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Mutual enlightenment in early Vancouver, 1886-1916 Hunt, Alfred Ian 1987

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M U T U A L ENLIGHTENMENT IN E A R L Y V A N C O U V E R , 1886-1916 by ALFRED IAN HUNT M . A . , The University of British Columbia, 1979  A THESIS S U B M I T T E D IN P A R T I A L F U L F I L M E N T O F T H E REQUIREMENTS FOR T H E DEGREE O F DOCTOR OF EDUCATION  in T H E F A C U L T Y O F G R A D U A T E STUDIES Department of Administrative, Adult and Higher Education  We accept this thesis as conforming to the required standard  T H E U N I V E R S I T Y O F BRITISH C O L U M B I A September 1987  © A L F R E D I A N H U N T , 1987  In  presenting  degree  at  this  the  thesis  in  University of  partial  fulfilment  of  of  department  this or  publication of  thesis for by  his  or  requirements  British Columbia, I agree  freely available for reference and study. I further copying  the  that the  representatives.  It  is  this thesis for financial gain shall not  granted  Administrative,  The University of British Columbia 1956 Main Mall Vancouver, Canada V6T 1Y3 Date  DE-6G/81)  S e p t e m b e r 2 2 , 1987  A d u l t & Higher  Library shall make it  by the  understood  that  head of copying  my or  be allowed without my written  permission.  Department of  an advanced  agree that permission for extensive  scholarly purposes may be her  for  Education  ABSTRACT This thesis examines the social and intellectual history of an apparently disparate group of voluntary associations  and their members in Vancouver, British Columbia,  1886-1916. These associations sought to educate their own members, and often the general community, in the arts, in history, in science, in public affairs, and in matters of physical, vocational, and moral welfare.  Vancouver's Art, Historical and Scientific Association, its  natural history and literary societies, and its Y M C A are central to the discussion. These associations' educational practices embodied a form of "intentional mutual enlightenment." The term refers to the non-formal education of adults through voluntary associations.  Primarily through social, economic, intellectual, and political inferences from  historical evidence, the thesis explains the meaning that "mutual enlightenment" had for participants. It pays attention to the contexts of late Victorian and Edwardian intellectual thought, and of British Columbia social and economic development.  The thesis describes  and explains both the reasons—stated and structural—for participants' involvement, and the social, political, and economic functions of the mutual enlightenment associations. To get at those reasons, the study examines interrelationships between ideas and their  social circumstances,  enlightenment.  and how  these inter-relationships  gave rise  to mutual  Further, it examines mutual enlightenment (1) through an analysis of ten  exemplar voluntary associations, (2) through a study of the ambient social structure and its reflection cf and support for mutual enlightenment  associations,  and (3) through a  conceptually satisfying definition of "intentional mutual enlightenment." The argument is this: the context largely determined, and now explains the nature of mutual enlightenment.  Vancouver's social, political, and economic arrangements, and its  residents' ideas, manners, tastes, and values accounted for the objectives, programmes, and membership of mutual enlightenment associations.  Vancouver's intellectual climate and  cultural forms had been imported primarily by middle-class residents from their original homes and homelands, mainly from Great Britain, or from Britain as modified through Central and Eastern Canadian experience.  TABLE OF CONTENTS Abstract  .ii  List of Tables  vi:  List of Figures  vii  Acknowledgement  . Y  Abstract  1  ^  1  ~ jii  Acknowledgements  ix  Chapter 1. I N T R O D U C T I O N  1  1.1. 1.2. 1.3. 1.4. 1.5.  Introductory Note Intentional Mutual Enlightenment in Early Vancouver The Background: Vancouver, British Columbia, 1886-1916 The Background: Related Literature The Methodology: A Social History of Ideas 1.5.1. "The Utilitarian Ideal" 1.5.2. "Clerisy," "Class," "Culture," and "Civilization" 1.5.3. Defining "Mutual Enlightenment" 1.5.4. Exemplar Associations of Mutual Enlightenment 1.5.5. Mutual Enlightenment and the Social Structure: A Prosopography : 1.6. Conclusion  1 2 4 17 21 22 23 29 32 34 37  Chapter 2. "LIGHT, M O R E L I G H T " 1: B R I N G I N G A E S T H E T I C , I N T E L L E C T U A L , AND MORAL "TONE" TO E A R L Y VANCOUVER 39 2.1. Introductory Note 39 2.1.1. The Art, Historical and Scientific Association of Vancouver: A Case Study of Mutual Enlightenment 41 2.2. The Art, Historical and Scientific Association, 1894-1916 43 2.3. Art, Historical and Scientific Association: Aims and Intellectual Heritage 48 2.3.1. Reverend Tucker: To Inspire, To Enlighten, and To Build 51 2.3.2. Art, Mrs. Mellon, and Utilitarian Motives 57 2.4. Summary 60 Chapter 3. "LIGHT, M O R E L I G H T " 2: F R O M " T O N E " T O BRITISH CIVILIZATION THROUGH MUTUAL ENLIGHTENMENT 63 3.1. Introductory Note: Ideas in Practice 63 3.2. Mutual Enlightenment: Historical Background 66 3.3. The Art, Historical and Scientific Association: A Bi-focal Pedagogy and Curriculum 72 3.3.1. For Members Mostly: Class and Cultivation Through Lecture and Conversazione 73 iii  3.4. 3.5.  3.3.2. Improving the Masses: The Cook-Vancouver Museum and Art Gallery, 1894-14 The Vancouver Women's Musical Club: Musical Culture and Amateur Impressarios Conclusion: A Bi-Focal Mutual Enlightenment  Chapter 4. "LIGHT, M O R E L I G H T " 3: A V A N C O U V E R " C L E R I S Y " 4.1. Introductory Note: A Collective Biography of Art, Historical and Scientific Association Members 4.2. The Association Before 1909: The Clerics Depart 4.3. Age and Community Seniority 4.4. Mixing Gender: Implications for Organizational Success 4.5. Association Members as Social and Occupational Elites 4.6. Class Through Residence: Association Members and the Business Elites 4.7. Association Members: A n Educational Elite 4.8. Pax Britannica: The British Connection 4.9. A New Patriotism: The Canadian Clubs Connection 4.10. Mutual Enlightenment: For Some or For All? 4.11. Changing Conceptions of Culture: Destiny of the Art, Historical and Scientific Association  84 97 103 106 106 109 115 116 119 124 125 130 135 137 139  Chapter 5. A R T A N D N A T U R E 1: M U T U A L E N L I G H T E N M E N T F O R A P R A C T I C A L CULTURE 142 5.1. Introduction 142 5.2. Breaking Ground: New Configurations 145 5.2.1. To Create an "Earthly Paradise": The Vancouver Arts and Crafts Association 146 5.2.2. Seeking Their Own Footing: Vancouver's Natural History Clubs 152 5.3. Conclusion 160 Chapter 6. A R T A N D N A T U R E 2: N E W F O R M S IN M U T U A L E N L I G H T E N M E N T 6.1. Introduction 6.2. Mutual Enlightenment: Two Episodes 6.3. Failed Enlightenment?: Competing Objectives and Hidden Motives 6.3.1. The English Connection 6.3.2. Members' Social Origins and Practical Culture 6.3.3. Opportunity, Femininity, and the "New Woman" 6.4. Conclusion  162 162 163 168 170 175 189 196  Chapter 7. "A P H I L A N T H R O P Y — N O T A CHARITY": M U T U A L E N L I G H T E N M E N T FOR SOCIAL A N D M O R A L CONTROL 201 •7.1. Introductory Note 201 7.2. The Vancouver Young Men's Christian Association: 1886-1897, 1898-Present 207 7.2.1. The Vancouver Y M C A : 'A Brotherhood to Promote Christian Living' 211  iv  7.3. 7.4. 7.5. 7.6. 7.7.  7.2.2. "To Build a Symmetrical Christian Manhood": A Four-Fold Programme 218 "The care of the stranger": The Vancouver Y W C A 226 Oratory and the Debating Tradition: The Burrard Literary Club .232 Members' Motives: Recreation, Vocation, and Advancement 235 Protestant, Celtic, and Canadian: "The City Commonwealth" 243 Summary and Conclusion 251  Chapter 8. S U M M A R Y A N D C O N C L U S I O N : M U T U A L E N L I G H T E N M E N T MAPPED 8.1. Introductory Note 8.2. Mutual Enlightenment: The Social Expression of Ideas 8.3. "Mutual Enlightenment" Modelled 8.4. The Social Significance of Mutual Enlightenment 8.5. Mutual Enlightenment: Reasons for Participation 8.6. Concluding Note  254 254 256 260 264 268 270  BIBLIOGRAPHY  272  LIST OF TABLES Table 1. Population Growth in British Columbia, Victoria, and Vancouver, 1881-1921  7  Table 2. Occupations of Art, Historical and Scientific Association Members  121  Table 3. Social Prestige of Art, Historical and Scientific Association Members Through Published Biographies or as a "Business Leader"  123  Table 4. Residential Distribution of Art, Historical and Scientific Association Members Compared to Vancouver Business Leaders  125  Table 5. Educational Background of Art, Historical and Scientific Association Members Compared to Vancouver Business Leaders and the Social Upper Class 126 Table 6. National Origins of Art, Historical and Scientific Association Members Compared to Vancouver Business Leaders  131  Table 7. National Origins of Arts and Crafts Association (ACA) and Naturalists' Field Club (NFC) Members  171  Table 8. Occupations of Arts and Crafts Association (ACA) and Naturalists' Field Club (NFC) Members, Employed or of Immediate Relative  178  Table 9. Occupations of the Y M C A and Burrard Literary Club (BLC) Members, and Y M C A Physical Department Petitioners  237  Table 10. Religious Affiliation of the Y M C A and Burrard Literary Club (BLC) Members Compared with Art, Historical and Scientific Association (AHSA), Arts and Crafts Association (ACA), and Naturalists' Field Club (NFC) Members 244 Table 11. National Origins of Y M C A and Burrard Literary Club (BLC) Members  v'i.  i  245  LIST OF FIGURES Fig. 1. Pedagogies of mutual enlightenment. Programme orientation options for associations of mutual enlightenment  167  Fig. 2. Pedagogies of mutual enlightenment. Programme options for associations of mutual enlightenment  261  vii  ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS A n undertaking such as this thesis owes much to the contributions, large and small, of many individuals. I thank them all. Some, however, deserve mention. I am especially indebted, and sincerely grateful, for the attention, guidance, and support of my thesis chairman, Professor William ("Bill") Bruneau. It was he, at our early meetings, who suggested the term "intentional mutual enlightenment." It was also Bill who taught me the most about doing and loving history. I leant heavily on both his ear and his mind. I thank him for his faith. Professors Roger Boshier and Gordon Selman, committee members, also deserve thanks.  Professor Boshier, as my programme advisor, both inspired me and gave me  confidence to try something "different." He gave me my first "taste" of doing history. Professor Selman further contributed to my appreciation of history, especially of Canadian adult education  history.  I especially  thank both these men for their support and  encouragement. Special acknowledgement is also due the Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council of Canada for the two years' funding they provided me. I also thank Anna Sumpton and Joan Stekl, Vancouver City Archives, and George Brandak, U . B . C . Special Collections, for their help.  Peter van den Bosch and David  Townsend, computing centre consultants, who resolved "bugs" in my textprocessing.  Laine  Ruus from the Data Library helped me to collate data. Finally, I want to thank two very special ladies.  Esther Birney, fellow counsellor,  literateur, and friend, lent me ongoing inpiration and support. She especially taught me to appreciate history and literature—subjects that I had previously underestimated.  And,  finally, Wendy Hunt, my wife both supported and enabled me to return to university and to continue with this rather extensive project. I wish to dedicate this thesis to my grandparents, Ada and Clifford Greyell, and to my great aunt and uncle, Nellie and Harold Wilson.  viii  C H A P T E R 1. INTRODUCTION In companions That do converse and waste the time together, Whose souls do bear an equal yoke of love, There must needs be a like proportion Of lineaments, of manners, and of spirit.^  1.1. I N T R O D U C T O R Y N O T E Historians, especially in Canada, have long overlooked the education of adults. They have concerned themselves with formal institutions intended for youth, including the school and university, and their attendant clienteles, staff, administrative bodies, and promoters.  They have examined the origin, aims, philosophy, and objectives of schooling,  its bureaucratic structures, its functions, and its impact.  They have sought to locate the  "school" within its socio-economic and political context, carefully reconstructing relevant variables to describe and explain the phenomenon under investigation. Adult education history only recently has begun to tackle questions that have preoccupied exceptions,  3  mainstream  historians  of  education  for  twenty  years.  2  With  some  most adult education history has been recorded by dedicated amateurs, those  A u t h o r u n k n o w n . Quoted or composed b y B l a n c h e E. H o l t M u r i s o n , "Women o f the W e s t i n C l u b l a n d : T h e Athenaeum C l u b , V a n c o u v e r , B.C.," The British Columbia Magazine ( M a r c h 1911), p. 188. See History Bulletin of the Canadian Association for the Study of Adult Education, especially a r t i c l e s b y I a n H u n t , Gordon S e l m a n , S e a n C o u r t n e y , a n d M i c h a e l W e l t o n i n the 1985 volume. M i c h a e l Welton's recent b i o g r a p h y o f W a t s o n T h o m s o n , a C a n a d i a n A s s o c i a t i o n o f A d u l t E d u c a t i o n " o r i g i n a l " a n d a u t h o r of the C.A.A.E.'s 1943 manifesto, i s a good example: '"To B e a n d B u i l d the G l o r i o u s World': T h e E d u c a t i o n a l T h o u g h t a n d P r a c t i c e of W a t s o n Thomson, 1899-1946" (Ph.D. thesis, H i s t o r y of E d u c a t i o n , U n i v e r s i t y of B r i t i s h C o l u m b i a , 1983). See also works b y Roger Boshier, " R e v o l t i n g Soldiers: T h e O r i g i n s of E d u c a t i o n i n the A r m i e s of the E m p i r e i n W o r l d W a r I," Learning 4, 2 (1985): 17-19; R o n F a r i s , The Passionate Educators: Voluntary Associations and the Struggle for Control of Adult Educational Broadcasting in Canada, 1919-1952 (Toronto: Peter M a r t i n A s s o c i a t e s , 1975) on the C a n a d i a n A s s o c i a t i o n for A d u l t E d u c a t i o n a n d its antecedents; P a t r i c k K e a n e on m e c h a n i c s ' i n s t i t u t e s , i n c l u d i n g h i s " A S t u d y i n E a r l y P r o b l e m s a n d Policies i n A d u l t E d u c a t i o n : T h e H a l i f a x M e c h a n i c s ' Institute," Histoire Sociale—Social History 8, 15-16 (1975): 255-274; I a n R a d f o r t h a n d J o a n S a n g s t e r , '"A L i n k B e t w e e n L a b o u r a n d Learning': T h e Workers' E d u c a t i o n a l A s s o c i a t i o n i n O n t a r i o , 1917-1951," Labour/Le Travailleur 8/9 ( A u t u m n / S p r i n g 1981/82): 41-78; Gordon R. S e l m a n o n various B r i t i s h C o l u m b i a a n d C a n a d i a n topics i n c l u d i n g h i s " M e c h a n i c s ' I n s t i t u t e s i n B r i t i s h Columbia," Continuous Learning 10 (May-June 1971): 127-129 a n d 1  2 lovers of "things past." No longer acceptable is the "whiggish chronicle, a quick tour of the past  in search  of the  antecedents of contemporary educational  institutions."  