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Pritchard, W.A.
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WESTERN CLARION The Official Organ of the Socialist Party of Canada, fl NO. 781 VANCOUVER, B.C., JUNE, 1916 MONTHLY, 5C. THE British Labor Party has proved itself a 11 ghastly A joke." Lacking that GHASTLY understanding neces- JOKE sary for a real work ing class party it could only be expected that compromise and confusion should follow its every trail. From the time when its members were allowed to split seats with Liberals, as Snowden in Blackburn, and Keir Hardie in Merthyr Tydvil did, it was apparent that it merely, represented a tail of the Liberal Party. Consequently those who understood were not surprised when Labor members in the House of Commons, some few years ago, voted down their own amendment that the face of their Liberal friends might, be saved, particularly i;he shining countenance of the British Thiers, Lloyd George. But now the fates are wreaking a glorious vengeance. In vain do the former political saviours of Lloyd George beat their hands against the wind, endeavoring to dislodge the "Welsh wizard. We can remember the time when it was thought possible that not only Mr. Lloyd George, but also the Rev. R. J. Campbell, would join the I. L. P. Those there are who point the finger of scorn at the Minister of Munitions reminding him of Birmingham Town Hall and a policeman's uniform in the ebullient days of the Boer "War. But the George who fought for the taxpayers of Britain in the early days of this century is the same George who valiantly wars on behalf of the present commercial class. With their boasted privileges gone, after years of incessant strife to obtain them; floundering in the slough of reaction and confusion; yet faithfully following the Liberal will-o '4he-wisp that was intended to delude them, the British Labor Party receiving the reward to which it is entitled is indeed a joke. With Henderson, Brace, and Roberts in a Conscription Cabinet, and Lloyd George diligently flogging his erstwhile worshippers it becomes "a ghastly joke." EXEMPTIONS are allowed to any person of military THE age who is indispens- COUNTRY'S able to "an industry SAVIOURS of national importance." In other words those who are needed in munition factories will be allowed to remain there; in fact, will be compelled to remain there until the war is over or the undertaker relieves them of a vicious and arduous task. We can well understand the deep significance of the statement in the London "Daily Chronicle' of March 14th, that the Market Bosworth Tribunal "exempted all the men employed by 'Atherstone Hunt.' " The "national importance' of such an "industry" as fox-hunting, the- favorite pastime of eye-glassed and well-groomed members of the blue blooded fraternity, is acknowledged by the most eminent statesmen. "The Country's Saviours" emitting a thrilling war whoop at the sound of the huntsman's tally-ho no doubt consider the clubbing of foxes heads as absolutely essential to "the successful prosecution of the war." Wartime economy, forsooth! THE call of the efficiency expert has been for greater THE thrift on the part of CRYING the workers. But of NEED FOR late this call has been THRIFT intensified to such a degree that it is now positively agonizing. The extra money (sic!) now being earned by workers in "starred jobs", fourteen hours a day and seven days a week, in a munition factory should be saved for the dread times fast aproajghing. This is strange when we^e^epr#e!r that having captured Crarmajtt trade a period of prosperity will&ft us like a landslide. But we Iknow w§^&£p y frt getting more now thanwormerly be- ' ^ cause Mr. "Wait-and-se^L'^Jtowuith has stated that wages have per cent., and the cost of living fora^** five. And there you are! But we must SAVE, SAVE, SAVE! The wage-earners (male and female) must save their surplus, earnings, judiciously investing them in Lloyd George War Bonds, or the Post Office —or some other place where the boss can get at them; the housewife must save potato parings, onion skins, carrot peel, etc., etc., as this makes a most delicious and nourishing mulligan. And thus while we are trying to develop into a badly made cross between a Christian Scientist and a vegetarian we must not forget the message of "thrift" "given out to the "dear girls" in Music Hall ditty and political stump speech that they "save their kisses till the boys come home." This latter is the only advice of importance and, we suppose, the only one intended for us to take seriously. W. A. P. fa* \f Mr. Arthur Mee had in "Lloyd's News" for Mar. 26, under the title "A Plain Man's Pulpit," (his portrait was published, presumably to show what a plain man he is) a screed in which he makes this rather startling admission: "It is a pitiful thing to think of, but thousands of these brave men of ours have better homes in the trenches of Flanders than in the sunless alleys of our Motherland." Mr. Meeow is a bit late, but no doubt the War Office will accept the tip for a poster entitled: Isn't this worth fighting for? "Socialist Standard." jO THE WESTERN CLARION SETTLING THE SOLDIER THE Government, we understand, proposes to settle the returned soldier on the land. That will be nice. After a man has fought for his" country, what could be more appropriate than to give him a piece of the country he fought for? Of course with due restrictions and provisos to ensure that he will settle on it and not sell it to a shark and waste the proceeds in riotous living. And what could be more simple. You have merely to take him out to where the land is and leave him to flourish and prosper. All the same as setting a hen to hatch, except that the her wants to and can. We tlhink we can see the veteran in his rural guise and his wide, thirty cent sombrero, perched on a fence rail, munching a straw and whittling a. stick with his trusty snickersnee, with all his progeny and his chickens, and pigs arid sheep and cows and horses gambolling at his knee, while he relates to them the thrilling tale of the gallant stand at "Wipers" —or was it a gallant charge ? We forget! We think we can see it. But, in our old age we are becoming a trifle sceptical of what we think we can see. We are afraid it won't work. Farmers are born, not made by Act of Parliament. It seems to be the prevalent concept that, if you are good for nothing else, you can at least make good on a farm. We deny it. To be a common ordinary scrub farmer several things are essential. Some brains— not too much, or you will see where you are at—a certain amount of capital, a good deal of experience, and a colossal talent for unremitting drudgery on your initiative. That about settles it, as far as the soldier settler is concerned. Yet conceiving the government in earnest—were such a thing conceivable—it could furnish the soldier- settler some capital, and a modicum of instruction to take the place of experience, in a way, but what