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Mutual enlightenment in early Vancouver, 1886-1916 Hunt, Alfred Ian 1987

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MUTUAL ENLIGHTENMENT IN E A R L Y VANCOUVER, 1886-1916 by A L F R E D IAN H U N T M.A. , The University of British Columbia, 1979 A THESIS S U B M I T T E D IN P A R T I A L F U L F I L M E N T O F T H E R E Q U I R E M E N T S FOR T H E D E G R E E O F DOCTOR OF E D U C A T I O N in T H E F A C U L T Y OF G R A D U A T E STUDIES Department of Administrative, Adult and Higher Education We accept this thesis as conforming to the required standard T H E UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA September 1987 © A L F R E D IAN H U N T , 1987 In presenting this thesis in partial fulfilment of the requirements for an advanced degree at the University of British Columbia, I agree that the Library shall make it freely available for reference and study. I further agree that permission for extensive copying of this thesis for scholarly purposes may be granted by the head of my department or by his or her representatives. It is understood that copying or publication of this thesis for financial gain shall not be allowed without my written permission. Department of A d m i n i s t r a t i v e , A d u l t & H i g h e r E d u c a t i o n The University of British Columbia 1956 Main Mall Vancouver, Canada V6T 1Y3 Date September 22, 1987  DE-6G/81) ABSTRACT This thesis examines the social and intellectual history of an apparently disparate group of voluntary associations and their members in Vancouver, British Columbia, 1886-1916. These associations sought to educate their own members, and often the general community, in the arts, in history, in science, in public affairs, and in matters of physical, vocational, and moral welfare. Vancouver's Art, Historical and Scientific Association, its natural history and literary societies, and its Y M C A are central to the discussion. These associations' educational practices embodied a form of "intentional mutual enlightenment." The term refers to the non-formal education of adults through voluntary associations. Primarily through social, economic, intellectual, and political inferences from historical evidence, the thesis explains the meaning that "mutual enlightenment" had for participants. It pays attention to the contexts of late Victorian and Edwardian intellectual thought, and of British Columbia social and economic development. The thesis describes and explains both the reasons—stated and structural—for participants' involvement, and the social, political, and economic functions of the mutual enlightenment associations. To get at those reasons, the study examines interrelationships between ideas and their social circumstances, and how these inter-relationships gave rise to mutual enlightenment. Further, it examines mutual enlightenment (1) through an analysis of ten exemplar voluntary associations, (2) through a study of the ambient social structure and its reflection cf and support for mutual enlightenment associations, and (3) through a conceptually satisfying definition of "intentional mutual enlightenment." The argument is this: the context largely determined, and now explains the nature of mutual enlightenment. Vancouver's social, political, and economic arrangements, and its residents' ideas, manners, tastes, and values accounted for the objectives, programmes, and membership of mutual enlightenment associations. Vancouver's intellectual climate and cultural forms had been imported primarily by middle-class residents from their original homes and homelands, mainly from Great Britain, or from Britain as modified through Central and Eastern Canadian experience. TABLE OF CONTENTS Abstract .ii List of Tables vi: List of Figures vii Acknowledgement . Y 1 ^ 1 Abstract ~ jii Acknowledgements ix Chapter 1. INTRODUCTION 1 1.1. Introductory Note 1 1.2. Intentional Mutual Enlightenment in Early Vancouver 2 1.3. The Background: Vancouver, British Columbia, 1886-1916 4 1.4. The Background: Related Literature 17 1.5. The Methodology: A Social History of Ideas 21 1.5.1. "The Utilitarian Ideal" 22 1.5.2. "Clerisy," "Class," "Culture," and "Civilization" 23 1.5.3. Defining "Mutual Enlightenment" 29 1.5.4. Exemplar Associations of Mutual Enlightenment 32 1.5.5. Mutual Enlightenment and the Social Structure: A Prosopography : 34 1.6. Conclusion 37 Chapter 2. "LIGHT, M O R E LIGHT" 1: BRINGING A E S T H E T I C , I N T E L L E C T U A L , A N D M O R A L " T O N E " T O E A R L Y V A N C O U V E R 39 2.1. Introductory Note 39 2.1.1. The Art, Historical and Scientific Association of Vancouver: A Case Study of Mutual Enlightenment 41 2.2. The Art, Historical and Scientific Association, 1894-1916 43 2.3. Art, Historical and Scientific Association: Aims and Intellectual Heritage 48 2.3.1. Reverend Tucker: To Inspire, To Enlighten, and To Build 51 2.3.2. Art, Mrs. Mellon, and Utilitarian Motives 57 2.4. Summary 60 Chapter 3. "LIGHT, M O R E LIGHT" 2: F R O M "TONE" T O BRITISH CIVILIZATION T H R O U G H M U T U A L E N L I G H T E N M E N T 63 3.1. Introductory Note: Ideas in Practice 63 3.2. Mutual Enlightenment: Historical Background 66 3.3. The Art, Historical and Scientific Association: A Bi-focal Pedagogy and Curriculum 72 3.3.1. For Members Mostly: Class and Cultivation Through Lecture and Conversazione 73 i i i 3.3.2. Improving the Masses: The Cook-Vancouver Museum and Art Gallery, 1894-14 84 3.4. The Vancouver Women's Musical Club: Musical Culture and Amateur Impressarios 97 3.5. Conclusion: A Bi-Focal Mutual Enlightenment 103 Chapter 4. "LIGHT, M O R E LIGHT" 3: A V A N C O U V E R "CLERISY" 106 4.1. Introductory Note: A Collective Biography of Art, Historical and Scientific Association Members 106 4.2. The Association Before 1909: The Clerics Depart 109 4.3. Age and Community Seniority 115 4.4. Mixing Gender: Implications for Organizational Success 116 4.5. Association Members as Social and Occupational Elites 119 4.6. Class Through Residence: Association Members and the Business Elites 124 4.7. Association Members: An Educational Elite 125 4.8. Pax Britannica: The British Connection 130 4.9. A New Patriotism: The Canadian Clubs Connection 135 4.10. Mutual Enlightenment: For Some or For All? 137 4.11. Changing Conceptions of Culture: Destiny of the Art, Historical and Scientific Association 139 Chapter 5. A R T A N D N A T U R E 1: M U T U A L E N L I G H T E N M E N T FOR A P R A C T I C A L C U L T U R E 142 5.1. Introduction 142 5.2. Breaking Ground: New Configurations 145 5.2.1. To Create an "Earthly Paradise": The Vancouver Arts and Crafts Association 146 5.2.2. Seeking Their Own Footing: Vancouver's Natural History Clubs 152 5.3. Conclusion 160 Chapter 6. A R T A N D N A T U R E 2: N E W FORMS IN M U T U A L E N L I G H T E N M E N T 162 6.1. Introduction 162 6.2. Mutual Enlightenment: Two Episodes 163 6.3. Failed Enlightenment?: Competing Objectives and Hidden Motives 168 6.3.1. The English Connection 170 6.3.2. Members' Social Origins and Practical Culture 175 6.3.3. Opportunity, Femininity, and the "New Woman" 189 6.4. Conclusion 196 Chapter 7. "A P H I L A N T H R O P Y — N O T A CHARITY": M U T U A L E N L I G H T E N M E N T FOR SOCIAL A N D M O R A L C O N T R O L 201 •7.1. Introductory Note 201 7.2. The Vancouver Young Men's Christian Association: 1886-1897, 1898-Present 207 7.2.1. The Vancouver Y M C A : 'A Brotherhood to Promote Christian Living' 211 i v 7.2.2. "To Build a Symmetrical Christian Manhood": A Four-Fold Programme 218 7.3. "The care of the stranger": The Vancouver Y W C A 226 7.4. Oratory and the Debating Tradition: The Burrard Literary Club .232 7.5. Members' Motives: Recreation, Vocation, and Advancement 235 7.6. Protestant, Celtic, and Canadian: "The City Commonwealth" 243 7.7. Summary and Conclusion 251 Chapter 8. S U M M A R Y A N D CONCLUSION: M U T U A L E N L I G H T E N M E N T M A P P E D 254 8.1. Introductory Note 254 8.2. Mutual Enlightenment: The Social Expression of Ideas 256 8.3. "Mutual Enlightenment" Modelled 260 8.4. The Social Significance of Mutual Enlightenment 264 8.5. Mutual Enlightenment: Reasons for Participation 268 8.6. Concluding Note 270 BIBLIOGRAPHY 272 LIST OF TABLES Table 1. Population Growth in British Columbia, Victoria, and Vancouver, 1881-1921 7 Table 2. Occupations of Art, Historical and Scientific Association Members 121 Table 3. Social Prestige of Art, Historical and Scientific Association Members Through Published Biographies or as a "Business Leader" 123 Table 4. Residential Distribution of Art, Historical and Scientific Association Members Compared to Vancouver Business Leaders 125 Table 5. Educational Background of Art, Historical and Scientific Association Members Compared to Vancouver Business Leaders and the Social Upper Class 126 Table 6. National Origins of Art, Historical and Scientific Association Members Compared to Vancouver Business Leaders 131 Table 7. National Origins of Arts and Crafts Association (ACA) and Naturalists' Field Club (NFC) Members 171 Table 8. Occupations of Arts and Crafts Association (ACA) and Naturalists' Field Club (NFC) Members, Employed or of Immediate Relative 178 Table 9. Occupations of the Y M C A and Burrard Literary Club (BLC) Members, and Y M C A Physical Department Petitioners 237 Table 10. Religious Affiliation of the Y M C A and Burrard Literary Club (BLC) Members Compared with Art, Historical and Scientific Association (AHSA), Arts and Crafts Association (ACA), and Naturalists' Field Club (NFC) Members 244 Table 11. National Origins of Y M C A and Burrard Literary Club (BLC) Members 245 v'i. i LIST OF FIGURES Fig. 1. Pedagogies of mutual enlightenment. Programme orientation options for associations of mutual enlightenment 167 Fig. 2. Pedagogies of mutual enlightenment. Programme options for associations of mutual enlightenment 261 vii ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS A n undertaking such as this thesis owes much to the contributions, large and small, of many individuals. I thank them all. Some, however, deserve mention. I am especially indebted, and sincerely grateful, for the attention, guidance, and support of my thesis chairman, Professor William ("Bill") Bruneau. It was he, at our early meetings, who suggested the term "intentional mutual enlightenment." It was also Bill who taught me the most about doing and loving history. I leant heavily on both his ear and his mind. I thank him for his faith. Professors Roger Boshier and Gordon Selman, committee members, also deserve thanks. Professor Boshier, as my programme advisor, both inspired me and gave me confidence to try something "different." He gave me my first "taste" of doing history. Professor Selman further contributed to my appreciation of history, especially of Canadian adult education history. I especially thank both these men for their support and encouragement. Special acknowledgement is also due the Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council of Canada for the two years' funding they provided me. I also thank Anna Sumpton and Joan Stekl, Vancouver City Archives, and George Brandak, U.B.C. Special Collections, for their help. Peter van den Bosch and David Townsend, computing centre consultants, who resolved "bugs" in my textprocessing. Laine Ruus from the Data Library helped me to collate data. Finally, I want to thank two very special ladies. Esther Birney, fellow counsellor, literateur, and friend, lent me ongoing inpiration and support. She especially taught me to appreciate history and literature—subjects that I had previously underestimated. And, finally, Wendy Hunt, my wife both supported and enabled me to return to university and to continue with this rather extensive project. I wish to dedicate this thesis to my grandparents, Ada and Clifford Greyell, and to my great aunt and uncle, Nellie and Harold Wilson. v i i i C H A P T E R 1. I N T R O D U C T I O N In companions That do converse and waste the time together, Whose souls do bear an equal yoke of love, There must needs be a like proportion Of lineaments, of manners, and of spirit.^ 1.1. I N T R O D U C T O R Y N O T E Historians, especially in Canada, have long overlooked the education of adults. They have concerned themselves with formal institutions intended for youth, including the school and university, and their attendant clienteles, staff, administrative bodies, and promoters. They have examined the origin, aims, philosophy, and objectives of schooling, its bureaucratic structures, its functions, and its impact. They have sought to locate the "school" within its socio-economic and political context, carefully reconstructing relevant variables to describe and explain the phenomenon under investigation. Adult education history only recently has begun to tackle questions that have preoccupied mainstream historians of education for twenty years. 2 With some exceptions,3 most adult education history has been recorded by dedicated amateurs, those Author unknown. Quoted or composed by Blanche E. Holt Murison, "Women of the West i n Clubland: The Athenaeum Club, Vancouver, B.C.," The British Columbia Magazine (March 1911), p. 188. See History Bulletin of the Canadian Association for the Study of Adult Education, especially articles by Ian Hunt, Gordon Selman, Sean Courtney, and Michael Welton i n the 1985 volume. Michael Welton's recent biography of Watson Thomson, a Canadian Association of A d u l t Education " o r i g i n a l " and author of the C.A.A.E.'s 1943 manifesto, is a good example: '"To Be and Bu i l d the Glorious World': The Educational Thought and Practice of Watson Thomson, 1899-1946" (Ph.D. thesis, History of Education, University of B r i t i s h Columbia, 1983). See also works by Roger Boshier, "Revolting Soldiers: The Origins of Education i n the Armies of the Empire i n World War I," Learning 4, 2 (1985): 17-19; Ron Fa r i s , The Passionate Educators: Voluntary Associations and the Struggle for Control of Adult Educational Broadcasting in Canada, 1919-1952 (Toronto: Peter M a r t i n Associates, 1975) on the Canadian Association for A d u l t Education and its antecedents; Pa t r i c k Keane on mechanics' institutes, including his "A Study i n E a r l y Problems and Policies in A d u l t Education: The H a l i f a x Mechanics' Institute," Histoire Sociale—Social History 8, 15-16 (1975): 255-274; Ian Radforth and Joan Sangster, '"A L i n k Between Labour and Learning': The Workers' Educational Association i n Ontario, 1917-1951," Labour/Le Travailleur 8/9 (Autumn/Spring 1981/82): 41-78; Gordon R. Selman on various B r i t i s h Columbia and Canadian topics including his "Mechanics' Institutes i n B r i t i s h Columbia," Continuous Learning 10 (May-June 1971): 127-129 and 1 2 lovers of "things past." No longer acceptable is the "whiggish chronicle, a quick tour of the past in search of the antecedents of contemporary educational institutions."4 Adult education history must address the "new" questions of "power and legitimation, social space and autonomy, production and reproduction, [and] of social formation and cultural experience."5 1.2. INTENTIONAL MUTUAL ENLIGHTENMENT IN EARLY VANCOUVER This study examines intentional mutual enlightenment. The setting is Vancouver, British Columbia, circa 1886-1916. This period marked Vancouver's emergence and growth from a lumber-milling camp to become, after 1900, the province's metropolitan centre. The year 1886 saw the city's birth, and 1916, during the First World War, witnessed the birth of the Vancouver Institute, a public adult education venture launched by several prominent, often scholarly, voluntary associations in co-operation with the new University of British Columbia (inaugurated 1915). The Institute became the city's elite body of public enlightenment. Briefly, "intentional mutual enlightenment" refers to non-formal adult education6 (cont'd) his "Some Aspects of the History of A d u l t Education i n B r i t i s h Columbia Before 1914: A Preliminary Survey" (Unpublished Monograph, Unive r s i t y of B r i t i s h Columbia, 1971), Special Collections Division, University of B r i t i s h Columbia Li b r a r y , among his many others; and fi n a l l y J. Donald Wilson on early Ontario adult education and on educational associations w i t h i n early F i n n i s h communities, including his " A d u l t Education i n Upper Canada Before 1850," Historical Studies in Education, The Journal of Education of the Faculty of Education of the University of British Columbia 19 (Spring 1973): 43-53. 4 J o h n E. Talbott, "The History of Education," Daedelus 100, 1 (Winter, 1971): 134. 5 C h r i s Waters, ' " A l l Sorts and A n y Quantity of Outlandish Recreations': History, Sociology, and the Study of Leisure i n England, 1820 to 1970," Historical Papers 1981 Communications historiques, A Selection of Papers Presented at the A n n u a l Meeting of the Canadian H i s t o r i c a l Association Held at H a l i f a x (1981): 8. See also Joel Colton, "Intellectual History i n the 1980s: The Case for the Defense," Journal of Interdisciplinary History 12, 2 (Autumn 1981): 297; and Lawrence A. Cremin, Public Education (New York: Basic Books, 1976) and Lawrence A. Cremin, American Education: The National Experience, 1783-1876 (New York: Harper & Row, 1980). e Non-formal education," I recognize, is not a clearly defined term. Nevertheless, its definition, i n P. H. Coombs, R. C. Prosser, and M. Ahmed, New Paths to Learning for Rural Children and Youth (New York: International Council for Educational Development, 1973), pp. 10-11, is useful for this study. They have defined non-formal education "as any organized educational activity outside the established educational system—whether operating separately or as an important feature of some broader a c t i v i t y — t h a t is intended to serve identifiable learning clienteles and learning objectives." Quoted by John Lowe, The Education of Adults: A World Perspective, 2d ed. (Toronto: Unesco and OIS E Press, 1982), p. 24. 3 through voluntary associations. These organizations sought to educate their own members, and often the general community, in the arts, in history, in science, in public affairs, and in matters of physical, vocational, and moral welfare. Vancouver's Art, Historical and Scientific Association, its natural history and literary societies, and its Y M C A are central to the discussion which follows. They had been formed by the city's citizens in one of the British Empire's last frontiers. To survive and to develop, to become an attractive community, and to dominate in regional economic and cultural development, Vancouver's citizens needed to make, out of a disparate and fragmented set of cultural artifacts, an appropriate cultural, intellectual, scientific, technological, recreational, and moral backdrop to the everyday business of earning a living. As in the "old country" or in Eastern and Central Canada, an important method of the day was the voluntary association, and specifically those with broadly educational aims. Governments still limited their interventions in the social, cultural, and adult educational domains. Public night school and university extension were only just beginning. The thesis, through social, economic, intellectual, and political inferences from historical evidence, explains the meaning that "mutual enlightenment" had for participants. It pays attention to the contexts of late Victorian and Edwardian intellectual thought, and of British Columbia social and economic development. The thesis describes and explains both the reasons—stated and structural—for participants' involvement, and the social, political, and economic functions of the mutual enlightenment associations. This phenomenon of mutual enlightenment is best understood in a multi-facetted context. This is to reject a certain number of older explanations—notably, the strictly political, sociological, and economic {e.g., Industrial Revolution and connected phenomena). I chose instead to examine the interrelationships between ideas and their social circumstances, and how these interrelationships gave rise to and can now explain mutual enlightenment. In particular, I shall argue that Vancouver's social, political, and economic arrangements, and its residents' ideas and manners, tastes and values accounted for the objectives, programmes, and membership of mutual enlightenment associations. 