o f f i c e because they were w e l l - t r e a t e d , fed on the journey, and sure of employment on a r r i v a l . By 1903, e f f e c t s of the P r i v a t e Locations Ordinance. 189 however, the l o c a l i n h a b i t a n t s were reported to p r e f e r t r a v e l l i n g out independently, f o r they had developed a d i s -l i k e f o r the Bureau and i t s agents. They turned out w e l l f o r surface work, p a r t i c u l a r l y when wages were high (as i n 1 9 0 1 ) , but they stayed f o r short periods. They were unable to compete with the Shangaans and "North Zambezis" who were prepared to stay longer. L o c a l demand was met, e s p e c i a l l y on the farms where most P r i v a t e Locations Ordinance agree-ments were f o r labour, but i n 1912, despite the poor crop, labour f i g u r e s s t i l l appear to be very low 1 able bodied men 2 no. who 3 2 as % i n d i s t r i c t worked of 1 reserves ' 3 , 300 750 23 a l i e n a t e d land 1 ,173 600 51 No per i o d of work i s mentioned. In 1913 , work opportunity was expanding: the ra i l w a y from . Umvuma to V i c t o r i a was being b u i l t ; the small Falcon mine req u i r e d labour; and A f r i k a n e r farmers were t r e k k i n g i n t o the d i s t r i c t , although the native commissioner reported that the Boers d i d not understand the l o c a l A f r i c a n and t r e a t e d him badly. VICTORIA The V i c t o r i a d i s t r i c t was a l a r g e , important and extremely populous region around Fort V i c t o r i a , now on the main route from S a l i s b u r y to the Transvaal. The population.increased 190 between 1899 and 1909 from 2 2 , 3 9 5 to 4 3 , 0 0 0 . Thereafter, the Gutu and Ndanga d i s t r i c t s were carved out and the population d e c l i n e d to 3 1 , 5 5 2 , d i s t r i b u t e d (1913) on reserves 1 4 , 3 0 0 , on unalienated land 8 , 2 5 0 , on a l i e n a t e d land , 8 ,052 , and on mines 950 . In 1903,- only'10% were reported to be on reserves, already described as t h i c k l y populated. The l e v y i n g of rent on B r i t i s h South A f r i c a Company unalienated land began a movement which was c o n t i n -ued by the P r i v a t e Locations Ordinance. There was l i t t l e mining i n the area, and the a l i e n a t e d land was taken up by Dutch farmers "of the lowest c l a s s " . A l o t of the a l i e n -ated land remained unoccupied. Under s e c t i o n 3 of the P r i v a t e Locations Ordinance rent was charged on the l a t t e r , and rent and labour or labour i n remission of rent exacted on the occupied land. The most important feature of the area v/as stock-holding. By 1906 , there were almost as many c a t t l e as people. But i n succeeding years the numbers, u n l i k e anywhere else i n Rhodesia, a c t u a l l y d e c l i n e d . There was l i t t l e i n the way of surplus crop;, there was only l i m i t e d employment opportunity i n the area; and so the sale of c a t t l e formed the only a l t e r n a t i v e to enter the cash sector to earn tax. Moreover, i t v/as a d i s t r i c t i n which many c a t t l e were k i l l e d f o r food, and many more f o r s a c r i f i c i a l purposes. In 1908 1 ,700 head were s o l d , almost 600 were k i l l e d f o r food., and 235 were s a c r i f i c e d . 191 These f i g u r e s were kept up i n succeeding years, and even more were k i l l e d f o r food i n years of bad harvest l i k e 1911 and 1912 . By 1912 the na t i v e commissioner was r e p o r t i n g a considerable d r a i n i n c a t t l e and expressing the hope that i n future the l o c a l i n h a b i t a n t s would have no a l t e r n a t i v e but to go out to work. In 1909, he had described an instance at a v i l l a g e where a party were a c t u a l l y ready to leave f o r work when a c a t t l e buyer a r r i v e d : c a t t l e were s o l d and no one l e f t . Crops were i n v a r i a b l y good, and ploughs were p r o g r e s s i v e l y used, but the nature of the harvest appears to have had l i t t l e e f f e c t on the labour supply. * The poor crop of 1908 meant that there was i n s u f f i c i e n t beer-making f o r the f o l l o w i n g season, and hence there was l i t t l e of the communal harvest-i n g l i n k e d with beer consumption common to the region. Instead, i t was each man f o r himself, with a r e s u l t a n t adverse e f f e c t on the labour supply. In 1912, the di s a s t r o u s harvest kept men at home to help with the gathering of ed i b l e v e l d foods. An unusual feature was the c u l t i v a t i o n of r i c e , which the na t i v e commissioner i n 1901 recommended ought to be encour- . aged i n view of the p o s s i b i l i t y of Chinese immigration! There was very l i t t l e labour opportunity i n the d i s t r i c t . Most had to go to Umtali, Gwelo, Selukwe or indeed to the Transvaal. The nati v e commissioner i n 1901 i n s i s t e d that there was too much land, and suggested that headmen should be 192 ordered to apportion land only to those who went out to work. When a few hundred were re q u i r e d f o r mining operations i n the d i s t r i c t , there was never any shortage, which suggests that the l a c k of opportunity was the greatest d i s i n c e n t i v e . A more sympathetic native commissioner, observing that s e v e r a l hundreds went to the Transvaal, attacked the wages and con-d i t i o n s at Rhodesian mines. In 1911, i t was pointed out that the Bureau's e f f o r t s were i n vain because of the indep-endent s p i r i t of the l o c a l A f r i c a n s who p r e f e r r e d to re t u r n to o l d employers wherever p o s s i b l e . The n a t i v e commissioners were shy of p r o v i d i n g f i g u r e s . In 1909, however, Jackson reported that 10,450 were on the tax r o l l , and estimated that 4,400 went to work. Reducing the tax r o l l by 10% f o r headmen and aged, t h i s provides a f i g u r e of 47% of the able bodied male population. CHIBI The C h i b i d i s t r i c t l a y i n the extreme South and South East of the country, South of V i c t o r i a , on the low v e l d . In many ways i t resembled V i c t o r i a . The population increased r a p i d l y from 1901 to 1909 when i t reached 41,000. Thereafter i t d e c l i n e d to 30,205 i n 1913, of whom 26,725 were on reserves, 2,727 on unalienated land, and 753 on a l i e n a t e d land. There were the usual movements as a r e s u l t of the B r i t i s h South A f r i c a Company rent and the P r i v a t e Locations Ordinance, and 193 moreover the severe famine of 1912 caused a larg e number of « deaths among the c h i l d r e n and o l d people, and caused many others to move out of the d i s t r i c t i n search of food. The population was i n larg e k r a a l s and owned a very large quantity of c a t t l e , the f i g u r e r i s i n g r a p i d l y to 29 ,300 i n 1 9 1 1 , a f t e r which i t contracted j u s t as r a p i d l y . There was even l e s s employment opportunity than i n V i c t o r i a , and even l e s s t r a d i n g of cash crops. C a t t l e were by f a r the l a r g e s t s i n g l e entry to the cash sector of the economy, although i n years of bad harvests traded c a t t l e were mainly bartered f o r g r a i n . In 1908, 700 c a t t l e were s o l d , i n 1909, 1 ,350 , i n 1910, 800 , i n 1911 , 1 ,800 , and i n the famine years 1912-1913 the a s t o n i s h i n g f i g u r e of 1 3 , 0 0 0 c a t t l e were disposed of. In a d d i t i o n , c a t t l e were moved around i n l a r g e numbers (900 i n 1911) f o r lobolo-purposes. For labour migrants the d i s t r i c t was as close to the Transvaal as to the Rhodesian mining areas. In the e a r l y years, when n a t i v e commissioners "sent" labourers to the nat i v e commissioners i n the Gwelo and Selukwe d i s t r i c t s f o r d i s t r i b u t i o n , over 1 ,000 were sent each year. Attempts were made by the p o l i c e to stop A f r i c a n s going across to the copper mines at Messina or on to Johannesburg. At the turn of the century there were a number of other d i s i n c e n t i v e s . Selukwe gained a bad rep u t a t i o n because of accidents and the heal t h record, and high p r i c e s were paid f o r c a t t l e i n 1900 • 194 and 1 9 0 1 . As a r e s u l t , i n ' 1901 , the native commissioner reported that the only A f r i c a n s to go to work were 180 he sent to road-making, 170 to the Globe and Phoenix mine5. and 269 sent by the bureau agent P o s s e l t to Selukwe. This d i s i n c l i n a t i o n to go to work remained i n l a t e r years. The Bureau was d i s l i k e d because i t s r e c r u i t s r e c e i v e d poorer pay than "independents"; i n 1906 i t was reported that the shortage of food "compelled men to remain with t h e i r f a m i l i e s u n t i l t h e i r means of subsistence was assured"; i n 1910 , the na t i v e commissioner declared that the women kept the men at home, and i n s i s t e d on the sale of c a t t l e ; i n 1912 , the na t i v e commissioner, P. F o r e s t a l l , suggested that a government s t a t i o n should be b u i l t at the south of the d i s t r i c t to stop men going to the Transvaal; but i n 1913 of 1 ,000 who went to work, at l e a s t 400 went to Messina. Other features of the area were that 2 , 0 0 0 to 3 , 0 0 0 Mozambique A f r i c a n s passed through the d i s t r i c t annually; that white r e c r u i t e r s from the Transvaal operated i l l e g a l l y i n l a t e r years at the j u n c t i o n of the Sabi and the Lundi r i v e r s ; that indigenous c r a f t s d i d not die i n the area as r a p i d l y as elsewhere because of the absence of st o r e s . NDANGA The Ndanga d i s t r i c t l a y between Gutu and Me l s e t t e r and had an extremely large population of both Karangas and 195 Shangaans, the one a Shona and the other an Nguni people. Very l i t t l e land was a l i e n a t e d , but by 1911 , the im p o s i t i o n of the Company rent had driven a l l of the Shangaans North to the reserve, l e a v i n g the South East l a r g e l y uninhabited. In 1909 , no l e s s than eight c h i e f s refused to pay the rent, and i n 1910 the native commissioner reported that i t was u n c o l l e c t a b l e . In 1913> 47 ,719 i n h a b i t e d the reserves, 2 1 , 0 3 9 were on unalienated land, and 265 were on a l i e n a t e d land. The i n h a b i t a n t s set up i n t e r e s t i n g r e l a t i o n s h i p s i n the indigenous economy. In 1907, some areas had a bad harvest, and grain was bartered f o r c a t t l e w i t h i n the d i s t r i c t . The Shangaans experienced a chronic shortage because of the predations of l o c u s t s and b i r d s such as guinea fowl. The Shangaans were however the more advanced a g r i c u l t u r i s t s and bought ploughs, breaking t h e i r e x c e l l e n t c a t t l e to the yoke. The Karangas h i r e d the.Shangaans to do t h e i r ploughing f o r them, and by 1910 there were almost t h i r t y such i t i n e r a n t ploughs. There was also some cash employment among the A f r i c a n s , the usual wage being 1 0 / - per month. There were a number of bad crop f a i l u r e s . In 1908 , the f a i l u r e was almost complete and the A f r i c a n s were l i v i n g on milk, game, and whatever they could forage i n the bush. In the f o l l o w i n g year, despite the e x c e l l e n t harvest, they were u n w i l l i n g to trade because of the recent memory of the 196 ' famine. In 1911 and 1912 there were serious crop f a i l u r e s and deaths from s t a r v a t i o n , but most stayed at home to help i n the search f o r subsistence. In 1913, an abundant harvest kept men at home to reap and enjoy the beer. By 1907 there were over 20,000 c a t t l e i n the d i s t r i c t , , of which the Shangaan c a t t l e were much prais e d . In succeed-i n g years 2,000 to 3,000 head were s o l d to Europeans annually. The people of Ndanga also s u f f e r e d from the e a r l y d i s -astrous c o n d i t i o n s at the Selukwe mines. The na t i v e comm-i s s i o n e r , J.W. E k s t e i n , complained of the shortages of food at the mines, the clos u r e s there i n I898, the d i s m i s s a l s w i t h -out wages, the s i c k being driven away from the mines to die on the way home or at t h e i r k r a a l s . Not s u r p r i s i n g l y , i n 1901, no one would go to Selukwe, using the l o c u s t s as an excuse to the n a t i v e commissioner. But the Shangaans went to the Transvaal and even to Kimberley i n l a r g e numbers, often journeying f o r long periods. Johannesburg, to which Shangaans had been going f o r many years, had become, accord-i n g to one n a t i v e commissioner, something of an Eldorado i n the A f r i c a n s ' minds. In 1907, the na t i v e commissioner, E.G. Howman, attacked the Rhodesian mines f o r "screwing the n a t i v e down to the lowest p o s s i b l e wage". Nonetheless, the labour f i g u r e f o r Ndanga i n v a r i a b l y passed 30% of the able bodied male population. In 1911 independent labourers going to Selukwe had another bad experience. There were too many 197 labourers that year; many had to r e t u r n home or engage f o r a p i t t a n c e . Some f e l l i n t o the hands of u n p r i n c i p l e d employers who " s o l d " them to others. Despite the Bureau's coupon system, introduced i n ' 1910, whereby A f r i c a n s working s i x months re c e i v e d a 1 0 / - coupon towards tax, and those working nine months a £ 1 coupon, the Bureau was never popular. MAKONI This d i s t r i c t l i e s 'to the North of Umtali, West of Inyanga. A f t e r an i n i t i a l low estimate of population, the f i g u r e rose only slowly u n t i l 1913 when there were 2 2 , 0 1 1 i n the d i s t r i c t , of whom 16 , 741 were on reserves, 5 ,220 on a l i e n a t e d land, and 50 i n mines and towns. K r a a l s were very l a r g e , often of over 100 people. Although there were l o t s of c a t t l e and small s t o c k . i n the d i s t r i c t , there was l i t t l e advance i n a g r i c u l t u r e . There were no ploughs. Yet, despite a s e r i e s of poor harvests, the l o c a l s could s a t i s f y part of the tax demand from the sale of g r a i n . Even i n a very poor harvest year, as i n 1911 , s t i l l there was t r a d i n g . The d i s t r i c t was an e x c e p t i o n a l l y poor s u p p l i e r of labour; there v/as l i t t l e i n c e n t i v e and mining was d i s l i k e d . In 1908, the c l e r k - i n - c h a r g e reported that two t h i r d s of the able bodied men were at the k r a a l s , " l o l l i n g about and d r i n k i n g " . 198 In 1910 , the na t i v e commissioner, L.C. Meredith, hoped f o r a l a r g e increase i n European a g r i c u l t u r e to ou t c l a s s the A f r i c a n producer and force him to work. During the next three years however, w e l l over 50% went to work, and l o c a l l y the period worked was i n v a r i a b l y s i x months. In 1913 there was a large drop i n the labour supply which the nati v e commissioner a t t r i b u t e d to the f a c t that most of the men had had to work i n 1912 , but i t may also have had something to do with the u n s e t t l i n g e f f e c t of the P r i v a t e Locations Ordinance and the movement to the reserves. This movement had begun a f t e r the i m p o s i t i o n of the Company rent i n 1908 ( i n that year alone i+5 k r a a l s moved), and continued a f t e r 1910 from p r i v a t e land when farmers were demanding rents' of £ 3 or that A f r i c a n s q u i t the land. P a r a d o x i c a l l y , farmers soon no t i c e d the l o s s of labour through the movement to the reserves. T h e o r e t i c a l l y , an area of l a r g e k r a a l s ought to be able to supply more labour than one of smaller, but t h i s i s not n e c e s s a r i l y the case, as Makoni i l l u s t r a t e s . UMTALI The Umtali d i s t r i c t l a y north-south across the town of Umtali, south i n t o the' Vumba mountains, and o r i g i n a l l y i n c l u d e d the highlands of Inyanga. The population of the d i s t r i c t experienced a considerable move to the reserves between 1910 199 and 1911 , a movement of which the native commissioner, T.B. H u l l e y , g r e a t l y disapproved. Since h i s 1910 f i g u r e s were l a t e r admitted to be an overestimate i n every case, t h i s move might have been greater than i s immediately apparent from the f i g u r e s . 1910 1911 reserves 7 , 2 0 0 9 ,319 unalienated land 1 ;500 2 , 1 8 0 a l i e n a t e d land 1 3 , 5 0 0 6 ,389 An unusual feature i s the increase of population on unalienated land. Despite the considerable t r a d i n g p o s s i b i l i t i e s , a g r i c -u l t u r e remained backward, a s i t u a t i o n which Hulley a t t r i b u t e d c a n d i d l y to the i n s e c u r i t y of tenure. There were r e l a t i v e l y l a r g e numbers of c a t t l e and s e v e r a l hundred were k i l l e d f o r Umtali butchers annually, at l e a s t from 1910 . Lobolo too was paid i n c a t t l e . I t was of course a d i s t r i c t of high labour opportunity, having one of Rhodesia's most important towns on the l i n e of r a i l from B e i r a to S a l i s b u r y . But as such, i t also a t t r a c t e d l a r g e numbers of immigrants, p a r t i c u l a r l y f o r the mines, from North Zambezia, Portuguese East A f r i c a , and Shangaans from the M e l s e t t e r d i s t r i c t , who d i d not s u f f e r from the u n s e t t l i n g e f f e c t of the proximity of t h e i r homes. In the e a r l y years, the.native commissioner reported that the high wages paid by the r a i l w a y c o n s t r u c t i o n had an 200 unfortunate e f f e c t on the labour supply. Chief Mtasa, who r u l e d over 8 ,000 people, had supplied labour f o r the r a i l w a y and to carry food from the r a i l head. In subsequent years the l o c a l i n h a b i t a n t s found a l t e r n a t i v e s f o r maintaining t h e i r independence: they burnt charcoal f o r the mines, and hawked vegetables to the town dwellers of Umtali. This independence was revealed also i n the A f r i c a n s ' c a r e f u l choice of employer. As Hul l e y put i t , "In other words the pressure of economic circumstance i s not s u f f i c i e n t to compel the l o c a l n a t i v e to work f o r a l l and sundry". His s u r p r i s e at such a r a t i o n a l response i s f a i r l y t y p i c a l of many Rhodesian n a t i v e commissioners' a t t i t u d e s to t h e i r charges. In 1912, he provided a labour r e t u r n : 1 able bodied 2 no. who 3 period 4 2 as % men i n d i s t r i c t worked months of 1 reserves 2,025 672 5 33 unalienated 320 108 7 34 a l i e n a t e d 3,250 2,070 5 63 and i n 1913 he averred that no young man stayed continuously at the k r a a l s . The P r i v a t e Locations Ordinance produced i n t h i s area s e v e r a l agreements with a few hundred men to provide free labour, and only two t h i r d s of these were given the opportunity of rent i n remission. INYANGA The Inyanga d i s t r i c t was separated from Umtali i n 1903. By 1909, 90% of the population of 17,000 were already on 201 p r i v a t e or Crown land (an i n t e r e s t i n g s l i p - he r e f e r r e d to B r i t i s h South A f r i c a Company l a n d ) . By 1913, there were 1,300 on reserves, 3,500 on unalienated land, and 12,000 on a l i e n a t e d land. The n a t i v e commissioner over the e n t i r e period was W.H. Hoodie, whose r e p o r t s are extremely uninformative and whose f i g u r e s are obviously u n r e l i a b l e . An i n d i c a t i o n of the requirements demanded of the i n h a b i t a n t s i s provided by Moodie's estimate of 1909 that £10,000 was paid per annum i n tax and r e n t s . In that year he recorded that almost 300 c a t t l e had been s o l d and £300 to £400 worth of g r a i n traded. The r e s t was acquired by work. Moodie expressed himself b a f f l e d , considering there could be l i t t l e over 4,000 able bodied men. i n the population. In 1908, he had described a s o r t of " s h i f t " system at the k r a a l s whereby about f i v e men went rout each year to work f o r the f i s c a l and rent requirements of the whole k r a a l , but by 1913 very few young men were able to stay at t h e i r k r a a l s f o r lengthy periods. In 1912, Moodie produced a labour r e t u r n - complaining of the n e c e s s i t y to do so - the d e t a i l e d f i g u r e s of which provide p r e c i s e l y the same percentage worked f o r each type of land tenure (33%). The r e t u r n i s c l e a r l y manufactured. 202 MELSETTER The M e l s e t t e r d i s t r i c t i s an elongated area South of Umtali, running along the border w i t h Portuguese East A f r i c a . I t s populations more than doubled between 1900 and 1913, even a l l o w i n g f o r some emigration i n t o Portuguese t e r r i t o r y i n 1908 to avoid the Company rent. In 1909, the nati v e commissioner, W.M. Longden, reported that the rent had caused d i s s a t i s f a c t i o n and d i s t r e s s , that many could not a f f o r d the £1 and wished to move, that land i n the Sabi v a l l e y was so poor that i t was not worth paying rent f o r . The population d i s t r i b u t i o n changed between 1910 and 1913 according to the table below. The larg e increase i n the reserves population i s p a r t l y e x p l i c a b l e by some immigration from the Ndanga d i s t r i c t . 1910 1913 reserves 11,017 16,079 unalienated land 1,704 740 a l i e n a t e d land 10,996 9,071 There was very l i t t l e t r a d i n g and very few c a t t l e i n the d i s t r i c t . The area was a f f l i c t e d with l o c u s t s i n some years, and even when a good crop was reaped on the high v e l d , the crop i n the Sabi V a l l e y was i n v a r i a b l y poor. The la b o u r i n g population, of whom many were Shangaans, had already consid-erable experience of t r a v e l l i n g to work by I898, when the nat i v e commissioner reported that some 2,000 had been to Johannesburg or Kimberley at one time or another. Most had 203 a d i s t i n c t preference as to employment, and both the Bureau and p u b l i c works i n the area were unable to secure labour. An i n d i c a t i o n of the extent of labour emigration i s p r o v i d -ed by the f a c t that farmers i n s i s t e d on t h e i r tenants stay-i n g on the land, and gave them j u s t enough to pay t h e i r tax. Under the P r i v a t e Location Ordinance some 1,321 males were party to agreements f o r labour i n l i e u of r e n t . I t was the worst example (along with Umtali) of a system which i t i s d i f f i c u l t not to describe as forced labour. In 1912, the nati v e commissioner revealed the d i f f i c - . m l t i e s i n labour s t a t i s t i c s when he reported that only h a l f h i s c i r c u l a r s were returned by employers. But he submitted nevertheless a d e t a i l e d labour r e t u r n . 1 able bodied 2 no. who 3 2 as % men i n d i s t r i c t worked of 1 reserves 1,339 961 72 unalienated land • 101 80 ,79 a l i e n a t e d land 1,166 • 830 71 While the f i g u r e s t a l l y with the general impression of the d i s t r i c t as one where there was l i t t l e a l t e r n a t i v e to labour i n e n t e r i n g the cash economy, i t should be noted that h i s f i g u r e s of able bodied men do not appear to f i t the population f i g u r e s adequately. This concludes the examination of a l l the d i s t r i c t s of Mashonaland. The conclusions w i l l be drawn i n a comparative way at the end of the next chapter on Matabeleland. 204 FOOTNOTES TO CHAPTER 4 Reports of the Chief Native Commissioner, Mashonaland, NA N 9 / 1 / 1 0 - N 9 / 1/15. The native commissioners' r e p o r t s f o r Mashonaland are i n NA N9 / 1 / 4 - N9/1/16. I n d i v i d u a l references w i l l not be made i n t h i s chapter since a l l the m a t e r i a l i s to be found i n those r e p o r t s and i n some others c i t e d i n the bi b l i o g r a p h y . See H.C.'Thomson, Rhodesia and i t s Government (London, 1 8 9 8 ) , p.51 and also r e p o r t s of the nati v e commissioners Mtokos and Makoni, I 8 9 8 . NA N 9 A A . See chapter 3 , pp.131-132. 205 CHAPTER 5 LABOUR FROM THE DISTRICTS MATABELELAND. The-province of Matabeleland.was of course annexed by the Company only a f t e r the war of 1893. I t seemed l i k e the r i c h -er p r i z e : although l e s s densely populated, the population seemed more w i l l i n g and more able to come out to work; mines q u i c k l y sprang up; Bulawayo developed more r a p i d l y than S a l i s b u r y ; Rhodes's projected Cape to Cairo l i n e ran through the province and made i t more a c c e s s i b l e to the Wankie c o a l -f i e l d s and, l a t e r , to the r e s e r v o i r of labour i n the North. Great labour depots were soon set up in'Bulawayo, and Mashona-land had to r e l y f o r northern labour e i t h e r on the d e c l i n i n g ; routes through F e i r a and Tete or an labourers (who had already t r a v e l l e d down the l i n e from the North West), sent North East from Bulawayo by t r a i n . The d i s t r i c t s of Matabeleland were di v e r s e , and r i c h i n labour migrant opportunity. Each i s examined i n d e t a i l below."'" GWELO This was one of the most important labour opportunity d i s t r i c t s i n Rhodesia, where the demand from w i t h i n the d i s t r i c t exceeded the p o s s i b l e l o c a l supply. The population 206 rose r a p i d l y , and by 1910 40% was i n the reserves, although t h i s proportion changed again during the f o l l o w i n g year owing to the a d d i t i o n of an area where much of the land had been a l i e n a t e d . The f i g u r e s f o r 1912 and 1913 r e v e a l how s w i f t l y the land was a l i e n a t e d . 1912 1913 reserves 3 , 5 5 0 3 , 7 5 0 unalienated land 4 , 0 0 0 1 ,750 a l i e n a t e d - l a n d 4 ,360 6 , 750 towns 2 , 2 1 0 2 , 2 0 0 1 4 , 1 2 0 1 4 , 4 5 0 I t was an area i n which A f r i c a n s c u l t i v a t e d l i g h t sandy s o i l s , and a g r i c u l t u r e tended to remain t r a d i t i o n a l . They introduced few ploughs, probably because of the nature of the s o i l and because there were i n s u f f i c i e n t c a t t l e f o r draught purposes. However, immediately a f t e r the marriage ordinance of 1902 quite high l o b o l o was demanded, i n v a r i a b l y i n c a t t l e . In a good season A f r i c a n s tended to over-trade t h e i r g r a i n , n e c e s s i t a t i n g re-purchase at p r i c e s often advanced by 100%. The l o c a l labour supply was able to s a t i s f y most of the demand i n the d i s t r i c t f o r surface and domestic work, but mining work was almost e x c l u s i v e l y the preserve of " f o r e i g n -e r s " . By 1904, 70% of the t o t a l labour force c o n s i s t e d of A f r i c a n s from Nyasaland, Portuguese East A f r i c a and i n p a r t i c u l a r Shangaans from Gazaland. The proximity of mining compounds had two e f f e c t s . Since mining workers were r i c h e r , s o c i a l i n t e r c o u r s e with them increased the i m i t a t i v e wants of 20? the l o c a l s , although since the d i s t r i c t was elongated and some areas were f a r from the mines, t h i s leavening e f f e c t was r e s t r i c t e d . Secondly, the co- h a b i t a t i o n of the l o c a l women with the t r a n s i t o r y mining population caused s e r i o u s d i s a f f e c t i o n between the t r a d i t i o n a l a u t h o r i t i e s and the European economy. The c h i e f s and headmen disapproved of the withdrawal of the women from t h e i r t r a d i t i o n a l place i n v i l l a g e s o c i a l and a g r i c u l t u r a l l i f e , and of the fa c t that no sanction was provided to order the women back from the mining compounds. These e f f e c t s become f a m i l i a r i n t h i s type of d i s t r i c t . INSIZA The I n s i z a d i s t r i c t i s a very i n s t r u c t i v e one because i t l i e s on the l i n e of r a i l mid-v/ay between two high employ-ment areas, Bulawayo and Gwelo-Selukwe, and there were also some mines and a few farms i n the d i s t r i c t i t s e l f . Land was s w i f t l y taken up by Europeans throughout the d i s t r i c t , charging rents of from 1 0 / - to £ 1 per hut, and already i n 1899 the nati v e commissioner, A.A. Campbell, was s t r e s s i n g the need f o r a reserve. In 1910, only 2% of the population was i n a reserve and by 1913 t h i s had gone up to only 7%. This meant that k r a a l s were s c a t t e r e d and sma l l , and 80% of a l l A f r i c a n s i n the d i s t r i c t were "squa t t e r s " on European land. . 208 The d i s t r i c t i s also i n t e r e s t i n g i n that i t had a very-mixed population of Shona and Ndebele peoples. I t s n a t i v e commissioner almost throughout the period, A.A. Campbell, could be sympathetic and shrewd, though h i g h l y p a t e r n a l i s t i c , and wrote e x c e l l e n t r e p o r t s . He pointed out that the Shona worked l e s s i n the cash economy than the Ndebele not because they were l a z y (as many of h i s colleagues suggested), but because they were b e t t e r a g r i c u l t u r i s t s and c u l t i v a t e d more land. The Shona responded to the new d i e t a r y r e g u l a t i o n s f o r the mines introduced i n 1907 (see chapter 8) by growing and marketing more beans and monkey nuts. Despite the f a c t . that the marriage ordinance never r e a l l y worked (because women g r e a t l y outnumbered men) there was a l a r g e increase i n the number of c a t t l e , and correspondingly i n the number of ploughs used. By 1910 there were 300 ploughs i n the d i s t r i c t and these were e x t e n s i v e l y loaned out among the A f r i c a n s . Campbell shrewdly observed that the immediate e f f e c t of the P r i v a t e Locations Ordinance was to cause a great deal of unrest and a r e s u l t a n t drop i n the labour supply. The i m p o s i t i o n of grazing fees was p a r t i c u l a r l y irksome given the Bantu a t t i t u d e towards c a t t l e as a semi-sacred symbol of wealth. L i k e many other n a t i v e commissioners, he placed great confidence i n the younger generation, and was beginning to f i n d by 1910 that some young men had become h a b i t u a l workers. On the other hand, he disapproved of education as a d i s i n c e n t i v e 209 to work, and he held that the missions corrupted the morals p of the A f r i c a n s . As i n other d i s t r i c t s , the l o c a l s i n v a r i a b l y tended to f i l l jobs other than mining. His labour r e t u r n f o r 1912 i s extremely i n t e r e s t i n g . 1 able bodied 2 '-.No. who 3 period 4 2 as I men i n d i s t r i c t worked months of 1 reserves 255 108 4 42 unalienated land 1,000 600 5 60 a l i e n a t e d land 2,270 1,200 5 52 domiciled a l i e n s •'643 643 11 100 Campbell's successor i n 1913 attacked the P r i v a t e Locations Ordinance as pushing the people to the reserves. MZINGWANE This d i s t r i c t was j o i n e d with I n s i z a u n t i l 1908. Within the d i s t r i c t there were s e v e r a l mines, and the vast m a j o r i t y of the land v/as a l i e n a t e d - so much so i n fa c t that by 1913 there .were s c a r c e l y any people l i v i n g on reserves or unalienated land. Being on the edge of Bulawayo, the d i s t r i c t ' s a g r i c -u l t u r e advanced r a p i d l y . By 1909 the nati v e commissioner could w r i t e that "almost every n a t i v e owns a few c a t t l e , some donkeys, and a plough" and there v/as a keen des i r e to own c a r t s and wagons. Several A f r i c a n s became market gardeners on the o u t s k i r t s of Bulawayo, and as i n other d i s t r i c t s ploughs were h i r e d out (with t h e i r oxen) at 1 0 / - per day. C a t t l e were 210 demanded f o r l o b o l o , although male partners of marriage c o n t r a c t s complained of the women l e a v i n g f o r the mines. By 1909-1910 , the n a t i v e commissioner was cl a i m i n g a work f i g u r e of 80% able bodied men working an average of s i x months i n the year. This f i g u r e , even i f exaggerated, undoubtedly r e f l e c t s the demand i n an area of almost complete a l i e n a t i o n , and must i n c l u d e many "squatter" labour agree-ments. . The Matabele Gold Reefs Company secured labour from i t s own p r o p e r t i e s at Essexvale f o r the Geelong and Ancient Mines which were outside the d i s t r i c t , thus reducing the supply f o r the d i s t r i c t i t s e l f . Considerable numbers were a f f e c t e d by the P r i v a t e Locations Ordinance under s e c t i o n 3 , and the usual complaints were made to the nati v e commissioner about harsher labour agreements, higher r e n t s , and grazing fees. By 1913 many were informing him of t h e i r d e s i r e to move out of the d i s t r i c t to the reserves. 1912 labour r e t u r n : 1 able bodied 2 No. who 3 period 4 2 as % men i n d i s t r i c t worked months of 1 reserves 38 15 5 39 unalienated land- 9 5 5 56 a l i e n a t e d land 2,116 1 ,500 6 71 domiciled a l i e n s 540 500 12 93 2 ,703 2 , 0 2 0 7 75 211 BELINGWE This d i s t r i c t was close to areas of high employment opportunity and some labour was also required w i t h i n the d i s t r i c t . Already by 1899 some A f r i c a n s were becoming accustomed to t r a v e l l i n g to Bulawayo, I n s i z a , Gwanda and Selukwe. I t had a very l a r g e population which increased r a p i d l y ( 24 ,451 i n 1898 to 3 8 , 0 5 9 i n 1 9 1 2 ) , i n f l a t e d temp-o r a r i l y by Chief Mpefu and h i s people from the Transvaal. I t was a h i g h l y mixed population, i n c l u d i n g Ndebeles, Shonas, Basutos, and many smaller groups. The i n h a b i t a n t s were, l i k e those i n many adjacent d i s t -r i c t s , described as h i g h l y independent, a poor f i e l d f o r the labour bureaux, l a r g e l y p r e f e r r i n g the indigenous economy and t h e i r r u r a l c r a f t s of pottery and basket making. In 1899, the n a t i v e commissioner Jackson reported that the n a t i v e s were the most i n d u s t r i o u s he had come across i n Southern A f r i c a , but that they p r e f e r r e d devoting t h e i r energies to a g r i c u l t u r e r a t h e r than to ser v i n g a master. A larg e trade soon e s t a b l i s h e d i t s e l f and grain was sent as f a r as the I n s i z a and F i l a b u s i mines and Bulawayo. Ploughs were used as labour saving devices, but the larg e t r a d i n g demand appear-ed to have l i t t l e e f f e c t on the extent of the acreage under c u l t i v a t i o n . Labour was always slow to come out i n the area, mainly because the vast m a j o r i t y of the A f r i c a n s l i v e d on reserves. 212 By 1912 the f i g u r e s were 31,610 on reserves, 4,060 on a l i e n a t e d land, 1,895 on unalienated land, and 474 at the mines, although the reserve population dropped the f o l l o w -i n g year due to overcrowding. A whole s e r i e s of na t i v e commissioners passed through the d i s t r i c t and took up various a t t i t u d e s to the labour problem. As has been seen, involvement.in a g r i c u l t u r e was str e s s e d . In 1902 the n a t i v e commissioner, J.W. P o s s e l t , i n s i s t e d that the depression i n the European economy of that year was not due to the labour shortage. In 1903 496 young men turned out f o r the Globe"and Phoenix Mine at the request of the labour agent, N i e l s e n , and l a t e r i n the year at hut tax c o l l e c t i o n 250 turned out f o r the Red and White, and Rose and K i l l a r n e y Mines. I t was hoped that the l a r g e numbers of Shangaans who passed through the area would act as an example to the l o c a l i n h a b i t a n t s . In 1906, a more sympathetic na t i v e commissioner suggested that one of the problems was the l a c k of c l a s s i f i c a t i o n of labourers as to t h e i r experience and a b i l i t y . In the f o l l o w i n g year, there was a poor harvest,{ high p r i c e s f o r g r a i n , and very few turned out. Yet another na t i v e commissioner, C.L. Carbut, suggested there should be a £3 tax on i d l e n e s s . But i n the f o l l o w i n g season when there was again a poor harvest, h i s successor claimed that 2,172 had worked f o r an average of 3 months from an able bodied population of 5,000. A s i m i l a r f i g u r e of 40%-213 p e r s i s t e d i n subsequent years. The P r i v a t e Locations Ordinance a f f e c t e d only a few hundred, although the Anglo-French Matabeleland Company decided to forego rents on i t s .tenants, and i n s i s t e d i n s t e a d on each able bodied man working f o r them.for four months. In 1913 , A.A. Campbell, more p a t e r n a l i s t i c and l e s s sympath-e t i c than he had been i n I n s i z a , found that the labour s i t u a t i o n i n Belingwe'"has emphasised my c o n v i c t i o n that the true i n t e r e s t s of the n a t i v e s cannot be b e t t e r served than by compulsory labour, d i s g u i s e d under some more a t t r a c t -i v e name to'make i t acceptable to the shouters of the ' l i b e r t y of the subject'". He hoped that the Ndebele, who were more w i l l i n g to leave the reserves to work, would i n f l u e n c e the Shona., I t i s curious that he f a i l e d to make the d i s t i n c t i o n s " between the Ndebele and the Shona which he had been prepared to make at I n s i z a , and that he f a i l e d to observe that the v i t a l d i f f e r e n c e between Belingwe and I n s i z a was t h a t . d i f f e r e n t proportions of the population l i v e d under the various modes of land tenure i n each; SELUKWE The Selukwe d i s t r i c t , adjacent to the Gwelo d i s t r i c t , i s another d i s t r i c t of high labour opportunity. The demand w i t h i n the d i s t r i c t was f a r i n excess of the p o t e n t i a l supply, which meant, l i k e Gwelo, that the l o c a l i n h a b i t a n t s had to compete with l a r g e numbers of immigrant labourers from North 21k Zambezi and Portuguese East A f r i c a , w i l l i n g to remain longer periods i n employment. Because of the ready a v a i l a b i l i t y of land, the period 1910-1913 revealed only a s l i g h t move-ment to the reserves. A g r i c u l t u r e progressed very slowly - b e t t e r seed was introduced nearer European farms, but the plough was slow to appear and there were very few c a t t l e . Nonetheless, there was considerable t r a d i n g i n the area. As e a r l y as 1899 there were s i x t r a d i n g s t a t i o n s and ten mine s t o r e s . Even using t r a d i t i o n a l methods, the l o c a l s were able to market la r g e q u a n t i t i e s of g r a i n and - a f t e r the new d i e t a r y r e g u l a t i o n s - monkey nuts and beans. As i n other s i m i l a r d i s t r i c t s , the l o c a l i n h a b i t a n t s tended to o f f e r themselves mainly f o r farm and domestic labour, although i t i s reported that the s o c i a l l i f e of the mines was more a t t r a c t i v e . I t i s not unreal to t a l k of outside competition, f o r i n 1904 there was a c t u a l l y a surplus of labourers o f f e r i n g themselves and employers tended to favour those from outside because of the longer periods they were prepared to work. I t i s i n t e r e s t i n g to note that the n a t i v e commissioner, CT. S t u a r t , reported i n 1910 that schools away from the mines had a tendency to reduce the labour supply, while schools on the mines (as at the Tebekwe Mine) p o s i t i v e l y a t t r a c t e d labour. 