about the last requisite? In the majority of cases, the returned soldier will be a townsman, accustomed to work at the behest of a foreman or the beck of a machine. In the army he will have been taught to move at the word of command. Initiative! will have been sedulously discouraged, and that is precisely what he cannot do without on the farm—the initiative to drudge, drudge, drudge, without driving. It takes a peasant to do it. Moreover, he wont like it. We note that the farm-bred youths from around here who have returned from the war have come back with a pronounced distaste for the farm, and mark you, an ominous disrespect for the empire and its majesty. No, the returned soldier wont go on the land. He will flock to the city and make Canada prosperous by helping to reduce the standard of living to the old country level. That is, if, and provided, that something else hasn't happened to our masters in the meantime. Mc. IGNORANCE IS BLESSED—WITH WAR. TO the making of shells and many other materials for the destruction of human life there is at present no end. Approximately four million human beings, male and female, are directly engaged in this Christian employment for the Entente Powers alone.||| Shells are masterpieces of human ingenuity and exactness. They are also things of beauty if not of joy— or for ever. We are tempted to agree with the shaved and perfumed dandy who accosted the waspish Hotspur on Holmedon's war-torn plain that it is a pity that villainous saltpetre should be dug out of the bowels of the harmless earth to destroy many a brave tall fellow so cowardly. Also that such artistic productions, shapely, of delicate coloring, with brightly polished brass bands should have no other purpose than to destroy some wage animal enmeshed iri the insane delirium of a bankrupt social system. No fear crazed savage ever prostrated himself with tottering reason before the horrors of a harmless solar eclipse or grovelled with more degraded terror beneath a creation of his own hands than does modern man before the relative handful of his own kind who own the earth. "The paragon of the animals" indeed! Then let us sing with heart and voice the old music hall ditty "Oh! Jerusalem, I'd like to see the worst." There have been crises in which the working class as a whole, of every country, at different periods, have suffered the most extreme trials. And the master class has contented itself with, doling out some charity soup and—some feeble prayers. Why should they worry their heads about us? With the fruits of the earth at their command and a mighty horde of skilled and willing slaves anxious to compound and season everything to their liking, they ' \ should'' worry in good sootlj! But when the remotest danger threatens the channels through which their products flow then must the earth be turned into a charnel house and machine shops and factories everlastingly grind out war materials in order that the least of their requirements be secured to them. The energy now producing destruction bids fair to shatter the entire social fabric. A class conscious proletariat determined to achieve freedom could, then "remold it nearer to the heart's desire." But this cannot be while "judgment has fled to brutish beasts and men have lost their reason." Judgment and reason are the fruits of knowledge, to the spread of which let our energy be directed so that the world's disinherited may die— and live—for themselves. J. H. WINNIPEG READERS—ATTENTION. Although there is no local at present in Winnipeg, it must not be imagined that propaganda and education are to be abandoned. Several former members have opened the way for the formation of a study club at Room 7—530 Main St., The Secretary is Com. Murray who will be pleased to hear from those interested in the study of Economics and Sociology. A correspondence course and debating class will be the chief features. Membership fee—50 cents per month. THE WESTERN CLARION THE EUROPEAN SITUATION. 14 A discussion of affairs in Europe from the Proletarian standpoint. Wm By Moses Baritz. Article I.—Britain. In this series the writer describes the clarifying effect' of the war on what has been called the Socialist movement. This vig- orous denunciation of such misleaders as Hynd man, and Irving is called for, not only because of recent developments, but also on account of their confusion—mongering in the name of the working class. We know both gentlemen. In the next issue Ger-' many will be dealt with. Ed. "Clarion." News to hand from Europe, indicates a healthy state of things. While, of course, there is the unprecedented slaughter of our class yet the blood spilt will "cry out to heaven for revenge." The seed sown after death and destruction has been at work, will bring forth a harvest of a bountiful character. Sore at the organized massacre, indignant at the continued stupidity of our class, by no means precludesi us from taking a very optimistic view of the situation. Rather is it that, at the present time, things bear a rosy aspect; In England, W§$ secution of sincere opponents to pip itary service; and in France, the growth of 'a solid phalanx against the activities of the capitalist class; Germany, with the population now getting back to a sane conception of affairs; Russia where* Socialists sdll linger in dungeons, for voting against the first war budget; Italy whore the anti-war element grows greater each day; all this is helping to give us a precise knowledge of the situation, though the press of each country is assiduously suppressing the information. The recent events in each country as they immediately affect our class will be dealt with briefly. Let us then examine, first of all, Great Britain and the rest of those islands that belong to Lords Derby, Rothschild, Murray and Cowdray, along^with the Dukes of Westminster, Bedford and Devonshire. In order to re-ass:re the panting hearts of "Western Clarion" readers, I must first state that His Majesty King George V. resumed his riding exercise on Easter Sunday. Praise to God for his small mercies. The king has since renounced the "stimulants" that were ordered for him during his "illness/'. The most interesting news from England, however, is the report of the conference of the "British Socialist (?) Party." It was held in Caxton Hall, Salford. The opening meeting was as full of thrills as H. M. Hynd- man is full of corruption. The dele- gates were divided into two sections. The. weakest numerically consisted of that bunch of. tricksters who have been leeches on the working class movement for the past thirty years or more. They were H. M. Hyndman, Dan Irving, J. Hunter Watts, Councillor Jack Jones and finally that stool-pigeon for Scotland Yard, A. S. Headingly, alias Adolph. Smith. The latter was directly responsible for the internment of certain members of RUSSIAN birth and parentage (political refugees) who were prominent members of the B. S. P., one actually on the Executive Committee. Headingly, by