"Non UBC"@en . "DSpace"@en . "West Coast Conference on Formal Linguistics (38th : 2020 : Vancouver, B.C.)"@en . "University of British Columbia. Department of Linguistics"@en . "Harley, Heidi"@en . "Harvey, Meg"@en . "2020-04-16T20:34:45Z"@en . "2020-03-07"@en . "https://circle.library.ubc.ca/rest/handle/2429/74041?expand=metadata"@en . "Hiaki \u00E2\u0080\u0099echo vowels\u00E2\u0080\u0099 are motivated by phonotactics, but not the way we thoughtHeidi Harley and Meg Harvey, University of ArizonaWCCFL 38, University of British Columbia, March 7th, 20201. Allomorphy in the Hiaki oblique relativizer \u00E2\u0080\u0093\u00E2\u0080\u0099/-\u00E2\u0080\u0099V:a) Before a vowel-initial postposition: -\u00CA\u0094[va\u00E2\u0080\u0099a-ta kom sika-\u00E2\u0080\u0099-u] =ne wee-vaewater-GEN down went-O.REL-to =1SG.NOM go-PROSP\u00E2\u0080\u009CI\u00E2\u0080\u0099m going to where the water went down.\u00E2\u0080\u009Db) Before a consonant-initial postposition (allomorph of \u00E2\u0080\u0093u): ...sika-\u00E2\u0080\u0099a-wi...went-O.REL-toc) Before another consonant-initial postposition...sika-\u00E2\u0080\u0099a-po...went-O.REL-atIf the postposition begins in a consonant, an \u00E2\u0080\u0098echo\u00E2\u0080\u0099 vowel appears, a copy of the final vowel of the verb5. More arguments against simple consonant [\u00CA\u0094]1. Epenthetic [i] is not used to repair consonant cluster, as elsewhere in Hiaki:mochik \u00E2\u0080\u0098turtle\u00E2\u0080\u0099 + -m \u00E2\u0080\u0098pl\u00E2\u0080\u0099 \u00E2\u0086\u0092 mochikimyeps-+ -CV... \u00E2\u0086\u0092 yevihCV (plus lenition processes)sika\u00E2\u0080\u0099+CV \u00E2\u0086\u0092 sika\u00E2\u0080\u0099awi, not *sika\u00E2\u0080\u0099iwi2. Behavior of active voice suffix \u00E2\u0080\u0093e with Ci\u00E2\u0080\u0099i- stems. hamti- \u00E2\u0080\u0098break\u00E2\u0080\u0099 + -e \u00E2\u0080\u0098Voice.act\u00E2\u0080\u0099 = hamteputti- \u00E2\u0080\u0098shoot\u00E2\u0080\u0099 + -e \u00E2\u0080\u0098Voice.act\u00E2\u0080\u0099 = putteyi\u00E2\u0080\u0099i- \u00E2\u0080\u0098dance\u00E2\u0080\u0099 + -e \u00E2\u0080\u0098Voice.act\u00E2\u0080\u0099 = ye\u00E2\u0080\u0099e not *yi\u00E2\u0080\u0099eIf glottal was segmental, predicted form would be yi\u00E2\u0080\u0099e (N.B.: [i\u00CA\u0094e] sequence legit in other multimorphemic contexts, e.g. yi\u00E2\u0080\u0099i-\u00E2\u0080\u0099e\u00E2\u0080\u0099a, \u00E2\u0080\u0098feel like dancing\u00E2\u0080\u0099)3. Mayo intervocalic r drop in Hiaki cognates Mayo Yori ~ Hiaki Yoi \u00E2\u0080\u0098Mexican\u00E2\u0080\u0099Mayo wiko\u00E2\u0080\u0099ori ~ Hiaki wiko\u00E2\u0080\u0099iPredicted if glottal is vocalic feature in Mayo wiko\u00E2\u0080\u0099ori, since then [r] is intervocalic.Any verb-final vowel can be copied:yeewe\u00E2\u0080\u0099epo \u00E2\u0080\u0098where (they) play\u00E2\u0080\u0099 > yeewe \u00E2\u0080\u0098play\u00E2\u0080\u0099bwatu\u00E2\u0080\u0099upo \u00E2\u0080\u0098where (it) can be eaten\u00E2\u0080\u0099 >bwa\u00E2\u0080\u0099atu \u00E2\u0080\u0098be eaten\u00E2\u0080\u0099First pass:\u00E2\u0080\u00A6V1\u00CA\u0094 \u00E2\u0086\u0092 V1\u00CA\u0094V1 / __ C\u00E2\u0086\u0092 V1\u00CA\u0094 / __ V2. Copy vowel not a phonotactic repair of a [\u00CA\u0094.C ] clusterPrediction: If the \u00E2\u0080\u0098echo vowel\u00E2\u0080\u0099 is a V segment inserted to break up a [\u00CA\u0094C] consonant cluster, allowing the \u00CA\u0094 to surface as the onset of a \u00CA\u0094V syllable, echo-vowel sequences should be bisyllabicFact: V1\u00CA\u0094V1 sequences followed by consonants are counted as one syllable:kaate-ka-\u00E2\u0080\u0099-a-po kaa.te.ka'a.po 4, not 5, syllables *kaa.te.ka.'a.posit.sg-PFV-O.REL-EV-at yee=mahta-wa-\u00E2\u0080\u0099-a-po yee.mah.ta.wa'a.po 5, not 6, syllabes *yee.mah.ta.wa.