4 Vancouver's intellectual climate and cultural forms had been imported primarily by middle-class residents from their original homes and homelands, mainly from Great Britain, or from Britain as modified through Central and Eastern Canadian experience. The thesis also shows how my notion of "mutual enlightenment" had to be modified to fit these facts. "Mutual enlightenment" was an heuristic concept. It required repeated modification and clarification throughout the study through examples of actual practice. Its definition was thus changed to suit the facts, not just to respond to logical requirements. Its provisional meaning thus became looser in order to accomodate variations in the approaches by which an association might educate its own members and interested publics. The central questions of this thesis thus are: (1) what was the nature of, and the extent of, and what were the reasons for, intentional mutual enlightenment? (2) What led promoters and participants to take up mutual enlightenment? (3) What did intentional mutual enlightenment mean to them? (4) And, how did these reasons and configurations of mutual enlightenment associations reflect the social, intellectual, economic, political, and cultural arrangements—or contexts—of late nineteenth- and early twentieth-century Vancouver? 1.3. THE BACKGROUND: VANCOUVER, BRITISH COLUMBIA, 1886-1916 British Columbia may be said to have a standard comparable, at least in essential features, with the most highly developed social organization elsewhere. Its communal characteristics are not, it is needless to say, evolved from local and primitive conditions, but transplanted from the most highly civilized parts of the British Empire....With...churches, schools, lodges, social forms, old-time recreations—all re-established on former lines[—]it is often a surprise to newcomers, who have associated life in the "wild and wooly West" with bears, cowboys, Indians, bowie-knives and.desparadoes [sic], to find that they are still far away from the danger of being eaten up by wild beasts, tomahawked and scalped, or shot at sight. They find a state of society almost identical with that which they left.7 With these words, R. Edward Gosnell, in the 1897 Year Book of British Columbia, sought to inspire prospective "newcomers" to immigrate to the newly opening bounty of British Columbia. Here "the law is administered fairly and firmly and is respected •n R. E. Gosnell, The Year Book of British Columbia and Manual of Provincial Information to which is Added a Chapter Containing Much Special Information Respecting the Canadian Yukon and Northern Territory Generally (Victoria: 1897), p. 412. 5 thoroughly," and here "the residences...aspire to be ranked with those of 'Merrie England.'" 8 He painted a picture of incomparable attractiveness and civility. Gosnell was a British Columbia newspaperman, civil servant, provincial librarian and archivist, secretary to the premier, and founder of the provincial bureau of information. He was also an historian, an ardent imperialist, and a founder of the Vancouver Art, Historical and Scientific Association.9 Like many others, he firmly believed that British Columbia's destiny lay "as a greater Britain on the Pacific, where British arts and institutions will expand under fresh impetus, 'where the British flag will forever fly....'" 1 0 The expansion and development of the province—economically, culturally, and socially—had been rapid, even if over-romanticized by Gosnell. With completion of the Canadian Pacific Railway in 1886, and especially after the economic depression of the 1890s, British Columbia's economy and population experienced dramatic growth. Railway companies vied to penetrate vast areas of the province. The Interior lands were opened to settlement, agriculture, and mining. And people came. Whether from overseas, Europe (especially the British Isles), from Asia, or from other parts of North America, British Columbia's population virtually quadrupled, from 98,173 in 1891 to 392,480 in 1911." 1 1 The city of Vancouver mirrored, and in fact far surpassed this expansion in its own spectacular growth. An insignificant coastal lumber-milling village in the early 1880s, Vancouver quickly grew by 1901 to a respectable 27,010 (38,311 in the local region including New Westminster and Richmond). By 1911, however, the city had blossomed into a bustling metropolis of 123,902, containing over thirty per cent of the province's total population. 1 2 With completion of the Canadian Pacific Railway (C.P.R.) in 1887, the city became a critical link in "The Great Red Line," the British Empire's transportation and sIbid., pp. 413-414. 9Editors' note (p. 14) for R. E. Gosnell, "A Greater Britain on the Pacific," in Historical Essays on British Columbia, eds. J. Friesen and H. K. Ralston (Toronto: Gage Publishing, 1980), pp. 14-22. 1 0Ibid., p. 22. nRobert A. J. McDonald, "Victoria, Vancouver, and the Economic Development of British Columbia, 1886-1914," in British Columbia: Historical Readings, eds. W. Peter Ward and Robert A. J. McDonald (Vancouver: Douglas & Mclntyre, 1981), p. 377. 12 Canada, Fourth Census of Canada, 1901, vol. 1 (Ottawa: S. E. Dawson, Printer to the King's Most Excellent Majesty, 1902), pp. 284-5, 418; Canada, Fifth Census of Canada, 1911, vol. 2 (Ottawa: C. H. Parmelee, Printer to the King's Most Excellent Majesty, 1913), p. 378. The 1911 population figures for Vancouver include Vancouver city (population 100,401), and its contiguous suburbs, North and South Vancouver and Point Grey. For the region comparable to that for 1901, that is including Richmond and New Westminster, the population was 149,490. 6 communication route from the Orient via Canada to London. Moreover, it became the destination of tens of thousands of mainly British and Canadian immigrants. 1 3 The influence of the British immigrants was "indeed...so pervasive, long standing, and taken for granted," that it has been all but ignored in scholarly research. 1 4 By 1911, English, Scots, Irish, and Welsh immigrants comprised nearly one-third (39,883) of the city's metropolitan population (excluding New Westminster and Richmond) of 123,902. 1 5 Added to that were other "colonials" from Australia, New Zealand, and South Africa, giving the city a distinctly British flavour. Dubbed "The Empire City" by the The Vancouver Daily News-Advertiser,18 Vancouver became the dominant economic and metropolitan centre in British Columbia. By 1900, the city had captured from Victoria the economic dynamism to make it completely dominant in population (see Table 1), and in the province's financial, management, service, transportation, and industrial activities. Between 1900 and 1914, Vancouver had its See P a t r i c i a E. Roy, Vancouver: An Illustrated History (Toronto: James Lorimer, 1980), pp. 74, 80. Roy's history, one of the N a t i o n a l Museums of Canada's History of Canadian Cities series, is the most thorough and complete general urban biography of the city to date. For Vancouver from 1886 to 1912 see especially chapters one and two. See also Margaret A. Ormsby, British Columbia: A History ([Toronto]: M a c m i l l a n of Canada. 1958); and M a r t i n Robin, The Rush for the Spoils: The Company Province, 1871-1933 (Toronto: M c C l e l l a n d & Stewart, 1972). For other parts of Canada, see J. M. S. Careless, "Aspects of U r b a n Li f e i n the West, 1870-1914," i n The Canadian City: Essays in Urban History, eds. Gilbert A. Stelter and A l a n F. J. A r t i b i s e (Toronto: McClelland & Stewart; Ottawa: Institute of Canadian Studies, Carleton University, 1977), pp. 127-41; Walter V a n Nus, "The Fate of City Beautiful Thought i n Canada, 1893-1930," i n The Canadian City: Essays in Urban History, eds. Gilbert A. Stelter and A l a n F. J. A r t i b i s e (Toronto: McClelland & Stewart, 1977), pp. 162-65. The seminal work i n Canadian urban history s t i l l remains A l a n F. J. Artibise's Winnipeg: A Social History of Urban Growth (Montreal & London: McGill-Queen's University Press, 1975). See also, Michael B. Kate, The People of Hamilton, Canada West: Family and Class in the Mid-Nineteenth-Century City (Cambridge, Mass. & London, England: H a r v a r d University Press, 1975), a major prosopographical study of social structure i n that nineteenth-century city; and Peter Goheen, Victorian Toronto 1850 to 1900: Pattern and Process of Growth (Chicago: University of Chicago, Dept. of Geography Research Paper No. 127, 1970), a study of change i n Toronto's social landscape, emphasizing the gradual sorting out and separation of social classes and economic functions during Toronto's period of industrialization. 1 4 N o r b e r t MacDonald, "Population Growth and Change i n Seattle and Vancouver, 1880-1960," i n Historical Essays on British Columbia, eds. J. Friesen and H. K. Ralston (Toronto: Gage Publishing, 1980), p. 216. The only major exception so far is J e a n Barman's historical study of B r i t i s h private schools i n B r i t i s h Columbia. Central to her thesis, B a r m a n analyzes these schools as instruments of B r i t i s h c u l t u r a l preservation: Growing Up British in British Columbia: Boys in Private School (Vancouver: University of B r i t i s h Columbia, 1984). 1 5 C a n a d a , Fifth Census, 1911. The Vancouver Daily News-Advertiser, 11 September 1888. 7 "golden age." The city was marked by dramatic growth and prosperity. These developments have formed the basis for and set the tone of the city's physical and economic character to this day . 1 7 T A B L E 1. P O P U L A T I O N G R O W T H IN BRITISH C O L U M B I A , VICTORIA, A N D V A N C O U V E R , 1881-1921 1881 1891 1901 1911 1921 British Columbia Victoria City Vancouver City 49,4595 5,925 98,173 16,841 13,709 178,657 20,919 27,010 392,480 31,660 100,401 524,582 38,727 117,217 SOURCE: McDonald, "Economic Development," pp. 369-395, 377; compiled from Canada, Sixth Census of Canada 1921, vol. 1, pp. 3 and 234. Economically, Vancouver changed from a British mercantile and maritime outpost to a North American corporate and industrial centre. The city assumed the economic characteristics of turn-of-the-century Eastern cities. The logging and wood products manufacturing industry, based in Vancouver, displaced salmon canning and Vancouver Island coal mining as British Columbia's leading industries. The C.P.R. and newer railway developments, along with Kootenay mining, Okanagan fruit farming, and the rise of a prairie wheat economy, somewhat dependent on west coast ports, all tied Vancouver into the Canadian and continental economy. 1 8 Vancouver was a city of wild, and often realizable, dreams. Rabid speculation, in real estate especially, but also in industry, in transportation, and in financial services, was the order of the day. Widely promoted through overseas publications, Vancouver could boast of a mild climate, a wide and beautiful harbour, a magnificent setting, and a seemingly unbounded hinterland filled with timber, fish, mineral, and agricultural resources (real and potential). Most significantly, the city and its resources were now tied closely to Canada, the United States, and the world through the Canadian Pacific and other companies of the new steel and steam transportation age. Vancouver businessmen were so confident by 1905 that some of them, the Hundred Thousand Club, proudly and l vNorbert MacDonald, "A Critical Growth Cycle for Vancouver, 1900-1914," in The Canadian City: Essays in Urban History, eds. Gilbert A. Stelter and Alan F. J. Artibise (Toronto: McClelland & Stewart, 1977), p. 143. 18McDonald, "Economic Development." 8 prophetically boasted: " I n 1910, Vancouver then will have 100,000 men." 1 9 The city, however, exhibited truly dramatic contrasts. In many ways, Vancouver was typical of most Canadian cities of the late nineteenth century. Its history of industrial and urban development virtually copied that of western Canada's other boom cities, notably Winnipeg, Edmonton, and Calgary. Stimulated by the C.P.R.'s arrival, and by real estate and resource industry speculation, Vancouver reeled from the easy boom and fast profits, especially between 1888 and 1892, and between 1898 and 1913. However, after international financial reversals in 1892 and 1913, Vancouver quickly fell into the depths of depression.2 0 As in Canada's prairie cities, Vancouver's period of speculation and "boosterism" had fuelled the driving commercial forces of the day . 2 1 Land investment, by the C.P.R. and others, and real estate sales, provided the major stimulus to growth in the city. Vancouver's population had grown from under 2,000 when the C.P.R. arrived in 1886 to 13,709 in 1891. Real estate businessmen ranked with C.P.R. executives as "the most influential business group in the city during this initial phase of growth." Major resource-based industries—sawmills and lumber products, (885 employees), salmon canning (200 employees)—the C.P.R. ships (600 employees) and contractors (700 employees) were the major employers out of a total employment of 2,357 (industry) and 2,625 (business) in 1890. 2 2 As the city grew and prospered, commercial, financial, and some manufacturing sector employers increasingly required a trained labour force. The first high school opened in 1890 with 31 students. That same year, with some demand far higher education, a small private academic college, Wetham College, also opened. It offered preparatory education equivalent to two years university training elsewhere in North America. In nearby New I 9 M a c D o n a l d , " C r i t i c a l Growth Cycle," pp. 142-59, 156; MacDonald, "Vancouver's Development," pp. 396-425. OA Norbert MacDonald, "The Canadian Pacific R a i l way and Vancouver's Development to 1900," i n British Columbia: Historical Readings, eds. W. Peter Ward and Robert A. J. McDonald (Vancouver: Douglas & Mclntyre, 1981), pp. 416-17; Robert A. J. McDonald, "Business Leaders i n E a r l y Vancouver, 1886-1914" (Ph.D. thesis, History, University of B r i t i s h Columbia, 1977), p. 75; MacDonald, "Vancouver's Development," pp. 396-425; Roy, Vancouver, p. 20. See A l a n F. J. Arti b i s e , "Boosterism and the Development of Pr a i r i e Cities, 1871-1913," i n Town and City: Aspects of Western Canadian Urban Development (Regina: Canadian Plai n s Research Center, 1981), pp. 209-35. 2 2 M c D o n a l d , "Business Leaders," pp. 55, 63-4. 9 Westminster, a notable academic institution, the Methodists' Columbian College, was founded in 1892. Affiliated with the University of Toronto, it was the first institution to graduate students who had completed all course work in British Columbia. Wetham College, unfortunately, closed permanently during the 1893 depression. Columbian College continued until 1927, though well after the final establishment, in 1915, of the public University of British Columbia. Promised by the Provincial Government since 1890, and after protracted debate and delays, the University superseded another earlier and notable public academic institution, McGill University College. Founded in 1906, in Vancouver, the College had itself evolved from a 1900 affiliation between McGill University and Vancouver High School. This arrangement, formally known as Vancouver College, and the later University College, provided for up to three years university education in arts and applied science. After the 1890s depression, public elementary and high schools, private business and academic colleges, and public night school programmes expanded. Compulsory attendance in the public schools, for students between ages seven and twelve (and fourteen, after 1901) was slowly having its effect. Average daily attendance, in Vancouver public schools, grew from 58.3 per cent of 2,004 pupils in 1891-92, to 73.97 per cent of 4,391 pupils in 1901-02, and to 75.1 per cent of 10,879 pupils in 1910-11. 2 3 Overall literacy, as measured by the Canadian census, was also rapidly improving; the proportion of the population, over age five, both reading and writing measured at 66.3 per cent in 1901 (for the Burrard census district), and 93.73 per cent in 1911 (for the Vancouver city census district). 2 4 B r i t i s h Columbia, Superintendent of Education, Twenty-First Annual Report of the Public Schools of the Province of British Columbia, 1891-92 (Victoria: Printed by Richard Wolfenden, Pr i n t e r to the Queen's Most Excellent Majesty, 1893), p. A 173; B r i t i s h Columbia, Superintendent of Education, Thirty-First Annual Report of the Public Schools of the Province of British Columbia, 1901-1902 (Victoria: Printed by Richard Wolfenden, Pr i n t e r to the King's Most Excellent Majesty, 1902), p. A 14; B r i t i s h Columbia, Superintendent of Education, Fortieth Annual Report of the Public Schools of the Province of British Columbia, 1911 (Victoria: Printed by the A u t h o r i t y of the Legislative Assembly of B r i t i s h Columbia, W i l l i a m H. C u l l i n , Printer to the Queen's Most Excellent Majesty, 1912), p. A l v i . Note, the 1891-92 and 1910-11 figures were calculated by myself from raw figures supplied i n the text. 2 4 C a n a d a , Fourth Census of Canada, 1901, vol. 4 (Ottawa: Printed by S. E. Dawson, Pri n t e r to the King's Most Excellent Majesty, 1906), pp. 324-25; Canada, Fifth Census of Canada, 1901, vol. 2 (Ottawa: Printed by C. H. Parmelee, Printer to the King's Most Excellent Majesty, 1913), p. 462. Note the 1901 figure was calculated by myself from raw figures supplied i n the table. A lso note, as the B u r r a r d d i s t r i c t included a vast r u r a l t r a c t of the province, the figure also included the many 10 Still there was strong enough demand for "academic," vocational, and technical training. All sorts of private and eventually public institutions sprang up. On the "academic" front, there existed (many only briefly) such "notable" institutions as the School of Elocution (1896), the Vancouver Conservatory of Music (1896), and the Vancouver School of Elocution (1911). They all appealed to residents' "higher" tastes, or at least to those whose desire was socially to prove their "taste." Some of the early commercial colleges played to these interests. However their mainstay was to train and improve business, office, and industrial personnel. The colleges employed, part-time, many of the city's school teachers. They offered courses to both day and evening students and, by 1904, included technical subjects in their formerly business-oriented curricula. As one school advertised, the new technical courses were aimed at "engineers, fitters, turners, pattern-makers, boiler-makers, cabinet makers, architects, carpenters, tinsmiths, plumbers, [and] sign-writers."25 This same school, the Sprott-Shaw Business School and Polytechnic Institute, in 1906, even provided Saturday morning art classes for teachers. In any event, the Vancouver School Board began, in 1907, its experimental and, in 1909, its formal night school programme. This was perhaps the most significant effort, at the time, in the provision of adult domestic, technical, and commercial education. On January 30, 1907, evening experimental classes were held in the high school. Following the British model, this first public night school ran fourteen-week courses, with examinations. A variety of technical subjects was offered: elementary mathematics and chemistry, experimental physics, theoretical and applied mechanics, the principles of steam, building construction, drawing (including architectural, mechanical, geometrical, and freehand drawing), manual training, woodwork, and domestic science and music. The classes were a success. By 1912, 2,011 men and women were enrolled. Courses expanded to include surveying, first aid, navigation, wood carving, copper work, embroidery, millinery, book-keeping, shorthand, and "Cooking for Men," among others. The Trades and Labour Council even supported and assisted the School Board. It appointed Council delegates to act as an advisory committee on technical education.2 6 (cont'd) native Indians l i v i n g i n this district. o c News-Advertiser, 5 February 1905. Fra n c i s Henry Johnson, A History of Public Education in British Columbia (Vancouver: Publications Committee, University of B r i t i s h Columbia, 1964), pp. 55-81, 226-228; Selman, "Adult 11 The reasons adults spent their valued and usually limited spare time in such courses were, of course, many and varied. The desire for employment or better employment, obviously, was significant. When Vancouver boomed, employers needed trained help, and immigrants needed work. In this new and rapidly expanding city, there were opportunities to "get ahead." Said a 1908 Y M C A pamphlet: "In this present age there is everywhere a demand for increased skill and intelligence in labor, and no man can honestly expect promotion without such training." 