4  Adult  education history must address the "new" questions of "power and legitimation, social space and  autonomy,  experience."  production and  reproduction, [and]  of  social  formation  and cultural  5  1.2. INTENTIONAL MUTUAL ENLIGHTENMENT IN EARLY VANCOUVER This study examines intentional mutual enlightenment. British Columbia,  circa 1886-1916.  The setting is Vancouver,  This period marked Vancouver's emergence and  growth from a lumber-milling camp to become, after 1900, the province's metropolitan centre.  The year 1886  saw the city's birth, and 1916,  during the First World War,  witnessed the birth of the Vancouver Institute, a public adult education venture launched by several prominent, often scholarly, voluntary associations in co-operation with the new University of British Columbia (inaugurated 1915).  The Institute became the city's elite  body of public enlightenment. Briefly, "intentional mutual enlightenment" refers to non-formal adult education  6  (cont'd) h i s "Some A s p e c t s of the H i s t o r y of A d u l t E d u c a t i o n i n B r i t i s h C o l u m b i a Before 1914: A P r e l i m i n a r y S u r v e y " ( U n p u b l i s h e d M o n o g r a p h , U n i v e r s i t y o f B r i t i s h C o l u m b i a , 1971), S p e c i a l Collections D i v i s i o n , U n i v e r s i t y of B r i t i s h C o l u m b i a L i b r a r y , a m o n g h i s m a n y others; a n d f i n a l l y J . D o n a l d W i l s o n o n e a r l y O n t a r i o a d u l t e d u c a t i o n a n d o n e d u c a t i o n a l associations w i t h i n e a r l y F i n n i s h c o m m u n i t i e s , i n c l u d i n g h i s " A d u l t E d u c a t i o n i n U p p e r C a n a d a Before 1850," Historical Studies in Education, The Journal of Education of the Faculty of Education of the University of British Columbia 19 ( S p r i n g 1973): 43-53. J o h n E. T a l b o t t , "The H i s t o r y o f E d u c a t i o n , " Daedelus 100, 1 (Winter, 1971): 134. C h r i s W a t e r s , ' " A l l S o r t s a n d A n y Q u a n t i t y of O u t l a n d i s h Recreations': H i s t o r y , Sociology, a n d the S t u d y of L e i s u r e i n E n g l a n d , 1820 to 1970," Historical Papers 1981 Communications historiques, A S e l e c t i o n of P a p e r s Presented a t the A n n u a l M e e t i n g of the C a n a d i a n H i s t o r i c a l A s s o c i a t i o n H e l d at H a l i f a x (1981): 8. See also J o e l Colton, " I n t e l l e c t u a l H i s t o r y i n the 1980s: T h e C a s e for t h e Defense," Journal of Interdisciplinary History 12, 2 ( A u t u m n 1981): 297; a n d L a w r e n c e A. C r e m i n , Public Education ( N e w Y o r k : B a s i c Books, 1976) a n d L a w r e n c e A. C r e m i n , American Education: The National Experience, 1783-1876 ( N e w Y o r k : H a r p e r & Row, 1980). 4  5  e  N o n - f o r m a l education," I recognize, is not a c l e a r l y defined term. Nevertheless, i t s definition, i n P. H. Coombs, R. C. Prosser, a n d M. A h m e d , New Paths to Learning for Rural Children and Youth (New Y o r k : I n t e r n a t i o n a l C o u n c i l for E d u c a t i o n a l Development, 1973), pp. 10-11, is u s e f u l for this study. T h e y have defined non-formal education "as a n y organized e d u c a t i o n a l a c t i v i t y outside the e s t a b l i s h e d e d u c a t i o n a l s y s t e m — w h e t h e r o p e r a t i n g s e p a r a t e l y or as a n i m p o r t a n t f e a t u r e of some broader a c t i v i t y — t h a t is intended to serve identifiable l e a r n i n g clienteles a n d l e a r n i n g objectives." Quoted b y J o h n Lowe, The Education of Adults: A World Perspective, 2d ed. (Toronto: Unesco a n d O I S E Press, 1982), p. 24.  3 through voluntary associations. These organizations sought to educate their own members, and often the general community, in the arts, in history, in science, in public affairs, and in matters of physical, vocational, and moral welfare.  Vancouver's Art, Historical and Scientific Association, its  natural history and literary societies, and its Y M C A are central to the discussion which follows. They had been formed by the city's citizens in one of the British Empire's last frontiers.  To survive and to develop, to become an attractive community, and to dominate  in regional economic and cultural development, Vancouver's citizens needed to make, out of a disparate and fragmented set of cultural artifacts, an appropriate cultural, intellectual, scientific, technological, recreational, and moral backdrop to the everyday business of earning a living. As in the "old country" or in Eastern and Central Canada, an important method of the day was the voluntary association, and specifically those with broadly educational aims.  Governments still limited their interventions in the social, cultural, and  adult educational domains.  Public night school and university extension were only just  beginning. The thesis, through social, economic, intellectual, and political inferences from historical evidence, explains the meaning that "mutual enlightenment" had for participants. It pays attention to the contexts of late Victorian and Edwardian intellectual thought, and of British Columbia social and economic development.  The thesis describes and explains both  the reasons—stated and structural—for participants' involvement, and the social, political, and economic functions of the mutual enlightenment associations. This phenomenon of mutual enlightenment is best understood in a multi-facetted context.  This is to reject a certain number of older explanations—notably, the strictly  political, sociological, and economic {e.g., Industrial Revolution and connected phenomena). I  chose instead  to examine  the  interrelationships  between ideas  and their social  circumstances, and how these interrelationships gave rise to and can now explain mutual enlightenment. In particular, I shall argue that Vancouver's social, political, and economic arrangements, and its residents' ideas and manners, tastes and values accounted for the objectives,  programmes,  and  membership  of  mutual  enlightenment  associations.  4 Vancouver's intellectual climate and cultural forms had been imported primarily by middle-class residents from their original homes and homelands, mainly from Great Britain, or from Britain as modified through Central and Eastern Canadian experience. The thesis also shows how my notion of "mutual enlightenment" had to be modified to fit these facts.  "Mutual enlightenment" was an heuristic concept.  It required repeated  modification and clarification throughout the study through examples of actual practice. Its definition was thus changed to suit the facts, not just to respond to logical requirements.  Its  provisional meaning thus became looser in order to accomodate variations in the approaches by which an association might educate its own members and interested publics. The central questions of this thesis thus are: (1) what was the nature of, and the extent of, and what were the reasons for, intentional mutual enlightenment? promoters and participants to take up mutual enlightenment?  (2) What led  (3) What did intentional  mutual enlightenment mean to them? (4) And, how did these reasons and configurations of mutual enlightenment associations reflect the social, intellectual, economic, political, and cultural  arrangements—or  contexts—of  late nineteenth-  and early  twentieth-century  Vancouver?  1.3. THE BACKGROUND: VANCOUVER, BRITISH COLUMBIA, 1886-1916 British Columbia may be said to have a standard comparable, at least in essential features, with the most highly developed social organization elsewhere. Its communal characteristics are not, it is needless to say, evolved from local and primitive conditions, but transplanted from the most highly civilized parts of the British Empire....With...churches, schools, lodges, social forms, old-time recreations—all re-established on former lines[—]it is often a surprise to newcomers, who have associated life in the "wild and wooly West" with bears, cowboys, Indians, bowie-knives and.desparadoes [sic], to find that they are still far away from the danger of being eaten up by wild beasts, tomahawked and scalped, or shot at sight. They find a state of society almost identical with that which they left. 7  With these words, R. Edward Gosnell, in the 1897 Year Book of British Columbia, sought to inspire prospective "newcomers" to immigrate to the newly opening bounty of British Columbia.  Here "the law is administered fairly and firmly and is respected  •n  R. E. Gosnell, The Year Book of British Columbia and Manual of Provincial Information to which is Added a Chapter Containing Much Special Information Respecting the Canadian Yukon and Northern Territory Generally (Victoria: 1897), p. 412.  5  thoroughly," and here  "the  residences...aspire  to be ranked with  those of 'Merrie  England.'" He painted a picture of incomparable attractiveness and civility. 8  Gosnell was a British Columbia newspaperman, civil servant, provincial librarian and archivist, secretary to the premier, and founder of the provincial bureau of information. He was also an historian, an ardent imperialist, and a founder of the Vancouver Art, Historical and Scientific Association. Like many others, he firmly believed that British 9  Columbia's destiny lay "as a greater Britain on the Pacific, where British arts and institutions will expand under fresh impetus, 'where the British flag will forever fly....'" The  10  expansion and development of the province—economically, culturally, and  socially—had been rapid, even if over-romanticized by Gosnell.  With completion of the  Canadian Pacific Railway in 1886, and especially after the economic depression of the 1890s, British Columbia's economy and population experienced dramatic growth.  Railway  companies vied to penetrate vast areas of the province. The Interior lands were opened to settlement, agriculture, and mining. And people came.  Whether from overseas, Europe  (especially the British Isles), from Asia, or from other parts of North America, British Columbia's population virtually quadrupled, from 98,173 in 1891 to 392,480 in 1911."  11  The city of Vancouver mirrored, and in fact far surpassed this expansion in its own spectacular growth.  A n insignificant coastal lumber-milling village in the early 1880s,  Vancouver quickly grew by 1901 to a respectable  27,010 (38,311 in the local region  including New Westminster and Richmond). By 1911, however, the city had blossomed into a bustling metropolis of 123,902, containing over thirty per cent of the province's total population.  12  With completion of the Canadian Pacific Railway (C.P.R.) in 1887, the city  became a critical link in "The Great Red Line," the British Empire's transportation and Ibid., pp. 413-414. Editors' note (p. 14) for R. E. Gosnell, "A Greater Britain on the Pacific," in Historical Essays on British Columbia, eds. J. Friesen and H. K. Ralston (Toronto: Gage Publishing, 1980), pp. 14-22. Ibid., p. 22. Robert A. J. McDonald, "Victoria, Vancouver, and the Economic Development of British s  9  10  n  Columbia, 1886-1914," in British  Columbia:  Historical  Readings,  eds. W. Peter Ward and Robert A.  J. McDonald (Vancouver: Douglas & Mclntyre, 1981), p. 377. 12 Canada, Fourth Census of Canada, 1901, vol. 1 (Ottawa: S. E. Dawson, Printer to the King's Most Excellent Majesty, 1902), pp. 284-5, 418; Canada, Fifth Census of Canada, 1911, vol. 2 (Ottawa: C. H. Parmelee, Printer to the King's Most Excellent Majesty, 1913), p. 378. The 1911 population figures for Vancouver include Vancouver city (population 100,401), and its contiguous suburbs, North and South Vancouver and Point Grey. For the region comparable to that for 1901, that is including Richmond and New Westminster, the population was 149,490.  6 communication route from the Orient via Canada to London.  Moreover, it became the  destination of tens of thousands of mainly British and Canadian immigrants.  13  The influence of the British immigrants was "indeed...so pervasive, long standing, and taken for granted," that it has been all but ignored in scholarly research.  14  B y 1911,  English, Scots, Irish, and Welsh immigrants comprised nearly one-third (39,883) of the city's metropolitan population (excluding New Westminster and Richmond) of 123,902.  15  Added to that were other "colonials" from Australia, New Zealand, and South Africa, giving the city a distinctly British flavour. Dubbed  "The Empire  City"  by the The Vancouver Daily  News-Advertiser,  Vancouver became the dominant economic and metropolitan centre in British Columbia. B y 1900, the city had captured from Victoria the economic dynamism to make it completely dominant in population (see Table 1), and in the province's financial, management, service, transportation, and industrial activities.  Between  1900 and 1914, Vancouver had its  See P a t r i c i a E. Roy, Vancouver: An Illustrated History (Toronto: J a m e s L o r i m e r , 1980), pp. 74, 80. Roy's history, one of the N a t i o n a l M u s e u m s of Canada's H i s t o r y of C a n a d i a n C i t i e s series, i s the m o s t thorough a n d complete g e n e r a l u r b a n b i o g r a p h y of the c i t y to date. F o r V a n c o u v e r f r o m 1886 to 1912 see especially c h a p t e r s one a n d two. See also M a r g a r e t A. O r m s b y , British Columbia: A History ([Toronto]: M a c m i l l a n of C a n a d a . 