\u00E2\u0080\u0099a.popeople-teach-PSV-O.REL-EV-atparo\u00E2\u0080\u0099os-im pa.ro\u00E2\u0080\u0099o.sim 3, not 4, syllables *pa.ro.\u00E2\u0080\u0099o.simhare-PLsaka\u00E2\u0080\u0099a-vae sa.ka\u00E2\u0080\u0099a.vae 3, not 4, syllables *sa.ka.\u00E2\u0080\u0099a.vaeConclusion: \u00E2\u0080\u0098Echo vowels\u00E2\u0080\u0099 not motiviated by the need to allow an underlying glottal stop consonant to be the onset of a syllable; they\u00E2\u0080\u0099re not \u00E2\u0080\u0098vowel insertion\u00E2\u0080\u0099.A Hiaki \u00E2\u0080\u0098echo vowel\u00E2\u0080\u0099 is a vowel with a floating [+glottal] feature attached to it. 3. Some surface glottals are onset consonantsPrediction: If glottals are never consonants, any V\u00CA\u0094V sequence will count as monosyllabic Fact: Word-final \u00CA\u0094V# sequences are syllabic, with onset glottal stopye.\u00E2\u0080\u0099e \u00E2\u0080\u0098dance\u00E2\u0080\u0099 o.\u00E2\u0080\u0099ou \u00E2\u0080\u0098man\u00E2\u0080\u0099 si.ka.\u00E2\u0080\u0099u \u00E2\u0080\u0098to where (it) went\u00E2\u0080\u0099voo.\u00E2\u0080\u0099o \u00E2\u0080\u0098road\u00E2\u0080\u0099 chuu.\u00E2\u0080\u0099u \u00E2\u0080\u0098dog\u00E2\u0080\u0099 wi.ko.\u00E2\u0080\u0099i \u00E2\u0080\u0098rifle, armament\u00E2\u0080\u0099bwe.\u00E2\u0080\u0099u \u00E2\u0080\u0098big\u00E2\u0080\u0099 wo.\u00E2\u0080\u0099i \u00E2\u0080\u0098coyote\u00E2\u0080\u00994. Hypothesis: Floating [+glottal] element surfaces as\u00E2\u0080\u00A2 onset when possible\u00E2\u0080\u00A2 Else glottalized preceding vowel (\u00E2\u0080\u0098echo vowel\u00E2\u0080\u0099) (Relevant cases? [+nasal] in French Dell 1985; [+rising tone] in Chinese (Pulleyblank 1962, Mei 1970, Sagart 1998), [+glottal] in Oto-Manguean (Gerfen 1999), [+glottal] in Mayo (Hagberg 2000))\u00E2\u0080\u00A2 Plus post-glottal vowel is strengthened word-finally (or possibly minimal foot requirements trigger strengthening as in IxtayutlaMixtec,( Penner 2019))Acknowledgements: Maria Leyva, Santos Leyva, Amy Fountain, Michael Hammond, Ryan Bochnak, Jason Henry Ostrove, Natalie Weber, Shanti Ulfsbjorninn, Peter Austin, Eric Raimy. This work was partially supported by NSF grant BCS-1528295 to Harley References: Dell, Fran\u00C3\u00A7ois. 1985. Les r\u00C3\u00A9gles et les sons. Paris: Hermann; Gerfen, Chip. 1999. Phonology and phonetics in Coatzospan Mixtec. Springer; Hagberg, Larry. 2000. Glottal stop in Mayo: consonant, or vowel feature? In Uto-Aztecan: Structural, Temporal and Geographic Perspectives: Papers in memory of Wick R. Miller by the friends of Uto-Aztecan, ed by. Eugene H. Casad and Thomas L. Willet, p. 91-100. Hermosillo: UniSon; Mei Tsu-lin, 1970 Tones and Prosody in Middle Chinese and The Origin of The Rising Tone, Harvard Journal of Asiatic Studies, vol.30, pp.86-110; Penner, Kevin. 2019. Prosodic structure in Ixtayutla Mixtec: Evidence for the foot. Doctoral dissertation, University of Alberta; Peterson, Tyler. 2004. Theoretical issues in the representation of the glottal stop in Blackfoot. Ms, UBC: https://pdfs.semanticscholar.org/1062/4f60ebd7aeaf91484090dc11db8f89587dff.pdfPulleyblank, E.G. 1962. The consonantal system of Old Chinese. Asia Minor vol. 9 pp 58-144; Sagart, Laurent. 1999. The origin of Chinese tones. Proceedings of the Symposium/Cross-Linguistic Studies of Tonal Phenomena/Tonogenesis, Typology and Related Topics., 1999, Tokyo, Japan. pp.91-104. "@en . "Poster"@en . "10.14288/1.0389855"@en . "eng"@en . "Other"@en . "Unreviewed"@en . "Vancouver : University of British Columbia Library"@en . "Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives 4.0 International"@* . "http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/"@* . "Faculty"@en . "Graduate"@en . "Hiaki \u00E2\u0080\u0099echo vowels\u00E2\u0080\u0099 are motivated by phonotactics, but not the way we thought"@en . "Text"@en . "http://hdl.handle.net/2429/74041"@en .