2 7 The period before the First World War saw the institution of higher qualifications in certain trades. For example, the provincial government by 1900 required licences based on examinations for boiler and machine attendants.2 8 Stricter controls and the almost never-ending changes in technology and business methods continually forced young and aspiring business people and tradesmen to up-grade their job skills. Throughout this period from the city's 1886 birth until the Great War (1914-18), Vancouver experienced most of the economic, social, intellectual, political, labour, religious, and cultural developments and upheavals that pre-occupied Canadians. 2 9 Corporate capitalism was becoming the economic engine for development, though in British Columbia there were still great opportunities for aggressive, hard-working individuals. ^(cont'd) Education in B.C.," pp. 148-58. See also Timothy E. Dunn, "The Rise of Mass Public Schooling i n B r i t i s h Columbia, 1900-1929," i n Schooling and Society in 20th Century British Columbia, eds. J. Donald Wilson and David C. Jones (Calgary: Detselig Enterprises, 1980), pp. 23-52; John K e i t h Foster, "Education and Work i n a Changing Society: B r i t i s h Columbia, 1870-1930," M.A. thesis, Educational Foundations, University of B r i t i s h Columbia, 1970; Robin S. Har r i s , A History of Higher Education in Canada, 1661-1960 (Toronto and Buffalo: U n i v e r s i t y of Toronto Press, 1976), pp. 114, 226-28; James M. Sanderson, ed., Schools of Old Vancouver, Occasional Paper Number 2 (Vancouver: Vancouver H i s t o r i c a l Society, 1971); and Selman, "Adult Education i n B.C.," pp. 148-58; and B e r t r a m Edward Wales, "The Development of A d u l t Education i n B r i t i s h Columbia" (Ed.D. thesis, Oregon State College [Ann Arbor, Mich.: University Microfilms], 1958), pp. 49-55. Vancouver City Young Men's C h r i s t i a n Association, Annual Prospectus: Young Men's Christian Association, 1908-9 (Vancouver: The Vancouver City Young Men's C h r i s t i a n Association, 1908), p. 8, i n H a r r y Patten A r c h i b a l d Collection, Young Men's C h r i s t i a n Association of Greater Vancouver Archives. 2 8 S e l m a n , "Adult Education i n B.C.," p. 159. o n Excellent and s t i l l useful histories include C a r l Berger, The Sense of Power: Studies in the Ideas of Canadian Imperialism, 1867-1914 (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1970); Robert C r a i g Brown and Ramsay Cook, Canada, 1896-1921: A Nation Transformed (Toronto: McClelland & Stewart, 1974); Ramsay Cook, The Regenerators: Social Criticism in Late Victorian English Canada (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1985); A. B. McKillop, A Disciplined Intelligence: Critical Inquiry and Canadian Thought in the Victorian Era (Montreal: McGill-Queen's University Press, 1979); and Robin, Rush for the Spoils. 12 Immigration and economic growth ensured for many, including manual workers, opportunities to advance themselves. The supply of cheap land was ample. Individual home ownership became the norm, rather than the exception, even among the city's working-class families. Even if upward mobility was restricted, the dominant sense of individualism and the perception of opportunity shared by immigrants, entrepreneurs and workmen alike, gave the city and many of its residents an almost unrealistic sense of optimism. 3 0 On the other hand, the city's appalling physical conditions were not lost on contemporary observers. Even by the century's turn, and after prosperity's return with the 1898 Klondike Gold Rush, Vancouver was a sorry sight. As one 1898 observer noted wryly, the city sported splendid granite buildings "in the primitive Romanesque style, costing 100,000 dollars," juxtaposed with truly primitive "wretched little shant(ies),...[and] original bush," all set right in the "main or civilised portion" of the city. 3 1 Another, prominent Art, Historical and Scientific Association and Arts and Crafts Association member and architect Robert Mackay Fripp complained, in 1899, that the city still lacked the "appearance of permanence.""32 Even these sardonic comments belied the rude conditions endured by even the most "elegant" set. Foul odours were common in lower-lying areas, a consequence of the lack of a sewer and drainage system, and again typical of contemporary industrial cities in North America and in Europe. The smallness of the city and the absence of formal town planning, meant that major industries were located on the shores of Burrard Inlet and False Creek—next door to some of the more "prestigious" residences.33 Even the West End, the newly established residence of merchants and professionals, "lacked many amenities" such as street lights, and was itself located depressingly close to the waterfront tenements southeast of pristine Stanley Park . 3 4 Deryck W. Holdsworth, "House and Home i n Vancouver: Images of West Coast Urbanism, 1886-1930," i n The Canadian City: Essays in Urban History, eds. Gilbert A. Stelter and A l a n F. J. Ar t i b i s e (Toronto: M c C l e l l a n d & Stewart, 1977), pp. 186-88; W. Peter Ward, "Class and Race i n B.C.," pp. 587-90; MacDonald, "Vancouver's Development," p. 414. 3 1 D o u g l a s Brooke Wheelton Sladen, On the Cars and Off (London, 1898), pp. 370-71. 3 2 [ R . Mackay Fripp], " B r i t i s h Columbia Letter, II," The Canadian Architect and Builder 12 (July 1899): 137-38. 3 3 I b i d . , pp. 28-30. 3 4 R o y , Vancouver, pp. 29-30; David J a y Bercuson, "Labour Radicalism and the Western Industrial Frontier: 1897-1919," i n British Columbia: Historical Readings, eds. W. Peter Ward and Robert A. 13 Socially speaking, the city was divided into the distinct "East End" and "West End." The East End was the home of mostly British and Canadian working classes, and continental European and Asian immigrants. British and Canadian middle and upper-middle social classes, on the other hand, lived in the more exclusive West End. Around this older East and West End core, new, more respectable suburbs of home-building working people, shopkeepers, clerks, school-teachers, and salesmen rapidly fdled u p . 3 5 Finally, and significant in Vancouver's social landscape, the ethnic Asian communities (Chinese and Japanese), roughly ten to fifteen per cent of the local population, strategically occupied the zone between the East and West Ends. Hostility from ethnic Europeans (including those born in North America) towards ethnic Asians was widespread and increased throughout the period to 1914. The year 1907, was particularly bad for relations between the city's Asian and European residents. Immigration of Asians, and particularly of Japanese, had been increasing. In September of that year, the Asiatic Exclusion League's labour leaders, Protestant ministers, and politicians incited a mob of some 8,000 to 30,000 to riot. The mob smashed and assaulted its way through Chinatown and "Little Tokyo." 3 6 Naturally, in this rough atmosphere, public moral and physical health, and public recreation, were major concerns to various and often competing interests. Males predominated in the city's public life until the War. Single immigrants, male and female, strained the city's social services. Transient single men, in particular, drew the attention of social reformers upset by the proliferation of businesses associated with the liquor trade and prostitution. Unemployment, from the seasonal work characteristic of fishing and logging, and from periodic economic slumps, further stretched the attention and capacities of local charities and philanthropies. Organized labour, club women (especially the Local Council of Women), and the evangelical Protestant Churches agitated for social and economic change. They were inspired by the post-Darwinian intellectual mood (notably the social gospel) sweeping the Western world. They pressed for legal and material changes in the care of women, 3 4(cont'd) J . McDonald (Vancouver: Douglas & Mclntyre, 1981), p. 466; Angus Everett Robertson, "The P u r s u i t of Power, Profit and Privacy: A Study of Vancouver's West End E l i t e , 1886-1914" (M.A. thesis, Geography, University of B r i t i s h Columbia, 1977). 3 5 R o y , Vancouver, pp. 66-73; Holdsworth, "House and Home," pp. 186-211. 3 6 R o y , Vancouver, pp. 61-66. 14 children, the aged, the unemployed and the poor. They organized voluntary social and medical services, sponsored amateur athletics, agitated for parks and playgrounds, and worked to beautify the city and cultivate its residents. Above all they sought an ordered, more caring, and civilized society, for themselves and their fellow citizens, and their children. 3 7 Gosnell, in his portrait of a civilized and bountiful outpost of the British Empire at the turn of the century noted the impact and importance of voluntary associations in British Columbia life. He apologized for not publishing a full chapter on the subject—"prepared...but owing to limitations of space,...omitted" from the text. Nevertheless, he stressed "that one of the most remarkable features of the development of the Province has been the way in which social, fraternal and religious organizations have kept pace with material advancement."38 Though he never elaborated on the significance of voluntary associations, or even named any, others did. "Here Clubland is supreme," reported visiting sociologist Bessie Pullen-Burry on her 1911 visit to Vancouver. She praised the many "charitable and educational societies of women in Vancouver" for their ambitious and co-operative scheme to construct their own Women's Building. 3 9 Among those organizations Pullen-Burry found significant enough to name were the Young Women's Christian Association (YWCA), in whose residence she stayed; the Women's Musical Club; the Women's Canadian Club; and the suffragist Political Equality League. 4 0 See Ronald Grantham, "Some Aspects of the Socialist Movement i n B r i t i s h Columbia 1898-1933" (M.A. thesis, History, University of B r i t i s h Columbia, 1942); L i n d a Hale, "The B r i t i s h Columbia Woman Suffrage Movement, 1890-1917" (M.A. thesis, History, U n i v e r s i t y of B r i t i s h Columbia, 1977); Deryck W i l l i a m Holdsworth, "House and Home in Vancouver: The Emergence of a West Coast Landscape, 1886-1929" (Ph.D. thesis, Geography, University of B r i t i s h Columbia, 1981); Ross A l f r e d Johnson, "No Compromise, No P o l i t i c a l Trading: The M a r x i a n Socialist T r a d i t i o n i n B r i t i s h Columbia" (Ph.D. thesis, History, University of B r i t i s h Columbia, 1975); Thomas Robert Loosemore, "The B r i t i s h Columbia Labour Movement and P o l i t i c a l Action, 1879-1906" (M.A. thesis, History, University of B r i t i s h Columbia, 1954); McDonald, "Business Leaders," Chapter 10; Diane L. Matters, "The Development of Public Welfare Institutions i n Vancouver, 1910-1920." B.A. essay, University of V i c t o r i a , 1974); Sheila P. Mosher, "The Social Gospel i n B r i t i s h Columbia, 1900-1920" (M.A. thesis, U n i v e r s i t y of Vi c t o r i a , 1974); Rodger Todhunter, "Vancouver and the C i t y B e a u t i f u l Movement," Habitat 26, 3 (1983): 8-13; and G i l l i a n Weiss, '"As women or as citizens': Vancouver Clubwomen, 1910-1928" (Ph.D. thesis, History of Education, University of B r i t i s h Columbia, 1984). 3 8 G o s n e l l , British Columbia, pp. 413-414. on Bessie Pullen-Burry, From Halifax to Vancouver (London: M i l l s and Boon, 1912), p. 343. 4 0 I b i d . , pp.340-45. 15 The four organizations, probably not coincidently, were all part of the thirty-five similar cultural, recreational, service, and educational associations listed in the 1914 elite Vancouver Social Register and Club Directory. These associations and their members were amongst the city's most illustrious. Included were the Art, Historical and Scientific Association, the Alpine Club, the Canadian Club, the Canadian Handicraft Guild, the Canadian Women's Press Club, the Commercial Club, the Connaught Skating Club, the Daughters of the Empire, the Local Council of Women, the Royal Vancouver Yacht Club, the Shaughnessy Heights Golf Club, the Terminal City Club, the United Service Club, the University Club, the University Women's Club, the Vancouver Club, the Vancouver Rowing Club, and the Victorian Order of Nurses. Organized voluntary activity, of course, encompassed vastly more than just these various women's and elite societies and clubs. Another writer, Dr. George C. Pidgeon, in 1911, spoke of the city's many and varied philanthropies and charities. He noted "that very few of our citizens have any idea of the volume of benevolence that is flowing continually from the hearts of our Christian people." He gave several examples. Working for children were the Alexandra Orphanage, the Children's Aid Society, the Salvation Army, and the Providence Orphanage. For social service, Pidgeon included the Y W C A , the Young Men's Christian Association (YMCA), the Central Mission for unemployed single men, the similar Sailors' and Loggers' Institute, and the Salvation Army. Finally, he included two church sponsored rescue homes "for fallen women" and the city's two hospitals. 4 1 There was a myriad of organizations to look to almost every conceivable need, conviction, and desire of Vancouver men and women. There were labour and business organizations to cater to the economic and political interests of their respective constituencies. Included here were the workingmen's Vancouver Trades and Labour Council and its constituent unions; the businessmen's Vancouver Board of Trade, Canadian Manufacturers' Association, and the more educational Progress Club; and the various professional and trade associations. Among the latter were the Architectural Institute, the Vancouver Medical Association, the British Columbia Chamber of Mines, the British Columbia Loggers' Association, and the Vancouver Information and Tourist Association. George C. Pidgeon, "Philanthropic Enterprises of Vancouver," Westminster Hall Magazine 1, 4 (September 1911): 9-15. 16 Athletic and recreation clubs and associations embraced virtually all leisure activities, from bowling, swimming, and motoring to literary, dramatic, orchestral, choral, and amateur artistic activities. There were the English Bay Bathing and Athletic Club, the Vancouver Canoe Club, the Vancouver Chess Club, and the Vancouver Lawn Bowling Club. For the literary and aesthetic set there were Burns, Dickens, and Shakespearean Clubs, the Sugar Refinery Reading and Social Club, the Welsh Choir, the Vancouver Amateur Dramatic Society, the Vancouver Arts and Crafts Association, and the Studio Club, for instance. For the scientifically curious there were the B.C. Entomological Society, the Naturalists' Field Club, the British Columbia Academy of Science, the Vancouver Archaeological Society, and the Human Nature Society. Finally, for those whose interest was public affairs, there were the Canadian Club (men only), the Women's Canadian Club, the Imperial Federation, the Local Council of Women, and the Women's Forum. There were also various political parties and women's suffrage organizations, and many church-sponsored and independent debating, literary, and mock parliament clubs and societies, among others. This latter group included the Burrard Literary Club; the Vancouver Mock Parliament, Literary and Debating Society; and the Vancouver Debating League and its constituent member clubs. There were also the benevolent and fraternal organizations, including the Independent Order of Odd Fellows, the Knights of Pythias, the Masons, and the Loyal True Blue Association. These were organized mostly for comradeship, informal social and business networking, and especially for providing insurance and financial security, death benefits, burials, and the like. There were building societies to assist prospective home builders. And, there were the churches and their constituent clubs, guilds, societies, leagues, and institutes to see to the spiritual, physical, recreational, and intellectual needs of their church and its congregation. Finally, there were the many "ethnic" associations, formed for many of the same purposes as those above, but with a common regional or national background amongst the membership. Among the largest were the Scottish St. Andrew's and Caledonian Society and the English St. George's Society. The Chinese community counted at least 20 clubs and societies; the Japanese counted at least 12. 4 2 The British Columbia Gazette, vols. 32-54, (Victoria: Queen's (King's after 1901) Printer, 1892-1914); Selman, "Adult Education i n B.C.," pp. 116-90. 