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"Invasion" of the "Immigrant Hordes" : an analysis of current arguments in Canada against multiculturalism… Puttagunta, P. Saradhi 1998

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"INVASION" OF THE "IMMIGRANT HORDES": AN ANALYSIS OF CURRENT ARGUMENTS IN CANADA AGAINST MULTICULTURALISM AND IMMIGRATION POLICY by P. SARADHI  PUTTAGUNTA  HBA/BA, L a k e h e a d U n i v e r s i t y , . 1990 MA, D a l h o u s i e U n i v e r s i t y , 1992 A THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS  FOR THE DEGREE OF  DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY in THE FACULTY OF GRADUATE STUDIES Department o f E d u c a t i o n a l S t u d i e s We a c c e p t . t h i s t h e s i s as c o n f o r m i n g to the "required standard  THE UNIVERSITY OF B R I T I S H COLUMBIA March 1998 (c) P. S a r a d h i P u t t a g u n t a , 1998  In  presenting  degree freely  this  at the  thesis  in  partial  fulfilment  University  of  British  Columbia,  available for  copying  of  department publication  this or of  reference  thesis by  this  for  his thesis  and study. scholarly  or for  her  Department The University of British Vancouver, Canada  DE-6 (2/88)  Columbia  I further  purposes  gain  the  requirements  I agree  that  agree  may  representatives.  financial  permission.  of  be  It  shall not  that  the  by  understood be  allowed  an  advanced  Library shall  permission  granted  is  for  for  the that  without  make  it  extensive  head  of  my  copying  or  my  written  ABSTRACT  This  thesis  immigration current  is  and  a  study  of  multiculturalism  arguments  against  both  the  current  policies.  backlash  The  policies,  and  against  author  looks  at  compares  them  to  writings  of  evidence. These critics  arguments like  are  Richard  drawn Gwyn,  from and  p o l i c i e s of the Reform Party. of  the  experiences  society.  of  From  this  consistent  themes  in  literature,  which  "flash  and  William  D.  groups the  Gairdner;  author  multiculturalism  the p o l i c y  the  i n adapting  anti-multiculturalism  include:  dance",  media;  and  I t w i l l provide a h i s t o r i c a l  immigrant review,  the  review  to  Canadian  identifies  several  and is  i s unanimously  the  anti-immigration little  unpopular  more  than  among the  general p u b l i c , immigrants  take jobs from Canadian-born,  immigrants  are  and  not  needed  to  are  based  on  a burden  to  society,  that  immigrants  are  o f f s e t the ageing of the Canadian p o p u l a t i o n . The  author  misconceptions  concludes and  that  distortions  these of  criticisms  facts.  In  some  cases,  the  c r i t i c i s m s r e f l e c t more of an attack on m i n o r i t y groups r a t h e r than on these p o l i c i e s , and r e v e a l a movement to reverse the p l u r a l i s t i c nature of Canadian s o c i e t y .  This research comes at a time when the  debate  i s clouded with  over  these  policies  makes s e v e r a l recommendations as to how  emotion.  The  author  the p u b l i c education system  can help counter the use of these themes i n the media.  w,  T A B L E O F CONTENTS  Abstract  ' ii  Table o f Contents  i i i  L i s t o f Figures  iv  Acknowledgement  v  Chapter One  Introduction  Chapter Two  M u l t i c u l t u r a l i s m as a Concept  17  Chapter Three  M u l t i c u l t u r a l i s m as a P o l i c y : H i s t o r y And Opponents  58  Arguments Against M u l t i c u l t u r a l i s m Policy  77  Chapter Four Chapter Five  1  What the C r i t i c i s m s o f M u l t i c u l t u r a l i s m P o l i c y Represent  111  A n a l y s i s o f the M u l t i c u l t u r a l i s m Backlash  165  The Backlash Against Immigration: Arguments And Evidence i n a H i s t o r i c a l and Contemporary Context  194  Chapter E i g h t  Economic Arguments Against Immigration  234  Chapter Nine  General Themes i n Contemporary  Chapter S i x Chapter Seven  Chapter Ten  Immigration-Bashing  263  Conclusion  304  Bibliography  342  Appendix A  363  Appendix B  364  Appendix C  365  Appendix D  366 iii  L I S T OF FIGURES  Figure One: Figure Two:  Immigrant 1990  363  M u l t i c u l t u r a l i s m Approved Funding to U n i - C u l t u r a l Organizations, 1992-93 to 1994-95  Figure Three: Figure Four:  Flows, by Region of O r i g i n , Canada, 1901-  364  Immigrants as a Percentage o f the Population, Canada, 1901-1991  365  Average Earnings of Foreign-born I n d i v i d u a l s Who Landed i n 1981 and 1985 by Immigration Category, 1988  366  iv  ACKNOWLEDGEMENT  In 1994 I began t h i s study out of concern f o r the image that was being portrayed of immigrants i n the media here i n Canada. The previous year was a f e d e r a l e l e c t i o n year, and some of the statements made by p o l i t i c i a n s seemed to be p u t t i n g the blame on new Canadians f o r the economic and p o l i t i c a l woes the country was experiencing. Perhaps because I myself am an immigrant, I was very s e n s i t i v e to what was being s a i d , and c l e a r l y understood that immigrants were being used as scapegoats f o r problems they were not necessarily responsible for. I would l i k e to thank Pradip Sarbadhikari, who p o i n t e d me t h i s d i r e c t i o n years ago, and motivated me to f o l l o w my heart.  in  In completing t h i s research, I am g r a t e f u l to many colleagues who provided very h e l p f u l comments and h i n t s about my w r i t i n g . S p e c i f i c a l l y , I would l i k e to thank Timothy Stanley, Tony Arruda, Diane Purvey, and G a i l Edwards. My a s s o c i a t i o n put me i n touch comments can be contributions, I C o r n e l i u s Jaenen,  with the Canadian E t h n i c Studies A s s o c i a t i o n has with many i n d i v i d u a l s whose own research and seen throughout this thesis. For their owe a debt of g r a t i t u d e to Marie McAndrew, Jean Burnet, T.R. Balakrishnan, and John Berry.  I would l i k e to thank Ather H. Akbari and Donald J . DeVoretz f o r answering my questions about the economics of immigration. I a l s o owe a huge debt of g r a t i t u d e to the members of my committee, Charles Ungerleider and K o g i l a A. Moodley, who not only provided many h e l p f u l suggestions, but whose own work i s quoted e x t e n s i v e l y throughout t h i s paper. I hope my academic p r a c t i c e s w i l l come to resemble t h e i r own. But above a l l , t h i s work could not have been p o s s i b l e without the i n f l u e n c e of my d i s s e r t a t i o n advisor, J . Donald Wilson. His performance i n t h i s r o l e has gone way above and beyond the c a l l of duty. His role as advisor, mentor, professor, critic, d i s c i p l i n a r i a n , motivator, and comedian set a new standard f o r others to match. I cannot say enough good things about him. I hope that t h i s research w i l l somehow give him a sense that t h i s h i s e f f o r t was a l l worthwile. I thank him not only f o r h i s advice and support, but a l s o f o r h i s humour and f o r h i s a b i l i t y to f o r g i v e my many mistakes, of which I am sure he w i l l s t i l l be r e c o v e r i n g from long a f t e r I leave t h i s i n s t i t u t i o n .  v  C H A P T E R O N E : INTRODUCTION  Many Canadians np longer support immigration because, r i g h t l y , they consider the immigration p o l i c i e s of the 1990s d e t r i m e n t a l . -Daniel Stoffman, 1998 1  Now, E n g l i s h Canada i s being, destroyed not only because nont r a d i t i o n a l immigrants are f a i l i n g to a s s i m i l a t e , but because they are encouraged not to do so by the government's r i d i c u l o u s p o l i c i e s of m u l t i c u l t u r a l i s m . -Doug C o l l i n s , 1979 2  In  1993,  candidate  during  a federal  f o r York  riding  election  John  Beck  campaign stated  i n Canada,  that  Reform  immigrants  were  b r i n g i n g "...death and d e s t r u c t i o n to the people", and the time f o r Anglo-Saxons to a s s e r t themselves had come.  Beck was subsequently  3  e x p e l l e d from h i s p a r t y f o r h i s remarks.  While he was condemned by  h i s own party's executive, i t became c l e a r that h i s sentiments were r e p r e s e n t a t i v e of a trend i n the n i n e t i e s of immigrant-bashing that was present not only i n Canada, but around the world.  The n a t i v e -  born populations of developed countries were growing uneasy era of r e c e s s i o n and economic i n s t a b i l i t y . employment becoming  scarce,  i n an  With both resources and  immigrants and m i n o r i t i e s w i t h i n these  nations were becoming the scapegoats f o r these t r o u b l e d times. In Canada, reflected showed  the atmosphere  i n a 1994  that  53%  coming.to Canada.  of 4  neo-conservative capitalize  poll  of h o s t i l i t y  by  the Ekos  Canadians  towards  immigrants  Research A s s o c i a t i o n  thought  too  many  immigrants  was  which were,  As a r e s u l t of t h i s a t t i t u d e towards newcomers, and u l t r a - c o n s e r v a t i v e  on t h i s p u b l i c  forces  fear of immigrants  have  been  i n order  able  to  to  promote  t h e i r agendas of immigrant r e s t r i c t i o n and r e v o c a t i o n of r i g h t s f o r minority  groups.  The  o f f i c i a l policy calls from  i t s current  150,000.  Reform  Reform  Party  has  stated  that  i t s 1996-97  f o r reducing immigration inflows i n t o Canada  level  of  around  Party p o l i c y  and welfare b e n e f i t s f o r new  also  215,000 calls  newcomers  a  year  for eliminating  to  health  Canadians u n t i l they become c i t i z e n s , 1  which takes about three to f i v e years a f t e r t h e i r a r r i v a l , Canadian soil  citizenship  unless  to c h i l d r e n  the parents  "notwithstanding  clause  1  o f immigrants  are landed  born  immigrants,  i n the Charter  to deny  on Canadian  and t o use the  o f Rights  i n order  to  ignore c o n s t i t u t i o n a l r i g h t s when e x p e l l i n g those considered to be bogus refugees and i l l e g a l entrants.  5  The purpose o f t h i s t h e s i s i s to show that, r a t h e r than being about good economic and s o c i a l p o l i c y , immigration  policies  i s about h a l t i n g  from n o n - t r a d i t i o n a l areas, explicitly)  the contemporary attack on the i n c r e a s e i n immigration  and i s thus  implicitly  an attack on m u l t i c u l t u r a l i s m .  (and sometimes  This argument i s based  on the .following p o i n t s . The  first  theme i n t h i s  restricting throughout attacks  immigration  thesis  repeat  i s that recent  arguments about  anti-immigration  themes  voiced  Canadian h i s t o r y , and are r e l a t e d t o , and r e f l e c t e d i n ,  upon  Canada's  official  policy  of multiculturalism.  I  b e l i e v e the term "backlash' a c c u r a t e l y describes t h i s current a n t i immigration and  flow.  movement, as i t connotes that the movement has an ebb That  is,, anti-immigration, movements are not a constant  p a r t o f Canadian h i s t o r y .  However, when they do happen, the same  arguments are used by immigration Present-day current  c r i t i c i s m s o f immigration  patterns  negative impact journalist immigration' Canadians.  of  immigration  Stoffman  have  Canadians,  nor  stated had  Immigration • c r i t i c  and over  either  again.  a  negligible  or  i n Canada.  C r i t i c s such as  that  era  s i n c e 197,8 had not r e s u l t e d  6  over  are based on the b e l i e f that  on the q u a l i t y o f l i f e  Daniel  individual  critics  the  of  "mass  i n i n c r e a s e d incomes f o r  i t eased Charles  the  tax  Campbell  burden  claimed  of that  Canada's open door p o l i c y towards newcomers was c o s t l y to taxpayers and,  as a r e s u l t ,  observers to  immigration must be reduced  suggested  assimilate "last  These c r i t i c s  to a minimum.  that a moratorium on immigration decade's  7  was  s c a r c e l y - r e s t r a i n e d human  c l a i m that Canada should  Some  necessary flood".  8  f o l l o w the leads o f other  nations such as the United States and A u s t r a l i a by reducing inflows  2  of newcomers. Critics  also  state  that  societal  problems  been made worse because of immigration. woman i n Toronto generated  this  by  comment  "High-profile  crimes  government p o l i c y . " to  be  coupled  immigrants  a b l a c k Canadian from  the  The  immigrants  with  official  show  the  with the r e s t of the p o p u l a t i o n .  1994  Report:  chaos  critics  the need to  of  claim,  integrate  As a r e s u l t , Canadian  fragmenting i n t o d i f f e r e n t groups.  white  immigration p o l i c y  multiculturalism , feeling  have  in  Western  10  come to Canada without  crime  origin  The  By a l l o w i n g f o r a l i b e r a l  9  as  shooting of a  of Jamaican  periodical  involving  such  society i s  As Richard Gwyn s t a t e s ,  ...by t r e a t i n g d i f f e r e n c e s of race, e t h n i c i t y , and c o l o u r as i n t e g r a l to i d e n t i t y r a t h e r than as manifestations of h e r i t a g e , o f f i c i a l m u l t i c u l t u r a l i s m encourages apartheid, or, to be a b i t l e s s harsh,' ghettoism. 11  Such c r i t i c i s m s are not a product of the modern e r a . e x i s t e d i n anti-immigration w r i t i n g s of e a r l i e r J.S.  Woodsworth warned  social  problems  Furthermore, racially  the  such  i n 1919 as  that  a l l o w i n g i n of  different  from  times  immigrants,  pauperism,  who  i n Canada.  would  illiteracy,  people  These themes exacerbate  and  were  crime.  ethnically  the n a t i v e p o p u l a t i o n would be  12  and  dangerous,  and cause s o c i e t y to s p l i n t e r , as the "heterogeneity of these races tends  to  promote  passion,  localism,  and  despotism,  impossible f r e e cooperation f o r the p u b l i c welfare".. A  second  theme  in  this  thesis  i s that  the  13  and  to make  ...  accuracy  of  the  arguments about r e s t r i c t i n g immigration and the arguments about  the  negative consequences of Canada's m u l t i c u l t u r a l i s m p o l i c y to which they  are  related  scrutiny. mentioned  Claims in  the  have  not  about media  and  cause  and  in public ;  immigrants  inconvenience  Commentators r e f e r to immigrants "invasions". Somalia,  Diane  With  subjected  immigration  though they are f a c t . Recent society  been  and  to  systematic  multiculturalism  policymaking  sessions  are as  are s a i d to damage Canadian  for  native-born  as "hordes" who  regard to the  close,  recent  influx  Canadians.  stage " f l o o d s " and of  refugees  from  F r a n c i s claims to have spoken to a teacher, "whose  3  school has been t o t a l l y d i s r u p t e d by these invading hordes". also  says  that  the  Somalis  "will  anything, to Canada i n the f u t u r e " . M u l t i c u l t u r a l i s m as a concept before.  Both  Commons  have  of  stated  multiculturalism. Tremblay  the As  main  contribute  very  little,  opposition parties opposition stated  in  i n the  to  the  Bloc Quebecois Member of  (Rimouski-Temiscouata)  if  15  i s a l s o under more s c r u t i n y  their  She  14  than  House  policy  of of  Parliament•Suzanne  1994,  drawing  on  the  example of the current p o l i c y of i n t e r c u l t u r a l i s m i n Quebec: I t seems to me that we don't need to promote multiculturalism. Instead, we should s t r i v e to develop i n t e r c u l t u r a l i s m and, of course, we should make a major amendment to t h i s a c t . No, the act shouldn't even be amended, i t should probably be repealed and r e p l a c e d by an act that would recognize the riches, c r o s s - c u l t u r a l contacts and exchange b r i n g to our own communities, i n the broader context of being i n t e g r a t e d i n t o and r e s p e c t i n g one or the other of those m a j o r i t i e s . 