West Coast Conference on Formal Linguistics (WCCFL) (38th : 2020)

Hiaki ’echo vowels’ are motivated by phonotactics, but not the way we thought Harley, Heidi; Harvey, Meg 2020-03-07

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Hiaki ’echo vowels’ are motivated by phonotactics, but not the way we thoughtHeidi Harley and Meg Harvey, University of ArizonaWCCFL 38, University of British Columbia, March 7th, 20201. Allomorphy in the Hiaki oblique relativizer –’/-’V:a) Before a vowel-initial postposition:  -ʔ[va’a-ta kom sika-’-u] =ne wee-vaewater-GEN down  went-O.REL-to  =1SG.NOM go-PROSP“I’m going to where the water went down.”b) Before a consonant-initial postposition (allomorph of –u): ...sika-’a-wi...went-O.REL-toc) Before another consonant-initial postposition...sika-’a-po...went-O.REL-atIf the postposition begins in a consonant, an ‘echo’ vowel appears, a copy of the final vowel of the verb5. More arguments against simple consonant [ʔ]1. Epenthetic [i] is not used to repair consonant cluster, as elsewhere in Hiaki:mochik ‘turtle’ + -m ‘pl’ → mochikimyeps-+ -CV... → yevihCV (plus lenition processes)sika’+CV → sika’awi, not *sika’iwi2. Behavior of active voice suffix –e with Ci’i- stems. hamti- ‘break’ + -e ‘Voice.act’ = hamteputti- ‘shoot’ + -e ‘Voice.act’ = putteyi’i- ‘dance’ + -e ‘Voice.act’ = ye’e not *yi’eIf glottal was segmental, predicted form would be yi’e (N.B.: [iʔe] sequence legit in other multimorphemic contexts, e.g. yi’i-’e’a, ‘feel like dancing’)3. Mayo intervocalic r drop in Hiaki cognates Mayo Yori ~ Hiaki Yoi ‘Mexican’Mayo wiko’ori ~ Hiaki wiko’iPredicted if glottal is vocalic feature in Mayo wiko’ori, since then [r] is intervocalic.Any verb-final vowel can be copied:yeewe’epo ‘where (they) play’ > yeewe ‘play’bwatu’upo ‘where (it) can be eaten’  >bwa’atu ‘be eaten’First pass:…V1ʔ → V1ʔV1 / __ C→ V1ʔ     / __ V2. Copy vowel not a phonotactic repair of a [ʔ.C ] clusterPrediction: If the ‘echo vowel’ is a V segment inserted to break up a [ʔC] consonant cluster, allowing the ʔ to surface as the onset of a ʔV syllable, echo-vowel sequences should be bisyllabicFact: V1ʔV1 sequences followed by consonants are counted as one syllable:kaate-ka-’-a-po kaa.te.ka'a.po 4, not 5, syllables *kaa.te.ka.'a.posit.sg-PFV-O.REL-EV-at yee=mahta-wa-’-a-po yee.mah.ta.wa'a.po 5, not 6, syllabes *yee.mah.ta.wa.’a.popeople-teach-PSV-O.REL-EV-atparo’os-im pa.ro’o.sim 3, not 4, syllables *pa.ro.’o.simhare-PLsaka’a-vae sa.ka’a.vae 3, not 4, syllables *sa.ka.’a.vaeConclusion: ‘Echo vowels’ not motiviated by the need to allow an underlying glottal stop consonant to be the onset of a syllable; they’re not ‘vowel insertion’.A Hiaki ‘echo vowel’  is a vowel with a floating [+glottal] feature attached to it. 3. Some surface glottals are onset consonantsPrediction: If glottals are never consonants, any VʔV sequence will count as monosyllabic Fact: Word-final ʔV# sequences are syllabic, with onset glottal stopye.’e ‘dance’ o.’ou ‘man’ si.ka.’u ‘to where (it) went’voo.’o ‘road’ chuu.’u ‘dog’ wi.ko.’i ‘rifle, armament’bwe.’u ‘big’ wo.’i ‘coyote’4. Hypothesis: Floating [+glottal] element surfaces as• onset when possible• Else glottalized preceding vowel (‘echo vowel’) (Relevant cases? [+nasal] in French Dell 1985; [+rising tone] in Chinese (Pulleyblank 1962, Mei 1970, Sagart 1998), [+glottal] in Oto-Manguean (Gerfen 1999), [+glottal] in Mayo (Hagberg 2000))• Plus post-glottal vowel is strengthened word-finally (or possibly minimal foot requirements trigger strengthening as in IxtayutlaMixtec,( Penner 2019))Acknowledgements: Maria Leyva, Santos Leyva, Amy Fountain, Michael Hammond, Ryan Bochnak, Jason Henry Ostrove, Natalie Weber, Shanti Ulfsbjorninn, Peter Austin, Eric Raimy. This work was partially supported by NSF grant BCS-1528295 to Harley References:  Dell, François. 1985. Les régles et les sons. Paris: Hermann; Gerfen,  Chip. 1999. Phonology and phonetics in Coatzospan Mixtec. Springer; Hagberg, Larry.  2000. Glottal stop in Mayo: consonant, or vowel feature? In Uto-Aztecan: Structural, Temporal and Geographic Perspectives: Papers in memory of Wick R. Miller by the friends of Uto-Aztecan, ed by. Eugene H. Casad and Thomas L. Willet, p. 91-100. Hermosillo: UniSon; Mei Tsu-lin, 1970 Tones and Prosody in Middle Chinese and The Origin of The Rising Tone, Harvard Journal of Asiatic Studies, vol.30, pp.86-110;  Penner, Kevin. 2019. Prosodic structure in Ixtayutla Mixtec: Evidence for the foot. Doctoral dissertation, University of Alberta; Peterson, Tyler. 2004. Theoretical issues in the representation of the glottal stop in Blackfoot. Ms, UBC: https://pdfs.semanticscholar.org/1062/4f60ebd7aeaf91484090dc11db8f89587dff.pdfPulleyblank, E.G. 1962. The consonantal system of Old Chinese. Asia Minor vol. 9 pp 58-144; Sagart, Laurent. 1999. The origin of Chinese tones. Proceedings of the Symposium/Cross-Linguistic Studies of Tonal Phenomena/Tonogenesis, Typology and Related Topics., 1999, Tokyo, Japan. pp.91-104. 


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