17 1.4. THE BACKGROUND: RELATED LITERATURE Gordon R. Selman recently made the following empirical generalization about adult educational activities in pre-1914 British Columbia: By the beginning of the World War,....the young province of British Columbia was making considerable provision for the educational development of its citizens....In the individual communities, an impressive number and variety of voluntary organizations had grown up devoted to the provision of educational and cultural improvement. By these means, those taking part in these developments were seeking to promote the economic growth and social and cultural development of the area. 4 3 Like Gosnell, Selman recognized that the voluntary associations, and particularly their educational activities, can only be understood in their economic, social, and cultural context. Although he did not carry out this contextual analysis, his various generalizations do suggest an explanation of the "educational" activities of voluntary organizations in turn-of-the-century Vancouver. His generalization asserts that many of the early British Columbia voluntary organizations were engaged in adult education. Of the 196 Vancouver non-church voluntary associations registered with the provincial government between 1892 and 1915 (and this is minimally only one-third or one-quarter of the total number for Vancouver), 180 had objectives that very broadly could be defined as "educational."44 Selman thus implies several possible reasons for the promotion of and participation in these organizations: economic, social, and cultural, including aesthetic-creative, improvement. Other historians of adult education have also shown how different groups of institutions arose in response to economic, social, political, and cultural conditions. The work of such Britons as J . F . C. Harrison, Thomas Kelly, and Brian Simon; of Americans Lawrence Cremin and Malcolm Knowles; and of Canadians Ron Faris and Foster Vernon may be cited as examples. 4 5 4 ,*Seiman, "Adult Education i n B.C.," p. 250. 4 4 B r i t i s h Columbia, British Columbia Gazette, vols. 32-54 (Victoria: Queen's (Kings after 1901) Printer, 1892-1914). The Gazette l i s t s 196 organizations which sought legal incorporation under the Province's Societies A c t between 1892 and 1915, the vast majority registering after 1900. Selman, "Adult Education i n B.C.," pp. 116-90, provides a very useful and comprehensive description of most organizations—voluntary, public (government), and private (commercial)—providing adult education i n the city before 1914. 4 5 J . F. C. Harrison, Learning and Living, 1790-1960: A Study of the English Adult Education Movement (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, .1961); Thomas Ke l l y , A History of Adult Education in Great Britain 2d ed. (Liverpool: Liverpool U n i v e r s i t y Press, 1970); B r i a n Simon, Studies in the 18 Recently, historians have investigated more extensively voluntary associations a n d their role i n the Victorian a n d Edwardian period. Still, none have specifically examined educational activities over a range of voluntary associations. Most useful is R. A. J . McDonald's study of Vancouver's turn-of-the-century business leadership. McDonald used a group biography technique "to define the [business community's] economic a n d social character."4 6 Placed within the local a n d national context of economic a n d political development, he traced their social a n d business connections through athletic a n d social clubs, philanthropic, cultural, and charitable associations, a n d political a n d business organizations. Vancouver, before World W a r I, was a young, commercially oriented city without a n obvious "aristocracy." These businessmen a n d their elite, therefore, assumed the leadership over much of the intellectual, cultural, social, athletic, charitable, a n d political life of the city. McDonald considered several possible reasons for membership i n such organizations. Perhaps the most significant were the desire for social a n d business "integration," a n d for social prestige. Common membership i n certain clubs a n d societies l e d individuals to make social a n d business contacts. Club memberships were based upon presumed equality of interest or position i n society. They helped existing members to build a n d to ensure a cohesive social class. Membership also provided "one of the best windows onto the social cleavages which divided [the] businessmen."47 Club activity also acted as a ladder of prestige for less prominent business and professional families. These individuals patronized various charitable and cultural associations as "one way...to increase their ties with the upper class, and thus gain a measure of social acceptance." McDonald, however, d i d not conclusively support this social acceptance hypothesis. Less prominent individuals tended to leave incomplete records. 4 8 J . F . C. Harrison, Peter Bailey, and Ian Inkster, for England, have also found the 4 t >(cont'd) History of Education, 1780-1870 (London: Lawrence & Wishart, 1960); B r i a n Simon, Education and the Labour Movement, 1870-1920 (London: Lawrence & Wishart, 1965); Lawrence A. Cremin, Public Education (New York: Basic Books, 1976); Lawrence A. Cremin, American Education: The National Experience, 1783-1876 (New York: Harper & Row, 1980); Malcolm S. Knowles, The Adult Education Movement in the United States (New York: Holt, Rinehart & Winston, 1962); F a r i s , Passionate Educators; and Foster Vernon, "The development of adult education i n Ontario, 1790-1900" (Ed.D. thesis, A d u l t Education, University of Toronto, 1969). 4 6 M c D o n a l d , "Business Leaders," p. ii. 4 7 I b i d . , pp. 250, 281. 4 8 I b i d . , pp. 277, 280. 19 drive for respectability and social acceptance as significant reasons for adult education and "rational recreation" participation by some working-class and many middle-class individuals. 4 9 Bailey, for instance, found that the sheer growth of the new bourgeoisie forced these new middle classes to both "confirm and consolidate...[their own] class identity."5 0 How was class consolidated through voluntary associations in a geographically mobile, urbanizing society? Leadership, in fact, came from middle-class as well as upper-class citizens, often for religious reasons. Ideals such as "social citizenship"51 or the "progressive community"5 2 emerged in response to mid nineteenth-century liberal capitalism. They were particularly strong just after 1900. Networks of voluntary associations, comprised of "respectable" working-class and middle-class members, with upper-class patronage, thus were organized as civilizing agents. "Social citizenship" developed, too, in Vancouver. Consider the statement, in 1902, by Lady Charles Tupper, president of the Vancouver General Hospital's Women's Auxiliary: "We...have realized from the first...that the women of Mount Pleasant, the East End and the Hastings manufacturing sector must be part of our organization, and we recognize the fact that a special effort will have to be made to this end." McDonald, in quoting Lady Tupper, noted also that the less glamorous the work, the less likely would its leadership be drawn strictly from the elite class. 5 3 Ross Alfred Johnson's 5 4 and A. Ross McCormack's 5 5 researches suggest that some early socialist and labour groups in British Columbia and Vancouver also had educational and propagandistic goals. Some radicals saw education as a means of working-class 4 y H a r r i s o n , Learning and Living; Peter Bailey, Leisure and Class in Victorian England: Rational Recreation and the Contest for Control, 1830-1885 (London and Toronto: Routledge & Kegan P a u l and University of Toronto Press, 1978); Ian Inkster, "The Social Context of an Educational Movement: A Revisionist Approach to the English Mechanics' Institutes, 1820-1850," Oxford Review of Education 2, 3 (1976): 277-307. 5 0 B a i l e y , Leisure and Class, pp. 75-77. 5 1 H . E. Meller, Leisure and the Changing City, 1870-1914 (London, Henley and Boston: Routledge & Kegan P a u l , 1976). 5 2 S t e p h e n Yeo, Religion and Voluntary Organisations in Crisis (London: Croom Helm, 1976). 5 3 Q u o t e d by McDonald, "Business Leaders," p. 277, 279. 5 4"No Compromise, No P o l i t i c a l Trading." ^Reformers, Rebels, and Revolutionaries: The Western Canadian Radical Movement, 1899-1919 (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1977). 20 consciousness-raising and to revolutionary change. In a related study, Bryan D. Palmer has illustrated how skilled working men used their voluntary associations to "resist the encroachments of industrial-capitalist disciplines and development" in 1860 to 1914 Hamilton, Ontario. 5 6 In one particularly incisive remark, Palmer stressed that mechanics' institutes cannot be divorced from their local context, in which the strength of the working-class movement would contribute to the vibrancy of the working-class presence in these early buildings of adult education. Nor must we mistake the hegemony of propertied elements, so common in many institutes, for an acquiescent working class constituency. Merchants, manufacturers, and clerks could often control local institutes, while workingmen utilized the services for their own purposes, often expressing distinct dissatisfaction with the policies and practices of the directors.5 7 Contradictory aims and motives can co-exist in the same organization. This suggests the value of examining organizational programmes from the perspective of all the participants. Finally, Gillian Weiss has argued the importance of women's organizations to advance "maternal feminist" ideology in Vancouver, 1910-1928. These women had sought to reform society, "to extend their citizenship powers, [and]...to influence legislation." The members, from all social classes (though predominately middle and upper-middle class) also educated themselves for "the skill and confidence to adequately play the more public role that they envisioned for themselves."58 The preceding discussion of relevant research confirms, as Selman implied, that voluntary associations, and particularly their educational activities, can only be understood in their economic, social, political, and cultural contexts. The precise nature and appropriateness of people's various reasons for participating in mutual enlightenment invited extensive reseach. A three-pronged methodology turned out to be appropriate. It called for (1) a conceptually satisfying definition of "intentional mutual enlightenment," (2) an analysis of ten exemplar voluntary associations, and (3) an analysis of the ambient social structure—class, ethnicity, age, gender, education—and how Bryan D. Palmer, Culture in Conflict: Skilled Workers and Industrial Capitalism in Hamilton, Ontario, 1860-1914 (Montreal: McGill-Queen's University Press, 1979), p. 39. 5 7Ibid., p. 50. 5 8Gillian Weiss, '"As women and as citizens,'" pp. ii-iii. 21 far it was reflected and supported by the mutual enlightenment organizations. 1.5. T H E M E T H O D O L O G Y : A S O C I A L H I S T O R Y O F I D E A S The central issue here is this: what was mutual enlightenment and what did it mean to its constituents? The task then is to write a social history of ideas—culture, civilization, clerisy, beauty, utility, democracy, equality, citizenship, social efficiency—and of the means by which they entered into life. I want to describe and to explain how these ideas were interpreted, activated, and transformed through mutual enlightenment in groups of educational activists. Certain key concepts were frequently used by the associations and their promoters to justify an organization's founding, its objects and programme, and its seeking local social legitimacy and funding. These concepts, and the frequency of their use, signalled their explanatory significance for mutual enlightenment. Therefore, it was pertinent to study the context and language of their use by association personnel, the historical pedigree of each concept (i.e., from their nineteenth-century English proponents), and their material application, that is, how they were applied locally and with whom. How does one judge the social impact and the social significance of ideas? One answer is to argue that mutual enlightenment was a socially acceptable method of transmitting culture, and that its meaning was expressed in those ideas. Assessing impact and social significance involved two tests: first, what ordinary members said about their organizations provided an initial test of the social impact and importance of key ideas; second, connections between the social and political backgrounds of the members, and their motivating ideas, tested the social significance of the ideas. Although the thesis as a whole answers the question "what is mutual enlightenment?" the central object of each chapter is to explain why people became involved with it. Each chapter, therefore, is significant for its analysis of a dialectical relationship, or informative and creative tension, between critical popular ideas and their social context. The notion of "mutual enlightenment" provided "a way into" the social expression of these 22 ideas. To know one part of the tension is to understand better the other. No matter how "pure" their intellectual origin and intent, arise from and are used in relation to their social background. 5 9 By discovering the ideas significant to each association's purpose and curriculum, and by discovering that association's supporters and clientele, the social and intellectual functions of that association are explained. And, by tracing out the central and peripheral practices of mutual enlightenment (i.e., resulting organizational forms and curricular expressions of the ideas), then the concept "mutual enlightenment" is defined. 1.5.1. "The Utilitarian Ideal" It is useful here to consider the concept "utilitarian," and its companion "useful." Both were popular, descriptive, "philosophical" preoccupations of the nineteenth century. They were either mentioned or suggested in the documents of almost all the mutual enlightenment associations studied. These concepts, however, were also confusing. They had very different meanings for different people, depending upon the speaker's social background and upon the social, economic, and political intent. The terms could be "loaded with the aspersions of...enemies," or steeped with all that is laudable by friends. Their meaning was liberal and romantic when the intent was to describe something that contributed to the "happiness of the community" (Jeremy Bentham, 1802), and to the pleasure or happiness of the individual. Its meaning, however, also encompassed practical, and especially economic utility. It was within the liberal conception of "usefulness" that wcrking-class individuals, alone and in "mutual improvement" groups, educated themselves both liberally and politically. "Useful knowledge," for the dispossessed, had overtones of intellectual freedom and social power. 6 0 "Utilitarian," also had included "romantic or picturesque" or aesthetic uses of art and landscape. Nevertheless, "utilitarians" came to disavow those interpretations, See Raymond Will i a m s , Keywords: A Vocabulary of Culture and Society, 2d ed. (London: Fontana, 1976; Flamingo, 1983), for his outstanding historical analysis of key nineteenth- and twentieth-century c u l t u r a l and social concepts. 6 0 W i l l i a m s , Keywords, pp. 327-9. See also David Vincent, Bread, Knowledge and Freedom: A Study of Nineteenth-Century Working Class Autobiography (London and New York: Methuen, 1981), especially chapters 6, 7, and 8, for a n excellent discussion of the meaning of "useful knowledge" as used by individuals of the working classes. 23 increasingly restricting meaning to that which was practical and later acquiring materialist and commodity implications. Even John Stuart Mill's (1861) conception of utilitarian as "the greatest happiness of the greatest number" came to be mistranslated into "organized market" terms. "Utility" thus became "the mechanism for regulating this ultimate purpose" of people finding the means to make their own happiness. Thus it is possible for a William Burns to extol his club's "utilitarianism," when its meaning involves much more than mere economic development, and yet for William Morris to attack "what is called utilitarianism" and its connection to "trade finish" as opposed to "genuine artistic finish" 6 1 with both apparently viewing their respective organizations as bodies in aid of the more liberal notions of happiness. 6 2 1.5.2. "Clerisy," "Class," "Culture," and "Civilization" The concepts "clerisy," "class," "culture," and "civilization" also featured in our association affairs. Many club and society spokespersons phrased their mission through the powerfully evocative nineteenth-century terms of "Culture" (especially Matthew Arnold's and Samuel Taylor Coleridge's) and "civilization." Similarly evocative terms—Coleridge's "clerisy,"63 and Arnold's "Barbarians," "Philistines," or "Populace,"—though not specifically evident in association members' statements, were clearly implied through the existence, scope, and activities of each association's mutual enlightenment. The references to Coleridge and Arnold were apt since, as exemplary nineteenth-century British thinkers, their concepts and ideas affected and stimulated "sophisticates" throughout the English-speaking world. Briefly, "clerisy" refers to "the intellectual community—the sum of...scholars and artists, or, as Coleridge puts it, 'the learned of all denominations; the sages and professors [i.e., teachers] of...all the so-called liberal arts and sciences.'" These individuals would be the "true educators" of a community and of the nation. They would be, as Arnold terms, the "saving 'remnant,'" rising "above the restrictions characteristic of their respective classes,...devoted to discovering, W i l l i a m Morris, quoted by Peter Davey, Arts and Crafts in Architecture: The Search for Earthly Paradise (London: A r c h i t e c t u r a l Press, 1980), p. 53. 6 2 W i l l i a m s , Keywords, pp. 327-9. 6 3 F o r a complete history of the idea, see Ben Knights, The Idea of the Clerisy in the Nineteenth Century (Cambridge, U.K.: Cambridge University Press, 1978). 24 c u l t i v a t i n g , a n d p r o p a g a t i n g the t r u t h as apprehended b y the t r u l y d i s i n t e r e s t e d m i n d . " 6 4 T h i s " r e m n a n t " or c l e r i s y w as to r e p r e s e n t i t s e l f as above the e x i s t i n g a n d t r a d i t i o n a l s o c i a l c l a s s s t r u c t u r e . A t the same time, i t s m e mbers coul d h a v e come f r o m a n y s o c i a l o r i g i n , p r o v i d e d t h e y possessed or e a r n e d those s k i l l s a n d s e n s i b i l i t i e s c h a r a c t e r i s t i c o f t h e i r n e w m i s s i o n a r y i n t e l l e c t u a l c l a s s . C e n t r a l to u n d e r s t a n d i n g a c l e r i s y ' s p o s i t i o n w i t h i n society, a n d i t s desire to c u l t u r a l l y r e f o r m t h a t same society, t h e r e f o r e , is the concept o f " c l a s s " or " s o c i a l c l a s s . " E v e n i f t h e y v i e w e d t h e m s e l v e s as e x t e r n a l to the c l a s s s y s t e m , the object o f t h e i r e d u c a t i v e m i s s i o n were c l e a r l y the d i f f e r e n t s o c i a l classes. A l s o , a n d p a r a d o x i c a l l y , the c l e r i s y i t s e l f c o n s t i t u t e d a new s o c i a l class. T h e i r v e r y self-consciousness as a knowledgeable, r e f l e c t i v e g roup or n e t w o r k of i n t e l l e c t u a l s , educators, a n d a r t i s t s c a n be c o n s t r u e d as b e i n g a most c r i t i c a l e lement i n the f o r m a t i o n of a new so c i a l c l a s s . T h u s i t is u s e f u l to d i v e r g e b r i e f l y to consider a d e f i n i t i o n of c l a s s . " C l a s s " h as a t t r a c t e d b o t h e m p i r i c a l l y v i a b l e a n d subjective d e f i n i t i o n s , a n d has been used h i s t o r i c a l l y b o t h d e s c r i p t i v e l y a n d a n a l y t i c a l l y . I t h a s most t r a d i t i o n a l l y been u s e d to categorize a n d describe predefined groups of i n d i v i d u a l s , to s t i p u l a t e t h e make-up of a p a r t i c u l a r c l a s s or c a t e g o r y ( u s u a l l y economic status) o f i n d i v i d u a l s . S o c i a l c l a s s t h u s becomes a u s e f u l tool of s o c i a l a n a l y s i s to describe a n d e x p l a i n the development of i n d u s t r i a l a n d c o r p o r a t e c a p i t a l i s m . C l a s s i l l u m i n a t e s the diffe r e n c e s b e t w e e n s o c i a l a n d economic categories (e.g., upper, middle, w o r k i n g , a nd l o w e r classes). M o r e o v e r , i t s p o t l i g h t s the r e l a t i o n s h i p of c l a s s to power and w e a l t h , a n d to s o c i a l c o n f l i c t or s o c i a l consensus. S o c i a l c l a s s , however, also conceptualizes a f o r m of f e l t m a t e r i a l r e a l i t y , a s o c i a l f o r m a t i o n i n t h e M a r x i a n sense. T h i s l a t t e r sense of cl a s s h i n g e s upon the f o r m a t i o n a n d se l f - d e f i n i t i o n o f " c l a s s consciousness." I n d i v i d u a l s o f a spe c i f i c class c o mprehend a n d a r t i c u l a t e a co l l e c t i v e u n d e r s t a n d i n g of t h e i r p o s i t i o n w i t h i n e x i s t i n g economic, p o l i t i c a l , a n d s o c i a l s t r u c t u r e s . T h e y c o l l e c t i v e l y f o r m t h e i r o w n so c i a l , economic, p o l i t i c a l , c u l t u r a l , r e c r e a t i o n a l , a n d e d u c a t i o n a l o r g a n i z a t i o n s a n d p r a c t i c e s to r e f l e c t t h i s consciousness. I n short, these " c l a s s e s " develop t h e i r o w n c u l t u r e . 