his articles in the "Manchester Daily Dispatch" "exposed these aliens" in the interest of "our" country. Well, the conference met, and the Radical element were in control. The Chairman appointed had the meeting well in hand when the first bout was started. The majority of the members thought that it would be better for all concerned to have a private and secret session, so that no police pimp paid by Scotland Yard should hear the opinions of the various members, and thereupon have prosecution and persecution as their lot. E. C. Fairchild, who for years was one of Hyndman's dupes, put the case as follows: He said that these were not normal times and many would run grave personal risk if the discussion were in public. Some of the members of the working- class present were "SUBJECT TO SUPERVISION, SPYING AND INTERFERENCE WITH THEIR LIBERTIES." Under these circumstances he thought it advisable for the press and public to be excluded. But Hyndman and his gang fought this as hard as they could. Fairchild ought to have known anyway, that even were the press and the public excluded Scotland Yard would have known all about it by the next morning. Anyhow, the greatest scene was enacted when H. Alexander, a member of the Executive Committee and treasurer of the B. S. P., got on his feet to deal with the E. C.'s report. Mr. Alexander stated that he had been spied upon and shadowed for a long time, "and that associates and colleagues of Hyndman and Irving had been in communication with Scotland Yard in order to get comrades incarcerated." Can you wonder at the consternation in the meeting ? For months the columns of "Justice" had had the details of the deliberate persecution of Petroff by Headingly. At last the full expression of the conference was felt by Hyndman and the excresence that associates with him. A motion was made to allow Hyndman the floor. It was badly beaten. Hyndman and the assassin's association he is connected with were compelled to leave the conference. They retired to the Deansgate Hotel where they held another conference. I have no. doubt that as Hunter Watts was in the gang, the War Office paid for the hotel expenses, just as the Cheshire Battalion gave him sustenance while he stayed at the most fashionable hotel in Chester, getting up the "Comrades" battalion. The "Manchester Guardian" of April, 24th, 1916, gives the following account of the departure of Hyndman and the Scotland Yard brigade:— "The official report issued by the majority at the end of the day's work in the Caxton Hall, referred to Mr. Hyndman and his friends as the pro-war party, and spoke of their departure being made "the occasion for a spontaneous demonstration by the great I i THE WESTERN CLARION body of delegates remaining, who stood upon the floor of the conference hall cheering and singing the 'Red Flag.' " After 34 years the members of the S. D. F., cum S. D. P., cum B. S. P., have got wise to the political trickster who parades under the name of H. M. Hyndman. But this in no way means that others were not wise, years ago. Look over the back num- bers of the "Socialist Standard" and you will get his record, one that is as full .of lying, deceit, trickery and political treachery, as a sieve is full of holes. The members of the S. P. G. B. have for years warned the working class of the capitalist nature of the organization that Hyndman belonged to. Now after a solid, unceasing, resolute attack upon the misleaders in England, even the B. S. P., as an organization gives the cold shoulder to Hyndman and the bloodsucking satellites that make up his Hyndmaniaeal gang. The man who can defend the vilest crowd of pirates, buccaneers, cut-throats, assassins, sweaters, mental prostitutes and capitalist pimps as Hyndman did ,in the "English Review," the "New Review," and other periodicals, can 'expect little consideration from our class once they get wise. Take another example of "birds of a feather." F. H. Gorle is a great friend of Hyndman. He is also prominent in the life of Watford, just outside of London. For years Gorle has shown himself a fakir of the worst type. For crooked political work Gorle is a worthy disciple of the j \ old man." But Watford's chief virtue is that it has had for years a branch of the S. P. G. B. The members of that party have not spared Gorle any criticism in his function as Councillor. Gorle's reputation has suffered, but only in the political phase. As soon as the war broke out, Gorle outshone Carson in his patriotic actions. The Watford S. P. G. B. still criticised Gorle. But the latter's sycophantic attitude earned for him a place.on the Parliamentary Recruiting Com- mittee.feHe went up and down England at the expense of the capitalist class telling the workers to go and fight. His devotion added to his prestige. He was appointed to act on the tribunal at Watford that dealt with the "conscientious objectors." He had to hear why men objected to go to fight. Like the dirty trickster he always was he set ahout to put one over on the members of the S. P. G. B. who in their sincerity had for years explained the cause of wars, and recently, the reason for this one. Enter F. H. Gorle, "Socialist" friend of Hyndman. About five or six members of the S. P. G. B. in Watford make ready their case to present to the "impartial" tribunal, when this Gorle had the "gall" to stop them putting in their case for exemption. How degrading this fakir is can be realised when it is known that Gorle's action is actually illegal and contrary to the Act creating the tribunal. Who was it said "What's in a name?" Who, tell me,' has* a better case against taking up arms than the S. P. G. B. member? Yet here is a member of the British Socialist Party actually going out of his way to debar men whose shoes he is not fit to clean from putting in their legitimate defence against serving in the arm'y. I hope that those who attacked the writer last year for his action in connection with Hyndman and Bax will now realize that what charges were made then are more than proved up to the hilt. The complete support that the Hyndman gang have given the Asquith crowd will go down to posterity as the great "Socialist" betrayal. The capitalist tub-thumpers, such as' Blatchford, Thompson, Duncan and that B. S. P. clique will soon get theirs, as they deserve. Meanwhile, the latest reports regarding the S. P. G. B. are more than gratifying. The "S. S." is increasing in influence. Members are joining. Economic classes held, with good attendances. Branch meetings are showing a good average. Instruction to members to defeat the machinations of capitalist henchmen like Gorle.' The ladies of the Party doing double work in the clerical department. Subs, for the paper being sent in from all parts of the world. Letters from unknown admirers, congratulating them upon the stand they are taking on the war. Wherever their paper circulates the same story is told. When the war is over, the S. P. G. B. alone in Britain can point to