215 Labour returns f o r 1912 and 1913 1 able bodied 2 no. who 3 period 4 2 as % men i n d i s t r i c t worked months of 1 1912 1913 1912 1913 1912 1913 1912 1913 reserves 2 , 0 9 0 2 , 1 8 2 1,300 1 ,454 3i 4 62 68 unalienated land 820 640 540 426 ki 5 66 67 a l i e n a t e d l and 723 1 ,042 482 728 ki 5 67 70 domiciled a l i e n s 1,515 1,871 1,500 1,800 11 11 These labour r e t u r n s never inc l u d e the large nos. of f o r e i g n labour not paying tax. MATOBO This d i s t r i c t to the South of Bulawayo was, l i k e I n s i z a , r a p i d l y a l i e n a t e d to European farmers. The r e s u l t was that the population a c t u a l l y d e c l i n e d , p a r t i c u l a r l y a f t e r the P r i v a t e Locations Ordinance when there was an exodus to the Gwanda and Mzingwane d i s t r i c t s amounting to 3 , 709 out of a t o t a l population of 1 9 , 8 2 3 i n 1913 . By 1902 , most of the land had been taken over and ren t s of £ 1 per hut were being charged. I t was a mixed population of Ndebele and Karanga people. Although there was l i t t l e employment opportunity i n the d i s t r i c t i t s e l f (only 400 were employed i n 1904 and 824 i n 1 9 1 2 ) , Bulawayo to the North and the mines of Gwanda and Sebakwe to the East were not f a r away. 216 Despite the extensive land a l i e n a t i o n , t h i s was a d i s t r i c t i n which the indigenous economy responded r a p i d l y : there was an exceptional growth i n stock-holding; by 1907, 800 oxen had been broken f o r ploughing; by 1910, 590 ploughs were i n use; there were many marriage agree-ments under the ordinance and l o b o l o was high; t r a d i n g was considerable. In 1913 , "the n a t i v e commissioner, F.G. E l l i o t t , was able to report a f t e r the crop f a i l u r e of 1912 and the ensuing famine which was general throughout Rhodesia, the i n h a b i t a n t s of the Matobo d i s t r i c t were r i c h enough to buy grain to t i d e them over the bad period. The i n f l u e n c e of ploughs i s i n s t r u c t i v e i n examining the r e l a t i o n s h i p between the indigenous and the European economy. They were a most important want not j u s t because of t h e i r cost, but because they also r e q u i r e d of course a team of oxen to work them. Since c a t t l e were introduced i n t h i s way to break the s o i l , ploughing became men's work. But i n t h i s as i n other d i s t r i c t s , ploughs were used mainly as labour saving devices r a t h e r than as means to increase acreage. The n a t i v e commissioner reported that men stayed behind to do the ploughing, but then went to work, l e a v i n g the women to perform the r e s t of the a g r i c u l t u r a l c y c l e . At f i r s t , the n a t i v e commissioner of the d i s t r i c t was somewhat defensive about the labour performance of h i s d i s t r i c t . In 1906 , H.M. Jackson shrewdly observed that "the n a t i v e s do 217 not f o l l o w the law of supply and demand ( i n l a b o u r ) , but act on sound economical grounds, f o r b e t t e r wages i n the p l a n t -i n g season do not compensate f o r the l o s s of crops". Here he was a t t r i b u t i n g a r a t i o n a l economic response, the maxi-misation of r e a l income, which was very rare indeed i n the nat i v e commissioners' r e p o r t s of the period. Nevertheless, h i s successor, F.G. E l l i o t t , was cl a i m i n g by 1Q09-1910 that 65% of adult males were going out to work, that young men were beginning to work almost continuously, and that wants were i n c r e a s i n g r a p i d l y . So was the t r i b u t e l e v i e d by the European. In 1907, Jackson had w r i t t e n that A f r i c a n s took great pride i n b r i n g i n g t r i b u t e to the government "as e s t a b l i s h i n g t h e i r r i g h t to p r o t e c t i o n and c o n s i d e r a t i o n " , but by 1909 E l l i o t t was d e s c r i b i n g the mounting d i s s a t i s f a c t i o n at the ev e r - i n c r e a s i n g a l i e n a t i o n of the land. In 1912 he could w r i t e that young men were expected to pay i n a d d i t i o n to t h e i r £ 1 hut tax as much as £ 2 i n re n t , plus grazing fees, f o r land that he had no time to use. The landowners had already decided that i t was b e t t e r to pay labour than keep i t on the land. As we have seen, i n 1913 alone, as a r e s u l t of many irksome agreements under the P r i v a t e Locations Ordinance, as much as 20% of the A f r i c a n population moved out of the d i s t r i c t . 218 NYAMANDHLOVU This d i s t r i c t l i e s to the North of Bulawayo i n e x c e l l e n t c a t t l e country. I t was created out of the Bubi d i s t r i c t ( v i d . i n f . ) i n 1910 . Between 1910 and 1913 there i s a f a m i l i a r pattern of a population s h i f t to the reserves, although the numbers on a l i e n a t e d land d i d not appreciably d e c l i n e because of continuing a l i e n a t i o n . 2,500 A f r i c a n s were a f f e c t e d under the P r i v a t e Locations Ordinance, and i n 1912, the na t i v e commissioner, Leo 0. Robinson, reported that those under labour agreements were anxious to leave f o r the reserves. L i k e Matobo, t h i s was a d i s t r i c t w e l l endowed with both c a t t l e and ploughs. To t h i s day along the l i n e of r a i l , t r a c t s of t h i s country are unin-habited because they are i n the possession of absentee lan d -l o r d s , often l a r g e companies wi t h l i t t l e connection with the land. Labour s t a t i s t i c s are u n s a t i s f a c t o r y - the f i g u r e of 50% working f o r if to 5 months i s simply bandied about over these years. 1910 1913 reserves unalienated land a l i e n a t e d land 329 2 , 2 1 5 8,160 2,2.73 770 8 ,649 BULAWAYO The Bulawayo d i s t r i c t was combined with Bubi i n 1902 219 and recreated from parts of Bubi, Mzingwane and B u l i l i m a i n 1910 . I t was one of the most devastated d i s t r i c t s during the r e b e l l i o n (of 5 ,850 c a t t l e before, only 130 remained a f t e r ) , but because of i t s proximity to the town of Bulawayo, i t made a s w i f t recovery. C a t t l e were s o l d to the i n h a b i t -ants and a l a r g e trade was soon e s t a b l i s h e d . Already i n 1899 , 20% of the " k a f f i r corn" crop was s o l d , 20% of the Nyaute (a form of m i l l e t ) crop, and f u l l y 50% of the J'mealie" (maize) crop, a performance which was maintained as more stores and h o t e l s appeared. There was good employment opportunity a l s o , on mines, of which the most important were the Morven and Queen's, and on farms. Almost the e n t i r e d i s t r i c t was a l i e n a t e d , and by 1912 the A f r i c a n s l i v e d e n t i r e -l y on a l i e n a t e d land or on mine and township l o c a t i o n s . In consequence A f r i c a n acreage diminished during the period. The e a r l y n a t i v e commissioner, R. Lanning, advocated a r i g i d s t a t e c o n t r o l l e d labour p o l i c y , and requested permiss-i o n to be able to stop A f r i c a n s going to the c i t y of Bulawayo so that they could work i n the d i s t r i c t . A considerable number of a l i e n s e s t a b l i s h e d themselves, many of whom became h a b i t u a l labourers and formed the usual t r a n s i e n t r e l a t i o n s w i t h l o c a l women. Because of the massive a l i e n a t i o n of land, many A f r i c a n s were a f f e c t e d by the P r i v a t e Locations Ordinance. The a c t i n g n a t i v e commissioner i n 1912 , H.N. Homans, was extremely c r i t i c a l 220 ' of the farmers who charged "exorbitant" grazing fees, "caused f r i c t i o n for want of tact and consideration", "kicked natives of f the land to avoid building dipping tanks", and raised rents knowing that Africans could not leave because of r e s t r i c t i o n s on the movement of c a t t l e . BUBI The Bubi d i s t r i c t v/as also close to Bulawayo, though l a t e r cut o f f from i t by the Bulawayo d i s t r i c t . Despite the fact that the Nyamandhlovu d i s t r i c t and part of the Bulawayo d i s t r i c t were cut out of i t i n 1910, the population did not decline between 1903 and 1913 . Land alienation proceeded rapidly. 1910 " 1913 reserves 4 , 885 9,420 unalienated land 1,346 1,605 alienated land 12 ,418 10 ,216 mines 181 879 The d i s t r i c t ' s agriculture improved rapidly during the period. There was an immense increase i n stock-holding with a corresponding increase i n draught animals and i n ploughs, although the acquisition of the l a t t e r outpaced the former. There were several extremely good crops during the period and there were sales of c a t t l e , monkey nuts (from 1 9 0 8 ) , tobacco, and vegetables (from 1 9 0 9 ) , and considerable quantities of mealies. In I 8 9 8 , Val Gielgud, the native commissioner, advocated 221 the compulsory i n t r o d u c t i o n of lo b o l o since the custom was dying out. He suggested £15 f o r a Zansi, £ 1 2 f o r an Enhla, and £ 1 0 f o r a H o l i , p o i n t i n g out the d i f f e r e n t l e v e l s of Ndebele s o c i e t y , and that the H o l i were more expert i n a g r i c u l t u r e than the Zansi. This would have a b e n e f i c i a l e f f e c t upon the labour supply because i t f e l l e n t i r e l y on the younger men, u n l i k e the tax. The marriage ordinance that emerged i n 1901 at f i r s t created l a r g e l o b o l o f i g u r e s f o r the d i s t r i c t , although as elsewhere they r a p i d l y declined. Young men i n s i s t e d on the customary b i r t h of a c h i l d before the payment of l o b o l o , and f o r t h i s there was no p r o v i s i o n i n the ordinance. This r e v e a l s w e l l the a r t i f i c i a l nature of and the u l t e r i o r motive behind, the marriage ordinance. As e a r l y as 1899 the native commissioner reported that the rent charged on a l i e n a t e d land, was h e l p i n g the labour s i t u a t i o n , and the extent of land a l i e n a t i o n seemed to provide the area with high labour s t a t i s t i c s from the begin-ning. A f i g u r e of 50% v/as reached i n 1903, and i n 1906 the na t i v e commissioner reported that 2 , 9 8 3 had worked a minimum of 3 months out of an able bodied population of 5 , 0 0 0 . In 1912 , the nati v e commissioner claimed that 100% worked as long as 8 months, although t h i s v/as g r e a t l y i n f l a t e d i n that year owing to the d i s a s t r o u s harvest. Since the 1913 f i g u r e tended to be low throughout Rhodesia, h i s labour r e t u r n f o r that year i s very u s e f u l . 222 1 able bodied 2 men i n d i s t r i c t no. who 3 period 4 2 as % worked months of 1 reserves unalienated land a l i e n a t e d land mines 2,856 2,060 7 72 390 243 7 62 1,886 479 1 ,350 469 7 10 72 98 BULILIMA-MANGWE The Bulilima-Mangwe d i s t r i c t was an elongated area i n the extreme South West of the country along the border with Bechuanaland. From 1902 to 1910 the population increased from 3 6 , 4 2 9 to 4 4 , 5 0 0 , but i n the l a t t e r year there was a fre s h d e l i m i t a t i o n of boundaries. In 1913 the population of 3 6 , 7 7 8 was d i s t r i b u t e d 2 2 , 2 0 0 i n reserves, 1,806 on unalienated land, and 9 ,772 on a l i e n a t e d land. The country was e x c e l l e n t f o r stock, and there were plenty of ploughs. In 1904, there was a l a r g e crop surplus and the proceeds were used to buy stock. But i n 1907, an e x c e l l e n t harvest r e s u l t e d i n extremely low p r i c e s and had an adverse e f f e c t on the payment of tax. The nat i v e commissioner observed over the years that men took a l a r g e r part i n a g r i c u l t u r e than they used t o , although ploughs were used only to save labour. W.E. Thomas, who had been born at the London Missionary S o c i e t y at I n y a t i , was the nat i v e commissioner throughout the period from 1899 to 1912 , and being himself a " n a t i v e " 223 of Matabeleland- appears never to ^ have gone on leave. In 1899 he was rapturous about the labour p o t e n t i a l and performance of the area, but by 1902 he was gloomy about the labour s i t u a t i o n . He f a i l e d to see that the depression i n the European economy of that year was cause r a t h e r than e f f e c t of the poor labour turnout. In 1903 there was a poor crop and Thomas f e l t that the mines ought to seize t h e i r opport-u n i t y to make work a t t r a c t i v e . The proximity of the Bechuanaland border meant that l a r g e numbers crossed to the Rand labour agent at Francistown f o r work on the Rand, where, they claimed, c o n d i t i o n s were b e t t e r and the rock s o f t e r . This exodus to the South and the s i z e of the d i s t r i c t made accurate labour f i g u r e s impossible. r ? Almost 3 , 0 0 0 .people;were a f f e c t e d by the P r i v a t e Locations Ordinance, but agreements seem to have been not p a r t i c u l a r l y onerous r there were no agreements f o r labour alone - and very few moved. . i WANKIE Wankie i s an extremely i n t e r e s t i n g d i s t r i c t . Government a u t h o r i t y spread through i t only slowly; very l i t t l e land was a l i e n a t e d ; a g r i c u l t u r e hardly developed at a l l i n the l i g h t sandy s o i l s of the region where ploughs were useless; i n the absence of t r a d i n g ,stations there was no inducement to produce more than was necessary f o r domestic consumption; 224 there were few c a t t l e , and small amounts were o f f e r e d f o r l o b o l o . Moreover, the d i s t r i c t was plagued with l o c u s t s which caused widespread crop d e s t r u c t i o n . The population was small ( s t i l l only 5 ,700 i n 1913) and consisted of peoples who had been r a i d e d by both the L o z i and the Ndebele and had given t r i b u t e to both. In the e a r l y years, what outside i n f l u e n c e there was was bad i n f l u e n c e according to the a s s i s t a n t n a t i v e commissioner i n 1904, Andrew Dale, who wrote, "The i n h a b i t a n t s of the d i s t r i c t have not benefi t e d by the i n f l u x of white and coloured ( i . e . Cape Coloured) workmen during the year; owing to the c l a s s of foreigner they have come c h i e f l y i n contact with, a c l a s s l i t t l e s u p e r i o r to t h e i r own, t h e i r respect f o r the European has d i s t i n c t l y decreased...." Yet there s w i f t l y developed considerable employment opportunity, f i r s t l y on the ra i l w a y c o n s t r u c t i o n to the V i c t o r i a F a l l s , and most importantly, on the Wankie C o l l i e r y . The l a t t e r provides the best instance i n Rhodesia of a concentrated labour force i n the e a r l i e r period. As many as 3 , 5 0 0 were employed on r a i l w a y c o n s t r u c t i o n i n 1904, although t h i s r a p i d l y d e c l i n e d . Foreign c o n t r a c t -ors t r e a t e d the A f r i c a n s unscrupulously, and i n 1907 the ra i l w a y company reduced wages. As a r e s u l t , o l d hands l e f t , new ones would not e n l i s t , and by 1909 when wages were s t i l l only 1 5 / - per month plus meal and s a l t , the r a i l w a y had a very 225 s e r i o u s labour shortage. Wankie C o l l i e r y provided labour mainly f o r immigrants, although some l o c a l s were employed there. In 1904, the a s s i s t a n t n a t i v e commissioner reported that 17 t r i b e s were represented i n the c o l l i e r y ' s labour force which was expand-i n g r a p i d l y . The l o c a l i n h a b i t a n t s sold tobacco to the labourers; there were the usual problems with women; and s i g n i f i c a n t l y enough, domiciled a l i e n s tended to come under t r i b a l c o n t r o l . The l o c a l labour f i g u r e expanded very slowly, and the e f f e c t of the 1912 famine was to keep men at home i n search of e d i b l e roots to support t h e i r f a m i l i e s . The famine i n f a c t set o f f one of the. f i r s t s t r i k e s i n Rhodesia. In view of the food shortage, the n a t i v e commiss-i o n e r , T.R. Jackson, urged headmen to send out up to 50% of t h e i r men to earn the cash to buy g r a i n . This was accomp-l i s h e d i n May on c o n d i t i o n that the men would be home f o r hoeing, and the headmen were given a h i g h l y s u c c e s s f u l tour of the c o l l i e r y . When the r a i n y season came round however, the c o l l i e r y wished to keep the labourers, and to compound the d i f f i c u l t i e s , a temporary compound manager was i n charge since the permanent one was on leave. In December, 180 A f r i c a n labourers s t r u c k because of what the a c t i n g n a t i v e commissioner describes as " l e g i t i m a t e grievances" against a compound manager about whom he himself had misgivings. The management i n s i s t e d on the prosecution of the s t r i k e r s , and the n a t i v e f 226 commissioner was obliged to comply, imposing sharp f i n e s . Yet the n a t i v e commissioner's sympathies were c l e a r l y with the s t r i k e r s (while deprecating t h e i r a c t i o n s f o r the b e n e f i t of h i s s u p e r i o r s ) , and he c r i t i c i s e d a "management, i n c e r t a i n quarters of which somewhat quaint notions appear to p r e v a i l r e . the functions of a court of j u s t i c e " . N either t h i s nor the e a r l i e r bad accident record of Wankie was l i a b l e to endear i t to the labouring force, and the nat i v e commissioner i n s i s t e d that the only way out of the labour problem was to develop a permanent labouring c l a s s . SEBUNGWE-MAFUNGABUSI This d i s t r i c t i s quite u n l i k e the others so f a r examined since i t l i e s along the bank of the Zambezi, covering a very l a r g e area (much of which i s now inundated by Lake K a r i b a ) , f a r from l a b o u r i n g opportunity. The peoples of the d i s t r i c t were Tongas, Shankwes and L o z i , people who held only small stock, and whose a g r i c u l t u r e s c a r c e l y progressed during the period. Not one plough was introduced. Nevertheless, the population more than doubled between 1901 and 1912, from 12,892 to 25,870. The e a r l i e r estimate was c e r t a i n l y too small, and the population was i n f l a t e d by immigration from North West Rhodesia as w e l l as by n a t u r a l i n c r e a s e . Not s u r p r i s i n g l y , opportunity and wants were few i n the 227 e a r l y years. But an i n t e r e s t i n g t r a d i n g pattern r a p i d l y developed. The l o c a l s disposed of lar g e numbers of small stock and i n a d d i t i o n , produced tobacco which they s o l d to both the Ndebeles and to t r a d e r s . This was the only surplus crop of the d i s t r i c t . Employment o p p o r t u n i t i e s expanded i n adjacent d i s t r i c t s . Both the V i c t o r i a F a l l s extension of the r a i l w a y and the expanding Wankie C o l l i e r y provided extensive employment. Moreover, so p r i m i t i v e was the area that c a r r i e r s were re q u i r e d r i g h t up to the end of the period. Some Tonga t r a v e l l e d down to Bulawayo and to the mines i n the northern part of the Gwelo d i s t r i c t . In 1906, the na t i v e commissioner, W.E. F a r r e r , c r i t i c i s e d the incompetence of mine management fo r the labour d i f f i c u l t i e s of the country, and reported that A f r i c a n s f r e q u e n t l y t o l d him that they would r a t h e r work f o r l e s s wages f o r a sympathetic master. This i s the k i n d of u n q u a n t i f i a b l e f a c t o r so often absent from economic a n a l y s i s . Despite the comparative poverty of the area, considerable sums were exchanged f o r l o b o l o . Between the promulgation of the marriage ordinance (no. 2 of 1901) and 1905, lob o l o of no l e s s than £2,425 value was exchanged. Moreover, there e x i s t e d the K a l i l a and the G a r i d z e l l a systems, whereby a young man worked f o r h i s in-laws at t h e i r k r a a l f o r up to three years. But by the end of the period the number of marriages was i n d e c l i n e because of the absence of many of the 228 young men. By 1910, a labour f i g u r e w e l l i n excess of 50% i s being mooted f o r the area. In 1912, the f i g u r e of 60% i s s t a t e d c a t e g o r i c a l l y , although t h i s may- have been increased by the poor harvest of that year. In 1913» the reserves were reported to be uninhabitable because of tse t s e f l y . GWANDA-TULI This d i s t r i c t l a y along the Limpopo i n the extreme South of the country. The population was a mixture of Bechuana, Barenga, Karanga and Shangaan. There were never any reserves i n the area, and land was a l i e n a t e d p a r t i c u l a r l y i n the l a s t few years. In 1912, the population of 15 ,577 v/as d i s t r i b u t e d 5 ,271 on unalienated land, 8 ,806 on a l i e n a t e d land, and 1 ,500 on mines. Although c a t t l e increased i n numbers, and ploughs were used, p a r t i c u l a r l y by the Bechuana, there was l i t t l e i n c r e ase i n wants, and while most l o c a l labour demand could be met, very few l e f t the d i s t r i c t , Those v/ho d i d went to the copper mines at Messina i n the Transvaal, j u s t across the Limpopo. The labour performance was always poor. In 1904, the bad harvest kept men at home to look a f t e r t h e i r f a m i l i e s , and at the poor harvest of 1908, 600 c a t t l e were s o l d to pay f o r g r a i n . \ In 1909 there was some increase i n the labour supply because of the B r i t i s h South A f r i c a Company rent on 229 unalienated land (the proceeds of which amounted In 1910 to £ 2 , 4 3 3 ) . Even i n 1912, the famine year, only 50% able bodied men worked. There were the usual problems of women at the mines. Labour returns f o r 1912 and 1913: 1 able bodied 2 no who 3 period 4 2 as % land men i n d i s t r i c t worked months of 1 1912 1913 1912 1913 1912 1913 1912 1913 reserves - - -unalienated 1,506 2 ,708 750 1,000 3 3 50 40 a l i e n a t e d 2 ,516 2 , 1 2 2 1 ,260 1,100 3 3 50 52 domiciled a l i e n s 1 ,012 938 1 ,012 938 9 9 100 100 This i s an example of f i g u r e s whose.proximity to the 50% norm c a l l t h e i r accuracy i n doubt. CONCLUSIONS This examination of t h e ' d i s t r i c t s has revealed that s t i m u l a t i o n to labour was a f f e c t e d by a whole s e r i e s of i n c e n t i v e s and d i s i n c e n t i v e s which v a r i e d widely from d i s t r i c t to d i s t r i c t . The labour performance of each d i s t r i c t depended on the nature of the i n t e r a c t i o n of these i n c e n t i v e s and d i s -i n c e n t i v e s . The most obvious conclusion which can be derived from t h i s d i s t r i c t mosaic i s on a p r o v i n c i a l l e v e l . Mashonaland was notorious throughout the period as a poor s u p p l i e r of labour. In 1904, the s t a t i s t i c a l r e t urns of Mashonaland and Matabeleland revealed that 21% of the able bodied population i n the former 230 province and 46% i n the l a t t e r had been to work f o r a minimum of three months. Before t h i s the discrepancy had been even greater, and, despite the d i f f i c u l t i e s i n compiling f i g u r e s , i t was assumed to continue t h e r e a f t e r . This d i s t i n c t i o n between the two provinces can be a t t r i b u t e d - as i t was by many contemporaries - to the inherent l a z i n e s s of the Shona, or i t can be a t t r i b u t e d to a l e s s e f f e c t i v e body of n a t i v e commissioners, or to inaccurate s t a t i s t i c s . None of these i s s a t i s f a c t o r y . I t i s c l e a r that the Shona were a more a g r i c u l t u r a l people, more c l o s e l y wedded to the s o i l , than the Ndebele. Moreover, the Ndebele l o s t f a r more of t h e i r c a t t l e i n the " r e b e l l i o n s " of 1896-1897 and there i s evidence that t h e i r b e t t e r response to paid labour was prompted by a desire to recoup t h e i r herds. The Ndebele a l s o , l i k e the other Nguni t r i b e the Shangaans, had a longer t r a d i t i o n of contact wit h , and work f o r , the Europeans. They seemed to take more k i n d l y to mining, despite the f a c t that i t was the Shona i n the past who had worked the gold of Rhodesia, though by very d i f f e r e n t methods. There can be l i t t l e doubt too that the Ndebele were a p h y s i c a l l y stronger and more r e s i l i e n t people. A f t e r a l l , i n the e a r l i e s t years, the I'warlike" Ndebele had been described as extremely l a z y . Moreover, the Shona appear to have been more e a s i l y demoralised by the i n f l u x of labour from outside. Their attachment to t h e i r 231 n a t i v e v i l l a g e (which l a r g e l y p e r s i s t s to t h i s day) precluded them from competing with immigrants i n the length of time they were prepared to .work. There i s also some evidence that they found the movement to the reserves a more d i s t r e s s i n g and u n s e t t l i n g experience. In a d d i t i o n , i t can be t e n t a t i v e l y suggested that the f a c t o r of population growth i n Matabeleland was greater than that i n Mashonaland. Between 1902 and 1912, admittedly u s i n g only the most crude population f i g u r e s , there would appear to have been a growth f a c t o r of % % i n Matabeleland and of 38% i n Mashonaland.^ . However, the r e l a t i o n s h i p of cause and e f f e c t to the labour performance i s almost imposs-i b l e to e s t a b l i s h . Population f i g u r e s do however point to another obvious conclusion - that with more s e t t l e d c o n d i t i o n s , some good harvests, a vast increase i n stock, and rudimentary h e a l t h p r o v i s i o n s , the f i r s t e f f e c t of European r u l e was to f a c i l -i t a t e the s u r v i v a l of l a r g e r f a m i l i e s . In the period 1 8 9 8 -1914, the A f r i c a n population of Rhodesia doubled, although i t should be remembered that e a r l y estimates may have been too low, and that European operations i n the Matabele War and the " r e b e l l i o n s " of 1896 and 1897 had slaughtered l a r g e numbers of the population. In I898 the Chief Native Comm-i s s i o n e r of Matabeleland reported that females outnumbered 5 males by l+ to 1. The l a r g e r f a c t o r of growth can thus be seen as a re-establishment of the balance. 232 P o s s i b l y as a r e s u l t of the r e s p e c t i v e performance of t h e i r two provinces, the c h i e f n a t i v e commissioners of Matabeleland and Mashonaland assumed somewhat d i f f e r e n t stances over the reserves i s s u e . W.S. Taberer i n Mashona-land was uncompromising i n h i s attack on the reserves system. He regarded them as a means of demoralisation, of excluding the A f r i c a n s from the "beneficent i n f l u e n c e of the white man", maintaining the p o s i t i o n of c h i e f s whose s u b s t a n t i a l power had been taken over by the government. The c h i e f s were no longer able to order labour, and the government could not. He e s t a b l i s h e d a myth of the "good o l d days", when "gangs came out laughing and s i n g i n g " , and recommended that an e x t r a government o f f i c e r be appointed f o r each d i s t r i c t , who would t r a v e l around con s t a n t l y "preaching the gospel of labour". In 1908 he provided another i n s i g h t i n t o h i s d i s l i k e of reserves, when i n an attack on "negrophiles", o he i m p l i e d that a l l Shona were p o t e n t i a l murderers. Accordingly, he attacked the i m p o s i t i o n of the B r i t i s h South -A f r i c a Company.rent and the European farmers who threw A f r i c a n s o f f t h e i r land and then complained of the shortage of labour. The reserves i n h i s mind became almost h o s t i l e t e r r i t o r i e s w i t h i n the colony. Taylor i n Matabeleland, on the other hand, having burned h i s f i n g e r s i n 'the C o l o n i a l O f f i c e f i r e over the forced labour i s s u e , attuned himself more to Company p o l i c y as modified by 233 known C o l o n i a l O f f i c e a t t i t u d e s . In consequence, when Taberer l e f t Rhodesia i n 1913 , Taylor became the Chief Native Commissioner f o r the whole country. He attacked the backwardness of the reserves, but not t h e i r existence. In 1912 , he wrote to the a d m i n i s t r a t o r , "The development of the reserves^ thereby i n c r e a s i n g the wants of the n a t i v e s , i s the true s o l u t i o n of the labour d i f f i c u l t y . " ^ He wrote t h i s at a time when the bulk of the A f r i c a n population of Rhodesia were withdrawing f u r t h e r from the centres of European employment, f u r t h e r from the s t o r e s and'mining compounds t h a t . s t i m u l a t e d such wants, f u r t h e r i n many cases from the best a g r i c u l t u r a l .land. The process would eventually be reversed by the gross overcrowding of . reserves, but i n a very r e a l sense, i t v/as the moderate party, complying with the desire of the C o l o n i a l O f f i c e f o r a haven f o r the A f r i c a n population at a time when eventual A f r i c a n p o l i t i c a l power was unthinkable, which most success-f u l l y pushed forward the development of land segregation, and the mortgaging of the A f r i c a n s * p o l i t i c a l f u t u re. The ambivalence inherent i n Taylor's a t t i t u d e i s c l e a r from the remark's i n h i s report of 1909 on the 4 , 000 A f r i c a n s of a l l t r i b e s who had become h a b i t u a l labourers at the mines. This he s a i d was a c l a s s that ought to be encouraged, by the p r o v i s i o n of some land nearby and the construction of married . 10 quarters. 234 As has been seen, the two-actions which most aided the process of movement to the reserves were the imposition of the Company rent on land which v/as later'adjudged by the P r i v y Council not to belong to the Company at a l l , and the P r i v a t e Locations Ordinance, the one an a d m i n i s t r a t i v e act of the Company, the other an ordinance h e a v i l y i n f l u e n c e d by s e t t l e r d e s i r e s . I t i s c e r t a i n that the f i r s t was not intended to have such a r e s u l t , and the second was only p a r t i a l l y designed towards that end. The f i r s t was intended purely to r a i s e revenue f o r the hard-pressed Company, and the argument that i t might turn out more labour was used i n i t s favour. The second was designed to give s e t t l e r s the r i g h t to remove "tenants" i f t h e i r presence or that of t h e i r stock was annoying to them, or to impose labour or rent agreements i f they p r e f e r r e d . The f i r s t was a s i g n a l f a i l u r e ( i n Mashonaland i n 1909 only £ 3 , 6 1 9 was collected);' 1'' 1" the second r e l i e d too much on the good o f f i c e s of s e t t l e r farmers given n e i t h e r to n e g o t i a t i o n nor compromise. ; The f i g u r e s i n our review of the d i s t r i c t s make i t abundantly c l e a r that the rent o b l i g a t i o n s on a l i e n a t e d or unalienated land d i d succeed i n t u r n i n g out a f a r higher proportion of labour, but they reached the point where they became i n t o l e r a b l e to so many. A f r i c a n s that the-reserves became i n t h e i r minds as never before a refuge from the constant cash demands of the European. 235 I f the European created the demand f o r labour, he also provided the means of avoiding i t . He created the demand f o r g r a i n , f o r vegetables, f o r meat, which provided another, and f o r many a more a t t r a c t i v e , avenue i n t o the cash sector of the economy. In e a r l y days produce had been bartered f o r tax or f o r the baubles that then c o n s t i t u t e d "wants". But as A f r i c a n s began to appreciate the p o s s i b i l i t y of a bridge between the cash economy and the indigenous economy, cash t r a d -i n g became the accepted norm. Our examination of the d i s t r i c t s has revealed however that the simple syndrome that a good harvest equals much t r a d i n g and l i t t l e labour and v i c e versa does not stand. An over-abundant harvest could produce a large drop i n p r i c e s and a net l o s s i n t r a d i n g income. An extraordinary bad harvest could keep the men at home to help t h e i r f a m i l i e s through the famine. A l o t also depended on the nature of the crop. There i s some evidence of a conscious switch to maize, the most marketable crop, and the response to the government's d i e t a r y r e g u l a t i o n s i n the growth of more monkey nuts and beans i n c e r t a i n d i s t r i c t s r e v e a ls another r a t i o n a l l i n k between the world of the mine and the world of the s o i l . And of course t h i s d i v e r s i f i c a t i o n depended upon the v e r s a t -i l i t y of the s o i l and of the t r i b e i n any one d i s t r i c t . C a t t l e provide a much more enigmatic r o l e i n the discovery of a l t e r n a t i v e s . C a t t l e were of course to the Southern Bantu 236 the most important v i s i b l e form of wealth, a sacred area of t r i b a l l i f e surrounded by taboos of sex and f e r t i l i t y . I t i s not s u r p r i s i n g that t h e i r a c q u i s i t i o n should provide a p o s i t i v e i n c e n t i v e to work. The lo b o l o ordinance was designed to maintain the importance of c a t t l e . In some d i s t r i c t s however, the c a t t l e r e l a t i o n s h i p with the European economy was seen to be r e c i p r o c a l . Their s a l e could provide the money f o r tax or f o r the grain f o r subsistence. In only one d i s t r i c t , V i c t o r i a , was the sale of c a t t l e seen as almost the only entry to the cash economy, and, drained by the exigencies of famine, they proved a s w i f t l y wasting asset. I t seems that t h i s d i s t r i c t acquired so many head of c a t t l e that the i n c e n t i v e f o r f r e s h a c q u i s i t i o n was l o s t . I t might not have been had there been c l o s e r employment opportunity. The a r r i v a l of the plough and the a c q u i s i t i o n of c a t t l e were c l e a r l y r e l a t e d . The plough required the breaking of l a r g e numbers of oxen. Since c a t t l e were always the preserve of male a c t i v i t y , men became important i n the p h y s i c a l act of breaking the s o i l , which had seldom been true of hoeing. But the evidence i s that ploughs were used - where the s o i l and t e r r a i n were s u i t a b l e - almost s o l e l y as a labour saving device, r a t h e r than as a means to increase acreage. As such, t h e i r e f f e c t on the labour supply, despite the few i t i n e r a n t plough-men, seems to have been p o s i t i v e r a t h e r than negative. In the l i g h t sandy s o i l s where ploughs were useless, the s c a t t e r i n g 237 of k r a a l s g r e a t l y reduced the p o t e n t i a l labour supply, p a r t -i c u l a r l y where c u l t i v a t i o n required constant p o l l a r d i n g of t r e e s , a man's task. Undoubtedly one of the most important e f f e c t s on the labour supply v/as the proximity of employment ^opportunity. To those f a r away, the d i f f i c u l t and sometimes dangerous journey was not u n n a t u r a l l y a d i s i n c e n t i v e , p a r t i c u l a r l y a f t e r the d i s a s t r o u s accidents, death r a t e s , and closures at c e r t a i n of the mines. I f there was the a l t e r n a t i v e of trade to hand, i t v/as an easy way out. On the other hand, i f there were no a l t e r n a t i v e , the journey had to be undertaken i f the tax were to be met. Thus poor and remote d i s t r i c t s could r e v e a l quite a high labour f i g u r e . This i s also true of the labour from the North of the Zambezi which w i l l be examined i n the next chapter. Others had a population v/here the habit of labouring was already e s t a b l i s h e d , as i n the Shangaan areas of Ndanga and M e l s e t t e r . To be close to the labour source could be a d i s i n c e n t i v e because the a l t e r n a t i v e v/as a l l the more simple. Beer .and food could be s o l d , grain and meat traded. The existence of a l a r g e body of unmarried labourers i n a d i s t r i c t could create a market, could create a s o c i a l problem, but i t could also create a d e s i r e f o r the s o c i a l l i f e of the mine compound or town l o c a t i o n , and the pay to procure from the store the means of i m i t a t i n g to some degree the c u l t u r e of the European o v e r l o r d . i 238 The area which supplied the optimum amount of labour was therefore the area which was close enough, but not too c l o s e , to the employment opportunity, that possessed the means of an i n t e r a c t i o n with the European economy i n c a t t l e or trade, not too much competition from immigrant workers, and the r i g h t balance of population on a l i e n a t e d land, unalienated land and reserves. This examination of the a v a i l a b l e data has revealed that i n a s i t u a t i o n where so many u n q u a n t i f i a b l e s are present, i t i s not p o s s i b l e to prove or disprove any s o r t of labour supply f u n c t i o n . The experience of the Umtali r a i l w a y c o n s t r u c t i o n appears to i n d i c a t e that a c e i l i n g of want could be more r a p i d l y reached with a high wage and have an adverse e f f e c t on the labour supply. But Rhodesia never had a f i x e d minimum or a f i x e d maximum wage; there never was the k i n d of employer combination that the Rand saw, and when wages were reduced, as on the V i c t o r i a F a l l s r a i l w a y c o n s t r u c t i o n , the drop i n supply 12 was not only immediate, but l a s t e d f o r at l e a s t two years. E s s e n t i a l l y Rhodesia had a free wage system, and t h i s could produce some hard bargaining i n the labour market place, sometimes g i v i n g the edge to the Rand with i t s guaranteed minimum (and i t s l e s s severe l i q u o r laws). I t also produced a h i g h l y complex wage and labour s i t u a t i o n i n which, given the inadequate s t a t i s t i c s , i t i s not po s s i b l e to e s t a b l i s h any wage labour connection. • By maintaining t h i s free system, Rhodesian 239 employers provided considerable d i f f i c u l t i e s f o r themselves, not l e a s t of which was the damage to the Bureaux. They l o s t labour to the Rand, created d i s i n c e n t i v e s to work w i t h i n Rhodesia, and had themselves to seek labour from outside. 