1 6  The Reform Party shares t h i s view, as s t a t e d by t h e i r Immigration  critic,.Art  former  Hanger:  ...I don't agree with the m u l t i c u l t u r a l d i r e c t i o n t h i s country has taken e i t h e r . In f a c t , my personal view and that of our p a r t y i s that We would l i k e to see that act scrapped completely... and deal with some of the other matters i n other areas i n other departments. 17  M u l t i c u l t u r a l i s m p o l i c y i s a l s o being questioned outside of the House of Commons. D.  Gairdner  people'. since  see  T r a d i t i o n a l conservative c r i t i c s such as W i l l i a m the  These  18  their  ranks  conservative immigrant.  policy  critics  his  for  the  holiness". society,  19  just  cow  of  "top-down  have been  such  as  book  M u l t i c u l t u r a l i s m i n Canada, now  a  have been f i l l e d  critics In  as  given  with  Neil  Selling  a  imposition  on  redemptive  impetus  non-traditional Bissoondath, Illusions.: to  be  The  Cult  stripped  This i s because newcomers must l e a r n  and  non-  himself,  Bissoondath w r i t e s : " ( I t ) may  multiculturalism  the  to  an of  be  time  of  its  accommodate  as s o c i e t y must l e a r n to accommodate the newcomer.  M u l t i c u l t u r a l i s m , . he  says,  has  served  neither interest.  It  has  4  only served to heighten d i f f e r e n c e s , not d i m i n i s h them. A t h i r d p o i n t t h i s t h e s i s w i l l make i s that when the accuracy of the arguments about r e s t r i c t i n g immigration and the arguments about the negative consequences of Canada's m u l t i c u l t u r a l p o l i c y to which they  are r e l a t e d  are subject to close,  are found to l a c k e v i d e n t i a l support. supported by evidence, attacks on  systematic s c r u t i n y , Instead of cogent  the arguments should be  immigrants  and  immigration.  seen  as  p o l i c y , and examine how the  topic.  above  to  It w i l l  see  arguments rhetorical  This t h e s i s w i l l  the v a r i o u s arguments made against m u l t i c u l t u r a l i s m and  they  identify  immigration  w e l l they r e f l e c t the evidence a v a i l a b l e on  examine  i f evidence  the  exists  claims to  such  as  those  mentioned  show m u l t i c u l t u r a l i s m .to  a"top-down' i m p o s i t i o n on the people,  and  i f multiculturalism  i n f a c t o n l y served to heighten d i f f e r e n c e s . facts,  and  the language  these c r i t i c s  has  These arguments -— as  I p l a n to s h o w — o f t e n do not take i n t o account the complete of  be  use  suggest  range  a fear  i m m i g r a t i o n - w i l l i n v a r i a b l y change the nature of Canadian  that  society,  most l i k e l y against the i n t e r e s t s of the e s t a b l i s h e d English/French majority. Appendix  This  21  A  point  show's, the  is  accentuated  number  of  by  immigrants  the  fact  from  represent 71% of a l l immigrants  who  Legion H a l l i n B r i t i s h Columbia over  turbans  minority  are  signs  of  22  grown  Incidents  from the Newton  and the controversy r a i s e d Mounted P o l i c e  contemporary  to wear  intolerance  towards  groups.  To make t h i s and  i n 1993,  a l l o w i n g Sikhs i n the Royal Canadian  their  and 1990  came to Canada.  such as the e x c l u s i o n of a veteran of Sikh, o r i g i n  as  non-traditional  areas such as the A f r i c a and A s i a have between 1977 to  that,  p o i n t , I propose  immigration  attacks on both. multiculturalism will  are  connected,  This w i l l policy also  to explore how and  how  multiculturalism  critics  combine  their  involve an examination of contemporary  i n Canada, review  the  as  well  history  as of  criticisms  of  the  policy.  I  anti-immigration  sentiments  over the past century that accompanied each successive  wave of immigration to Canada.  5  A f o u r t h theme i n t h i s t h e s i s i s that Canada's media c o n t r i b u t e to a c l i m a t e h o s t i l e to immigration and m u l t i c u l t u r a l i s m by to  c r i t i c a l l y assess the arguments and  of  restricting  immigration  Multiculturalism. Canadians the  must  these t o p i c s .  be  held  the  serves a  what  backlash.  Herman  and  providing  members  school,  of most Thus  a c c u r a t e l y on  I f media.coverage of  the press  This purpose  policy  these p o l i c i e s .  actually  Chomsky w r i t e  serves  that  i s not one  the  to  media  that  enables  c o n t r o l over the p o l i t i c a l  process  information  of p o l i t i c a l  in  for reporting  accurate, then  " s o c i a l purpose'.  discharge  learn  about  accountable  the p u b l i c to a s s e r t meaningful by  they  Canada's  But i s t h i s i n f a c t the case?  i s s u e s i s not  foment  from  evidence mounted i n favour  rescinding  r e l y on the media to l e a r n  media  these  Aside  and  failing  needed  responsibilities,  for  but  the  intellectual  r a t h e r to  inculcate  and defend the economic, s o c i a l , and p o l i t i c a l agenda of p r i v i l e g e d groups that dominate the domestic s o c i e t y and If  immigration  as the c r i t i c s  state.  and m u l t i c u l t u r a l i s m p o l i c i e s  claim, then the  require a  be presented i n t h i s  review,  issues should be presented  mainstream media i n a f a i r and balanced manner. will  2 3  thesis w i l l  suggest  The  i n the  evidence  that  that  the debate  as  seen i n the media today i s f a r from a f a i r one.  A greater spectrum  of  not  views  and  evidence  needs  w r i t e r s on immigration, Diane  Francis,  W i l l i a m D.  to be  presented,  such as Charles Campbell,  and Doug C o l l i n s ;  just  those  Daniel Stoffman,  and on m u l t i c u l t u r a l i s m ,  Gairdner, N e i l  Bissoondath,  p o i n t made by  this  of  Richard Gwyn, and  such  as  Reginald  Bibby. Another  research  i s that  the  failure  to  c r i t i c a l l y appraise the arguments and evidence mounted i n favour of restricting  immigration  M u l t i c u l t u r a l i s m poses pluralistic issues  and  causing  a threat  democratic such  and  rescinding  the  With  the  federal  debate  government  pressured to act i n order to appease those c a l l i n g restriction.  Also,  policy  of  to the maintenance of Canada as a  nation.  emotion,  Canada's  politicians  may  choose  to  over  these  may  feel  f o r immigration implement  tough  6  immigration p o l i c i e s i n order to appear i n the eyes of c o n s t i t u e n t s to  be  Prior  "doing something" to being e l e c t e d  about  the  i n 1993,  supposed  immigration problem.  the c u r r e n t l y  incumbent  Liberal  Party, then i n opposition, promised to r a i s e immigrant l e v e l s to 1% of  the t o t a l  Canadians  population  a year up  being e l e c t e d ,  i s , from the r a t e  to about  the. current  of 250,000  280,000 per y e a r ) .  then M i n i s t e r of Employment and  Marchi announced to  (that  i n September 1994  new  Instead, a f t e r  Immigration  reductions i n immigrant  l e v e l of around 200,000 per year.  Sergio inflows  Immigration  was  made an even more d i f f i c u l t process by h i s a d d i t i o n a l announcement of  a $975 head  tax per immigrant.  Lucienne R o b i l l a r d based  on  myths,  confirmed that  but  that  the  Current Immigration M i n i s t e r  24  the anti-immigrant backlash was  Liberals  were  still  reluctant  to  increase immigration l e v e l s . "I have to recognize the myth i s there (that  immigrants  population) .  To  cause have  unemployment more  support of the p o p u l a t i o n " . into  policy  among  immigration  implementation  of Commons,  decisions. be  based  shows  has: been  i n Canada  how  successful  As the M i n i s t e r stated, on  faulty  Canadian-born we  need  the  This f a i l u r e to turn p o l i c y promise  25  r e s t r i c t i o n movement, of which the Reform House  the  evidence.  the  pro-immigration  Party represents  i n influencing  the c a l l s  Hence,  we  i n the  government  for restriction  need  to  examine  may the  backlash more c a r e f u l l y . How  effective  immigrant almost  twenty  years  reversal  assimilation: re-examine  objectives  public  education be  sentiments i n the p u b l i c ?  traditional to  can  to  "...it  ago,  multicultural  of the r o l e would  their fit a  role new  As  i n dealing Cornelius  Jaenen  education  of Canadian  with  antistated  represents  schools  a  as t o o l s of  seem that the schools are being forced and  to  readjust  definition  of  their  Canadian  programs  and  society".  26  M u l t i c u l t u r a l education needs to r e i n f o r c e the cause of fundamental human r i g h t s , relations, welcome  the development  of i n s i g h t s  into  racism, and  and to strengthen c i t i z e n p a r t i c i p a t i o n .  additions  to broader  and  deeper  objectives  group  Such would be of  literacy,  7  i n t e l l i g e n t c i t i z e n s h i p , and respect f o r e x c e l l e n c e . The  research  presented  directions  for  continuing  need  immigration  i n order to  in  this  multicultural to  teach  thesis  education,  students  and  counteract  critics  i n the media and  the  suggest  new  particular  the  multiculturalism  to b e t t e r understand  society  will in  about  27  heterogeneity  o f t e n unfounded  in public office.  claims  That  in  of  and  their  various  i s , education i n  schools must go beyond d e a l i n g with j u s t the teaching of c u l t u r e to dealing  with  media  literacy  and  socio-political  c u l t u r e and e t h n i c i t y i n our s o c i e t y . be  expanded and  r e v i s e d i n order  issues  involving  Teacher education must a l s o  to make m u l t i c u l t u r a l  education  more e f f e c t i v e . Advocacy of immigrant r e s t r i c t i o n i s present not only i n Canada, but  i n other nations as w e l l .  The A u s t r a l i a n government r e c e n t l y  cut the number of immigrants i t accepts from 110,000 per year down to  80,000, an  should  follow.  Australia's 0.47%  example that Canadian c r i t i c s In  28  annual  terms  of  i n f l o w of  percentages,  say this  their  would mean that  immigrants would drop  of the t o t a l p o p u l a t i o n .  government  from  0.65%  Canada's current immigration  to rate  i s about 0.77%. In Western Europe, anti-immigrant  a g i t a t i o n i s not  solely  the  domain of  as  Front,  but  also  of  right-wing  bodies  such  Cooperation  and  Development,  immigrants  there  "...foster  lower  extremists as  which  the  such  Organization  stated i n a  strikes,  1993  v i o l e n c e , and  the general standard of l i v i n g . "  The  National  of  Economic  report  that  crime.  They  Since the seventies, the  2 9  governments of B r i t a i n , Germany, and France have j u s t i f i e d measures restricting denying  immigration  work permits  of c e r t a i n types  to  immigrants from s e t t l i n g  or c a t e g o r i e s —  family r e l a t i o n s  of  immigrants,  means  measures police who  to were  combat not  racism a  source  against of  p r o t e s t i n g France's  newcomers,  racism  a c t i o n i n P a r i s during August  were  as  banning  i n c e r t a i n areas, d e l i b e r a t e b u r e a u c r a t i c  delays, and d i r e c t payments to encourage immigrants to a  such  1996  restrictive  as  themselves.  leave — though  30  The  against hunger immigration  as  these recent  strikers  laws  shows  8  that t h i s i s s u e continues to be a l i v e and w e l l . Immigration  3 1  i s also a contentious issue i n the United S t a t e s .  The recent uproar over the beating of i l l e g a l Mexican immigrants California  Highway  Patrol  officers  in April  1996,  plus  32  by  the  passage of f e d e r a l amendments to welfare l e g i s l a t i o n that bar l e g a l immigrants how  from  r e c e i v i n g most  forms of welfare b e n e f i t s ,  shows  3 3  s i g n i f i c a n t the t o p i c of immigration has been f o r Americans. To  draw upon examples  world i s to show, f i r s t , Second, that  as c r i t i c s  Canada  should  of  the  immigration  that the Canadian  draw examples follow,  any  from  study  backlash  around  s i t u a t i o n i s not  the  unique.  other c o u n t r i e s as models on  the  phenomenon of  anti-  immigration l o c a l l y must t h e r e f o r e look at these examples and show how  they do  or do not apply.  immigration p o l i c y with that 1995  American  bipartisan  For example,  i n comparing American  of Canada, Richard Gwyn r e f e r s  federal  commission's  proposals  to a  to  cut  immigration by almost a h a l f and s u b s t a n t i a l l y reduce the number of family-class  immigrants,  and  writes:  "An  equivalent  to  the  o b j e c t i v e a n a l y s i s of the b i p a r t i s a n commission's study i s overdue to be d u p l i c a t e d here While  [ i n Canada]".  34  a number of contemporary studies have focused on current  anti-multiculturalism  sentiments,  immigration  i t is difficult  discuss  trends,  the two  against  35  issues together.  multiculturalism  sentiments  and  and  a  few  to  have  locate  None has  looked any  linked  immigration  to  anti-  s t u d i e s that  the  show  at  backlashes how  these  might represent an o v e r a l l  trend against heterogeneity  and c u l t u r a l p l u r a l i s m i n our s o c i e t y .  The research presented here  w i l l show that anti-immigrant/anti-minority group themes evident i n the past p a r a l l e l those of today, thus showing how  the contemporary  backlash i s a reproduction of such trends i n h i s t o r y . This  study w i l l  be  organized i n two  multiculturalism policy of  immigration.  represent •means  by  the  The  diversity  which  we  i n Canada, and two of  acquire  areas  are  Canadian new  parts:  one  part analyzing  the other examining intimately  society:  Canadians,  linked  immigration and  issues as is  they one  multiculturalism  9  represents the way new  over the past generation that we  Canadians i n t o our Part  One,  such  Chapter Two  as  will  define  "multiculturalism',  chapter  will  also  discuss  for  factors  that  societies,  conflict  in  such  societies,  (or  communities, specifically,  non-charter  groups)  the  the  i n public  of m u l t i c u l t u r a l i s m First will since  "ethnicity*.  This  persistence  facilitate  of  against  to  problem  non-recognition  of  of  of  of  and  the  dealing the  with  culture  need to  supplement  This chapter w i l l a l s o discuss  the  explain  i n Canada, and  the  h i s t o r y of  policy  C r i t i c i s m s of the p o l i c y from Quebec n a t i o n a l i s t s and  the  analyze  mentioned i n Chapter Three, but  these  criticisms  that concern m i n o r i t i e s multiculturalism community,  from  time  multiculturalism academic  examine the  the  the  Aboriginal  some  used,  c r i t i c i s m s of  not  Nations  be  approaches  policy,  Four w i l l  Nations w i l l be  issues  several  nativism.  Chapters Three and policy.  