their unblemished record, their proletarian stand impregnable, their claim to the support of the working class irrefutable. THE NEW PHRASEOLOGY. During the recent months we have been afforded an opportunity of noting in connection with the war the method our bosses have of- expressing themselves on the subject of slaughter and the details relating thereto. In the early days of November last the world was informed with a great flourish of trumpets, that the Rt. Hon. Winston Churchill was resigning his position of ."well-paid inactivity" (Chancellor of the 'Duchy of Lancaster) and about to take up military duties. Later he made a per- .sonal statement in the House of Commons, briefly referring to the events at Antwerp and the expedition to the Dardanelles. Referring to the latter, he said: "I recommended it to the War Council, and to the French Government, not as a certainty, but as a legitimate war gamble with stakes that we could afford to lose for a prize of inestimable value." —Official Reports, Nov. 15, 115, Col. 1510. * * * During the passage of the Military Service Bill—a Bill to assist "us" (the British capitalist class) in crushing Prussian militarism—speaker after speaker. stated that this measure was necessary in order that we might obtain the necessary crop of recruits to make good the wastage brought about as the result of placing men in trenches and arming them with weapons of destruction. On the occasion of the Debate on Peace Proposals, initiated by Mr. P. Snowden, there was, of course, the official reply delivered by Mr. Asquith. This gentleman, who is so concerned about the rights and liberties of small nations (?) informed the House that "he should not like it to go forth to the world that the two hon. gentlemen, to whom we have listened with well- deserved consideration, are the spokesmen of any substantial body of opinion in this country." Doubtless it would come almost as a shock to this type of official ignorance to learn that, though at present they are in a minority, yet there is a growing body of opinion which takes a much stronger view against war than those who introduced the Debate. The point I desire to call attention to here is the language used by the right hon. gent., who is evidently more concerned about the Allies obtain-ng a complete military success than the wholesale slaughter of the international working class. He says: "We cannot apparently either way, wheth- . er we are stalemated or whether we checkmate the enemy, win the game." —Official Report, Feb. 23, Vol. 80, No. 6, Col. 725. Italics mine. While millions of the world's workers are engaged in deadly combat our masters are talking flippantly about "war gambles" and winning the "gatme." The total disregard of this waste of human life is a matter of no moment to our bosses in their desire to maintain their vile system of society. What matters who dies so long as capitalism lives! The Scout in the "Socialist Standard." WORKING CLASS POLITICS IN WAGE-PLUG LANGUAGE. 1 THE time for a Provincial Election in B. C. draws near. Coming events cast their shadows before. Graft charges ahd investigations are the order of the day. It is openly hinted and generally understood that these enquiries are inaugurated for the effect they will have in the election. The old party politicians1 Iwould "(scarcely 'have a plausible excuse for their appearance on a public platform were it not for . the campaign data furnished by these investigations. The dishonest practices and bad record of the other party is a favorite theme for the aspiring candidates of the "too" old parties. They will "speechify" all night along these lines and never once touch on the vital problems that confront society to-day. When these recriminations are being indulged in there is no room for a Socialist to "butt" in. It is better to let the farce be carried out as per rehearsal. When one party is charged with dishonesty i)tsi .candidates very often deny it by saying "You're another" and— there you are. Where are you? This sort of thing (the old party heelers will look wise and tell you) is "politics." Is this "bull-con" not about played out? Is there still enough wool in the graft yarn to pull over your eyes? Does the present upheaval in society not demand a more important argument then whether a candidate is honest or otherwise. "We 'should' worry" if capitalist politicians do graft. The money "swiped" from the State Treasury does not come out of our pockets, nor is it ever intended to get there. No amount of political graft is likely to interfere with the quantity of hay and oats a horse will receive. No more does it affect the working class. Our portion of the world's wealth I is but f' hay and oats'' when we can find a master. The Liberal or Conservative candidate in your constituency may be honest. He may even be generous —with beer and cigars—at election time, but what will his election avail you, if bread and syrup has to serve your, family for breakfast with possibly beans for dinner? Are we to forget our miserable, uncertain conditions at the most favorable opportunity to do something towards our emancipation? Let us hope not! There are several insurmountable barriers that prevent either Liberal or Conservative politicians from being of any use to the working-class as. political representatives. On their past record they stand condemned. Having complete control over civilization they have miserably failed to \ make this globe a fit place to live in. The Liberals of to_day are the same as those we have condemned. Likewise the Conservatives. They have nothing in their platforms to eliminate capitalist exploitation. They invariably incorporate a few planks that are intended to make the working class voter believe that the exploitation will be made less severe. And, as they have always failed to improve the workers condition, they have included the planks. There is more truth than fiction in the old saying that ]' planks in a platform are things to get in on." The main reason for a Socialist refusing to have anything to do with the old parties is to be found in the science of political economy. It demonstrates clearly that political parties are but a reflex of certain definite economic interests. Lest this important proposition is not understood in the above language it may be illustrated this way. The Liberals may represent and protect the interests of the big capitalists and the Conservatives the smaller ones; or the Liberals may represent capital invested in industry and the Conservatives the landowners; or, as is becoming more common, both of them represent different groups of big capitalists. Their positions are sometimes reversed, but our proposition still holds good. The protection and advancement of business interests, big and small, represents the sum total of present day politics. The situation as it presents itself to us is this. Society is divided into two classes. The capitalist class, owning the tools of production which we must have access to in order to live; and the working cdlass which lives by selling its labor-power to the tool-owners. The opportunities of finding a buyer for our services are becoming fewer every day. In fact, society has developed to the point where the working-class must take over the machinery of production as a matter of self-preservation. Even if it were not a fact that workingmen made the tools (mills, mines, and factories, etc) we greatly out-number the capitalists and when sufficient of us decide to take over the ownership, in accordance with all past historical events, it shall be done. The reason why this has not been done thus far is, that a large number of workers do not realize that this is the only political issue worthy of their consideration, and so continue to elect their masters to govern them. This portion of the working class is the vital spot in the capitalist fortifications. Our effort is concentrated on this point.