240 FOOTNOTES TO CHAPTER 5 1 The nativ e commissioners' r e p o r t s f o r Matabeleland are i n NA NB6/1/1 - NB6/1/12 and N 9 / 1 / 1 6 . Again, s p e c i f i c references w i l l not be given. 2 "There are no mission s t a t i o n s i n t h i s d i s t r i c t , and to t h i s f a c t I a t t r i b u t e " a marked growing improvement i n the morals of the n a t i v e s . " Report of na t i v e commissioner, I n s i z a , 1898. NA NB 6/1/2. 3 B.S.A.Co. Report f o r 1904. 4 The population f i g u r e s are derived from a combination of the B.S.A.Co. Reports and the na t i v e commissioners' r e p o r t s . 5 Report of Chief Native Commissioner, Matabeleland, I 8 9 8 . NA NB 6 /1 /1 . 6 Reports of Chief Native Commissioner, Mashonaland. NA N9/1/10; N9/1/13. 7 I b i d . N9/1/14. 8 I b i d . N9/1/11. 9 Taylor to M i l t o n , March 5, 1912 NA N3/22/9. 10 Taylor's report i n the B.S.A.Co. Report of 1909. 11 Report of Chief Native Commissioner, Mashonaland, 1909. NA N9/1/12. 12 There are d e s c r i p t i o n s of labour d i f f i c u l t i e s at s e v e r a l mines a f t e r reductions i n wages i n the B.S.A.Co. Reports f o r 1901-1902, p.176. 241 CHAPTER 6 LABOUR FROM OUTSIDE INDIAN OCEAN AND NORTHERN ZAMBEZIA In 1904, when the A d m i n i s t r a t o r and Chief Native Commiss-io n e r s of Rhodesia were attempting to r e f u t e the arguments of the Resident Commissioner on the a v a i l a b i l i t y of labour, i t v/as pointed out that almost 75% of the country's labour force c o n s i s t e d of " f o r e i g n " labourers. The country's wealth, the Administrator wrote, i s s c a t t e r e d over Africa."'" This prop-o r t i o n remained true f o r most of our period. I t i s important to examine, t h i s outside labour because of the e f f e c t s i t had f i r s t l y upon the A f r i c a n i n h a b i t a n t s of Southern Rhodesia, secondly upon the peoples of i t s places of o r i g i n , t h i r d l y on the r e l a t i o n s between Rhodesia, the surrounding t e r r i t -o r i e s and the C o l o n i a l O f f i c e , and above a l l on A f r i c a n and European a t t i t u d e s towards labour as only a temporary l i n k between the indigenous and the cash economy. There were three d i f f e r e n t forms that labour from the outside could take. The Rhodesian a d m i n i s t r a t i o n encouraged t r i b e s from Mozambique, the Cape, the Transvaal and Bechuana-land to immigrate permanently to form a quarry f o r a p o t e n t i a l labour supply. They attempted to b r i n g i n labour from f u r t h e r a f i e l d , from E t h i o p i a , Somaliland and South Arabia, from I n d i a and from China. And they encouraged a l a r g e body of temp-orary migrant labour from the surrounding t e r r i t o r i e s , most 242 from the Company's own domain i n the North, the remainder from Nyasaland and Mozambique. I t i s a feature of the period that the Company and the s e t t l e r s were concerned to keep up the A f r i c a n population; any d e s i r e f o r r a c i a l balance was subordinated to the desi r e to create as l a r g e a p o t e n t i a l labour force as p o s s i b l e . Thus, not only were whole t r i b e s encouraged to immigrate, but measures were taken to stop emigration. The B r i t i s h South A f r i c a Company rent l e v i e d from 1908 on unalienated land was not imposed on border areas l e s t the i n h a b i t a n t s decided to move o f f across the border i n t o neighbouring t e r r -i t o r y . A considerable f l u i d i t y over the borders e x i s t e d throughout the period. The Fingoes were, the most i n t e r e s t i n g example of an immigrant t r i b e . They were a t r i b e from the Transkei who had had a long h i s t o r y of co-operation with the B r i t i s h i n the nineteenth century. The i n i t i a t i v e f o r t h e i r move to Rhodesia came from Rhodes himself. The need f o r t h e i r labour was o v e r t l y expressed i n a v e r b a l agreement between Rhodes and the c h i e f s . He i s reported to have s a i d We do not love one another so- much' as'to give land without any r e t u r n . Having come to your reserves and your t i t l e s I ask you to give at l e a s t three months' work a y e a r . 2 There would be no tax on the production of a work r e c e i p t , but otherwise there would be a tax of £ 3 . In t h i s way, a p o r t i o n of the Cape Glen Grey Act was i n e f f e c t transplanted 243 to Rhodesia by means of a p r i v a t e agreement between Rhodes as l a n d l o r d and the Fingoes as tenants. The Fingoes began to a r r i v e at t h e i r l o c a t i o n at Bembesi North East of Bulawayo i n 1898 . The superintend-ant of t h e i r l o c a t i o n reported that they were coming f o r labour purposes and to a s s i s t i n the defence of the country i f ever the Ndebele should r i s e again. The number of the Fingoes i n the l o c a t i o n never exceeded 1500 and by 1907 t h e i r numbers were dropping r a p i d l y . The experiment was a f a i l u r e , l a r g e l y because of a whole s e r i e s of bad harvests, i l l - h e a l t h , the death of stock from A f r i c a n coast fever, and disagreements regarding the l e v y i n g of wage-free compulsory labour f o r the fencing of the l o c a t i o n . In 1898 there were s e v e r a l other schemes afoot to b r i n g A f r i c a n immigrants i n t o the country. In that year a c h i e f , Mpefu, a refugee from the war c o n d i t i o n s i n the Transvaal, was permitted to cross the border with some 3 , 000 f o l l o w e r s and s e t t l e i n the Belingwe d i s t r i c t , and precautions were taken to stop the Boer p o l i c e following.* 1" This immigration was even more s h o r t - l i v e d than the Fingo. In 1902, i t was reported that he had returned to the Transvaal.^ More important from -the point of view of mining labour was the r a t h e r s e c r e t i v e scheme to entice Shangaans df Gungunhana's nation i n Gazaland to re-enter the M e l s e t t e r d i s t r i c t . ^ The Administrator was anxious to r e s e t t l e them along the Sabi 2kk R i v e r , which was reported to be able to support 15 ,000 A f r i c a n s . In f a c t there was no systematic immigration, and i t should be noted that only a few years l a t e r the Sabi V a l l e y area was being described as p a r t i c u l a r l y unproductive f o r i t s i n h a b i t -7 ants. A f r i c a n s had been coming i n too across the Bechuanaland border. Some under Chief Banaame s e t t l e d i n a l o c a t i o n which o had been a l l o t t e d to R a d i t c l a d i , the brother of Chief Khama. In February, 1901, Temba c h i e f s from Cape Colony v i s i t e d Rhodesia with a view to s e t t l i n g , looked over a v a i l a b l e land and returned to b r i n g up t h e i r f o l l o w e r s "as soon as m i l i t a r y exigencies permit".^ In f a c t t h i s scheme does not seem to have m a t e r i a l i s e d . At f i r s t the Resident Commissioner, S i r Marshall Clarke, disapproved of t h i s immigration on the grounds of infringement of the r i g h t s of the indigenous i n h a b i t a n t s of Rhodesia. M i l t o n set out to convince him of the need f o r more labour i n view of the c o s t l y importation from the North, and Clarke l a t e r modified h i s position."*"^ The C o l o n i a l O f f i c e were s c e p t i c a l of the Company1s' a b i l i t y or desire to provide these people with s u f f i c i e n t land - labour was c l e a r l y the primary motive - and so Chamberlain informed M i l n e r that a l l immig-ran t s must be made aware of the land and labour s i t u a t i o n . C o l o n i a l O f f i c e s u s c e p t i b i l i t e s to the r i g h t s of the indigenous peoples of Rhodesia were aroused by the v e i l e d t h r e a t s of the 245 Chief Native Commissioners f o r Matabeleland and Mashonaland i n the indabas held i n 1899: i f the l o c a l peoples would not go out to work, then other peoples would be brought i n and would take t h e i r land. . This type of immigration i s important because i t re v e a l s most c l e a r l y the land-labour syndrome. Such an agreement as that with the Fingoes makes i t abundantly c l e a r that land i s to be a system of outdoor r e l i e f to underpin the migrant labour system and maintain the cheapness of labour. Moreover, t h i s system confirmed the C o l o n i a l O f f i c e ' s c o n v i c t i o n that the only means of p r o t e c t i n g A f r i c a n s ' r i g h t s was by means of reserves. The second type of immigrant labour, an extension of the indentured labour from a f a r movement examined i n chapter 2 .repays study because i t r e v e a l s the b i z a r r e lengths to which the Rhodesian a d m i n i s t r a t i o n was w i l l i n g to go to secure labour, and because i t r e v e a l s i n t e r - i m p e r i a l a t t i t u d e s between Rhodesia and the Indian Empire and between Rhodesia and the other South A f r i c a n c o l o n i e s . When r e c r u i t e r s turned t h e i r a t t e n t i o n to the North East of A f r i c a and to South Arabia, i t was i n more ways than one a r e a c t i o n to the Boer War. The War meant the d i s r u p t i o n of Rhodesia's communications southwards; i t r a i s e d the fear that the mines would have to c l o s e , and that the A f r i c a n s , seeing the d i s c o m f i t u r e of the Europeans, would r e v o l t . I t o f f e r e d 246 an opportunity to Rhodesia to prove i t s independence by 1 2 means of the l i n k with the Indian Ocean through B e i r a . By chance, i t i n v o l v e d a c q u i r i n g a r e c r u i t e r c a l l e d J . Kusel, o r i g i n a l l y b r i e f e d by.a Rand Company. The e f f o r t s to obtain labour from the Red Sea - Gulf of Aden area take on i n a l l t h e i r w i l d a c t i v i t y and complete f u t i l i t y something of the a i r of pantomime. Kusel had proceeded to A b y s s i n i a to obtain labourers f o r the Cons o l i d -ated G o l d f i e l d s of South A f r i c a . On the outbreak of the Boer War.he o f f e r e d h i s s e r v i c e s to the Labour Board at Bulawayo and an agreement was signed on 2 1 September 1900. Kusel had submitted the d e t a i l e d proposals he had drawn up fo r the Rand Company, i n c l u d i n g not a l i t t l e shady business.^ He described c o n d i t i o n s i n A b y s s i n i a , i n Somaliland, and i n the Yemen, the e s t a b l i s h i n g of agents, the b r i b i n g of governors. Kusel promptly returned to the Red Sea area accompanied by a Rhodesian s e t t l e r , -A.Tulloch, to act as paymaster f o r the B r i t i s h South A f r i c a Company. At the end of November the Company informed the C o l o n i a l O f f i c e that agents had proceeded to A b y s s i n i a and that the Aden a u t h o r i t i e s required n o t i f i c a t i o n from the C o l o n i a l 15 O f f i c e . y The C o l o n i a l O f f i c e were s u r p r i s e d and submitted the l e t t e r to the Foreign O f f i c e who r e p l i e d that the enter-p r i s e should be stopped u n t i l King Menelik's views could be obtained. The usual questions were asked, "Why does M i l n e r 247 If, know nothing of t h i s ? Has S i r M a r s h a l l C l a r k e r e p o r t e d ? " Having e s t a b l i s h e d t h i s A b y s s i n i a n smoke-screen, the r e c r u i t e r s next turned up i n D j i b o u t i , where t r o u b l e arose at a very e a r l y stage of the o p e r a t i o n s . The French regarded i t as a breach of n e u t r a l i t y (with r e f e r e n c e to the South A f r i c a n War) to permit Somalis to be shipped from 17 D j i b o u t i to Southern A f r i c a . ' Notwithstanding, a group of r e c r u i t s were moved from D j i b o u t i to Z e i l a by T u l l o c h and then i l l e g a l l y shipped to Aden, c a r e f u l l y a v o i d i n g Berbera where T u l l o c h had been ordered to r e p o r t by the superintend-ant of customs at Z e i l a , and where the B r i t i s h consul had powers to stop the shipment. In subsequent correspondence to the F o r e i g n O f f i c e t h i s consul claimed that had he had an opport-u n i t y to' e x p l a i n t h e i r c o n t r a c t s to them h a r d l y any of the Somalis would have gone. Moreover he announced that T u l l o c h ' s a c t i o n had caused great excitement i n D j i b o u t i and "people 18 i n i m i c a l to B r i t a i n made much of i t to the A b y s s i n i a n King". But t h i s was not a l l . When t h i s batch a r r i v e d i n B e i r a T u l l o c h had d i f f i c u l t i e s keeping them together, f i r s t l y because Portuguese labour t o u t s o f f e r e d them higher wages and secondly because the Portuguese abducted seventy of them. There was even worse t r o u b l e with Kusel's p a r t y which foll o w e d . They r i o t e d on a r r i v a l at B e i r a and clashed with the Portuguese p o l i c e . I t was r e p o r t e d i n the Mozambique newspaper that the crew of the ."Herzog" of the Deutsche 248 O s t - A f r i k a shipping company had t o l d them that they would be 19 chained and s o l d as s l a v e s . A f t e r a l l t h i s the labourers proved useless. However, the consultant engineer at the Surprise Mine found the few Arabs among the contracted labourers u s e f u l and asked f o r 20 more. And t h i s set i n t r a i n a yet more p o i n t l e s s round of recruitment. The trouble and expense to which the Company was w i l l i n g to extend, despite these i n a u s p i c i o u s beginnings, i s a measure of the a d m i n i s t r a t i o n ' s b e l i e f i n the inadequacy of the domestic supply. T u l l o c h submitted a d e t a i l e d report on 21 labour prospects a l l the way up the East A f r i c a n coast. Even Lord Cromer played h i s part, telegraphing that Harrington i n Addis Ababa d i d not consider that Abyssinian labour would be s u i t a b l e , though King Menelik consented to the enlistment of labourers at f i v e d o l l a r s (Maria Theresas) a head. The Foreign O f f i c e l a c o n i c a l l y communicated to the C o l o n i a l O f f i c e 23 that i t agreed w i t h Colonel Harrington's opinion. ^ Following T u l l o c h ' s confidence that an u n l i m i t e d supply of labour could be obtained from the Aden area provided the permission of the Indian a u t h o r i t i e s could be obtained f o r the establishment of a depot, a s o r t of labour entrepot, i n Aden i t s e l f , the second act of the Red Sea farce was played out. (Aden and the adjacent protected s t a t e s were under the j u r i s d i c t i o n of the presidency of Bombay at t h i s time.) H. M a r s h a l l Hole, a senior o f f i c i a l of the Rhodesian administ-2 4 9 r a t i o n , was dispatched along with Kusel to begin recruitment on a lar g e scale through Aden. Every precaution was taken to see that Hole would be given a co-operative welcome. At the request of the Company, the C o l o n i a l O f f i c e asked the I n d i a O f f i c e f o r an opinion and duly received a memorandum from S i r W. Lee Warner.^ The I n d i a O f f i c e apparently saw no o b j e c t i o n and d i d not regard the I n d i a Emigration Act of 1883 as p e r t a i n i n g to the protected s t a t e s . The C o l o n i a l O f f i c e contented i t s e l f w i t h seeking assurances from the Company that the Rhodesian a d m i n i s t r a t i o n would be e n t i r e l y r esponsible f o r recruitment, shipment, p r o t e c t i o n i n Rhodesia and r e p a t r i a t i o n . Meanwhile, Hole i n Aden was encountering d i f f i c u l t i e s . The new B r i t i s h Resident, General Maitland, refused to act u n t i l he received orders from h i s superiors i n I n d i a . Arrangements went ahead; contacts were made with s u l t a n s i n the i n t e r i o r ; an i s l a n d i n Aden harbour with the u n f o r t -unate name of„Slave I s l a n d was chosen as a d e p o t . ^ B U t s t i l l Maitland refused to permit a c t u a l recruitment to begin. Bombay was r a i s i n g d i f f i c u l t i e s . Unlike the I n d i a O f f i c e , the presidency regarded the I n d i a Emigration Act r e s t r i c t i n g the emigration of Indian indentured labourers as applying to the protected s t a t e s . Correspondence was protracted and v o l u b l e . In August Rhodes himself p e r s o n a l l y cabled Curzon complaining of the delay, to which Curzon r e p l i e d that he was 250 26 not aware of any delay. The Resident p e r s i s t e d i n i g n o r i n g both the I n d i a O f f i c e and Cur-zon - he would take h i s orders onl from: Bombay, and he was a d v i s i n g non-co-operation. In London, the i s s u e of the Pr o t e c t o r of Immigrants had a r i s e n , f o r should Hole's e f f o r t s ever be met with success, such an o f f i c e r would have to be appointed. This minor controversy r e v e a l s p e r f e c t l y the d i f f i c u l t i e s i n Company r u l e and the exacerbated sta t e of r e l a t i o n s between the C o l o n i a l O f f i c e and the Company. I t also reveals an i n t e r e s t i n g d i s t i n c t i o n i n Company a t t i t u d e s towards the Secretary of State and the permanent o f f i c i a l s of the C o l o n i a l O f f i c e . The questions were who should appoint the Pr o t e c t o r of Immigrants, and, more important, who should pay him. The permanent under secretary, S i r Montague Ommanney, f e l t that the P r o t e c t o r should be paid by the High Commissioner - he di d not l i k e the i d e a of "the cont r a c t o r paying the i n s p e c t o r " . Other o f f i c i a l s , w e l l aware of Treasury o b j e c t i o n s , suggested the method used f o r n a t i v e o f f i c i a l s : the Company paid, but the appointment was subject to the approval of the Secretary pQ of State. F i n a l l y , i t was decided that the appointment should be made by the Secretary of State from nominees of the Company and paid by the Company, and t h i s d e c i s i o n was commun-29 i c a t e d to the Company i n August Of 1901. y Wilson Fox, the manager of the Company, reacted s t r o n g l y 251 • , • to the proposal - " I t i s monstrous that we should, have the pay-i n g and the C o l o n i a l O f f i c e the patronage". I t was furthermore, derogatory to the p o s i t i o n of the Company to take the appointment of i t s o f f i c i a l s out of i t s hands. I t tends to give our enemies a handle against us,'as f u r n i s h i n g o f f i c i a l proof that the Govt, s t i l l regards us w i t h suspicion.3° And i n a most r e v e a l i n g p o s t s c r i p t he added I f future d i s c u s s i o n i s to take place upon t h i s matter, I th i n k i t would be wise f o r Lord Grey to approach Mr. Chamberlain d i r e c t . I t i s not much use arguing such a point with subordinate o f f i c i a l s . L i t t l e d i d he know that Mr. Chamberlain had already produced the most cunning i d e a of a l l , namely that "payment should be made by 31 us, but recovered from the Company".-' And i t was the "subordinate o f f i c i a l s " who thought that t h i s v/as going too f a r . At l a s t a f t e r many months of w a i t i n g , Hole was informed by the London o f f i c e that Curzon had telegraphed that the r e c r u i t i n g 32 could beginy but only f o r the f i r s t thousand, f o r Bombay had 33 decreed that Aden was not to be used as a permanent depot. y A most remarkable network of connections had been set up; journeys had been made to Lahej and Shagra; sultans had been tipped; agents and r e c r u i t e r s had been appointed. But the d i f f i c u l t i e s were only beginning. Sultans and sheiks who had glowingly promised large numbers of r e c r u i t s (with an eye to t h e i r ov/n pockets) f a i l e d to comply. R e c r u i t i n g i n the Yemen as hoped v/as impossible since trouble had broken out on the border and B r i t i s h troops had been sent to q u e l l the insurgents. 2 5 2 F a n t a s t i c s t o r i e s about Rhodesia c i r c u l a t e d i n Aden, Sheikh Othman, and even i n the i n t e r i o r : one of those who had "mut-i n i e d " (Hole's word) i n B e i r a i n the previous recruitment was i n Aden a s s i d u o u s l y spreading t a l e s . Moreover, the r a t e of disappearance of r e c r u i t s was remarkable. Kusel's f i r s t p a r t y from Lahej c o n s i s t e d of 3 3 8 Arabs; of these 1 5 0 deserted on the way to the medical i n s p e c t i o n centre at Sheikh Othman, 6 0 r e f u s -ed to submit to the medical examination, 32.were r e j e c t e d as m e d i c a l l y u n f i t , l e a v i n g 9 6 , one of whom was claimed by h i s 35 mother. ^ L a t e r Hole d i s c o v e r e d to h i s astonishment that on the way from the medical centre to the i s l a n d depot some more deserte d and o t h e r s were picked up owing to the l a c k of v i g i l -ance of the p o l i c e . E v e n t u a l l y , 1 2 9 were despatched on a German steamer as deck cargo i n the charge of a member of the B r i t i s h South A f r i c a p o l i c e , the whole journey to B e i r a to take over s i x weeks.^ The l u d i c r o u s end to the operation was i n s i g h t . The Arabs went up to Rhodesia; they r e f u s e d to go underground; the mines had a s u r p l u s of surface labour; they and another group which followed with Hole were returned; and Kusel was ordered to wind recr u i t m e n t i n Aden. There were r e c r i m i n a t i o n s , b i t t e r n e s s , and 37 not a l i t t l e wasted expenditure. Despite a l l , a renewed cry went up f o r labour from I n d i a i t -s e l f , c i t i n g the many precedents f o r Indian indentured labour. In March of 1 9 0 0 , W i l l i a m Ewing of a f i r m of Glasgow agents had submitted a d e t a i l e d r e p o r t to Jones, S e c r e t a r y of the B r i t i s h South A f r i c a Company, on I n d i a emigrant l a b o u r . 3 8 253 He provided f i g u r e s f o r the 1890s of emigration to M a u r i t i u s , N a t a l , F i j i , Jamaica, Demerara, T r i n i d a d , Dutch Guiana, Mombasa and the Seychelles, which reached a peak t o t a l of 19,613 i n 1898-99. He argued that i t was b e t t e r to r e c r u i t i n C a l c u t t a the impoverished Indians coming down the Hooghly from Bihar and other p e r p e t u a l l y depressed s t a t e s . Again Rhodes was behind the renewed pressure. He would not propose i t himself, but he' advised M i l t o n to request Indian labour and then he (Rhodes) would lend h i s support.- 7 7 I t was over a year before the Chamber of Mines i n Bulawayo took up the cry, requesting an exploratory recruitment of one t h o u s a n d . ^ There ensued much di s c u s s i o n as to whether I n d i a could a f f o r d any mining labour h e r s e l f and v/here the best area f o r recruitment would be. An answer to the l a t t e r question was provided by the Rhodesia Land and Mine Owners' A s s o c i a t i o n e a r l y i n 1903 when they began to advocate s t r o n g l y the s u i t a b i l i t y of Mopla l a b o u r . ^ S i r G.S. MacKenzie, whose company, the B r i t i s h I n d i a Steam Navigation Company, had been i n v o l v e d i n the t r a n s p o r t a t i o n of the indentured labourers f o r the Uganda Railway, submitted costs i n v o l v e d i n the t r a n s -p o r t i n g of such labour to Rhodesia. ^ The Rhodesian case was g r e a t l y prejudiced by two f a c t s , quite apart from the d i s a s t r o u s Aden experience. F i r s t l y , German East A f r i c a had r e c e n t l y a p p l i e d to be included on the l i s t of cou n t r i e s to which emigration was permitted under the 254 1883 Act. Secondly, the Bloemfontein Conference on customs, the Native Question, and A l i e n Immigration, c a l l e d by M i l n e r , was to meet i n March of 1903 , and the C o l o n i a l O f f i c e i n s i s t -ed on adhering to i t s espoused p o l i c y that Rhodesia was an i n t e g r a l part of South A f r i c a , and could not be permitted to introduce labour against South A f r i c a n opinion. The B r i t i s h South A f r i c a Company corresponded with the Transvaal Chamber of Mines urging that B r i t i s h Indians would be the most 43 acceptable form of A s i a t i c labour to p u b l i c sentiment. v M i l n e r corresponded d i r e c t l y with Curzon on the i s s u e , and by way of r e f u s a l Curzon simply sent to M i l n e r a copy of.. the dispatch he had sent to the Secretary of State f o r I n d i a , Lord George Hamilton, with regard to the German request. He argued that the undeveloped nature of the country exposed Indians to greater dangers and that i t was d i f f i c u l t f o r the a d m i n i s t r a t i o n of a newly opened t e r r i t o r y to ensure that abuses were checked. He went on, The pioneers of c o l o n i a l e n t e r p r i s e are n a t u r a l l y and n e c e s s a r i l y masterful men, not very squeamish or tender hearted. I t i s probable that f o r the c o n t r o l of A f r i c a n s sterner measures than are needed for Indians are a b s o l u t e l y necessary; and there i s always a r i s k that the d i s t i n c t i o n s between the two races may not be recognised when both are l a b o u r i n g side by s i d e , and that the s i m i l a r i t y of colour may be held to j u s t i f y s i m i l a r i t y of treatment and may obscure the f a c t that the native A f r i c a n and the n a t i v e Indian stand on e n t i r e l y d i f f e r e n t levels.44 255 By such an extr a o r d i n a r y piece of r a c i s t - though perhaps sadly p r a c t i c a l - argument d i d Curzon temporarily scotch de-mands f o r Indian labour. Very temporarily, f o r w i t h i n a few months the Company was making renewed en q u i r i e s to the C o l o n i a l O f f i c e , but that department stood by i t s s t r i c t u r e s that Rhodesia was to wait to see what the Transvaal would do and had to prove c o n c l u s i v e l y that every supply of A f r i c a n h 5 labour had been tapped. y M i l t o n dispatched a point by point r e p l y to Curzon's reasons f o r r e f u s a l , ^ and l a t e i n 1903 the C o l o n i a l O f f i c e agreed to suggest to the I n d i a O f f i c e that an o f f i c i a l of the Indian Government might be sent to South A f r i c a to examine present conditions.*4'''7 E a r l y i n 1904, the Company submitted a l e t t e r to the C o l o n i a l O f f i c e which p e r f e c t l y expresses the d i f f e r e n c e of opinion between them on the r e l a t i o n s h i p between Rhodesia and South A f r i c a : -The p o s i t i o n of Rhodesia as a separate t e r r i t o r y , progressive and emphatically B r i t i s h i n sentiment, with great n a t u r a l resources s t e r i l i s e d f o r want of an adequate i n d u s t r i a l population, i s exc e p t i o n a l , and since i t i s of the utmost importance, i t i s hoped that the s o l u t i o n of the comparatively simple problems to which the employment of-Indian labour i n Rhodesia give r i s e , w i l l not be delayed while the f a r more complex questions which must attend the employment o f ' s i m i l a r , labour on the ' , o Witwatersrand, are being i n v e s t i g a t e d . The geographical i s o l a t i o n of Rhodesia was also stressed, and 256 p a r t i c u l a r l y the fact that Rhodesia had her own port of entry through Beira. Despite these repeated arguments, the Colonial Office refused- to attempt to persuade Curzon to change his mind for the reasons that Chamberlain had expressed i n a minute of June 1903, that i t was impossible to t ry Indian labour i n Rhodesia f i r s t because i t was not under direct imperial control, that the recent incidents of ill-treatment of Africans on Rhodesian mines had reduced confidence, and that the handicaps on Indians i n South A f r i c a were a bone of contention.^/ Throughout t h i s period a yet more b i t t e r controversy was that with regard to Chinese labour. Again i t was sprung on the Colonial Office quite suddenly. In August of 1900 the Company communicated that the Board, the Administration and Mr. Rhodes were now i n favour of the introduction of A s i a t i c labour and enquired whether the High Commissioner could authorise t h i s by proclamation. "The B r i t i s h South A f r i c a Company, as usual, shoot a bolt from the blue and expect to 50 get what they want without delay."^ This was the reaction of Hartmann Just, and the High Commissioner was promptly 51 instructed to decline to issue such a proclamation. During the next few years the Chinese labour question had a remark-able effect on the protagonists of the Rhodesian labour issue. Chamberlain himself was an early convert. In 1901 he minuted, "Personally I think that the labour d i f f i c u l t y i n A f r i c a can 257 only be solved by the immigration of A s i a t i c s under proper 5 2 c o n d i t i o n s such as those adopted i n the West In d i e s " . The C o l o n i a l O f f i c e became d i v i d e d between those who favoured Chinese labour and those who p r e f e r r e d Indian. The s e t t l e r s d i v i d e d from the a d m i n i s t r a t i o n and the mine owners, a p o l a r i s a t i o n s i m i l a r to that which took place on the Rand. And the Resident Commissioner became d i v i d e d from the High Commissioner with unfortunate e f f e c t s on the system of i m p e r i a l c o n t r o l i n Rhodesia. To confound a l l , Rhodes (and Jameson also) e v e n t u a l l y came out against Chinese labour. As always, the Company was w e l l b r i e f e d . In 1899 and 1900 H. Wilson Fox had received memoranda from London 5 3 agents, Harvey Bros. & Co. ^ These stressed the advantages of Chinese - t h r i f t , f r u g a l i t y , hard work, and since they were not B r i t i s h subjects they could not claim to stay i n Rhodesia as Indians could. Examples of s a t i s f a c t o r y exportation of both Chinese and Japanese were q/uoted -Chinese labour i n B r i t i s h Guiana, on the s i l v e r mines of Peru, and Japanese on the c o a l mines i n Mexico, and i n Hawaii. S t i l l seeking information, the S a l i s b u r y Chamber of Mines asked that a report might be sought from the consul general i n China on c o o l i e labour, food, the cost of shipment. I t i s i n t e r e s t i n g to note that M i l t o n i n h i s request that the question might be opened, pointed out that the recent 258 Fingo scheme had not produced enough labour to s a t i s f y 55 requirements, y and one of the Harvey memoranda described the Fingo scheme as a f i a s c o . For two years the arguments continued. In a dispatch of J u l y 1902 even the Resident Commissioner admitted that the labour supply was not dependable and that A s i a t i c labour might have to be introduced. Clarke was to regret t h i s d i s p a t c h , f o r i t was published i n a blue book and l a t e r quoted against him by the Rhodesia Land and Mine Owners' A s s o c i a t i o n when he had become an ardent opponent of the i n t r o d u c t i o n of 56 Chinese labour* The arguments fo r and against Chinese labour eventually p o l a r i s e d on the question whether or not there was or could be an adequate supply of labour w i t h i n the Rhodesias. On the one hand the mines complained v o l u b l y of t h e i r d i f f i c u l t -i e s ; when the Boer War was over, i t was f e l t that the best miners - the Shangaans fo r example - were being drained south to the Rand; and i n any case both Shangaan and Ngoni labour cost a considerable amount to introduce, and then only f o r a 57 short period. On the other hand, the Resident Commissioner based h i s o b j e c t i o n s on two main arguments. F i r s t l y , he claimed that the l o c a l supply was adequate, and c e r t a i n l y \?ould be now that the r a i l w a y was pushing North i n t o North Western Rhodesia. Secondly, he argued that only some mines were experiencing d i f f i c u l t i e s , and t h i s was because co n d i t i o n s 259 58 there were u n a t t r a c t i v e . There were even voices w i t h i n the Chamber of Mines that had argued s i m i l a r l y . - ^ Meanwhile, M i l n e r had been converted to an ardent support-er of Chinese labour. Wilson Fox advised M i l t o n of t h i s i n a c o n f i d e n t i a l telegram and i n s t r u c t e d him to whip up s u p p o r t . ^ In r e p l y , M i l t o n announced that there was no popular support and that the e l e c t e d members of the l e g i s l a t i v e c o u n c i l were f i r m l y opposed.^ Fox r e p l i e d i n exasperation that he could not understand t h i s popular a t t i t u d e combined with the frequent complaints about the shortage of labour. What Fox apparently f a i l e d to r e a l i s e was that Rhodesia was experiencing one of i t s f i r s t European c l a s s s t r u g g l e s . Those c i t i z e n s who were not mineowners or admi n i s t r a t o r s had no desire to be swamped by A s i a t i c immigrants, and hence r e s o l u t i o n s from p u b l i c meetings opposed were evenly matched with those from 63 meetings i n favour. ^ Just a few days l a t e r , Fox i n a p r i v a t e l e t t e r to Milton. cast a new and extremely i n t e r e s t i n g l i g h t on the Rhodesian Chinese labour a g i t a t i o n , when he wrote I quite agree with you that there are not many places i n Rhodesia at which we could' at present u s e f u l l y employ Chinese labour,, though I.'