have will  the  non-recognition  human r i g h t s with group r i g h t s . phenomenon of  and  reasons  modern  will  terms that  the  in  culture  the  "pluralism',  ethnicity  heterogeneous  those  society.  which deals with m u l t i c u l t u r a l i s m ,  chapters.  integrate  to  policy  in  any  great  also concern the sometimes deals  I will  be  time.  The  drawing focus  but  my  issues  examples  focus  Since  F i r s t Nations, from  i s on  p o l i c y i n regards to immigrants. criticisms,  thesis  detail.  with  here  this  in  the  the  First  criticism I will  will  and  be  of  examine  on  popular  contemporary c r i t i c i s m s made by observers such as N e i l Bissoondath, Richard  Gwyn,  Reginald  Francis.  The  impact on  widespread  and  t h i s issue.  effective  Bibby, the  William  public  than  of  D.  Gairdner,  these w r i t e r s  commentaries  made by  and  was  Diane  f a r more  academics  Popular c r i t i c s have access to t e l e v i s i o n and  on  popular  media, whereas academics c i r c u l a t e t h e i r views l a r g e l y i n academic journals  and  a t t e n t i o n by  at  the media.  multiculturalism minority  academic is  communities,  conferences  Their  little that  which  are  c r i t i c i s m s include  more  than  i t does  a  scheme  nothing  to  given  little  the notions to  buy  address  that  votes the  in  real  10  concerns an  of m i n o r i t y groups such as racism, that  object  of  encouraging how  well  exotic  display,  separateness.  these  critiques  The  and  it  purpose  reflect  causes  ghettoization  of t h i s  the  i t makes c u l t u r e  chapter  reality  of  by  i s to  see  multicultural  p o l i c y i n Canada and Canadian s o c i e t y i n general. Chapters  Five  and  Six w i l l  continue  c r i t i q u e s of m u l t i c u l t u r a l i s m , c r i t i c i s m s represent. not  these  effects  and i t w i l l  analysis  of  popular  a l s o examine what these  I t w i l l respond to i s s u e s such as whether or  criticisms  destructive  this  really  reflect  concern  of m u l t i c u l t u r a l i s m ,  or  for  the  i f they  supposed  represent  a  fear of the i n c r e a s i n g presence of n o n - t r a d i t i o n a l , e t h n o - c u l t u r a l groups  i n Canada; why  Bissoondath against  and  the  represented policy;  University  policy; in  and  members of m i n o r i t y groups,  the what  how  of  such  Winnipeg p r o f e s s o r Rais  accurately multiculturalism  media;  i f such  might ' some  of  criticisms the  help  actual  as  Neil  Khan,  are  policy  is  refine  the  shortcomings  of  m u l t i c u l t u r a l i s m be. Part  Two,  divided  into  which deals with anti-immigration arguments., w i l l three  chapters.  Chapter  Seven  will  give  a  be  brief  h i s t o r i c a l examination of immigration backlash i n Canada, and  look  at  will  demographic arguments against immigration.  identify against these  eight  themes  immigrants themes  appraisal  to  recur  that  i n each today.  show how  persist of  within  these I  From t h i s , the  arguments  various backlashes,  will  also  use  this  anti-immigration proponents  not, able to i n f l u e n c e government p o l i c y .  I  made  and  how  historical  were,  or  were  Chapter E i g h t w i l l deal  with contemporary economic arguments against immigration.  Rather  than being a nation-wide phenomenon, immigration-bashing has  tended  to be a r e g i o n a l r e a c t i o n towards an i n f l u x of s p e c i f i c groups of immigrants  into particular  regions of the country,  especially  the  b i g c i t i e s l i k e Toronto and Vancouver, where v i s i b l e m i n o r i t i e s  now  c o n s t i t u t e o n e - t h i r d of the t o t a l p o p u l a t i o n .  The  p r o p o r t i o n of  the p o p u l a t i o n that i s considered to be from v i s i b l e m i n o r i t i e s has n e a r l y doubled i n the l a s t ten y e a r s .  36  11  Chapter  Nine  manifestations on  a  racial  arguments  of  The  prejudice).  against  policy  in  of  A  integration context. by  policy  government that  policy handed I  immigration  Canada,  rather  integration seeing  account.  When r e f e r r i n g  Quebec  part  This  the  adequately movement  This explain  against  result,  I  aspects  of  a  does is all  a  try  conflict  of and  these  not  the  theory  most  recent and  how  intolerance  deal  part  in  Canadian  naturally  affected  dictated since  its  the of  immigrants  Agreement.  with  the  take  the  whole.  I will  3 8  policies  the  whole  own  federal  w i t h Quebec's  of  and  the  selection  statistics,  I  and  rest I  of  provide  nation  indeed  into  include  their  find  particular  that  no  elements  approach. appear  is  explained  theory  can  explaining  throughout as  a  this  in  Canadian  these  society.  established  a  many work.  reaction as  the As  example,  E u r o p e a n - o r i g i n groups  hegemony that  in  theoretical  one  For  theory  white,  would suggest  any  multiculturalism policies.  eclectic  movement  established  maintain  as  different  conflict-oriented  the  and i s  the  follow  because  more  anti-immigration  members  position.  immigration  assess  comparison  statistics  immigration  prefer  to  whole.  dissertation  perspective.  to  of  potential  with  Quebec to  to  in  Quebec  to  at  policy,  deal  such  seen  the  Couture-Cullen  important  federal  of  largely  over  1978  and than  is  be  nativist  concurrence  powers  it  qualification: as  has  feel  to  here:  o f Canada,  the  the  how  society.  federal  through  a  based  religious,  show  have  some  improved  Quebec its  will  immigration  difficult  part  with  over  province  Consequently,  The  and  be  somewhat is  chapter  reflect  system  ethno-cultural,  analyze  required  policies,  immigration  one  is  W h i l e Quebec  federal  of  is  a belief  supporting  c u l t u r a l p l u r a l i s m i n our  qualification  is,  a n d how t h e y  and  can  arguments  m u l t i c u l t u r a l i s m can  those  explain  education  with  and  multiculturalism  multicultural towards  will  of  these  (that  This  3 7  immigration favour  conclusion  criticisms  how  nationalism  public policy-making level,  shape  to  examine  of Canadian n a t i v i s m  conjunction  and/or the  will  by  a means However,  ethno-cultural  12  groups  as  a  whole  are t r y i n g  to maintain  their  power  while  m i n o r i t y groups are as a whole attempting to challenge that power base,  and I do not b e l i e v e  this  to be the case.  The range of  opinions and views w i t h i n any one e t h n o - c u l t u r a l group are f a r too d i v e r s e to show t h i s to be true. white  m a j o r i t y are against  Not a l l members o f the dominant  immigration,  nor are a l l members of  v i s i b l e m i n o r i t i e s i n favour of o f f i c i a l m u l t i c u l t u r a l i s m . the most appeal i n the t h e o r e t i c a l approaches advocates rights  the promotion Taylor,  society  as being  who  o f W i l l Kymlicka, who  of c o l l e c t i v e r i g h t s such as m u l t i c u l t u r a l  as a means to promote and support  Charles  I find  challenges  individual  freedom, and  the w e s t e r n - l i b e r a l  "difference-blind'.  While  guide my own e x p l o r a t i o n o f the evidence  these  on t h i s  concept  of  two  approaches  topic,  I do not  adhere to them s t r i c t l y .  13  NOTES  1) Daniel Stoffman, "Toward a "moderate level immigration", The Globe and M a i l (January 28 1998): A23.  1  of  2) Doug C o l l i n s , Immigration: The D e s t r u c t i o n of Canada (Richmond H i l l : BMG P u l i s h i n g Limited, 1979): 51.  English  3) Darcy Henton, "Local Reform Candidate Out C a l l e d R a c i s t " , Toronto Star (October 14 1993): A l .  Remarks  After  4) J e r r y G. R e i t z and Raymond Breton, The I l l u s i o n of D i f f e r e n c e : R e a l i t i e s of E t h n i c i t y i n Canada and the U.S. (Ottawa: C D . Howe I n s t i t u t e , 1994) : 78. 5) The Reform Party of Canada, Blue Sheet: P r i n c i p l e s and P o l i c i e s of the Reform Party of Canada — 1996-97 (Calgary: 1996): 7.  6) Stoffman,  1.  7) Charles Campbell, "Save Money, Vancouver Sun, February 21, 1995, A l l .  Close  Our  Borders",  The  8) Tom McFeely and Kevin Michael Grace, "Sorry, Closed f o r Repairs", The Western Report, 9(July 11 1994): 6. 9)  Ibid.,  6.  10) For a d i s c u s s i o n of the term " o f f i c i a l please see chapter two.  multiculturalism",  11) Richard Gwyn, Nationalism Without Walls: The Unbearable Lightness of Being Canadian (Toronto: M c C l e l l a n d and Stewart, 1995): 274. 12) J.S. Woodsworth, Strangers Within Our Gates (Toronto: The M i s s i o n a r y S o c i e t y of the Methodist Church, Canada, 1919; r e p r i n t ; Toronto: U n i v e r s i t y of Toronto Press, 1972): 187-206. 13) the  Ibid.,  208.  14) Diane Francis, Underground Nation: The Secret Economy and Future of Canada (Toronto: Key Porter Books Limited, 1994): 63. 15)  Ibid.,  63.  16) Canada, Parliament, House of Commons Standing Committee on C i t i z e n s h i p and Immigration, Sub-Committee on B i l l C-35. Minutes of Proceedings and Evidence of the Sub-Committee on B i l l C35, An Act to E s t a b l i s h the Department of C i t i z e n s h i p and Immigration and to Make Consequential Amendments to the Other A c t s .  14  I r r e g u l a r 35th Parliament, s e s s i o n 1, (Ottawa: Queen's P r i n t e r , 1994): 23.  number  1,  June  16,  1994.  17) I b i d . , 23. 18) William. D. Gairdner, The Trouble With Canada: A C i t i z e n Speaks Out (Toronto: Stoddart P u b l i s h i n g Company L t d . , 1990): 395. 19) Neil Bissoondath, S e l l i n g Illusions: The Cult M u l t i c u l t u r a l i s m i n Canada (Toronto: Penguin Books, 1994): 44. 20)  Ibid.,  of  192.  21) By "English/French majority", I am u s i n g the t r a d i t i o n a l way of d e s c r i b i n g the Anglo-Celtic/French-Canadian dominant groups i n Canada. 22) K..W. Taylor makes a s i m i l a r point, saying that the number of immigrants from n o n - t r a d i t i o n a l areas such as the T h i r d World have between 1962 and 1988 grown to represent two-thirds of a l l immigrants who come to Canada. "Racism i n Canadian Immigration P o l i c y " , Canadian E t h n i c Studies, 23:1 (1991): 7. 23) Edward S. Herman and Noam Chomsky, Manufacturing Consent: The P o l i t i c a l Economy of the Mass Media (New York: Pantheon Books, 1988): 298. In the case of my own t h e s i s , I argue that t h i s contention i s a l s o true i n the case of the Canadian media and i t s view on m u l t i c u l t u r a l i s m p o l i c y . 24) Canada, Parliament, House of Commons, Standing Committee on C i t i z e n s h i p and Immigration. Bakopanos, E l e n i . . Refugees, Immigration, and Gender. Parliament 35, s e s s i o n 1, number 48 (Ottawa: wa: Queen's P r i n t e r , June, 1995): 48. 25) P a u l e t t e P e i r o l , "Immigrant Levels R e f l e c t Backlash", The Globe and M a i l (October 30 1996): A l . 26) C o r n e l i u s Jaenen, "Mutilated M u l t i c u l t u r a l i s m " , i n J.D. Wilson (ed.). Canadian Education i n the 1980s (Calgary: D e t s e l i g E n t e r p r i s e s Limited, 1981): 93 27)  Ibid.,  94.  28) A u s t r a l i a ' s population, according to a 1991 estimate, i s 16,930,000 (World Book Encyclopedia, vol.1,1991: 899). Canada's population, according to the 1996 census, stands at 28.8 m i l l i o n . S t a t i s t i c s Canada, A National Overview: Population and Dwelling Counts (Ottawa: M i n i s t e r of Industry, 1997): 11. New  29) N i g e l H a r r i s , The New Untouchables: Immigration i n the World Worker (London, New York: I.B. Taurus P u b l i s h e r s , 1995):  15  186. .30) 31) Sit-In", 32) Angeles", Line) .  Ibid.,  11.  C r a i g R . W h i t n e y , " P o l i c e i n P a r i s Smash I m m i g r a n t s T h e New Y o r k T i m e s ( A u g u s t 24 1 9 9 6 ) : s e c t . 1:6. T.V. April  Show: " N i n e News 10 1 9 9 6 , 10pm PT  10:00pm (obtained  33) C l a u d i a D r e i f u s , "The W o r s t Y o r k T i m e s , 6 ( O c t o b e r 27 1 9 9 6 ) : 5 3 . 34)  Gwyn,  Job  in  Report; KCAL-TV; from Lexus-Nexus the  World?",  in Los On-  The  New  220.  35) E x a m p l e s o f s t u d i e s on a n t i - m u l t i c u l t u r a l i s m phenomena include Tissa Fernando's " M o s a i c Madness or Sensible Policy? Reflections on Multiculturalism", in Neil Guppy and Kenneth Stoddart (ed.s), Social Insights (Vancouver: Anthropology and S o c i o l o g y D e p a r t m e n t s , U n i v e r s i t y o f B r i t i s h C o l u m b i a , 1991) ; a n d Andrew C a r d o z o ' s "On G u a r d f o r M u l t i c u l t u r a l i s m " , The Canadian F o r u m , 522 ( A p r i l 1994), 14-19. An example o f a s t u d y o f antii m m i g r a n t s e n t i m e n t s w o u l d b e N i g e l H a r r i s , T h e New U n t o u c h a b l e s : I m m i g r a t i o n a n d t h e New W o r l d W o r k e r ( L o n d o n , New Y o r k : I . B . T a u r u s Publishers, 1995). 36) and M a i l  A l a n n a M i t c h e l l , "Face o f b i g c i t i e s ( F e b r u a r y 18 1 9 9 8 ) : A l .  changing",  37) Howard Palmer, Nativism in Alberta: Presentation at the Canadian Historical Association June,1974): 2.  The  Globe  1925-1930, (Toronto:  38) D i r e c t i o n des c o m m u n i c a t i o n s o f t h e Quebec M i n i s t e r e des Communautes culturelles et de 1'Immigration, Vision: A Policy Statement on Immigration and I n t e g r a t i o n (Quebec: Ministere des C o m m u n a u t e s c u l t u r e l l e s e t de 1 ' I m m i g r a t i o n d u Q u e b e c , 1 9 9 0 ) : 7 .  16  CHAPTER  An  TWO:  MULTICULTURALISM A S A  a n a l y s i s of m u l t i c u l t u r a l i s m  CONCEPT  and the s t a t e o f e t h n o / c u l t u r a l  r e l a t i o n s requires a d e f i n i t i o n of terms and an explanation theoretical related  background.  issues  mean  Without  different  things  to d i f f e r e n t  people.  believe  to Bibby,  that  i s that  they have  danger  of  this  a  . For  which has l e d to r e l a t i v i s m because o f i t s emphasis on The  as  its  pluralism  individualism.  multiculturalism  and  Reginald  according  sees  multiculturalism  example, excessive  Bibby  this,  o f the  i f Canadians are i n c r e a s i n g l y  "no v i s i o n , n a t i o n a l  to N e i l Bissoondath, m u l t i c u l t u r a l i s m of c e r t a i n t y  goals,  i s responsible  sees m u l t i c u l t u r a l i s m  as depending  and unchanging notions o f e t h n i c i t y .  I t creates  According  1  f o r producing i n Canadian  Unlike  on conformity  l e d to  and sense of  and diminishment  values which he does not i d e n t i f y s p e c i f i c a l l y .  of  individualism,  coexistence", then we c o l l a p s e i n t o a "mosaic madness". among Canadians a l o s s  form  Bibby, he  to preconceived  stereotypes,  based  here on e t h n i c i t y , which s t r i p s the i n d i v i d u a l o f a l l uniqueness.  2  Hence, we have two d i f f e r e n t i n t e r p r e t a t i o n s o f m u l t i c u l t u r a l i s m : one  views  i t as too i n d i v i d u a l i s t i c ,  conformist. that  the other  sees  i t as too  Yet both i n t e r p r e t a t i o n s come to the same  conclusion:  t h i s p o l i c y has caused a l o s s o f i d e n t i t y among Canadians by  advocating  cultural  relativism  (the b e l i e f  p r a c t i c e s are of equal value, and therefore cannot  judge the p r a c t i c e s  o f another).  