||; Socialist propaganda is the ammunition and election time a good time to score a hit. Mr. Workingman, do you realize how important it is that this message should reach every man in your district? Are you doing your "bit" to help the Socialist candidate to reach them. Some Reds on account of the .oppression of this system can only contribute their physical and mental energy to the campaign. It is up to those Who have a dollar to spare to get in touch with the campaign committees or secretaries right away. Our election activities are limited through lack of finance . The road to emancipation is not rose strewn, butSirepresents a hard up-hill fight. WM. BRAES m 6 THE WESTERN OLARIO EDITORIAL PAGE Published by the SoclaUst Party of Canada at the office of the Western Clarion. 169 Georgia St. 32. Vancouver, B. C. Subscription Bates: Per 20 issues Per 10 issues 1.00 ___,_^____, °-50 Bundle Bates:—3 cents per copy per issue. In making remittance by cheque, exchange must be added. Address all communication to W. A. Pritchard Managing-Editor, 169 ueorgia St. E. Vancouver, B. C. If yor. receive this paper it is paid for. THE IRISH REBELLION THE IRISH REBELLION is past and gone, providing still another topic upon which modern Maeauleys may dilate in lengthy and meaningless terms in the approved manner established by the proverbial Ananias. At any rate a galaxy of prophets have already appeared displaying that inscrutable wisdom which always follows the event. While we are not prepared at the moment to deaL with the matter at great length, nevertheless a few comments in passing might not be out of the way. A most amusing feature is the view taken by the "impartial" press, of which we have one or two brilliant samples locally. For instance, the Vancouver "Daily Province" editorially announces (April 26th, 1916} that "an Irishman dearly loves a fight, though .he often does not know what he is fighting about." Such refreshing candor at a time when we are vigorously recruiting for "The Western Irish" is deliciously opportune. But the Vancouver "News Advertiser" (April 30th, 1916) goes one better. In its editorial liners, under caption "In Ireland" h> disposes of the matter with a paragraph. Touching upon the downfall of the Sinn Fein uprising it goes on to state: "Mr. Redmond is doubtless right when he says that this 'revolution' was organized and paid for by Germany It would not be surprising if it should stimulate recruiting in that kingdom. (Ireland). (Emphasis ours.) f^Ms Since Mr. Redmond also strongly opined that this insurrection had been "organized and paid for" by Irish- Americans (oh! you hyphenated Stars and Stripes) it would thus appear that it had been paid for twice, in which case someone was stung. We imagine, however, that the German Foreign Office had quite a finger in the pie all right, but Redmond's vitrolie venom directed against his countrymen in'America is puerile and contemptible when we re'member whence came his own campaign funds in such fabulous amounts a few years ago. And if this internecine strife "should stimulate recruiting in that kingdom" as our local contemporary . so bluntly suggests, are we not justified in taking one more look around and asking: Now where was it really organized? Since Birrell and Wimborne have both resigned along with others it can readily be seen that these officials of the British Crown are not altogether free from responsibility. Of course they have not been shot—yet. Joseph I. C. Clarke in the New York "Sun" under the heading of "A Century of, Irish Uprisings and Failures" leads off as follows:"The rebellion of Sir Edward Carson and . his armed followers in the summer of 1914 is the direct cause of the outburst which has brought Ireland once more into the fighting arena.'' And though we are not wholly disposed to that view, yet it were idle to deny that this was not one of the various factors to the problem. So that while many of our leading newspaper scribes may possibly consider as ludicrous the reported request of Casement that Carson should defend him, we are not altogether of that opinion. For what could be more logical than giving one notorious gun-runner the task, of legally defending another animal afflicted with the same disease. The juridical points involved should be glaringly patent to such an one. Further, while we. are gazing through the "Casement" the oft repeated query comes to our remembrance: What is to be done with Sir Roger? Will he be executed or incarcerated in an insane asylum? Might we suggest that neither course be pursued. What is tjhe matter with extending him a hearty invitation to a seat in Asquith 's harmonious ,and united coalition cabinet. Why not punish him as he deserves by making him Attorney-General? Amid the mazey whirligig of international politics and civil war we modestly confess to not knowing where we are. This, of course, may be because we are not possessed of the lawyer mind. The Irish rebellion, purely a narrow national movement, was doomed to perish from the outset. ~ It points, however, the valuable lesson afforded the workers by a study of historical development, demonstrating the tremendous power of the modern state. It shows that the State is no ephemeral shadow to be conjured out of existence by the mere blinking of ignorant eyes, and gives thereby the lie direct to our " friends "Nof the I. W. W. Confounding the anarchist freaks at every point it further illustrates the futility of the S. L. P. 