1958); a n d M a r t i n Robin, The Rush for the Spoils: The Company Province, 1871-1933 (Toronto: M c C l e l l a n d & S t e w a r t , 1972). F o r other p a r t s of C a n a d a , see J . M. S. C a r e l e s s , "Aspects of U r b a n L i f e i n the West, 1870-1914," i n The Canadian City: Essays in Urban History, eds. G i l b e r t A. Stelter a n d A l a n F. J . A r t i b i s e (Toronto: M c C l e l l a n d & S t e w a r t ; O t t a w a : Institute of C a n a d i a n S t u d i e s , C a r l e t o n U n i v e r s i t y , 1977), pp. 127-41; W a l t e r V a n Nus, "The F a t e of C i t y B e a u t i f u l T h o u g h t i n C a n a d a , 1893-1930," i n The Canadian City: Essays in Urban History, eds. G i l b e r t A. S t e l t e r a n d A l a n F. J . A r t i b i s e (Toronto: M c C l e l l a n d & S t e w a r t , 1977), pp. 162-65. T h e s e m i n a l w o r k i n C a n a d i a n u r b a n h i s t o r y s t i l l r e m a i n s A l a n F. J . A r t i b i s e ' s Winnipeg: A Social History of Urban Growth ( M o n t r e a l & London: McGill-Queen's U n i v e r s i t y Press, 1975). See also, M i c h a e l B. K a t e , The People of Hamilton, Canada West: Family and Class in the Mid-Nineteenth-Century City ( C a m b r i d g e , M a s s . & London, E n g l a n d : H a r v a r d U n i v e r s i t y Press, 1975), a m a j o r p r o s o p o g r a p h i c a l study o f s o c i a l s t r u c t u r e i n t h a t nineteenth-century city; a n d Peter Goheen, Victorian Toronto 1850 to 1900: Pattern and Process of Growth (Chicago: U n i v e r s i t y o f Chicago, Dept. of G e o g r a p h y R e s e a r c h P a p e r No. 127, 1970), a study of change i n Toronto's s o c i a l landscape, e m p h a s i z i n g the g r a d u a l s o r t i n g out a n d s e p a r a t i o n of s o c i a l classes a n d economic functions d u r i n g Toronto's p e r i o d of i n d u s t r i a l i z a t i o n . N o r b e r t M a c D o n a l d , " P o p u l a t i o n G r o w t h a n d C h a n g e i n Seattle a n d V a n c o u v e r , 1880-1960," i n Historical Essays on British Columbia, eds. J . F r i e s e n a n d H. K. R a l s t o n (Toronto: G a g e P u b l i s h i n g , 1980), p. 216. T h e only major exception so f a r i s J e a n B a r m a n ' s h i s t o r i c a l study of B r i t i s h p r i v a t e schools i n B r i t i s h C o l u m b i a . C e n t r a l to her thesis, B a r m a n a n a l y z e s these schools as i n s t r u m e n t s of B r i t i s h c u l t u r a l preservation: Growing Up British in British Columbia: Boys in Private School (Vancouver: U n i v e r s i t y of B r i t i s h C o l u m b i a , 1984). C a n a d a , Fifth Census, 1911. 1 4  1 5  The Vancouver  Daily News-Advertiser,  11 S e p t e m b e r 1888.  18  7 "golden  age."  The city  was  marked by  dramatic growth  and prosperity.  These  developments have formed the basis for and set the tone of the city's physical and economic character to this d a y .  17  T A B L E 1. P O P U L A T I O N G R O W T H IN BRITISH C O L U M B I A , VICTORIA, A N D V A N C O U V E R , 1881-1921 1881 British Columbia Victoria City Vancouver City  1891  49,4595 5,925  98,173 16,841 13,709  1901  1911  1921  178,657 20,919 27,010  392,480 31,660 100,401  524,582 38,727 117,217  S O U R C E : M c D o n a l d , "Economic Development," pp. 369-395, 377; c o m p i l e d f r o m C a n a d a , Sixth  Census of Canada 1921, vol. 1, pp. 3 a n d 234.  Economically, Vancouver changed from a British mercantile and maritime outpost to a North American corporate and industrial centre. characteristics of turn-of-the-century Eastern cities.  The city assumed the economic The logging and wood products  manufacturing industry, based in Vancouver, displaced salmon canning and Vancouver Island coal mining as British Columbia's leading industries. The C.P.R. and newer railway developments, along with Kootenay mining, Okanagan fruit farming, and the rise of a prairie wheat economy, somewhat dependent on west coast ports, all tied Vancouver into the Canadian and continental economy.  18  Vancouver was a city of wild, and often realizable, dreams.  Rabid speculation, in  real estate especially, but also in industry, in transportation, and in financial services, was the order of the day.  Widely promoted through overseas publications, Vancouver could  boast of a mild climate, a wide and beautiful harbour, a magnificent setting, and a seemingly unbounded hinterland filled with timber, fish, mineral, and agricultural resources (real and potential).  Most significantly, the city and its resources were now tied closely to  Canada, the United States, and the world through the Canadian Pacific and other companies of the new steel and steam transportation age. confident by  1905  that some of them,  the  Vancouver businessmen were so  Hundred Thousand Club, proudly and  Norbert MacDonald, "A Critical Growth Cycle for Vancouver, 1900-1914," in The Canadian City: Essays in Urban History, eds. Gilbert A. Stelter and Alan F. J. Artibise (Toronto: McClelland & Stewart, 1977), p. 143. McDonald, "Economic Development." lv  18  8 prophetically boasted: " I n 1910, Vancouver then will have 100,000 m e n . " The city, however, exhibited truly dramatic contrasts.  19  In many ways, Vancouver  was typical of most Canadian cities of the late nineteenth century. Its history of industrial and urban development virtually copied that of western Canada's other boom cities, notably Winnipeg, Edmonton, and Calgary.  Stimulated by the C.P.R.'s arrival, and by real estate  and resource industry speculation, Vancouver reeled from the easy boom and fast profits, especially  between 1888  and 1892,  and between 1898  and 1913.  However,  after  international financial reversals in 1892 and 1913, Vancouver quickly fell into the depths of depression.  20  As in Canada's prairie cities, Vancouver's period of speculation and "boosterism" had fuelled the driving commercial forces of the d a y . others,  21  Land investment, by the C.P.R. and  and real estate sales, provided the major stimulus to growth in the  city.  Vancouver's population had grown from under 2,000 when the C.P.R. arrived in 1886 to 13,709 in 1891.  Real estate businessmen ranked with C.P.R. executives as "the most  influential business group in the  city during this  initial phase  of growth." Major  resource-based industries—sawmills and lumber products, (885 employees), salmon canning (200 employees)—the C.P.R. ships (600 employees) and contractors (700 employees) were the major employers out of a total employment of 2,357 (industry) and 2,625 (business) in 1890.  22  As the city grew and prospered, commercial, financial, and some manufacturing sector employers increasingly required a trained labour force. The first high school opened in 1890 with 31 students.  That same year, with some demand far higher education, a small  private academic college, Wetham College, also opened.  It offered preparatory education  equivalent to two years university training elsewhere in North America.  In nearby New  M a c D o n a l d , " C r i t i c a l G r o w t h Cycle," pp. 142-59, 156; M a c D o n a l d , "Vancouver's Development," pp. 396-425. I 9  OA  N o r b e r t M a c D o n a l d , "The C a n a d i a n P a c i f i c R a i l w a y a n d Vancouver's D e v e l o p m e n t to 1900," i n eds. W. Peter W a r d a n d Robert A. J . M c D o n a l d (Vancouver: D o u g l a s & M c l n t y r e , 1981), pp. 416-17; R o b e r t A. J . M c D o n a l d , " B u s i n e s s L e a d e r s i n E a r l y V a n c o u v e r , 1886-1914" (Ph.D. thesis, H i s t o r y , U n i v e r s i t y o f B r i t i s h C o l u m b i a , 1977), p. 75; M a c D o n a l d , "Vancouver's Development," pp. 396-425; Roy, Vancouver, p. 20. See A l a n F. J . A r t i b i s e , " B o o s t e r i s m a n d the D e v e l o p m e n t o f P r a i r i e C i t i e s , 1871-1913," i n Town and City: Aspects of Western Canadian Urban Development (Regina: C a n a d i a n P l a i n s R e s e a r c h Center, 1981), pp. 209-35. M c D o n a l d , "Business Leaders," pp. 55, 63-4.  British Columbia: Historical Readings,  2 2  9 Westminster, a notable academic institution, the Methodists' Columbian College, was founded in 1892.  Affiliated with the University of Toronto, it was the first institution to  graduate students who had completed all course work in British Columbia. Wetham College, unfortunately,  closed  permanently  during the  1893  depression.  Columbian College  continued until 1927, though well after the final establishment, in 1915, of the public University of British Columbia.  Promised by the Provincial Government since 1890, and  after protracted debate and delays, the University superseded another earlier and notable public academic institution, McGill University College. Founded in 1906, in Vancouver, the College had itself evolved from a 1900 affiliation between McGill University and Vancouver High School.  This arrangement, formally known as Vancouver College, and the later  University College, provided for up to three years university education in arts and applied science. After the 1890s depression, public elementary and high schools, private business and  academic colleges, and public night school programmes expanded.  Compulsory  attendance in the public schools, for students between ages seven and twelve (and fourteen, after 1901) was slowly having its effect.  Average daily attendance, in Vancouver public  schools, grew from 58.3 per cent of 2,004 pupils in 1891-92, to 73.97 per cent of 4,391 pupils in 1901-02, and to 75.1 per cent of 10,879 pupils in 1910-11.  23  Overall literacy, as  measured by the Canadian census, was also rapidly improving; the proportion of the population, over age five, both reading and writing measured at 66.3 per cent in 1901 (for the Burrard census district), and 93.73 per cent in 1911 (for the Vancouver city census district).  24  British Columbia, Superintendent of Education,  Twenty-First Annual Report of the Public Schools  of the Province of British Columbia, 1891-92 ( V i c t o r i a : P r i n t e d by R i c h a r d Wolfenden, P r i n t e r to the Queen's M o s t E x c e l l e n t M a j e s t y , 1893), p. A 173; B r i t i s h C o l u m b i a , S u p e r i n t e n d e n t of E d u c a t i o n ,  Thirty-First Annual Report of the Public Schools of the Province of British Columbia, 1901-19 ( V i c t o r i a : P r i n t e d by R i c h a r d Wolfenden, P r i n t e r to the King's M o s t E x c e l l e n t M a j e s t y , 1902), p. A 14; B r i t i s h C o l u m b i a , S u p e r i n t e n d e n t of E d u c a t i o n , Fortieth Annual Report of the Public Schools the Province of British Columbia, 1911 ( V i c t o r i a : P r i n t e d by the A u t h o r i t y of the L e g i s l a t i v e A s s e m b l y of B r i t i s h C o l u m b i a , W i l l i a m H. C u l l i n , P r i n t e r to the Queen's M o s t E x c e l l e n t M a j e s t y , 1912), p. A l v i . Note, the 1891-92 a n d 1910-11 figures were c a l c u l a t e d by m y s e l f f r o m r a w figures supplied i n the text. C a n a d a , Fourth Census of Canada, 1901, vol. 4 ( O t t a w a : P r i n t e d by S. E. D a w s o n , P r i n t e r to the King's M o s t E x c e l l e n t M a j e s t y , 1906), pp. 324-25; C a n a d a , Fifth Census of Canada, 1901, vol. 2 ( O t t a w a : P r i n t e d b y C. H. P a r m e l e e , P r i n t e r to the King's M o s t E x c e l l e n t M a j e s t y , 1913), p. 462. Note the 1901 figure w a s c a l c u l a t e d by m y s e l f f r o m r a w figures s u p p l i e d i n the table. A l s o note, a s the B u r r a r d d i s t r i c t included a v a s t r u r a l t r a c t of the province, the figure also i n c l u d e d the m a n y 2 4  of  10 Still there was strong enough demand for "academic," vocational, and technical training.  All sorts of private and eventually public institutions sprang up.  On the  "academic" front, there existed (many only briefly) such "notable" institutions as the School of Elocution (1896), the Vancouver Conservatory of Music (1896), and the Vancouver School of Elocution (1911).  They all appealed to residents' "higher" tastes, or at least to  those whose desire was socially to prove their "taste." Some of the early commercial colleges played to these interests.  However their  mainstay was to train and improve business, office, and industrial personnel. The colleges employed, part-time, many of the city's school teachers. and  evening  students  and, by  business-oriented curricula. aimed at "engineers,  1904,  They offered courses to both day  included technical subjects in their formerly  As one school advertised, the new technical courses were  fitters, turners, pattern-makers, boiler-makers, cabinet makers,  architects, carpenters, tinsmiths, plumbers, [and] sign-writers."  25  This same school, the  Sprott-Shaw Business School and Polytechnic Institute, in 1906, even provided Saturday morning art classes for teachers. In any event, the Vancouver School Board began, in 1907, its experimental and, in 1909, its formal night school programme. This was perhaps the most significant effort, at the time, in the provision of adult domestic, technical, and commercial education.  On  January 30, 1907, evening experimental classes were held in the high school. Following the  British model,  examinations.  this  first  public night  school  ran fourteen-week  courses,  with  A variety of technical subjects was offered: elementary mathematics and  chemistry, experimental physics, theoretical and applied mechanics, the principles of steam, building construction, drawing (including architectural, mechanical, geometrical,  and  freehand drawing), manual training, woodwork, and domestic science and music.  The  classes were a success. By 1912, 2,011 men and women were enrolled. Courses expanded to include surveying, first aid, navigation, wood carving, copper work, embroidery, millinery, book-keeping, shorthand, and "Cooking for Men," among others. Labour Council even supported and assisted the School Board. delegates to act as an advisory committee on technical education.  oc  The Trades and  It appointed Council  26  (cont'd) n a t i v e I n d i a n s l i v i n g i n t h i s d i s t r i c t .  News-Advertiser, 5 F e b r u a r y 1905. F r a n c i s H e n r y Johnson, A History of Public Education in British Columbia (Vancouver: P u b l i c a t i o n s Committee, U n i v e r s i t y o f B r i t i s h C o l u m b i a , 1964), pp. 55-81, 226-228; S e l m a n , " A d u l t  11 The  reasons adults spent their valued and usually limited spare time in such courses  were, of course, many and varied.  The desire for employment or better employment,  obviously, was significant. When Vancouver boomed, employers needed trained help, and immigrants needed work. In this new and rapidly expanding city, there were opportunities to "get ahead." Said a 1908 Y M C A pamphlet: "In this present age there is everywhere a demand for increased skill and intelligence in labor, and no man can honestly expect promotion without such training."  