that  a l l cultural  members o f one c u l t u r e Which i n t e r p r e t a t i o n i s  accurate? Is e i t h e r o f them c o r r e c t ? The purpose o f t h i s chapter i s to help provide g u i d e l i n e s theory and i n t e r p r e t a t i o n o f m u l t i c u l t u r a l i s m , and  r e l a t e d concepts.  to assess the debate. multiculturalism, integration, given.  In  ethnocultural  This gives  c u l t u r a l pluralism,  the reader a foundation on which  To do t h i s , d e f i n i t i o n s o f key terms such as  cultural  pluralism,  separation/segregation, order  to the  to  relations,  assimilation,  and m a r g i n a l i z a t i o n ,  understand these  ethnicity,  terms  the will  Canadian be  will  approach  explained  be to  i n the 17  context of d i f f e r e n t models. As t h i s debate deals with e t h n o - c u l t u r a l r e l a t i o n s , a d i s c u s s i o n of e t h n i c i t y i s warranted. 1970s saw  e t h n i c i t y as  Observers such as  r a p i d l y diminishing  i r r e l e v a n c e i n modern s o c i e t y i n the an  emphasis on  Porter f e l t  the American melting pot was  particularisms  suggests  that  this  and  i t s increasing  ties irrelevant.  more appropriate  than the  s o c i e t i e s because i t allowed  what they were prone to do:  join  the  presumption  mainstream  is  not  group.  accurate.  reasons f o r t h i s p e r s i s t e n c e of e t h n i c i t y ? The  to  the  face of technology which put  Canadian mosaic model f o r p l u r a l i s t i c their  due  i n d i v i d u a l i t y which made e t h n i c  f o r e t h n o - c u l t u r a l groups to do  in  John Porter  How  shed  Evidence  3  What  are  the  do we deal with i t ?  c o n t i n u i n g existence of e t h n i c i t y i n modern s o c i e t y despite  Porter's  contention  leads  to  the  question  of  how  n a t i o n a l p o l i t i c a l i n s t i t u t i o n s to deal with i t . liberal  model  cultural rights?  of  government  I f not, why  rights?  How  of  western-liberal  the  provide  should i t ?  we  shape  our  Does the Western-  adequate  recognition  How  recognize  do we  of  these  does t h i s shape the r o l e of c i t i z e n s h i p i n the concept nation-state?  In  other  words,  is  the  d e f i n i t i o n of c i t i z e n s h i p i n w e s t e r n - l i b e r a l s t a t e s such as Canada i n c l u s i v e enough to incorporate those from m i n o r i t y groups? Finally,  this  context.  This  nativists  will  believe,  populism. support  chapter and  will  explain  include how  a  nativism  description  they  try  to  in of  the  Canadian  what  Canadian  promote  this  This knowledge i s r e q u i r e d to understand why a  more  conservative  and  traditional  through those  interpretation  who of  Canadian i d e n t i t y oppose a p l u r a l i s t i c view of Canada. The  Terms o f A)  Debate  Multiculturalism:  Like c u l t u r e i t s e l f , we  m u l t i c u l t u r a l i s m i s an e v o l v i n g term.  i n t e r p r e t m u l t i c u l t u r a l i s m now  interpreted after i t s o f f i c i a l  may  be d i f f e r e n t  r e c o g n i t i o n i n 1971.  from how In the  How  i t was early 18  years, the p o l i c y focused p r i m a r i l y on c u l t u r a l r e t e n t i o n . late  1970s and  issues  such  e a r l y 1980s, the  as  social  language  education.  economic  contribution  evolutionary  Later,  multiculturalism definition  of  often  the  define  ideology. the  This has  policy.  policy,  Is  or  various  as  an  aspects  can to be the  their  taking  To  as  into  this  critics  of old  consideration  the  on  seventies. as  a  policy  criticizing  and  as  or  both?  multiculturalism  Often,  multiculturalism  observers  ideology  that  and  for  that do not  note  kept i n mind when reading commentaries  writer  asking  preserve t h e i r c u l t u r e  and  the  f e d e r a l p o l i c y , such as  groups  heritage  equality  4  n e c e s s a r i l y connected to the minority  and  c r i t i c i s m s based  identified  ideology, of  agenda.  important,  without  be  economic  the  changes that have occurred since the Multiculturalism  relations,  of  to  is  policy  race  issues  added  development  the  p o l i c y became more concerned with  integration, were  By  special  privileges  as  an on a  criticize are  not  hyphenization in  (a p r a c t i c e which occurs i n other  order  to  countries  have an o f f i c i a l p o l i c y of m u l t i c u l t u r a l i s m ) . However,  they make recommendations,  such as  multiculturalism,  are  which  calling  directed  to  eliminate  at  the  official  policy  of  multiculturalism. According definition criteria: set  of  to  of  Augie  Fleras  multiculturalism  a unique way attitudes  and  Jean  should  of s o r t i n g out  among  incorporate  and  individuals  Leonard  the  evaluating  and  Elliot,  any  following  diversity;  groups  regarding  a the  i n t r i n s i c value of c u l t u r a l d i v e r s i t y ; an i d e o l o g i c a l commitment to diversity  as  productive  and  relevant  to  national  i n t e r e s t s ; formal i n i t i a t i v e s by the government and incorporate  d i v e r s i t y i n t o a set  b e l i e f i n the p r a c t i c a l b e n e f i t s and  minority  defined and  as  interests.  "an  practices  5  For  which  local  i n s t i t u t i o n s to programs; and  of m u l t i c u l t u r a l i s m  for  and  a  political  these purposes, m u l t i c u l t u r a l i s m  o f f i c i a l doctrine in  of p o l i c i e s and  or  is  corresponding set of p o l i c i e s  ethnoracial  differences  are  formally 19  promoted  and  political, puts  incorporated  s o c i a l , and  emphasis  on  differences.  This  for minority not  be  an  integral  symbolic order". promotion  and  emphasis could  suitable  incorporation  f o r those who  do  not  Canadian  society".  aforementioned of  wish to  and  criteria,  integration  unify society. if  ethnoracial  while  into  definition  defining  the  larger  As I  multiculturalism dissertation,  would ethnic  integration  allows  diversity  society.  the  for  the  within  the  This  emphasizes  also d i v e r s i t y as a means to  P h i l i p Resnick writes, m u l t i c u l t u r a l i s m would be  i t denies  Consequently,  is  multiculturalism  political/economic  This  7  the  promote d i v e r s i t y w i t h i n  more than j u s t c u l t u r a l r e t e n t i o n , but harmful  of  retain their  In comparison, Howard Palmer defines  context of Canadian c i t i z e n s h i p and  context  of  suggest that m u l t i c u l t u r a l i s m  "the means by which to p r o t e c t  into  component  This d e f i n i t i o n , however,  6  groups, rather than f o r s o c i e t y as a whole, and  background. as  the  as  Canadians  feel  that  an  overall  Howard  Palmer's  i s the most appropriate.  I  will  use  his  national  identity.  definition  8  of  For the purpose of t h i s  definition  when  referring  to  "multiculturalism'. B)  cultural  pluralism:  Horace K a l l e n 1924.  He  first  coined  t h i s term  related cultural pluralism  i n the  to the  each group compared to a musician p l a y i n g all  making music together.  9  In  E l l i o t define c u l t u r a l p l u r a l i s m  the  United  idea of an  States  in  orchestra:  a d i f f e r e n t instrument,  Canadian context,  Fleras  and  as:  A term used interchangeably with m u l t i c u l t u r a l i s m , the concept of c u l t u r a l p l u r a l i s m describes a s o c i a l arrangement i n which r a c i a l l y or e t h n i c a l l y d i f f e r e n t groups c o - e x i s t under a s i n g l e p o l i t y . As with m u l t i c u l t u r a l i s m , references to c u l t u r a l p l u r a l i s m can take several points of departure, i n c l u d i n g those of p l u r a l i s m as a d e s c r i p t i v e f a c t , p r e s c r i p t i v e i d e a l , or p o l i t i c a l p r o c e s s . 10  In  other  words,  c u l t u r a l pluralism, living  together  multiculturalism  is  based  on  the  which sees d i f f e r e n t e t h n o / c u l t u r a l  with  equal  or  common  recognition  concept groups of  of as  their 20  differences. Canada  As c u l t u r a l p l u r a l i s m  through  the  "multiculturalism the  term  States,  1  policy  i s used  of  more o f t e n  term  whereas  i n the United  i s not o f f i c i a l l y recognized as i n  In the context o f t h i s t h e s i s , t h i s p o i n t  as c r i t i c s  the  to t h i s r e c o g n i t i o n ,  i s used  where m u l t i c u l t u r a l i s m  officially in  multiculturalism,  to r e f e r  "cultural pluralism'  Canada.  i s recognized  i s worth  noting  such as Reginald Bibby regard p l u r a l i s m as c o n t r i b u t i n g  to c o l l e c t i v e and personal freedom by l e g i t i m a t i n g d i v e r s i t y , which in  turn  the  justifies  relativism.  This  1 1  r e l a t i v i s m i s deemed to be  cause o f Canadians' lack o f i d e n t i t y today as "to l i v e  sword o f r e l a t i v i s m . . . may a l s o be to d i e by i t " . The  by the  1 2  d e f i n i t i o n of c u l t u r a l p l u r a l i s m may not be interchangeable  between  Canadian  and American  literature.  In  the context  of  American i n t e r - c u l t u r a l r e l a t i o n s , according to David A. H o l l i n g e r , multiculturalism  and  cultural  pluralism  interchangeable.  Cultural pluralism  —  are  ethno-racial  groups.  process,  and  inequalities This  Hispanics, C)  empowerment  quietly  by  and non-European-^origin  a d i f f e r e n t way of viewing  i t very  in  than  contrast,  the Eurocentrism o f the p o l i t i c a l  minority  between European-  i s quite  because  emphasized  •— r e f e r s  together rather  . Multiculturalism,  recognizes i n the United States  necessarily  i n t h i s context  to c u l t u r a l groups o f European o r i g i n l i v i n g different  not  introduces  things  the notion  f o r example, as v i c t i m s of E u r o c e n t r i c  than of  recognizing groups.  13  i n Canada Blacks  and  society.  ethnicity:  Ethnicity, boundary:  14  according to Wsevelod Isajiw, that  i s , i t i s defined  as through intergroup  relations.  i s a matter o f double  from w i t h i n  the group, as w e l l  To Isajiw, e t h n i c i t y . .  . . . r e f e r s to a group o f people who share the same c u l t u r e or are descendants of such people who i d e n t i f y themselves as belonging to the same voluntary group. 15  Palmer and Troper a l s o  define  an ethnic  group by i t s members' 21  own  identification  society  views  within  the  with  them.  group  each  An  other,  ethnic  identify  as  well  group  i s so  the  group  with  as  how  the  because and  individuals  are  recognized by non-members as being members of that  outer  generally  group.  The  16  elements that determine the e t h n i c i t y of a c e r t a i n group, according to Rex  and Mason, are a combination of language, r e l i g i o n ,  and a n c e s t r a l background. D)assimilation,  race,  17  integration,  separation/segregation,  and  marginalization,:  These  terms  should  be  rather than separately.  explained  in relation  The reasons are that,  are o f t e n seen to be interchangeable.  each  first,  other,  these terms  Observers, sometimes use the  term " a s s i m i l a t i o n ' to r e f e r to what others c a l l vice versa.  to  " i n t e g r a t i o n ' , and  Second, by looking at these terms i n regards to each  other, the purpose behind m u l t i c u l t u r a l p o l i c y becomes apparent. These  four terms represent options  Ethno-cultural issues  groups, according to John Berry,  within  maintenance,  the  into  Integration  societies  where  they  the  larger  society,  it  has  been  occurs when a group or i n d i v i d u a l  society  t h i s would be  represent  If  18  two  "assimilated".  can maintain t h e i r  19  versions  to be put at a d i s t a n c e .  the d i s c r i m i n a t o r y  apartheid i n South A f r i c a . chooses Canada  cultural  of  the  same  In the case of the former, the m i n o r i t y group i s compelled  the l a r g e r  would  1)  two main  (or i n d i v i d u a l ) r e l i n q u i s h e s i t s own c u l t u r e and  Segregation/separation by  confront  exist:  c u l t u r e while moving i n t o the l a r g e r s o c i e t y . option.  societies.  and 2) p a r t i c i p a t i o n w i t h i n the l a r g e r s o c i e t y .  a p a r t i c u l a r group moves  for p l u r a l i s t i c  the  in  maintains  formation  the  society.  of H u t t e r i t e  twentieth  An  example of  the former regime of  Separation i s when the m i n o r i t y  to eschew mainstream  be  laws under  20  century.  An  21  illustration  colonies In  both  on  group  of  this  the p r a i r i e s  cases,  i t s c u l t u r e by not moving, or by not being  the  in  group  allowed to 22  move, i n t o the l a r g e r s o c i e t y . Marginalization  occurs  22  when  the group  t r a d i t i o n a l c u l t u r e and i t s contact  i n question  loses i t s  with the l a r g e r s o c i e t y .  This  "ethnocide" can be seen i n the case o f the treatment o f a b o r i g i n a l people i n Canada by the c o l o n i z i n g powers. Of  these  approach  four  of  policy, and  away  and group to  and  rights.  Berry,  to emphasize  group  act  as  a  to  human  rights, and  between  requires  support  at t h i s point  of  both social  intergroup  collective  adaptation  the immigrants' part, but also on the part o f l a r g e r I digress  outcomes  are to manage  maintenance, balance  The p o l i c y  2 3  John  and  marginalization;  choice;  tolerance;  to  goals  favours the  r e l a t i o n s ; to encourage groups towards  from  equality,  multiculturalism  intended  according  participation, individual  The  and i n t e r p e r s o n a l  integration individual  official  integration.  multicultural intergroup  models,  not only  society.  and on  24  to re-emphasize how these terms can be  i n t e r p r e t e d d i f f e r e n t l y by others.  Consider t h i s statement by John  Higham i n h i s book Send Them to Me: A m u l t i e t h n i c s o c i e t y can avoid tyranny only through a shared c u l t u r e and a s e t o f u n i v e r s a l values which i t s groups accept. I f i n t e g r a t i o n i s unacceptable because i t does not allow f o r d i f f e r e n c e s , p l u r a l i s m f a i l s to answer our need f o r universals. 5  While Berry sees i n t e g r a t i o n as the acceptance o f d i f f e r e n c e of groups that move i n t o the mainstream, Higham defines  i n t e g r a t i o n as  the  into  the mainstream  i t does  not allow f o r  removal o f d i f f e r e n c e s  ("If  integration  difference..."). resembles Higham  i s unacceptable Hence,  Berry's  i s arguing  dissertation,  i n order  to move  because  Higham's  definition  d e f i n i t i o n of a s s i m i l a t i o n . for assimilation.  unless  stated  of  integration  This  means  For the purposes  otherwise,  I  will  use  that  of this Berry's  terminology. Assimilation pot,  and  —  takes several according  to  forms:" Anglo-conformity, Anderson  and  Frideres  the melting —  cultural 23  pluralism.  The  2 6  fact  that these  terms mean d i f f e r e n t  things  to  d i f f e r e n t people at p a r t i c u l a r times i n h i s t o r y leads to confusion. According to Howard Palmer, "melting pot' suggests merge with Yet  settled  every  interpreted  communities to form a new  idea  —  including  in a  narrow  and  cultural  dogmatic  Canadian  pluralism  fashion.  