's and W. I. I. U.'s^ pet obsession of the workers '' taking and holding.'' Such value as industrial organization gives to the workers in their fight for emancipation will be in direct ratio to the Socialist knowledge possessed by the members of such bodies. Organization on CLASS lines, not on industrial lines, is what is needed. ' For us a knowledge of capitalism is absolutely essential, but that is not all. A full comprehension of the unity of labor and the basis-for such unity is just as requisite. Let us arm ourselves with an understanding of these facts. W. A. P. THE WORKERS' WEAPON. SO FULLY developed has capitalist production become that the conflict of interests inseparable from it is being recognised by workers in all departments of activity. That the cause of such a division in human society and the methods that must be resorted to in-order to eliminate such a condition, are properly understood by a very large portion of the wo'.lying class, we realize, is not so. They can feel the pinch of economic forces, and even see far enough to know that other mortals more or less resembling themselves, are not placed in their unenviable position. The cause m this state of affairs they attribute to various factors, and the opinions expressed as to how the situation can be alleviated are many and noisy. Frequently at our propaganda meetings we are asked the question: " Is it not a fact that we must organize the workers on the industrial, as well as the political, field before we can accomplish anything?" &uch a question as this clearly portrays the fact that the individual responsible for it does not fully understand the meaning of the terms "political'' ui.d "industrial" action. That the action he terms industrial could, under certain conditions, become political he cannot realize. - To help clarify the situation let us look for a moment at these "two arms" of the working class. ||j|| What is commonly known as industrial action or union on the job is as old as the capitalist system itself. Like other institutions that had their birth in changing conditions it has passed through, and is still passing through, a course of development. When modern industry was yet in its infancy with the production of commodities limited to individual effort the form of union among the workers was as primitive and crude as the state of industry itself. As industrial production advanced from the handicraft stage into a more scientific method of manufacture the master craftsman was replaced by the partnership and joint stock coin pany, and where instead of each worker personally producing any complete article we find large numbers of workers herded together in factories where each is assigned the task of finishing some part of the product which then passes on to several others in turn, till finally ready to be placed on the market. We find corresponding with this stage the form of co-operation among the workers to be the trades union, which later on developed into the federation of trades unions. The manufacturing period, however, was not destined to remain for all time. Further development was essential. The machine age came, remained, and expanded. To-day the worker is merely a "hand" in the industrial process. Commodities are thrown on the market from giant machines driven by steam or electricity. The partnership and joint stock company no longer function. They are practically obsolete. The trust, merger, combine, and monopoly assume control. The "hand" cannot classify himself as a member of a trade. Three or four years apprenticeship to any particular operation of the machine is not essential. In modern industry all workers are promiscuously thrown together, although system prevails in management and machine operation. Industrial production on the one side has bred industrial union on the other. The trade union while still lingering, has. performed its function and must soon go. Here, then we have it in brief—the growth of industry and union on the job. From the start the workers found it necessary to combine their efforts to secure the best working conditions they could. A shorter work day, increased pay, more sanitary conditions, and retarding the advance of their competitor—the machine. These have been the object for which the workers unions have fought. Often we are asked whether we are in favor of, or opposed to, unionism ? We are neither! We fully realize the necessity of union in a competitive system, but, as Socialists, we are not concerned with the issue of industrial reform. We are organized for another purpose—to educate our fellow workers to understand that they belong to a class that produces everything of use in human society, while they remain in the position of slaves. That the machinery of production and natural resources can all be owned and controlled by those who operate them just as soon as the workers awake to a realization of their position and power. That the means by which this can be accom- -plished is nothing less than political action on the part of the slave majority to gain control of the capitalist state, and transform the present ownership of the means of life into socialized ownership. This is the problem that the. workers are up against, and must endeavor to solve. To organize a union of workers in modern industry for the purpose of overthrowing capitalist rule without such individuals first understanding the nature of the system they intend to abolish is truly absurd. What is needed at present, and needly badly, among the workers of the world, is a knowledge of their class position in the social structure of today. When this knowledge is sufficiently disseminated no sleep need be lost concerning the action the workers will take. J. A. McD: We are in trouble again. An echo of the Reid Case is reverberating around Red Deer. Com. Isaacson,of Eckville has been arrested on' a charge of criminal libel for circulating copies of the April issue of the "Western Clarion." Messrs. Mack- lin and Braton, of Evarts, Alta., were also arrested on same charge for swearing out affidavits which appeared in that issue. At the preliminary trial on May 11th, both gentlemen maintained their position, Kraton stating that if Gold was not asleep then he never had seen a man asleep, while Mack- lin asserted that Gold had had at least five drinks to his knowledge. Twelve witnesses were present for the defense but none of them were called. The case has been traversed to the September sitting, the three accused being out on bail. We are awaiting a longer report of the case and full particulars will appear in next issue.J||ln the meantime we need your help. Subs., more subs., and still more subs.; contributions to "Clarion" Maintenance Fund, etc., are sorely needed^ Who will help keep the work going during these strenuous times. ^ a THE WESTERN CLARION OUR BOOKSHELF, ROPES OF SAND. "A WAY TO PREVENT WAR" by Allan L. Benson. 