27  The period before the First World War saw the  institution of higher qualifications in certain trades.  For example,  the  provincial  government by 1900 required licences based on examinations for boiler and machine attendants.  28  Stricter controls and the almost never-ending changes in technology and  business methods continually forced young and aspiring business people and tradesmen to up-grade their job skills. Throughout this period from the city's 1886 birth until the Great War (1914-18), Vancouver experienced most of the economic, social, intellectual, political, labour, religious, and  cultural developments  and upheavals that pre-occupied Canadians.  29  Corporate  capitalism was becoming the economic engine for development, though in British Columbia there were still great opportunities for aggressive, hard-working individuals. ^(cont'd) E d u c a t i o n i n B.C.," pp. 148-58. See also T i m o t h y E. D u n n , "The Rise of M a s s P u b l i c Schooling i n B r i t i s h C o l u m b i a , 1900-1929," i n Schooling and Society in 20th Century British Columbia, eds. J . D o n a l d W i l s o n a n d D a v i d C. Jones ( C a l g a r y : D e t s e l i g E n t e r p r i s e s , 1980), pp. 23-52; J o h n K e i t h Foster, " E d u c a t i o n a n d W o r k i n a C h a n g i n g Society: B r i t i s h C o l u m b i a , 1870-1930," M.A. thesis, E d u c a t i o n a l Foundations, U n i v e r s i t y of B r i t i s h C o l u m b i a , 1970; R o b i n S. H a r r i s , A History of Higher Education in Canada, 1661-1960 (Toronto a n d B u f f a l o : U n i v e r s i t y of Toronto Press, 1976), pp. 114, 226-28; J a m e s M. Sanderson, ed., Schools of Old Vancouver, O c c a s i o n a l P a p e r N u m b e r 2 (Vancouver: V a n c o u v e r H i s t o r i c a l Society, 1971); and S e l m a n , " A d u l t E d u c a t i o n i n B.C.," pp. 148-58; and B e r t r a m E d w a r d W a l e s , "The D e v e l o p m e n t of A d u l t E d u c a t i o n i n B r i t i s h C o l u m b i a " (Ed.D. thesis, O r e g o n S t a t e College [ A n n A r b o r , Mich.: U n i v e r s i t y M i c r o f i l m s ] , 1958), pp. 49-55. V a n c o u v e r C i t y Y o u n g Men's C h r i s t i a n A s s o c i a t i o n , Annual Prospectus: Young Men's Christian Association, 1908-9 (Vancouver: The V a n c o u v e r C i t y Y o u n g Men's C h r i s t i a n A s s o c i a t i o n , 1908), p. 8, i n H a r r y P a t t e n A r c h i b a l d Collection, Y o u n g Men's C h r i s t i a n A s s o c i a t i o n of G r e a t e r V a n c o u v e r Archives. S e l m a n , " A d u l t E d u c a t i o n i n B.C.," p. 159. 2 8  on  E x c e l l e n t and s t i l l u s e f u l histories i n c l u d e C a r l Berger, The Sense of Power: Studies in the Ideas of Canadian Imperialism, 1867-1914 (Toronto: U n i v e r s i t y of Toronto Press, 1970); R o b e r t C r a i g B r o w n a n d R a m s a y Cook, Canada, 1896-1921: A Nation Transformed (Toronto: M c C l e l l a n d & S t e w a r t , 1974); R a m s a y Cook, The Regenerators: Social Criticism in Late Victorian English Canada (Toronto: U n i v e r s i t y of Toronto Press, 1985); A. B. M c K i l l o p , A Disciplined Intelligence: Critical Inquiry and Canadian Thought in the Victorian Era (Montreal: McGill-Queen's U n i v e r s i t y Press, 1979); a n d Robin, Rush for the Spoils.  12 Immigration and economic growth ensured for many, including manual workers, opportunities to advance themselves.  The supply of cheap land was ample.  Individual  home ownership became the norm, rather than the exception, even among the city's working-class families.  Even if upward mobility was restricted, the dominant sense of  individualism and the perception of opportunity shared by immigrants, entrepreneurs and workmen alike, gave the city and many of its residents an almost unrealistic sense of optimism. On  30  the other hand, the city's appalling physical conditions were not lost on  contemporary observers. Even by the century's turn, and after prosperity's return with the 1898 Klondike Gold Rush, Vancouver was a sorry sight.  As one 1898 observer noted  wryly, the city sported splendid granite buildings "in the primitive Romanesque style, costing 100,000 dollars," juxtaposed with truly primitive "wretched little shant(ies),...[and] original bush," all set right in the "main or civilised portion" of the c i t y .  31  Another,  prominent Art, Historical and Scientific Association and Arts and Crafts Association member and architect Robert Mackay Fripp complained, in 1899, that the city still lacked the "appearance of permanence.""  32  Even these sardonic comments belied the rude conditions endured by even the most "elegant" set.  Foul odours were common in lower-lying areas, a consequence of the lack of  a sewer and drainage system, and again typical of contemporary industrial cities in North America and in Europe. The smallness of the city and the absence of formal town planning, meant that major industries were located on the shores of Burrard Inlet and False Creek—next door to some of the more "prestigious" residences.  33  Even the West End, the  newly established residence of merchants and professionals, "lacked many amenities" such as street lights, and was itself located depressingly close to the waterfront tenements southeast of pristine Stanley P a r k .  34  D e r y c k W. H o l d s w o r t h , "House a n d H o m e i n V a n c o u v e r : Images o f W e s t C o a s t U r b a n i s m , 1886-1930," i n The Canadian City: Essays in Urban History, eds. G i l b e r t A. S t e l t e r a n d A l a n F. J . A r t i b i s e (Toronto: M c C l e l l a n d & S t e w a r t , 1977), pp. 186-88; W. Peter W a r d , " C l a s s a n d R a c e i n B.C.," pp. 587-90; M a c D o n a l d , "Vancouver's Development," p. 414. D o u g l a s Brooke W h e e l t o n S l a d e n , On the Cars and Off (London, 1898), pp. 370-71. [ R . M a c k a y F r i p p ] , " B r i t i s h C o l u m b i a L e t t e r , I I , " The Canadian Architect and Builder 12 (July 1899): 137-38. I b i d . , pp. 28-30. R o y , Vancouver, pp. 29-30; D a v i d J a y B e r c u s o n , " L a b o u r R a d i c a l i s m a n d the W e s t e r n I n d u s t r i a l F r o n t i e r : 1897-1919," i n British Columbia: Historical Readings, eds. W. P e t e r W a r d a n d Robert A. 3 1  3 2  3 3  3 4  13 Socially speaking, the city was divided into the distinct "East End" and "West End." The  East End was the home of mostly British and Canadian working classes, and  continental  European  and  Asian  immigrants.  British  and  Canadian  middle  and  upper-middle social classes, on the other hand, lived in the more exclusive West End. Around this older East and West End core, new, more respectable suburbs of home-building working people, shopkeepers, clerks, school-teachers, and salesmen rapidly fdled u p .  3 5  Finally, and significant in Vancouver's social landscape, the ethnic Asian communities (Chinese and Japanese), roughly ten to fifteen per cent of the local population, strategically occupied the zone between the East and West Ends. Hostility from ethnic Europeans (including those born in North America) towards ethnic Asians was widespread and increased throughout the period to 1 9 1 4 .  The year  1 9 0 7 , was particularly bad for relations between the city's Asian and European residents. Immigration of Asians, and particularly of Japanese, had been increasing. In September of that year, the Asiatic Exclusion League's labour leaders, Protestant ministers, and politicians incited a mob of some 8,000 to 3 0 , 0 0 0 to riot. The mob smashed and assaulted its way through Chinatown and "Little Tokyo."  36  Naturally, in this rough atmosphere, public moral and physical health, and public recreation, were  major concerns  to various and often  competing interests.  Males  predominated in the city's public life until the War. Single immigrants, male and female, strained the city's social services. Transient single men, in particular, drew the attention of social reformers upset by the proliferation of businesses associated with the liquor trade and prostitution. and  Unemployment, from the seasonal work characteristic of fishing and logging,  from periodic economic slumps, further stretched the attention and capacities of local  charities and philanthropies. Organized labour, club women (especially the Local Council of Women), and the evangelical Protestant Churches agitated for social and economic change.  They were  inspired by the post-Darwinian intellectual mood (notably the social gospel) sweeping the Western world.  They pressed for legal and material changes in the care of women,  ( c o n t ' d ) J . M c D o n a l d (Vancouver: D o u g l a s & M c l n t y r e , 1981), p. 466; A n g u s E v e r e t t Robertson, "The P u r s u i t o f Power, P r o f i t a n d P r i v a c y : A S t u d y of Vancouver's W e s t E n d E l i t e , 1886-1914" (M.A. thesis, G e o g r a p h y , U n i v e r s i t y of B r i t i s h C o l u m b i a , 1977). R o y , Vancouver, pp. 66-73; H o l d s w o r t h , "House a n d Home," pp. 186-211. R o y , Vancouver, pp. 61-66. 34  3 5  3 6  14 children, the aged, the unemployed and the poor.  They organized voluntary social and  medical services, sponsored amateur athletics, agitated for parks and playgrounds, and worked to beautify the city and cultivate its residents.  Above all they sought an ordered,  more caring, and civilized society, for themselves and their fellow citizens, and their children.  37  Gosnell, in his portrait of a civilized and bountiful outpost of the British Empire at the turn of the century noted the impact and importance of voluntary associations in British Columbia  life.  He  subject—"prepared...but  apologized owing  to  for  not  limitations  publishing of  a  full  space,...omitted"  chapter from  on the  the text.  Nevertheless, he stressed "that one of the most remarkable features of the development of the Province has been the way in which social, fraternal and religious organizations have kept pace with material advancement."  38  Though he never elaborated on the significance of voluntary associations, or even named any, others did. "Here Clubland is supreme," reported visiting sociologist Bessie Pullen-Burry on her 1911 visit to Vancouver.  She praised the many "charitable and  educational societies of women in Vancouver" for their ambitious and co-operative scheme to construct their own Women's Building.  39  Among those organizations Pullen-Burry found  significant enough to name were the Young Women's Christian Association (YWCA), in whose residence she stayed; the Women's Musical Club; the Women's Canadian Club; and the suffragist Political Equality League.  40  See R o n a l d G r a n t h a m , "Some A s p e c t s of the S o c i a l i s t M o v e m e n t i n B r i t i s h C o l u m b i a 1898-1933" (M.A. thesis, H i s t o r y , U n i v e r s i t y of B r i t i s h C o l u m b i a , 1942); L i n d a H a l e , "The B r i t i s h C o l u m b i a W o m a n S u f f r a g e M o v e m e n t , 1890-1917" (M.A. thesis, H i s t o r y , U n i v e r s i t y of B r i t i s h C o l u m b i a , 1977); D e r y c k W i l l i a m H o l d s w o r t h , "House a n d H o m e i n Vancouver: T h e E m e r g e n c e of a W e s t C o a s t L a n d s c a p e , 1886-1929" (Ph.D. thesis, Geography, U n i v e r s i t y o f B r i t i s h C o l u m b i a , 1981); Ross A l f r e d Johnson, "No Compromise, N o P o l i t i c a l T r a d i n g : T h e M a r x i a n S o c i a l i s t T r a d i t i o n i n B r i t i s h C o l u m b i a " (Ph.D. thesis, History, U n i v e r s i t y of B r i t i s h C o l u m b i a , 1975); T h o m a s Robert Loosemore, "The B r i t i s h C o l u m b i a L a b o u r M o v e m e n t a n d P o l i t i c a l A c t i o n , 1879-1906" (M.A. thesis, H i s t o r y , U n i v e r s i t y of B r i t i s h C o l u m b i a , 1954); M c D o n a l d , " B u s i n e s s Leaders," C h a p t e r 10; D i a n e L. M a t t e r s , "The D e v e l o p m e n t of P u b l i c W e l f a r e I n s t i t u t i o n s i n V a n c o u v e r , 1910-1920." B.A. essay, U n i v e r s i t y of V i c t o r i a , 1974); S h e i l a P. Mosher, "The S o c i a l Gospel i n B r i t i s h C o l u m b i a , 1900-1920" (M.A. thesis, U n i v e r s i t y of V i c t o r i a , 1974); Rodger Todhunter, " V a n c o u v e r a n d the C i t y B e a u t i f u l Movement," Habitat 26, 3 (1983): 8-13; a n d G i l l i a n Weiss, '"As women or a s citizens': V a n c o u v e r C l u b w o m e n , 1910-1928" (Ph.D. thesis, H i s t o r y of E d u c a t i o n , U n i v e r s i t y o f B r i t i s h C o l u m b i a , 1984). 3 8  G o s n e l l , British Columbia, pp. 413-414.  on  Bessie P u l l e n - B u r r y , From Halifax to Vancouver (London: M i l l s a n d Boon, 1912), p. 343. 4 0  I b i d . , pp.340-45.  15 The  four organizations, probably not coincidently, were all part of the thirty-five  similar cultural, recreational, service, and educational associations listed in the 1914 elite Vancouver Social Register and Club Directory. These associations and their members were amongst the city's most illustrious.  Included were the Art, Historical and Scientific  Association, the Alpine Club, the Canadian Club, the Canadian Handicraft Guild, the Canadian Women's Press Club, the Commercial Club, the Connaught Skating Club, the Daughters of the Empire, the Local Council of Women, the Royal Vancouver Yacht Club, the Shaughnessy Heights Golf Club, the Terminal City Club, the United Service Club, the University Club, the University Women's Club, the Vancouver Club, the Vancouver Rowing Club, and the Victorian Order of Nurses. Organized voluntary activity, of course, encompassed vastly more than just these various women's and elite societies and clubs.  Another writer, Dr. George C. Pidgeon, in  1911, spoke of the city's many and varied philanthropies and charities.  He noted "that  very few of our citizens have any idea of the volume of benevolence that is flowing continually from the hearts of our Christian people." He gave several examples. for  Working  children were the Alexandra Orphanage, the Children's Aid Society, the Salvation  Army, and the Providence Orphanage. For social service, Pidgeon included the Y W C A , the Young Men's Christian Association (YMCA), the Central Mission for unemployed single men, the similar Sailors' and Loggers' Institute, and the Salvation Army.  Finally, he  included two church sponsored rescue homes "for fallen women" and the city's two hospitals.  41  There was a myriad of organizations to look to almost every conceivable need, conviction, and desire of Vancouver men and women. organizations constituencies.  