.believe that there are some; e,g, the Globe and Phoenix and the Wankie, but the point i s not so much to get Chinese labour f o r ourselves as to help get i f " f o r the Transvaal and thus to r e l i e v e the pressure upon r, our sources of supply of k a f f i r labour. ^ This i s ample evidence not only of the interconnectedness of 260 southern A f r i c a n labour recruitment of A f r i c a n s , which i s obvious, but of the knowledge that Rhodesian mines were unable to compete with those of the Rand. The r i f t between M i l n e r and Clarke grew. The High Commissioner informed the C o l o n i a l O f f i c e that Clarke's arguments were "based on the prejudice that low-class Chinese and Indians are morally and i n t e l l e c t u a l l y lower than A f r i c a n s , " ( c f . Curzon), and that the n a t i v e would have 65 u n f a i r competition. ' According to M i l n e r , "a l i t t l e competition i s e x a c t l y what the n a t i v e s need". His argument i s a curious v a r i a n t of the second E a r l Grey's theory of the need f o r a challenge i n a t r o p i c a l climate, a theory formulated some f i f t y years e a r l i e r . The C o l o n i a l O f f i c e , f a i t h f u l as ever to i t s p o s i t i o n that Rhodesia was an i n t e g r a l part of South A f r i c a , refused to countenance Chinese immigration u n t i l i t was approved f o r the Transvaal. I r o n i c a l l y of course, the Transvaal d i d e v e n t u a l l y have Chinese immigration, perhaps to .-66 the detriment of the fortunes, of i t s A f r i c a n i n h a b i t a n t s , while Rhodesian opinion against waxed s t r o n g l y enough to be s u c c e s s f u l . Whether or not the r e l i e v i n g of Transvaal pressure on labour from the North redounded to the advantage of Rhodesia, t a k i n g Fox's view, must be examined l a t e r . A l l of these f l i r t a t i o n s with indentured labour are i l l u s t r a t i v e of a number of important points with regard to the Rhodesian labour question, and also to the broader t o p i c 261 of Company r u l e . We f i n d the i d e a of a labour reserve f i r m l y entrenched i n the minds of Rhodesian p o l i c y makers. The concern with indentured labour only tended to under-l i n e t h i s i d e a , that labour v/as something to be introduced temporarily and then returned. I t helped to confirm the notion that labour i n A f r i c a could only be i n a perpetual l i q u i d s t a t e r a t h e r than a permanent force, and no r e a l attempts were ever made to e s t a b l i s h the l a t t e r . This l e d i n part to the i n s i s t e n c e by many p a r t i e s that the domestic supply was e n t i r e l y inadequate. C e r t a i n l y , S i r M a r s h a l l Clarke was c o r r e c t i n seeing a d i r e c t c o r r e l a t i o n between des e r t i o n s , the length of stay at a mine, and the co n d i t i o n s at the mine. He was prepared to recognise the operation of d i s i n c e n t i v e s , of r e p u l s i o n from work, where others v/ere only capable, of t h i n k i n g i n terms of compulsion. The indentured labour i s s u e also tended to confirm the r e l a t i o n s h i p of mutual suspicion between the Company and the C o l o n i a l O f f i c e , and sus p i c i o n s of the Company.were even stronger when another i m p e r i a l agency was concerned* Lord Curzon was not prepared to see any d i s t i n c t i o n betv/een an East A f r i c a n t e r r i t o r y administered by Germans and a South C e n t r a l one administered by a B r i t i s h Chartered Company. Moreover, the method of i m p e r i a l c o n t r o l by High Commissioner through a pov/erless Resident Commissioner tended to aggravate the already s t r a i n e d r e l a t i o n s h i p . 262 We f i n d too that some of Chamberlain's b e l i e f s have become enshrined dogma w i t h i n the C o l o n i a l O f f i c e . Rhod-e s i a i s an i n t e g r a l part of South A f r i c a and may not be regarded as an e n t i r e l y separate growth as the Company at times argued. Only one C o l o n i a l O f f i c e o f f i c i a l can be found who was prepared to argue that Rhodesia should be tr e a t e d separately - F r e d e r i c k Graham. ' Another dogma was that the Company must be permitted to develop i t s e s t a t e s , and these estates i n c l u d e d Northern Rhodesia, even i f development there meant only to be an e f f e c t i v e labour r e s e r v o i r f o r the South. That the C o l o n i a l O f f i c e tended to be f a r l e s s o b s t r u c t i v e here than i n the is s u e of indent-ured labour must no?; be considered. LABOUR FROM NORTHERN ZAMBEZIA Northern Zambezia (which i n the e a r l i e r period i n c l u d e d the Lake Nyasa region) was marked out from the e a r l i e s t days of European r u l e as an important source of labour. The explor e r and t r e a t y hawker, Joseph Thomson, v/rote i n 1891 of the dense population between the Loangwa Riv e r and Lake Nyasa, of the la r g e numbers of men c o n t r o l l e d by c h i e f s Mpeseni and Mwasi. The Ngoni were already descending on Blantyre "to hoe the f i e l d s which i t was t h e i r wont, only a few years ago, to devastate with f i r e and spear". And t h i s would soon be true of the f o l l o w e r s of Mwasi: indeed 263 more so, " f o r being i n the f i r s t place l e s s w a r l i k e , and i n the second, occupying a somewhat poorer country, they v/ould the more r e a d i l y turn t h e i r war axes l i t e r a l l y i n t o pruning CO hooks". ° In 1898, the f i r s t a d m i n i s t r a t o r of North Eastern Rhodesia, while s t i l l a d m i n istering from B l a n t y r e , wrote i n h i s rep o r t , "The export of labour to Mashonaland i s one of the most obvious d i r e c t i o n s i n which we can c o n t r i b -ute to the development and p r o s p e r i t y of Rhodesia, and our pr e l i m i n a r y experiments i n t h i s d i r e c t i o n seem l i k e l y to be 69 s u c c e s s f u l " . y Conditions preceding l a r g e scale labour migration i n Northern Zambezia d i f f e r e d from the South i n that the Arab s l a v e r s had introduced a whole network of economic and p o l i t i c a l r e l a t i o n s i n which the bloody labour migration of the slave trade formed at the same time a means of exchange, an important export, and a pretext f o r alignments, a l l i a n c e s and warfare. These connections w i l l be examined more c l o s e l y i n the las:t chapter, "Labour and the A f r i c a n " , but i t i s important to remember that labour migration i n Northern Zambezia c o n s t i t u t e d more a replacement f o r the s l a v i n g and t r a d i n g economy than i n the South. Of course, the two systems overlapped. In the 1880s the movement of Ngonis 7 0 to the Shire Highlands had already begun, and both S i r Sydney Shippard (the i m p e r i a l commissioner i n Bechuanaland) and Francois C o i l l a r d (the missionary to the L o z i ) recorded 264 A f r i c a n s t r a v e l l i n g from Barotseland to Kimberley during that decade.^ 1 On the other hand, slave t r a d i n g was s t i l l being mentioned i n r e p o r t s as l a t e as 1913, p a r t i c u l a r l y on the 72 North Western Rhodesia-Congo-Angola f r o n t i e r . During the f i r s t few years of Rhodesia's development the labour supply from the North remained sporadic and badly-documented, l a r g e l y because i t v/as provided by the p r i v a t e " t o u t i n g " system of adventurous, s p e c u l a t i v e , u n c o n t r o l l e d , independent r e c r u i t e r s . C o l i n Harding on h i s extensive t r a v e l s throughout Barotseland frequently provided accounts of labour migrants, of whom there were "more than i s . g e n e r a l l y imagined".'- 7 He proposed a scheme of o f f i c e r s to check on where the migrants were going, and to a s s i s t them to t h e i r d e s t i n a t i o n s . But during the 1890s these glimpses remain t a n t a l i s i n g l y b r i e f and the numbers d i f f i c u l t to a s c e r t a i n because as Harding himself reported, they hated being l e d i n a gang and pr e f e r r e d the hazards of independent migration. In the B r i t i s h C e n t r a l A f r i c a P r o t e c t o r a t e , the campaigns against the slave trade, the i m p o s i t i o n of Harry Johnston's hut tax, and the beginnings of larg e scale migrat-i o n v/ere c l o s e l y l i n k e d . But i n North Eastern Rhodesia and i n North Western Rhodesia a d m i n i s t r a t i v e i n f l u e n c e and with i t the hut tax, spread very slowly. Hut tax v/as not e f f e c t -i v e l y l e v i e d from the e n t i r e region now known as Zambia u n t i l a f t e r I9O4. I t s i m p o s i t i o n occurred gradually and 265 unevenly. As l a t e as 1910, i t was reported that there was wholesale migration from d i s t r i c t s where the tax was ten s h i l l i n g s i n t o those where i t was only f i v e s h i l l i n g s , namely the Kasempa, Ndola and Loangwa d i s t r i c t s . In 1914 some d i s t r i c t s were s t i l l paying only three s h i l l i n g s . ^ In North Western Rhodesia organised recruitment f o r Southern Rhodesia preceded the l e v y of hut tax by s e v e r a l years. The Bulawayo Chamber of Mines sent a r e c r u i t e r c a l l e d Bagley to Barotseland i n 1896 and corresponded with the m i s s i o n a r i e s C o i l l a r d and J a l l a seeking t h e i r assistance to reassure Lewanika that the r e c r u i t s would be w e l l - t r e a t e d . ^ 5 Lewanika was to be paid f i v e s h i l l i n g s f o r every labourer r e c r u i t e d f o r s i x months and l o c a l c h i e f s were also to receive bonuses i f i t would increase the supply. The Ndebele r e b e l l -i o n g r e a t l y hampered the operation of these arrangements, and subsequently the Chamber of Mines dealt d i r e c t l y with the 76 Resident at L e a l u i , Robert Coryndon. This recruitment was however n e i t h e r numerically s u c c e s s f u l nor p a r t i c u l a r l y popular. By the end of 1897 a scheme had been inaugurated under the j o i n t aegis of the Bulawayo Chamber of Mines and the ad m i n i s t r a t i o n of Southern Rhodesia whereby a r e c r u i t i n g f i r m , Acutt and Crewe, would supply labour from the v i c i n i t y of the 77 Zambezi. ' By March of 1898 they had brought down 1 ,200 r e c r u i t s . In 1899 Acutt and Crewe consolidated t h e i r p o s i t i o n 266 when 6,000 acres were leased to them on the Kama River 130 rpQ miles North of Bulawayo. Despite the s e m i - o f f i c i a l nat-ure of the scheme i t 'was subject to the customary r e c r u i t i n g abuses. In 1900, four of Acutt and Crewe's A f r i c a n employ-ees, one Zulu and three Ndebeles, were i n v o l v e d i n an i n c i d e n t i n a Tonga v i l l a g e North of the Zambezi i n which three Tonga v/ere v/ounded (one m o r t a l l y ) by shooting, and one Acutt and Crewe r e c r u i t e r was v/ounded by an assegai. To the C o l o n i a l O f f i c e t h i s i n c i d e n t smacked of a labour l e v y by 79 a q u a s i - p o l i c e f o r c e . ' 7 Nevertheless, a f t e r the f a i l u r e of the f i r s t Labour Board i n September 1901, Acutt and Crewe continued to f i g u r e i n Barotseland recruitment. In 1901 they r e c r u i t e d almost 2,000 men f o r the mines. E a r l y i n 1902 the mines agreed that they should pay £1 per head f o r labourers brought' down by Acutt and Crewe, who were to make p r i v a t e agreements with 80 the various mining companies. The r e c r u i t i n g company e s t a b l i s h e d s h e l t e r s and food s u p p l i e s on the migrants' route, but they were soon i n v o l v e d i n the f i r s t of many disputes regarding monopoly recruitment. De Beers v/ere also r e c r u i t i n g i n Barotseland and v/ere o f f e r i n g prospect of f a r higher wages i n Kimberley. Both the a d m i n i s t r a t i o n s of Southern Rhodesia and of North Western Rhodesia had an ambivalent a t t i t u d e tov/ards De Beers, f o r obvious reasons. The c h i e f n a t i v e commissioner of 267 Matabeleland, T a y l o r , decided to the C o l o n i a l O f f i c e ' s astonishment.that "of course" De Beers d i d not r e q u i r e a 8 l l i c e n c e . I t i s c l e a r t h a t commercial a s s o c i a t i o n was o v e r r i d i n g p o l i t i c a l c o n s i d e r a t i o n s . T h i s was not so i n the case of the Rand mines. While l o c a l i n t e r e s t s were determined to preserve Northern Rhodesia f o r Southern Rhodesia, n e i t h e r Lagden ( S e c r e t a r y f o r Native A f f a i r s i n the T r a n s v a a l ) nor M i l n e r was prepared to see the Witwatersrand Native Labour A s s o c i a t i o n (W.N.L.A.) cut o f f from t h i s important source of supply. T h i s controversy must however be examined i n the context of the modus v i v e n d i on l a b o u r recruitment with Mozambique. From 1903 to 1908 recruitment i n North Western Rhodesia was i n the hands of the Labour Bureau which used the W.N.L.A. th r e a t to attempt to win support from a l l the Rhodesian mines. North Western Rhodesia became i n f a c t the Bureau's most important s i n g l e source of supply. In 1908, of a t o t a l of Qp 14,002 men r e c r u i t e d , 5,679 were r e c r u i t e d i n the t e r r i t o r y . I t s importance both as a labour supply region and as an area of l a b o u r o p p o r t u n i t y was g r e a t l y enhanced by the extension of the r a i l w a y l i n e northwards. The r a i l w a y reached Broken H i l l i n 1906, and continued northwards towards the Katanga Border i n the course of the next few years. Thousands of men, a l l . l o c a l , were employed as l a b o u r e r s i n i t s c o n s t r u c t i o n , and farmers and p r o s p e c t o r s followed i t North, b r i n g i n g t h e i r 2 6 8 labour demands with them. A r e l a t i v e l y free r e c r u i t i n g system continued, although the a d m i n i s t r a t o r frequently complained of the unscrupulous touts ( i n 1904 many of these were reported to be G r e e k s ) . ^ Nevertheless, Coryndon refused to permit the Bureau to have a monopoly of recruitment, and the i s s u e became something of a dispute between M i l t o n and Coryndon. But Coryndon's successor, Codrington from North Eastern Rhodesia, was more compliant towards the Southern Rhodesia a d m i n i s t r a t i o n . He refused to permit Transvaal recruitment while Southern Rhodesia s t i l l had a shortage.^*1" In 1905, the Transvaal A s s o c i a t i o n had set out to r e c r u i t 1,000 men i n North Eastern Rhodesia, and i t i s an i n d i c a t i o n of the d i f f i c u l t i e s placed i n t h e i r way that they only succeeded i n gaining 700 before. 85 they withdrew. y The comparative success of recruitment i n North Western Rhodesia revealed f i r s t l y the success of the r a i l w a y i n siphoning o f f labour, and secondly the d e c l i n i n g i n f l u e n c e of Lewanika i n Barotseland. The controversy surrounding Lewanika's share of the hut tax and the method of c o l l e c t i n g i t revealed the Company's ambiguity i n a t t i t u d e towards Barotseland i n view of i t s dual a d m i n i s t r a t i o n of ad m i n i s t r a t o r and r e s i d e n t , the one at L i v i n g s t o n e , the other at Lewanika's court. The dispute between these two o f f i c e r s , R.T. Coryndon and C o l i n Harding, r e f l e c t e d Lewanika's growing discontent. 269 He was at pains to remind the Company that he had not been Rf, conquered l i k e the Ndebele. The North Western Rhodesian n a t i v e a d m i n i s t r a t i o n O n was under-staffed, under-paid, and un d e r - p r i v i l e g e d . -Not s u r p r i s i n g l y , t h i s gave r i s e to abuse. There were complaints of excessive hut and crop burning on non-payment of hut tax, of flogging-, of forced labour, of undue i n f l u e n c e on the part of the d i s t r i c t commissioner i n the business of r e c r u i t i n g . In two f l o g g i n g accusations of 1909, both the Secretary f o r Native A f f a i r s and the a c t i n g a d m i n i s t r a t o r defended the r i g h t of d i s t r i c t commissioners to f l o g , although they had op i n f a c t no such l e g a l r i g h t at a l l . The C o l o n i a l O f f i c e became i n c r e a s i n g l y d isturbed by the North Western Rhodesia a d m i n i s t r a t i o n and by Selborne's handling of them. The o f f i c i a l s i n the C o l o n i a l O f f i c e were f u r i o u s when Selborne permitted a d i s t r i c t commissioner who had shot deserters to go r e s i g n , r a t h e r than charge him with murder. y Another d i s t r i c t commissioner accused of f l o g g i n g and of forced labour was not suspended by Selborne u n t i l i t was discovered that he was i n d u l g i n g i n concubinage, hardly an unusual p r a c t i c e f o r the time. Moreover, Selborne refused to l i s t e n to the complaints of a s e t t l e r c a l l e d ^enables - who i n a long and acrimonious correspondence attacked the North Western Rhodesia a d m i n i s t r a t i o n - simply on the grounds that he too 270 9 9 had an African mistress. 7 The Colonial Office repudiated Selborne's acceptance of the North Western Rhodesian administration's apologia, his assumption of the position of censor of private morals, and c r i t i c i s e d "Selborne and his entourage" for f a i l i n g to be "as watchful as they should'have been".^ The Colonial Office was p a r t i c u l a r l y worried that these incidents took place near the Congo border. The parliamentary under secretary, Seeley, .remarked, "The pro-Leopold gang w i l l soon 92 get hold of t h i s " . The Colonial Office also noted that the High Commissioner had very l i t t l e power under the North Western Rhodesia Order i n Council, and had no effective ad-v i s e r i n the t e r r i t o r y . By 1910, work opportunity v/as growing i n North Western Rhodesia. In that year, 1,000 labourers v/ere. recruited by 93 the Kansanshi Mine i n North Eastern Rhodesia. J y But i n 1911, when the hut tax was to go up to ten s h i l l i n g s uniform-l y i n the north of North Western Rhodesia, some headmen complained that t h e i r men had l i t t l e chance of working for t h e i r tax. Southern Rhodesia was too far away, and the routes to the Kambwe and Star of the Congo mines were closed because of the sleeping sickness outbreak. In 1911» North Eastern Rhodesia was weaned from the care of the Foreign Office, and the two Northern Rhodesias v/ere united. The united t e r r i t o r y w i l l be examined after North 271 Eastern Rhodesia. The s t o r y of r e c r u i t i n g from North Eastern Rhodesia r e v e a l s many of the s t r a i n s present i n that of North Western Rhodesia. R e l a t i o n s between the Southern Rhodesian and North Eastern Rhodesian a d m i n i s t r a t i o n s were seldom p e r f e c t , abuses occurred, there were some di s a s t r o u s r e c r u i t i n g experiences, and the q u a l i t y and healt h of the r e c r u i t s were seldom good. Soon a f t e r the establishment of the ad m i n i s t r a t i o n i n North Eastern Rhodesia, Codrington, the administrator, gave a graphic account of the means by which labour was sought 95 /• out. v (His d e s c r i p t i o n was, s u r p r i s i n g l y enough, i n answer to a l l e g a t i o n s of i l l - t r e a t m e n t by the p o l i c e , made by two s e t t l e r s . ) When a European required labour, he appli e d to a v i l l a g e acknowledging h i s p r o t e c t i o n . I f no one were forthcoming, he might t r y else¥/here or he might send presents as a bribe to- the c h i e f , and u l t i m a t e l y he might threaten to withdraw h i s p r o t e c t i o n . When a c h i e f repeatedly f a i l e d to comply, he was then brought to the boma (government o f f i c e ) and ordered to help the white man, to which h i s answer was i n v a r i a b l y that he had no c o n t r o l over h i s young men. Codrington denied that t h i s was forced labour, but went on to describe the " s l o v e n l y young men l o a f i n g i n the squalor of unswept v i l l a g e s " . Meanwhile the telegraph c o n s t r u c t i o n v/as at a h a l t , t r a c k s were overgrown, and thousands of loads l a y . 272 r u s t i n g and r o t t i n g at Karonga at the North end of Lake N y a s a . ^ Nevertheless, no l e s s than 1,500 of Mpeseni's Ngoni had migrated to Mashonaland i n 1899. A three s h i l l i n g hut tax came i n t o force i n North Eastern Rhodesia on the 1s t of A p r i l 1901. One immediate e f f e c t of t h i s tax was that the a d m i n i s t r a t i o n , companies and i n d i v i d u a l s had to s t a r t paying t h e i r employees i n cash 9 7 i n s t e a d of i n c l o t h as h i t h e r t o . 7 ' But f o r a while, as elsewhere, payment was accepted i n k i n d or i n labour, This "labour tax" drew the a t t e n t i o n of the Foreign O f f i c e . Clement H i l l , the permanent under secretary, pointed out to the B r i t i s h South A f r i c a Company's Board that no p r o v i s i o n 98 was made f o r such a system i n the hut tax r e g u l a t i o n s . 7 The Company's a d m i n i s t r a t i o n attempted to e x p l a i n away the term labour tax (which had turned up quite openly and f o o l -i s h l y i n r e p o r t s ) , but i t was c l e a r that they had been i n d u l -ging i n a system of free labour to wipe out tax debts.. There was another system too, by which p r i v a t e employers paid A f r i c a n s ' tax d i r e c t l y to the boma on completion of a month's 99 l a b o u r . 7 7 Considering that the tax was three s h i l l i n g s , t h i s was indeed a cheap labour system. U l t i m a t e l y , Lord Lansdowne, the Foreign Secretary, i n s i s t e d that t h i s system smacked of forced labour. I n e v i t a b l y , North Eastern Rhodesia became an important centre of r e c r u i t i n g , f i r s t of a l l f o r the Mashonaland Labour 273 Board, and l a t e r f o r the Rhodesia Native Labour Bureau. R e c r u i t s were not only those indigenous to the t e r r i t o r y , but also Nyasalanders who succeeded i n evading the r e s t -r i c t i o n s of t h e i r own a d m i n i s t r a t i o n . There were two main routes i n t o Mashonaland, one v i a F e i r a on•the Zambezi, where there were f e r r i e s , depots on the north and south banks, and a medical centre f o r examining r e c r u i t s , and the other through the Mozambique enclave v i a Tete. The f i r s t became f o r a while the most important route i n t o Rhodesia. Between A p r i l 1903 and March 190Zf, 6,981 i r e c r u i t s crossed the f e r r i e s southwards and 4 , 2 9 8 crossed northwards.''"^"'" Of these the vast majority were from the B r i t i s h C e n t r a l A f r i c a P r o t e c t o r a t e (from 1906 Nyasaland). The b u s i e s t months going south were A p r i l to June. This means that the m a j o r i t y of northern r e c r u i t s reached the high plateau of Mashonaland i n the winter months, succumbed to pulmonary diseases, and created enormous death r a t e s . The importance of t h i s route d i d however temporarily wane as the r a i l w a y pushed north i n t o Northern Rhodesia. A f t e r i t reached Broken H i l l , I t was considered simpler to escort r e c r u i t s from North Eastern Rhodesia to the r a i l h e a d and e n t r a i n them south. But i t was discovered that the r e c r u i t s were even more s u s c e p t i b l e to disease by t h i s s w i f t e r method. The long v/alk v i a F e i r a had i n f a c t had the advantage of a c c l i m a t i s i n g the migrants. Moreover, as the needs of 274 Mashonaland grew r e l a t i v e to those of Matabeleland, the r a i l route v i a Broken H i l l , L i v i n g s t o n e , and Bulawayo proved too expensive a means of conveying labour to the more n o r t h e r l y province. The other route v i a Tete i n v o l v e d long n e g o t i a t i o n s with the Portuguese f o r the con s t r u c t i o n of a road to. connect across the Portuguese p e d i c l e with the route from Fort Jame-son to the border and from the southern border to Salisbury.^"' The road was w e l l under way by 1904. As the Nyasaland a u t h o r i t i e s s t e a d i l y tightened t h e i r r e s t r i c t i o n s on the export of labour to Rhodesia, t h i s route declined i n import-ance f o r southbound t r a f f i c , although i t i s i n s t r u c t i v e to note that i t remained important f o r r e t u r n i n g migrants even a f t e r i t s usefulness to the Bureau had ended. Later, when there were attempts to c e n t r a l i s e the Bureau's e f f o r t s i n S a l i s b u r y , and e s t a b l i s h one important route f o r the North Eastern Rhodesian r e c r u i t s and the independent Nyasalanders who had continued to migrate despite o f f i c i a l s t r i c t u r e s , the road v i a Tete became more-travelled, and the route v i a F e i r a d e c l i n e d . There were as always a whole s e r i e s of events that could have done l i t t l e to enhance migratory labour f o r the A f r i c a n . There were burnings of v i l l a g e s to pay tax (which dismayed even S i r A l f r e d Sharpe 1 0" 5). V i l l a g e s dispersed and made tax c o l l e c t i o n and the c o n t r o l of unscrupulous labour touts more 275 d i f f i c u l t . In 1901, an Afrik a a n s r e c r u i t e r working f o r the Mashonaland Labour Board operated with armed messengers. He was known to have flogged one c h i e f and had another shot. "^ -^ In 1904, there was a considerable surplus of labour i n Mashonaland during c e r t a i n months, and S i r M a r s h a l l Clarke, the Resident Commissioner, complained that he himself had seen gangs of d e s t i t u t e Northern Zambezi A f r i c a n s seeking 105 v a i n l y f o r work. J (In 1906, when there was another such surplus, some had to accept work from the Shona i n exchange f o r food a l o n e . ) 1 0 6 In 1903, a r e c r u i t e r c a l l e d Hayes brought down 391 107 A f r i c a n s from North Eastern Rhodesia. Instead of handing them over f o r reception and d i s t r i b u t i o n i n S a l i s b u r y , he disposed of them f o r h i s own p r i v a t e advantage, 68 to the P u b l i c Works Department at a fee of £3 per head and 323 to the Globe and Phoenix Mine at t h i r t y s h i l l i n g s per head. Almost immediately, 248 deserted and 15 died. Despite these examples of sheer e x p l o i t a t i o n - or perhaps because of them -o f f i c i a l s seldom had a good word f o r the r e c r u i t s from North Eastern Rhodesia. In 1904, V a l Gielgud, general manager of the Bureau and a former n a t i v e commissioner, submitted a memorandum to the Company d e s c r i b i n g at great length the inadequacies of North Eastern Rhodesian A f r i c a n s and t h e i r 1 08 unpopularity as workers i n Southern Rhodesia. Although the record of the North Eastern Rhodesian admin-i s t r a t i o n was s c a r c e l y unimpeachable, there was a c e r t a i n 276 p r o p r i e t o r y a t t i t u d e towards the indigenous A f r i c a n s , which communicated i t s e l f i n o f f i c i a l annoyance at high death r a t e s , i l l - t r e a t m e n t i n Southern Rhodesia, the i n e f f i c i e n c y of -the P r o t e c t o r of Immigrants (who had been appointed i n 1 9 0 1 ) , and the l i k e . However, during the sl e e p i n g sickness outbreaks i n the v a l l e y s of the Luapula and the Loangwa which h a l t e d recruitment during 1910-1912 i n c e r t a i n areas, and i n v o l v e d the closure of c e r t a i n routes, the North Eastern Rhodesian a d m i n i s t r a t i o n reduced the i s s u e to a d i s c u s s i o n as to whether i t was s a f e r to r e c r u i t f o r the Congo or f o r Southern Rhodesia. In e i t h e r event, the Ad m i n i s t r a t o r of North Eastern Rhodesia was determined that r e c r u i t i n g should not cease altogether because of the r e s u l t a n t l o s s to the revenue, despite the f a c t that there v/as a danger of the whole of the C e n t r a l A f r i c a n labour supply being i n f e c t e d with the disease. The Bureau v/as never p a r t i c u l a r l y s u c c e s s f u l i n North Eastern Rhodesia, at l e a s t u n t i l the eve of i t s downfall. In 1908 , i t lamented the f a c t that only a small percentage of the thousands c r o s s i n g the Zambezi at F e i r a d i d so under i t s auspices: the vast maj o r i t y were "independents"."'"'^ In 1908, a f t e r the Bureau's org a n i s a t i o n i n North Eastern Rhodesia was taken over by the Southern Rhodesian administ-r a t i o n , there were an i n s p e c t o r , two agents and a forwarding agent i n the t e r r i t o r y . Within Northern Rhodesia i t s e l f , 277 n a t i v e commissioners played a l a r g e r part i n labour r e c r u i t -ment than they were permitted to do i n the South. Some-times the n a t i v e commissioner even acted as a conductor f o r a gang of r e c r u i t s . In 1904 f o r example, the native commissioner f o r the North Loangwa d i s t r i c t escorted 854 men, c h i e f l y Bemba, to the Kafue D i s t r i c t f o r work with 111 the Northern Copper Company. The i r o n y of recruitment i n Northern Rhodesia i s that i t brought down i n turn each of Southern Rhodesia's labour bureaux. The bureau which operated from 1906-1911 accum-u l a t e d vast f i n a n c i a l l i a b i l i t i e s because of the grave d i f f i c u l t i e s i n operating i n North Western Rhodesia and North Eastern Rhodesia. C a p i t a l expenditure on routes, s h e l t e r s , food, and so on was immense. The t e r r i t o r i e s were too s p a r s e l y populated to permit of i n t e n s i v e recruitment, and the Bureau never had a monopoly. The 50% deferred pay system, which the northern t e r r i t o r i e s i n s i s t e d upon i n order to safeguard t h e i r revenues, was extremely c o s t l y to operate, and co n t r i b u t e d g r e a t l y to the unpopularity of the Bureau, f o r independent r e c r u i t s had no need to see 50% of t h e i r earnings vanish i n t o a bureaucracy f o r which they not u n n a t u r a l l y had grave s u s p i c i o n s . Moreover, the d i s t r i b -u t i o n problems i n Southern Rhodesia were very great, f o r i t must be remembered that both mines and farms were widely s c a t t e r e d , and even the l a r g e s t mine employed j u s t over 273 1,000 men. The bureaux frequently compared t h i s problem to the ease with which the Witwatersrand A s s o c i a t i o n could so e a s i l y send i t s r e c r u i t s along the h i g h l y concentrated r e e f at Johannesburg. The new Bureau e s t a b l i s h e d i n 1912 even t u a l l y concent-rated wholly on Northern Rhodesia. I t g r e a t l y tightened up i t s operations, succeeded i n escaping the deferred pay r e g u l a t i o n s , changed i t s o f f i c e from Bulawayo to S a l i s b u r y , and attempted to move the point of in g r e s s f o r the ma j o r i t y 112 of r e c r u i t s to the route through Tete i n t o Mashonaland. But i t could not escape the severe competition. In 1913 the Bureau was competing with the Northern Rhodesia a d m i n i s t r a t i o n , the Anglo-Belgian boundary commission, various t r a d i n g firms and mission s t a t i o n s , Messrs Robert W i l l i a m s , the Star of the Congo Mine, Bwane Mkubwa Mine, Kansanshi Mines, Luano V a l l e y Coal Mines, the Kaombwe Gold Mining Syndicate, and there was even a reported migration of labourers to German East A f r i c a l l 7 to work on the r a i l w a y or the rubber and cotton p l a n t a t i o n s . ^ Soon Northern Rhodesia would cease to be simply a labour r e s e r v o i r , and experience considerable i n t e r n a l economic expansion. The majority of A f r i c a n s from the e n t i r e Northern Zambezia area continued to t r a v e l to Rhodesia independently, One of the C o l o n i a l O f f i c e o f f i c i a l s remarked that the Bureau seemed to be r e c e i v i n g only the residue of labour. The u l t i m a t e i r o n y was that when the Bureau began to 279 submit much more detailed figures than hitherto i t was discovered that bureau r e c r u i t s from Northern Rhodesia suff-ered twice the death rate of those who came down independ-ently."''"'"*1" The Colonial Office was hoist with the petard of i t s own policy. So soon after i t s inception the fourth • labour bureau i n ten years came under severe c r i t i c i s m , and certain d i s t r i c t s of North Eastern Rhodesia were closed to i t . The general manager wrote a voluminous defence i n which he pointed out that bureau s t a t i s t i c s were based on the entire period from recruitment to repatriation, i.e-. from home v i l l a g e back to home v i l l a g e , whereas s t a t i s t i c s for "independents" 115 were based only on their period i n the mines. 7 I t was his one most t e l l i n g argument, but i t unintentionally revealed the enormous dangers of labour migration for the i n d i v i d u a l . Opposition to the Bureau's a c t i v i t i e s v/as emerging i n various quarters of Northern Rhodesia i n 1912 and 1913 . In 1912 , the s e t t l e r s of North Eastern Rhodesia revealed a possessive attitude t y p i c a l of most s e t t l e r s i n Central A f r i c a . Despite the fact that the bureau recruited for Northern Rhodesian needs also, the s e t t l e r s wished to see a l l r e c r u i t i n g for Southern Rhodesia brought to an end, and severe r e s t r i c t -ions placed on independent m o v e m e n t . I n s t e a d they demanded i n t e r a l i a a labour levy for their own purposes. The o f f i c i a l s of the Northern Rhodesian native administ-ration also d i s l i k e d the Bureau r e c r u i t i n g . In the report 280 • v of the Serenje d i s t r i c t of Northern Rhodesia, September, 1913, the d i s t r i c t commissioner wrote The n a t i v e s of the d i s t r i c t are obedient and r e s p e c t f u l to the Government, but i t i s becoming patent that a s p i r i t of indep-endence i s growing, w h i l s t the constant r e c r u i t i n g of labour i s the cause of grumbling. I t i s not reasonable to expect the n a t i v e s to be constantly at work and at the same time to provide fpod f o r the community and others. ' In 1915> the Bureau had an embarrassing surplus on i t s hands f o r the t h i r d year running. The general manager, Wolfe Murray, had departed f o r war s e r v i c e . The C o l o n i a l O f f i c e ' s p o l i c y of an independent r e c r u i t i n g o r g a n i s a t i o n , created because of the e a r l y abuses and because of the p a r t i c u l a r problems of c o l o n i a l r u l e by Chartered Company, was d i s c r e d i t e d by i t s i n e f f e c t i v e n e s s and unpopularity with a l l concerned, not l e a s t among those whom i t was designed to p r o t e c t . This i s the broad s t o r y , but before l e a v i n g Northern Rhodesia i t i s necessary to r e c a p i t u l a t e somewhat to give a more d e t a i l e d i d e a of the nature of recruitment there. In a Rhodesia Native Labour Bureau report f o r 1911 , there i s a graphic d e s c r i p t i o n of the complications of Northern Rhodesia r e c r u i t i n g . During the f i r s t s i x months of 1911 , deferred pay was c o l l e c t e d from. 1 8 , 0 0 0 A f r i c a n s to the amount of £ 2 4 , 0 0 0 , of which £ 1 5 , 0 0 0 was remitted North. Advances of £ 4 , 0 0 0 were recovered. 3 , 7 4 1 labourers were r e p a t r i a t e d . 281 322 deceased estates were handled. £ 2 , 1 0 0 was expended on r a i l w a y t r a v e l north of L i v i n g s t o n e , and £ 3 , 4 0 0 f o r railway-t r a v e l south of L i v i n g s t o n e . There v/ere medical examinat-i o n s at seventeen d i f f e r e n t p o i n t s , and r a t i o n s were issued at 41 d i f f e r e n t p o i n t s . There v/as a t o t a l correspondence of 1 0 , 0 0 0 l e t t e r s with 700 d i f f e r e n t employers. The report went on: "At best the business i s a r i s k y one, and i s at any time l i a b l e to contingencies which may very q u i c k l y cause great and unforeseen expense". Just such a c o n t i n -gency had been the s l e e p i n g sickness outbreak of 1910. In 1911 , only 1 ,689 r e c r u i t s crossed the F e i r a f e r r y , but the bureau t r i e d to turn the outbreak to i t s advantage by s t i f l i n g the movement of independents. The Bureau of 1912 t r i e d desperately to avoid the expenses that had brought down i t s predecessor. In January of 1912 a conference was held between the Marquis of Winchester (representing the Chartered Company), the general manager of the bureau, Kempster, and the admi n i s t r a t o r s of Northern and Southern Rhodesia, at which i t was decided to a b o l i s h the deferred pay p r o v i s i o n s . Voluntary remittances v/ould c o n t i n -ue to be rec e i v e d and forwarded. Very soon, however, the adm i n i s t r a t o r of Northern Rhodesia began to recant, f o r none of the r e p a t r i a t e d labourers seemed to be b r i n g i n g any money -1 -1 o home, and so the deferred pay system was reintroduced. In March of 1913» another conference v/as held on the 282 m o r t a l i t y of Bureau r e c r u i t s i n Northern Rhodesia. The new general manager, Wolfe Murray, and a t r a v e l l i n g i n s p e c t o r , set about examining the p o s s i b i l i t y of e s t a b l i s h i n g a l i n e of food and r e s t s t a t i o n s along the route Kasama-Mpika-Serenje-Broken H i l l , l i n k i n g up with the already e x i s t i n g route from Fort Jameson at Serenje. They discovered that such a l i n e of s t a t i o n s was i m p r a c t i c a b l e because of the competition.an r e c r u i t i n g i n Northern Rhodesia, because the r e c r u i t s hated to f e e l shepherded, because the s t a t i o n s tended to be unhealthy, and because there were i n any case adequate water s u p p l i e s along t h i s r o u t e . R e c r u i t s p r e f e r r e d i n s t e a d to receive a " p i s o " \ or grant of c a l i c o or s a l t with which to buy food, and to camp where they pleased on the journey to the r a i l h e a d . The Bureau succeeded i n avoiding dubious c a p i t a l outlay, and i n doing so perpetuated the d e c l i n i n g c a l i c o system. Mashonaland was becoming the most important province f o r bureau d i s t r i b u t i o n . Railway t r a v e l f o r the r e c r u i t s was unhealthy and c o s t l y . The major i t y of northern r e c r u i t s came from the extreme north east of Northern Rhodesia. The Portuguese were proving more amenable to the use of the route . v i a Tete by the bureau. The Nyasaland a d m i n i s t r a t i o n had f a i l e d i n i t s attempts to block the migration of labourers from the P r o t e c t o r a t e . For a l l these reasons, and to c o n s o l i d -ate i t s o r g a n i s a t i o n , the bureau moved i t s headquarters from Bulawayo to S a l i s b u r y . Bulawayo was piqued at t h i s f r e s h 283 evidence of i t s d e c l i n i n g importance, and the white i n h a b i t a n t s of S a l i s b u r y drew up a p e t i t i o n complaining of the proximity 120 of the bureau compounds, and what was worse, to windwardJ But while the bureau sought to escape f i n a n c i a l d r a i n s , i t created by f a r the most comprehensive organisation seen i n Northern Rhodesia. In a c i r c u l a r of January 1st 1912 the bureau announced that the underlying i d e a of the r e o r g a n i s a t i o n v/as " c l o s e r r e c r u i t i n g , and g e t t i n g i n t o touch v/ith the na t i v e i n such a way that he w i l l have the i d e a of working i n Southern . 