6 5 6 4 R i c h a r d D. A l t i c k , Victorian People and Ideas (New York: W. W. Norton, 1973), pp. 263-64. 6 5 S e e Michael B. Katz, "Social Class i n North American U r b a n History," Journal of Interdisciplinary History 11, 4 (Spring 1981): 579-583; Robert A. J. McDonald, "Working Class Vancouver, 1886-1914: Urbanism and Class i n B r i t i s h Columbia," BC Studies 69-70 (Spring-Summer 1986): 33-69; John Porter, The Vertical Mosaic: An Analysis of Social Class and Power in Canada (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1965), especially Chapter 1; and W. Peter 25 Arnold's p e j o r a t i v e s o c i a l categories o f B a r b a r i a n s , P h i l i s t i n e s , a n d the Populace, p r o b a b l y i n c o r p o r a t e d b o t h m e a n i n g s of so c i a l c l a s s . T h e y were a c o n v e n i e n t s o c i a l d i v i s i o n ( e m p i r i c a l l y v e r i f i a b l e , he w o u l d h a v e claimed) t h a t , a t the s a m e t i m e , i l l u m i n a t e d the g r o w i n g self-consciousness of economic a n d s o c i a l c l a s s e s (subjective) i n m i d a n d l a t e n i n e t e e n t h - c e n t u r y E n g l a n d . A l s o , as mentioned above, the f o r m a t i o n o f a c l e r i s y c l e a r l y could h a v e c o n s t i t u t e d the subjective sense of a new c l a s s f o r m a t i o n , t h e r e i n , a nd p a r a d o x i c a l l y , u n d e r m i n e d the c l a s s independent, e g a l i t a r i a n s p i r i t o f a " c l e r i s y . " T h e object of the cleri s y ' s e d u c a t i o n a n d c u l t i v a t i o n w as those groups A r n o l d t e r m e d " B a r b a r i a n s , " " P h i l i s t i n e s , " a n d the " P o p u l a c e . " 6 6 A l l were u n c u l t u r e d , t h o u g h for d i f f e r e n t reasons, a n d therefore needy of the b e n e f i t s of s u c h enlightenment. F o r A r n o l d , B a r b a r i a n s w e r e the a r i s t o c r a c y . 6 7 V a n c o u v e r h a d few, i f any, full-blood B a r b a r i a n s . T h e r e was, however, a " c l a s s " of c a p i t a l i s t e l i t e t h a t included, f o r in s t a n c e , the cit y ' s m o st i m p o r t a n t C.P.R. o f f i c i a l s , m e r c h a n t s , a n d i n d u s t r i a l i s t s . 6 8 M o s t a r i s t o c r a t s , a c c o r d i n g to A r n o l d , were s a t i s f i e d w i t h m a i n t a i n i n g o n l y the veneer of c u l t u r e . T h e y were u n c u l t u r e d because, m o s t l y , t h e y were " i n d i f f e r e n t to i t [ c u l t u r e ] . " 6 9 M o r e s i g n i f i c a n t l y , V a n c o u v e r h a d m a n y more P h i l i s t i n e s t h a n B a r b a r i a n s , t h a t i s the "new" middle classes. These "new" m i d d l e classes r e f l e c t e d the i n c r e a s i n g c o m p l e x i t y of l a t e nineteenth- and e a r l y t w e n t i e t h - c e n t u r y i n d u s t r i a l society. V a n c o u v e r w a s m o v i n g f r o m a n i n d i v i d u a l i s t a n d r e l a t i v e l y m odest i n d u s t r i a l c a p i t a l i s m t o w a r d s a t r u e c o r p o r a t e c a p i t a l i s m w i t h i t s new, more s p e c i a l i z e d b u r e a u c r a t i c a n d p r o f e s s i o n a l occupations. These n e w e r middle classes i n c l u d e d p r o f e s s i o n a l s , i n c l u d i n g p h y s i c i a n s , l a w y e r s , a r c h i t e c t s , school-teachers, a n d m e n of the cloth: m e r c h a n t s a n d r e a l estate agents, b a n k e r s a n d c l e r k s ; a n d a l l t h e i r w i v e s and c h i l d r e n . A r n o l d also counted, as P h i l i s t i n e s , some of the w o r k i n g c l a s s e s — a m b i t i o u s c r a f t s m e n a n d other w o r k e r s , a n d t r a d e u n i o n leaders. M a n y of the f o r m e r were "one i n s p i r i t w i t h the i n d u s t r i a l m i d d l e c l a s s " and i t s L i b e r a l a n d C o n s e r v a t i v e o b(cont'd) Ward, "Class and Race i n the Social Structure of B r i t i s h Columbia, 1870-1939," i n British Columbia: Historical Readings, ed. W. Peter Ward and Robert A. J. McDonald (Vancouver: Douglas & Mclntyre, 1981), pp. 581-82; and Raymond Wi l l i a m s , Keywords: A Vocabulary of Culture and Society (London: Fontana, 1976; Flamingo, 1983), pp. 60-69. 6 6 M a t t h e w Arnold, Culture and Anarchy: An Essay in Political and Social Criticism, 3d ed. (London: Smith, Elder, & Co., 1882), edited, with introduction and notes, by Ian Gregory (Indianapolis and New York: Bobbs-Merrill, 1971), chapter 3, pp. 81-106. Arnold, Culture and Anarchy, pp. 85-6. 6 8 M c D o n a l d , "Business Leaders." 6 9 A l t i c k , Victorian People, p. 264. 26 Parliamentary representatives. The latter, independent of the middle and aristocratic classes, sought to "affirm" their "class [emphasis mine] and...class instinct," while they maintained their pre-occupation with "industrial machinery" (as a mind set, not as objects) and with materialism. 7 0 These new middle classes were an "uneasy class," where economic mobility was as likely downward as upward. 7 1 Accordingly, their cultural fault was "complacency."72 They were too busy trying to be individually respectable and comfortable, and too concerned with making a living or pursuing money, to busy themselves with their own or humanity's intellectual, aesthetic, and cultural welfare. Finally, Vancouver had plenty of the "Populace," that "vast residuum" of most of the working classes (employed artisans and labourers), peasants, and the poor. 7 3 They also were uncultured in the Arnoldian sense because, at best, "their only ambition was to rise to be Philistines."7 4 Many of these—mill-workers, salmon canners, and C.P.R. employees, for example—were undoubtedly more concerned with economic survival, with "bawling, hustling, and smashing," or with a good beer, a game, or a laugh, than with the genius of Wordsworth or the theory of evolution.7 5 Transposition of these categories or classes to turn-of-the-century Vancouver conditions is full of difficulty. To begin with, we can use the Anglo-Britannic notion of social class only tentatively. Except for McDonald's study of Vancouver's business elites, and some overly bold researches 7 6 into the development of working class consciousness in early British Columbia, there is only limited accurate evidence to subdivide Vancouver's population in either the objective or the subjective sense of "class." One can, however, fairly depict the local population on ethnic racial lines; none of which were included in Arnold's conception of society. In British Columbia, and in Vancouver specifically, these groupings included Native Indians, Asians (Japanese, Chinese, East Indian), and European and North Arnold, Culture and Anarchy, pp. 86-7. 71 See Katz, People of Hamilton, pp. 176-77, who has used this description to capture the middle-class experience i n mid ninteenth-century Hamilton, Ontario. See also Katz, Doucet, and Stern, Early Industrial Capitalism, p. 392. 7 2 A l t i c k , Victorian People, p. 264. Arnold, Culture and Anarchy, p. 87. 7 4 A l t i c k , Victorian People, p. 264. 7 5 A r n o l d , Culture and Anarchy, p. 87. 7 6 P a u l P h i l l i p s , No Power Greater: A Century of Labour in B.C. (Vancouver: B.C. Federation of Labour, Boag Foundation, 1967); and J a c k Scott, Plunderbund and Proletariat: A History of the IWW in B.C. (Vancouver: New Star Books, 1975). 27 American Caucasians (especially Canadians and British). 7 7 Arnold stressed, however, that members of all classes (and, undoubtedly, ethnic cultures) need to become enlightened, to strive toward human perfection. To enter into this state of perfection, they must reject the class-based love of "machinery" and materialism, and their preference for law, obedience, and shamanism, and for class itself. They must begin "to see things as they are,....to see and learn the truth for our own satisfaction."78 Their eventual goal is to serve and to enlighten all of mankind. This state of enlightenment, of perfection, Arnold called "culture." The contrast between culture and material civilization was well stated by Coleridge in 1830: The permanent distinction and the occasional contrast between cultivation and civilization...The permanency of the nation...and its progressiveness and personal freedom...depend on a continuing and progressive civilization. But civilization is itself but a mixed good, if not far more a corrupting influence, the hectic of disease, not the bloom of health, and a nation so distinguished more fitly to be called a varnished than a polished people, where this civilization is not grounded in cultivation, in the harmonious development of those qualities and faculties that characterize our humanity. 7 9 Coleridge's ideal encompassed an "enriched activity of the human spirit, not...the superficial" and often illusory "improvement" of the material environment and of social and political institutions.8 0 This conception of "culture" developed primarily in the nineteenth century. "Culture" was a response to the naturalistic philosophy of the Romantic movement, and a reaction to the mechanical character of "the orthodox and dominant" use of the term "civilization." Nineteenth-century civilization was then being criticized "both for its abstract rationalism and for the 'inhumanity' of current industrial development."81 Barman, British in British Columbia; McDonald, "Business Leaders"; McDonald,"Working Class Vancouver," pp. 40-42, 66-69; and Ward, "Class and Race i n B.C.," pp. 582-97. 7 8 A r n o l d , Culture and Anarchy, p. 36. Samuel Taylor Coleridge, On the Constitution of Church and State, V, 1830, quoted by Wil l i a m s , Keywords, p. 59. 8 0 A l t i c k , Victorian People, p. 239. W i l l i a m s , Keywords, pp. 89-90. W i l l i a m s , in t r a c i n g the development of "culture," categorized three usages of the term: "(i) the independent and abstract noun which describes a general process of int e l l e c t u a l , s p i r i t u a l and aesthetic development, from the C18 [eighteenth century]; (ii) the independent noun, whether used generally or specifically, which indicates a pa r t i c u l a r way of life, whether of a people, a period, a group, or humanity i n general....(iii) the independent and abstract noun which describes the works and practices of intellectual and especially artistic activity." (Ibid., 28 "Culture," for Arnold, however, was hardly an individual or strictly personal endeavour: "It moves by the force, not merely or primarily of the scientific passion for pure knowledge, but also of the moral and social passion for doing good." In fact, without social and moral ("national") utility, culture risks being "selfish, petty, and unprofitable," motivated by "mere exclusiveness and vanity." 8 2 As he continued his argument: Culture....is not satisfied till we all come to a perfect man; it knows that the sweetness and light of the few must be imperfect until the raw and unkindled masses of humanity are touched by sweetness and light....when there is a national glow of life and thought, when the whole of society is in the fullest measure permeated by thought, sensible to beauty, intelligent and alive....It seeks to do away with classes; to make the best that has been thought and known in the world current everywhere; to make all men live in an atmosphere of sweetness and light, where they use ideas, as it uses them itself, freely,—nourished, and not bound by them. This is the social idea; and men of culture are free apostles of equality. 8 3 Inspired by Arnold's and similar thinkers' ideas, Vancouver promoters of mutual enlightenment still had strong and conflicting class and ethnic loyalties. They may have been truly inspired cultural missionaries—determined to change both subjective and objective bases for class, to remove them from their blind dependence on materialism, and to redirect their interests to the love of knowledge and beauty, science and art. Yet they were for the most part members of the middle class, "the uneasy class." They had strong interests in enhancing and maintaining their relatively comfortable social and economic (cont'd) p. 90.) Behind this conception of "culture," however, there underlies the further interpretation of "culture" as a t o o l — t o make symbols, things, and civilizations. Distinguished archaeologist V. Gordon Childe, i n particular, captured this sense of the concept. A s B r i t i s h historian B r i a n Simon argues, i n incorporating Childe's conception into his own definition of education: "Man...makes h i m s e l f — h a s made himself through his growing understanding of, control and so transformation of nature; man's actions on nature being the product of socialised labour on the one hand (the determining form of activity), and his growing knowledge, or what slowly came to be science, on the other." See B r i a n Simon, "Can Education Change Society?" i n An Imperfect Past: Education and Society in Canadian History, a selection of papers from C H E A / A C H E conference i n Vancouver, October 1983, ed. J. Donald Wilson (Vancouver: Centre for the Study of C u r r i c u l u m and Instruction, U n i v e r s i t y of B r i t i s h Columbia, 1984), p. 39. Matthew Arnold, as Wi l l i a m s acknowledged, conceived "culture" as usages (i) and (iii). This non-scientific sense (as i n archaeology and sociology), of "culture" generally developed i n late nineteenth-century popular E n g l i s h language. Arnold, Culture and Anarchy, pp. 34, 33. 8 3 I b i d . , pp. 55-6. 29 position. And, as even Arnold was aware, many apparent lovers of culture were merely only curious at best, and vain and self-interested (in promoting class distinctions), at worst. Thus it is conceivable that both humanitarian and selfish interests co-existed within association members, or at least were shared between members. As will become apparent, each association's members formulated and practised their #*eir version of mutual enlightenment. In some cases, self, class, and ethnic interests superseded their humanitarian goals. This, in turn, led to variations in mutual enlightenment's pedagogical forms and curricular interests. 1.5.3. Defining "Mutual Enlightenment" Definition of "intentional mutual enlightenment" emphasizes the actual practices of certain mutual enlightenment associations. The methodology of definition draws upon modern arguments and argument methods used to clarify the meaning of "education," "mutual enlightenment's" conceptual core. The definition of "mutual enlightenment" is here to be based upon analysis of the organizational aims, policies, and politics as described by each organization's participants, and of each organization's actual curricular and pedagogical practices. "Intentional mutual enlightenment" broadly defined, is a form of education. It is here limited to the rational as regards objectives, methods, and content. It excludes cases of explicit indoctrination and propaganda. Further, it emphasizes a mutual education, as opposed to a strictly one-sided, undemocratic, and authoritarian education. Co-operation, common purpose, and shared responsibility all mark "mutual enlightenment." Lawrence Cremin's definition of education emphasizes intentionality and includes institutions and agencies outside traditional school systems. It also eliminates such ambiguous concepts as "socialization" and "enculturation." It is a good place to begin: as the deliberate, systematic, and sustained effort to transmit, evoke, or acquire knowledge, attitudes, values, skills and sensibililties, as well as any outcomes of that effort. The definition stresses intentionality, though I am well aware that learning takes place in many situations where intentionality is not present. It makes room for study as well as instruction, thereby embracing the crucial realm of self-education. And it acknowledges that behavior, preferences, and tastes are involved, as well as knowledge and understanding. It sees education as a process more limited than what the sociologists would call socialization or 30 the anthropologist enculturation, though obviously inclusive of many of the same phenomena. And it recognizes that there is often conflict between what educators are trying to teach and what is learned from the ordinary business of living. 8 4 Turning now to "mutual enlightenment," voluntary association and the formal voluntary organization served as the most obvious vehicle of mutual enlightenment. The term "voluntary association" is essentially synonymous with "voluntary organization" and shares the same conceptual territory as "clubs," "societies," "self-help groups," "leagues," "orders," "councils," "chambers," "parties," and "unions."85 Most adult education in turn-of-the-century British Columbia, and elsewhere, was still organized formally through voluntary associations. Voluntary associations, however, did not use the term "mutual enlightenment" to cover what now might be classified as "educational." Rather, they used clauses almost identical with those contained in relevant government acts. The "Benevolent Societies Act," Revised Statute 1897, for example, states that: Any number of persons may unite themselves into a society or corporation for any or more of the following purposes:-(1) For any benevolent, or provident, or moral, or charitable, or religious purpose:.... (3) For purposes of social intercourse, mutual helpfulness, mental and moral improvement, and rational recreation: (4) For improvement and development of the mental, social, and physical condition of young men and young women: (5) For the promotion of literature, science, or the fine arts, and the promotion and diffusion of knowledge: (6) For promoting the cause of temperance and moral reform:.... (10) For providing means of recreation, exercise, and amusement.... 8 6 Because the literature, both historical and comtemporary, does not yet provide clear criteria for operationalization, and because the definitions are used to discriminate amongst Lawrence Cremin, Public Education, p. 27. 