to  cater  to  the  economic  There were labour and business  and political  interests of  their  respective  Included here were the workingmen's Vancouver Trades and Labour  Council and its constituent unions; the businessmen's Vancouver Board of Trade, Canadian Manufacturers' Association, and the more educational Progress Club; and the various professional and trade associations. Among the latter were the Architectural Institute, the Vancouver Medical Association, the British Columbia Chamber of Mines, the British Columbia Loggers' Association, and the Vancouver Information and Tourist Association.  George C. Pidgeon, " P h i l a n t h r o p i c E n t e r p r i s e s of Vancouver," Westminster Hall Magazine 1, 4 (September 1911): 9-15.  16 Athletic and recreation clubs and associations embraced virtually all leisure activities, from bowling, swimming, and motoring to literary, dramatic, orchestral, choral, and amateur artistic activities.  There were the English Bay Bathing and Athletic Club, the Vancouver  Canoe Club, the Vancouver Chess Club, and the Vancouver Lawn Bowling Club.  For the  literary and aesthetic set there were Burns, Dickens, and Shakespearean Clubs, the Sugar Refinery Reading and Social Club, the Welsh Choir, the Vancouver Amateur Dramatic Society, the Vancouver Arts and Crafts Association, and the Studio Club, for instance. For the scientifically curious there were the B.C. Entomological Society, the Naturalists' Field Club, the British Columbia Academy of Science, the Vancouver Archaeological Society, and the Human Nature Society.  Finally, for those whose interest was public affairs, there were  the Canadian Club (men only), the Women's Canadian Club, the Imperial Federation, the Local Council of Women, and the Women's Forum. There were also various political parties and women's suffrage organizations, and many church-sponsored and independent debating, literary, and mock parliament clubs and societies, among others.  This latter group included  the Burrard Literary Club; the Vancouver Mock Parliament, Literary and Debating Society; and the Vancouver Debating League and its constituent member clubs. There  were  also the benevolent  and fraternal organizations,  including the  Independent Order of Odd Fellows, the Knights of Pythias, the Masons, and the Loyal True Blue Association.  These were organized mostly for comradeship, informal social and  business networking, and especially for providing insurance and financial security, death benefits, burials, and the like. builders.  There were building societies to assist prospective home  A n d , there were the churches and their constituent clubs, guilds, societies,  leagues, and institutes to see to the spiritual, physical, recreational, and intellectual needs of their church and its congregation. Finally, there were the many "ethnic" associations, formed for many of the same purposes as those above, but with a common regional or national background amongst the membership.  Among the largest were the Scottish St. Andrew's and Caledonian Society  and the English St. George's Society.  The Chinese community counted at least 20 clubs and  societies; the Japanese counted at least 1 2 .  42  The British Columbia Gazette, vols. 32-54, ( V i c t o r i a : Queen's 1892-1914); S e l m a n , " A d u l t E d u c a t i o n i n B.C.," pp. 116-90.  (King's  after  1901) P r i n t e r ,  17  1.4. THE BACKGROUND: R E L A T E D L I T E R A T U R E Gordon R. Selman recently made the following empirical generalization about adult educational activities in pre-1914 British Columbia: By the beginning of the World War,....the young province of British Columbia was making considerable provision for the educational development of its citizens....In the individual communities, an impressive number and variety of voluntary organizations had grown up devoted to the provision of educational and cultural improvement. By these means, those taking part in these developments were seeking to promote the economic growth and social and cultural development of the a r e a . 43  Like Gosnell, Selman recognized that the voluntary associations, and particularly their educational activities, can only be understood in their economic, social, and cultural context. Although he did not carry out this contextual analysis, his various generalizations do suggest an explanation of the "educational" activities of voluntary organizations in turn-of-the-century Vancouver. His generalization asserts that many of the early British Columbia voluntary organizations were engaged in adult education.  Of the 196 Vancouver  non-church voluntary associations registered with the provincial government between 1892 and  1915 (and this is minimally only one-third or one-quarter of the total number for  Vancouver), 180 had objectives that very broadly could be defined as "educational."  44  Selman thus implies several possible reasons for the promotion of and participation in these organizations: economic, social, and cultural, including aesthetic-creative, improvement. Other historians of adult education have also shown how different groups of institutions arose in response to economic, social, political, and cultural conditions.  The  work of such Britons as J . F . C. Harrison, Thomas Kelly, and Brian Simon; of Americans Lawrence Cremin and Malcolm Knowles; and of Canadians Ron Faris and Foster Vernon may be cited as examples.  45  * S e i m a n , " A d u l t E d u c a t i o n i n B.C.," p. 250. B r i t i s h C o l u m b i a , British Columbia Gazette, vols. 32-54 ( V i c t o r i a : Queen's ( K i n g s after 1901) P r i n t e r , 1892-1914). T h e Gazette l i s t s 196 o r g a n i z a t i o n s w h i c h sought l e g a l i n c o r p o r a t i o n under the Province's Societies A c t between 1892 a n d 1915, the v a s t m a j o r i t y r e g i s t e r i n g after 1900. S e l m a n , " A d u l t E d u c a t i o n i n B.C.," pp. 116-90, provides a very u s e f u l a n d comprehensive description o f most organizations—voluntary, public (government), and private ( c o m m e r c i a l ) — p r o v i d i n g a d u l t e d u c a t i o n i n the city before 1914. J . F. C. H a r r i s o n , Learning and Living, 1790-1960: A Study of the English Adult Education Movement (Toronto: U n i v e r s i t y o f Toronto Press, .1961); T h o m a s K e l l y , A History of Adult Education in Great Britain 2d ed. (Liverpool: L i v e r p o o l U n i v e r s i t y Press, 1970); B r i a n S i m o n , Studies in the 4,  4 4  4 5  18 Recently, historians have investigated more extensively voluntary associations a n d their role i n t h e Victorian a n d Edwardian period.  Still, n o n e have specifically examined  educational activities over a range o f voluntary associations. Most useful i s R. A . J . McDonald's study o f Vancouver's turn-of-the-century business leadership.  McDonald used a group biography technique " t o define t h e [business  community's] economic a n d social character." Placed within t h e local a n d national context 46  of economic a n d political development, h e traced their social a n d business connections through athletic a n d social clubs, philanthropic, cultural, a n d charitable associations, a n d political a n d business organizations.  Vancouver, before World W a r I, was a young,  commercially oriented city without a n obvious "aristocracy." These businessmen a n d their elite, therefore, assumed t h e leadership over much o f t h e intellectual, cultural, social, athletic, charitable, a n d political life o f t h e city. McDonald considered several possible reasons f o r membership i n such organizations. Perhaps t h e most significant w e r e t h e desire f o r social a n d business "integration," a n d f o r social prestige.  Common membership i n certain clubs a n d societies l e d individuals t o make  social a n d business contacts. interest or position i n society. cohesive social class.  Club memberships w e r e based upon presumed equality o f They helped existing members to build a n d to ensure a  Membership also provided "one o f t h e best windows onto t h e social  cleavages which divided [the] businessmen."  47  Club activity also acted a s a ladder o f  prestige for less prominent business and professional families.  These individuals patronized  various charitable and cultural associations a s "one way...to increase their ties with the upper class, and thus gain a measure o f social acceptance." McDonald, however, d i d not conclusively support this social acceptance hypothesis. to leave incomplete records.  Less prominent individuals tended  48  J . F . C. Harrison, Peter Bailey, and Ian Inkster, for England, have also found the (cont'd) History of Education, 1780-1870 (London: L a w r e n c e & W i s h a r t , 1960); B r i a n S i m o n , Education and the Labour Movement, 1870-1920 (London: L a w r e n c e & W i s h a r t , 1965); L a w r e n c e A. C r e m i n , Public Education ( N e w Y o r k : B a s i c Books, 1976); L a w r e n c e A. C r e m i n , American Education: The National Experience, 1783-1876 (New York: H a r p e r & Row, 1980); M a l c o l m S. K n o w l e s , The Adult Education Movement in the United States (New Y o r k : H o l t , R i n e h a r t & W i n s t o n , 1962); F a r i s , Passionate Educators; and F o s t e r V e r n o n , "The development of a d u l t education i n 4t>  O n t a r i o , 1790-1900" (Ed.D. thesis, A d u l t E d u c a t i o n , U n i v e r s i t y of Toronto, 1969). M c D o n a l d , " B u s i n e s s Leaders," p. i i . I b i d . , pp. 250, 281. I b i d . , pp. 277, 280. 4 6  4 7  4 8  19 drive for respectability and social acceptance as significant reasons for adult education and "rational  recreation"  participation by  some  working-class  and  many  middle-class  individuals. Bailey, for instance, found that the sheer growth of the new bourgeoisie forced 49  these new middle classes to both "confirm and consolidate...[their own] class identity." How  50  was class consolidated through voluntary associations in a geographically  mobile, urbanizing society? Leadership, in fact, came from middle-class as well as upper-class citizens, often for religious reasons.  Ideals such as "social citizenship"  51  or the "progressive community"  52  emerged in response to mid nineteenth-century liberal capitalism. They were particularly strong just after 1900.  Networks of voluntary associations, comprised of "respectable"  working-class and middle-class members, with upper-class patronage, thus were organized as civilizing agents. "Social citizenship" developed, too, in Vancouver. Consider the statement, in 1902, by  Lady Charles Tupper,  president of the Vancouver General Hospital's Women's  Auxiliary: "We...have realized from the first...that the women of Mount Pleasant, the East End  and the Hastings manufacturing sector must be part of our organization, and we  recognize the fact that a special effort will have to be made to this end." McDonald, in quoting Lady Tupper, noted also that the less glamorous the work, the less likely would its leadership be drawn strictly from the elite class. Ross Alfred Johnson's  54  53  and A . Ross McCormack's  55  researches suggest that some  early socialist and labour groups in British Columbia and Vancouver also had educational and  propagandistic goals.  Some radicals saw education as a means of working-class  H a r r i s o n , Learning and Living; P e t e r B a i l e y , Leisure and Class in Victorian England: Rational Recreation and the Contest for Control, 1830-1885 (London and Toronto: Routledge & K e g a n P a u l 4 y  and U n i v e r s i t y of Toronto Press, 1978); I a n Inkster, "The S o c i a l C o n t e x t o f a n E d u c a t i o n a l Movement: A R e v i s i o n i s t A p p r o a c h to the E n g l i s h M e c h a n i c s ' Institutes, 1820-1850," Oxford Review  of Education 2, 3 (1976): 277-307. 5 0  Bailey,  Leisure and Class, pp. 75-77. and the Changing City, 1870-1914  H . E. M e l l e r , Leisure K e g a n P a u l , 1976). 5 1  5 2  5 3  5 4  S t e p h e n Yeo, Religion and Voluntary Organisations Q u o t e d by M c D o n a l d , " B u s i n e s s Leaders," p. 277, 279. " N o Compromise, N o P o l i t i c a l T r a d i n g . "  (London, H e n l e y a n d Boston: Routledge &  in Crisis  (London: C r o o m H e l m , 1976).  ^Reformers, Rebels, and Revolutionaries: The Western Canadian Radical Movement, 1899 (Toronto: U n i v e r s i t y of Toronto Press, 1977).  20 consciousness-raising and to revolutionary change. In a related study, Bryan D. Palmer has illustrated how skilled working men used their voluntary associations to "resist the encroachments of industrial-capitalist disciplines and development" in 1860 to 1914 Hamilton, Ontario.  56  In one particularly incisive remark,  Palmer stressed that mechanics' institutes cannot be divorced from their local context, in which the strength of the working-class movement would contribute to the vibrancy of the working-class presence in these early buildings of adult education. Nor must we mistake the hegemony of propertied elements, so common in many institutes, for an acquiescent working class constituency. Merchants, manufacturers, and clerks could often control local institutes, while workingmen utilized the services for their own purposes, often expressing distinct dissatisfaction with the policies and practices of the directors. 57  Contradictory aims and motives can co-exist in the same organization. This suggests the value of examining organizational programmes from the perspective of all the participants. Finally, Gillian Weiss has argued the importance of women's organizations to advance "maternal feminist" ideology in Vancouver, 1910-1928. These women had sought to reform society, "to extend their citizenship powers, [and]...to influence legislation." The members, from all social classes (though predominately middle and upper-middle class) also educated themselves for "the skill and confidence to adequately play the more public role that they envisioned for themselves."  58  The preceding discussion of relevant research confirms, as Selman implied, that voluntary associations, and particularly their educational activities, can only be understood in their economic, social, political, and cultural contexts. The precise nature and appropriateness of people's various reasons for participating in mutual enlightenment invited extensive reseach.  A three-pronged methodology turned  out to be appropriate. It called for (1) a conceptually satisfying definition of "intentional mutual enlightenment," (2) an analysis of ten exemplar voluntary associations, and (3) an analysis of the ambient social structure—class, ethnicity, age, gender, education—and how  Bryan D. Palmer, Culture in Conflict: Skilled Workers and Industrial Capitalism in Hamilton Ontario, 1860-1914 (Montreal: McGill-Queen's University Press, 1979), p. 39. Ibid., p. 50. Gillian Weiss, '"As women and as citizens,'" pp. ii-iii. 57  58  21 far it was reflected and supported by the mutual enlightenment organizations.  