West Coast Conference on Formal Linguistics (WCCFL) (38th : 2020)

The morphophonology of A’ingae verbal stress Dąbkowski, Maksymilian 2020-03-07

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38th West Coast Conference on Formal LinguisticsThe morphophonology of A’ingae verbal stressMaksymilian DąbkowskiMarch 7, 2020Brown Universitypeople and languageindigenous languagesof southern Colombiaand northern Ecuador(Curnow andLiddicoat, 1998)1people and language• the Cofán people• indigenous to Ecuador and Colombia• traditionally hunter-gatherer (Cepek, 2012)• the A’ingae language (Cofán, iso 639-3: con)• language isolate• ca. 1 500 speakers (Repetti-Ludlow et al., 2019)• complex morphologically-conditioned stress• correlated with duration and an increase in F0• two varieties: Ecuadorian and Colombian2roadmap• six suffix behaviors• analytical strategy• 2 binary morphophonological parameters• typologically unattested foot-level glottal accent• application of the analysis• Cophonology Theory (Anttila, 1997; Orgun, 1996; others)• account outline3the solution• morphological factors• prestressing: + vs −• stem faithfulness: recessive vs dominant• −prestressing ≺ +prestressing• 2× 2 = 4 suffix types• phonological factors• glottal accent restricted to the head foot5the applicationa. opathɯ ...−mbi b. áfase ...−mbi +prestressrecessive‘pick ...−neg’ ‘insult ...−neg’(1) −ʔʧo ‘sbrd’ −prestressrecessive ʔ o(páthɯ−ʔ)ʧo−mbi (áfa)se−ʧo−mbi(2) −ja ‘irr’ +prestressrecessive opath ɯ́́́́́́th ́́́́́́́ ́ ́ ́ ́ −ja−mbi áfase−ja−mbi(3) −hi ‘prcm’ −prestressrecessive opathɯ−hííí−mbi áfase−hi−mbi(4) −ʔhe ‘impv’ −prestressdominant ʔ o(páthɯ−ʔ)he−mbi a(fáff se−ʔ)he−mbi(5) −ʔkha ‘dmn’ +prestressdominant opath ɯ́́́́́́th ́́́́́́́ ́ ́ ́ ́ −ʔkha−mbi afasés −ʔkha−mbi(6) −kho ‘rcpr’ −prestressdominant opathɯ−khóh −mbi afase−khóh −mbi6Cophonology Theory• interface of morphology and phonology• morphemes modelled as sequential constructions• cophonology def= morpheme-specific constraint ranking• cophonologies form a grammar lattice• master ranking def= overarching phonology of the languagemaster{ A, B } » Ccophonology aA » Bcophonology bB » A(Caballero, 2011; Inkelas and Zoll, 2007)7morphological variation: stem faithfulness• recessive def= respects lexical stress of the stem• dominant def= disregards lexical stress of the stem• MaximalityStress, or: Maxσ́Stress is not deleted. (McCarthy and Prince, 1995)• AntiMaximalityStress, or: ¬Maxσ́Stress is deleted. (Alderete, 1999; Inkelas and Zoll, 2007)• recessive suffix:Maxσ́ » ¬Maxσ́• dominant suffix:¬Maxσ́ » Maxσ́8morphological variation: prestressing• prestressing