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Wh-in-situ phenomena in French Chang, Lisa
Abstract
The goal of this thesis is to provide an alternative theory of how wh-expressions are interpreted. I propose that French wh-words are interpreted through an A-bar binding relation subject to a modified Generalized Binding Theory (cf. Aoun, 1985; henceforth GBT) which is an LF module of the Minimalist Framework (Chomsky, 1995). Among the four interrogative strategies available in French, it will be demonstrated that wh-clefts and wh-in-situ pattern together as they can only be used in strongly presupposed contexts unlike reinforced interrogatives and inversion+wh-fronting. French exhibits a puzzle in the domain of Wh/QP interaction. Standard analyses predict an ambiguity/non-ambiguity contrast depending on the c-command relation between the wh-word and the QP (May, 1985, etc.). Crucially, a wh-in-situ c-commanded by a universal QP (among other A'-elements) lacks a non-echo interpretation; only an echo reading is available. Furthermore, a wh-in-situ within an embedded clause only has an echo reading. Contrastively, an overtly moved wh-word can always be interpreted as non-echo regardless of an intervening A'- element or a clause boundary. I argue that French in-situ facts can be captured by the GBT. I propose that wh-words are A'-anaphors that receive an interrogative interpretation by being bound to a null Q operator (C°). This binding relation is subject to locality conditions. First, the lack of a non-echo reading of a wh-in-situ c-commanded by a QP is a violation of a Specified Antecedent Condition which requires an A'-anaphor to be bound by the closest potential antecedent. Second, the matrix clause restriction is captured by a Matrix Clause Condition requiring an A'-anaphor to be bound within its minimal finite clause. Under minimalist views of movement, a strong [wh] feature of French null Q attracts a wh-word to raise overtly and adjoin to the root. Because overtly moved whwords enter LF in the most local binding relation possible with the null Q (spec-head), they may always be interpreted as non-echo. Lastly, I adopt Chierchia's (1993) Weak Crossover (WCO) analysis of Wh/QP interaction to capture the ambiguity/non-ambiguity contrast in French overt syntax. The WCO approach further supports our proposals concerning the composition of French wh-words; they are made up of a [wh] feature and an A'-anaphoric pronominal element, pro.
Item Metadata
Title |
Wh-in-situ phenomena in French
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Creator | |
Publisher |
University of British Columbia
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Date Issued |
1997
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Description |
The goal of this thesis is to provide an alternative theory of how wh-expressions are
interpreted. I propose that French wh-words are interpreted through an A-bar binding relation
subject to a modified Generalized Binding Theory (cf. Aoun, 1985; henceforth GBT) which is an
LF module of the Minimalist Framework (Chomsky, 1995). Among the four interrogative
strategies available in French, it will be demonstrated that wh-clefts and wh-in-situ pattern
together as they can only be used in strongly presupposed contexts unlike reinforced
interrogatives and inversion+wh-fronting.
French exhibits a puzzle in the domain of Wh/QP interaction. Standard analyses predict
an ambiguity/non-ambiguity contrast depending on the c-command relation between the wh-word
and the QP (May, 1985, etc.). Crucially, a wh-in-situ c-commanded by a universal QP (among
other A'-elements) lacks a non-echo interpretation; only an echo reading is available.
Furthermore, a wh-in-situ within an embedded clause only has an echo reading. Contrastively, an
overtly moved wh-word can always be interpreted as non-echo regardless of an intervening A'-
element or a clause boundary.
I argue that French in-situ facts can be captured by the GBT. I propose that wh-words are
A'-anaphors that receive an interrogative interpretation by being bound to a null Q operator (C°).
This binding relation is subject to locality conditions. First, the lack of a non-echo reading of a
wh-in-situ c-commanded by a QP is a violation of a Specified Antecedent Condition which
requires an A'-anaphor to be bound by the closest potential antecedent. Second, the matrix clause
restriction is captured by a Matrix Clause Condition requiring an A'-anaphor to be bound within
its minimal finite clause. Under minimalist views of movement, a strong [wh] feature of French
null Q attracts a wh-word to raise overtly and adjoin to the root. Because overtly moved whwords
enter LF in the most local binding relation possible with the null Q (spec-head), they may
always be interpreted as non-echo. Lastly, I adopt Chierchia's (1993) Weak Crossover (WCO)
analysis of Wh/QP interaction to capture the ambiguity/non-ambiguity contrast in French overt
syntax. The WCO approach further supports our proposals concerning the composition of French
wh-words; they are made up of a [wh] feature and an A'-anaphoric pronominal element, pro.
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Extent |
5447786 bytes
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Genre | |
Type | |
File Format |
application/pdf
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Language |
eng
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Date Available |
2009-03-21
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Provider |
Vancouver : University of British Columbia Library
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Rights |
For non-commercial purposes only, such as research, private study and education. Additional conditions apply, see Terms of Use https://open.library.ubc.ca/terms_of_use.
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DOI |
10.14288/1.0087736
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URI | |
Degree | |
Program | |
Affiliation | |
Degree Grantor |
University of British Columbia
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Graduation Date |
1997-11
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Campus | |
Scholarly Level |
Graduate
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Aggregated Source Repository |
DSpace
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Item Media
Item Citations and Data
Rights
For non-commercial purposes only, such as research, private study and education. Additional conditions apply, see Terms of Use https://open.library.ubc.ca/terms_of_use.