121 Rhodesia con s t a n t l y before him, even i n h i s ov/n v i l l a g e " . • Northern Rhodesia was d i v i d e d i n t o s i x c i r c l e s : the Barotse c i r c l e , encompassing Mankoya, Makwanga, Lukona and Bal o v a l e , with i t s headquarters at Sinanga; the Batoka, Mashukulumbwe, Kafue c i r c l e with i t s headquarters at Kalomo; the Loangwa, Ndola, Serenje c i r c l e with headquarters at Broken H i l l ; the Luapula c i r c l e , comprising Luapula, Mv/eru, C h i e n j i , Katv/e, Mporokoso and Luwingu, with headquarters at Fort Rosebery; the Bemba c i r c l e , Kasama, F i f e and Abercorn, v/ith headquarters at Kasama; and the Ngoni c i r c l e , Lundazi, Fort Jameson, and Petauke, with i t s headquarters at Fort Jamesdn. There were forwarding depots at Ndola, Broken H i l l and L i v i n g s t o n e . In Southern Rhodesia, the r e c r u i t s from the north were detained ( f o r h e a l t h reasons) at Bulawayo, and forwarded from there, or at S i n o i a i f they had walked down. Other centres f o r forwarding and d i s t r i b u t i o n were Gwelo, Selukwe, H a r t l e y , Umtali, Kanyembas, 284 Mtokos, Umvuma, and Darwin. There were s i x i n s p e c t o r s i n Northern Rhodesia, one f o r each d i s t r i c t , paid on a s a l a r y p l u s commission b a s i s , to whom v/ere attached i n t e r p r e t e r s and capitaos. There were s i x t e e n agents (Europeans), who received a commission of ten s h i l l i n g s on each r e c r u i t , and were supplied with a r i d i n g mule or i n f l y country a b i c y c l e . They v/ere . a l l o t t e d a number of A f r i c a n r e c r u i t e r s who l i v e d i n the v i l l a g e s and persuaded the men to go to work, and s e v e r a l conductors who escorted the gangs of r e c r u i t s to the assembly point f o r each d i s t r i c t . There were medical centres at Ndola, Fort Jameson and Fort Rosebery, and a s l e e p i n g sickness detention centre at Fundu. Those from North Western Rhodesia were r a i l e d south and were detained f o r three days i n Li v i n g s t o n e , and f o r four-teen i n Bulawayo. Those from North Eastern Rhodesia were examined i n Fort Jameson, and then spent ten days at the sl e e p i n g sickness camp at Fundu, from where they walked v i a the F e i r a f e r r y to S i n o i a . At S i n o i a they v/ere detained f o r a f u r t h e r fourteen days before d i s t r i b u t i o n . At the detention centres the r e c r u i t s v/ere provided with a c a r e f u l d i e t , examined fr e q u e n t l y , and given p r o p h y l a c t i c doses of quinine. Each r e c r u i t could not leave u n t i l he had been given a f i t n e s s 122 c e r t i f i c a t e by the medical o f f i c e r . On paper i t i s a h i g h l y impressive system, but there continued to be high death r a t e s on the mines of Southern 285 Rhodesia, and i t s e f f e c t i v e n e s s was l a r g e l y v i t i a t e d by the fac t that the ma j o r i t y of migrants s t i l l p r e f e r r e d to t r a v e l independently and seek work on t h e i r own account, without the f i t n e s s c e r t i f i c a t e gained with such d i f f i c u l t y through the bureau's method. In 1912 there were 3 3 , 1 1 ? A f r i c a n s from North of the Zambezi i n a l l kinds of work i n Southern Rhodesia, and of these 9,446 from Northern Rhodesia worked on the mines, 6,464 of whom were under the aegis of the bureau. In view of the great d i f f i c u l t i e s of i d e n t i f i c a t i o n , i t i s probable that 123 the bureau f i g u r e alone i s not an underestimate. y 286 FOOTNOTES TO CHAPTER 6 1 B.S.A.Co. Report, 1904. 2 Quoted by Clarke i n Clarke to M i l n e r , September 11, 1904 enclosure i n ' M i l n e r to L y t t e l t o n , October 11, 1904. C.O. 417/393. 3 See rep o r t s on the Fingo l o c a t i o n , NA NB 6 / 1 / 2 - 8 . 4 B.S.A.Co.,-Report, 1897-98 and M i l n e r to Chamberlain, January 10, 1900. C.O. 417/283. A detachment of p o l i c e was sent to T u l i to stop the Boers pursuing Mpefu. 5 Report of the na t i v e commissioner, Gwanda-Tuli, 1902. NA NB 6 / 1 / 3 . 6 See the r e p o r t s of the native commissioners, Ndanga, M e l s e t t e r and Umtali, 1899-1900. 7 Report of the native commissioner, Ndanga, 1908. NA N9 / 1 / 11 . 8 B.S.A.Co. Report, 1900-1902, p . 163 . 9 i b i d . 10 See chapter 3-11 Chamberlain to M i l n e r , September 26, 1900. C.O. 417/283. 12 During the Indian and Chinese labour contr o v e r s i e s the f a c t that Rhodesia had t h i s independent port of entry on the Indian Ocean was used to press Rhodesia's claims f o r separate c o n s i d e r a t i o n . 13 NA A l l / 2 / 8 / 2 . 14 "The Turks do not permit emigration of n a t i v e s under contract, but cannot prevent the exodus of some by dhow, p a r t i c u l a r l y i f the governor i s tipped". 15 B.S.A.Co. to CO., September 29, 1900. C.O. 417/312. 16 Minute to above. 17 NA A l l / 2 / 8 / 2 and C.O. 417/337. 18 Arthur Keyser to S i r Clement H i l l , F . O . i n B.S.A.Co. Board-minutes, A p r i l 28, 1902. "The Somalis, a p a s t o r a l people, are a b s o l u t e l y u n f i t t e d f o r work i n mines". CO 417/399. I 287 1 9 M i l t o n to Clarke, January 2'5, 1 9 0 1 . NA A l l / 2 / 8 / 2 and as enclosure i n conf. d i s p . , M i l n e r to Chamberlain, May 1 7 , 1 9 0 1 . C.O. 4 0 7 / 3 2 0 . 20 Consultant engineer, Surprise Mine to Secretary, Labour Board of Southern Rhodesia, A p r i l 1 2 , 1 9 0 1 . NA A T l / 2 / 8 / 2 . 21 NA A l l / 2 / 8 / 2 . L a t e r , Hole was i n s t r u c t e d to go to Mombasa to i n v e s t i g a t e the p o s s i b i l i t i e s of o b t a i n i n g S w a h i l i s , Kikiiyu or Kamba. Hole to M i l t o n , October 2 3 , 1901 NA A l l / 2 / 8 A . , 22 Cromer to F.O. January 29 1 9 0 1 . NA A l l / 2 / 8 / 2 . 23 F.O. to CO., January 3 1 , 1 9 0 1 , i b i d . 2 4 Minute by S i r W. Lee Warner, June 5 , 1 9 0 1 , C.O. 4 1 7 / 3 3 7 . 25 Whole s e r i e s of l e t t e r s from Hole to M i l t o n J u l y to October, 1 9 0 1 , NA N l l / 2 / 8 / 4 . 26 Reported i n Hole to M i l t o n , August 2 6 , 1 9 0 1 . All/2/8/3. 27 Minute by Ommanney, J u l y 2 4 , 1 9 0 1 . C.O. 4 1 7 / 3 3 6 . 28 i b i d . 29- CO. To B.S.A.Co. August 2 8 , 1 9 0 1 , C.O. 4 1 7 / 3 3 8 . 3 0 Wilson Fox to Jones (Company Secretary) September 1 , 1 9 0 1 . NA N 1 1 / 2 / 8 / 3 . 3 1 Minute by Chamberlain, J u l y 2 4 , 1 9 0 1 . CO 4 1 7 / 3 3 6 . 3 2 T e l . B.S.A.Co. to Hole, September 2 6 , 1 9 0 1 , NA A l l / 2 / 8 / 3 . 33 This was l a r g e l y on the advice of the Resident, who feared that Arab r e c r u i t s might b r i n g cholera i n t o Aden, and moreover there was i n s u f f i c i e n t s t a f f i n Aden to look a f t e r such a depot. - (_ Res. Aden to Governor, Bombay, quoted i n Hole to M i l t o n , • J u l y B ; 1 9 0 1 NA A 1 1 / 2 / 8 / 3 . Also i n Hole to Wilson Fox., J u l y 9 , 1 9 0 1 , C.O, 4 1 7 / 3 3 6 . 3 4 Hole to M i l t o n , J u l y 1 9 , 1 9 0 1 , NA A l l / 2 / 8 / 3 . 3 5 Hole has two s e t s ' o f c o n f l i c t i n g ' f i g u r e s i n d i f f e r e n t dispatches ( 2 0 J u l y and 26 J u l y ) . These are the l a t e r , smaller f i g u r e s . . Also Hole-B.S.A.'Co. October 10 , ' 1 9 0 1 , C.O. 4 1 7 / 3 3 8 . 288 36 The C o l o n i a l O f f i c e complained of the language used i n labour correspondence - such as " c o n t r a c t s to d e l i v e r " - and pointed out that i t al s o f i t t e d the s l a v e trade, and that there would be t r o u b l e i f the A b o r i g i n e s ' P r o t e c t i o n S o c i e t y should come by the correspondence; See minute'on K i t c h e n e r to Chamber-l a i n , August 16, 1901, C.O. 417/320. 37 The f i g u r e s of the very f i r s t contingent of Somali l a b o u r e r s only reached the C o l o n i a l O f f i c e i n November. They were: l e f t Aden, 411; reached B e i r a , 385; l e f t B e i r a 349; reached S a l i s b u r y and Morondellas, 267; sent to mines and road party, 237; reached mines and road party, 200; reached S u r p r i s e Mine, 156.- By September of 1901, 14 of the l a t t e r 156 had di e d and 36 had deserted. G r i n d l e i n the C.O. exclaimed " E x t r a o r d i n a r y how the Somalis have melted away", and S i r Montague Ommanney ordered that the f i g u r e s be sent to the I n d i a ' O f f i c e , who would "have a good d e a l to s a y about them". M i l n e r to Chamberlain, October 24, 1901, enclosure . Clarke- to M i l n e r , October 7, 1901, and minutes t h e r e t o . CO 417/321. 38 Ewing to Jones, March 23, 1900, NA A 1 1 / 2 / 8 / 5 . 39 Rhodes to M i l t o n , March 27, 1901, NA A l l / 2 / 8 / 8 . 40 S e c r e t a r y , Chamber of Mines t o ' M i l t o n , J u l y 2, 1902, i b i d . See a l s o M i l n e r to Chamberlain, August 23, 1902, C.O. 417/344. 41 B.S.A.Co. to C.O. January 6 1903, C.O. 417/382. 42. MacKenzie to Jones, March 19, 1903, r e f e r r i n g to a l e t t e r of Jones on Indian l a b o u r which had appeared i n the F i n a n c i a l Times of March 9, 1903, C O . 417 /382 . ' 43 B.S.A.Co. t o ' T r a n s v a a l Chamber of Mines, March 6, 1903, C.O. 417/382. 44 Curzon to Lord George'Hamilton, desp. 20, 1902, enclosed i n M i l n e r to Chamberlain, May 18, 1903, C.O. 417/372. 45 B.S.A.Co. to CO. May 6, 1903, C.O. 417/383, and minutes thereto. 46 M i l t o n to B.S.A.Co., August 5, 1903, NA A l l / 2 / 8 / 8 . 47 QV'O. to 1 .0 . December 24, 1903, C.O. 417/386. 48 B.S.A.Co., to C.O. January 12, 1904, C.O. 4417/396. 49 Minute by Chamberlain June 3 , 1903, C.O. 417/383. 50 B.S.A.Co., to C.O. August 18, 1900, C O . 417/311. Minute by Hartmann J u s t . 289 51 Chamberlain to M i l n e r , September 28, 1900, i b i d . 52 Minute by Chamberlain, June 8, 1901. CO 417 /337. 33 Harvey to Wilson Fox, October 13, 1899 and January 19, 1900, NA A 1 1 / 2 / 8 / 5 . 54 Secretary, Chamber of Mines to M i l t o n , March 7, 1900. NA A 1 1 / 2 / 8 / 5 . 55 M i l t o n to B.S.A.Co., Cape Town o f f i c e , i b i d . 56 Rhodesia-Land and Mine Owners' A s s o c i a t i o n to B.S.A.Co., March 19, 1904,- enclosed i n B.S.A.Co. to CO., March 30, 1904, CO. 417/398. 57 M i l t o n to Wilson Fox, November 19, 1903, NA A l l / 2 / 8 / 5 . 58 Clarke to M i l n e r , December 11, 1903,' C.O. 417/398. 59 Rhodesia Herald, March 16, 1902. 60 Wilson Fox to M i l t o n , November 8, 1903, NA A l l / 2 / 8 / 5 . 61 M i l t o n to Wilson Fox, November 7, 1903, i b i d . 62 Wilson Fox to M i l t o n , November 12, 1903, i b i d . 63 An example of a r e s o l u t i o n against Chinese labour i s t h i s telegram to the High Commissioner:-" C i t i z e n s protest against proposal introduce Chinese labour Rhodesia as ruinous i n t e r e s t whole i n h a b i t a n t s and subversive m o r a l i t y c i v i l i z a t i o n ." Enclosure i n M i l n e r to Chamberlain, J u l y 23, 1900, C.O. 417/283. 64 Wilson Fox to M i l t o n , November 14, 1903. A l / 5 / 5 . 65 M i l n e r to L y t t e l t o n , January 25, 1904, C.O. 417/391. 66 Denoon, D.J.N., "The Transvaal•Labour C r i s i s , 1906", J o u r n a l of A f r i c a n H i s t o r y , V I I I , 1967, pp.481-494. 67 Minute on B.S.A.Co. to C.O. May 6, 1903, C.O. 417/383. 68 B.S.A.Co. Report, 1889-1892, p. 37 . 69 B.S.A.Co. Report, 1897-1898, p. 114. 70 Hawes to F.O. February 19, 1885, F.O. 84/1702. I am obliged to Miss Allison'Marsden f o r t h i s and sev e r a l other references i n t h i s s e c t i o n . Her U n i v e r s i t y College of Rhodesia seminar paper, "Labour M i g r a t i o n from Northern Zambezia, 1890-1900", was h e l p f u l f o r some of the e a r l i e r period. 290 71 C o i l l a r d to S i r Sidney Shlppard , January 8, 1889, enclosure i n Smyth to Lord Knu t s fo r i i , J u l y 26, 1889, C. 5918.Sidney Shippard to J . S . M o f f a t , October 22, 1888, C.5918 (1890) . 72 Memo, by F . V . Worthington, March 22, 1913, enclosed i n Gladstone to Harcour t , A p r i l 9, 1913, C.O. 417/523. 73 B . S . A . C o . r e p o r t s , 1898-1900, p. 96. 74 Selborne to Harcour t , March 7, 1910, C.O. 417/481. 75 Bulawayo Chamber of Mines to C o i l l a r d and J a l l a , January 23, 1896, Records of the Bulawayo Chamber of Mines, N a t i o n a l A r c h i v e s of Rhodesia . 76 Bulawayo Chamber o f Mines to Coryndon, June 4, 1897 Chamber o f Mines r e p o r t , December 11 , -1897 . Chamber of Mines to deputy commissioner, Bulawayo, December 71, 1897. 77 B . S . A . C o . , r e p o r t , 1897-1898. 78 Minutes of the execut ive c o u n c i l , January 13, 1899, C . 0 . 6 0 3 / 1 . 79 C la rke to M i l n e r , November 16, 1900 enclosure i n M i l n e r to Chamberlain, February 20, 1901. 80 M i l t o n to' B . S . A . C o . , ' February 8, 1902, board minutes, C.O. 417/363. 81 B . S . A . C o . to C.O. A p r i l 16, 1902, C.O. 417/363-82 Report of the R . N . L . B . i n B . S . A . C o . , Report , 1908. 83 Report on t h e ' a d m i n i s t r a t i o n of Nor th Western Rhodesia , board minutes, June 8, 1904, C.O. 417/400. 84 North Eas t e rn 'Rhodes i a , n a t i v e a f f a i r s , A . 3 4 , January 1906. NA A 3 / 8 / 3 0 / 2 4 . 85 i b i d . 86 B . S . A . C o . to C.O. May 8, 1 9 0 3 , ' C O . 417/383. See a l so T e l . M i l n e r to Chamberlain, June 17, 1903, C.O. "417/372, and minutes t he r e to . 87. Report of the Secre ta ry for Na t ive A f f a i r s , F . V . Worthington, enclosed i n SelboKne to Crewe, A p r i l 1, 1908, C.O. 1+17/1+53. 88 Enc losures i n Selborne to Crewe,'May 10, 1909, C.O. 417/466. Crewe to Selborne , June 16, 1909, i b i d . 2 9 1 89 Selborne to Crewe, December 6, 1909, C.O. 417/467. No.737. Selborne to Crewe, December 6, 1909, No.746. 90 T e l . Selborne to Crewe, A p r i l 11, 1910, CO. 417/482. i 91 Minute by H.W. Just on Selborne to Crewe, December 6, 1909, no. 7 4 6 . CO 417/467. 92 ' Minute on Selborne to Crewe,'May 10, 1909, C.O. 4 1 7 / 4 6 6 . 93 Selborne to Harcourt, September 5, 1910, C.O. 417/484. 794 Magistrate,'Ndola to secretary f o r n a t i v e a f f a i r s , L i v i n g s t o n e , September 8, 1910, C.O. 417/484. 95 Codrington to B.S.A.Co., August, 25, 1899, B.S.A.Co. board minutes, December 6, 1899, C.O. 417/277. 96 In t h i s period the e a s i e s t route of entry i n t o North Eastern Rhodesia f o r both goods and personnel was by Lake steamer to the north end of Lake Nyasa and thence by c a r r i e r s to Fort Jameson. 97 Annexure 25 to board minutes, A p r i l 9, 1902, C.O. 417/363. 98 Clement H i l l to B.S.A.Co., annexure 23 to board minutes, March 11, 1902, C.O. 417/364. 99 ' Annexure 15 to board minutes, February 25, 1903, C.O.417/382. 100 LansdOwne to B.S.A.Co.,'March'16, 1903, board minutes, March 19, 1903, C.O. 417/382. 101 North Eastern Rhodesia native a f f a i r s no. A 25, annexure 16 to board minutes, August 10, 1904, C.O. 417/401. 102 Negotiations f o r t h i s road were begun i n 1899 and i t could be constructed under a r t i c l e XI of the Treaty with Portugal of 1891. In 1902, n e g o t i a t i o n s were proceeding and".:a surveyor was at work, but the l o c a l Portuguese commandants were o b s t r u c t i o n i s t with regard to the labour required i n i t s c o n s t r u c t i o n . Codrington to B.S.A.Co., J u l y 25,- 1902, annexure 8, board minutes of October 8, 1902, C.O. 417/365. ' I t was completed i n 1904, board minute, October 4, 1904, C.O. 417/400. 103 Shame to Codrington, J u l y 1902, annexure 6, 'board minutes, October 8, 1902, C.O. 417/365. ' ' 292 104 Correspondence enclosure i n M i l n e r to Chamberlain, October 4, 1901, C.O. 417/321. 105 Clarke to M i l n e r , May 3 , 1904, enclosure i n M i l n e r to L y t t e l t o n , June 6, 1904, CO 417/392. 106 M i l t o n to B.S.A.Co., December 28, 1906, board minutes, January 31 , 1907, C.O. 417/444. 107 Correspondence enclosures i n M i l n e r to Chamberlain, August 10, 1903, C.O. 417 /373. 108 Memo, by Gielgud, December 9 , 1903, annexure 38 to board minutes, 13/14 January, I904, CO. .417/396. 109 See board minutes, .March 17, 1910, and A p r i l 21, 1910, C.O. 417/491 and December 8,-1910, CO. 417/493. Also NA A3 / 1 8 / 3 0 / 2 1 . 110 B.S.A.Co. report, 1908, p. 34. 111 Annexure 79, board minutes, October 4, 1904, C.O. 417/400. 112 R.N.L.B." to M i l t o n , October 16, 1913, A3 /18/30/29 i 113 i b i d . See also Gladstone to Harcourt, November 27, 1913, C.O. 417/526. 114 Gladstone to Harcourt, May 9, 1914, C.O. 417/540, m o r t a l i t y f i g u r e s f o r year-ending 31 December 1913. 115 Wolfe Murray to M i l t o n , February 14, 1914, NA A3 / 1 8 / 3 0 / 2 9 . 116 P r o t e s t s of North Eastern Rhodesia s e t t l e r s enclosure i n Gladstone to Harcourt, August 3 , 1912, CO.. 417/513. 117 Enclosure i n Gladstone to Harcourt, December 11, 1913, CO. 417/527. 118 For the h i s t o r y of the deferred pay controversy, see the chairman's statement at the f i r s t ordinary general'meeting of the bureau, January 24, 1912, i n NA A 3 / 1 8 / 3 0 / 2 - 8 . M i l t o n to Gladstone, enclosure i n Gladstone to Harcourt, October 30 , 1913, CO. 417/525. Deferred pay was re-introduced f o r another reason: the Northern Rhodesian a d m i n i s t r a t i o n was beginning to p r e f e r Katanga f o r labour export, since they received deferred pay from there. 119 R.N.L.B. To M i l t o n , October 16, 1913, A 3 / 1 8 / 3 0 / 2 9'and enclosure i n Gladstone to Harcourt, June 18, 1913, C.O. 417/524. 293 120 P e t i t i o n i n A3/18/30/28. 121 R.N.L.B. c i r c u l a r no. 2, January 1, 1912, A3 /18/30/28. 122 C i r c u l a r n o . ' l , i b i d . Also R.N.L.-B. to M i l t o n , May 29, 1912. 123 B.S.A.Co. report, 1912, p.75. 294 CHAPTER 7 LABOUR FROM OUTSIDE NYASALAND, MOZAMBIQUE AND THE TRANSVAAL In Northern Zambezia, the Company was dealing with a branch of i t s own administration. On A s i a t i c labour, i t stumbled upon the Colonial Office's doctrine that Southern Rhodesia could not act independently of South A f r i c a . In the case of Nyasaland, the Company l i k e d to think that i t was handling a fri e n d l y administration, but i n fact i t encountered one that became increasingly i n t ractable. And i n i t s relations with the Portuguese i n Mozambique and with the government of the Trans-vaal, the Company found i t s e l f increasingly squeezed out. LABOUR FROM NYASALAND Labour migration from the B r i t i s h Central A f r i c a Protect-orate (known af t e r 1906 as Nyasaland) reveals very well the Chartered Company's b e l i e f i n labour rights from the northern t e r r i t o r i e s . This b e l i e f must be understood i n terms of the relationship between Rhodes and J o h n s t o n i n the days of the Scramble, and i n the early administrative and transport connection between the B r i t i s h Central A f r i c a Protectorate and North Eastern Rhodesia. When the Chartered Company f a i l e d to establish t h i s unwritten right - and indeed discovered that they took second place to the Rand - the result was consid-erable i n t e r - c o l o n i a l s t r a i n , and often acerbic diplomacy. 295 From 1906 Nyasaland was under the j u r i s d i c t i o n of the C o l o n i a l O f f i c e , but t h i s a d m i n i s t r a t i v e change only served to aggravate the tensions on the labour i s s u e . The d i f f i c u l t r e l a t i o n s h i p i l l u s t r a t e d again s e t t l e r exclusiveness and t h i n l y v e i l e d s u s p icion of Chartered Company r u l e . As e a r l y as 1897 Nya'sas were at work i n Rhodesia. In that year, 200 from the Port Herald d i s t r i c t were working on the Umtali r a i l w a y . 1 In the e a r l y l i t e r a t u r e there are frequent references to "Blantyre boys" as personal servants p and c l e r k s . The Company subsidi s e d Dr. Laws' educational work at the Free Church of Scotland mission of L i v i n g s t o n i a , so that a p l e n t i f u l supply of c l e r k s might be sent to work i n the Company's t e r r i t o r y . In 1899> 1,000 passes were issued to r e c r u i t s from the West Nyasa d i s t r i c t who wished to . go to S a l i s b u r y . ^ But r e g u l a t i o n s governing labour migration from the Pro t e c t o r a t e v/ere very s t r i c t , and there were seve r a l 5 prosecutions of r e c r u i t e r s f o r i l l e g a l recruitment. S e t t l e r v o i c e s were already being r a i s e d through the B r i t i s h C e n t r a l A f r i c a Chamber of A g r i c u l t u r e and Commerce, which - expressed concern for the moral welfare of migrants and the high death r a t e s , as w e l l as pure s e l f i n t e r e s t . In 1900, the Blantyre Chamber of Commerce p e t i t i o n e d the Foreign O f f i c e seeking that a l l migratory labour from the B r i t i s h C e n t r a l A f r i c a P r o t e c t o r a t e be banned. 6 296 For ten years t h i s d i d not happen. The P r o t e c t o r a t e • a d m i n i s t r a t i o n refused to permit overt recruitment, although at v a r i o u s times agents f o r Southern Rhodesia and f o r the Rand d i d i n f a c t operate there, under the f i c t i o n that they were merely o f f e r i n g advice. The a d m i n i s t r a t i o n also i n s i s t e d on d e a l i n g d i r e c t l y with the Rhodesian a d m i n i s t r a t i o n and not with the Labour Bureau, and i t was l a r g e l y "because of t h i s i n s i s t e n c e that the Company a d m i n i s t r a t i o n took over temporarily i n 1908 the e n t i r e Northern Rhodesian o r g a n i s a t i o n of the Bureau. This i n s i s t e n c e f i t t e d i l l v/ith the C o l o n i a l O f f i c e ' s d e s i r e that the Company's a d m i n i s t r a t i o n should remain aloof from recruitment. Voluntary migration from Nyasaland was c l e a r l y considerable, and at various times s p e c i a l arrangements were made f o r the recruitment of s p e c i f i c numbers. Both the "independents" and these organised bands were i n t e g r a t e d i n t o the North Eastern Rhodesia system, t r a v e l l i n g v i a Fort Jameson e i t h e r to F e i r a or to Broken H i l l and thence to Southern Rhodesia. Others took the more hazardous (at l e a s t i n the e a r l i e r period) route v i a Tete. The volume of independent migration from the Protectorate rose r a p i d l y . In 1903, 6,000 Nyasas r e g i s t e r e d at the Zambezi c r o s s i n g at Feira., and t h i s may w e l l have been only 7 a f r a c t i o n of the t o t a l . Moreover, S i r A l f r e d Sharpe, commissioner and l a t e r governor of the P r o t e c t o r a t e , f a c i l i t a t e d Rand recruitment of s e v e r a l thousand Nyasas at terms favourable 297 o to the Nyasaland a d m i n i s t r a t i o n ( s i x t e e n s h i l l i n g s per head). In order to c o n t r o l the i n c r e a s i n g migration to Southern Rhodesia, Sharpe decided i n 1907 to arrange a c a r e f u l l y organised system of migration and d i s t r i b u t i o n (but not i t should be noted of r e c r u i t m e n t ) . ^ Both Sharpe and Codrington of North Eastern Rhodesia were i n England on leave e a r l y i n 1908, and i n correspondence between them i t i s c l e a r that both d i s t r u s t e d the labour bureau; Sharpe even thought that M i l t o n was i n awe of i t . 1 0 He desired therefore that the volume of independent recruitment should be d i v e r t e d i n t o a government organised system v i a the r a i l h e a d at Broken H i l l , u sing the deferred pay sys.tem';as a revenue producer and as an i n c e n t i v e to r e p a t r i a t i o n , and with adequate government i n s p e c t i o n at the place of work. The arrangement that emerged f o r the migration of 1,000 mine labourers i n I 9 O 8 i n v o l v e d considerable d i v i s i o n of r e s p o n s i b i l i t y . 1 1 D i s t r i c t r e s i d e n t s i n Nyasaland were to forward r e c r u i t s to Fort Jameson; North Eastern Rhodesia o f f i c i a l s were to be responsible f o r the journey to Broken H i l l ; Southern Rhodesia o f f i c i a l s f o r the journey to Bulawayo; and the labour bureau f o r the d i s t r i b u t i o n from Bulawayo; the Southern Rhodesia a d m i n i s t r a t i o n again f o r i n s p e c t i o n of co n d i t i o n s at the mines. There were to be three medical examinations - at Dowa, Broken H i l l , and Bulawayo - 50% of pay was to be deferred to Nyasaland, and the r e c r u i t s were to 2 9 8 be r e p a t r i a t e d i n twelve months. Considering the numbers i n v o l v e d , there was an enormous amount of n e g o t i a t i o n and o r g a n i s a t i o n . S u r p r i s i n g l y enough, Sharpe wished to see an immediate increase i n the numbers, but M i l t o n sought to keep, them down to a manageable experiment. Re c i p i e n t mines were c a r e f u l l y v e t t e d by both the c h i e f native commissioner and the medical d i r e c t o r i n Southern Rhodesia 13 (of whom the medical d i r e c t o r was by f a r the more severe). J The Southern Rhodesia a d m i n i s t r a t i o n d i d i n f a c t have some d i f f i c u l t y i n p l a c i n g a l l the r e c r u i t s , since the Mashonaland mines were t o t a l l y u n i n t e r e s t e d , both because of the expense and because they a r r i v e d at a period when there was a considerable i n f l u x of l o c a l labourers. By mid - 1 9 0 9 i t was c l e a r that from a h e a l t h point of view at l e a s t , the experiment had been a f a i l u r e . A minute i n the C o l o n i a l O f f i c e described the m o r t a l i t y as " f r i g i t f u l " , and t h i s was something of an understatement. The f i g u r e s are p a r t i c u l a r l y i n t e r e s t i n g because M i l t o n had convinced Sharpe i n the middle of the operation that the F e i r a route ( i . e . walk-ing) was b e t t e r both from the point of view of health and of 15 expense. 7 Of the 77k who t r a v e l l e d v i a Broken H i l l and the ra i l w a y , 126 died, mainly from pneumonia. Of the 697 who walked v i a F e i r a , 3 2 died. Nevertheless, Sharpe and the Southern Rhodesia administ-r a t i o n , with the b l e s s i n g of Crewe, the Secretary of State, 299 decided on a f u r t h e r experiment of 1,500 mining r e c r u i t s . 1 6 A conference was held i n Zomba i n J u l y and August of 1909 (at about the time the m o r t a l i t y f i g u r e s f o r the previous twelve months were becoming known), at which Sharpe, Wrey (chairman of the Rhodesia Native Labour Bureau), H.M. Hole ( f o r the Southern Rhodesia a d m i n i s t r a t i o n ) , Dr. Casson (Sec-r e t a r y f o r Native A f f a i r s i n Nyasaland), and Hawksley ( i n s p e c t o r of r e c r u i t i n g i n North Eastern Rhodesia) discussed the arrangements f o r the new experiment. Sharpe agreed r e l u c t a n t l y to an agent being present at the assembly of the r e c r u i t s i n Nyasaland, i n s i s t e d on the deferred pay system, even from independents despite d i f f i c u l t i e s of i d e n t i f i c a t i o n , and expressed the hope f o r a reduction p f independent migration v i a F e i r a or.Tete, e s p e c i a l l y as the Bureau were attempting to place the routes through Portuguese t e r r i t o r y on a more 17 organised f o o t i n g . No Nyasaland r e c r u i t s were to enter Southern Rhodesia before August 1st i n order to avoid the Southern Rhodesia c o l d season. At t h i s conference, Sharpe expressed himself s a t i s f i e d ( with farm l a b o u r i n g i n Southern Rhodesia. I t i s c l e a r from the F e i r a f e r r y f i g u r e s that many thousands of Nyasalanders migrated to Southern Rhodesia farms every year. The High Commissioner i n a despatch e x p l a i n i n g the l a c k of r e g u l a t i o n s i n t h i s area, had pointed out that "farming was the n a t u r a l -1 Q occupation of the A f r i c a n . I t i s important however to 3 0 0 bear i n mind a number of f a c t s . F i r s t l y , there was no • i n s p e c t o r a t e to review c o n d i t i o n s of farm labour; secondly, farmers were n o t o r i o u s l y l o a t h to f i l l i n r e t u r n s ; and t h i r d -l y , farm labour was enormously dispersed and d i f f i c u l t to-, check. The s a t i s f a c t i o n with farm labouring may therefore have been born of ignorance. Several thousand Nyasalanders continued to migrate South f o r farm labour both through the organised system and indep-endently (although many independents headed f o r the mines where rewards v/ere much greater, and p r e s t i g e v/as h i g h e r ) . The problem i n t h i s was that the Rhodesian farming i n d u s t r y was coming to r e l y to a great extent on a labour supply which v/as renev/ed annually because of the i n s i s t e n c e of the Nyasaland a u t h o r i t i e s on contracts no longer than twelve months, and v/as therefore subject to sudden withdrawal. Moreover, the farmers' own p o l i c i e s w i t h regard to " s q u a t t e r s " were i n c r e a s i n g t h e i r ov/n labour d i f f i c u l t i e s as v/as seen i n chapters. 4/'&.5. Late i n 1910 during a time l a g between r e p a t r i a t i o n and supply af large numbers of Nyasaland labourers under the o f f i c i a l system, Rhodesian tobacco farming i n p a r t i c u l a r suddenly found i t s e l f i n great d i f f i c u l t i e s . M i l t o n sought permission to renew the c o n t r a c t s f o r s i x months to t i d e the i n d u s t r y over."^ This r a i s e d the whole issue whether r e p a t r i a t i o n was compulsory, despite i n d i v i d u a l wishes to remain. There was disagreement on t h i s point w i t h i n the C o l o n i a l O f f i c e . Seeley, 301 the parliamentary under secretary, held that r e p a t r i a t i o n could not be compulsory as t h i s i n f r i n g e d the r i g h t s of the i n d i v i d u a l , but nonetheless, the Board of the B r i t i s h South A f r i c a Company was informed that the wishes of the Nyasaland 20 a d m i n i s t r a t i o n had to be adhered to. Sensing the d i v i s i o n w i t h i n the C o l o n i a l O f f i c e on t h i s p o i n t , the Board informed M i l t o n that he could not compel those who wished to stay to 21 r e t u r n . The second group of mine workers who migrated through the o f f i c i a l system l a t e i n 1909 fared b e t t e r than the f i r s t . 1,560 were d i s t r i b u t e d widely to 9 large mines and to 22 smaller 22 ones. The Rhodesian a d m i n i s t r a t i o n were however b i t t e r l y disappointed with the p h y s i c a l c o n d i t i o n of these men. Despite medical examinations at both Fort Johnston ( i n the P r o t e c t -orate) and at F e i r a , of one party of 460 Yaos, the Southern Rhodesia medical d i r e c t o r r e j e c t e d 103 as u n f i t f o r mine 23 labour. These were sent on f o r farm labour. H.M. Hole r e f e r r e d to the r e c r u i t s as "miserable Yaos", l i t t l e better/, than the group from Lilongwe and Dedza sent l a s t year. This proved an important point of contention between the ad m i n i s t r a t o r of Southern Rhodesia and the, governor of Nyasaland, who suspected that h i s a d m i n i s t r a t i o n was being accused of sending i n f e r i o r r e c r u i t s i n order to d i s c r e d i t the r e c r u i t m e n t . 