180 pag. cloth, One Dollar. Appeal to Reason, Gi- rard, Kansas, U. S. A. We have copied this review from the August, 1915 issue of "The Socialist Standard," official organ of The Socialist Party of Great Britain, because of the position held by the author of the work, the many erroneous notions held by some of our readers as to his knowledge of Socialism, and also, (a point of great importance) because of the complete shattering which his beautiful scheme receives at the hands of A. E. J. Editor "Clarion". ""if the people were in favor of war, the way to end war would be to convert the people to peace. This book is devoted to the task of showing that since the people are opposed to war the logical way to end it is to take the power to declare war from minorities who misuse it and vest it in the people who may be depended upon not to use it at all." Thus does, the author of the volume under review open his preface. The busy reviewer who takes up a book for the purpose, of criticism, and.'finds the key to his labours in the first paragraph, is a lucky man. "Since the people are opposed to war." What an assumption to build up a 180 page tome upon! Had the writer lived in England in Aug. 1914; had he taken part in the perils of our outdoor propaganda soon after the outbreak of hostilities; had he mounted the public platform in any of the belligerent countries last autumn, when the British bulldog was gnashing of his teeth, and the French poodle and the Russian bear were tying themselves up in true lovers' knots in their patriotic frenzy, and the German two headed eagle was doing the porcupine act with his neck feathers, and only the Dutch cheese maintainedflhis customary sanity (because he wasn't a belligerent) — had }ie, the author of "A way to prevent War," taken the platform then and tried to tell the people that they "are opposed to war," he would have experienced experiences that might have prevented him rushing into print on such a flimsy ground as the conception that the people would never use the power to declare war at all. Mr. Churchill has told us that class, who have got to pay for it; yet there are worse things than blood- even our author would not deny shed, and it is true. Mr. Churchill, that it would be idle to expect the of course, meant that there are worse capitalist class to abolish war. Any- things than the shedding of other way he says that his program "will people's blood, and thus put even not be installed by the capitalist fewer dissentients will raise voice class." (Page 4). against the statement. But if we are to believe Mr. Benson, there are no conceivable circumstances, no wrongs and oppression, which could urge the people to resort to arms if the option of peace and war lay with them. Well, I for one.c,OTr §|p P OTwq fervently hope not! as this welter of ll horror vibrates nol through the Social: reviewer, than throi fabric of his author by a very long chi working class, if th< war was vested in§|| depended upon nev all"—merely becam Benson's scheme, tl war would be the fii the front. What better reason has Mr. Benson for maintaining that the people (by whom he seems to mean the working class) need but the referendum on war in order to abolish war? mm The bottom of the argument is knocked out by the author's own LATEfNEWl The present futilep struggle, with all its of life and all.its sti and suffering, is not other condition becai that the workers are the "animal" courag the achievement of tion from wage slavei other hand, if they would never resort to armed conflict at all, under the condition that those who voted for war would be the first to be called upon to serve, that would simply indicate that they have not the courage to strike the blow which they must strike in order to set themselves free. Mr. Benson says: "The world is tired of war." This may be true enough now; and anyway it is pretty certain to be true before the war is finished. That does not mean, however, that in a decade or so the world would decline to resort to force of arms again should circumstances similar to those which caused the present conflagration jj then obtain. No one, in all probability, will be more heartily tired of the war be" fore it is finished than the capitalist As this issuefcame off the press, we received word \ ttiat"e^J|>ck' jj Reid, was released fro:^^^^J' bridge Gaol last- Satl||day, M§|g| 27th, 1916. The jreason f or this is not known. Look out foE next issue! cugc axxnxG—cum ci« v Vj ' ujua/iit xxvxu. uuc wiles of the "scheming diplomatists and jingo journalists" interested in stirring up race hatred and exploiting the cowardice of those who have not the courage to face the charge of the white feather lancers. Granted that Mr. Benson, as a part of his scheme, provides the same penalty for those who advocate war through the Press or on the platform as for those who vote for it in the ballot, but the capitalists, with their unlimited means of inducing men and women to take personal risks (as witness the system of espionage existing in all capitalist countries) would find this very little deterrent to the people being so inflamed as to desire war. Knowledge is the only safeguard against the workers being dragged into wars that do not concern them THE WESTERN CLARION —knowledge that is, which has found its consummation in the capture of the machinery of government. This knowledge must be Socialist knowledge. It must be knowledge of the unity of interests of the workers of all countries, and the antagonism between that interest and the interest of the capitalists of all lands. And mark this, that knowledge itself, while it precludes the possibility of the workers being inflamed for capitalist war, must on the other hand inflame them against the capit" alists in the bitterest of all- wars— the class war. As opposing interests are the cause of all wars, unity of interest is the only absolute safeguard against war.||The Socialist recognises this and acts accordingly; the pseudo-Socialist does not recognise it, and he acts accordingly also. Hence we find Mr. Benson telling us (p. 101) "The advocates of the war referendum plan declare that if diplomacy were democratized and the war making power vested in themselves, -no war could be begun for which the people had not voted" —which, of course, is not less fatuous because it is true, if the people can be inflamed to desire war. And hence also we find Mr. Benson arguing the question (p. 102) "whether the Socialist plan of ending poverty and war or the war-referendum plan is, in its nature, most likely to lead in making its way into the public understanding" and deciding (as a Socialist!) against the Socialist plan. Another mistake of - the author which residents in any of the belligerent countries might possible have prevented him from making is the claim that women, if given the vote, |' would vote overwhelmingly against war". One who proclaims that "we Socialists take nothing for granted" might at least have spent some pains upon substantiating this claim. He might have endeavored to show that the Socialist theory of the domination of material interests over human actions applies only to the male sex. There are many other points of error in Mr. Benson's book; only one particularly grave one can be mentioned here. This is the statement that the power for peace and war rests solely in the hands of a few politicians. Says our ©uthor: "134 in Congress and one man in the White House have all of the power" (p. 11). This exposes a lamentable ignorance of the true facts of the case. The politicians are the servants of the master