As  below, the Canadian melting pot model o f t e n was of  Anglo-conformity.  terms  leads  to  Again,  28  this  shows how  misunderstandings.  As  that immigrants culture. —  can  Palmer  be  shows  d e f i n e d as a form  confusion over  a  2 7  result,  these  contemporary  observers o f t e n c r i t i c i z e m u l t i c u l t u r a l i s m without d e f i n i n g what i t means to them. In the Canadian context, a s s i m i l a t i o n i s recognized p r i m a r i l y i n the  form  of Anglo-conformity.  I t implies that  newcomers  conform to the i d e a l s of a B r i t i s h - C a n a d i a n s o c i e t y . First  World  schools, social what  War,  assimilationist  Protestant  welfare would  if  concerns  i n t o a new popular  One,  nationalism,  the  sponsored  by  and  patriotic  and  combined  fears  assimilated  of  with  t h i s concept  started giving  way  immigrants along with a blending of c u l t u r e s  1920s  clear  not  were  This view envisioned a b i o l o g i c a l merging of  "Canadian' c u l t u r e .  in  were  P r i o r to the  f o r the s o c i a l and personal problems faced by  to the "melting pot'. Anglo-Canadians with  unions,  These programs  immigrants  A f t e r World War  29  labour  organizations.  happen  humanitarian immigrants.  churches,  programs  should  due  3 0  to  distinctions  While the m e l t i n g pot idea became the  rise  of  autonomous  between Anglo-conformity  m e l t i n g pot paradigm d i d not always e x i s t .  Canadian and  the  The melting pot model  was  i n many ways a t h i n l y - v e i l e d conformist model, an Anglo melting  pot.  31  Bennett  As  the  f o l l o w i n g quote  in  the  House  conformity s t i l l  of  from  Commons  in  former 1928  Prime shows,  Minister the  ideals  R.B. of  thrived:  We e a r n e s t l y and s i n c e r e l y b e l i e v e that the c i v i l i z a t i o n which we c a l l the B r i t i s h c i v i l i z a t i o n i s the standard by which we must measure our own c i v i l i z a t i o n ; we d e s i r e to a s s i m i l a t e those whom we b r i n g to t h i s country to that c i v i l i z a t i o n , that standard of l i v i n g , that regard f o r m o r a l i t y and law and the 24  i n s t i t u t i o n s of the country and to the ordered and r e q u i r e d development of t h i s country. That i s what we d e s i r e , rather than by the i n t r o d u c t i o n of vast and overwhelming numbers of people from other countries to a s s i m i l a t e the B r i t i s h immigrants and the few Canadians who are l e f t to some other c i v i l i z a t i o n . 3 2  Assimilation Structural access  can  institutions Behavioral to  two  assimilation  entrance  stresses  take  of  into the  forms:  implies  cliques,  structural  that  a l l groups  clubs,  host-society  and  at  behavioral.  have  and  political  the  primary  and  those  the  host  society  (or:  dominant  level.  acculturation,  a l l groups change t h e i r c u l t u r a l patterns  of  accordingly.  economic  group  (or c u l t u r a l ) a s s i m i l a t i o n , a l s o known as that  large-scale  to  group)  and  adhere behave  33  The purpose of a s s i m i l a t i o n i s to develop or maintain a somewhat homogeneous society does  society.  But  f o r a l l groups,  i t co-opt be  as  minorities  themselves below the can  does  it  actually  into  they  status  of  a  hierarchy  established  Consequently, ethnic  deemed  acceptable,  British  ideal,  since  they  while  in  which  groups?  or find  Assimilation  groups to bow  some groups conform to the  than others.  universal imply,  standards, as set by the dominant group. that  a  s t r u c t u r a l a s s i m i l a t i o n may  seen as a means to force ethnic  implies  create  to  society's  Furthermore, a s s i m i l a t i o n British  i d e a l more e a s i l y  groups of European o r i g i n were  could  conform  non-European  more  groups  easily  were  to  the  considered  unacceptable. As  Derrick  Thomas  surrender of ethnic immigrants  (and  states,  identity.  other  minority  complete  This  demands  imposes a p a i n f u l s a c r i f i c e  groups).  Hence,  l i k e l y to be r e s i s t e d by some ethnic groups. the paradox of a s s i m i l a t i o n : segregation sanction  assimilation  assimilation  This p o i n t  r e a l l y a v a i l a b l e to enforce a s s i m i l a t i o n .  is  highlights  (or exclusion) i s the 34  on  only  This point  is  borne out i n Canadian immigration h i s t o r y , which w i l l be d e a l t with i n Chapter F i v e . shows why  Varying treatment towards d i f f e r e n t e t h n i c groups  a s s i m i l a t i o n has  not  always worked as i t was  intended to 25  and  why  the  cultural  federal  pluralism  government  attempted  through m u l t i c u l t u r a l i s m  instead  to  in  1970s.  the  institute This  f a c t i s worth noting: c r i t i c s of m u l t i c u l t u r a l p o l i c y , p a r t i c u l a r l y the conservative r i g h t , often advocate a r e t u r n model which they consider p r e f e r a b l e E t h n i c P e r s i s t e n c e and  Multiculturalism if  ethnicity  society. ethnicity made by  and  was  was  cultural pluralism  tried  irrelevant  sociologists  to  in  in  or  a  this  modern  the  fifties  society,  individuals  rather  existed  reality  in  according  than to  to  groups. show  moot  point.  The  and  John  sixties. inevitable.  Porter,  saw  was  " v e r t i c a l " , making i t u n f a i r  little  prospect  those  of  building  to  rise.  different of  the  ethno/cultural  themselves  as  little  foundations  evidence with  different  hardly  suggested  f o r a contemporary mosaic.  they were compelled to by the c o l l e c t i o n of census data they f e l t t h e i r e t h n i c i t y ) . Porter  used  this  multiculturalism a retrogressive increasingly model to  to  only  was  when  (whether or  show  that  a  policy  on  It  i t encouraged group claims w i t h i n  individualistic society. instead  the  The  i r r e l e v a n t i n a p o s t - i n d u s t r i a l world.  p o l i c y i n that  of  3 6  premise  achieve e q u a l i t y  concentrated material  was  mosaic  treatment  time Canadians r e f e r r e d to t h e i r e t h n i c i t y , Porter stated, not  the  lower rungs with  Canadians'  groups  Porter in  as Porter showed, the  Historically,  was  People  3 5  experience  f o r those on the  our that  society  Canada's  Also,  in  idea  "mosaic' (a model at the time f o r c u l t u r a l pluralism) was from the American melting pot.  subjects  diminishing  Furthermore,  that  Population  industrialized  technology made a s s i m i l a t i o n  American  the  would be  steadily  make  assimilation  other.  Changing Composition of  non-existent,  Some have  argued that North  the  to any  to the  i n that  37  Assimilation  i t discouraged  individual  rights  and  was  a  ethnicity, equal  of was an  better 3 8  access  and to  success.  Evidence suggests that Porter's view of e t h n i c i t y as an a r t i f a c t 26  from  the  past  within  entirely correct. years  ago  society, has  that the  war.  has  disappear  i n fact  with  the  collapse  the  fall  of  the  this  since at l e a s t  economy i s not  1776,  have won  the  as  Somalia  imperial  and  scores  trend  renders n a t i o n - s t a t e s re-shaping  of  long  the  Serbia, were  and  not  an  Croatia.  related  to  the  Eastern  Wall,  a  cold  bloc  as  era  of  new  i m p e r i a l power.  first  time  With t h i s  and  As  ethnic  new  by  of  the  states  populations  imperial  Some of cold  order.  these  ethnic  war.  The  era, and  no  has  led  to  and  often  Slovenia,  a  Slovakia,  conflicts, demands  This  40  entities.  however,  of  n a t i o n a l i s t s i n The United Kingdom and Basques i n Spain pre-date the end of the c o l d war  have  ethnic i d e n t i t i e s as  such  set upon each  nation-state such  terms:  nation-states  consequently they  assert their  the  the worst of  l e s s r e l e v a n t as p o l i t i c a l  ethnically-based 41  of  revival  While a g l o b a l economy has been  deferred  role  resurgence of groups who new  ethnic end  the  Berlin  collapse,  to  create  of  to fend f o r themselves.  to appeal to,  settle  not  l a r g e sections of the world's population  other This  by  Yugoslavia  order  is  industrialized  An  39  " r i g h t to s e l f - d e t e r m i n a t i o n ' on  they have been l e f t  an  the post-1989 era i s the  ordered  absence of i m p e r i a l order,  in  happened.  1989,  by  society  f o l l o w i n g upon the  g l o b a l i z a t i o n has been ushered i n . i n place  individualist  have been assumed l e s s than twenty  e t h n i c i t y would  around the world  Since  symbolized  While i t may  contrary  occurred  modern-day  Scottish and  t h e i r struggles  France continue  today. With  regards  countries  in  to  the  the  North  North-South are  i n decline  these nations' economic strength. strong economically, result, North.  but  societies:  by  t h i s re-shaping  a  factor  the  mixing  is  what  the  populations  numerically,  of  Nations of the South are not  as  are on  the  of people from the reshapes  of populations  to which conservative  in  of  spite  t h e i r populations  t h i s leads to a migration Such  factor,  rise.  As  South to  a  the  western-industrialized  within  borders!  42  forces are opposed, and  It i s thus 27  t r y to prevent by r e s t r i c t i n g immigration and opposing any recognition  of  heterogeneity  within  their  respective  only an encouragement f o r more immigration from these A number of studies show that e t h n i c i t y continues different ethnic  cultural  groups.  persistence.  Canada explains showed that  Language r e t e n t i o n  Edward  N.  Herberg's  that between 1921  ethnic  groups  had  and  1941,  higher  of  ( o r i g i n a l language of the group) r e t e n t i o n . heritage 1981  language r e t e n t i o n was  period  ethnicities Dutch.  showed  a  recovery  except  Jews,  of  Natives,  sources.  of  measure  Canadian  heritage  retention  Scandinavians,  census  language and  However, the  language  of  ethnicity in  Between 1941  i n decline.  as  to e x i s t among  the  rates  nations  i s one  study  official  1961,  1961  to  among a l l  Germans,  and  43  J e r r y G. historical  R e i t z showed i n h i s study of ethnic evidence  and  social  survey  r e t e n t i o n through  techniques  d e c l i n e s i n most groups, but does not disappear  that  ethnicity  altogether.  Over the long run, there i s a progressive trend toward abandonment of ethnic group t i e s f o r a l l groups i n which long-term experience can be measured (this trend does not include the Chinese). There i s , i n f a c t , an e t h n i c group l i f e c y c l e . The f i n d i n g s h o u l d n o t (his emphasis) be construed as equivalent to saying that ethnic groups e v e n t u a l l y or i n e v i t a b l y a s s i m i l a t e . . . . Reitz points not  out  assimilation.  clear definition was  not  ethnic  that  his  An and  disappears  study d e a l t with  assessment of  does  He not  goes on justify  ethnic  a s s i m i l a t i o n would  relevant measurement, and  attempted here. cohesion  1980  to  say  the  such an  that claim  this that  cohesion, require  a  assessment decline  in  ethnicity  altogether:  ...the f i n d i n g s show only a d e c l i n e i n cohesion, not i t s disappearance. In p o i n t of f a c t , i n none of the groups have a l l kinds of ethnic t i e s disappeared altogether by the t h i r d generation. From c e r t a i n p o i n t s of view, t h i s may be a most significant fact. Whether the long-term outcome of change i s a complete d i s s o l u t i o n [of e t h n i c i t y ] i s i n e v i t a b l e , i t w i l l take a very long time indeed. Five or s i x generations a f t e r the time of the l a s t wave of immigration t r a n s l a t e s i n t o more than a 28  century. I f ethnic communities tend to survive f o r periods of one hundred years or two hundred years, then, from the p o i n t of view of contemporary s o c i e t y , they are permanent f a c t s of l i f e , as permanent as most other variable- features of social structure. 45  One  possible  shortcoming  " v i s i b l e minority' was  the Chinese.  that he  migrate  to  Canada  treatment  that  Sixties  that  the  only  in his  study  large  numbers.  immigrant  of  new  Furthermore,  q u i t e d i f f e r e n t from  groups r e c e i v e d .  Canadians  who  As  have  the  Chinese,  Afro-Caribbean  rates or r e t e n t i o n .  these v i s i b l e  groups,  and  Nevertheless,  East  ethnic  do the the  Appendix  come  Asians)  at  exceptions,  after  from n o n - t r a d i t i o n a l , T h i r d World c o u n t r i e s .  study noted with Asians,  in  h i s t o r i c a l l y was  visible  majority  are  is  These groups, with a few now  they r e c e i v e d  the  study  Consequently, the m a j o r i t y of groups he looked  treatment shows,  Reitz's  appeared to have i n c l u d e d  were of European o r i g i n . not  of  As  A  the his  groups  (South  have  higher  may  h i s study shows that e t h n i c i t y  does e x i s t w i t h i n c u l t u r a l groups even a f t e r s e v e r a l  generations.  What Herberg and R e i t z show through t h e i r studies i s that while e t h n i c i t y may  decline  (periodically,  as Herberg shows i n terms of  language r e t e n t i o n ) , consequently  f o o l i n g some observers,  not  cultural  disappear  beyond  so  language,  ethnicity  easily. such  Other  as  religion,  Porter's  explanation  of  the  However, they e x i s t i n a way  management  ethnicity  the has  Canada recognizes  United  States.  survived  persist.  process,  Thus,  certainly in  of  diversity in  the  i n that s i m i l a r i t i e s do e x i s t .  contrary  b e l i e v e s that e t h n i c i t y diminishes in  identifiers  States.  United States and Canada holds merit  (whether or not  and  seem to  remains a f a c t o r i n the p o l i t i c a l  Canada and i n the United  does  also  traits  i t does  to what he  states.  w i t h i n a "melting pot' itself  Evidence  w i t h i n American  as a melting  shows  the  i n Canada pot)  opposite;  s o c i e t y as  Porter  i t does  as i t that within  Canadian s o c i e t y . Contrary  to p r e d i c t i o n s i n the  1950s, e t h n i c i t y  has  the  landscape.  not  disappeared  from  American  social  Its 29  persistence  has made i t s e l f  discussions.  46  attitudes culture  Furthermore,  of both  a 1989 Decima  Americans  indication  existed  favour c u l t u r a l  to show  that  policy  compared  to the r e t e n t i o n of  R e i t z and Breton showed i n t h e i r  47  i n public  survey which  and Canadians  found that Americans  Canadians. clear  an important f a c t o r  r e t e n t i o n more than 1994 study that no  ethnic  origin  s a l i e n c e f o r Canadians than i t d i d f o r Americans.  had more  48  In s p i t e o f i t s "melting pot" model, e t h n i c i t y i s a l i v e and w e l l i n the United States as i t i s i n Canada. The idea that a s s i m i l a t i o n necessarily valid  leads to a u n i f i e d  i n the example  America Marcus  national  o f the United States.  may enter periods of l a t e n c y Lee Hansen  society  took  note  as w i l l  does  not prove  Ethnic  groups i n  those  i n Canada.  