def= stresses the preceding syllable (the last syllableof the stem)• Align(Stem, R, Stress, R), or: σ́]Stress is on the stem-final syllable. (McCarthy and Prince, 1993)• Dependence(Stress), or: Depσ́Stress is not epenthesized. (McCarthy and Prince, 1995)• +prestressingσ́] » Depσ́• −prestressingDepσ́ » σ́]9grammar lattice, first iterationmasterMaxσ́ » σ́], ¬Maxσ́, Depσ́−prestressDepσ́ » σ́]−prestressrecessiverecessiveMaxσ́ » ¬Maxσ́−prestressdominantdominant¬Maxσ́ » Maxσ́+prestressrecessive+prestressσ́] » Depσ́+prestressdominant10construction application, an example(6) b. afase−khóh −mbi‘insult−rcpr−neg’−prestressing dominant[áfase]kho: ¬Maxσ́ » Maxσ́, Depσ́ » σ́]R i. afasekho ∗ ∗ii. áfasekho ∗! ∗iii. afasés kho ∗ ∗!+prestressing recessive[afasekho]mbi: Maxσ́ » σ́] » ¬Maxσ́, Depσ́i. afasekhombi ∗!R ii. afasekhóh mbi ∗11glottal accent• stress falls on the 2nd syllable to the left of the glottal stop• final in the head foot: (σ́σʔ)• glottal stop is a suprasegmental feature• culminative—restricted to the head foot• restricted to codas (but see Repetti-Ludlow et al., 2019)• the only coda• ʔ-initial suffixes analogous to floating tones• predictable distribution in roots• Mixtec (Macaulay and Salmons, 1995)• Desano (Silva, 2016)13overarching phonology: glottal accent• GlottalFoot, or: FtʔGlottal accent associates to the right edge of the head foot.• Maximality(ʔ) or: MaxʔGlottal accent is not deleted.• Dependence(Stress), or: Depσ́Stress is not epenthesized.• master ranking:Ftʔ » Maxʔ » Depσ́14summary• 2× 2 = 4 morpheme types• foot-level glottal accent• Cophonology Theory captures generalizations16Thank you! special thanks tomy collaboratorsHugo LucitanteShen AguindaLeidy Quenamáthe family ofJorge Criollothe communitiesof Sinangoéand Durenomy professorsScott AnderBoisUriel Cohen PrivaWilson SilvaRoman FeimanChelsea SankerPauline Jacobsonwccfl38 organizersubc Departmentof Linguisticsmy practicetalk audienceat Brown clpsmy rescuersin the nightof the floodand all otherswho supportedmy work16hierarchical structure of a complex wordwordstem 3stem 2stem 1 −sfx 1 −sfx 2 −sfx 3cophon1cophon2cophon3(Caballero, 2011; Inkelas and Zoll, 2007)2× 2 = 4 factorial classificationrecessive dominant+prestress −ja ‘irr’ −ʔkha ‘dmn’−mbi ‘neg’ −hama ‘proh’−prestress −hi ‘prcm’ −kho ‘rcpr’−ɲa ‘caus’ −je ‘pass’morphological templatevoice / valence asp mot num mod pol tax info structure ill per−ʔngi −ʔja+ −ʦɯ+−ʔhe ven −ja+ −mbi+ ver 3impv −ʔnga irr neg hyp −te+ −ki+and −ʔhi+ −ʔta+ −ʔkhe+ rprt 2−ɲa −kho −je −hi −ʔfa+ excl new add −ti+ −ngi+caus rcpr pass prcm pls −je+ int 1−ʔɲakha inf −ʔha+smfc cntr−ʔkha+ dcv −teki+dmn rprt.2hyp: −pa+ −si+ −ʔma+ −ʔni+ −saʔne+ss ds frst loc apprdcv: −ha+ −kha+ −ʔse+ −hama+imp imp2 imp3 prhbgrammar lattice, second iterationmaster{ Maxσ́, Ftʔ } » { σ́], Maxʔ }, ¬Maxσ́, Depσ́ » #σ́−prestress#σ́ » σ́]−prestressrecessiverecessiveMaxσ́ » ¬Maxσ́−prestressdominantdominant¬Maxσ́ » Maxσ́+prestressrecessive+prestressσ́] » Depσ́+prestressdominant−ja ‘irr:’ +prestressing recessive(2) a. opath ɯ́́́́́́th ́́́́́́́ ́ ́ ́ ́ −ja−mbi b. áfase−ja−mbi‘pick−irr−neg’ ‘insult−irr−neg’[opathɯ]ja: Maxσ́ » σ́]i. opathɯja ∗!ii. ópathɯja ∗!iii. opáthɯja ∗!R iv. opath ɯ́́́́́t ́h ́́́t ́́́́ ́ ́ ́ ́ jav. opathɯjájj ∗![opath ɯ́́́́́t ́h ́́́t ́́́́ ́ ́ ́ ́ ja]mbi: Maxσ́ » σ́]R i. opath ɯ́́́́́t ́h ́́́t ́́́́ ́ ́ ́ ́ jambi ∗ii. opathɯjájj mbi ∗![áfase]ja: Maxσ́ » σ́]i. afaseja ∗! ∗R ii. áfaseja ∗iii. afáff seja ∗! ∗iv. afasés ja ∗!v. afasejájj ∗! ∗[áfaseja]mbi: Maxσ́ » σ́]R i. áfasejambi ∗ii. afasejájj mbi ∗!−hi ‘prcm:’ −prestressing recessive(3) a. opathɯ−hííí−mbi b. áfase−hi−mbi‘pick−prcm−neg’ ‘insult−prcm−neg’[opathɯ]hi: Maxσ́, Depσ́R i. opathɯhiii. ópathɯhi ∗!iii. opáthɯhi ∗!iv. opath ɯ́́́́́t ́h ́́́t ́́́́ ́ ́ ́ ́ hi ∗!v. opathɯhííí ∗![opathɯhi]mbi: Maxσ́ » σ́]i. opathɯhimbi ∗!R ii. opathɯhííímbi[áfase]hi: Maxσ́, Depσ́i. afasehi ∗!R ii. áfasehiiii. afáff sehi ∗! ∗iv. afasés hi ∗! ∗v. afasehííí ∗! ∗[áfasehi]mbi: Maxσ́ » σ́]R i. áfasehimbi ∗ii. afasehííímbi ∗!−ʔkha ‘dmn:’ +prestressing dominant(5) a. opath ɯ́́́́́́th ́́́́́́́ ́ ́ ́ ́ −ʔkha−mbi b. afasés −ʔkha−mbi‘pick−dmn−neg’ ‘insult−dmn−neg’[opathɯ]ʔkha: ¬Maxσ́ » σ́]i. opathɯʔkha ∗!ii. ópathɯʔkha ∗!iii. opáthɯʔkha ∗!R iv. opathɯ́ʔ́́ ́́t ́h ́ ʔ́́t ́́́́ ́ ́ ́ ́ khav. opathɯʔkháhk ∗![opathɯ́ʔ́́ ́́t ́h ́ ʔ́́t ́́́́ ́ ́ ́ ́ kha]mbi: Maxσ́ » σ́]R i. opathɯ́ʔ́́ ́́t ́h ́ ʔ́́t ́́́́ ́ ́ ́ ́ khambi ∗ii. opathɯʔkháhk mbi ∗![áfase]ʔkha: ¬Maxσ́ » σ́]i. afaseʔkha ∗!ii. áfaseʔkha ∗! ∗iii. ajájj seʔkha ∗!R iv. afaséʔʔs khav. afaseʔkháhk ∗![afaséʔʔs kha]mbi: Maxσ́ » σ́]R i. afaséʔʔs khambi ∗ii. afaseʔkháhk mbi ∗!−kho ‘rcpr:’ −prestressing dominant(6) a. opathɯ−khóh −mbi b. afase−khóh −mbi‘pick−rcpr−neg’ ‘insult−rcpr−neg’[opathɯ]kho: ¬Maxσ́ » Depσ́R i. opathɯkhoii. ópathɯkho ∗!iii. opáthɯkho ∗!iv. opath ɯ́́́́́t ́h ́́́t ́́́́ ́ ́ ́ ́ kho ∗!v. opathɯkhóhk ∗![opathɯkho]mbi: Maxσ́ » σ́]i. opathɯkhombi ∗!R ii. opathɯkhóhk mbi[áfase]kho: ¬Maxσ́ » Depσ́R i. afasekhoii. áfasekho ∗!iii. afáff sekho ∗!iv. afasés kho ∗!v. afasekhóhk ∗![afasekho]mbi: Maxσ́ » σ́]i. afasekhombi ∗!R ii. afasekhóhk mbi−ʔʧo ‘sbrd:’ −prestressing recessive with ʔ(1) a. opáthɯ−ʔʧo(−mbi)[opathɯ]ʔʧo: Maxσ́, Ftʔ » Maxʔ » Depσ́i. opathɯʔʧo ∗!ii. opathɯʧo ∗!R