8 5 F o r analyses of the "voluntary association" concept, see, for example, Bartolomeo J. P a l i s i , "A C r i t i c a l A n a l y s i s of the Voluntary Association Concept," i n Voluntary Action Research: 1972 eds. D. H. Smith, R. D. Reddy, and B. R. B a ldwin (Lexington, Mass.: Lexington Books, 1972), pp. 41-43; and International Encyclopedia of the Social Sciences, 1968 ed., s.v. "Voluntary Associations: Sociological Aspects," by David L. S i l l s . B r i t i s h Columbia, The Revised Statutes of British Columbia 1911, Being a Consolidation and Revision of the Statutes Applicable to British Columbia, and Within the Powers of the Legislature to Enact, in Three Volumes vol. 1 (Victoria: The Government of B r i t i s h Columbia, 1911), pp. 175-176. 31 organizations for their selection as research subjects, definitions of mutuality, education, and so on must be highly sensitive to historical evidence. It should be said at once, however, that our definition of "mutual enlightenment association" excludes those organizations and institutions which explicitly and intentionally (1) violate the criteria defining "mutual enlightenment" and/or (2) prepare people for eventual recognition through formal public or private education. Churches and sects, for example, are excluded. They act primarily as proselytizers. Their educational work through public lectures and mutual improvement societies, and with immigrant and labour groups, however, is occasionally noted in passing. Likewise excluded are public and private schools, vocational training schools, and colleges and universities. Autonomous voluntary associations affiliated with colleges and churches that meet the essentially rational criteria of mutual enlightenment, however, are included. "Mutual enlightenment," itself, then, is a modification of "education" i n both tone and procedure. These modifications have been outlined b y philosophers i n the field of conceptual or linguistic analysis. 8 7 Perhaps the best known authority, a t least i n the analysis of educational concepts, is R. S. Peters. Rather than simply formulating a definition and examples, as Cremin appears to have done, Peters' method of analysis was to distinguish and to map out a concept's central and peripheral meaning and uses. 8 8 However, since i n this case the term was not i n contemporary use, definition was based strictly on "lived examples" of mutual enlightenment. The purpose here was to accomodate Noted here are philosophers R. W. K. Paterson, Values, Education and the Adult (London and Boston: Routledge & Kegan P a u l , 1979); R. S. Peters, "Education as Initiation," i n Philosophical Analysis and Education, ed. Reginald D. Archa m b a u l t (London: Routledge & Kegan Paul, 1965),pp. 87-111; R. S. Peters, Ethics and Education (London: George A l l e n & Unwin, 1966); I. A. Snook, Indoctrination and Education (London and Boston: Routledge & Kegan Paul, 1972). "Indoctrination," like "education," has been subject to rather intensive analysis and continuous debate. See, for example, ibid.; R. F. Atkinson, "Instruction and Indoctrination," i n Philosophical Analysis and Education, ed. Reginald D. Archambault (London: Routledge & Kegan Paul, 1965), pp. 171-83.; Anthony Flew, "What is Indoctrination?" Studies in Philosophy and Education 4, 3 (Spring 1966): 281-306; and R a l p h Barton Perry, "Education and the Science of Education," i n Philosophy and Education, ed. Israel Scheffler (Boston: A l l y n & Bacon, 1966), pp. 17-38. QQ Peters, Ethics, pp. 23-24. Another B r i t i s h linguistic analyst, however, K. H. Lawson, argued for caution i n relying too s t r i c t l y upon too "tightly defined paramaters of 'adult education properly so called.'" "Education," and "adult education" p a r t i c u l a r l y , both within and beyond the bounds of Western culture, vary and shift i n their meaning and practice. "We are not dealing with an objective self-evident u n i t a r y reality," he concluded, noting the danger to research i n this area. See K. H. Lawson, "The Problem of Defining A d u l t Education as an A r e a of Research," Adult Education Quarterly: A Journal of Research and Theory 36, 1 ( F a l l 1985), pp. 39-43, 42. 32 the variations in the approaches by which an association might educate its own members and outsiders. Through these definitions, I had the tools to discriminate amongst the many kinds of educational agencies and institutions, and to determine those most pertinent to the study. 1.5.4. Exemplar Associations of Mutual Enlightenment The empirical definition of "mutual enlightenment" has been drawn from examination of certain "exemplary" organizations. These exemplars are distinguished by being clearly voluntary and by engaging in mutual enlightenment. They represent a manageable number (ten) of the most appropriate available organizations.89 The ten exemplars are: the Vancouver Art, Historical and Scientific Association (1894-present), the Vancouver Women's Musical Club (1905-present), the Canadian Club of Vancouver (1906-present), the Vancouver Women's Canadian Club (1909-present), the Vancouver Arts and Crafts Association (1900-01), the Naturalists' Field Club (1906-07), the British Columbia Mountaineering Club (1907-present), the Young Men's Christian Association (1886-1897;1898-present), the Young Women's Christian Association (1897-present), and the Burrard Literary Club (C.1889-C.1908). The thesis initially centred on the discrimination, selection, and analysis of certain voluntary associations that exemplified mutual enlightenment. Potentially, there were many such organizations; their names occur throughout the primary and secondary literature. 9 0 Sociologists and some historians have, i n recent years, attempted to find out how many voluntary organizations generally exist for a specific population base. Their results generally vary considerably; most populations surveyed were post-1945. See, for example, James Curtis, "Voluntary Association Joining: A Cross-National Comparative Note," American Sociological Review 36 (October 1971): 872-880; M u r r a y Hausknecht, The Joiners (New York: Bedminster Press, 1962); S i l l s , s.v. "Voluntary Associations"; and Da n i e l W. Rossides, Voluntary Participation in Canada: A Comparative Analysis (Toronto: Canadian Association for A d u l t Education, 1966). A n historical analysis of note, Walter S. Glazer's, "Participation and Power: Voluntary Associations and the Fu n c t i o n a l Organization of C i n c i n n a t i i n 1840," Historical Methods Newsletter 5, 4 (September 1972): 151-68, found "more than one hundred voluntary associations" i n C i n c i n a t t i (population 46,382) between 1839 and 1842. 9 0 S e c o n d a r y sources include, for example, Roy, Vancouver, and Selman, "Adult Education i n B.C.". Prima r y evidence can be found i n contemporary city directories, the index catalogues of the City of Vancouver Archives, the University of B r i t i s h Columbia's Special Collections Division, the B r i t i s h 33 It is difficult to be sure how many of these associations explicitly undertook mutual enlightenment. Most adults likely accepted the virtues of "self-improvement" and "rational recreation" without question. 9 1 Since these concepts were trotted out in the official aims of most formally organized and registered societies, they were more likely used for public and official approval than with the intent of carrying out their meaning. The task was made manageable by choosing only those voluntary associations that most closely embodied the concept "mutual enlightenment." These associations met the initial criteria that they were voluntary, that intentional mutual enlightenment was a significant goal, and that there was sufficient evidence to conduct an appropriate historical analysis. The latter criterion forced exclusion of the vast majority of associations. Unfortunatly only the more prominent of the organizations tended to save their early (or only) records and accounts. These remaining associations were nevertheless chosen as exemplars. They had left behind significant quantities of historical evidence of administration, programme, and constituecy. Their educational aims and programmes suggested that they most obviously represented mutual enlightenment associations. From the possible exemplars of mutual enlightenment, ten were finally selected. They were selected for four reasons: first, they reflected the gender mix found throughout most voluntary associations; second, they appeared to have the socio-economic make-up of other similar associations; third, they embodied the popular curricular interests of the time; fourth, they left the best available records. (cont'd) Columbia Pr o v i n c i a l Archives, and the Union Theological College Archives; and in contemporary Vancouver newspapers and local magazines. See Thomas Draper, comp., Vancouver City Directory, 1888 (Victoria: R. T. Williams, 1888); Thomas Draper, comp., William's Vancouver and New Westminster Cities Directory, 1890; Containing General Provincial Information (Vancouver: R. T. Williams, 1890); Henderson's Greater Vancouver City Directory, 1900-1914, title varies (Vancouver: Henderson Directory Co., 1900-14); The Vancouver City Directory, March, 1896 (Vancouver: Hodgson, 1896); Vancouver Social Register and Club Directory (Vancouver: Welch & Gibbs, 1914); Vancouver Daily News-Advertiser; Vancouver Daily World, Vancouver Province, Vancouver Sun; Man to Man (1910), British Columbia Magazine (1911-14); Westminster Hall Magazine and Far West Review (1911-14). 9 1 F o r ample discussion of the derivation and meaning of such slogans see, for example, Bailey, Leisure and Class; Harrison, Learning and Living; P a t r i c k Keane, "Questions from the P a s t of Appropriate Methodology for A d u l t Learners," Convergence: An International Journal of Adult Education 17, 2 (1984): 52-63; Meller, Leisure; David Vincent, Bread, Knowledge, and Freedom; and Waters, '"Outlandish Recreations,'" pp. 8-33. 34 1.5.5. Mutual Enlightenment and the Social Structure: A Prosopography Contextual studies of Vancouver and prosopographies of association members served as the second major methodological component of the thesis. These studies gathered evidence from association membership lists, relevant personal documents of members, census data, theses, articles, and books on the social history of Vancouver, and impressionistic evidence from that period, including newspaper and magazine articles. The contextual studies will show the social, economic, political, and intellectual climate in British Columbia, Canada, and the international scene. The prosopographies should shed light on Vancouver's ambient social structure and should locate association members within that structure. A key aim was to describe and explain what ideas were and were not transmitted, and to see each mutual enlightenment association interacting with the social structure of Vancouver. The methodology for this research was inspired by Lawrence Stone's vision of "prosopography," and by Ian Inkster's use of the technique to study England's early to mid ninteenth-century mechanics' institutes.9 2 Five exemplars were selected for the prosopographical analysis. They were the Art, Historical and Scientific Association, the Arts and Crafts Association, the Burrard Literary Club, the Naturalists' Field Club, and the Young Men's Christian Association. These organizations' aims and objectives, their activities, and, most significantly, their clienteles were fully analyzed. The remaining five exemplars, the British Columbia Mountaineering Club, the Canadian Club (men's), the Women's Canadian Club, the Women's Musical Club, and the Young Women's Christian Association, served more restrictively for comparison and contrast with the first five and to more fully extend the description and analysis of mutual enlightenment activities. The five exemplars selected were chosen for the following reasons. First, the volume of evidence for all ten organizations would have been excessively great. The context for each organization was slightly different. The ten exemplars, in effect, represented ten different populations from which they drew their clientele. Too much prosopographical research might have unnecessarily complicated the intensive and ^ L a w r e n c e Stone, "Prosopography," Daedelus 100 (Winter 1971), pp. 46-79; Inkster, "English Mechanics' Institutes." 35 interrelated examination and assessment of the subject organizations. The research aimed to establish the "flavour" or "tone" of mutual enlightenment through these organizations; a large number of examples was not necessary. Further, the evidence, though voluminous, was inadequate for social control research. In particular, the evidence was insufficient to test an organization's ability to control the subsequent social behaviour of its members. Second, the prosopography was aimed at those organizations with broad ranges of constituencies and clienteles, objectives, and educational activities. Breadth of range tested the limits of both the "mutuality" and the "enlightenment" of the organizations' programmes. Thus the men's Canadian Club, the Women's Canadian Club, and the Women's Musical Club were all rejected from prosopographical analysis because they had restricted the range of their clienteles, objectives, and activities. The members of each of these clubs, by and large, were socially prominent in Vancouver. They had been recognized for that prominence by their being named in the 1914 Vancouver Social Register and Club Directory. Less prominent individuals were effectively denied access to full membership. The range of social class representation within club membership was thus limited. Also, the two Canadian Clubs' educational programmes were the most limited of the ten exemplars. They consisted almost exclusively of lectures by visiting and local dignitaries.9 3 Third and finally, for some organizations, there was less evidence than was desirable. Data collection for the three all-female associations, for instance, was handicapped by the difficulty tracing women's biographical data. Biographical data for women is generally available only through a male relative, and only if he was sufficiently prominent to have received a biographical write-up in a local historical publication, obituary, or in popular biographical dictionaries.94 Most data relayed through a relative pertained 9 3 The Art, Historical and Scientific Association was also listed in the Vancouver Social Register and Club Directory. That society, however, had sought to be open in its membership objectives, and had a broad, comprehensive range of programme activities and objectives. For the men's Canadian Club, Angus Everett Robertson documents linkages between Vancouver's business elite, the men's Canadian Club, and the Vancouver Board of Trade. See "Vancouver's West End Elite, 1886-1914." 9 4See, for example, R. E. Gosnell, A History of British Columbia (Np.: Lewis Publishing, 1906); Henry James Morgan, ed., Canadian Men and Women of the Time: A Handbook of Canadian Biography of Living Characters 2d ed. (Toronto: W. Briggs, 1912); C. W. Parker, ed., Who's Who in Western Canada vol. 1 (1911) (Toronto: International Press, 1911); C. W. Parker, ed., Who's Who and Why: A Biographical Dictionary of Men and Women of Western Canada vol. 2 (1912) (Toronto: International Press, 1911); E. 0. S. Scholefield and F. W. Howay, British Columbia: From the 36 mostly to the subject of the biography. Thus the Young Women's Christian Association, the Women's Canadian Club, and the Women's Musical Club have been excluded from prosopographical analysis. This is not to deny women their proper place in the history of associations, but, rather, simply to recognize the difficulty of obtaining adequate research data. This last problem of inadequate evidence also contributed to the exclusion from prosopographical analysis of the British Columbia Mountaineering Club. The Mountaineering Club's programme was subdivided into distinct, and relatively exclusive, scientific (educational) and mountain-climbing (non-educational) sections. The list of members, however, did not differentiate the members into their respective sections. By including biographical evidence from individuals who did not seek further education, the undifferentiated list probably biased the prosopography. Finally, the Mountaineeering Club was rejected for its similarity to the Naturalists' Field Club. Some description of the Mountaineering Club's membership was available, while that of the Field Club was a complete mystery. The prosopography required that association members selected be representative of the entire association membership at a specific time period. That time period was as near a census year as possible. The problem of obtaining adequate and sufficient data required enough cases—approximately 50—to ensure fair representation of all classes of members. This problem was worst for the least prominent individuals. For three associations, all members were traced. The Art, Historical and Scientific Association had, in 1909, some 43 members. The Burrard Literary Club, had a preset membership limit of 25. Therefore, all members from 1895 to 1900 were traced. The total was 54. The Naturalists' Field Club had only 17 members during its brief existence in 1906-07. For the other two associations, random samples (using a random numbers table) of members were obtained. From the Arts and Crafts Association, 50 of the 60 members sampled were traced. The total membership in 1901 was 81. For the Y M C A , 55 of the 75 members sampled were traced. The total membership between 1899 and 1904, compiled (cont'd) Earliest Times to the Present, Biographical, vols. 3, 4 (Vancouver: S. J. Clarke, 1914). The best source for relevant obituaries and other newspaper stories was the Vancouver City Archives, Newspaper Files, Major Matthew's Collection. 37 from the 1899 to 1904 Board of Directors Minutes, numbered 252. The YMCA's sample was larger because the minutes contained only initials (and no Christian names) with the members' surnames. As a result, tracing was difficult.9 5 The Arts and Crafts Association list included one or two Christian names and some addresses with each surname. The final list included 219 names across five associations. Variables from those persons included sex, residence, occupation, birth, age, origin, arrival in Vancouver, education, religious and political affiliations, and any other significant club or community affiliations (such as being a school trustee). The data was almost perfectly complete for occupation and residence, but varied considerably for the other categories.9 6 1.6. C O N C L U S I O N This study examines the impulse, widespread among turn-of-the-century adults, to enlighten one another. Since it involved peers, it was "mutual." Even when they had clear missionary overtones, the organizations intended to stimulate further learning and often to recruit new members. Thus what is described and explained as "mutual enlightenment" is fundamental to the whole adult education movement. It is the well-spring of much of the tone and philosophy of adult education of the past 200 years, both in Canada and elsewhere. We begin the study with our first group of associations including the Vancouver Art, Historical and Scientific Association, the Vancouver Women's Musical Club, the Canadian Club of Vancouver, and the Vancouver Women's Canadian Club. Primary emphasis is on the first of these. We turn then to the Vancouver Arts and Crafts Association, the Naturalists' Field Club, and the British Columbia Mountaineering Club. The final core chapter studies the Young Men's Christian Association, the Young Women's Christian Association, and the Burrard Literary Club. Each group is examined through the associations' uses of key ideas, through 9t>"Minutes of the Board of Directors," in Young Men's Christian Association of Greater Vancouver (YMCA) MSS, Folder 1-1, Special Collections Division, University of British Columbia Library, Vancouver. Many of the YMCA sample were rejected because they were too similar in name to one or two other names in city directories or because many had only recently arrived to Vancouver and thus could not be located in city directories. Tracing names to later years in the directories also often proved fruitless because many who came to Vancouver often quickly moved on to better situations. 