2 ^ Another source of disagreement between the two ad m i n i s t r a t i o n s was the many independents who refused to take part i n the deferred 302 pay r e g u l a t i o n s , and whom the Southern Rhodesian a u t h o r i t i e s refused to send home. I t i s at t h i s point that the Nyasaland p o l i c y began to change. Sharpe returned home on leave v i a S a l i s b u r y i n A p r i l of 1910. While he assured the Southern Rhodesian a d m i n i s t r a t i o n that there was no reason why numbers could not be kept up, the i s s u e s were made c l e a r e r during h i s d i s c u s s i o n s i n S a l i s b u r y and with Selborne In Johannesburg. On the one hand the deferred pay system was v i t a l to the economy of Nyasaland, and was, as Sharpe f r e e l y admitted, the 25 one t h i n g which kept Nyasaland p l a n t e r s sweet. ^ On the other hand, any governor of Nyasaland was l i a b l e to meet a growing barrage of c r i t i c i s m from i n t e r e s t s , missionary and pl a n t e r , w i t h i n the P r o t e c t o r a t e . To t r y to resolve t h i s , labour was used ever more o v e r t l y as a bargaining counter i n economic horse-trading. M i g r a t i o n could be kept up i f Nyasaland products were accepted duty free i n t o Southern Rhodesia and the Transvaal. These two t e r r i t o r i e s could then share the Nyasaland labour export. The word "bargain" was frequently used, and i t was i n t h i s s p i r i t that M i l t o n o f f e r e d the duty free import of Nyasaland tobacco i n exchange f o r the r i g h t to renew contracts l a t e r i n the year. I f S i r A l f r e d Sharpe was t h i n k i n g i n terms of negotiable p o s i t i o n s , the Nyasaland Secretary f o r Native A f f a i r s , Casson, was l i k e w i s e by no means averse to migration per se. He had 303 good r e l a t i o n s with H.M. Hole of the Rhodesian a d m i n i s t r a t i o n and regarded Southern Rhodesia as the n a t u r a l d e s t i n a t i o n f o r Nyasaland migratory labour. In h i s report of a v i s i t to Southern Rhodesia i n June and J u l y of 1910, he l i s t e d the advantages of .Southern Rhodesia farm labour to the Nyasa-landers: they had experience of i r r i g a t i o n , ploughing, the handling of mules, oxen and donkeys, herding, m i l k i n g , even 27 the grooming of horses. They were p h y s i c a l l y and mentally much improved. While not so rapturous about mine labour, he reported favourably on the.hundreds of labourers he found on the many mines he v i s i t e d , most of whom were independents.. He of f e r e d . a few c r i t i c i s m s of co n d i t i o n s (such as l a c k of i n t e r p r e t e r s , l a c k of sympathy on the part of managers, poor, c o n d i t i o n s at the Globe and Phoenix Mine, the absence of bath/ change houses which were used to such good e f f e c t on the Rand), but there was no h i n t of any severe r e s t r i c t i o n on the emig-r a t i o n from Nyasaland. Indeed he accepted the Southern Rhodesia argument that there v/as so much independent migration, i t r e q u ired proper o r g a n i s a t i o n . He r e f e r r e d to the f a c t that of 80 p u p i l s at Dr. Hetherwick's Church of Scotland mission school i n Bl a n t y r e , • only two wished to remain i n Nyasaland. In a l e t t e r to Hole, he r e f e r r e d to "the constant shoutings 28 of our unreasonable p l a n t e r s " . I t has been argued that S i r A l f r e d Sharpe favoured the Transvaal over Rhodesia because of the superior f i n a n c i a l 304 advantage to be derived, from emigration to the Rand, and that he d e l i b e r a t e l y exaggerated Southern Rhodesia m o r t a l i t y f i g u r e s to achieve t h i s end. , Against t h i s i n t e r p r e t a t i o n must be placed the f a c t that both Sharpe and Casson were genuinely impressed by co n d i t i o n s on the Rand - p a r t i c u l a r l y by the bath/change house system at the mine- head - and, that both regarded Rhodesia as the " n a t u r a l " d e s t i n a t i o n f o r Nyasaland r e c r u i t s . Sharpe's p o s i t i o n was i n v a r i a b l y ambivalent i n . o r d e r to contain the opposition of h i s l o c a l European population. Despite both Sharpe's and Casson's reassurances i n S a l i s b u r y i n 1910 , a dramatic change was i n the o f f i n g . On November 2.1+, 1910, Harcourt announced i n the House of Commons, the i m p e r i a l p o l i c y on Nyasaland m i g r a t i o n . ^ 0 I t was that the a u t h o r i t i e s d i d not encourage migration, that r e c r u i t i n g was not permitted, but that those who wished to go could not be stopped, and that the means of organising them and p r o t e c t i n g them ought to e x i s t . C l e a r l y , such a p o l i c y l a r g e l y depended upon the p e r s o n a l i t i e s who operated i t . The B r i t i s h S o u t h . A f r i c a Company t r i e d to secure an assurance from the new governor of Nyasaland, S i r W i l l i a m Manning, before he l e f t London. He refused to t i e h i s hands, and he also refused to v i s i t S a l i s b u r y on h i s way to Zomba. Almost as soon as he a r r i v e d i n Nyasaland he c a p i t u l a t e d to the .demands of the l o c a l s e t t l e r and missionary population-^ 1 305 and announced to the Rhodesian a d m i n i s t r a t i o n i n March of 1911 that no f u r t h e r emigration could be contemplated i n view of the extension i n p l a n t i n g , the increase i n the number of s e t t l e r s , future r a i l w a y c o n s t r u c t i o n , and the 32 general expansion of the country. In a sense.this was not a completely new departure. Sharpe had had h i s doubts f o r a long time, and the i n t e r n a l o p p o s ition had e x i s t e d since the beginnings of migration. In 1904, Sharpe and Codrington, the admin i s t r a t o r of North Eastern Rhodesia had indulged i n a sharp t u s s l e over migration i n t o the l a t t e r t e r r i t o r y . Codrington refused to take steps to stop i t , and despite Sharpe 1s threat of C o l o n i a l O f f i c e i n t e r v e n t i o n , i t was Codrington's view that was upheld i n 3 3 London. ^ Codrington had pointed out that the B r i t i s h South A f r i c a Company a c t u a l l y s u b s i d i s e d Dr. Laws' mission at L i v i n g s t o n i a on co n d i t i o n that he sent out educated mig-ra n t s to the Company's t e r r i t o r i e s . ^ In a despatch of J u l y 1909, Sharpe had been extremely c r i t i c a l of Southern Rhodesian c o n d i t i o n s , while at the same time a u t h o r i s i n g organised migration. I t was a question of balancing various pressures, advantageous c o n d i t i o n s f o r Nyasaland, and Manning was al t o g e t h e r l e s s subtle than Sharpe. The strength of Nyasaland s e t t l e r opinion can be judged from the Nyasaland Times d e s c r i p t i o n of October 28th 1909 of one of many p u b l i c meetings held i n Blantyre attended by almost a l l important i n t e r e s t s , i n c l u d i n g the m i s s i o n a r i e s , at which 306 a motion condemning migration was passed unanimously. At t h i s , "the meeting rose i n a body and cheered, hats were thrown i n the a i r , and there were other evidences of the 35 s a t i s f a c t i o n with which the r e s u l t was r e c e i v e d " . W h i l e most p a r t i e s undoubtedly acted from pure s e l f - i n t e r e s t , an enlightened missionary l i k e Dr. Hetherwick of Blantyre could point to the f a c t that i t was l a c k of opportunity i n Nyasaland which most l e d to migration, and that the s o l u t i o n was the 36 development of a n a t i v e a g r i c u l t u r a l i n d u s t r y . His view was not completely adopted u n t i l recent times, and even then implemented only h a l f - h e a r t e d l y . Manning's p o s i t i v e discouragement of migration produced a storm of abuse, both from Southern Rhodesian i n t e r e s t s , which might be expected, and from Lord Gladstone, the new High Commissioner i n South A f r i c a , which might not. I t also prod-uced a d i v i d e d counsel w i t h i n the C o l o n i a l O f f i c e , although t h i s v/as not an unusual feature f o r the time. Soon a f t e r Manning had made h i s p o s i t i o n c l e a r i n a despatch of March 6th to M i l t o n , and l a t e r i n a despatch of March 11th to the Secretary of State, Harcourt, a l l the usual polemical paraphernalia of aggrieved Rhodesian s e t t l e r s was got up. There were deputations, p u b l i c meetings, r e s o l u t i o n s , p r o t e s t s i n the l o c a l press, and t h i n l y v e i l e d a d m i n i s t r a t i v e fulminations. H. M a r s h a l l Hole, the Rhodesian a d m i n i s t r a t i o n ' s i t i n e r a n t labour diplomat, l e d a delegation of Rhodesian farmers to see Manning. 307 He (Manning) brushed t h e i r arguments aside and i n s i s t e d that 37 not one labourer could be spared from Nyasaland. In a p r i v a t e l e t t e r to the Administrator i n S a l i s b u r y Hole wrote of Manning's "extreme d i s c o u r t e s y " and " c o l d and studied 38 rudeness". Nor was there any f e l l o w - f e e l i n g between the farming element of the two s e t t l e r communities. The Rhodesian delegates met r e p r e s e n t a t i v e s of the Nyasaland Chamber of A g r i c u l t u r e and Commerce and t h e i r case as they presented i t could be paraphrased i n t h i s way: labour i s u n w i l l i n g to s e l l i n your market, but i s quite w i l l i n g to s e l l i n ours; you p r o h i b i t i t s n a t u r a l movement which i s a dog i n the manger p o l i c y ; your u t i l i s a t i o n of labour i s so i n e f f i c i e n t that we have seen la r g e numbers of n a t i v e s p i c k i n g the grass on your g o l f course with t h e i r f i n g e r s . But Nyasaland p l a n t e r s were unmoved by these taunts, triumphant as they were that they had at l a s t found a governor who supported t h e i r labour exclusiveness^ Lord Gladstone v i s i t e d S a l i s b u r y i n September, 1911, and immediately took up the Rhodesian case. He informed a deputation which met him that I f i t i s true that 100,OOcA0 are to be locked up i n Nyasaland and p r a c t i c a l l y to be compelled to work on the land there at 5 / - or 6/- per month when countr i e s are open to them f o r s i m i l a r work at wages three or four times greater than what they can get i n Nyasaland, i t does seem to me that i t i s something l i k e the p r i n c i p l e of forced labour, Zfl 308 Gladstone proceeded to make strenuous representations to Har c o u r t , ^ 2 while the Nyasaland Times urged i t s readers to brace themselves f o r a f i g h t , f o r the High Commissioner had 43 been won f o r the other s i d e . y Meanwhile, Rhodesian farmers demanded an end to white immigration unless there was a r e l a x a t i o n of the ad m i n i s t r a t i o n ' s curbs on the native depart-ment r e c r u i t i n g l a b o u r . ^ Harcourt v a c i l l a t e d at f i r s t on the controversy h i s new governor had so soon presented him with. His f i r s t r e p l y to Manning was to the e f f e c t that he must be c a r e f u l not to worsen the s i t u a t i o n by h i s p o l i c y of discouragement ( i . e . by s t i m u l a t i n g more independent mi g r a t i o n ) . y Gladstone's uncompromising stand had set the C o l o n i a l O f f i c e by the ears. While i t was ge n e r a l l y f e l t that he had been speaking too f r e e l y , the o f f i c i a l s s p l i t i n t o two d i s t i n c t f a c t i o n s . Henry Lambert attacked Manning: " I t would appear therefore that 387 Europ-eans can f i n d work f o r 922 ,313 n a t i v e s " ; the Nyasaland farmers were i n a paradise, with labour at 5 / - per month.^ He dr a f t e d a f i e r c e despatch to Manning, which was subsequently progress-i v e l y toned down by Fiddes, S i r John Anderson and Harcourt him-s e l f . ^ Nevertheless, the despatch of November 3 r d , 1911 , remained strong. . . . . I t i s c l e a r that the Nyasaland Gov-ernment, i n s o f a r as i t a c t i v e l y advises with a l l the weight of the government the l o c a l farm labourer to obtain work w i t h i n the l i m i t s of the Pr o t e c t o r a t e , 309 advises him not only to accept consider-ably l e s s pay than he would receive i f he emigrated, but also to work under c o n d i t i o n s , which, as appears from your statement of the 1st August, are by no _ means s a t i s f a c t o r y i n respect of food.4° Manning might be j u s t i f i e d i n the case of mine labour, but he was not j u s t i f i e d i n the case of farm labour where the death r a t e was n e g l i g i b l e . Manning countered with a nineteen page despatch, l i s t i n g a l l h i s arguments i n great d e t a i l down to the smallest moral point (the emigrant encounters rape i n Southern Rhodesia, some-t h i n g unknown i n Nyasaland). The pro-Manning f a c t i o n i n the C o l o n i a l O f f i c e used h i s more s u b s t a n t i a l arguments to swing the Secretary of State i n favour of the Nyasaland p o l i c y . * ^ On A p r i l 2nd, 1912, Harcourt announced i n the Commons i n an answer at question time that there was no s u p e r f l u i t y of labour i n the P r o t e c t o r a t e i n view of i t s r a p i d development, and that the Nyasaland Government was j u s t i f i e d i n stopping migration 50 since i t was "subversive of domestic and t r i b a l t i e s . " The p r a c t i c a l e f f e c t of the Nyasaland a d m i n i s t r a t i o n ' s s t r i c t u r e s can be seen i n the case of the rep r e s e n t a t i v e of the Mashonaland farmers c a l l e d McCulloch who had frequently operated i n Nyasaland as a c a t t l e t r a d e r and labour "adviser".. In 1911 he was a c t i v e i n C e n t r a l Nyasaland " a d v i s i n g " l o c a l i n h a b i t a n t s to go to Fort Jameson to be r e c r u i t e d f o r Southern Rhodesia. The men he reported were " f r e t t i n g " to go." 5 1 But the d i s t r i c t r e s i d e n t sent p o l i c e around the v i l l a g e s o rdering ( 310 the men not to go. McCulloch's goods had to be so l d because the a u t h o r i t i e s would not permit him to have any por t e r s . He discovered that the Portuguese commandant of adjacent Portuguese t e r r i t o r y had been persuaded by Manning to send migrating Nyasas back i n t o Nyasaland. A hew ordinance was rushed through the Nyasaland l e g i s l a t i v e c o u n c i l making i t an offence to "advise" A f r i c a n s to migrate (no.Ik of 1 9 1 1 ) . Moreover, i t seemed to McCulloch that W.N.L.A. had an u n f a i r advantage i n Nyasaland since t h e i r agent there, Knipe, was a former popular d i s t r i c t 52 r e s i d e n t at Kota Kota. In view of Manning's in t r a n s i g e n c e and Harcourt's q u a l i f i e d support, the London Board of the B r i t i s h South A f r i c a Company decided on a new p o l i c y . In a c o n f i d e n t i a l l e t t e r , M i l t o n was i n s t r u c t e d to make every e f f o r t to a t t r a c t labour out of 53 Nyasaland by a l l means p o s s i b l e . ^ Manning's p o s i t i o n could be destroyed by a barrage of s t a t i s t i c s of the numbers of independents emigrating despite the discouragement of the Nyasaland a u t h o r i t i e s . I t was also recognised that h i s p o s i t i o n could be f u r t h e r undermined by ever d e c l i n i n g m o r t a l i t y f i g u r e s . Manning's i n s i s t e n c e i n successive despatches that Southern Rhodesia m o r t a l i t y remained excessive, and that there was no general d e s i r e to migrate, was indeed undermined by the f i g u r e s produced by the Company. The Bureau reported that i n the f i r s t h a l f of 1912 , 1 ,300 Nyasas had presented themselves at Fort Jameson. E a r l y i n 1913 , there were over 6 ,000 Nyasas working 311 i n Southern Rhodesia. In 1912, m o r t a l i t y f i g u r e s f o r Nyasas on the mines were 35.25 per thousand per annum, very l i t t l e d i f f e r e n t from other c l a s s e s of r e c r u i t . Both the C o l o n i a l O f f i c e and the Nyasaland a d m i n i s t r a t i o n were f r u s t r a t e d i n t h e i r attempts to have the Southern Rhodesian a d m i n i s t r a t i o n ban Nyasas from working on the mines, and r e s t r i c t them to farm labour. ^ The Resident Commissioner, Burns-Begg, took the Southern Rhodesian•administration 1s part throughout, and revealed h i s i n e f f e c t i v e n e s s as an instrument of the C o l o n i a l O f f i c e ' s w i l l . By 1913} when the Rhodesian Native Labour Bureau was t a l k i n g i n terms of surpluses, Manning's attempt to keep Nyasas w i t h i n Nyasaland could be seen to have f a i l e d . 1911 was j u s t a short i n t e r l u d e i n the h i s t o r y of Nyasaland as a labour exporter on a larg e s c a l e . In t h i s way, free labour migration reasserted i t s e l f over embargo. Only genuine development w i t h i n Nyasaland could ever e f f e c t i v e l y c o n t r o l i t . LABOUR FROM MOZAMBIQUE AND RELATIONS WITH THE TRANSVAAL These two t o p i c s are i n d i v i s i b l e . Any d i s c u s s i o n of labour diplomacy between Southern Rhodesia and the Portuguese a u t h o r i t i e s of Mozambique must take i n t o account c e r t a i n important f a c t s . F i r s t i s Rhodes's open 312 contempt f o r the Portuguese, shared to varying degree by succeeding Rhodesian a d m i n i s t r a t i o n s , and by Lord Gladstone (as he revealed i n h i s d e s c r i p t i o n of h i s v i s i t to B e i r a i n 1 9 1 3 5 5 ) . Second i s Rhodes's o u t r i g h t aggression against the Portuguese: S i r John Willoughby's celebrated attempted s e i z u r e of B e i r a i n 1891 , the s e i z u r e of Manicaland, and other examples of aggressive f r o n t i e r p o l i c y . T h i r d i s the complicated a d m i n i s t r a t i v e pattern that obtained i n Mozambique at that time. Not only was there d i r e c t (and u s u a l l y e x c e p t i o n a l l y slow) c o n t r o l from Lisbon through the governor general at Lourenco Marques (also r e f e r r e d to as Delagoa Bay), but there were also three important companies with a d m i n i s t r a t i v e f u n c t i o n s , the Mozambique, the Nyasa, and the Zambezi. In a d d i t i o n there were the semi-independent, feudal prazo holders of the Zambezi V a l l e y . As i n other areas of labour diplomacy, Rhodesia was very much over-shadowed by her more h i g h l y concentrated, b e t t e r organised r i v a l , the Rand. In the case of Mozambique the Rand had a s p e c i a l bargaining power. Johannesburg was not as dependent upon the Delagoa Bay r a i l w a y as S a l i s b u r y was on the B e i r a l i n k . Agreements which ensured that 30% of Johannesburg's t r a f f i c would be handled v i a Delagoa Bay were therefore very much i n the Portuguese i n t e r e s t . During the South A f r i c a n War, Rhodesia t r i e d to s e i z e the i n i t i a t i v e i n Portuguese East A f r i c a . The number of 313 Shangaans, a much-praised t r i b e , increased on Rhodesia's mines and R.K. Eustace of the labour board set out to place t h i s 56 migration on a regular basis. He negotiated i n Lourenco Marques, and investigated the costing i n sending up Shangaans by sea from Lourenco Marques to Beira and thence to Salisbury. But late i n 1900 the W.N.L.A. was formed, and negotiations began between i t - and the Portuguese authorities. Rhodesia from t h i s point on was subject to considerable fr u s t r a t i o n . Typically, no one revealed that frustration more strongly than Rhodes. During Eustace's negotiations, Rhodes charact-e r i s t i c a l l y ordered that he should not worry about who was to 57 pay for repatriation, he should "just get the boys". ' The required guarantee for the return of the r e c r u i t s was accord-ing to the Administrator i n Salisbury purely a matter of form. Early i n 1901 , Rhodes concluded that the problem at Delagoa Bay was not a p o l i t i c a l one, but a matter of money. I f the Portuguese could be bought, the labour would be forthcoming. 5-^ He was wrong. At the same time, the London Board authorised a private r e c r u i t e r , R.H. Crewe, to use every means possible to obtain labour "quietly over the border". 6 0 The order to stop t h i s clandestine r e c r u i t i n g was not issued u n t i l January 1 61 1902 . I t was an a c t i v i t y scarcely calculated to endear the Rhodesian administration to the Portuguese authorities. Meanwhile negotiations between the Rhodesian labour board and W.N.L.A. produced an agreement whereby W.N.L.A. would have 314 sole r e c r u i t i n g r i g h t s i n Portuguese East A f r i c a , provided that 12%% of a l l the r e c r u i t s were sent to Rhodesia. W.N.L.A. agents would not operate w i t h i n Rhodesia, i n Zambezia, or i n Ngamiland. The 12%% v/ere never sent because, according to the Transvaal Chamber of Mines, none of the r e c r u i t s wished to go- to R h o d e s i a . ^ M i l t o n declared t h i s to be p a t e n t l y untrue since so many migrated i n t o Rhod-e s i a independently. From the i n c e p t i o n of the agreement,, both the labour board (which v/as d i s s o l v e d i n September 1901) and members of the Rhodesian a d m i n i s t r a t i o n v/ere extremely s c e p t i c a l of i t s s u c c e s s f u l operation. In view of t h i s , sce.pticism, the Rhodesian a u t h o r i t i e s scored a success i n the modus Vivendi signed between the B r i t i s h Consul-General i n Lourenco Marques and the Governor-General of Portuguese East A f r i c a i n December of 1901 . This reserved the r i g h t of recruitment under l i c e n c e to Rhodesia. This r i g h t appears to have been accepted as purely a diplom-a t i c victory-, f o r Rhodesia never took up l i c e n c e s to r e c r u i t under i t , although they v/ere to make attempts to do so sever a l years l a t e r . But i t was the modus Vivendi which was to prove the p r i n c i p a l bone of contention between Rhodesia and the Transvaal. When the agreement f o r the 12%% v/as terminated, p a r t l y because the Mozambique Company refused to be bound by the agreement of the Portuguese c o l o n i a l a u t h o r i t i e s (the Company-had-not been consulted), but mainly because of a 315 simple d i s i n c l i n a t i o n on the part of W.N.L.A. to implement i t , the acrimonious correspondence accompanying the breakdown set the tone f o r Rhodesia-Transvaal r e l a t i o n s . 6 ^ The basic .problem was that the Rhodesian and Rand mining i n d u s t r i e s were i n d i r e c t competition with each other. At the beginning, the Rand i n t e r e s t s feared that Rhodesia would s t e a l a march on them because of the war. Moreover they resented the f a c t that Rhodesian wages were at t h i s point higher than those on the Rand. C o l . d'Andrade, Governor-General of Mozambique, also resented the high Rhodesian wages, which he claimed were having the e f f e c t of pushing up wages 65 i n Mozambique. ^ Rhodesia d i d not r e t a i n t h i s advantage f o r long however. While admitting that the high wages had been encouraging Shangaans i n t o the country, P h i l i p Wrey of the labour board organised a general reduction of wages, and M i l t o n agreed with h i m . 6 6 Such were the i n c o n s i s t e n c i e s of Rhodesian labour p o l i c y . Another important f a c t o r was the d i f f i c u l t i e s inherent i n the pattern of c o l o n i a l a d m i n i s t r a t i o n . The High Comm-i s s i o n e r i n South A f r i c a was also the High Commissioner i n Rhodesia, u l t i m a t e l y i n c o n t r o l of two t e r r i t o r i e s which on the labour i s s u e at l e a s t were almost i n e v i t a b l e r i v a l s . This was accentuated by the s w i f t c o n s t i t u t i o n a l developments i n South A f r i c a . With the c r e a t i o n of responsible government i n the Transvaal and l a t e r the Union, the High Commissioner 316 as Governor-General was bound by the wishes of h i s m i n i s t e r s , which were u s u a l l y i n c o n f l i c t with Rhodesian a s p i r a t i o n s . M i l n e r ' s f i r s t task a f t e r the war was to get the Rand mines back i n t o operation. To do t h i s he had to tap every a v a i l a b l e labour source. When the Bulawayo Chamber pf Mines suspected that he and Chamberlain were i n c o l l u s i o n to open up North Eastern Rhodesia and North Western Rhodesia to Rand recruitment, they set up a howl of disapproval. ' M i l n e r d i d indeed consider that Northern Rhodesia and Southern Rhodesia should be opened up to the Rand, f o r the i n t r o d u c t i o n of Chinese labour was j u s t i f i e d only i f i t could be proved that no more labour was forthcoming from Southern A f r i c a . In 1907, the Transvaal opened n e g o t i a t i o n s f o r a new agreement with Mozambique. The Rhodesian a d m i n i s t r a t i o n was anxious to preserve i t s r i g h t s secured under the previous agreements and under the modus v i v e n d i . As before the Company attempted to o u t f l a n k the Transvaal by means of a d i r e c t approach to the Portuguese, but u l t i m a t e l y the i s s u e was reduced to a d i r e c t Rhodesia-Transvaal confrontation since the Portuguese a u t h o r i t i e s p r e f e r r e d to deal with one party. A l l requests to the High Commissioner, Lord Selborne, from Rhodesia were promptly communicated to the Transvaal m i n i s t -ers. They demanded that i f Mozambique were opened to Rhodesia, Rhodesia would have to be opened to the Transvaal. The Rhodesian Chambers of Mines could never contemplate t h e i r 317 sacred labour preserves thrown open i n t h i s way, and i t was indeed an unreasonable request, since i t i m p l i e d an inadmiss-i b l e p r o p r i e t o r y r i g h t to Mozambique labour on the part of the Transvaal. When the Rhodesian a d m i n i s t r a t i o n made another attempt to r e c r u i t i n 1909 i n d i s t r i c t s r e c e n t l y taken over by the Portuguese a u t h o r i t i e s from the Mozambique Company because of an A f r i c a n r e b e l l i o n there, the Portuguese demanded the 69 r i g h t to r e c r u i t i n Rhodesia as a quid pro quo. y Moreover, Selborne.' informed M i l t o n that the ubiquitous Rand r e c r u i t -70 ers were already i n these d i s t r i c t s . M i l t o n complained to the B r i t i s h South A f r i c a Company Board that Selborne was 71 d i c t a t o r i a l and favoured Transvaal i n t e r e s t s . In f a c t , the High Commissioner permitted Smuts and Botha to thwart Rhodesia. Not even V i l l i e r s , the B r i t i s h ambassador i n Lisbon, who attempted under i n s t r u c t i o n s from the Foreign O f f i c e to get r e c r u i t i n g l i c e n c e s f o r Rhodesia, could move the Portuguese c o l o n i a l a u t h o r i t i e s . He used the customary 7? b u l l y i n g t a c t i c s of B r i t i s h labour r e l a t i o n s with P o r t u g a l / and i n s i s t e d that Rhodesia's p o s i t i o n was strong under the 73 modus Vivendi of 1901 , but to no a v a i l . ^ A l l three t e r r i t o r i e s , Rhodesia, Mozambique and the Transvaal, used o b s t r u c t i o n i s t t a c t i c s . Both Rhodesia and / the Transvaal attempted to prevent migration across the Limpopo, and indulged i n mutual r e c r i m i n a t i o n s when each was 318 found out. The ad m i n i s t r a t i o n s of both North and Southern •Rhodesia s u c c e s s f u l l y obstructed Transvaal r e c r u i t i n g agents, and i n 1908 Rhodesia succeeded i n d i s r u p t i n g the W.N.L.A. org a n i s a t i o n f o r the passage of r e c r u i t s through Rhodesia (a p r a c t i c e long opposed by Rhodesian employers) by making Umtali the sole point of in g r e s s . This W.N.L.A. found too awkward and switched t h e i r o r g a n i s a t i o n to t r a n s p o r t i n g the r e c r u i t s by sea down the c o a s t . ^ A W.N.L.A. gang of r e c r u i t s was a c t u a l l y stopped at F e i r a on the Zambezi and refused entry to Rhodesia on the grounds that i t was not under the c o n t r o l of a European conductor. Nevertheless, a curious note of i n c o n s i s t e n c y was struck by the f a c t that the Rhodesia Native Labour Bureau was compelled from time to time to send a surplus to the Rand because of f l u c t u a t i n g demand w i t h i n 75 Rhodesia.' 7 A note of paranoia crept i n t o Rhodesian sentiment on the labour r e c r u i t i n g i s s u e . Rhodesia seemed ringed by the W.N.L.A. r e c r u i t i n g system. In May of 1911 , P h i l i p Wrey secured an agreement i n Lourenco Marques f o r the passage of Northern Rhodesian and Nyasaland r e c r u i t s through Mozambique, but the new 1912 bureau's agent at the'forwarding camp of 77 Chemba i n Mozambique found" t h i s agreement to be- worthless. The route through Mozambique had always been hazardous f o r northern r e c r u i t s . There were instances of robbery-, and murder, and of a r r e s t by the Portuguese, which u s u a l l y r e s u l t e d i n being sent to forced labour on the p l a n t a t i o n s . Now Paul Scott of the bureau found that a l l A f r i c a n s from North Eastern Rhodesia and Nyasaland encountered a cordon of W.N.L.A. agents, agents of the Manica and S o f a l a Labour Board, of the Sena Sugar and Estates Co., of the V i l l a Fontes Sugar and Estates Co., and of the l o c a l Portuguese commandants. The camp at Chemba was burned down, the Portuguese commandant i n t e r c e p t e d a l l of S c o t t ' s l e t t e r s , a r r e s t e d h i s messengers, and demanded hut tax r e c e i p t s of Nyasaland r e c r u i t s before he permitted them to proceed. These were u s u a l l y l e f t at home. Scott pointed out that 7,074 Portuguese A f r i c a n s were employed i n Rhodesia i n 1912, and argued that the only way out of the impasse was to secure l i c e n c e s to r e c r u i t i n Mozambique t e r r i t o r i e s . O b s t r u c t i o n i s t p r a c t i c e s and the d i f f i c u l t i e s i n i d e n t i f y i n g northern r e c r u i t s made agree-ments as to free passage v a l u e l e s s . Late i n 1912, Kempster, the general manager of the new bureau set out to secure l i c e n c e s i n Lourenco Marques. He was met with more encouragement than h i s predecessors, while s t i l l r e v e a l i n g the same d i s d a i n f o r the Portuguese author-i t i e s i n h i s l e t t e r s . He declared that "the o f f i c i a l s were u n w i l l i n g to take r e s p o n s i b i l i t y and were inexperienced 78 i n c o l o n i a l a d m i n i s t r a t i o n " . ' This time by the beginning of 1913, Rhodesia was s u c c e s s f u l i n o b t a i n i n g l i c e n c e s . 320 The Rand had ceased r e c r u i t i n g north of the 22nd p a r a l l e l because of the high death rate among r e c r u i t s from more t r o p i c a l regions, and so no longer feared competition there. • The Mozambique-Transvaal Convention of 1909 was used as a model f o r the new agreement, although the fees c o l l e c t e d by Mozambique on each r e c r u i t were to be higher. As another a i d to the revenue of Mozambique, deferred pay clauses were r e t a i n e d , despite the enormous unpopularity of these r e g u l a t i o n s amongst r e c r u i t s and i n the labour a s s o c i a t i o n s of both Rhodesia and the Rand. Rhodes's c o n v i c t i o n that the Portuguese could be bought had proved r i g h t a f t e r a l l , once the p o l i t i c a l impediment were removed. A f t e r over a decade of bad r e l a t i o n s , Mozambique was to become an important source of Rhodesian labour. And i n 1915, the new A d m i n i s t r a t o r of Rhodesia was to be Drummond Chaplin, who had been President of the Rand Chamber of Mines during the p e r i o d of greatest Rhodesian-Transvaal s t r a i n . I t was the beginning of the drawing together of mutual i n t e r e s t s i n Southern A f r i c a , cemented by the f i g h t against the Germans i n the war i n South-West and i n East A f r i c a . The concern with outside labour reveals a number of important p o i n t s about a t t i t u d e s towards labour i n Southern A f r i c a . I t i s c l e a r that a theory very s i m i l a r to that which operated i n the West I n d i e s a f t e r emancipation was current i n Rhodesia i n the period. A Company adm i n i s t r a t o r might, have 321 expressed the argument i n t h i s 'way. The p o t e n t i a l labour we have could be adequate i f we were permitted to exercise force and to create enormous land hunger. We are forbidden to do e i t h e r ; therefore i t i s necessary that we import labour, e i t h e r from the t e r r i t o r i e s around us or from A s i a where there i s a considerable population surplus. Chamberlain himself used the West Indian analogy i n accepting the n e c e s s i t y of indentured A s i a t i c labour f o r the development of Southern A f r i c a . And the system f i t t e d p e r f e c t l y the s e t t l e r s ' d e s i r e f o r s o c i a l and p o l i t i c a l e xclusiveness. The labour force depended so much on out-side t r a n s i e n t labourers that the s i t u a t i o n of those from w i t h i n Southern Rhodesia became i d e n t i c a l v/ith those from without. Whether the labourers came from a few miles or a few hundred miles away they v/ere t r a n s i e n t , and t h e i r p o s i t i o n s were i n d i s t i n g u i s h a b l e . This v/as the p r i n c i p a l e f f e c t of the outside labour p o l i c y . The whole is s u e r e v e a l s too the dangers and the d i f f -i c u l t i e s of a Company a d m i n i s t r a t i o n . There was an i n e v i t -able tendency to regard the a d m i n i s t r a t i o n s of the Rhodesias as the ugly ducklings of c o l o n i a l a d m i n i s t r a t i o n s . In a c o n f l i c t between Rhodesia and Nyasaland, the C o l o n i a l Secretary, Harcourt, i n e v i t a b l y came - despite h i s e a r l i e r p o s i t i o n - to defend and support the d i r e c t a d m i n i s t r a t i o n i n Nyasaland. He could not admit that h i s appointment of Manning had been a 3 2 2 mistake. I t was much e a s i e r to attack the Company. This s i t u a t i o n was aggravated by the r o l e of High Commissioner being bound up with the r o l e of Governor of the Transvaal or Governor General of South A f r i c a . Again, the Company's i n t e r e s t s were i n e v i t a b l y subordinated to those of the m i n i s t e r s i n the South. During the period 1890-1914 , the Rhodesian a d m i n i s t r a t i o n s d i d i n f a c t attempt an independent labour p o l i c y . They a t t -empted to have independent r e l a t i o n s with Nyasaland, with the Portuguese, with the Transvaal, even with the Government of I n d i a . They demanded the r i g h t to pursue an independent p o l i c y with regard to A s i a t i c labour. A l l these attempts f a i l e d . In such independent diplomacy they i n e v i t a b l y came o f f worst. T h e i r e f f o r t s to pursue a d i s t i n c t i v e p o l i c y f i t t e d i l l w ith the C o l o n i a l O f f i c e view of Southern Rhodesia i n p a r t i c u l a r as an i n t e g r a l part of a greater Southern A f r i c a . In t h i s period the Company a d m i n i s t r a t i o n s ' attempts to pursue an i n d i v i d u a l l i n e were i n e f f e c t f r u s t r a t e d by the C o l o n i a l O f f i c e and the Transvaal, l a t e r South A f r i c a n , m i n i s t e r s combined. The Rhodesia s e t t l e r s were taught that Southern A f r i c a n i n t e r e s t s were i n d i v i s i b l e . 323 FOOTNOTES TO CHAPTER 7 1 Sharpe to F.O., December 1, 1897. F.O. 2 /128 . ' 2 H.M. Hole, Old Rhodesian Days (London, 1928) , p.46. 3 Codrington to Sharpe, June 25, 1904, annexure 63 to the Board minutes, October 4, 1904, C.O. 417 /401. 4 Central A f r i c a Times, October 21, 1899. 5 These regulations began with notice 1 of 1898 ( B r i t i s h Central A f r i c a Gazette, Vol. V, no. 5, A p r i l 6, 1898) . A re c r u i t e r , Irwin, was promptly prosecuted under i t . B.C.A.G., i b i d . 6 P e t i t i o n from the B r i t i s h Central African Chamber of Commerce and Agriculture, enclosure i n Codrington to the B.S.A.Co., January 31 , 1900, Board minutes A p r i l 10, 1900. C.O. 417/309. The B r i t i s h Central African Chamber of Commerce and Agriculture had already been agitating for almost two years, although there were less than 300 Europeans i n the Protectorate at th i s time. 7 North Eastern Rhodesia native a f f a i r s , no. A 25, annexure 16, Board minutes, August 10, 1904. C.O. 417/401. 8 Cd. 3993, p.46. 9 A l l the correspondence on the negotiations and arrangements for Nyasaland labour i n 1907-08 i s i n NA A3 / 18 /30 /17 . 10 Sharpe to Codrington, January 15, 1908. Codrington to Sharpe, January 19, 1908. NA A3/18 /30/17. 11 Milton to Selborne, A p r i l 25, 1908, enclosure i n Selborne to Crewe, May 11, 1908, C.O. 417/452. 12 Ta Sharpe to Milton, A p r i l 6, 1908. T e l . Milton to Sharpe, A p r i l 6, 1908, A 3 / 1 8 / 3 0 / 1 7 . 13 Reports on applicants, A p r i l 22, 1908, A3 / 18 /30 /17 . 14 Minute on Selborne to Crewe, October 11 , 1909, C.O. 417/467. 15 Milton to Sharpe, July 14, 1908, A3 / 18 /30 /17 . See also Selborne to Crewe, September 18, 1909, C.O. 417/466. 324 16 Correspondence on the 1909 group of r e c r u i t s i s i n NA A3 /18/30 /18. Crewe i n a minute of September 14, 1909 considered that the arguments that the death rate would drop next time were p l a u s i b l e , CO.- 417/466. 17 This v/as one of many attempts to u t i l i s e the more-d i r e c t route v i a Tete. Report of H.M.Hole on v i s i t to Nyasaland, September 6, 1909, enclosure i n Newton to B.S.A.Co.-September'9j 1909, Board minutes, October 21, 1909, C.O. 417/477. See also P h i l i p Wrey's report on the conference with Sharpe, 1909. - NA A3 / 1 8 / 3 0 / 2 6 . 18 Selborne to Crewe, November 7, 1908, C.O. 417/458. 19 Correspondence on t h i s i s s u e i s i n NA A3 / 18 /30 /14 T e l . M i l t o n to B.S.A.Co., September 12, 1910, i b i d . 20 The members of the B.S.A.Co. board were informed of t h i s at an i n t e r v i e w i n the C.O. Seeley the parliamentary under s e c r e t a r y , i n a minute of A p r i l 21, 1910 had consid-ered that r e p a t r i a t i o n could not be compulsory, C.O. 417 / 481. 21 B.S.A.Co., to M i l t o n , September 15, 1910, A3 / 18 /30 /14 . 22 NA A3/18 /30 /18. 23 Report of the medical d i r e c t o r (Fleming) November 20, 1909, ibid.-24 Sharpe to M i l t o n , December 17, 1909, i b i d . 25 Memo, on Sharpe's v i s i t by M i l t o n , A p r i l 9, 1910, i b i d . 26 Sharpe to M i l t o n , A p r i l 18, 1910, i b i d . -Milton to B.S.A. Co., September 23, 1910, A3 / 1 8 / 3 0 / 1 4 . 27 Casson's Report, October 14, 1910, A3 /18/30/15. See also Casson to deputy governor, Zomba, December 14, 1909 on farm labourers from Rhodesia, A3 / 1 8 / 3 0 / 1 4 . 28 Casson to Hole, February 9, 1910, A3 / 1 8 / 3 0 / 1 4 . 29 B.C. Krishnamurthy, "Land and Labour i n Nyasaland, 1891-1914", unpublished Ph.D. t h e s i s , London, 1964. K r i s h -namurthy d i d not v i s i t Nyasaland i n the compilation of t h i s t h e s i s because the Zomba Archives were"burned down i n 1919. But he f a i l e d to take account of the f a c t that much of the m a t e r i a l destroyed then i s du p l i c a t e d i n the Na t i o n a l Archives of Rhodesia. 325 30 Hansard, November 24, 1910, quoted i n Bulawayo Chron-i c l e , November 26 , 1 § 1 0 . 31 This i s c e r t a i n l y a curious c o a l i t i o n f o r A f r i c a , b u t r the s e t t l e r s and the mi s s i o n a r i e s of Nyasaland de s i r e d the same end f o r very d i f f e r e n t reasons. 32 Manning to M i l t o n , March 6 , 1911 , A3 /18/30/15 Manning to Harcourt', March 1 1 , 1911 , i b i d . 33 Sharpe to Codrington, June 7 , 1904. Codrington to Sharpe, June 25 , 1904, annexure 63 "to board minutes, October 4 , 1904, C.O. 4 1 7 / 4 0 1 . 34 i b i d . 35 Nyasaland Times, October 28 , 1909 . 36 The speeches were reported i n f u l l , i b i d . 37 Hole's report on the meeting with Governor Manning, August 29^ 1911 , A3 / 1 8 / 3 0 / 1 5 . 38 Hole to Newton, August 29 , 1911 , i b i d . 39 Hole's report of a meeting between the Southern Rhodesian delegates and the Nyasa Associated Chamber of Commerce and A g r i c u l t u r e , August 29 , 1911 , i b i d . 40 A considerable under-statement. 41 Record of a deputation to Gladstone, September 2 , 1911 , A3 / 1 8 / 3 0 / 1 5 . 42 T e l . Gladstone to Harcourt, September 1 1 , 1911 , C.O. 4 1 7 / 498 . 43 Nyasaland Times, B l a n t y r e , September 7 , 1911 . ' 44 Deputation of Rhodesian farmers to the a c t i n g administ-r a t o r , September 2 2 , 1911 , A3 /18/30/15. 45 Harcourt to Manning, May 19 , 1911 , i b i d . 46 Minute by Lambert On Gladstone to Harcourt, September 18 , 1911 , C.O. 4 1 7 / 4 9 8 . 47 Minutes'by Fiddes, October 2 0 , Anderson, October 21 and Harcourt, October 2 6 . Lambert made a counter-blast on October 3 1 , i b i d . 326 48 Harcourt to Manning, Nov. 3 , 1 9 1 1 . C.O. 4 1 7 / 4 9 8 , also i n NA A3/18 /30/15 49 Manning to Harcourt, Dec. 22 , 1911 . NA A3/18/30/16. 50 Hansard, A p r i l 2 , 1912 , quoted i n Reuter telegram, A p r i l 3 , 1912 , i b i d . 