i n 1937 of "the almost  universal  phenomenon o f what the son wishes to forget, the grandson wishes to remember". it,  "Hansen's law', as s o c i o l o g i s t  49  became  a  classic  formula  immigration and a c c u l t u r a t i o n . generation  of newcomers  assimilate  This  parents.  Because  rejected  experience of  remained  attached  to  coined t h i s  "marginal man'.  50  as  their  immigrant  they were not f u l l y accepted by o l d e r  Americans,  plight  the ways  of the second  The t h i r d  a c c u l t u r a t e d Americans,  heritage.  their  the second generation t r i e d of  the second generation was marginal to both s o c i e t i e s . Park  called  "law' s t a t e d while the f i r s t  to America  and thus  Herberg  f o r the American  country o f o r i g i n s and i t s t r a d i t i o n s , to  Will  Robert E.  generation with  the term  generation, secure i n t h e i r  would  revive  interest  identity  i n their  ethnic  Hansen's theory provides a u s e f u l model to e x p l a i n , as  E i l e e n Tamura has i n the case o f Japanese-Americans  i n Hawaii, the  s u r v i v a l of e t h n i c i t y i n the United States. In  addition  survived ethnicity and  to theory,  i n American  research  society. Some  ethnic  example, are high on a l l these.  e t h n i c i t y has  As Paul R. Spickard  can be measured i n terms  institutions.  has shown how  p o i n t s out,  of shared i n t e r e s t s , groups,  Afro-Americans  culture, as an  Others such as Hispanics, are high 30  in  interests  Still, low  and  institutions,  but  low  shared  institutions  and  shared  groups r a t e low on a l l three f a c t o r s . last  case.  a c t u a l l y be of low  Yet  cultures.  interests.  Italian-Americans  what appears to be  i n t e r e s t s , low c u l t u r e , and  a dying  or with native  low  institutions.  Hawaiians,  that b r i n g t h e i r e t h n i c i t y i n t o relevance  group  A  f i n a l point,  may  a state  As with  5 2  the  Italian-Americans  again.  This evidence shows that e t h n i c i t y i s not less relevant.  some  illustrate  ethnic  day develop a c u l t u r a l r e v i v a l or a compelling  l e s s and  Finally,  a group that i s entering a p e r i o d of l a t e n c y :  Basques i n Spain, one  shared  other groups such as American Jews r a t e high on c u l t u r e , yet  on  this  in  may  set of i n t e r e s t s  53  dying  out  or becoming  r e l a t e d to the  first  one,  i s that opponents of the o f f i c i a l m u l t i c u l t u r a l i s m p o l i c y i n Canada o f t e n p o i n t to the United States as an exemplar of how creates  a u n i f i e d and  the case.  homogenous s o c i e t y . In r e a l i t y ,  institutions  e x i s t i n the  f o r Mexican Labourers, for  United  the  Numerous examples of  States:  Cumberland  Chinese Americans,  the N a t i o n a l  Association  multiculturalism. Why  does  Presbyterian for  "different',  they  may  continued  p a r t i c u l a r group, and  family, community, and  have  persist cause  no in  the  immigration  such our  larger may  the geographical  a p a r t i c u l a r group to each other. together,  Jewish  in  San  women,  The  People.  54  religion  official  than  policy  as  Anderson  and  55  ethnicity group  Church  Bibby o f t e n see Americans as  society?  F r i d e r e s o u t l i n e a number of reasons f o r t h i s : particular  Farm Workers  f o r the Advancement of Coloured  more committed to the nation, as  United  ethnic  f o r Anglo-American women, and  But Canadian c r i t i c s such as Reginald Canadians  The  Hadassah  Daughters of the American Revolution  are  such i s not  Evidence shows that many Americans as w e l l as Canadians  i d e n t i f y themselves by ethnic o r i g i n .  Francisco  assimilation  the v i s i b i l i t y of a  society keep  to  culture  proximity  view alive  it  as  in  a  of i n d i v i d u a l s of  That i s , groups may  stay  close  as the case of the Chinese i n Toronto's Chinatown, or  the 31  existence o f Finntown on Bay Street i n Thunder Bay f o r Canadians of F i n n i s h o r i g i n would i l l u s t r a t e . various  demographic  education  level,  factors:  E t h n i c i t y may a l s o survive due to  the length  of time  the occupations of members,  i n Canada, the  the degree o f upward  m o b i l i t y , the number of senior members, and the number o f women (as women  often  emphasize  culture  group's c u l t u r a l s u r v i v a l . In  review,  this  more  than  men) —  may prolong  a  5 6  section  has shown how e t h n i c i t y continues  to  e x i s t as a f a c t o r i n modern p o s t - i n d u s t r i a l s o c i e t i e s , i n s p i t e of earlier  beliefs  existence it  i n i t s lack  Furthermore,  this  o f e t h n i c i t y i n Canadian s o c i e t y may not be j u s t because  i s sanctioned;  which  o f relevance.  advocates  we see that  i t also e x i s t s i n American  an E Pluribus  Unum d o c t r i n e  society  of uniformity.  number o f reasons e x p l a i n the p e r s i s t e n c e of e t h n i c i t y .  A  How, then,  does a m u l t i e t h n i c s o c i e t y balance the need f o r a u n i v e r s a l c u l t u r e with the demand by ethnic groups f o r recognition? A Question of Nonrecognition?  The  aforementioned  multiethnic  society  u n i v e r s a l values dilemma  quote  by  can avoid  John  Higham  tyranny  only  (saying through  which i t s groups accept) helps  of reconciling universal  minority  rights.  maintain  stability  values  with  Is a s e t of u n i v e r s a l i n a liberal  a  a  s e t of  t o i l l u s t r a t e the the r e c o g n i t i o n of  values  society?  that  the best  By imposing  way to  a set  of  " u n i v e r s a l s ' on a group, i s t h i s not another form o f tyranny? Western l i b e r a l t r a d i t i o n has tended to favour over c o l l e c t i v e politics: and  rights.  reflects  Rousseau was suspicious  was r e c e p t i v e  common  This  good.  57  Lawmakers  a Rousseauian approach to  of a l l s o c i a l  to homogenizing  individual rights  tendencies  i n the western  differentiation,  that liberal  would  form a  democracies  assumed that a uniform implementation o f i n d i v i d u a l r i g h t s would be s u f f i c i e n t to protect minority groups,  and the r i g h t  rights  f o r those  (the r e c o g n i t i o n o f m i n o r i t y  groups  to practice  and preserve 32  t h e i r c u l t u r e , p o s s i b l y at s t a t e expense). seen i n the d r a f t i n g o f the United of  Human Rights:  legislation liberals  U.N.  lawmakers  to ethnic  feel  Nations' U n i v e r s a l  deleted  and n a t i o n a l  that  cultural  A case i n p o i n t can be Declaration  a l l references  minorities.  identity,  Traditionally,  5 8  like  i n this  religion,  can be  expressed i n the p r i v a t e a f f a i r s of c i t i z e n s , but have no place i n the  concerns o f s t a t e .  While  some l i b e r a l s made an exception  s a n c t i o n i n g a f f i r m a t i v e a c t i o n p o l i c i e s i n the United States, liberal serves  lawmakers  think  that  sanctioning  minority  rights  by  other only  to make c i t i z e n s think o f each other not as i n d i v i d u a l s but  as members o f groups. . 59  Individualism is,  i t calls  good l i f e .  In regards to the r e c o g n i t i o n o f m i n o r i t y liberal  of rights  application  form o f p o l i t i c s  because  of  collective  f o r the autonomy of the i n d i v i d u a l .  these  goals  state  rights  words,  without  Furthermore,  Therefore,  on  exception,  rights  sanctioning  groups  i t was  giving would  before  the of  and  argued,  equal  second,  they emphasize  official appear  rights ethnic  which  competing  an  this  6 1  By  governments  treatment,  ethno/cultural situation,  separated.  any  differential  insists  rights, a  toward  f o r i n d i v i d u a l r i g h t s to survive,  rights,  communitarian  model  are viewed with s u s p i c i o n i n that  had to be  minority  i s inhospitable  the l i b e r a l  group r i g h t s over m i n o r i t y r i g h t s . In other  That  f o r each person to determine f o r h i m s e l f / h e r s e l f the  6 0  traditional kind  calls  could  r e c o g n i t i o n to to  of  be  lead  threaten  putting  individuals.  identity  for special  would  c u l t u r e and  would  to  imply  different  status.  Such  national  unity.  a  i n d i v i d u a l i s m could not be s a c r i f i c e d f o r e t h n o - c u l t u r a l  rights. This idea puts two models of e q u a l i t y and respect One model b e l i e v e s have model  that  to t r e a t people states  that  the p r i n c i p l e of equal  i n conflict.  respect  i n a d i f f e r e n c e - b l i n d fashion. we  must  recognize  and  even  means we The  foster  other the 33  particularity  of d i f f e r e n t  groups.  The  reproach that  the  first  model makes to the second i s that the l a t t e r v i o l a t e s the p r i n c i p l e of  nondiscrimination, while the reproach of the second model to the  first into  one a  the  homogenous  equality. set  i s that  former negates  role  that  To add to t h i s  identity  i s untrue  to  by  them  forcing i n the  people name of  second reproach, the supposedly n e u t r a l  of d i f f e r e n c e - b l i n d p r i n c i p l e s to which, a l l  i n d i v i d u a l s are to  conform i n the f i r s t model are i n f a c t a r e f l e c t i o n of the values of  the hegemonic c u l t u r e .  M i n o r i t i e s are thus forced to take on an  a l i e n form i n order to conform. The  above  liberalism. given  In  to  Affirmative example,  reflects  reality,  recognition  ways. one  discussion  as  some  cultural  liberal  criticisms rights.  on  would based  and  be  traditional  minority  model  democracies  rights  in  of have  different  i n the United' States would  the  official  recognition  be of  These measures, however, have not been  on  Robert  a  western-liberal  action p o l i c i e s  m u l t i c u l t u r a l i s m i n Canada. spared  62  the  aforementioned  Fulford  directs  classic  such a c r i t i c i s m  view  of  towards  o f f i c i a l m u l t i c u l t u r a l i s m i n Canada: By emphasizing race, m u l t i c u l t u r a l i s m t r i e s to freeze us i n t o e t h n i c categories that may express only the l e a s t important q u a l i t i e s of the i n d i v i d u a l . . . . Government p o l i c y should never f o r a moment even, h i n t that one choice i s more d e s i r a b l e than the o t h e r . 63  This r a t i o n a l e begs a number of questions: how, liberal  model  accommodate  c o l l e c t i v e terms? choose  individuals  others of s i m i l a r t r a i t s ? voluntarily  have a r i g h t  of  came to a western  minority  groups  has  s o c i e t i e s as some assumed i t would. of  culture  themselves  in  to) to u n i t e with  In response, l i b e r a l s  they knew what would be expected of them. ethnicity  identify  the  That i s , how does l i b e r a l i s m deal with those who  (as i n d i v i d u a l s presumably  immigrants  who  then, does  not  reasoned that i f  nation 64  ' As we  such  as  Canada,  have seen, the  disappeared  in  western  As John Rawls s t a t e s , the t i e s  are o f t e n too strong to expect newcomers to give them 34  up,  even i f they come v o l u n t a r i l y .  Canadian h i s t o r y i s r e p l e t e  with examples that bear out t h i s statement, as w i l l be discussed i n Chapter F i v e . the  C u l t u r a l membership plays a r o l e i n s e l f i d e n t i t y of  individual.  particularly  Margalit  suited  and  to  Raz  state  serving  as  that  ethnic  the  i d e n t i f i c a t i o n as i t i s based on belonging,  core  not  identity is of  personal  accomplishment:  I d e n t i f i c a t i o n i s more secure, l e s s l i a b l e to be threatened, i f i t does not depend on accomplishment. Although accomplishments p l a y t h e i r r o l e i n people's sense of t h e i r own i d e n t i t y , i t would seem that at the most fundamental l e v e l our sense of our own i d e n t i t y depends on c r i t e r i a of belonging rather than on those of accomplishment. Secure i d e n t i f i c a t i o n at that l e v e l i s p a r t i c u l a r l y important to one's b e i n g . 66  This  criterion,  according  behind ethnic nationalism: rights,  but  customs, for  of  and  respect i s held. and  explains  Cultural This  with the  i d e n t i t y provides means  that  a  of  its  members  will  that modernized s o c i e t i e s can leave  also  be  all  people's  and  anchor self-  then the d i g n i t y threatened.  68  community  l i b e r a l model of That i s , to make  i n d i v i d u a l s conform to a uniform " d i f f e r e n c e - b l i n d "  code i s to e l i m i n a t e unity  unfulfilled.  i s that i t leads to nonrecognition.  groups and  religion,  6 9  Taylor notes that the problem with the  universalism  of shared an  C u l t u r a l components can give a group a sense of p r i d e and • Charles  tenets  esteem i n which t h e i r n a t i o n a l group  I f a c u l t u r e i s not g e n e r a l l y respected,  self-respect  the  c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s : language,  6 7  self-identity.  i s bound up  Ignatieff,  that a nation i s composed not  pre-existing  traditions.  peoples'  to  the p a r t i c u l a r s that give  distinctiveness.  In  the  a group a sense of  western  nations,  this  homogenizing code i s , i n f a c t , a code which r e f l e c t s the values North A t l a n t i c c i v i l i z a t i o n .  7 0  Universalism  does not  of  accommodate  the p r e - e x i s t i n g c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s (mentioned above) that a group of i n d i v i d u a l s might take comfort i n . it  is a  form of  oppression  that  d i s t o r t e d , and reduced mode of  Nonrecognition can be can  being.  entrap  harmful;  someone i n a  false,  71  35  How  does nonrecognition  come to the l e v e l  o f harm?  Franz Fanon, the main weapon o f the c o l o n i z e r s the  e s t a b l i s h e d majority)  colonized group) .  i s the imposition  on the subjugated In order  to be  people  free,  themselves o f a l l deprecating  To quote  (or i n t h i s  of t h e i r  image of the  (the e t h n o / c u l t u r a l  the subjugated self-images.  people  minority  must  In other  72  case,  purge  words, the  l i b e r a l n o t i o n of u n i v e r s a l i s m may not i n f a c t be so " c o l o u r - b l i n d ' as i t appears. While  I t may a c t u a l l y be a subtle form o f a s s i m i l a t i o n .  common  citizenship  has  i t s advantages,  it  alone  i n s u f f i c i e n t to i n t e g r a t e heterogeneous groups i n t o a s o c i e t y . nations  is Few  a c t u a l l y f o l l o w a s t r i c t common c i t i z e n s h i p strategy, as i t  means that the dominant c u l t u r e makes i t s own c u l t u r e and language the o f f i c i a l c u l t u r e and language of the e n t i r e n a t i o n . then  become vulnerable  decisions.  73  to the majority's  political  Even i n the former communist  states  Minorities  and economic  o f the Eastern  b l o c , i n which the s o c i a l i s t d o c t r i n e saw e t h n i c i t y as a hindrance to  the p o l i t i c a l  struggle,  the Soviet  government  implemented  a  system o f language r i g h t s and n a t i o n a l autonomy f o r m i n o r i t i e s i n the  Eastern  European  satellite  appearance o f t o l e r a n c e .  