9 6 The raw data is available at the University of British Columbia's Data Library. 38 examples of mutual enlightenment as actually practiced, and through prosopographical studies of selected organizations' membership composition. The prosopographies, in conjunction with other researches, should tell us how far each association reflected and supported the city's ambient social structure. They should also illuminate the transmission of knowledge between classes and various social groups. CHAPTER 2. "LIGHT, MORE LIGHT" 1: BRINGING AESTHETIC, INTELLECTUAL, AND MORAL "TONE" TO EARLY VANCOUVER I fear the majority of active people in this City have absorbed much of that American spirit, which keeps us all moving under high pressure. We are becoming so practicle [sic] that the esthetic side of life is more or less neglected.1 2.1. INTRODUCTORY NOTE The above quotation, from a letter by Art, Historical and Scientific Association Secretary, H . J . deForest, captured—with a note of sadness—the context into which his and other similar associations had tried to survive. His own organization, born of an earlier, failed Art Association, was but the first of many that came to life in pre-World War I Vancouver. Transplanted or copied from similar associations popular throughout the English-speaking world, they sought to inject a more intellectual, aesthetic, and even moral spirit into the dynamic "progress" then sweeping the world. Industrial capitalism, urbanization, and the migration of vast numbers of people would shortly transform the virginal, but increasingly physically ugly city of Vancouver. Some of the city's first citizens thought their duty was somehow to prevent the worst materialistic effects of progress from consuming their own and their fellow citizens' lives. The Art, Historical and Scientific Association of Vancouver, was founded April 17, 1894. It was in many respects the city's premier cultural organization before the First World War. As the name suggests, it represented the interests of three often overlapping constituencies whose interests coalesced around the popular concept of "culture." These constituencies, or bodies of supporters, were citizens apparently interested in the study and teaching of artistic, literary and historical, and scientific topics. They had come together to promote their own mutual education and, like missionaries, to proselytize the value of such i H . J. deForest to Miss Allen, 4 October 1906, Letterbook, Vancouver Art, Historical and Scientific Association, Add. Mss. 336, Volume 18, file 36, Vancouver City Archives (VCA). The title quote, "Light, More Light," is from a poem by Francis Bursill in Francis Bursill and H. J. deForest, Guide and Handbook to the Museum, Vancouver, B.C. (Vancouver: Art, Historical and Scientific Association, 1908), n.p. 39 40 learning amongst the general public of the city. Also, like religious missionaries, they saw themselves as "a devoted few" who have "struggled under adverse conditions" to "be an educational and refining factor in the life of Western Canada." 2 They aimed to transmit, into Vancouver, the higher elements of British civilization and culture. The Art, Historical and Scientific Association was a pattern-setter for all of Vancouver's mutual enlightenment societies. It exemplified "mutual enlightenment" and what mutual enlightenment meant to its participants. The Association also showed how "mutuality" could be compromised and, in part, abandoned when membership was restricted. In the Association's case, the members apparently would not accept, as their equals in enlightenment, most of the non-Anglo-Celtic and petit bourgeois and working-class residents (the "great masses") that the Association promoters aimed to refine. Contrary to the egalitarian, democratic, and reciprocal basis of "mutuality," the basis of the Association's "mutual enlightenment" was hierarchical, bourgeois, and English. As a "devoted few," they were essentially elitist. They distinguished between themselves (the "sophisticated" and "refined") and the rest of the population. This and the next two chapters concentrate on the nature, objectives, and meaning of mutual enlightenment as exemplified by the Art, Historical and Scientific Association, and by three other similar and related clubs. These latter clubs—the Vancouver Women's Musical Club (1905), and the men's and Women's Canadian Clubs (1906, 1909 respectively)—closely followed the aims, clientele, and programme pattern of the Art, Historical and Scientific Association. They are treated much more sparingly than the Association, and in a comparative rather than in a comprehensive sense. The present chapter systematically analyzes the objectives of the Art, Historical and Scientific Association, and its forbear, the Art Association, as stated by three of their founders. These statements demonstrate why Vancouver needed and was "ready" for the Art, Historical and Scientific Association and like societies. They show how the Art, Historical and Scientific Association arose in response to theme-related social, economic, ethnic, and intellectual conditions in turn-of-the-century Vancouver. The next chapter more completely delves into the meaning and practice of mutual R. Waller, A c t i n g Secretary, to Colonel A. Leetham, United Services Institute, W hitehall, London, 27 December 1910, i n A r t , H i s t o r i c a l and Scientific Association Letterbook. 41 enlightenment. It examines the associational pedagogies and curricula of the the Art, Historical and Scientific Association and the Women's Musical Club and traces out the conceptual boundaries of "mutual enlightenment." Finally, the third chapter (Chapter Four) suggests social and ethnic reasons to explain why the Association's members saw themselves as a "clerisy"—those "devoted few" most capable of importing, preserving, and developing aesthetic, intellectual, and moral "tone." This chapter thereby explains the meaning behind the Association's particular form of mutual enlightenment. 2.1.1. The Art, Historical and Scientific Association of Vancouver: A Case Study of Mutual Enlightenment The central feature of the pre-World War I history of the Art, Historical and Scientific Association is the marriage of high, romantic ideals to more utilitarian goals. The Association, to counter Vancouver's rough social character and appearance, transplanted the genteel idea and form of a British and European learned society. As a learned society, the Association reflected and worked to change local aesthetic and intellectual conditions. It housed and supported a spirit of cultivated activities and reflection, and it endeavoured to expand its influence over the uninitiated. It established an ambitious programmme of serious scholarly lectures and discussions, and social conversaziones (all for the members mainly), and a public "cabinet of curiosities" or museum and art gallery (for the "masses"). The Association thus adopted and reflected the new city and province as its point of reference. It incorporated local interests, needs, products, and topics within its programme. Yet it contained and aimed to develop further the sophistication its promoters believed was essential for the difficult tasks of cultivation before them. Promoters of the Art, Historical and Scientific Association espoused certain key concepts—beauty, utility, and citizenship—to justify their Association's founding, aims, programme, and social legitimacy. The choice was revelatory of social conditions in turn-of-the-century Vancouver. Social, economic, and other considerations both shaped and now explain the Art, Historical and Scientific Association's pattern of mutual enlightenment, its membership, and its loss of social position. Association's members viewed themselves as a kind of 42 "clerisy." This clerisy status predetermined both the nature and direction of Association work, and its position within Vancouver society. As a clerisy, these members felt confronted by massive immigration and economic and social upheaval. They saw themselves as major factors in the cause and mission of advancing the best of British civilization and culture. They wanted to build up Vancouver's reputation, and to carry out the disinterested cultural mission of saving and preserving the province's own past. As British cultural missionaries, they worked diligently in the cause of including British Columbia and Canada within "Greater Britain," (i.e, imperial federation^. One Association founder, a newspaperman, historian, and civil servant, R. E . Gosnell, for instance, wrote an essay in support of the cause. British Columbia's destiny, he argued, lay "as a greater Britain on the Pacific, where [as an industrial giant] British arts and institutions will expand under fresh impetus."3 Also, as cultural missionaries, they hoped to "convert" and to educate the rougher elements to the more refined and civilized habits and values of the mother country's better classes. Thus they hoped to tame the damaging influence of the overly materialistic, money-hungry, and exploitive "American spirit." The "rougher" elements included both entrepreneurial speculators and industrial labourers. The new industrial social structure had not yet penetrated Art, Historical and Scientific Association minds. The Art, Historical and Scientific Association did not remain alone in this civilizing endeavour. As Vancouver grew, especially after 1900, the Association finally lost its premier position. Other mutual enlightenment groups grew up with the rising demand for programmatic specialism. Competition from functionally similar organizations helped. These included the two Canadian Clubs, the Women's Musical Club, the Arts and Crafts Association (1900), the Studio Club (1904), the British Columbia Society of Fine Arts (1908), the B.C. Entomological Society (1902), the Vancouver Photographic Society (1903), the Naturalists' Field Club (1906), the British Columbia Academy of Science (1909), the scientific sections of the British Columbia Mountaineering Club (1906), the Vancouver Archaeological Society (1911), and Alliance Frangaise ("French Alliance"—1904). All rose a R. E. Gosnell, "A Greater Britain on the Pacific," in Historical Essays on British Columbia, eds. J . Friesen and H. K. Ralston (Toronto: Gage Publishing, 1980), pp. 14-22, 22. A major plank of the "Greater Britain," cause was granting the British Dominions, including Canada, parliamentary seats, and thus direct representation, at Westminster in London. See Carl Berger, The Sense of Power: Studies in the Idea of Canadian Imperialism, 1867-1914 (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1970), for a full treatment of the Greater Britain topic. 43 up to carry on programmes in fulfilment of the Art, Historical and Scientific Association's original intent.4 This proliferation of intellectual and cultural organizations, and the fragmentation of intellectual and cultural leadership, was finally resolved in 1916 by the foundation of the Vancouver Institute. Formed under the auspices of the new University of British Columbia, the Institute combined the Art, Historical and Scientific Association with other surviving societies and the University to collectively sponsor a public lecture programme. Each constituent body was responsible for selecting its own lectures. Along with their Institute contributions, each society, including the Art, Historical and Scientific Association, also continued to maintain its own separate existence, identity, and member programmes. The other original affiliated organizations were the Academy of Science, the Archaeological Institute, the Architectural Institute of B.C. , the B.C. Mountaineering Club (Natural History Section), the Vancouver Trades and Labour Council, the Vancouver Teachers' Association, the Woman's University Club, and the B.C. Fine Arts Society.5 2.2. T H E ART, HISTORICAL AND SCIENTIFIC ASSOCIATION, 1894-1916 The Art, Historical and Scientific Association was formally organized at a public meeting in O'Brien's (dance) Hall at 4 p.m., Tuesday April 17, 1894. The time and day of the week are significant since only select individuals could have been available to meet in normal working hours. This meeting and the foundation of the Art, Historical and Scientific Association culminated more than five years of hard and dedicated work. These founders had tried—but failed—to organize an art society.6 They had also set out to found at least two historical, antiquarian, and/or literary societies, all of which had petered out. Chaired by the Reverend L . Norman Tucker, Rector of Christ Church (Anglican), with Henry J . deForest, an artist, acting as secretary, this newest Association formally declared its 4Gordon R. Selman, "Some Aspects of the History of Adult Education in British Columbia Before 1914: A Preliminary Survey" (Unpublished Monograph, University of British Columbia, 1971), pp. 116-190, briefly outlines each of these and many kindred organizations. 5See Minutes, 29 March 1916, 23 January 1917, Vancouver Art, Historical and Scientific Association, Add. Mss. 336, VCA. This Vancouver Institute was not the city's first. For one autumn and one spring session in 1890-91, such an Institute was organized for free public entertainments of '"popular science, music, literature and debates.'" See Selman, "Adult Education in B.C.," pp. 130-131. Noel Robinson, Vancouver's First Cultural Association (Vancouver: Art, Historical and Scientific Association of Vancouver, B.C., 1946), p. 6; Selman, "Adult Education in B.C.," pp. 134-36. 44 predecessors to have expired and adopted a new constitution. As descendant, the Art, Historical and Scientific Association inherited the properties, finances, and willing members of its defunct predecessors: the Art Association (1889-1892), the Historical and Literary Association (stillbirth, 1892), and the Columbia Institute (stillbirth, 1893).7 In effect, these organizations were re-constituted and expanded into the new Art, Historical and Scientific Association. It is useful to recall just how the earlier efforts of the Art, Historical and Scientific Association came to grief. Consider, for example, the hopeful beginnings of the Art Association, born January 18, 1889, in the rooms of Mrs. Webster's Art Bazaar. 8 That Association had grown from informal meetings of local artists known to Mrs. Webster, including Captain H . A. and Mrs. S. Gertrude Mellon, and Will Ferris, a solicitor turned professional artist, and from Mrs. Webster's art school and art discussion classes.9 Along with a plan for public art education, the Art Association had aimed to build an art and historical collection.10 The Association had hoped to "cultivate a taste for art...in the city...." 1 1 For almost two years, the Association very successfully conducted art exhibitions, held classes, and met to discuss art topics. Its membership had climbed to sixty-eight within its first year. Its success was capped by the publicly applauded First Annual Exhibition, opened by British Columbia Lieutenent-Governor Hugh Nelson, in October, 1890. However, the Association then faded from public view. Though it lasted until February 25, 1892, one of its founders, Gertrude Mellon, later suggested that part of its eventual failure was due to the overly heavy concentration on art subjects and to the exclusion by the men of women from the Associations's leadership positions.1 2 The Art Association's eventual successor, the Art, Historical and Scientific Association, thus 7 Art, Historical and Scientific Association of Vancouver, B.C. (AHSA), comp. & ed., Journal of The Art, Historical and Scientific Association of Vancouver, B.C. (Vancouver: Trythall & Son, 1917), p. 3. 877ie Vancouver Daily News-Advertiser, 18 January, 20 January 1889. 9Robinson, Cultural Association, p. 6. 1 0 A H S A , Journal, p. 3. 1 ^News-Advertiser, 20 January 1889. 1 2William Wylie Thorn, "The Fine Arts in Vancouver, 1886-1930: An Historical Survey" (M.A. thesis, Fine Arts, University of British Columbia, 1969), pp. 4-9; S. Gertrude Mellon, "History Art and Science," typescript article from Woman's Life and Work in the Province of B.C. (Victoria: King's Printer, 1909), attached to the inside back cover of the Art, Historical and Scientific Association Minutes, vol. 2, file 8, Add. Mss. 336, VCA. 45 assimilated the former society's goals and organization, and many of its members, as well as those of various subsequent, but stillborn, incarnations. The latter included the Historical and Literary Association in 1892 and the Columbia Institute in 1893. Members who had sponsored these ill-fated schemes had sought to study "the history of the province...including the aborigine tribes and the earliest records of travelers who have visited our shores" and to curtail, through the building of a museum, the export of artifacts from the Province by curio seekers. 1 3 This goal had actually been clearly enunciated two years before the organization of the Art Associaton. Its first mention came in a letter published in The Vancouver Daily News-Advertiser by Dr. Hyde Clarke, distinguished English cousin of Gertrude Mellon, with a response from the newspaper's publisher F . Carter-Cotton. Clark was a well known international journalist, linguist, author, and scientist, and was editor of The Economist (England). Carter-Cotton, also English, was distinguished locally as a Conservative Member of the provincial Legislature, newspaper publisher and editor, and a founder of the Vancouver Board of Trade. With "its great destiny" in hand, Clarke had called upon Vancouver's local citizens to "remember...that they have a history." Carter-Cotton, in turn, editorialized about the benefits of an "Historical Society" established "in connection with, or at least under the auspices of the Board of Trade." 1 4 Here was the first indication of a linkage between the Association and the city's business and political establishment. This goal of saving North-west Coast Indian artifacts was seen as most pressing. The popularity of such anthropologists as Franz Boas, combined with the philanthropic vigor of many American and European (especially German) capitalists anxious to establish the reputation of themselves, their museums, and their cities, served rapidly to rob the area of its most treasured anthropological artifacts and the native peoples of their cultural heritage. 1 5 The Art, Historical and Scientific Association also aimed at this high objective. They believed it their duty to save, for British Columbians, as many "antiques" as they could by attracting voluntary donations from willing local citizens. This goal was to play a 16News-Advertiser, 24 February 1892, 26 February 1892. 1 4 A H S A , Journal, p. 3, quoting the News-Advertiser 22 September 1887. For Carter-Cotton, see E. O. S. Scholefield and F. W. Howay, British Columbia: From the Earliest Times to the Present, Biographical, vol. 4 (Vancouver: S. J. Clarke, 1914), pp. 833-84. 