51 Correspondence on McCulloch i s i n NA A3 / 1 8 / 3 0 / 1 5 . See also Gladstone to Harcourt, Nov. 1 3 , 1911 , C.O.417/500. 52 McCulloch to Gladstone, Oct. 24 , 1911 , enclosure i n above despatch. 53 B..S.A.CO. to M i l t o n , A p r i l 1 9 , 1912, p r i v a t e and c o n f i d e n t i a l . NA A3/18/30/16. 54 Burns-Begg to Gladstone, A p r i l 25 , 1913 . C.O.417/524. 55 Gladstone to Harcourt, Nov. 6 , 1913 . C.O. 4 1 7 / 5 2 6 . 56 Correspondence i n NA A3/18 /30/23. 57 T e l . Charter, Cape Town, to M i l t o n , Nov. 26 , 1900, i b i d . Charter was the Company's tel e g r a p h i c address i n Cape Town. Such communications i n v a r i a b l y emanated from Rhodes or quoted him. Several s t a r t , "Rhodes says....". 58 M i l t o n to Charter, Dec. 5 , 1900 . NA A3 / 1 8 / 3 0 / 2 3 . 59 T e l . Charter to M i l t o n , J a n . l , 1901 , i b i d . However, the Company i n Cape Town d i d regard the problem as a p o l i t i c a l one i n D e c , 1900 . Then, i t was f e l t that the London Board ought to approach the Portuguese Government d i r e c t . I f the request were passed through the High Commissioner, then the Rand mines would hear of i t and would object, f o r they regarded Delagoa Bay labour as t h e i r preserve. In London, Wilson Fox asked Abercorn and Grey to make representations to Lansdowne. Wilson Fox to M i l t o n , Jan. 1 1 , 1901 . NA A l / 5 / 3 . 60 Charter to M i l t o n , Feb. 9, 1901 , t r a n s m i t t i n g the London Board's " s t r i c t l y c o n f i d e n t i a l " cable. NA A3 / 1 8 / 3 0 / 2 3 . 61 M i l t o n to Longden, c i v i l commissioner, M e l s e t t e r , Jan. 12 , 1902, i b i d . 62 Later there was a dispute as to whether Zambezia i n -cluded the B r i t i s h C e n t r a l A f r i c a Protectorate or not. Correspondence i n NA A3 / 1 8 / 3 0 / 2 4 . 327 63 Correspondence on the breakdown of the Agreement i s i n NA A3 / 1 8 / 3 0 / 2 4 . 64 There i s a b r i e f d e s c r i p t i o n of the modus v i v e n d i and the Transvaal Agreement n e g o t i a t i o n s i n James Duffy, A Question of Slavery (London, 1967). 65 Report of Nourse, general manager of W.N.L.A., A p r i l 28 , 1902 . NA A3 / 1 8 / 3 0 / 2 4 . 66 Wrey, general manager of the Labour Board, to B.S.A.Co., March 1 9 , 1902 . Wrey to M i l t o n , March 2 0 , 1902 . M i l t o n to Taylor, c h i e f native commissioner, March 25 , 1902, e t c . NA A3 / 1 8 / 3 0 / 2 3 . M i l t o n informed the I m p e r i a l Secretary at Cape Town i n a l e t t e r of A p r i l 14 , 1902, that the mines wished to reduce wages, but give a bonus to Shangaans. The Imperia l Secretary deprecated t h i s attempt by the mines to get the best of both worlds, and pointed out that the agreement on wages with the Transvaal was on a-minimum wage, not a maximum one. 67 Bulawayo Chamber of Mines to M i l t o n , Feb. 10 , 1903 . . NA A3 / 1 8 / 3 0 / 2 4 . 68 Selborne to M i l t o n , May 27 , 1907 . Again i n 1909, Selborne wrote at once to the Transvaal premier, Selborne to Botha, A p r i l 3 0 , 1909. NA A3 / 1 8 / 3 0 / 2 5 . 69 M i l t o n to Selborne, Feb. 5, 1909 . NA A3 / 1 8 / 3 0 / 2 5 . Selborne to M i l t o n , Feb. 24 , 1909, i b i d . Selborne to Milt o n , . March 1 1 , 1909, i b i d . 70 Selborne to M i l t o n , Feb. 24 , 1909, i b i d . 71 M i l t o n to B.S.A.Co., March 1 5 , 1909, i b i d . 72 See Duffy, op. c i t . , passim. 73 V i l l i e r s to F.O., March 8, 1910, and F.O. to V i l l i e r s , May 17 , 1910 , enclosures i n I m p e r i a l Secretary to M i l t o n , A p r i l 1 9 , 1910, and i n Gladstone to M i l t o n , June-21 , 1910, r e s p e c t i v e l y . 74 Selborne to Crewe, Feb. 10 , 1908 . C.O. 4 1 7 / 4 5 1 , and minutes of Board, Feb. 27 , 1908 . C.O. 4 1 7 / 4 6 1 . 75 In 1905, V a l Gielgud, general manager of the R.N.L.B., a c t u a l l y complained that W.N.L.A. d i d not want any more 328 labourers from Northern Rhodesia because of sickness amongst them, and t h i s was an e s s e n t i a l o u t l e t f o r Bureau surpluses when Rhodesian demand f l u c t u a t e d v i o l e n t l y . Gielgud to M i l t o n , May 5, 1905 . NA A3 / 1 8 / 3 0 / 2 4 . Wrey to M i l t o n , A p r i l 2 0 , 1911 , and Wrey to M i l t o n , May 1 1 , 1 9 1 1 , and other correspondence, NA A3 / 1 8 / 3 0 / 2 5 . Report of Paul Sc o t t , A p r i l 18 , 1912, i b i d . Report of Kempster on h i s mission to Lourenco Marques, September 16, 1912, and other correspondence. NA A3 / 1 8 / 3 0 / 2 5 . 329 CHAPTER 8 LABOUR AND THE AFRICAN This chapter deals with the four stages of the A f r i c a n ' s experience of and response to labour. I t examines h i s a t t i t u d e s and ideas about work i n the t r i b a l environment. He i s r e c r u i t e d and he t r a v e l s to work: an e n t i r e l y new and hazardous dimension i s added to h i s economic l i f e , a l -though i t can s t i l l be r e l a t e d to the s l a v i n g and r a i d i n g economy that went before. He works, w i t h i n the European-imposed d i s c i p l i n e of f i x e d hours, f i x e d d i e t , f i x e d accomm-odation, and sometimes harsh punishment. He faces a strange language, and a strange set of economic r e l a t i o n s . He i s encouraged to be a c q u i s i t i v e , yet often forced to save by means of the deferred pay system. When he returns home, he faces another hazardous journey, a tax-gatherer at the end, and a welcome retu r n to the s e c u r i t y of communal l i f e . But i t i s a s e c u r i t y that has changed. He now has a d i f f e r e n t r e l a t i o n s h i p with i t . He may possess what others do not possess. He pays tax f o r h i s brothers or h i s father and sets up a new s e r i e s of o b l i g a t i o n s . He sees t r i b a l a u t h o r i t y i n a d i f f e r e n t l i g h t , and v i l l a g e l i f e i n the context of the l a r g e compound, the store and a l l i t s wares, and l a r g e - s c a l e communal entertainment. This b r i e f d e s c r i p t i o n has been placed i n the present tense both because i t heightens the sense of process, of . 3 3 0 gradual accommodation, and because i t i s an experience s t i l l encountered, with the sole exception that the s l a v i n g and r a i d i n g economy i s f u r t h e r o f f . This chapter seeks to examine the process by means of the chance remarks of contemporary evidence, the s t u d i e s of a n t h r o p o l o g i s t s , a l i t t l e knowledge of present c o n d i t i o n s , and a degree of i m a g i n a t i o n . 1 In the absence of sources of the migrants themselves, these, and a l i t t l e o r a l evidence, are the only sources a v a i l a b l e . The enormous death r a t e s of the e a r l y years are a mute reminder that i t was an i n v a r i a b l y b r u t a l means by which A f r i c a n s encountered a modern economy and began to develop towards a modern nation a l i s m . - Human s o c i e t i e s have revealed remarkable powers of accommodation, e c o l o g i c a l and s o c i a l . The Bemba and the L o z i i n Zambia both demonstrate i n t h e i r very d i f f e r e n t ways an e c o l o g i c a l accommodation that l a r g e l y underpins t h e i r s o c i a l and p o l i t i c a l systems. Another form of adaptation occurs s o c i a l l y when one people has asserted i t s e l f over another. And t h i s adjustment has u s u a l l y been a two-way process. R e l i g i o n f o r example appears to have had a t e r r i t o r i a l as much as a s o c i a l s i g n i f i c a n c e . Hence both the Ndebele i n Rhodesia and the Ngoni i n Malawi adopted the r e l i g i o n of t h e i r subject peoples; the Ngoni tended even to adopt the language. The subject peoples i n turn accepted such Nguni i n s t i t u t i o n s as the l o b o l o marriage payments 331 system, and hence m a t r i l i n e a l peoples began to adopt c e r t a i n features of p a t r i l i n e a l s o c i e t y . This was often accelerated by o f f i c i a l a d m i n i s t r a t i v e pressure during the e a r l y c o l o n i a l period. A t t i t u d e s towards labour are also c l e a r l y modified by a s o c i e t y ' s environment, and by the pressures brought to bear on i t by other s o c i e t i e s . In p r i m i t i v e s o c i e t y labour has always been based on a k i n grouping. The f i r s t and most important d i v i s i o n of labour i s d i v i s i o n by sex. The woman's p o s i t i o n i n t h i s has always been conditioned by her comparative l a c k of m o b i l i t y , caused by pregnancies and the presence of small children.. I t has been argued that i f h o r t i c u l t u r e began as an i n c i d e n t a l pastime to supplement hunting and gathering, there i s every p o s s i b i l i t y that i t was begun by women. I t i s c e r t a i n l y the case that tasks are shared much more i n an a g r i c u l t u r a l s o c i e t y than i n a p a s t o r a l one. The greater m o b i l i t y of men ensured that they would be the hunters and defenders, the herders and the r a i d e r s . With the develop-ment of trade, i t ensured that they would be the tra d e r s , often t r a d i n g a r t i c l e s that had been made by women. Labour migration f i t t e d t h i s p a t t e r n . In C e n t r a l A f r i c a n s o c i e t i e s women were often used as a means to a s s i m i l a t i o n . Thus when the Ndebele or the Ngoni ravaged t r i b e s i n t h e i r path, the economic and s o c i a l value of the women often saved them from the slaughter t h e i r men 332 faced. The extent of a s s i m i l a t i o n however v a r i e d g r e a t l y . The Ndebele f o r example took care to e s t a b l i s h t h e i r subject peoples as separate castes. Inter-marriage between the p castes was disapproved of u n t i l recent times, even when European o f f i c i a l s regarded them as equal before the law. Perhaps t h i s caste exclusiveness became necessary because the Ndebele s u b s i d i a r y peoples, the Ehnla and the H o l i , soon out-numbered the Zansi, the o r i g i n a l migrants who had t r a v e l l e d north with M z i l i k a z i . A l l w a r - l i k e peoples l i k e the Ndebele, the Ngoni, the Bemba and the L o z i had t r i b u t a r y peoples, whose t r i b u t e b o l s t e r e d the economy b'f t h e i r o v e rlords. The w a r r i o r s might be brought up as boys as tenders of c a t t l e , but i n adolescence they were t r a i n e d f o r the most important task of f i g h t i n g to maintain p o l i t i c a l and t e r r i t o r i a l supremacy.^ They were t r a i n e d to a sense of s u p e r i o r i t y , a pride i n t h e i r s trength, an arrogance f o r the t o i l of mere subsistence which was the l o t of t h e i r underlings. When Europeans a r r i v e d i n C e n t r a l A f r i c a there were three main types of t r i b a l economy: the a g r i c u l t u r a l , the p a s t o r a l and the slave raiding. There could of course be combinations of two or of a l l three of these. The Ndebele and the Ngoni could be s a i d to have p r a c t i s e d a l l three. And of course the type of p a s t o r a l , a g r i c u l t u r a l or slave r a i d i n g economy depended on environment_and climate, s o c i a l and p o l i t i c a l 333 o r g a n i s a t i o n . This v a r i e t y i s w e l l revealed by an examination of the slave r a i d i n g economies. Both the Ndebele and the Ngoni rai d e d f o r what might be c a l l e d demographic reasons: they sought to keep up the strength of t h e i r t r i b e s . The Yao raided as a means to p o l i t i c a l power and consequently to a r i c h trade w i t h the Arabs. The Lunda of Kazembe l i k e w i s e r a i d e d as an e f f e c t i v e entree to the new t r a d i n g r e l a t i o n s h i p s set up by Arab caravans, and they were aided by the r i c h cassava and f i s h economy of t h e i r Luapula V a l l e y which r e q u i r e d l i t t l e labour to e x p l o i t . The Bemba on the other hand r a i d e d because t h e i r economy was so poor. They were enabled to do so by t h e i r strong c e n t r a l i s a t i o n of a u t h o r i t y , and i t was t h e i r only p o s s i b l e entry i n t o trade, f o r they had n e i t h e r i v o r y nor rubber nor precious metals. The L o z i r a i d e d i n order to e x p l o i t the great r i c h n e s s of t h e i r a l l u v i a l v a l l e y economy i n the Zambezi the more e f f e c t i v e l y . There are d i f f e r e n t nuances of o b j e c t i v e and response i n each case. There i s however onecconstant i n t r i b a l man's a c t i v i t y i n any of these s o c i e t i e s or i n those of t h e i r neighbours. Whether he worked on the s o i l , or tended the c a t t l e , or r a i d e d f o r c a p t i v e s , he could i d e n t i f y h i s a c t i v i t y com-p l e t e l y with h i s personal well-being and beyond to the w e l l -being of his' c h i e f and h i s t r i b e . The t r i b e and the s o i l , 334 the t r i b e and the herds were as one. In p a r t i c i p a t i n g i n such an economy he cont r i b u t e d to a s e r i e s of f e r t i l e r e l a t i o n s h i p s past, present, and h o p e f u l l y future. Nothing could be more inaccurate, however, than the v i s i o n of these t r i b a l economies as s t a t i c timeless r u r a l c y c l e s , with the oc c a s i o n a l e x h i l a r a t i n g or t o t a l l y destruc-t i v e r a i d . Each of the r a i d i n g economies described above represented an accommodation to the r e s u l t s of p o l i t i c a l f i s s i o n and cohesion, or to the new economic r e l a t i o n s h i p introduced by East Coast Arab t r a d e r s . The ra i d e d also accommodated. In Mashonaland they r e j e c t e d stone i n a r c h i t e c t u r e f o r more f l e x i b l e and temporary m a t e r i a l s ; they r e j e c t e d open t e r r a i n f o r the s e c u r i t y of granite kopjes. In the Zambezi V a l l e y , the Tonga dispersed and adapted t h e i r mode of v i l l a g e settlement i n a vain attempt to stave o f f economic stagnation. The I l a (or Mashukulumbwe) developed an intense s u s p i c i o n of and antagonism towards strangers, t e s t i f i e d to both by David Livingstone and by/: e a r l y o f f i c i a l s i n t h e i r part of Northern Rhodesia. The a r r i v a l of the Europeans with t h e i r wage earning economy i n v o l v e d a readjustment i n t r i b a l r e l a t i o n s h i p s , and a new and more traumatic accommodation. I t i s i n t e r e s t -i n g that i n almost every case the stronger t r i b e s responded more r a p i d l y . The Bemba f o r example, t r a d i t i o n a l l y super-c i l i o u s towards other t r i b e s , became very d e f e r e n t i a l to 335 Europeans.^ Once the m i l i t a r y power and p o l i t i c a l cohesion of the Ndebele and the Ngoni were shattered, they paid t h e i r taxes, long accustomed as they were to c h i e f l y t r i b u t e , and 5 responded almost too r e a d i l y to the new economy. The r a i d e d on the other hand, p a r t i c u l a r l y i n Northern Rhodesia, tended to use t h e i r t r a d i t i o n a l response to new demands: withdrawal and d i s p e r s a l . While the Bemba, Ngoni and Lunda of Kazembe became - to use an a d m i n i s t r a t o r ' s word - t r a c t a b l e , , the B i s a and the Senga dispersed, thereby making hut tax c o l l e c t i o n d i f f i c u l t , and reducing t h e i r c a pacity to labour m i g r a t e . 6 In order to f i n d the new form of t r i b u t e , cash, a man had to indulge i n a new form of economic a c t i v i t y , paid labour, i n which he could never i d e n t i f y as he had done i n the o l d forms. Taxation could however be seen as a new mode of entry to manhood. There i s evidence from at l e a s t one native commissioner that adolescent boys came to him to demand to pay tax to prove they had reached maturity. Yet men d i d respond, i n some cases, p a r t i c u l a r l y i n Northern Rhodesia, before the exigencies of t a x a t i o n forced them to do so. Of course the process was more gradual than the time-scale of t h i s t h e s i s tends to i n d i c a t e . C a r r i e r s had been re q u i r e d and paid i n c a l i c o f o r s e v e r a l decades. The existence of paid labour i n South A f r i c a had been known to the Ndebele and the L o z i perhaps twenty years before they encountered i t nearer hand. But i t 336 i s s t i l l true that there was a s w i f t and la r g e increase i n the years immediately succeeding the im p o s i t i o n of European c o n t r o l . In d i s c u s s i n g pressures, i t i s not p o s s i b l e to assess p r e c i s e l y such i n t a n g i b l e s as the love of adventure or the search f o r a 'substitute f o r the m i l i t a r y s a t i s f a c t i o n of r a i d i n g . They may have e x i s t e d as i n d i v i d u a l motives. I t i s however p o s s i b l e to observe that whole s o c i e t i e s reponded more r e a d i l y than others. The Bemba di d so, probably f o r the same reason as they had responded to s l a v i n g , t h e i r poor domestic economy. The Ngoni responded w e l l because most of t h e i r c a t t l e were c o n f i s c a t e d a f t e r the h o s t i l i t i e s of 1898, and moreover they were badly overcrowded. The Toka and n Tonga i n the Zambezi V a l l e y responded quite w e l l ' (and t h i s was unusual f o r oppressed peoples), perhaps as an escape from the r a i d i n g of both the L o z i and the Ndebele. Moreover they were v/ell placed f o r t r a v e l to the Matabeleland mines. The heart of the L o z i nation responded l e s s w e l l i n the beginning because t h e i r p o l i t i c a l s p i r i t v/as not broken, and because t h e i r r i c h environment continued to require manpower f o r e x p l o i t a t i o n . In a d d i t i o n there might be a l l the complicated l o c a l reasons examined i n c h a p t e r s ^ and 5. The second s e c t i o n of t h i s chapter i s a consideration of the mode of recruitment w i t h i n the v i l l a g e and the hazards of the journey to the place of work. 337 The v i l l a g e r might be r e c r u i t e d f o r work by one of s e v e r a l methods. He might be ordered out by h i s c h i e f or headman on the request of e i t h e r an o f f i c e r of the admin-i s t r a t i o n or of a l o c a l European s e t t l e r . He might be i n v e i g l e d out by a r e c r u i t i n g tout or one of the tout's A f r i c a n messengers with often spurious s t o r i e s of the wages he could earn. He might be t r i c k e d i n t o r e c r u i t i n g by such a tout: one method was to leave a contract i n a man's hut i n h i s absence, and then come to c l a i m him l a t e r . The tou t ' s or the messenger's r i f l e was a d i f f i c u l t argument to counter. He might be ordered out by the n a t i v e commissioner because he could not meet the demand f o r tax. In t h i s case, he would very probably be r e c r u i t e d by a representative of the Labour Bureau and sent to j o i n a gang of other new r e c r u i t s . Or he might decide to leave independently, r e a l -i s i n g he would soon have to f i n d h i s tax, or encouraged by the trade goods brought back by a brother. He might have an o b l i g a t i o n to f u l f i l , to earn tax f o r h i s f a t h e r or f o r a brother who had paid h i s l a s t year. I f he set out with a tout he would be c l o s e l y guarded i n a gang, and would probably seek the f i r s t opportunity to escape. I f independent, he would probably t r a v e l with a few others from h i s own v i l l a g e or group of v i l l a g e s f o r p r o t e c t i o n and companionship. I f with the Bureau he would be sent with a messenger to where a l a r g e gang was .assembling, probably at a 338 medical centre. The bureau's medical might be h i s f i r s t hazard. He might be r e j e c t e d a f t e r a week's exhausting journey, and sent back to h i s v i l l a g e . I f he were r e a l l y anxious to go to work however, t h i s was not n e c e s s a r i l y f i n a l . He could present himself under a d i f f e r e n t name and perhaps be more s u c c e s s f u l before the over-worked and cursory medical o f f i c e r . Or he could send i n a more healthy s u b s t i t u t e and subsequently exchange documents. Both these metho.ds of evasion are documented. For some, the next stage might be an e x h i l a r a t i n g , but i n s a n i t a r y , uncomfortable and exhausting, r i d e by t r a i n . He would be t r e a t e d l i k e an animal, placed sometimes i n open wagons or i n c a t t l e t r u c k s , covered i n lime. I t was s e v e r a l years before he had the p r i v i l e g e of a wooden bench i n a t h i r d c l a s s c a r r i a g e . The journey could take s e v e r a l days. I f he walked, h i s journey might take up to two months. I t would very probably be along an accepted labour route, although t h i s would do l i t t l e to assuage the f a c t that he v/as t r a v e l l i n g through country of s p i r i t s alien:'; to him, a f t e r he had spent h i s l i f e p r o p i t i a t i n g the n a t u r a l s p i r i t s near h i s home. He might be able to use bureau r e s t centres and food s t a t i o n s ; there might not be any. He might be supplied with a l e n g t h of c a l i c o to pay f o r h i s food on the way; and c a l i c o was a currency of r a p i d l y d e c l i n i n g value. Or he might have no money at a l l , i n which case he would l i v e o f f the land, work 3 3 9 f o r some food on the way, or simply starve. Lack of food or water was one hazard; w i l d animals were another; he might also face h o s t i l e tribesmen, rapacious o f f i c i a l s ( p a r t i c u l a r l y i n Portuguese t e r r i t o r y ) , and the fear, very r e a l to an A f r i c a n , of strange t e r r i t o r y and strange people. There would be p h y s i c a l obstacles a l s o , of which the most frequent and the most dangerous would be r i v e r s . In some seasons he might be completely blocked by a r i v e r that was too high and too f a s t to fo r d or swim. In such a season of heavy r a i n s , r e c r u i t i n g f i g u r e s might a c t u a l l y drop f o r t h i s reason. At other r i v e r s he would be able to use a f e r r y . The Hunyani, Loangwa and Zambezi r i v e r s were so provided. Many died on the way; others were taken i l l and returned to the comfort of t h e i r v i l l a g e s ; some would have second thoughts and "desert" from gangs. For those i n good h e a l t h , keenly a n t i c i p a t i n g earning some money, there were however d i s t i n c t compensations. There were communal pleasures, s i n g -i n g and dancing and d r i n k i n g . There were lengthy d i s c u s s i o n s as to where to go, the r e l a t i v e merits of d i f f e r e n t kinds of work, of d i f f e r e n t employers, of the pleasures of d i f f e r e n t l o c a t i o n s or compounds. There was an extensive i n t e l l i g e n c e system, by word of mouth, by marks on t r e e s , and even by messages n a i l e d to t r e e s , t e l l i n g of o p p o r t u n i t i e s or good or bad employers. Casson, Secretary f o r Native A f f a i r s of 340 Nyasaland, even saw messages to i n d i v i d u a l s attached to trees on a labour route when he t r a v e l l e d from Blantyre to S a l i s b u r y i n 1 9 1 0 . 8 I f he had escaped the a t t e n t i o n s of a tout when he l e f t h i s v i l l a g e , he might f a l l i n t o the clutches of another when he crossed a f r o n t i e r or neared h i s d e s t i n a t i o n . The Mtokos d i s t r i c t of Southern Rhodesia i n the North East of the country was a l i v e with t o u t s throughout the period, preying on migrants on the labour routes, anxious only f o r the maximum number of c a p i t a t i o n fees. A r e c r u i t e r might s t a r t on an o f f i c i a l b a s i s and end up " s e l l i n g " h i s r e c r u i t s on h i s own account. Such v/as Hayes, whose a c t i v i t i e s were described i n chapter 6. Many r e c r u i t e r s were former n a t i v e commissioners, d i s t r i c t commissioners or d i s t r i c t r e s i d e n t s , v/ho had seen the p o s s i b i l i t y of l u c r a t i v e p i c k i n g s and resigned t h e i r o f f i c i a l p o s i t i o n . The existence of such men v/as n a t u r a l l y a source of great confusion to the A f r i c a n . This could indeed happen on an o f f i c i a l b a s i s . Each of the. labour bureaux had former n a t i v e commissioners seconded to t h e i r s t a f f as agents. I f a bureau r e c r u i t , the migrant would face another medical, and p o s s i b l y a period i n an a c c l i m a t i s a t i o n camp before being sent on to a mine or a farm according to h i s choice or p h y s i c a l c o n d i t i o n . I f he f e l l i n t o the hands of a tout, he would be " s o l d " f o r the highest c a p i t a t i o n fee. I f he remained indep-endent, three areas f o r v/ork l a y open to him. He could go 341 to a town, to a farm, or to a mine. Town employment comprised mainly domestic, c l e r i c a l or p u b l i c works. I t was labour of a more permanent k i n d , f o r the A f r i c a n ex-perienced i n European ways, who knew what he could get and where. The novice would be foolhardy to enter a town l o c -a t i o n , with a l l i t s r e g u l a t i o n s and the need to f i n d work q u i c k l y or be e v i c t e d . Work on farms was f a m i l i a r i n some ways, u n f a m i l i a r in--others. I t was unremunerative. S e t t l e r s on the land of the B r i t i s h or A f r i k a n e r breed were hard taskmasters, demand-i n g labour from dawn t i l l dusk, p r o v i d i n g l i t t l e i n the way of accommodation or food, seldom f i l l i n g i n government forms, and subject to l i t t l e i n s p e c t i o n . The vast majority however would head f o r the mines, large or s m a l l , where earnings were greater, stores well-stocked, and a pleasurable l i f e could be l e d i n the compound as an antidote to the t o i l of the mine. By v i r t u e of numbers and documentation, these labourers r e c e i v e most a t t e n t i o n i n t h i s d e s c r i p t i o n . The r e c r u i t might go to a mine where he had f r i e n d s or r e l a t i v e s , to one with a good r e p u t a t i o n , to one he stumbled on by chance, or the nearest when h i s stamina and food ran out. In a few bad seasons he might f i n d no work at a l l and be forced e i t h e r to r e t u r n or to work f o r the l o c a l i n h a b i t a n t s f o r food. But i n most years plenty of work was a v a i l a b l e . He added h i s 342 mark to a c o n t r a c t , the terms of which he l i t t l e understood, although i t was probably explained to him and a t t e s t e d before a l o c a l n a t i v e commissioner or magistrate. During the f i r s t few days he might be permitted to b u i l d v/ith a few f e l l o w s a hut to accommodate himself. Or he might be placed i n barracks already b u i l t by the mine, of wood and i r o n , or i r o n and thatch, or b r i c k and i r o n , 'or galvanised i r o n alone. They would be crowded, i n s a n i t a r y , extremely hot i n hot weather, and extremely c o l d i n c o l d weather. On the other hand the hut b u i l t by himself might be more f a m i l i a r , but as a temporary residence, i t might be poorly b u i l t and inadequate to withstand the elements. The i n s p e c t o r s of n a t i v e compounds disagreed as to which was the b e t t e r system. The r e c r u i t would be put to work e i t h e r on the surface or underground. I f he had previous experience he would probably be aggrieved that l i t t l e cognisance v/as taken of i t . Surface v/ork v/as more poorly paid than the genuine underground mining, and v/as consequently much lov/er i n p r e s t i g e . I t v/as reserved f o r the complete novice or the p h y s i c a l l y weak. Surface work, as w e l l as l o a d i n g and unloading, tending the crushing b a t t e r i e s , b u i l d i n g , also i n v o l v e d c u t t i n g wood f o r f u e l i n p a r t i e s perhaps miles from the mine. Those v/ho v/ent underground encountered a strange and t e r r i f y i n g new world. However much they grew used to i t , i t r e t a i n e d i t s fears and i t s dangers, as the numerous accidents t e s t i f y . y Each was 343 expected to work at the u n r e l e n t i n g rock face f o r a ten hour s h i f t i n each day. He was paid not by the s h i f t or by the week or by the month, but by the t i c k e t system. A c e r t a i n piece or work ( u s u a l l y d r i l l i n g two fee t ) was a l l o c a t e d as the reasonable amount that could be accomplished i n each s h i f t . When he had completed t h i s , he had completed the requirements f o r one t i c k e t . Not u n t i l he had t h i r t y t i c k e t s was he paid. The t i c k e t system had one advantage. I f he was an except-i o n a l l y strong, experienced and s k i l f u l worker, he might be able to complete enough f o r two t i c k e t s i n any one day, but t h i s was comparatively r a r e . On the other hand, he might not complete the quota f o r the s h i f t , i n which case he would get no t i c k e t at a l l . Experienced workers s a i d that they p r e f e r r e d the Rand to Rhodesia because the rock was much s o f t e r there. B a s i c a l l y , the t i c k e t system was designed to protect the employer against the slow worker or the malingerer, so-c a l l e d . I t was also a means to a lower wage, since the worker f r e q u e n t l y worked f i v e weeks to secure what was often quoted to the outside world as a monthly wage. Some employ-ers were d i l a t o r y i n the payment of wages, a p r a c t i c e designed to keep the employee at work as long as p o s s i b l e . This was however a t r a i t of the r a i l w a y companies who were able to plead remoteness i n c o n s t r u c t i o n , r a t h e r than the mines which were 3kk more open to i n s p e c t i o n . In the smaller mines however, the fortunes of the labourers n a t u r a l l y f l u c t u a t e d with the fortunes of t h e i r employers, the t r i b u t o r s ( i . e . small workers), who often had a somewhat Micawberish a t t i t u d e to gold seams. There i s at l e a s t one instance of a t r i b u t o r being ordered to pay back wages to h i s A f r i c a n employees out of h i s wage i n h i s new job when h i s l i t t l e mine had crashed. 1^ The miner's d i e t was monotonous and often u n e d i f y i n g , unsweetened by the knowledge that i t was the food he had t o i l e d to grow, prepared at the family hearth by h i s women-f o l k . O f f i c i a l attempts were made to improve i t , and the improvements were designed to keep him a l i v e and healthy and i n working c o n d i t i o n , so that the s t a t i s t i c s of desertions and deaths might look l e s s h o r r i f y i n g . He ate mainly mealie meal, a type of porridge whose consistency v a r i e d i n d i f f e r e n t parts of the country, supplemented by beans, groundnuts, pumpkin, and p o s s i b l y a l i t t l e f i s h or meat. Government r e g u l a t i o n s l a i d down the p r e c i s e poundage of each that he was to receive each week. The beer he drank helped to reduce the r i s k - o f scurvy, and sometimes he was forced to drink f o r the same purpose raw unsweetened lime j u i c e , which he loathed because of i t s purgative e f f e c t . The work was strange, the accommodation was sometimes strange, the s a n i t a r y trenches loathesome (the bush was p r e f e r r e d ) , the food had strange v a r i a t i o n s and was i n v a r i a b l y 3k5 badly cooked i n h i s est i m a t i o n , and the language was strange. He met the roughest conceivable type of European, who expect-ed him to implement and understand at once orders harshly given i n e i t h e r A f r i k a a n s or E n g l i s h . F a i l u r e to comply might r e s u l t i n a blow, and even i n i n j u r y . 1 1 I f the compound were b i g enough, there might be a compound manager, sometimes sympathetic, u s u a l l y p a t e r n a l i s t i c , frequently t y r a n n i c a l . When the labourer was s i c k , he would i n v a r i a b l y be accused of malingering, probably because there were some malingerers. As i n the army, being s i c k was made as un-a t t r a c t i v e as p o s s i b l e f o r him. He might therefore l i e low i n h i s hut i n the hope of a n a t u r a l recovery. He might "desert" and t r y to reach the comfort of home (and often die i n the bush); he might seek h i s own medicines, or i f found he might be sent to a strange and ra t h e r t e r r i f y i n g b u i l d i n g , the mine h o s p i t a l . There he knew unusual things happened, and people I n v a r i a b l y died f o r he had sesn the bodies c a r r i e d out. Indeed, i f the mine had no mortuary, and few had, there might be a body or bodies l y i n g i n the h o s p i t a l when he was admitted. Inspectors s i n g l e d t h i s f a c t out as one of the biggest deterrents to entering h o s p i t a l . There might or might not be a European doctor, depending on the s i z e of the mine (sometimes s e v e r a l mines shared a doctor). Almost i n v a r i a b l y , therewould be an o r d e r l y from a d i f f e r e n t i f not 346 h o s t i l e t r i b e , who might be l e s s than gentle with the p a t i e n t s . When the h o s p i t a l b u i l d i n g had been improved and co n d i t i o n s w i t h i n i t , or had l o s t i t s fearsome aspect through f a m i l i a r i t y , the labourer might w e l l become a w i l l i n g p a t i e n t . The main i l l n e s s e s of the mine compound were pneumonia, t u b e r c u l o s i s , scurvy, dysentery, and a form of blindness produced by e n t e r i n g workings too soon a f t e r b l a s t i n g when 12 the a i r was s t i l l contaminated by c o r d i t e . The mine had a s t o r e , • where, i f i t had a monopoly i n a d i s t r i c t , the p r i c e s were i n v a r i a b l y high. Nonetheless, the store was one of the biggest compensations f o r the mine labour-er. He was drawn w i l l i n g l y i n t o the western concepts of consumption and possession. He garnered t a n g i b l e evidence of h i s stay at the mine, and i n c i d e n t a l l y gave the mine the opportunity to win back some or a l l of h i s earnings. The a c q u i s i t i v e d r i v e might take him i n t o the "box system of c r e d i t " . In order to purchase something on c r e d i t , he might leave another possession i n a box, a k i n d of surety and pawn system i n one. I t had the e f f e c t of keeping hirn at work, fo r i f taken to i n o r d i n a t e lengths i t could develop i n t o a s o r t of debt peonage. Other compensations were the beer and the communal l i f e . An enormous beer-drink would be held almost every weekend. In the l a r g e r mines, the t r i b e s were separated, and he would be able to celebrate i n a f a m i l i a r s e t t i n g so 347 f a r as p e r s o n a l i t i e s were concerned. The women of the* l o c a l v i l l a g e s would s a t i s f y h i s sexual needs, and p o s s i b l y supply him with a new disease. The separation o f - t r i b e s was an acknowledged o f f i c i a l p o l i c y . I t was b e l i e v e d that the labourer was happier amongst h i s f e l l o w tribesmen, which was probably p e r f e c t l y true. I t d i d however give the management the opportunity to indulge i n d i v i d e and r u l e t a c t i c s (as E pstein has shown 1 3 i n h i s P o l i t i c s i n an Urban A f r i c a n Community J ) and helped to prevent the growth of union o r g a n i s a t i o n . Needless to say, such combination was impossible i n our period; the labourers d i d not have the techniques or the opportunity, and the admin-i s t r a t i o n and managements took care to see that any organ-i s a t i o n was nipped'in the bud. The temporary migrant labour system was i t s e l f an insurance against the o r g a n i s a t i o n of labour. O c c a s i o n a l l y there were spontaneous demonstrations of labour s o l i d a r i t y , u s u a l l y under extreme provocation from c r u e l or incompetent foremen or compound managers. Such a s t r i k e was described i n chapter 5 at the Wankie C o l l i e r y , and i t was seen that such a c t i o n was regarded as c r i m i n a l , and the n a t i v e commissioner, although sympathising w i t h the labourers' grievances, was forced to take prompt measures to punish the offenders. Such a c t i o n was regarded r a t h e r i n the l i g h t of a mutiny, j u s t as those labourers who l e f t work were r e f e r r e d to as " d e s e r t e r s " and hunted down as such. 348 When the labourer had a complaint, he might be able to b r i n g i t before the a t t e n t i o n of one of the i n s p e c t o r s of nat i v e compounds. These o f f i c e r s were appointed i n 1 9 0 1 , and there seems to have been some confusion i n the minds of the a d m i n i s t r a t i o n as to the prec i s e function they should f u l f i l . At f i r s t they were members of the native department; l a t e r they were attached to the medical department; and l a t e r again, they were t r a n s f e r r e d to the mines department. These men v a r i e d g r e a t l y from the sympathetic to the t o t a l l y 1 unsympathetic. I n v a r i a b l y , they d i d not speak the labourer's language, although to be f a i r to them i t i s true that many languages would be represented i n each compound. They had no f i x e d p o l i c y , except the vague improvement of co n d i t i o n s , which each i n t e r p r e t e d d i f f e r e n t l y where i t was not covered by ordinance. When he made serious complaints about a mine, these were i n v a r i a b l y checked by one of h i s colleagues who might come to quite d i f f e r e n t conclusions. 