1.5.  T H E METHODOLOGY: A SOCIAL HISTORY O F IDEAS The central issue here is this: what was mutual enlightenment and what did it mean  to its constituents? The task then is to write a social history of ideas—culture, civilization, clerisy, beauty, utility, democracy, equality, citizenship, social efficiency—and of the means by which they entered into life.  I want to describe and to explain how these ideas were  interpreted, activated, and transformed through mutual enlightenment  in groups of  educational activists. Certain key concepts were frequently used by the associations and their promoters to justify an organization's founding, its objects and programme, and its seeking local social legitimacy and funding.  These concepts, and the frequency of their use, signalled their  explanatory significance for mutual enlightenment.  Therefore, it was pertinent to study the  context and language of their use by association personnel, the historical pedigree of each concept  (i.e., from their nineteenth-century  English proponents),  and their material  application, that is, how they were applied locally and with whom. How does one judge the social impact and the social significance of ideas? answer is to argue that mutual enlightenment was  One  a socially acceptable method of  transmitting culture, and that its meaning was expressed in those ideas.  Assessing impact  and social significance involved two tests: first, what ordinary members said about their organizations provided an initial test of the social impact and importance of key ideas; second, connections between the social and political backgrounds of the members, and their motivating ideas, tested the social significance of the ideas. Although  the  thesis  as  a  whole  answers  the  question  "what  is  mutual  enlightenment?" the central object of each chapter is to explain why people became involved with it. Each chapter, therefore, is significant for its analysis of a dialectical relationship, or informative and creative tension, between critical popular ideas and their social context. The notion of "mutual enlightenment" provided "a way into" the social expression of these  22 ideas.  To know one part of the tension is to understand better the other.  No matter how  "pure" their intellectual origin and intent, arise from and are used in relation to their social background.  59  By discovering the ideas significant to each association's  purpose and  curriculum, and by discovering that association's supporters and clientele, the social and intellectual functions of that association are explained. And, peripheral practices of mutual enlightenment  by tracing out the central and  (i.e., resulting organizational forms and  curricular expressions of the ideas), then the concept "mutual enlightenment" is defined.  1.5.1. "The Utilitarian Ideal" It is useful here to consider the concept "utilitarian," and its companion "useful." Both were popular, descriptive, "philosophical" preoccupations of the nineteenth century. They were either mentioned or suggested in the documents of almost all the mutual enlightenment associations studied. These concepts, however, were also confusing. for  They had very different meanings  different people, depending upon the speaker's social background and upon the social,  economic,  and political intent.  The terms  could be  "loaded  with  the  aspersions  of...enemies," or steeped with all that is laudable by friends. Their meaning was liberal and romantic when the intent was to describe something that contributed to the "happiness of the community" (Jeremy Bentham, 1802), and to the pleasure or happiness of the individual. utility.  Its meaning, however, also encompassed practical, and especially economic  It was within the liberal conception of "usefulness" that wcrking-class individuals,  alone and in "mutual improvement" groups, educated themselves both liberally and politically. "Useful knowledge," for the dispossessed, had overtones of intellectual freedom and  social power.  60  "Utilitarian," also had included "romantic or picturesque" or aesthetic uses of art and  landscape.  Nevertheless,  "utilitarians" came  to disavow  those  interpretations,  See R a y m o n d W i l l i a m s , Keywords: A Vocabulary of Culture and Society, 2d ed. (London: F o n t a n a , 1976; F l a m i n g o , 1983), f o r h i s o u t s t a n d i n g twentieth-century c u l t u r a l a n d s o c i a l concepts.  historical  analysis  of k e y nineteenth-  and  W i l l i a m s , Keywords, pp. 327-9. See also D a v i d Vincent, Bread, Knowledge and Freedom: A Study of Nineteenth-Century Working Class Autobiography (London and N e w York: Methuen, 1981), 6 0  e s p e c i a l l y c h a p t e r s 6, 7, and 8, for a n excellent discussion of the m e a n i n g of " u s e f u l knowledge" as used by i n d i v i d u a l s of the w o r k i n g classes.  23 increasingly restricting meaning to that which was practical and later acquiring materialist and  commodity implications.  Even John Stuart Mill's (1861) conception of utilitarian as  "the greatest happiness of the greatest number" came to be mistranslated into "organized market" terms. "Utility" thus became "the mechanism for regulating this ultimate purpose" of people finding the means to make their own happiness.  Thus it is possible for a William  Burns to extol his club's "utilitarianism," when its meaning involves much more than mere economic development, and yet for William Morris to attack "what is called utilitarianism" and  its connection to "trade finish" as opposed to "genuine artistic finish"  61  with both  apparently viewing their respective organizations as bodies in aid of the more liberal notions of happiness.  62  1.5.2. "Clerisy," "Class," "Culture," and "Civilization" The  concepts "clerisy," "class," "culture," and "civilization" also featured in our  association affairs. Many club and society spokespersons phrased their mission through the powerfully evocative nineteenth-century terms of "Culture" (especially Matthew Arnold's and  Samuel Taylor Coleridge's) and "civilization." Similarly evocative terms—Coleridge's  "clerisy,"  63  and  Arnold's  "Barbarians," "Philistines,"  or  "Populace,"—though  not  specifically evident in association members' statements, were clearly implied through the existence, scope, and activities of each association's mutual enlightenment. The  references  nineteenth-century  to  Coleridge  and  Arnold  were  apt  since,  as  exemplary  British thinkers, their concepts and ideas affected and stimulated  "sophisticates" throughout the English-speaking world.  Briefly, "clerisy" refers to "the  intellectual community—the sum of...scholars and artists, or, as Coleridge puts it, 'the learned of all denominations; the sages and professors [i.e., teachers] of...all the so-called liberal arts and sciences.'" These individuals would be the "true educators" of a community and of the nation. They would be, as Arnold terms, the "saving 'remnant,'" rising "above the  restrictions  characteristic  of  their  respective  classes,...devoted  to  discovering,  W i l l i a m M o r r i s , quoted by Peter Davey, Arts and Crafts in Architecture: The Search for Earthly Paradise (London: A r c h i t e c t u r a l P r e s s , 1980), p. 53. W i l l i a m s , Keywords, pp. 327-9. 6 2  F o r a complete history of the idea, see B e n K n i g h t s , The Idea of the Clerisy in the Nineteenth Century ( C a m b r i d g e , U.K.: C a m b r i d g e U n i v e r s i t y Press, 1978). 6 3  24  c u l t i v a t i n g , a n d p r o p a g a t i n g the t r u t h a s a p p r e h e n d e d b y the t r u l y d i s i n t e r e s t e d m i n d . " This "remnant" or clerisy traditional social class structure.  was  to represent itself as above  6 4  the existing and  A t the s a m e t i m e , i t s m e m b e r s could h a v e come f r o m a n y  social origin, provided they possessed or e a r n e d those skills a n d sensibilities characteristic o f t h e i r n e w m i s s i o n a r y i n t e l l e c t u a l class. C e n t r a l to u n d e r s t a n d i n g a clerisy's p o s i t i o n w i t h i n society, a n d i t s desire to c u l t u r a l l y r e f o r m that s a m e society, therefore, is t h e concept o f " c l a s s " o r " s o c i a l c l a s s . " E v e n i f t h e y v i e w e d t h e m s e l v e s a s e x t e r n a l to t h e c l a s s s y s t e m , t h e object  o f their educative m i s s i o n were c l e a r l y t h e different social classes.  paradoxically, the clerisy itself constituted a n e w social class. Their v e r y  Also,  and  self-consciousness  as a k n o w l e d g e a b l e , r e f l e c t i v e g r o u p or n e t w o r k o f i n t e l l e c t u a l s , e d u c a t o r s , a n d a r t i s t s c a n be c o n s t r u e d a s b e i n g a m o s t c r i t i c a l e l e m e n t i n t h e f o r m a t i o n o f a n e w s o c i a l c l a s s . T h u s i t i s u s e f u l to d i v e r g e b r i e f l y to c o n s i d e r a d e f i n i t i o n o f c l a s s . " C l a s s " h a s attracted both e m p i r i c a l l y viable a n d subjective definitions, a n d h a s been used historically both descriptively and analytically. I t h a s most traditionally been used to categorize a n d describe predefined  groups of individuals, to stipulate t h e make-up o f  a p a r t i c u l a r class or category (usually economic status) o f individuals.  Social class thus  b e c o m e s a u s e f u l t o o l o f s o c i a l a n a l y s i s t o d e s c r i b e a n d e x p l a i n t h e d e v e l o p m e n t of i n d u s t r i a l and  corporate capitalism.  categories  Class illuminates the differences between social a n d economic  (e.g., u p p e r , m i d d l e , w o r k i n g , a n d l o w e r c l a s s e s ) .  Moreover, it spotlights the  r e l a t i o n s h i p of class to p o w e r a n d w e a l t h , a n d to social conflict or social consensus. Social class, h o w e v e r , also conceptualizes f o r m a t i o n i n t h e M a r x i a n sense.  a f o r m of felt m a t e r i a l reality, a social  T h i s latter sense of class hinges upon the f o r m a t i o n a n d  self-definition o f "class consciousness." Individuals  o f a specific class comprehend  and  a r t i c u l a t e a collective u n d e r s t a n d i n g of t h e i r position w i t h i n e x i s t i n g economic, political, a n d social structures.  T h e y collectively form their o w n  recreational, a n d educational  organizations  social, economic, political,  cultural,  a n d practices to r e f l e c t this consciousness.  short, these "classes" develop their o w n c u l t u r e .  In  6 5  R i c h a r d D. A l t i c k , Victorian People and Ideas (New Y o r k : W. W. N o r t o n , 1973), pp. 263-64. S e e M i c h a e l B. K a t z , " S o c i a l C l a s s i n N o r t h A m e r i c a n U r b a n H i s t o r y , " Journal of Interdisciplinary History 11, 4 ( S p r i n g 1981): 579-583; R o b e r t A. J . M c D o n a l d , " W o r k i n g C l a s s V a n c o u v e r , 1886-1914: U r b a n i s m a n d C l a s s i n B r i t i s h C o l u m b i a , " BC Studies 69-70 ( S p r i n g - S u m m e r 1986): 33-69; J o h n Porter, The Vertical Mosaic: An Analysis of Social Class and Power in Canada (Toronto: U n i v e r s i t y of Toronto Press, 1965), e s p e c i a l l y C h a p t e r 1; a n d W. Peter 6 4  6 5  25 Arnold's pejorative social categories o f B a r b a r i a n s , Philistines, a n d the Populace, probably incorporated both m e a n i n g s of social class.  T h e y were a convenient social division  ( e m p i r i c a l l y verifiable, he w o u l d h a v e claimed) t h a t , a t the s a m e t i m e , i l l u m i n a t e d the g r o w i n g self-consciousness of economic a n d social classes (subjective) i n m i d a n d nineteenth-century England. could  have  late  A l s o , as mentioned above, the f o r m a t i o n o f a clerisy clearly  constituted the subjective sense  of a  new  class formation,  therein, and  paradoxically, undermined the class independent, egalitarian spirit of a "clerisy." T h e object o f t h e clerisy's e d u c a t i o n a n d c u l t i v a t i o n w a s those g r o u p s A r n o l d t e r m e d "Barbarians," "Philistines," and the "Populace."  6 6  reasons, a n d therefore needy of the benefits of s u c h For  Arnold, Barbarians  full-blood B a r b a r i a n s .  were  A l l were uncultured, t h o u g h for different enlightenment.  the a r i s t o c r a c y .  6 7  Vancouver  had  few, i f any,  T h e r e was, however, a " c l a s s " of capitalist elite t h a t included, f o r  i n s t a n c e , t h e c i t y ' s m o s t i m p o r t a n t C.P.R. o f f i c i a l s , m e r c h a n t s , a n d i n d u s t r i a l i s t s .  6 8  Most  aristocrats, according to A r n o l d , were satisfied w i t h m a i n t a i n i n g only the veneer o f culture. T h e y were u n c u l t u r e d because, mostly, they were "indifferent to it [ c u l t u r e ] . "  6 9  More significantly, Vancouver had m a n y more Philistines than Barbarians, that is the "new" middle classes. T h e s e "new" middle classes reflected the i n c r e a s i n g c o m p l e x i t y of late nineteenth- and e a r l y twentieth-century industrial society. V a n c o u v e r w a s m o v i n g f r o m a n individualist and relatively modest industrial capitalism towards a true corporate c a p i t a l i s m w i t h its new, m o r e specialized b u r e a u c r a t i c a n d p r o f e s s i o n a l occupations. newer  middle  classes included professionals, including physicians, lawyers,  These  architects,  school-teachers, a n d m e n of the cloth: m e r c h a n t s a n d r e a l estate agents, b a n k e r s a n d clerks; and all their wives and children. classes—ambitious craftsmen  A r n o l d also counted, as Philistines, some of the w o r k i n g  and other workers,  and trade union leaders.  M a n y of the  f o r m e r w e r e "one i n s p i r i t w i t h t h e i n d u s t r i a l m i d d l e c l a s s " a n d i t s L i b e r a l a n d C o n s e r v a t i v e ob  ( c o n t ' d ) W a r d , " C l a s s a n d R a c e i n t h e S o c i a l S t r u c t u r e of B r i t i s h C o l u m b i a , 1870-1939," i n  British Columbia: Historical Readings, ed. W. P e t e r W a r d a n d Robert A. J . M c D o n a l d (Vancouver: D o u g l a s & M c l n t y r e , 1981), pp. 581-82; a n d R a y m o n d W i l l i a m s , Keywords: A Vocabulary of Culture and Society (London: F o n t a n a , 1976; F l a m i n g o , 1983), pp. 60-69. M a t t h e w A r n o l d , Culture and Anarchy: An Essay in Political and Social Criticism, 3d ed. (London: S m i t h , E l d e r , & Co., 1882), edited, w i t h i n t r o d u c t i o n a n d notes, by I a n G r e g o r y ( I n d i a n a p o l i s a n d N e w York: B o b b s - M e r r i l l , 1971), chapter 3, pp. 81-106. 