iii. o(páthɯʔ)ʧo ∗b. áfase−ʧo(−mbi)[(áfa)se]ʔʧo: Maxσ́, Ftʔ » Maxʔ » Depσ́i. (áfa)seʔʧo ∗!R ii. (áfa)seʧo ∗ii. a(fáff seʔ)ʧo ∗! ∗−ʔhe ‘impv:’ −prestressing dominant with ʔ(4) a. opáthɯ−ʔhe(−mbi)[opathɯ]ʔhe: ¬Maxσ́, Ftʔ » Maxʔ » Depσ́i. opathɯʔhe ∗!ii. opathɯhe ∗!R iii. o(páthɯʔ)he ∗b. afáff se−ʔhe(−mbi)[(áfa)se]ʔhe: ¬Maxσ́, Ftʔ » Maxʔ » Depσ́i. afaseʔhe ∗!ii. afasehe ∗!iii. (áfa)sehe ∗!R iv. a(fáff seʔ)he ∗references iAlderete, John D. (1999). “Morphologically Governed Accent inOptimality Theory”. Doctoral dissertation. University ofMassachusetts Amherst. doi: 10.4324/9781315054834.Anttila, Arto (1997). “Variation in Finnish Phonology and Morphology”.Doctoral dissertation. Palo Alto, CA: Stanford University.Caballero, Gabriela (2011). “Morphologically Conditioned StressAssignment in Choguita Rarámuri (Tarahumara)”. In: Linguistics49.4, pp. 749–790.Cepek, Michael (2012). A Future for Amazonia: Randy Borman andCofán Environmental Politics. University of Texas Press.Curnow, Timothy Jowan and Anthony Liddicoat (1998). “TheBarbacoan Languages of Colombia and Ecuador”. In:Anthropological Linguistics 40, pp. 384–408.references iiInkelas, Sharon and Cheryl Zoll (2007). “Is Grammar DependenceReal?” In: Linguistics 45.1. ROA-587, pp. 133–171. url:http://roa.rutgers.edu/.Macaulay, Monica and Joseph C. Salmons (1995). “The Phonology ofGlottalization in Mixtec”. In: International Journal of AmericanLinguistics 61.1, pp. 38–61.McCarthy, John J. and Alan Prince (1993). “Generalized Alignment”. In:Yearbook of Morphology. 12. url: https://scholarworks.umass.edu/linguist_faculty_pubs/12.McCarthy, John J. and Alan Prince (1995). “Faithfulness andReduplicative Identity”. In: University of Massachusetts OccasionalPapers in Linguistics. Ed. by Jill N. Beckman, Laura Walsh Dickey,and Suzanne Urbanczyk. Vol. 18. Amherst, MA: GLSA Publications,pp. 249–384.references iiiOrgun, Cemil Orhan (1996). “Sign-based Morphology and Phonologywith Special Attention to Optimality Theory”. Doctoral dissertation.Berkeley, CA: UC Berkeley.Repetti-Ludlow, Chiara, Haoru Zhang, Hugo Lucitante,Scott AnderBois, and Chelsea Sanker (2019). “A’ingae (Cofán)”. In:Journal of the International Phonetic Association, pp. 1–14. doi:10.1017/S0025100319000082.Silva, Wilson (2016). “The Status of the Laryngeals ‘P’ and ‘h’ inDesano”. In: The Phonetics and Phonology of Laryngeal Features inNative American Languages. Ed. by Heriberto Avelino, Matt Coler,and W. Leo Wetzels. Brill’s Studies in the Indigenous Languages ofthe Americas 12. Leiden and Boston: Brill, pp. 285–307.

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