nations,  to at  least  give  the  74  Does an answer to t h i s problem r e q u i r e an e r a d i c a t i o n o f l i b e r a l thought, or a r e - t h i n k i n g of i t ? consider society  the f a c t  environmental  are  consistent  that  collective  rights  i n the form o f r i g h t s f o r trade  and  Minority  that  Western-liberal  rights.  with  7 5  Kymlicka  individual  r i g h t s can eliminate  some groups  marketplace.  s o c i e t i e s need to  already  exist  unions and corporations,  argues that  freedom,  minority  In the competition  rights  and can promote i t .  i n e q u a l i t i e s by addressing  are disadvantaged  i n our  i n the c u l t u r a l  f o r resources,  the f a c t  and economic  members  of some  groups may be outbid by those o f other  groups because o f a lack o f  influence.  may  76  That  i s , some  groups  i n f l u e n c e needed to "make i t ' i n a s o c i e t y . notion  (or the idea of a " l e v e l p l a y i n g  lack  the  skills  The "benign  field')  ignores  and  neglect' the f a c t 36  that  some  groups  disadvantage. Contrary to  as  the a b o r i g i n a l s )  are already  77  the most  minorities.  important  questions  relating  to  cultural  For example, should e t h n i c groups have p u b l i c l y - f u n d e d  i n t h e i r mother tongue?  Can a m i n o r i t y group, such as a  F i r s t Nations group, c o n t r o l a p a r t i c u l a r region? with  at a  to t r a d i t i o n a l l i b e r a l thought, human r i g h t s are unable  resolve  education  (such  these  issues,  governments  r i g h t s with m i n o r i t y  rights.  This explanation  can supplement  In order to deal traditional  human  7 8  o f the dangers o f nonrecognition  and the need  to supplement the t r a d i t i o n a l l i b e r a l paradigm o f i n d i v i d u a l r i g h t s is  given  to  explain  the  policy  as  multicultural Multiculturalism economic, groups.  i s an  and c i v i l  and  practised  attempt  rights  to  justification  today  expand  to include  in  Canada.  the l i s t  protection  behind  o f human,  f o r minority  This knowledge i s c r u c i a l , c o n s i d e r i n g the o p p o s i t i o n and  misunderstandings from  rationale  that  conservatives,  m u l t i c u l t u r a l p o l i c y can create  but from  liberals  as w e l l .  These  not only "liberal  1  c r i t i c i s m s o f m u l t i c u l t u r a l i s m are o f t e n c o n s i s t e n t with those made by  conservatives.  Party,  while  policy  For example, both Richard  ideologically  contributes  separate,  Gwyn and the Reform  claim  that  multicultural  to a breakdown i n n a t i o n a l cohesion  by g i v i n g  m i n o r i t y groups the idea that they need not a s s e r t t h e i r l o y a l t y to the n a t i o n .  Furthermore, conservative  Report  quote non-conservatives  often  support  their  case  against  minority  sources such as The Western such  as N e i l  rights.  Bissoondath to  Hence,  i n order to  challenge the very b a s i c assumptions which c o n s t i t u t e the backlash, one  needs to understand how p l u r a l i s t  with  individual rights  which  r i g h t s are not i n c o n s i s t e n t  are the foundations  f o r western-  l i b e r a l s o c i e t i e s and t h e i r laws. A f i n a l p o i n t to make i s that many assume that c o l l e c t i v e r i g h t s i n h e r e n t l y c o n f l i c t with the  necessity  individual rights.  o f d i s t i n g u i s h i n g between  This assumption shows  two kinds  of c o l l e c t i v e 37  rights:  i n t e r n a l r e s t r i c t i o n s and  external protections.  r e s t r i c t i o n s enable a state or province members  i n order  streaming into  of  to  maintain  French-language schools  an example of such. by  to l i m i t the r i g h t s of i t s  strongly-held  non-Anglo/non-French  cultural  (allophone)  against  Internal  goals.  children  their w i l l  in  i n the  E x t e r n a l p r o t e c t i o n s l i m i t the power e x e r c i s e d  society  individual  rights.  recognizes  the m u l t i c u l t u r a l nature of Canadian s o c i e t y ,  in  These  over  and  with  of  s e c t i o n 15,  religion  in  R.C.M.P., Sunday store schools  (these  three).  A  2,  court  c l o s i n g s , and  be  which  cases  explained  a  of  threat  Rights,  outlines  which  i s often  fundamental  individual rights  the  use  such  turbans  of prayer  greater  must  share  that  culture's  other  liberated start  not  detail  concentrate  in  bonds  cultures.  to  less  and  That  8 0  relate less  with  culture  to  i n d i v i d u a l s from  best  r e l a t e more is,  their  the  in  chapter  on  external assist larger  (that i s , more people i s the in  own  cultures  life), to  and  can  people  people  contemporary culture,  as  in public  group's i n t e g r a t i o n i n t o the  their  to  individual protections.  permitting  in  policy  not  Charter  c u l t u r e s become more open  whether or  bonds  the  are  Kymlicka i n s i s t s that e x t e r n a l p r o t e c t i o n s can  As  question  of  to p r o t e c t  than impede a m i n o r i t y  society.  share  27  and  which contains  multicultural  protections.  people  will  group,  section  laws have been c i t e d  freedom  rather  the  Section  7 9  conjunction  freedoms,  Quebec  Sixties is  larger  used  The  from  society begin  d i f f e r e n t from  to  their  own. Now,  I proceed  ideological  to discuss  foundations,  and  Canadian nativism: why  i t i s opposed  i t s background, to  recognition  of  other e t h n o / c u l t u r a l groups w i t h i n the l a r g e r s o c i e t y . N a t i v i s m and  the  Nativism,  as  'new'  conservatism  defined by  John Higham, i s an  "intense  to a m i n o r i t y on the grounds of i t s f o r e i g n connection". Hofstader  defines  nativism  as:  "a  belief  system  opposition 81  forged  Richard out  of 38  conjunction  of n a t i o n a l i s m with  racial prejudice".  ethno-cultural, religious,  and/or  E s s e n t i a l l y , what these d e f i n i t i o n s s t r e s s i s  82  that n a t i v i s m i s a form of n a t i o n a l i s t group i d e n t i t y which defines i t s e l f i n the form of h o s t i l i t y towards groups u n l i k e i t s e l f . According  to Palmer, Canadians have tended to look at  as an American malady. in  Canada,  United  albeit  States,  strands:  But evidence  less  virulent  Canadian  Anglo-Saxon  immigration slightly nativism, labour  for  origin as  stemmed  p o l i t i c i a n s who Both three  of  i n Canada.  American  from  basic  strands.  and  American  During  strands,  Two),  the  Canadian  was  existence founding sense of attacking  of  French  Canada  of  and a of  anti^radicalism form of  and  from  to  these  8 4  not  the  had  limited rallied One,  race,  against  Germans and religion,  or  somewhat complicated  in  85  Catholics  (and  three  violence  values  i n World War  regardless of  Many  the  anti-radical  the  wars, n a t i v i s t s  a n t i - C a t h o l i c n a t i v i s m was context.  to  saw  liberty.  p o l i t i c a l ideology of the targeted group. Historically,  regards  whereas i n Canada, t h i s  enemy a l i e n s (Germans and Ukrainians Japanese i n World War  into  however,  American  nativism  in  C a t h o l i c nativism,  conservative  both world  as  divided  nativists  tradition,  a l s o endemic  Just  8 3  the b a s i s of most a n t i -  In  emphasized order before  Canadian  be  these  "un-American'.  stemmed from a l i b e r a l nativism  could  anti-Roman  Each  example,  unionists  violent.  A l l three provided  sentiment.  different  and  nativism  nativism,  a n t i - r a d i c a l nativism.  shows that i t was  nativism  were  the  French,  French  as  one  and  the  of  the  European groups i n Canada) gave these C a t h o l i c s a greater legitimacy.  immigrants.  nativists  A n g l i c a n church i n Saskatchewan i n the 1920s, f o r example, saw  the  Scottish Catholics  western Canada. threatened  a Vatican  plot  Lloyd to  take  over  87  Anglo-Saxon n a t i v i s m took the was  as  86  Bishop  from the  of  C a t h o l i c s or  stop  of  migration  other  This, however, d i d not  by  the  view that Anglo-Canadian  i n c r e a s i n g number of non-Anglo  "stock'  immigrants. 39  The  n a t i v i s t s saw  immigrants  two  posed:  ways of d e a l i n g with the  assimilation,  "threat' that  exclusion,  or  both.  these Such  88  sentiments r e f l e c t e d i n the t h i n k i n g and p o l i c i e s of groups such as the  Orange Order, the  the Ku Klux Klan, Nativism  can  Canadian Legion,  the Native  and the National A s s o c i a t i o n of Canada. also  express  itself  in  the  Populism, as defined by Trevor Harrison, mass p o l i t i c a l  Sons of Canada,  movement, mobilized  form  of  89  populism.  i s an attempt to create  around  symbols  and  a  traditions  congruent with popular c u l t u r e , which expresses a group's sense of being  threatened,  elements  and  arising  directed  at  from  i t s perceived  p o l i t i c a l p a r t i e s , therefore, mobilizing those  around  preaching  example,  these  an  centred  presumably  "peoplehood'.  attempt to create  symbols.  This  anti-immigration  his  powerful  arguments  Populist  a mass movement by  tactic  stance.  i n 1979  "outside'  90  i s often Doug  around  Collins,  the  idea  of Canadians by  by for  that  f e d e r a l government under the L i b e r a l s i n the s i x t i e s and overlooked the wishes of the majority  used  the  seventies  allowing  for  n o n - t r a d i t i o n a l immigrants to come i n large numbers, For i f ever a p o l i t i c a l party s o l d i t s e l f and the future of a country f o r the sake of ethnic votes, i t was the L i b e r a l s i n the p e r i o d 1967-'72, and they are s t i l l doing it. 9 1  The  p o p u l i s t element i n t h i s idea i s that E n g l i s h Canadians  against  the  influx  on  non-white  immigrants,  betrayed by t h e i r government which allows claims  that  of  dozens  of  movements  states is  an  that  appeal  this  polls  to  a  appeal  to  people:  the  events represent use  of  been In  not  one  shows  92  populist  by outside  of Anglo-Saxon/Anglo-Celtic o r i g i n w i t h i n c e r t a i n recent  taken,  socially-constructed  "people' whose s u r v i v a l i s threatened  have  l i s t e n i n g to the people.  m a j o r i t y support f o r non-white immigration. Harrison  they  f o r such immigration.  other words, the c e n t r a l a u t h o r i t y i s not Collins  and  are  parties notion  forces.  the Canadian  93  and of  a  To many  population,  the d e c l i n e of t h e i r autonomy as a  hyphenization  by  Canadians  i n r e f e r r i n g to 40  t h e i r i d e n t i t y which suggests a dual heritage, the change to a nons e c t a r i a n prayer i n the House of Commons, and the Quebec referendum in  1995  ( i n which n a t i o n a l i s t s hoped  establish  a  sovereign  state).  p e r c e i v e d as j u s t the l a t e s t  that Quebecois would vote to  These  contemporary  events  are  i n a s e r i e s of events over the years  that have given Anglo c u l t u r e a sense of p l i g h t : the adoption of a new  flag  same  i n the s i x t i e s ,  decade  that  opened  the changes the  door  to immigration flows i n the  to migrants  from  Third  World  c o u n t r i e s , and the r i s e of Quebec n a t i o n a l i s m that l e d to the federal  Official  Languages  Act,  a l l of which  elements of A n g l o - B r i t i s h c u l t u r e . Consider  this  statement  by  d i d not  1969  represent  94  the  leader  of  the  Reform  Preston Manning, on the question of Quebec and A b o r i g i n a l  Party,  issues:  Reformers b e l i e v e that going down the s p e c i a l status road has l e d to the c r e a t i o n of two f u l l - b l o w n s e p a r a t i s t movements i n Quebec and to the proposal of the Quebec L i b e r a l s to emasculate the f e d e r a l government as the p r i c e of keeping Quebec i n a non-confederation. I t has l e d to d e s i r e s and claims f o r "nation-status' on the p a r t of thousands of a b o r i g i n a l groups, claims which, i f based on r a c i a l , l i n g u i s t i c , and c u l t u r a l d i s t i n c t i v e n e s s , are j u s t as v a l i d as those of Quebecois, i f not more so. I t has l e d to a hyphenated Canadianism that emphasizes our d i f f e r e n c e s and downplays our common ground by l a b e l l i n g us E n g l i s h Canadians, French-Canadians, aboriginal-Canadians, or e t h n i c Canadians — but never Canadians, p e r i o d . 95  Within  this  nativism. After  statement  Canada was  lies  in crisis  the Quebec n a t i o n a l i s t s  the  rationale  because  of  behind  "special  Canadian  interests'.  demanded and r e c e i v e d t h e i r  special  r i g h t s , other m i n o r i t y groups began to do the same with the hope of a c h i e v i n g the same s t a t u s . Anglophone  A l l t h i s was done at the expense of the  majority, presumably  i n that these i n t e r e s t s supposedly  l e d to a fragmentation i n Canadian i d e n t i t y . Harrison's explanation helps to h i g h l i g h t nativist  backlash against  multiculturalism.  the r a t i o n a l e I t follows  f o r the that  any  p o l i c y of c u l t u r a l p l u r a l i s m threatens the Anglo-Saxon/Anglo-Celtic hegemony.  We have already seen t h i s reasoning used i n the w r i t i n g s 41  of Reginald that  Bibby.  the  decline  Doug C o l l i n s , in  writing  /Anglo-Canadian  i n 1979,  influence  also  had  believed  led  to  an  i n c r e a s i n g p l e t h o r a of s o c i a l problems i n Canada: U n t i l f i f t e e n years ago i t was commonplace that Canada was a peaceful, law-abiding country. Nor, up to that time, d i d immigrants d i s t u r b that reputation; most immigrants came from law-abiding countries, shared a common /Anglo-European heritage, were courageous and r e s o u r c e f u l enough to come under t h e i r own steam, and entered l e g a l l y . 9 6  Editor  Link  B y f i e l d - of  The  Western  Report  and  The  British  Columbia Report, f o r example, uses the recent problems i n Vancouver and  Edmonton  point  out  involving  the  problem  t r a d i t i o n a l sources. from dozens of Most  of  them  hatreds.  Yet  emphasis). immigration fact  of  in  European  states  Byfield,  one  white,  generation  emphasis) issues  and  notion  came of  in  racial  and  1970,  mixing  the  Canadians 97  other  To  seventies  shows the when  with  became make  foolish  worse,  "It i s a  simple  other  words,  harmonious.  the On  groups  nation  was  more homogenous,  The  and  t h i s b a s i s , asserts B y f i e l d , "we  romanticized  exceptions.  Canada,  view of  i n human h i s t o r y " .  a time  and  other  therefore one  In more  of  the  9 9  Canadian h i s t o r y omits  a s s i m i l a t i o n process  I t also  culture.  built  98  Canada i n  groups.  came would a s s i m i l a t e i n t o t h i s  most f r e e and prosperous nations This  claimed  even  mind".  appeal that n a t i v i s t s make to a " g l o r i o u s past";  European groups who  and  things  of seeing  to m i n o r i t y  the (his  i s a dangerous business,  to s p e c i a l r i g h t s given  Anglo-Saxon/Anglo-Celtic  ethnic  "fairness'  races:  B y f i e l d ' s comments i l l u s t r a t e the mentality due  people  many brought  f o r a strong and s e l f - a s s e r t i v e c u l t u r e that knows i t s own a crisis  non-  "Canadianized'.  " r i g h t s ' and  "tolerance'.  