1*f. They disagreed on the most important i s s u e s . For example, on the r e l a t i v e m erits of the d i f f e r e n t types of accommodation, some pr e f e r r e d t r a d i t i o n a l c o n s t r u c t i o n , others a European type of c o n s t r u c t -i o n , and those who favoured the l a t t e r disagreed on the best type of wood/iron/thatch/brick combination. They disagreed on the fundamental labour i s s u e , whether or not wives and f a m i l i e s ought to be brought to the mine. Some f e l t the migration of a man's wife and family would help to s t a b i l i s e 3 4 9 labour, increase e f f i c i e n c y , and reduce quarrels and immoral-i t y ; others that the mine, compound only drew the wives and 15 children into i t s vicious l i f e . J (Incidentally, those wives who did go often made a lucrative l i v i n g from beer making.) Certainly, the creation of an integrated community l i f e on a mine was d i f f i c u l t where the European employees were them-selves inva r i a b l y bachelor migrants. The inspectorate of native compounds was an indication of a genuine humanitarian response on the part of the administration, metropolitan and colo n i a l , v i t i a t e d by being used simply as extra jobs for l o c a l native commissioners. The same humanitarian response emerged i n the dietary regulations, the ordinances governing employers' powers, and the ordinances providing for compensation on injury or death, and remittance of a man's possessions to his home v i l l a g e . However, the a l t r u i s t i c element i s d i f f i c u l t to assess i n a situation where poor conditions and high death rates reduced natural migration and created opposition at home, public and parliamentary. I t i s i n t h i s area that the Colonial Office's success i n a l l e v i a t i n g conditions can best be .seen, but the provisions i n many cases did not go far enough, did not add up to a coherent policy, and were subject to inadequate super-vi s i o n i n the co l o n i a l setting. While the migrant's l o t was improved piecemeal by the humanitarian demands of a distant opinion operating on the 350 Rhodesian a d m i n i s t r a t i o n , he remained the v i c t i m of two faulty-economic assumptions. In the case of the " f o r e i g n " migrant, h i s home government r e t a i n e d i t s hold upon him through deferred pay and r e p a t r i a t i o n because the export and re-export of labour produced revenue, which was true, and because population was regarded as wealth, which was not. Secondly, Rhodesian employers p r e f e r r e d to employ labour as cheaply as p o s s i b l e r a t h e r than create c o n d i t i o n s that would encourage i n d u s t r i a l e f f i c i e n c y . They confused low wages with low labour costs and achieved n e i t h e r an e f f i c i e n t nor an economical labour force. In t h e i r defence however, i t must be s a i d that the employers were themselves the v i c t i m s of a v a c i l l a t i n g o f f i c i a l p o l i c y , and that there was too much awareness of the temporary nature of many of Rhodesia's gold bearing seams to permit of larg e c a p i t a l expenditure. Another f a c t o r was that the European himself tended to be a migrant worker, a migrant c a p i t a l i s t or a migrant a d m i n i s t r a t o r . Both the Europeans and the A f r i c a n s a l t e r n a t e d " t o u r s " of work or duty with periods at home. Neither party had a s u f f i c i e n t l y developed sense of permanent stake. On the farms, where the Europeans d i d have t h i s sense to a greater degree, the A f r i c a n was denied i t because of the i n s e c u r i t y of the " p r i v a t e l o c a t i o n " and the i n c o n s i s t e n c i e s of land p o l i c y . The migrant however d i d not understand these i s s u e s . Once he had acquired money f o r tax, some trade goods, and a 351 t a s te of "the w o r l d " , he l e f t fo r home. Some would be compu l so r i l y r e p a t r i a t e d ; o thers would set out on the l abour routes as independent ly as they had come. In e i t h e r case, the migrant faced the same hazards he had faced on h i s way to work, i n a d d i t i o n to a few new ones. For an important change had occurred i n h i s c o n d i t i o n . Unless he had ( been a t o t a l s p e n d t h r i f t , he was now compara t ive ly speaking weal thy. He had a bundle of a c q u i s i t i o n s . He might have saved as much as s e v e r a l pounds. F a i l i n g t h i s , he was at l e a s t c l o t h e d . Many v i l l a g e s on h i s route home f e l t i t t h e i r duty to see that he was f l eeced o f as much of t h i s weal th as p o s s i b l e on the way. I t must be remembered again that h i s journey on foot might take s e v e r a l weeks. The use of b i c y c l e s and o f l o r r i e s was not widespread before 1914. Along the l eng th of h i s rou te , often beside streams or c r o s s i n g p laces on r i v e r s , the migrant would f i n d . v i l l a g e s whose i n h a b i t a n t s sought to earn t h e i r tax by the sa le of food and beer (often at i n f l a t e d p r i c e s ) , or by p r o s t i t u t i o n . 1 6 The migrant might a l so be robbed by the more l aw le s s elements on the rou tes . The ex i s tence of these v i l l a g e s was yet another accommodation to the new economic c o n d i t i o n s , a l e g i t i m a t e response to the s e r v i c e needs of many hundreds of t r a v e l l e r s . But some migrants l o s t so much of t h e i r money i n t h i s way that i t i s recorded that some turned back to work 17 before they reached home. ' 352 F o r those who d i d r e a c h home t h e r e would be a m i x t u r e o f r e a c t i o n s . B e f o r e the growth o f l i t e r a c y and the spr e a d o f the pos t o f f i c e s e r v i c e , the migrant might have had no c o n t a c t w i t h h i s v i l l a g e f o r s e v e r a l months o r over a y e a r . M e l a n c h o l y songs' had been sung about h i s and the o t h e r s ' absence, so t h e r e would c e r t a i n l y be a welcome. But more than l i k e l y r e l a t i v e s would have d i e d w h i l e he was away. And i f m a r r i e d he might f i n d t h a t h i s w i f e had d e p a r t e d f o r a n o t h e r v i l l a g e . P a r t o f h i s p e r i o d a t home might be spent i n the r e - e s t a b l i s h m e n t of h i s r i g h t s , an attempt t o r e t u r n so f a r as p o s s i b l e t o the s t a t u s quo ante. .' I f he were young, the c o m f o r t i n g aspect o f the v i l l a g e might s w i f t l y p a l l i n the fa c e o f i t s " d u l l n e s s " . I f he v/ere o l d e r he might v a l u e the v i l l a g e as the l o n g e d - f o r scene o f h i s " r e t i r e m e n t " , a t l e a s t from the European econ-omy. I t i s c l e a r t h a t one m i g r a t i o n l e d t o another, p r o v i d e d the f i r s t had not been too h a r s h , and t h a t s u c c e s s -i v e m i g r a t i o n s as an i n d i v i d u a l h e i g h t e n e d the sense o f s o c i a l s e c u r i t y r e p r e s e n t e d by the v i l l a g e . To t h i s day, most m i g r a n t s k e e n l y a n t i c i p a t e the time o f t h e i r " r e t i r e -ment" ( a t whatever age) and take s t e p s t o i n s u r e t h e i r p o s i t i o n w i t h i n the s o c i a l s e c u r i t y o f t h e i r v i l l a g e . T h i s has been used as an argument t h a t A f r i c a n s p r e f e r temporary m i g r a t i o n . But i t i s e q u a l l y e v i d e n c e o f the l a c k o f s e c u r i t y , s o c i a l and f i n a n c i a l , i n the urban environment o f b a c h e l o r accomm-353 odation. While i t i s true that the A f r i c a n r e t a i n s h i s i d e n t i f i c a t i o n with the s o i l of h i s ancestors, the f i g u r e s of "permanent migrants" even i n the period before 1914 r e v e a l that a s i g n i f i c a n t number were w i l l i n g to make the break, and the Katangese experiment i n s t a b i l i s a t i o n of labour i n the 1920s i n d i c a t e s that more might have been w i l l i n g to do so had the cond i t i o n s f o r f a m i l i e s been s u i t -able and wages adequate. In h i s r e s t l e s s n e s s , the young returned migrant d i s t u r b s the e q u i l i b r i u m of the v i l l a g e . I f he had been to the mines, he had come to regard farm labour as much lower i n p r e s t i g e , " l e s s manly" even, because of the much lower wages.1® I f he came from one of the m a r t i a l t r i b e s , t h i s might f i t h i s pre-migration a t t i t u d e s , although, as with the B r i t i s h concept of " m a r t i a l races" i n I n d i a , t h i s i s a d i s t i n c t i o n that must not be pressed too f a r . His re-entry to the v i l l a g e economy would often therefore not be an easy one. Moreover, he had possessions, c l o t h e s , that ..his headman often d i d not have. This r e s u l t e d i n a d i s t u r b i n g s h i f t i n p r e s t i g e . I f there i s one constant r e f r a i n r e i t e r a t e d by c h i e f s and headmen to n a t i v e commissioners, i t i s that they could no' longer c o n t r o l t h e i r young men. These same possessions would also have a d i s t u r b i n g e f f e c t on the migrant's brothers or neighbours who had not been to work. I t was often s a i d by o f f i c i a l s of the labour bureaux 354 19 that "the contented returned migrant i s the best r e c r u i t e r " . 7 The evidence of the migrant's new found p r e s t i g e would often c o n f l i c t with the wishes of the womenfolk who naturally-p r e f e r r e d t h e i r men to stay at home. The young migrant indeed i n v a r i a b l y returned with the i n t e n t i o n of f i n d i n g a wife. Having done so, the p u l l of the mining compound and the p u l l of h i s wife would create a c o n f l i c t on a personal l e v e l comparable with that more ge n e r a l l y f e l t i n the v i l l a g e . The e f f e c t of h i s migration v a r i e d according to the t r i b e and i t s ecology. There were frequent complaints by o f f i c i a l s of the break-up of t r i b a l s o c i e t y , which' from an a d m i n i s t r a t i v e point of view was regarded by many as a bad t h i n g (others sought to f a c i l i t a t e t h i s break-up). That such a de s t r u c t i o n f took place was not however uniformly true. Amongst the Bemba, the l o t of the women and c h i l d r e n c e r t a i n l y d e c l i n e d . The poor economy which probably stimulated migration had i t s e l f depended to a great extent on male labour: i t v/as the men who po l l a r d e d the tre e s and burned the bush f o r the citemene a g r i c u l t u r e . The Ngoni also became an extremely depressed labour reserve because the men's r e l a t i o n s h i p to the c a t t l e v/as destroyed and because there were few opport-u n i t i e s f o r cash-cropping and t r a d i n g . The Ndebeles' ex-perience was not so d i s a s t r o u s because such o p p o r t u n i t i e s d i d e x i s t f o r the r e - i n t e g r a t i o n of men i n t o a mixed t r i b a l / cash economy. On the other hand, the s o c i a l o r g a n i s a t i o n of 355 the Lakeshore Tonga of Nyasaland might indeed have been strengthened by migration, and they have revealed.one of the 20 highest f i g u r e s f o r migration i n C e n t r a l A f r i c a . T h e i r cassava c u l t i v a t i o n could be handled quite adequately by the women and the few men l e f t ; and the migrants sought con-s t a n t l y to ensure t h e i r p o s i t i o n i n the s o c i a l l i f e of the v i l l a g e by remittances and by frequent v i s i t s home. In a l l these cases, these trends were evident before 191k• . Thus t r i b a l d i s l o c a t i o n and depression depended f i r s t on the a b i l i t y p f those l e f t behind to cope with t h e i r e n v i r -onment and mode of food production, and secondly on the c a p a b i l i t y of the migrants to r e - i n t e g r a t e s o c i a l l y or economically i n t o the t r i b a l s i t u a t i o n . There has been a considerable d i s c u s s i o n as to whether the m a t r i l i n e a l / m a t r i l o c a l or the p a t r i l i n e a l / p a t r i l o c a l s o c i e t y s u f f e r e d more under these c o n d i t i o n s . There i s some evidence that the migrant's grass widow fared b e t t e r under the p r o t e c t i o n of her husband's people, more zealous of the son's or brother's r i g h t s . There has been some attempt to f i n d a c o n t i n u i t y between the migration of s h i f t i n g a g r i c u l t u r e and the migration of 21 i n c i p i e n t i n d u s t r i a l i s m . Such a sense of c o n t i n u i t y i s d i f f i c u l t to confirm while the one remained a communal experience and the other an i n d i v i d u a l one. In many s o c i e t i e s , when a man had enough dependents, he could move out and found a 356 new v i l l a g e f o r himself to head. But when he l e f t - to occupy h i s temporary niche i n the European economy, he performed a s o r t of i n d u s t r i a l " n a t i o n a l s e r v i c e " together with the many others who passed i n waves through the mining 22 or l o c a t i o n barracks. The q u a l i t y of the experience was wholly d i f f e r e n t . I t i s however important to note that while the migrant's s i t u a t i o n changed under the agg r e s s i v e l y i n d i v i d u a l i s t i c c o n d i t i o n s of mining employment, the s i t u a t i o n of h i s v i l l a g e d i d not remain s t a t i c . With the absence of r a i d i n g and the disappearance, of the need -for defence, many l a r g e r v i l l a g e s dispersed i n t o smaller k i n groups. This was however contrary to the needs of the l o c a l tax-gathering o f f i c i a l who sought s t a b i l i s a t i o n and c e n t r a l i s a t i o n i n order to f a c i l i t a t e h i s c o n t r o l and reduce h i s labour. Thus the v i l l a g e changed i t s r e l a t i o n s h i p to the s o i l . Moreover, i t changed i t s p o l i t i c a l r e l a t i o n s h i p s . The nati v e commissioner ( i n Southern Rhodesia), the d i s t r i c t commissioner ( i n Northern Rhodesia), and the d i s t r i c t r e s i d e n t ( i n Nyasaland) was the new paramount. In c r i m i n a l law at l e a s t , the powers of the v i l l a g e were removed and vested i n the p o l i c e (often from another t r i b e ) and i n the magistrate's court. But most important of a l l , while the migrant was ent e r i n g the European economy through paid labour, the v i l l a g e , depending on i t s geographical s i t u a t i o n , might w e l l be entering the European 357 economy through cash cropping and the purchase and s a l e of stock. I t was not then a s t a t i c v i l l a g e community, but a r a d i c a l l y changed one that the labour migrant returned to and departed from. These changes had occurred as r a p i d l y as h i s new experience had been accumulated. His r e t u r n not only a f f e c t e d the v i l l a g e ; the changes i n the v i l l a g e a f f e c t e d him. He became more aware of the new r e l a t i o n s h i p s . . He might indeed discover that he could remain w i t h i n the cash economy and abandon labour migration by responding to the new market p o s s i b i l i t i e s . He might adopt the even more temporary migration of the vendor and the buyer of produce and stock. This i s not to suggest that a v i l l a g e r i c h i n cash cropping reduced i t s c o n t r i b u t i o n to labour migration. As-observed i n chapter 5> a r i c h v i l l a g e could create as much mig-r a t i o n as a poor one, i f not more. The two new economic a c t i v i t i e s complemented' each other i n c r e a t i n g an increased awareness of the p o s s i b i l i t i e s of the cash economy. In f o l l o w i n g the "composite migrant" an attempt has.been made to examine the v a r i e t y of experience inherent i n labour migration, the v a r i e t y of accommodation required of t r i b a l s o c i e t i e s and produced by them according to t h e i r p a r t i c u l a r s i t u a t i o n and c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s , and the various i s s u e s to which i t gave r i s e w i t h i n a few years of i t s development. Labour migration was p h y s i c a l l y b r u t a l i s i n g , but even more so i t was 358 mentally b r u t a l i s i n g . I t replaced the slave trade of the Arabs, and had some s i m i l a r i t i e s w ith i t : the element of compulsion, the v i o l e n c e , the separation from family. But there were of course two enormous d i f f e r e n c e s : i t was regulated by ordinance, i n s p e c t o r a t e , and a watchful but not always e f f e c t i v e C o l o n i a l O f f i c e ; and secondly, a f t e r the experience the migrant u s u a l l y returned.. Moreover, u n l i k e s l a v e r y , i t "was not a once and f o r a l l experience, but one that might be repeated s e v e r a l times during a migrant's l i f e time. In t h i s the migrant was a v i c t i m p a r t l y of inadequate European labour theory and p o l i c y , p a r t l y of European demands f o r s o c i a l and u l t i m a t e l y p o l i t i c a l segregation, and p a r t l y of h i s own p r e d i l e c t i o n s . 359 FOOTNOTES TO CHAPTER 8 1 The p r i n c i p a l sources f o r t h i s chapter are the v a r i o u s labour bureaux documents, the rep o r t s of the i n s p e c t o r s of • n a t i v e compounds, and r e p o r t s of na t i v e commissioners. I t would be f o o l i s h to c i t e each i n d i v i d u a l point. 2 Hughes & van Velsen, The Ndebele (London, 1955). 3 Margery Perham, Ten A f r i c a n s (London, 1936). The s t o r y of Ndausi Kumalo provides an i n t e r e s t i n g i n s i g h t i n t o the development of an Ndebele c h i e f . 4 Audrey Richards, Land, Labour and Diet i n Northern Rhodesia (London, 1938). 5 A.J. Barnes, P o l i t i c s i n a Changing Society,- a P o l i t i c a l H i s t o r y of the Fort Jameson Ngoni (Cape Town, 1954)• 6 Report of A d m i n i s t r a t o r , North Eastern Rhodesia (Robert-Codrington), March-31> 1902. Board minutes, October 8, 1902. C.O. 417/365. 7 Report of Administrator , North Western•Rhodesia, (Robert Coryndon). B.S.A.Co. Report, 1898-1900, p.93. 8 Report of the•Nyasaland Secretary f o r Native A f f a i r s (Dr. Casson), J u l y , 1910. NA A3/18/30/15. 9 Accidents were frequent,•and sometimes reached the scale of a d i s a s t e r . In 1906, 2 Europeans and"73 A f r i c a n s were k i l l e d at the V a l l e y Mine when i t flooded. Report of the i n s p e c t o r of n a t i v e compounds, 6 v; an da d i s t r i c t , March 31, 1907. NA NB 6/1/13-21. 10 Gladstone to Harcourt, September 4, 1913. C.O. 417/525. 11 The i n s p e c t o r of n a t i v e compounds, Gwanda-Belingwe d i s t r i c t , C L . Carbutt, considered a beating e s s e n t i a l to the t r a i n i n g and well-being of the mine labourers: "In h i s barbarous s t a t e he i s merely i d l e and u s e l e s s , and almost harmless" a f t e r h i s i n i t i a l beating i n f a i r f i g h t by the white man." Report, December 31 , 1908. NA NB 6/1/13-21. 12 Correspondence on t h i s blindness took place i n l a t e I9O9. NA A3/18/30/18. 1 360 13 A.L. E p s t e i n , P o l i t i c s i n an Urban A f r i c a n Community (Manchester, 1958). 14 Reports'of i n s p e c t o r s of nati v e compounds. NA NB 6 / 1/13-21. 15 Reports of in s p e c t o r s of nati v e compounds, passim. 16 R. P h i l p o t t , "The Mulobezi-Mongu Labour Route", Rhodes-Livingstone J o u r n a l , I I I , J u l y , 1945. 17 i b i d . 18 One of the bureau o f f i c i a l s wrote of a conversation he had overheard between a mine labourer and a man who was being sent to a farm. The r e j e c t was t o l d "not to speak to him, as he was a man, and worked i n the mines, not digging mealies a t ' 5 / - per month." Loosely to Hole, December 9, 1909. NA A3 / 18 /30 /18 . 19 Statement of chairman of the R.N.L.B., June Zk, 1912. NA A 3 / 1 8 / 3 0 / 2 8 . 20 Mary Tew, Peoples of the Lake Nyasa Region (London, 1950). J . van Velsen, "Labour M i g r a t i o n as a P o s i t i v e Factor i n the C o n t i n u i t y of Tonga T r i b a l S o c i e t y " i n A.'Southall, S o c i a l Change i n Modern A f r i c a (London, 1961). 21 Margaret Read, "Migrant Labour i n A f r i c a a n d -its E f f e c t on T r i b a l L i f e " , I n t e r n a t i o n a l Labour Review, June, 1942. 22 This i d e a of a ki n d of i n d u s t r i a l n a t i o n a l s e r v i c e i s i n Walter Elkan, Migrants and P r o l e t a r i a n s (London, i 9 6 0 ) . 361 CONCLUSION Many d i f f e r e n t strands were woven together i n t o n i n e -teenth century a t t i t u d e s towards indigenous peoples and t h e i r pla.ce i n the i m p e r i a l economy, which taken together amounts to c o l o n i a l labour theory. I f the compulsion of s l a v e r y were removed, how could ex-slaves i n the o l d c o l o n i e s and n a t i v e peoples i n the new be persuaded to work, and how could labour be transported around the empire to replace the slave trade. Indentured labour was the s o l u t i o n to the second problem, and from E a r l Grey's period as C o l o n i a l Secretary onwards, t a x a t i o n and a modicum of land hunger were seen as the s o l u t i o n s to the f i r s t . In t h i s way land p o l i c y became i n e x t r i c a b l y bound up with labour theory, and land p o l i c y became the foundation of a l l n a t i v e p o l i c y , p a r t i c u l a r l y i n Southern A f r i c a . The p a r c e l -l i n g out of land to n a t i v e peoples turned i n t o a c o n f l i c t between metropolitan theory and c o l o n i a l p r a c t i c e , between notions of c i v i l i s i n g s t i mulants and concerns f o r a d m i n i s t r a t i v e expediency and s e c u r i t y . I t was at t h i s point that the demands of s e t t l e r communities f o r defensive arrangements against the black m a j o r i t y around them, even i f those arrange-ments c o n f l i c t e d with economic needs, began to play a c r u c i a l part i n the debate. At the time of the s e t t l i n g of Rhodesia, the reserves-amalgamation debate was s t i l l a l i v e one, and p o l i c y continued 362 to f a l t e r between l i b e r a l i t y of outlook and demands f o r secure p r o v i s i o n s to ensure s o c i a l and p o l i t i c a l e x c l u s i v e -ness f o r white immigrants. At the same time c o l o n i a l labour p o l i c y came under the i n f l u e n c e of the school of i m p e r i a l i d e a l i s t s , so convinced of the greatness of the empire, and of the need f o r n a t i v e peoples to serve, to be c i v i l i s e d by force i f necessary. At f i r s t Europeans i n Rhodesia appeared to pursue an amalgamation p o l i c y : they simply'super-imposed t h e i r centres of economic a c t i v i t y , towns, mines and farms, on to the pre-e x i s t i n g pattern of t r i b a l v i l l a g e communities. But because of C o l o n i a l O f f i c e withdrawal from r e s p o n s i b i l i t y In the e a r l y years, t h i s system appeared to lead to massive abuse. Although i t had not o r i g i n a t e d i n the C o l o n i a l O f f i c e , a reserves p o l i c y had become one of the accepted c o l o n i a l d o c t r i n e s by the end of the century. Moreover, rudimentary ideas of i n d i r e c t r u l e were becoming the d a r l i n g philosophy of r a d i c a l opinion, and t h i s found an echo i n the C o l o n i a l O f f i c e where reserves came to be regarded as v i t a l p r o t e c t i o n f o r A f r i c a n s o c i a l and p o l i t i c a l i n t e r e s t s . This i s not to say that the two are coterminous, f o r c l e a r l y they are not. But on the other hand, the notion of amalgamation or of sc a t t e r e d l o c a t i o n s i s quite i n i m i c a l to i n d i r e c t r u l e . And although i n d i r e c t r u l e never genuinely e x i s t e d i n South C e n t r a l A f r i c a i n t h i s period (with the p o s s i b l e exception of Barotseland), the reserves created. 363 the opportunity f o r i t s a n a c h r o n i s t i c r e s u s c i t a t i o n i n per-verted form i n more recent times. How d i d the reserves p o l i c y operate i n Rhodesia? Moves against inconvenient squatting, moves to obtain revenue, moves d i r e c t e d against l a r g e absentee landlordism, a l l these caused increased A f r i c a n migration to the reserves. As a r e s u l t of these p o l i c i e s , labour became an ex t r a c t a b l e and returnable commodity; the f a c t that women and c h i l d r e n were conveniently beyond the pale aided the c r e a t i o n of an except-i o n a l l y cheap labour p o l i c y . These notions were.accentuated and fostered by the movement of labour from Northern Zambezia, Nyasaland, Mozambique, and from beyond the Indian Ocean. P o l i c y makers thought of compulsion to labour rather than r e p u l s i o n from i t at the places- of work, of d i s t r a c t i o n from i t on the reserves r a t h e r than a t t r a c t i o n to i t . They operated on l a r g e l y the same myths as had obtained i n the e a r l y nineteenth century. In f a c t there was a much more r a t i o n a l economic response i n the d i s t r i c t s than they ever;- recognised, although t h i s v a r i e d widely of course. P o l i c i e s of d r i v i n g to reserves, of hol d i n g down wages to an i r r e d u c i b l e minimum, of maintaining the migrant system f o r i t s cheapness, only helped to destroy such r a t i o n a l response as there was. Some recognised t h i s and argued f o r a permanent labour system, but t h i s was i r r e c o n c i l a b l e with a reserves p o l i c y . . Taylor, the Chief Native Commissioner, t r i e d to espouse both arguments and only 364 revealed t h e i r I n c o m p a t i b i l i t y . A permanent' labour force and the existence of reserves could only be r e c o n c i l e d by a thorough-going A f r i c a n a g r i c u l t u r a l development programme, and the existence of the s e t t l e r farming community saw to i t that that could never come about i n t h i s period. There are two p o s s i b l e o b j e c t i o n s to the arguments f o r a permanent labour system, and both have appeared in' t h i s t h e s i s at some point. One i s that the system of migrant labour f i t t e d A f r i c a n p r e d i l e c t i o n s i n the period. The second i s that the system also f i t t e d the r e a l i t i e s of Rhodesian mining, that small mines could be e a s i l y worked out or crash f i n a n c i a l l y . Both can be, and were, answered. F i r s t l y , the migrant's love of h i s own t e r r i t o r y , and h i s anxiety to r e t u r n were of course emphasised by the f a c t that the extended fam i l y , the genuinely communal l i f e , were there. M i g r a t i o n as a family was a f a m i l i a r experience i n t r i b a l l i f e , and one which could have been made a t t r a c t i v e . Second-l y , the small t r i b u t o r s ' mines were but a small sector of the Rhodesian economy even by the f i r s t years of the century. Many turned i n t o l a r g e mines, p a r t i c u l a r l y c o a l , a few gold, and various other metals as discovered. Both farming and secondary i n d u s t r y required a s t a b l e labour force. The reserves p o l i c y v/as f o i s t e d upon the Company by the C o l o n i a l O f f i c e . This i r o n i c a l l y was the C o l o n i a l O f f i c e ' s greatest success i n , c o n t r o l l i n g the Company. For the r e s t , 365 C o l o n i a l O f f i c e c o n t r o l over nat i v e p o l i c y was tenuous, p a r t i c u l a r l y a f t e r the departure of S i r Marshal Clarke as Resident Commissioner. I t i s misleading to argue, as C l a i r e P a l l e y does i n her C o n s t i t u t i o n a l H i s t o r y and Law of Southern Rhodesia, 1888-1965, that the C o l o n i a l O f f i c e s u c c e s s f u l l y c o n t r o l l e d the Company a f t e r the 1898 Order-i n - C o u n c i l . This may be the conclusion reached by an examination of hundreds of ordinances and the e f f e c t i v e n e s s of the C o l o n i a l O f f i c e i n modifying them. But an exam-i n a t i o n of the grass ro o t s operation of na t i v e p o l i c y r e v e a l s quite the opposite. S i r Marshal Clarke, as has been i n d i c -ated, kept a f a i r l y watchful eye on l o c a l n a t i v e p o l i c y , but h i s e f f o r t s were v i t i a t e d by the war i n South A f r i c a , h i s own v a c i l l a t i o n s , and by the antagonism of Milner.:: His success-ors were without exception completely i n e f f e c t i v e , as i s evidenced by the fashion i n which the Administrator and High Commissioner i n v a r i a b l y operated over t h e i r heads, and by the High Commissioner's complaints of t h e i r incompetence. In a d d i t i o n , the High Commissioner was remote and f a r too i n t i m a t e l y connected with South A f r i c a n a f f a i r s . The c o n t r o l which the C o l o n i a l O f f i c e and i t s represent-a t i v e s d i d e f f e c t was i n v a r i a b l y d e s t r u c t i v e r a t h e r than c o n s t r u c t i v e . In r e l a t i o n s with Nyasaland, the Indian Government, the Portuguese, the Transvaal, and the Union of •366 South A f r i c a l a t e r , the Company was almost always driven i n t o a corner. There was no opportunity to work out a harmonious, mutually advantageous labour p o l i c y , which i r o n i c a l l y the Company of a l l i m p e r i a l agencies was i n a p o s i t i o n to implement. The Company operated u l t i m a t e l y f o r commercial gain. Commercial gain ought to have i n v o l v e d the most e f f i c i e n t labour system, a permanent one. The Company might have pursued t h i s , as the humanitarians feared, i n a b r u t a l way, but t h i s was an impression derived from a period when the C o l o n i a l O f f i c e consciously s h u f f l e d o f f a l l respon-s i b i l i t y . Such a system was i n i m i c a l to s e t t l e r s o c i a l and u l t i m a t e l y p o l i t i c a l d e s i r e s , and moreover c o n f l i c t e d with. "enlightened"opinion of the day, of a l l colours. Not only d i d the C o l o n i a l O f f i c e d r i v e the Company i n t o a corner over i t s foreign r e l a t i o n s , and eventually convince i t of the need f o r Southern A f r i c a n s o l i d a r i t y , i t also drove the Company i n t o a corner vis-"a-vis the s e t t l e r s . At C o l o n i a l O f f i c e i n s i s t e n c e the pioneers v/ere provided with a l e g i s l a t i v e c o u n c i l i n I 8 9 8 , and i t was the s e t t l e r s who u l t i m a t e l y proved the Company's downfull, and eve n t u a l l y benefited', from C o l o n i a l O f f i c e p o l i c i e s . So i t was that A f r i c a n s faced a perpetual c y c l e of hazardous migrant labour, based upon a massive system of outdoor r e l i e f which consisted of over-crowded reserves, d e c l i n i n g s o i l f e r t i l i t y , and d e c l i n i n g stock holding. In pursuing "wants", i n e x p l o r i n g the various avenues i n t o the 367 cash economy, they had revealed i n lar g e part an e s s e n t i a l l y r a t i o n a l economic response. I t was s t i f l e d by constant move-ment f u r t h e r from the centres of employment, f u r t h e r from marketing opportunity, f u r t h e r from the l i n e s of communication. They experienced i n p r a c t i c e Merivale's prophetic theory of over h a l f a century before, that reserves i n v i t e d c o n t r a c t i o n and l e d i n e v i t a b l y to perpetual movement outwards before the t i d e of advancing European i n t e r e s t s . 1 3 6 8 A NOTE ON TRIBES AND THEIR NOMENCLATURE Throughout t h i s t h e s i s an attempt has been made to use the forms of t r i b a l names c u r r e n t l y accepted by anthr o p o l o g i s t s . However, from time to time the name used by e a r l y a d m i n i s t r a t o r s and pioneers has appeared because of i t s presence i n a source, or i n . t h e name of a h i s t o r i c a l event. Thus Matabele appears i n the sources and i n the event, the Matabele War, but Ndebele has been used throughout to r e f e r to the same t r i b e . The Ndebele are an Nguni people, that i s part of the Zulu "backlash" i n the nineteenth century from N a t a l . Other Nguni peoples i n the area are the Shangaans i n Mozambique and South Eastern Rhodesia and the Ngoni of Malawi and North Eastern Zambia. The l a t t e r should not be confused with the wider group. P l u r a l p r e f i x e s commonly used i n the period, l i k e Ma-Shona, Ba-Tonga, Wa-Bisa, have a l l been dropped. The Tonga of Lake Nyasa should not be confused v/ith the Tonga of the Zambezi V a l l e y . 3 6 9 BIBLIOGRAPHY PRIMARY SOURCES 1 . Unpublished Two p r i n c i p a l sets of records were used: C o l o n i a l O f f i c e docu-ments i n the P u b l i c Record O f f i c e , London, and documents of-the Company a d m i n i s t r a t i o n i n the N a t i o n a l Archives of Rhodesia, S a l i s b u r y . The main C o l o n i a l O f f i c e sources consisted of many volumes i n the s e r i e s C.O. 4 1 7 Correspondence with the High Commissioner i n South A f r i c a , with the B.S.A.Co., and a f t e r I898 the minutes and t h e i r annexures of the Board of the B.S.A.Co. In a d d i t i o n , the f o l l o w i n g were used: C.O. 4 6 8 B.S.A.Co. Reports' on the A d m i n i s t r a t i o n of Rhodesia, 1 8 8 9 - 1 9 0 2 (also a v a i l a b l e i n the B r i t i s h Museum) C.O. 3 Ordinances, 1 8 9 1 - 1 8 9 9 C.O. 4 5 5 Gazettes, 1 8 9 4 - 1 9 1 4 C.O. 6 0 3 S e s s i o n a l Papers, 1 8 9 6 - 1 9 1 4 C.O. 6 7 1 Acts, 1 9 0 1 - 1 9 1 4 Records i n the N a t i o n a l Archives of Rhodesia are here c i t e d as i n V.W. K i l l e r ' s A Guide to the Pu b l i c Records of Southern Rhodesia under the Regime of the B r i t i s h South A f r i c a Company (Cape Town, 1956")• I n d i v i d u a l box numbers can be found i n the footnotes. D i v i s i o n of the Administrator: Correspondence Papers of S i r W i l l i a m M i l t o n Native A f f a i r s -• Chief Native Commissioner,, Mashonaland; Chief Native Commissioner, Matabeleland. 3 7 0 D i v i s i o n of Mines and Works: Correspondence Reports of Chambers of Mines Cape Town O f f i c e : Correspondence London O f f i c e : Correspondence Reports of the Rhodesia Native Labour Bureaux 2 . Published Parliamentary Papers 1889 LXIII C. 8773 Charter of the B.S.A.Co. 1 8 9 2 LXI C. 6 6 4 5 Ordinances made by the B.S.A.Co. 1 8 9 3 LXI C. 7 1 7 1 , C. 7 1 9 0 , C . 7 1 9 6 , C 7 2 9 0 Correspondence r e l a t i n g to the B.S.A.Co., Mashonaland, Matabeleland & Bechuanaland. 1 8 9 4 LVII C. 7 3 8 3 Papers r e l a t i n g to the Adm i n i s t r a t i o n of Matabeleland and Mashonaland. 1 8 9 4 LVII C. 7 5 5 5 Report of Mr. F.J. Newton on the c o l l i s i o n between the Matabele and the B.S.A.Co., forces, 1893• 1 8 9 5 LXXI C. 7037 Papers re. B r i t i s h sphere north of Zambezi. 1896 LIX C. 8 1 3 0 Report of Matabeleland Land Commission. 1896 LIX C. 8 0 6 0 I n s t r u c t i o n s to S i r R.E.R. Martin and to Major-General S i r F r e d e r i c k Carrington r e . operations against the Matabele. 1 8 9 7 IX C. 8547 Report of S i r R.E.R. Martin on the B.S.A.Co., Native A d m i n i s t r a t i o n . 1 8 9 8 LX C. 8 7 3 2 Correspondence re. the a d m i n i s t r a t i o n of the B.S.A.Co. 1 8 9 8 LX C. 8773 B.S.A.Co. Charter and Orders i n Co u n c i l . 1 8 9 9 LXIII C. 9138 Papers re. B.S.A.Co., Order i n Counc i l , 1 8 9 8 and"Proclamation on Native Regulations f o r Southern Rhodesia. 1 9 0 2 LXVII, Cd. 1 2 0 0 Correspondence re. Southern Rhodesian labour supply. 3 7 1 1903 XLV Cd. 1531 Correspondence re. Recruitment of labour i n the B r i t i s h C e n t r a l A f r i c a P r o t e c t o r a t e f o r Employ-ment i n the Transvaal. 1904 LXII Cd. 2028 Correspondence re. proposed i n t r o d u c t -i o n of Chinese i n t o Southern Rhodesia. 1905 LV Cd. 2399 Report of the South A f r i c a n Native A f f a i r s (Lagden) Commission. 1 9 0 4 XXXIX C d . " l 8 9 4 , 1896, 1 8 9 7 Reports of Transvaal Labour Commission. 1 9 0 4 LXI Cd. 1898, 1 8 9 9 , 1986, 2183 Correspondence re. Transvaal labour. 1 9 0 6 LXXX Cd. 2788 Correspondence re. labour i n Transvaal mines. 1 9 0 7 LVTI' Cd. 3 3 3 8 Report of the Transvaal Foreign Labour Dept. 1909 LXI Cd. 4587 Mozambique Convention. 1914 LX Cd. 7509 Correspondence r e . ownership of land i n Southern Rhodesia. 1 9 1 5 XLV Cd. 7 9 7 0 B.S.A.Co.• ^ (by r a i l ) «4,' y -