6 6  A r n o l d , Culture and Anarchy, pp. 85-6. 6 8  6 9  M c D o n a l d , "Business Leaders." A l t i c k , Victorian People, p. 264.  26 Parliamentary representatives.  The latter, independent of the middle and aristocratic  classes, sought to "affirm" their "class [emphasis mine] and...class instinct," while they maintained their pre-occupation with "industrial machinery" (as a mind set, not as objects) and  with materialism. These new middle classes were an "uneasy class," where economic 70  mobility was as likely downward as u p w a r d . "complacency." and  72  71  Accordingly, their cultural fault was  They were too busy trying to be individually respectable and comfortable,  too concerned with making a living or pursuing money, to busy themselves with their  own or humanity's intellectual, aesthetic, and cultural welfare. Finally, Vancouver had plenty of the "Populace," that "vast residuum" of most of the working classes (employed artisans and labourers), peasants, and the poor.  73  They also  were uncultured in the Arnoldian sense because, at best, "their only ambition was to rise to be Philistines." example—were  74  Many of these—mill-workers, salmon canners, and C.P.R. employees, for undoubtedly more concerned with economic  survival, with "bawling,  hustling, and smashing," or with a good beer, a game, or a laugh, than with the genius of Wordsworth or the theory of evolution.  75  Transposition of these categories or classes to turn-of-the-century Vancouver conditions is full of difficulty. To begin with, we can use the Anglo-Britannic notion of social class only tentatively.  Except for McDonald's study of Vancouver's business elites, and  some overly bold researches  76  into the development of working class consciousness in early  British Columbia, there is only limited accurate evidence  to subdivide Vancouver's  population in either the objective or the subjective sense of "class." One can, however, fairly depict the local population on ethnic racial lines; none of which were included in Arnold's conception of society.  In British Columbia, and in Vancouver specifically, these groupings  included Native Indians, Asians (Japanese, Chinese, East Indian), and European and North  A r n o l d , Culture and Anarchy, pp. 86-7. 71  See K a t z , People of Hamilton, pp. 176-77, w h o h a s used t h i s d e s c r i p t i o n t o c a p t u r e t h e middle-class experience i n m i d ninteenth-century H a m i l t o n , O n t a r i o . See also K a t z , Doucet, a n d S t e r n , Early Industrial Capitalism, p. 392. A l t i c k , Victorian People, p. 264. 7 2  A r n o l d , Culture and Anarchy, p. 87.  Victorian People,  7 4  Altick,  7 5  A r n o l d , Culture and Anarchy, p. 87.  p.  264.  P a u l P h i l l i p s , No Power Greater: A Century of Labour in L a b o u r , B o a g F o u n d a t i o n , 1967); and J a c k Scott, Plunderbund IWW in B.C. (Vancouver: N e w S t a r Books, 1975). 7 6  B.C. (Vancouver: B.C. F e d e r a t i o n of and Proletariat: A History of the  27 American Caucasians (especially Canadians and British).  77  Arnold stressed, however, that members of all classes (and, undoubtedly, ethnic cultures) need to become enlightened, to strive toward human perfection.  To enter into this  state of perfection, they must reject the class-based love of "machinery" and materialism, and  their preference for law, obedience, and shamanism, and for class itself.  They must  begin "to see things as they are,....to see and learn the truth for our own satisfaction."  78  Their eventual goal is to serve and to enlighten all of mankind. This state of enlightenment, of perfection, Arnold called "culture." The contrast between culture and material civilization was well stated by Coleridge in 1830: The permanent distinction and the occasional contrast between cultivation and civilization...The permanency of the nation...and its progressiveness and personal freedom...depend on a continuing and progressive civilization. But civilization is itself but a mixed good, if not far more a corrupting influence, the hectic of disease, not the bloom of health, and a nation so distinguished more fitly to be called a varnished than a polished people, where this civilization is not grounded in cultivation, in the harmonious development of those qualities and faculties that characterize our humanity. 79  Coleridge's ideal encompassed an "enriched activity of the human spirit, not...the superficial" and often illusory "improvement" of the material environment and of social and political institutions. century.  80  This conception of "culture" developed primarily in the nineteenth  "Culture" was  a response to the naturalistic philosophy  of the  Romantic  movement, and a reaction to the mechanical character of "the orthodox and dominant" use of the term "civilization." Nineteenth-century civilization was then being criticized "both for its abstract rationalism and for the 'inhumanity' of current industrial development."  81  B a r m a n , British in British Columbia; M c D o n a l d , "Business Leaders"; M c D o n a l d , " W o r k i n g C l a s s Vancouver," pp. 40-42, 66-69; a n d W a r d , " C l a s s a n d R a c e i n B.C.," pp. 582-97. 7 8  A r n o l d , Culture and Anarchy, p. 36.  S a m u e l T a y l o r Coleridge, On the Constitution of Church and State, V, 1830, quoted by W i l l i a m s , Keywords, p. 59. A l t i c k , Victorian People, p. 239. W i l l i a m s , Keywords, pp. 89-90. W i l l i a m s , i n t r a c i n g the development of "culture," categorized 8 0  three usages of the term: "(i) the independent a n d a b s t r a c t n o u n w h i c h describes a g e n e r a l process of i n t e l l e c t u a l , s p i r i t u a l a n d aesthetic development, f r o m the C 1 8 [eighteenth c e n t u r y ] ; (ii) the i n d e p e n d e n t noun, w h e t h e r used g e n e r a l l y or s p e c i f i c a l l y , w h i c h indicates a p a r t i c u l a r w a y of life, w h e t h e r of a people, a period, a group, or h u m a n i t y i n general....(iii) the independent a n d a b s t r a c t n o u n w h i c h describes the w o r k s a n d practices of i n t e l l e c t u a l a n d e s p e c i a l l y a r t i s t i c a c t i v i t y . " (Ibid.,  28 "Culture," for Arnold, however, was hardly an individual or strictly personal endeavour: "It moves by the force, not merely or primarily of the scientific passion for pure knowledge, but also of the moral and social passion for doing good." In fact, without social and  moral ("national")  utility, culture risks being "selfish,  motivated by "mere exclusiveness and vanity."  petty,  and unprofitable,"  82  As he continued his argument: Culture....is not satisfied till we all come to a perfect man; it knows that the sweetness and light of the few must be imperfect until the raw and unkindled masses of humanity are touched by sweetness and light....when there is a national glow of life and thought, when the whole of society is in the fullest measure permeated by thought, sensible to beauty, intelligent and alive....It seeks to do away with classes; to make the best that has been thought and known in the world current everywhere; to make all men live in an atmosphere of sweetness and light, where they use ideas, as it uses them itself, freely,—nourished, and not bound by them. This is the social idea; and men of culture are free apostles of equality. 83  Inspired by Arnold's and similar thinkers' ideas, Vancouver promoters of mutual enlightenment still had strong and conflicting class and ethnic loyalties.  They may have  been truly inspired cultural missionaries—determined to change both subjective and objective bases for class, to remove them from their blind dependence on materialism, and to redirect their interests to the love of knowledge and beauty, science and art. Yet they were for the most part members of the middle class, "the uneasy class." They had strong interests in enhancing and maintaining their relatively comfortable social and economic  (cont'd) p. 90.) B e h i n d t h i s conception o f "culture," however, there underlies t h e f u r t h e r i n t e r p r e t a t i o n of " c u l t u r e " a s a t o o l — t o m a k e symbols, t h i n g s , a n d c i v i l i z a t i o n s . D i s t i n g u i s h e d archaeologist V. G o r d o n C h i l d e , i n p a r t i c u l a r , c a p t u r e d t h i s sense of the concept. A s B r i t i s h h i s t o r i a n B r i a n S i m o n argues, i n i n c o r p o r a t i n g Childe's conception into h i s o w n d e f i n i t i o n o f education: "Man...makes h i m s e l f — h a s m a d e h i m s e l f t h r o u g h h i s g r o w i n g u n d e r s t a n d i n g of, control a n d so t r a n s f o r m a t i o n of n a t u r e ; man's a c t i o n s on n a t u r e b e i n g the product of socialised l a b o u r o n the one h a n d (the d e t e r m i n i n g f o r m of a c t i v i t y ) , a n d h i s g r o w i n g knowledge, or w h a t s l o w l y c a m e to be science, o n the other." See B r i a n S i m o n , " C a n E d u c a t i o n C h a n g e S o c i e t y ? " i n An Imperfect Past: Education and Society in Canadian History, a selection of p a p e r s f r o m C H E A / A C H E conference i n V a n c o u v e r , October 1983, ed. J . D o n a l d W i l s o n (Vancouver: Centre for the S t u d y of C u r r i c u l u m a n d I n s t r u c t i o n , U n i v e r s i t y o f B r i t i s h C o l u m b i a , 1984), p. 39. M a t t h e w A r n o l d , a s W i l l i a m s acknowledged, conceived " c u l t u r e " a s usages (i) a n d (iii). T h i s non-scientific sense (as i n archaeology a n d sociology), of " c u l t u r e " g e n e r a l l y developed i n l a t e nineteenth-century p o p u l a r E n g l i s h language.  A r n o l d , Culture and Anarchy, pp. 34, 33. 8 3  I b i d . , pp. 55-6.  29 position.  And, as even Arnold was aware, many apparent lovers of culture were merely  only curious at best, and vain and self-interested (in promoting class distinctions), at worst. Thus it is conceivable that both humanitarian and selfish interests co-existed within association members, or at least were shared between members. As will become apparent, each association's enlightenment.  members formulated and practised their #*eir version of mutual  In  humanitarian goals.  some  cases,  self,  class,  and ethnic  interests  superseded  their  This, in turn, led to variations in mutual enlightenment's pedagogical  forms and curricular interests.  1.5.3. Defining "Mutual Enlightenment" Definition of "intentional mutual enlightenment" emphasizes the actual practices of certain mutual enlightenment associations.  The methodology of definition draws upon  modern arguments and argument methods used to clarify the meaning of "education," "mutual enlightenment's" conceptual core.  The definition of "mutual enlightenment" is  here to be based upon analysis of the organizational aims, policies, and politics as described by each organization's participants, and of each organization's actual curricular and pedagogical practices. "Intentional mutual enlightenment" broadly defined, is a form of education. here limited to the rational as regards objectives, methods, and content. explicit indoctrination and propaganda.  It is  It excludes cases of  Further, it emphasizes a mutual education, as  opposed to a strictly one-sided, undemocratic, and authoritarian education. Co-operation, common purpose, and shared responsibility all mark "mutual enlightenment." Lawrence Cremin's definition of education emphasizes intentionality and includes institutions  and agencies outside traditional school systems.  It also eliminates  ambiguous concepts as "socialization" and "enculturation." It is a good place to begin: as the deliberate, systematic, and sustained effort to transmit, evoke, or acquire knowledge, attitudes, values, skills and sensibililties, as well as any outcomes of that effort. The definition stresses intentionality, though I am well aware that learning takes place in many situations where intentionality is not present. It makes room for study as well as instruction, thereby embracing the crucial realm of self-education. And it acknowledges that behavior, preferences, and tastes are involved, as well as knowledge and understanding. It sees education as a process more limited than what the sociologists would call socialization or  such  30 the anthropologist enculturation, though obviously inclusive of many of the same phenomena. And it recognizes that there is often conflict between what educators are trying to teach and what is learned from the ordinary business of living. 84  Turning now to "mutual enlightenment," voluntary association and the formal voluntary organization served as the most obvious vehicle of mutual enlightenment.  The  term "voluntary association" is essentially synonymous with "voluntary organization" and shares the same conceptual territory as "clubs," "societies," "self-help groups," "leagues," "orders," "councils," "chambers," "parties," and "unions."  85  Most adult education in  turn-of-the-century British Columbia, and elsewhere, was still organized formally through voluntary associations. Voluntary associations, however, did not use the term "mutual enlightenment" to cover what now might be classified as "educational." Rather, they used clauses almost identical with those contained in relevant government acts. The "Benevolent Societies Act," Revised Statute 1897, for example, states that: Any number of persons may unite themselves into a society or corporation for any or more of the following purposes:(1) For any benevolent, or provident, or moral, or charitable, or religious purpose:.... (3) For purposes of social intercourse, mutual helpfulness, mental and moral improvement, and rational recreation: (4) For improvement and development of the mental, social, and physical condition of young men and young women: (5) For the promotion of literature, science, or the fine arts, and the promotion and diffusion of knowledge: (6) For promoting the cause of temperance and moral reform:.... (10) For providing means of recreation, exercise, and amusement.... 