p o r t a l s were opened to  h i s t o r y that  and  from  to  i n Canada, they were a l l happy.  generation,  like  youths  immigrants  came to Canada were  a f t e r one  by  allowing  non-white  c u l t u r e s who  Within  distracted  among  sees i t , between 1900  were  (my  of  crime  As he  The ' problem, "illusory'  violent  some g l a r i n g  i n Canadian h i s t o r y  hardly 42  suggests a smooth process. and  military  Metis the  the m i l i t a r y  conquest  legislative  o f a b o r i g i n a l and  i n the Red River and Northwest r e b e l l i o n s o f 1870 and 1885,  illegal  abrogation  minorities as  pressures:  Assimilation often involved  expulsion  of r i g h t s of the French and Roman C a t h o l i c  i n Manitoba and the Northwest T e r r i t o r i e s  Saskatchewan  and Alberta)  o f the Acadians  between  1890  from the east  and  coast  (later  1892,  Thus, Manning's a s s e r t i o n s of - the threat of s p e c i a l status  isolated. What  They are the foundation makes  Historically, British  to non-Anglo  Anglo-Canadian Canadian  i n 1755 when  are by no means  o f Anglo-Canadian n a t i v i s m .  was  and American imperialism.  they  102  to Canada due to the  groups  nativism  identity  known  and the  101  would not pledge an oath of a l l e g i a n c e to the B r i t i s h crown. granting  100  peculiar  in  Canada?  framed within- the context  of  A f t e r World War Two, B r i t a i n ' s  i n f l u e n c e on Canadian l i f e began to lessen while that o f the United States  was  continuing empire.  on the r i s e . ties  that  The 1965 f l a g  debate  imperial n a t i o n a l i s t s f e l t  i l l u s t r a t e d the with  the B r i t i s h  Many, l e d by Tory leader John Diefenbaker, opposed the new  f l a g as i t d i d not include the Union Jack, the t r a d i t i o n a l of B r i t a i n .  1 0 3  In the l a t e  Sixties,  symbol  f a c t o r s such as the American  i n t e r v e n t i o n i n Vietnam and the c i v i l r i g h t s s t r u g g l e l e d to a push i n Canada away from the American model. to  carve  out a d i s t i n c t i v e  nationalism.  104  Imperial  Canadian  Canadian n a t i o n a l i s m began identity  nationalists,  cultural  institutions,  democracy and f r e e e n t e r p r i s e .  on economic  however, opposed t h i s  away from the B r i t i s h model of i d e n t i t y . Anglo-Saxon  based  move  Their a l l e g i a n c e was with  including a b e l i e f  in liberal  In other words, n a t i v i s m i n Canada  tends to f a s t e n i t s l o y a l t y to the wider Anglo-culture to the t e r r i t o r i a l d e f i n i t i o n of Canada.  r a t h e r than  105  This appeal to Anglo c u l t u r e i s evident w i t h i n the ranks of the Reform William  Party.  For example,  Gairdner,  expressed t h e i r  Ted Byfeld,  discontent  Reform Arthur  Party  members  Child,  Stan  Waters,  and Donovan  over the ending o f apartheid  Carter  i n South 43  Africa. show  This begs the question: why  support  affiliation? individual  for  apartheid,,  a  would Reform  system  This c o n t r a d i c t s Reform  based  Party members  on  racial  Party p o l i c y , which  r i g h t s over group r i g h t s .  group  espouses  This i n c o n s i s t e n c y can only  be explained adequately by accepting the n o t i o n that many Reformers s t r o n g l y i d e n t i f y with "Anglo' c u l t u r e . This appeal to h i s t o r y by  "Anglo' c u l t u r e  those who  and  sincerely  British own  believe  civilization  R.E.  Gosnell,  R.B. that  to the e t h n i c  Bennett's 1928  the  composition of  quote  civilization  ("We  which  earnestly  we  call  the  i s the standard by which we must measure our  civilization...")  from  i s repeated throughout Canadian  feared changes  the Canadian p o p u l a t i o n .  1 0 7  i s one  example.  journalist  and  A  second example would  secretary  to  several  Columbia premiers, who wrote t h i s i n Westward Ho! magazine  be  British i n 1908:  . . . t h i s vast and i n some respects s t i l l unknown country has p o s s i b i l i t i e s i n store f o r i t not yet, perhaps, dreamed o f . . . p o s s i b i l i t i e s i n short as a greater B r i t a i n on the P a c i f i c , where B r i t i s h a r t s and i n s t i t u t i o n s w i l l expand under B r i t i s h laws and j u s t i c e w i l l be respected and enforced, and where B r i t i s h men and women w i l l be bred equal to the best t r a d i t i o n s of the r a c e . 108  The, appeal to Anglo nativists under  today.  the  immigrants  Reform  culture  continues to be  Doug C o l l i n s , Party  from T h i r d  banner,  World  who  attempted justifies  109  countries  used by to run  the  Canadian  for office  restriction  to Canada as  of  a defence of  Anglo-Canadian c u l t u r e : The s u i c i d a l passion to f l o o d the country with v i s i b l e m i n o r i t i e s must be stopped — unless whites themselves are to become a v i s i b l e minority, that i s . For, contrary to what Trudeau said, i t does matter where the immigrants come from. 110  C o l l i n s accuses the f e d e r a l government, p a r t i c u l a r l y under Prime M i n i s t e r P i e r r e Trudeau, of i n t e n t i o n a l l y b a r r i n g those of European origin  from e n t e r i n g Canada.  campaign, Britain  according and  Europe  to and  The o b j e c t i v e of t h i s anti-European  Collins, to  was:  replace  "to that  cut  immigration  traditional  from  source  of  44  immigrants with South  America".  If  the  immigrants  from A s i a ,  Africa,  the  Caribbean,  and  111  Reform  Party  is a  reflection  of  traditional  English-  speaking nativism, then should the Party's l e a d e r s h i p and ranks not predominantly  be  Anglo-Saxon/Celtic  and  perhaps  Protestant?  An  anecdotal observation of the names of those i n v o l v e d i n the Party's formation Chapman,  would  suggest  Fryers,  evidence,  a  Gray,  1991  so: Grey,  Brimelow, and  University  Brown,  Manning.  of  As  112  Alberta  Burns,  Byfield,  for empirical  Population  Research  Laboratory Survey of A l b e r t a r e s i d e n t s asked the question, "What i s the r e l i g i o u s It  found  and  e t h n i c background of Reform Party supporters?"  supporters  to  consist  of  Protestants  (63%),  people  of  Anglo-Saxon/Celtic h e r i t a g e (29%), people of European h e r i t a g e ( i f one  sees  this  group  "Canadians'(34%). as "Canadians' 91%  identified  statistical Reform  not  already  assimilated:  The m a j o r i t y of those who E n g l i s h as  from  their  first  How  identified  language.  i s somewhat l i m i t e d , those  the  themselves  "new'  conservatism  background  that one  r e l e v a n t to  this  p a t t e r n of is a  would expect i f  appealing on some l e v e l to n a t i v i s t t e n d e n c i e s .  i s the  and  While  113  overall  of Anglo-Saxon/Celtic  h i s t o r i c a l l y - s p e c i f i c p a t t e r n of support Reform was  32%),  were a c t u a l l y from an Anglo-Saxon/Celtic background:  evidence  support  as  this?  114  David  Frum  explains that conservatives want to r o l l back the s t a t e not because they e n v i s i o n human beings as s e l f i s h i n d i v i d u a l s who alone  to make as much money as  they  can  must be  (as some people  left  define  conservatism to mean) , but because they see the f u n c t i o n s of communities  being  usurped  by  overweening  government.  usurpation ends with the c i t i z e n s u l t i m a t e l y unable for  themselves  responsibilites  This anything  without the a i d of c e n t r a l a u t h o r i t i e s , as community have been  transferred  to  the  modern Canadian government, Frum explains, has the  to do  real  f u n c t i o n s of r e a l  communities,  and  i s now  government. abrogated  115  to  a t t a c k i n g the  The itself very  p r e c o n d i t i o n s of the communities' existence: the moral norms that 45  the  communities  enforce  on  their  members.  The  expansion  government leads to the decay of the o l d " o b l i g a t i o n c u l t u r e ' . Charles obstacle  Ungerleider to  advocates  identifies  the p r a c t i c e  that  the  "new'  conservatism  of multiculturalism.  i n d i v i d u a l s are autonomous,  This  albeit  of  1 1 6  as an ideology  unequal,  moral  agents who are r e s p o n s i b l e f o r the consequences which b e f a l l them. It accepts and  i n e q u a l i t y and emphasizes an i n d i v i d u a l ' s own resources  resourcefulness.  Inequality  i s seen  among people that should be preserved progress. seek  as a n a t u r a l  to ensure s o c i a l and economic  I n e q u a l i t y stimulates competition  to  better  resources.  their  position  In regards  117  presented.  Frum  to t h i s ,  argues  that  only p a r t of the conservative  condition  and  among i n d i v i d u a l s who  expand  their  share  two views of conservatism  this  "possessive  of  can be  individualism' i s  ideology:  But contemporary Canadian conservatism i s only i n c i d e n t a l l y concerned with a c q u i s i t i o n , and defends i n d i v i d u a l i s m only w i t h i n l i m i t s . A t i t s core i s a d o c t r i n e dedicated to the v i n d i c a t i o n o f a good s o c i e t y - and to the p r e s e r v a t i o n of that s o c i e t y from the i d e o l o g i e s and i n t e r e s t groups bent on destroying i t . 1 1 8  Another  point  of view  within  the conservative  fold  sees any  government attempt to l e g i s l a t e e q u a l i t y as i n h i b i t i n g progress i n our  society.  that  Writer  the s t a t e should  correct state...  he  "The most  springs  from  egalitarian rights...  D. Gairdner,  f o r example,  advocates  not c o r r e c t imbalances between people.  imbalances,  privileges:  and  William  argues, unfortunate  is  to  destroy  consequence  individual  o f the top-down  the r e l i a n c e on the n o t i o n .  To  of  individual  These r i g h t s are then used by i n d i v i d u a l s  i n t e r e s t groups, with the help of various c h a r t e r s , to destroy  the t r a d i t i o n a l  supra-individual privileges of a l l s o c i e t a l  groups  119  II  •  This philosophy individual the  i s r e l a t e d to the l i b e r a l notion o f allowing the  to decide  traditional  f o r h i m s e l f / h e r s e l f on the good l i f e .  liberal  philosophy  fails  to account  While  f o r the f a c t 46  that  some  members  disadvantage, accepts  new  acceptance  privilege,  an  reinforces  of  one  Contemporary  can  the  notion  from  a  level  the new  themselves  as  a  and  nativists.  to  equal  ability  strength  the  thinking.  nativism. because  it  i n regards  to  of  non-charter  i n numbers.  Those  policy levels  i n any  also  to  not  Party  advocates,  Party's  calls  for  suggest  official  from  a  the  nativist  policy,  reduction current  of  rate  of  s e r v i c e s and  of  the  Reform  after their  Party  also  members  tendencies:  member A l i c e White from A l b e r t a warned that "low  low H i s p a n i c s " were taking over that p r o v i n c e .  Reform candidate  123  i n Toronto, s t a t e d : " I t seems to be  Jewish people who  are  running  this country".  124  Reform member, stated:  against blacks,  Contemporary  Canadian  Reform Party d o c t r i n e , and  nativists,  "As  1 2 2  blacks  John Beck, a predominantly  Beck was  expelled Jack  George Wallace s a i d ,  S  I think everyone should have one'".  nativism  is  seen  in  i n comments made by  (but  not  proponents,  who  may  o f t e n r e f e r to a romanticized  not  only  I 125  in)  i n d i v i d u a l members.  t i e s Anglo-Canadians to the Anglo-Saxon/Celtic Its  they  nativist  from the p a r t y f o l l o w i n g the p u b l i c i t y caused by h i s remarks. a B.C.  and  arrival).  display  1 2 0  about 121  health benefits u n t i l  Individual  worldwide.  for  yearly  year where the unemployment r a t e exceeds 10%,  become c i t i z e n s ( a b o u t three to f i v e years  Nativism  see  statements made by i n d i v i d u a l  The  150, 000  to deny immigrants s o c i a l  have nothing  who  f o r the e l i m i n a t i o n of o f f i c i a l m u l t i c u l t u r a l i s m .  Party's  Telfer,  of  elitism.  such as the Reform Party may  However,  their  the  defence  for  multiculturalism  r i g h t s by  elements  immigration  as  connection  reinforces  conservatism  example, c a l l s  seen  that a l l Canadians are  policies.that  in  be  a  oppose  members, and  and  of  acknowledges  the part of conservatives  establish  Immigration  groups to demand t h e i r  215, 000  start  philosophy  i n e q u a l i t y can  nativists  ethnicity.  The  groups  conservative  argument on  here,  support  various  t h i s f a c t as a n a t u r a l phenomenon.  This From  the  of  see  population  themselves  view of the past  as  i n order 47  to make the case f o r p o l i c i e s that preserve the "Anglo" hegemony i n Canadian  society.  immigration,  Such  especially  policies from  Third  include World  the  restriction  countries,  and  of an  a b o l i t i o n of m u l t i c u l t u r a l i s m .  48  NOTES  1) Reginald Bibby, Mosaic Madness: The Poverty and P o t e n t i a l of L i f e i n Canada (Toronto: Stoddart, 1990): 104. 2) Neil Bissoondath, S e l l i n g Illusions: The Cult M u l t i c u l t u r a l i s m i n Canada (Toronto: Penguin Books, 1994): 211.  of  3) John Porter, The Measure of Canadian S o c i e t y (Toronto: Gage, 1979): 160. This b e l i e f assumes that newcomers would shed t h e i r p a r t i c u l a r i s m s i n order to get ahead f i n a n c i a l l y and to scale the socio-economic ladder. K o g i l a A. Moodley makes a r e l a t e d p o i n t , s t a t i n g that competence, not c u l t u r e , i s the concern of parents from m i n o r i t i e s i n the education of t h e i r children. Therefore, maintaining c u l t u r a l h e r i t a g e u n c r i t i c a l l y through the education system may prove to be a hindrance to the purposes of i n t e g r a t i n g immigrants i n t o mainstream Canadian s o c i e t y . K o g i l a A. Moodley, " M u l t i c u l t u r a l Education i n Canada: H i s t o r i c a l Development and Current Status", i n James A. Banks and Cherry A. McGee Banks (ed.s), Handbook of Research on M u l t i c u l t u r a l Education (New York: Macmillan, 1995): 816-817. 4) Gus Mitges, M u l t i c u l t u r a l i s m : B u i l d i n g the Canadian Mosaic (Ottawa: Supply and Services Canada, 1987): 49 5) Augie F l e r a s and Jean Leonard E l l i o t , Canada (Scarborough: Nelson Canada, 1993): 21. 6)  Ibid.,  7)  Howard Palmer i n F l e r a s and E l l i o t :  Multiculturalism i n  22.  8) Philip Resnick, Stoddart, 1994): 76.  Thinking  21.  English  Canada  9) David A. Hollinger, Postethnic America: M u l t i c u l t u r a l i s m (New York: Basic Books, 1995): 92 10)  F l e r a s and E l l i o t :  11)  Bibby: v i i .  12)  Ibid.,  13)  Hollinger:  (Toronto: Beyond  314.  13. 100.  14) Wsevelod W. Isajiw, " D e f i n i t i o n s o f E t h n i c i t y " , i n R i t a Bienvenue and Jay Goldstein, E t h n i c i t y and E t h n i c R e l a t i o n s i n Canada (Toronto: Butterworths, 1985): 14. 49  15)  Ibid.,  16.  16) Howard Palmer and Harold Troper, "Canadian E t h n i c Studies: H i s t o r i c a l Perspectives and Contemporary Implications", Interchange, 4:4(1973): 16. 17) John Rex and David Mason (ed.s), Theories of Race and E t h n i c R e l a t i o n s (Cambridge: Cambridge U n i v e r s i