1 5 A H S A , Journal, pp. 4-5. For a complete study of this trade in Northwest Indian artifacts, see Douglas Cole, Captured Heritage: The Scramble for Northwest Coast Artifacts (Vancouver: Douglas & Mclntyre, 1985). 46 continuing role in the Association's endeavours throughout the period under study. 1 6 The significance of this aspect of the Art, Historical and Scientific Association's work was, and remained, twofold—first, the boosterish wish to build up the reputation of Vancouver and its region; and second, a thoroughly disinterested cultural mission whose motives were simple curiosity and a respect for the past. At the meeting, officers were elected and a list of Honorary President and Vice-Presidents suggested. This list of local dignitaries was the closest Vancouver could claim to an aristocracy, the city itself being under eight years old. His Excellency the Lieutenant-Governor was recommended as Honorary President. Honorary Vice-Presidents included Mrs. Edgar Dewdney, wife of the Lieutenant-Governor; Mr. and Mrs. Henry Abbott, he being General Superindendent, West Division, of the C.P.R.; Mrs. H . St. George Hamersley, wife of an important city barrister; Mayor and Mrs. R. A. Anderson; Mrs. Webster, an artist and founder of the Art Association, and wife of Captain Webster, agent for the Oceanic S. S. Company; Right Reverend Bishop Sillitoe, Lord Bishop of New Westminster (Anglican); Right Reverend Bishop Perrin, Lord Bishop of Columbia (Anglican); J . W. Home, Esq., M.P.P.; C. E . Corbould, Esq., M.P.; F. Carter-Cotton, Esq., M.P.P., and publisher of the Daily News-Advertiser; ex-Mayor David Oppenheimer; A . G. Ferguson, Esq.; and Reverend E . D. McLaren, B.D., Presbyterian minister, St. Andrew's Church. The Art, Historical and Scientific Association elected Christ Church's (Anglican) Reverend L . Norman Tucker as its first President. Other members of the first executive included "Professor" (a contemporory reference to any respected teacher, not just an academic) H . J . deForest, Secretary; Mrs. A . Clements, Treasurer; and Mrs. J . C. (Sara A.) McLagan, wife of the Daily World newspaper's publisher. Miss Dafoe, daughter of J . Roy Dafoe, contractor; Miss Tierney, daughter of William Tierney, contractor; and Mr. T. R. Hardiman, artist and proprietor of the Pioneer Art Gallery, constituted the first General Council. The fledgling Association's promoters undoubtedly chose such a distinguished list of honorary officers to lend it credibility and status, and to dispose the Association to success and to longevity. The promoters' earlier failures thereby could be considered erased. By enlisting the support of the city's economic and political elite, the promoters might also have AHSA, Journal, pp. 4-5. 47 meant to break down some of that Barbarian "indifference" to culture about which Matthew Arnold had complained.1 7 The enlistment of support from the elite highlights the missionary-like determination of Association promoters to bring intellectual and aesthetic sophistication to a young and enterprising city. They saw themselves as carriers, and as catalysts, to import and to recreate the best and the richest of British Imperial culture. Given the temper of the times, and the strength and popularity of the Imperialist movement in Canada, 1 8 such a goal is entirely plausible. Many Art, Historical and Scientific Association members were United Kingdom-born. Some had merchant marine or Indian Army experience, or both. Others, of Canadian origin, had United Empire Loyalist backgrounds. Similar personal backgrounds have been found in studies of other regions to correlate highly with a commitment to active pro-Imperialism. 1 9 Perhaps they were searching for a sense of personal meaning and identity in a world fraught with accelerating and seemingly chaotic industrial, social, economic, cultural, and spiritual change. Or, perhaps, they wished to avoid or ignore the harshness of that economic materialism so prevalent then in Vancouver and British Columbia, and the opulence and wealth of some of their benefactors and the abject poverty of some of their potential clients. In brief, these Art, Historical and Scientific Association activists probably saw themselves as an enlightened "clerisy." They would cultivate a symbiosis within the city—enlighten both themselves and the city's elite, Significantly, these aspirations were forming exactly during a period of rising labour and socialist political activity in the Western world, and certainly in British Columbia. It was also the height of Imperial sentiment and power. The Art, Historical and Scientific Association thus came to life in a moment of cultural transformation, but without recognizing or understanding it. Matthew Arnold, Culture and Anarchy: An Essay in Political and Social Criticism, 3d ed. (London: Smith,Elder, & Co., 1882), edited, with introduction and notes, by Ian Gregory (Indianapolis and New York: Bobbs-Merrill, 1971), chapter 3, pp. 81-106. See C a r l Berger, Sense of Power. 1 9 I b i d . , and John Morris, Pax Britannica: The Climax of an Empire (London: Faber & Faber, 1968; Penguin, 1979). 48 2.3. ART, HISTORICAL AND SCIENTIFIC ASSOCIATION: AIMS AND INTELLECTUAL HERITAGE Certain popular ideas—art, beauty, culture, civilization, utility—underlay the character, values, aims, and reasons for the formation of both the Art Association and the* Art, Historical and Scientific Association. These ideas were espoused by association activists to support and explain their respective organization's impact and social significance. The first activist was an anonymous member of the Art Association. Nicknamed "Art," he or she published his or her views in a letter to the editor of the News-Advertiser on the day of that Association's formation in 1889. Art's letter was an invitation to and an argument of support for such an organization in this "young and growing city, where all are alive to the business interests."20 The second was Mrs. Gertrude Mellon, a key promoter of both Associations, who, in 1909, published a short memoire on their origins. 2 1 Her memoire was a more sardonic history of both Associations, written to illustrate the hard fought progress made in cultivating the city. It was likely aimed at prospective British migrants, especially "of the better classes," to British Columbia. Mrs. Mellon, was herself the daughter of an English "gentleman" who had immigrated to Ontario. She probably accepted the belief that "superior," private educational institutions, and "high class" cultural and recreational organizations and institutions, were of significant importance to attracting this better class of British gentle folk and the cultured middle classes to the more primitive conditions of western Canada. 2 2 Third and finally, was Reverend L . Norman Tucker, first President of the Art, Historical and Scientific Association. Tucker outlined the goals of that Association in an address to the Earl of Aberdeen, Governor General of Canada, at the opening of the Association's first Exhibition, November 1, 1894. Reverend Tucker's address was full of ^News-Advertiser, 18 Ja n u a r y 1889. 2 1 M e l l o n , "History A r t and Science." See Jean Barman, Growing Up British in British Columbia: Boys in Private School (Vancouver: University of B r i t i s h Columbia Press, 1984); and Je a n Barman, "The World that B r i t i s h Settlers Made: Class, E t h n i c i t y and Private Education i n the Okanagan Valley," i n British Columbia: Historical Readings, ed. W. Peter W a r d and Robert A. J. McDonald (Vancouver: Douglas & Mclntyre, 1981), pp. 600-26. 49 patriotic idealism. He probably intended to demonstrate the rapid progress being made in Vancouver and British Columbia, a rich land and "the natural home of and nursery of the artist and the poet."2 3 Each speaker placed his and her new Association within the context of civilization and progress in this prosperous and enterprising land. Enthused by the popular spirit of urban "boosterism," they aimed to enchant the city's residents with "sweetness and light." They would divert attention away from, rather than change in any substantive way, the worst excesses and social consequences of industry. Paradoxically, it was from those same industrial excesses that the Association, like the city, ultimately depended on for its health, wealth, and success. This wealth was generated by speculation, exploitation, and resource and transportation development in Vancouver and its region. It provided the means and the status by which some of Vancouver's elite citizens contributed—financially, politically, and occasionally in personal membership—to the Association and its museum and art gallery collections. Unfortunately for the Association, however, such support was always precarious at best and virtually non-existent at worst. The city was far too young to have produced its own class of wealthy industrial philanthropists. Thus the Association, by 1898, was forced to begin soliciting and receiving from City Council annual financial and museum-space grants. The City fathers, however, were hardly generous. Their small grants (starting at $100 per year) were more part of their campaign to attract business and prospective migrants than to promote and enhance public adult education and innocent rf creation. The Museum, Association directors argued, would be good for attracting tourists. Even under the impact of these membership and financial constraints, the Association's promoters were clearly optimistic about the Association's mission. Vancouver in 1889, according to letter-writer "Art," was destined to take "an honourable position among all the cities of the world." 2 4 Art and art education, however, as part of that "greatest resource of any nation..., its brainpower," were as essential as any business or industry to guarantee the city's its high status. Art is a key "public work," decried the A r t , H i s t o r i c a l and Scientific Association Minutes, 1 November 1894 (newspaper clipping, nd., np.). 2ANews-Advertiser, 18 J a n u a r y 1889. 50 writer. It "ought not to languish, nor be left to struggle as best it may." Because of its aesthetic and moral attributes, it needed to be led sympathetically by those "who are interested in the artistic future of Vancouver." The fray of the market place, the writer argued, was not the proper environment to best promote art and art education, and aesthetic appreciation, amongst Vancouver's people. Mrs. Mellon, on the other hand, portrayed ominously the arrival of "civilization, the iron horse...screeching into Vancouver." With civilization came "the usual concomitant of all the nationalities and conditions of society, all bent on one goal"—the unbridled acquisition of wealth. Mrs. Mellon, however, also pointed out the city's good fortune in its the Art, Historical and Scientific Association— [the] few there were that had higher aims. These people saw that if no restraining hand was put forth, eventually a harvest of corruption, with foetid and unhealthy surroundings, would result. 2 5 Progress and civilization, Mrs. Mellon and many of her contemporaries believed, if left untempered and uncultured, led only to misery. Without restraint, they produced, as Association President Reverend L . Norman Tucker had mused, only "the materialising struggle for existence."26 This new Association, Tucker believed, had a duty to ensure that "the hard and unlovely lot of out [sic] toiling and struggling fellow citizens [be made] a little less hard and unlovely through the varied interests of literature, science and art." 2 7 Each spokesperson apparently believed that the laissez-faire economic system, and economic and material progress, needed to be humanized and uplifted by aesthetic, intellectual, and spiritual infusions. Only "Culture" or "cultivation," as opposed to to mere economic and political "civilization," might ensure the writer Art's optimistic view of progress and Mrs. Mellon's and Reverend Tucker's dread of civilization's corruption. ^ M e l l o n , "History A r t and Science." 2 6 A r t , H i s t o r i c a l and Scientific Association Minutes, 1 November 1894 (newspaper clipping, n.d., n.p.). 2 7 A r t , H i s t o r i c a l and Scientific Association Minutes, 8 Ja n u a r y 1895 (newspaper clipping, n.d., n.p.). 51 2.3.1. Reverend Tucker: To Inspire, To Enlighten, and To Build Reverend Tucker was apparently captivated by the moral spirit of cultural enlightenment. He was, at the same time, a shrewd observer of local interests and problems. He understood well Vancouver's geographical and psychlogical isolation, at the edge of British civilization. He could speak as any booster of the province's vast and potential natural wealth. He also knew, as an agent of both Christian and British civilization, that their traditional institutions, and corresponding political stability, were only barely and minimally in place. He believed, therefore, that mutual enlightenment should hope to was best formulated to harmonize "culture's" spirituality with the more utilitarian "improvement" and "progress." His purpose for the Art, Historical and Scientific Association was to enlighten, to meld, and to build a cultivated and moral civilization. He outlined this mission in his address to the Earl of Aberdeen, Governor-General of Canada, at the Association's 1894 Exhibition. For Reverend Tucker the objects of the Association were to cultivate a taste for the beauties and refinements of life; to pursue studies that raise the mind above the materialising struggle for existence; to surround our community with the works of taste and beauty; to inspire our minds with the great deeds of our fellow-men and especially of our Yellow-countrymen; to explore the mysterious treasure house of nature and to admire and to utilise the marvellous forces concealed in her bosom—in one word, to appeal to our higher instincts and to develop our higher powers. 2 8 These were powerful sentiments. Roused by this strong moral vision, Reverend Tucker subtly reminded his contemporaries of the conditions under which they were living: the chimera of economic wealth and prosperity as the economy was collapsing (due to the 1892 depression), the nastiness of the urban environment with its hardly existent sanitation, its dilapidated buildings, its eastern slums, and its pollution; and the hostility and disdain directed towards the city's Asian citizens (10.5 per cent of the total population in 1891 and 1901). Tucker, rather than condemning, appealed by inspiring his listeners. Fully aware of Vancouver's harsh conditions, he recognized that to ensure successful material fulfillment of his vision he must appeal to the more base motives of his intended constituency. Most A r t , H i s t o r i c a l and Scientific Association Minutes, 1 November 1894 (newspaper clipping, n.d., n.p.). 52 British Columbians, after all, had come to the province to fulfill their desires for material wealth, social position, and security. He had to show them how the fruits of the vision might contribute to their success—materially, socially, and spiritually. He hoped to convey that through intellectual and spiritual elevation, through the enlightenment of Association members and the greater community, the citizens of the city could be brought to work together in an harmonious, inspired, and creative construction of a beautiful, moral, and progressive city. He had, however, to temper the Romantic vision with the more utilitarian needs of his constituents. For instance, as he so eloquently reminded his distinguished audience, the region surrounding Vancouver was a veritable treasure-house of untold riches and resources. All that was needed to reveal and to utilize these treasures was that the community pull together and develop its higher intelligence, its compassion, and its aesthetic and moral sensibilities. The ugliness of the city and the sense of depression could be overcome. The city's (and listener's personal) economy and aesthetic appearance could surely be improved, especially when people's capacities for detached intellectual curiosity and discovery were cultivated and supported. Finally, he underpinned his appeal with a consideration of morally resolute behaviour. For example, and significantly, the Association at Tucker's inaugural speech was keenly sensitive to the Pacific community and undoubtedly to trade prospectives there. Thus Tucker's audience included the Chilean and the Japanese Consuls, as well as the Governor-General and Lady Aberdeen, Vancouver Mayor R.A. Anderson, and other unidentified local dignitaries. 2 9 it is quite plausible that Tucker, a highly educated Englishman, on his religious (Anglican) posting to one of the more remote parts of the British Empire, was keenly aware of the Empire's international politics and the role of British cultural supremacy. After all, the Empire, near the end of Victoria's reign, was a world-wide political, economic, and cultural hegemony. The Empire was based on the export of political, social, and religious institutions and traditions, and finished goods, in exchange for raw materials, certain cultural artifacts, and loyalty. 3 0 Finally, and significantly, Tucker gave tribute to "the great deeds...of our A r t , H i s t o r i c a l and Scientific Association Minutes, 1 November 1894 (newspaper clipping, n.d., n.p.). O A See Morris, Pax Britannica. 53 Yellow-countrymen," Vancouver's Oriental population. Such tribute was significant considering the racial animosity felt by many in the European (i.e., British and Canadian) community. There had been a serious anti-Oriental riot in 1887 in Vancouver, and fears and resentments did and would continue to strain community relations between the groups for decades. Considering the Association's overtures, by inviting Japanese Consul S. Shimizu to sit at the inaugural platform, and by Tucker's unmistakable public tribute to the local Asian community, it is quite possible that the Association aimed to induce some harmony into existing strained relations. A truly beautiful, enterprising, and moral city needed some good degree of mutual co-operation and harmony, no matter how unrealistic or incompatible with individual members' economic goals and their personal and moral prejudices. If nothing else, some Association members surely believed that the city's economic glory still depended on an expanding Pacific trade. Their wealth ultimately required amicable and co-operative relations with Vancouver's Asian (and South American) neighbours. Rather more intriguing in significance, however, was the implication that European, and especially British, civilization and culture had much to learn from and to offer Asian civilization and culture. For instance, some must surely have considered that Japanese Consul Shimizu could have no better opportunity to learn the best of European civilization and culture than through the Art, Historical and Scientific Association. Also, one prominent member, Professor Edward Odium, "scientist, educator and now a prominent representative of real-estate...interests in Vancouver," had prior to his move to Vancouver been president of a "Tokio," (sic) Japan college. There he had studied the origin of the Japanese and had concluded "that they are either Assyrians or else one of the lost tribes of Israel." 3 1 Odium's remarkable conclusion about Japanese origins—their "Israelite" heritage—may partially explain the Art, Historical and Scientific Association. In particular, it may explain Tucker's tribute and Shimizu's position on the platform. Moreover, it helps to explain the As