86  Because the literature, both historical and comtemporary, does not yet provide clear criteria for operationalization, and because the definitions are used to discriminate amongst  L a w r e n c e C r e m i n , Public Education, p. 27. F o r a n a l y s e s of the " v o l u n t a r y a s s o c i a t i o n " concept, see, for example, B a r t o l o m e o J . P a l i s i , "A C r i t i c a l A n a l y s i s of the V o l u n t a r y A s s o c i a t i o n Concept," i n Voluntary Action Research: 1972 eds. D. H. S m i t h , R. D. Reddy, a n d B. R. B a l d w i n (Lexington, Mass.: L e x i n g t o n Books, 1972), pp. 41-43; and International Encyclopedia of the Social Sciences, 1968 ed., s.v. " V o l u n t a r y A s s o c i a t i o n s : Sociological Aspects," by D a v i d L. S i l l s . B r i t i s h C o l u m b i a , The Revised Statutes of British Columbia 1911, Being a Consolidation and 8 5  Revision of the Statutes Applicable to British Columbia, and Within the Powers of the Legislature Enact, in Three Volumes vol. 1 ( V i c t o r i a : The G o v e r n m e n t of B r i t i s h C o l u m b i a , 1911), pp. 175-176.  31 organizations for their selection as research subjects, definitions of mutuality, education, and  so on must be highly sensitive to historical evidence. It should be said at once, however, that our definition of "mutual enlightenment  association" excludes those organizations and institutions which explicitly and intentionally (1) violate the criteria defining "mutual enlightenment" and/or (2) prepare people for eventual recognition through formal public or private education.  Churches and sects, for  example, are excluded.  Their educational work  They act primarily as proselytizers.  through public lectures and mutual improvement societies, and with immigrant and labour groups, however, is occasionally noted in passing. Likewise excluded are public and private schools, vocational training schools, and colleges and universities.  Autonomous voluntary  associations affiliated with colleges and churches that meet the essentially rational criteria of mutual enlightenment, however, are included. "Mutual enlightenment," itself, then, is a modification o f "education" i n both tone and  procedure.  These modifications have been outlined b y philosophers i n the field o f  conceptual o r linguistic analysis.  87  Perhaps the best known authority, a t least i n the  analysis o f educational concepts, i s R. S. Peters.  Rather than simply formulating a  definition and examples, as Cremin appears to have done, Peters' method o f analysis was to distinguish and t o map out a concept's central and peripheral meaning and uses.  88  However, since i n this case the term was not i n contemporary use, definition was based strictly on "lived examples" o f mutual enlightenment.  The purpose here was to accomodate  N o t e d here are philosophers R. W. K. Paterson, Values, Education and the Adult (London and Boston: Routledge & K e g a n P a u l , 1979); R. S. Peters, " E d u c a t i o n as I n i t i a t i o n , " i n Philosophical Analysis and Education, ed. R e g i n a l d D. A r c h a m b a u l t (London: Routledge & K e g a n P a u l , 1965),pp. 87-111; R. S. Peters, Ethics and Education (London: George A l l e n & U n w i n , 1966); I. A. Snook, Indoctrination and Education (London a n d Boston: Routledge & K e g a n P a u l , 1972). "Indoctrination," l i k e "education," has been subject to r a t h e r intensive a n a l y s i s a n d continuous debate. See, for e x a m p l e , ibid.; R. F. A t k i n s o n , " I n s t r u c t i o n and I n d o c t r i n a t i o n , " i n Philosophical Analysis and Education, ed. R e g i n a l d D. A r c h a m b a u l t (London: Routledge & K e g a n P a u l , 1965), pp.  171-83.; A n t h o n y Flew, " W h a t i s Indoctrination?" Studies in Philosophy and Education 4, 3 ( S p r i n g 1966): 281-306; and R a l p h B a r t o n P e r r y , " E d u c a t i o n a n d the Science o f Education," i n and Education, ed. I s r a e l S c h e f f l e r (Boston: A l l y n & B a c o n , 1966), pp. 17-38.  Philosophy  QQ  Peters, Ethics, pp. 23-24. A n o t h e r B r i t i s h l i n g u i s t i c a n a l y s t , however, K. H. L a w s o n , argued for c a u t i o n i n r e l y i n g too s t r i c t l y u p o n too " t i g h t l y defined p a r a m a t e r s of 'adult education properly so called.'" "Education," a n d " a d u l t education" p a r t i c u l a r l y , both w i t h i n a n d beyond the bounds of W e s t e r n culture, v a r y a n d s h i f t i n t h e i r m e a n i n g a n d practice. "We are not d e a l i n g w i t h a n objective self-evident u n i t a r y r e a l i t y , " he concluded, n o t i n g the danger to r e s e a r c h i n t h i s area. See K. H. L a w s o n , "The P r o b l e m of D e f i n i n g A d u l t E d u c a t i o n as a n A r e a of Research," Adult Education Quarterly: A Journal of Research and Theory 36, 1 ( F a l l 1985), pp. 39-43, 42.  32 the variations in the approaches by which an association might educate its own members and  outsiders. Through these definitions, I had the tools to discriminate amongst the many kinds of  educational agencies and institutions, and to determine those most pertinent to the study.  1.5.4. Exemplar Associations of Mutual Enlightenment The  empirical definition  of  "mutual enlightenment"  examination of certain "exemplary" organizations.  has  been  These exemplars are distinguished by  being clearly voluntary and by engaging in mutual enlightenment.  They represent a  manageable number (ten) of the most appropriate available organizations. The  drawn from  89  ten exemplars are: the Vancouver Art, Historical and Scientific Association  (1894-present), the Vancouver Women's Musical Club (1905-present), the Canadian Club of Vancouver (1906-present), the Vancouver Women's Canadian Club (1909-present), the Vancouver Arts and Crafts Association (1900-01), the Naturalists' Field Club (1906-07), the British Columbia Mountaineering Club (1907-present), the Young Men's Christian Association  (1886-1897;1898-present),  the  Young  Women's  Christian  Association  (1897-present), and the Burrard Literary Club (C.1889-C.1908). The  thesis initially centred on the discrimination, selection, and analysis of certain  voluntary associations that exemplified mutual enlightenment.  Potentially, there were  many such organizations; their names occur throughout the primary and secondary literature.  90  Sociologists a n d some h i s t o r i a n s have, i n recent years, attempted to f i n d out how m a n y v o l u n t a r y o r g a n i z a t i o n s g e n e r a l l y e x i s t for a specific p o p u l a t i o n base. T h e i r r e s u l t s g e n e r a l l y v a r y considerably; m o s t populations surveyed were post-1945. See, for example, J a m e s C u r t i s , " V o l u n t a r y A s s o c i a t i o n J o i n i n g : A C r o s s - N a t i o n a l C o m p a r a t i v e Note," American Sociological Review 36 (October 1971): 872-880; M u r r a y H a u s k n e c h t , The Joiners (New Y o r k : B e d m i n s t e r Press, 1962); S i l l s , s.v. " V o l u n t a r y A s s o c i a t i o n s " ; a n d D a n i e l W. Rossides, Voluntary Participation in Canada: A Comparative Analysis (Toronto: C a n a d i a n A s s o c i a t i o n for A d u l t E d u c a t i o n , 1966). A n h i s t o r i c a l a n a l y s i s of note, W a l t e r S. Glazer's, " P a r t i c i p a t i o n a n d Power: V o l u n t a r y A s s o c i a t i o n s a n d the F u n c t i o n a l O r g a n i z a t i o n of C i n c i n n a t i i n 1840," Historical Methods Newsletter 5, 4 (September 1972): 151-68, found "more t h a n one h u n d r e d v o l u n t a r y a s s o c i a t i o n s " i n C i n c i n a t t i (population 46,382) between 1839 a n d 1842. S e c o n d a r y sources include, for example, Roy, Vancouver, a n d S e l m a n , " A d u l t E d u c a t i o n i n B.C.". P r i m a r y evidence c a n be found i n c o n t e m p o r a r y city directories, the index catalogues of the C i t y of V a n c o u v e r A r c h i v e s , the U n i v e r s i t y of B r i t i s h Columbia's S p e c i a l Collections D i v i s i o n , the B r i t i s h 9 0  33 It is difficult to be sure how many of these associations explicitly undertook mutual enlightenment.  Most adults likely accepted the virtues of "self-improvement" and "rational  recreation" without question.  91  Since these concepts were trotted out in the official aims of  most formally organized and registered societies, they were more likely used for public and official approval than with the intent of carrying out their meaning. The task was made manageable by choosing only those voluntary associations that most closely embodied the concept "mutual enlightenment." These associations met the initial criteria that they were voluntary, that intentional mutual enlightenment was a significant goal, and that there was sufficient evidence to conduct an appropriate historical analysis.  The latter criterion forced exclusion of the vast majority of associations.  Unfortunatly only the more prominent of the organizations tended to save their early (or only) records and accounts. exemplars. They  had  left  These remaining associations were nevertheless chosen as behind  significant  administration, programme, and constituecy.  quantities  of  historical evidence  of  Their educational aims and programmes  suggested that they most obviously represented mutual enlightenment associations. From the possible exemplars of mutual enlightenment, ten were finally selected. They were selected for four reasons: first, they reflected the gender mix found throughout most voluntary associations; second, they appeared to have the socio-economic make-up of other similar associations; third, they embodied the popular curricular interests of the time; fourth, they left the best available records.  (cont'd) C o l u m b i a P r o v i n c i a l A r c h i v e s , a n d the U n i o n T h e o l o g i c a l College A r c h i v e s ; a n d i n c o n t e m p o r a r y V a n c o u v e r n e w s p a p e r s a n d l o c a l m a g a z i n e s . See T h o m a s D r a p e r , comp., Vancouver City Directory, 1888 ( V i c t o r i a : R. T. W i l l i a m s , 1888); T h o m a s D r a p e r , comp., William's Vancouver and New Westminster Cities Directory, 1890; Containing General Provincial Information (Vancouve R. T. W i l l i a m s , 1890); Henderson's Greater Vancouver City Directory, 1900-1914, title v a r i (Vancouver: H e n d e r s o n D i r e c t o r y Co., 1900-14); The Vancouver City Directory, March, 1896 (Vancouver: Hodgson, 1896); Vancouver Social Register and Club Directory (Vancouver: W e l c h & Gibbs, 1914); Vancouver Daily News-Advertiser; V a n c o u v e r Daily World, Vancouver Province Vancouver Sun; Man to Man (1910), British Columbia Magazine (1911-14); Westminster Hall Magazine and Far West Review (1911-14). 9 1  F o r a m p l e d i s c u s s i o n of the d e r i v a t i o n a n d m e a n i n g of such slogans see, for example, B a i l e y ,  Leisure and Class; H a r r i s o n , Learning and Living; P a t r i c k K e a n e , "Questions f r o m the P a s t of A p p r o p r i a t e Methodology for A d u l t Learners," Convergence: An International Journal of Adult Education 17, 2 (1984): 52-63; M e l l e r , Leisure; D a v i d V i n c e n t , Bread, Knowledge, and Freedom; a n d W a t e r s , '"Outlandish Recreations,'" pp. 8-33.  34  1.5.5. Mutual Enlightenment and the Social Structure: A Prosopography Contextual studies of Vancouver and prosopographies of association members served as the second major methodological component of the thesis. These studies gathered evidence from association membership lists, relevant personal documents of members, census  data, theses,  articles,  and books  on the  social history of Vancouver, and  impressionistic evidence from that period, including newspaper and magazine articles. The contextual studies will show the social, economic, political, and intellectual climate in British Columbia, Canada, and the international scene. The prosopographies should shed light on Vancouver's ambient social structure and should locate association members within that structure. A key aim was to describe and explain what ideas were and were not transmitted, and  to see each mutual enlightenment association interacting with the social structure of  Vancouver.  The methodology for this research was inspired by Lawrence Stone's vision of  "prosopography," and by Ian Inkster's use of the technique to study England's early to mid ninteenth-century mechanics' institutes.  92  Five exemplars were selected for the prosopographical analysis. They were the Art, Historical and Scientific Association, the Arts and Crafts Association, the Burrard Literary Club, the Naturalists' Field Club, and the Young Men's Christian Association.  These  organizations' aims and objectives, their activities, and, most significantly, their clienteles were fully analyzed. The remaining five exemplars, the British Columbia Mountaineering Club, the Canadian Club (men's), the Women's Canadian Club, the Women's Musical Club, and  the Young Women's Christian Association, served more restrictively for comparison  and  contrast with the first five and to more fully extend the description and analysis of  mutual enlightenment activities.  The five exemplars selected were chosen for the following  reasons. First, the volume of evidence for all ten organizations would have been excessively great.  The context for each organization was slightly different.  The ten exemplars, in  effect, represented ten different populations from which they drew their clientele. prosopographical research might have  unnecessarily  complicated the  Too much  intensive  and  ^ L a w r e n c e Stone, "Prosopography," Daedelus 100 ( W i n t e r 1971), pp. 46-79; Inkster, " E n g l i s h M e c h a n i c s ' Institutes."  35 interrelated examination and assessment of the subject organizations.  The research aimed  to establish the "flavour" or "tone" of mutual enlightenment through these organizations; a large number of examples was not necessary. was inadequate for social control research.  Further, the evidence, though voluminous,  In particular, the evidence was insufficient to  test an organization's ability to control the subsequent social behaviour of its members. Second, the prosopography was aimed at those organizations with broad ranges of constituencies and clienteles, objectives, and educational activities. the  limits  of both the  programmes.  "mutuality" and the  "enlightenment"  Breadth of range tested of the  organizations'  Thus the men's Canadian Club, the Women's Canadian Club, and the  Women's Musical Club were all rejected from prosopographical analysis because they had restricted the range of their clienteles, objectives, and activities. The Vancouver. 1914  members of each of these clubs, by and large, were socially prominent in They