class, acting in their interests under such cloaks of hypocrisy and cant as they can devise. The book is not without one merit. It brings before the public notice many of the wiles with which the diplomatists and politicians have carried out their masters' work. The Bismarckian instances are very interesting reading, though not altogether new to English readers. The events leading up to the Spanish- American war" are also worth perusal, and in particular the story of the "Maine"! How the American Government resisted for ten long years every demand to have the sunken warship raised from the slime of Havana Harbour, and how it was eventually raised, taken out to sea, and sunk in order to destroy forever the evidence of the falsity of the pretext for war which ten years previously it had provided, tell their own tale of Culture as unmistakably as certain other incidents related tell theirs of Culture and Kultur. A. E. J. Our Letter Bag, P. O. Bos 133, CHeichen, Alta. Dear Comrade:— I would like you to send me a copy of the Chart on the wall of the Local's rooms dealing with definitions of Labor, labor- power, Capital, Rent, Interest, Profits,' and etc. If I owe one of the boys a cigar for copying same please let me know. What is the stand of the Sinn Fein organisation in Ireland? What are Larki- nites? Referring to the Dublin uprising. I remain yours for the rev. Francis H. Jowett. Thinking that others might be interested in the questions put forward by our correspondent, we decided to answer him through the "Western Clarion." The Definitions in Economics are as follows:— Natural Resources. Mother Earth. Labor Power. Human Energy (Physical and Mental). Labor. Labor-power in action. Wealth. Under capitalism, the sum total of commodities. Commodity. A product of human labor, for sale or exchange. Product. An article produced for use. Value. Social relationship in Commodities. Use Value. The value that an article has in consumption. Exchange Value. The relationship between two. or more commodities based on the amount of socially necessary labor-time embodied in their production. Price. Monetary expression of value. Wages. Price of Labor-power. Surplus Value. All over and above that which is necessary to reproduce the p|| slave, i. e., something for nothing. Rent. That portion of surplus value accruing to the land owner. Interest. That portion of surplus value accruing to the financial capitalist. Profit. That portion of surplus value accruing to the industrial capitalist. Cost of Production. The amount of human energy it costs to produce wealth. Capital. Wealth used in the exploitation of Labor. Constant Capital. Raw materials, Machinery, Buildings, etc. Variable Capital. Wages; that portion of capital used in the reproduction of labor-power. Other items are answered by articles found elsewhere in this issue: Meanwhile, visions of that big cigar loom mistily before our mind's eye. Ed. "Clarion.' 10 THE WESTERN CLARION THE WESTERN CLARION 11 THE PARIS COMMUNE AND THE IRISH REVOLUTION. Hegel stated that history repeats itself; Marx makes an amplification "Once as a tragedy again as farce.': May 28th, 1871 saw the last of the defences raised by the Commune of Paris overwhelmed. All night long in a steady downpour of rain, amidst the flames of a burning city, the last desperate band of revolutionists had kept up the hopeless fight. At mid-day General McMahon could say ' j Paris is delivered today, j the struggle is over, order, labor and security are about to revive.'1 The first conscious attempt of Labor to establish itself in power had failed.- Triumphant capitalism personified in Thiers proceeded to "be merciless." The horrors of the days, following the fall of the Commune of Paris had not been equalled for almost two thousand years. Certain it is that no greater tragedy ever befel the working class of any city. So to briefly review the character of this struggle and compare it with the recent unfortunate Dublin uprising might be of value to our movement. The Paris Commune celebrated on the 18th of March was not declared until eight days later when Rauvier with a heart "too full of joy to make a speech" announced "in the name of the People the Commune is declared." After the Empire of Louis Napoleon had been swept away and the "place hunting lawyers" had assumed command of Paris and through Paris of France, their one object was to break down that powerful organization which daily challenged their supremacy, the National Guard. The siege of Paris was the means chosen by this crew to accomplish their end. Trochu said: "The resistance is heroic madness". His chief of staff said: "We cannot defend ourselves, we have -decided not to defend ourselves". With such language on the lips of the military Governor : the siege commenced. From September to January this farce was played. Amidst hollow boasting, and criminal and wanton slaughter of brave men they kept jip a frenzied resistance to the Prussian invader meanwhile breaking the spirit and wasting the strength of their real enemy, an armed working class. The capitulation of Paris, however, left the National Guard in full possession of their military equipment. To have disarmed them meant storming Paris, and this was a task Bismarck, with his 200,000 troops, was not desirious to undertake. Double this number yet remained within the walls of Paris fully equipped for fight. It is not my purpose to enter into the details of the Paris Commune, sufficient it is to establish the fact that the Provisional Government of France was desperately afraid of the armed proletariat. The International and other working class central bodies, inactive during the siege, now stepped to the front. Candidates were placed in the field at the election. But the assembly which met at Bordeaux was overwhelmingly rural, and Avhen Caston Cremieux cried out in those chambers "Rural Majority! disgrace of France" he voiced the principle which led to the Paris Commune. Already suspicious of the Bordeaux assembly, Paris was unassured by the results of its deliberation. All house rents in arrears and overdue commercial bills were to be paid at once; the thirty sous per day, all that stood between working class Paris and starvation, (Guardsmen allowance) was to be discontinued; the battalions were to be disarmed forthwith; the Prussians were to enter Paris. Upon receipt of this news, the National Guard decided to resist their entry, and only by the persistence of the revolutionary working class bodies was the Central Committee forced to proclaim against such desperate measures. They ordered barricades to be erected between the streets allotted to the Prussians and themselves. The National Guard obeyed. This was the first evidence of power and the first official act of the Central Committee. The Bordeaux crowd continued to humiliate Paris. Her representatives were insulted and finally withdrew. They passed a resolution decapitaliz- ing Paris and naming Versailles as the seat of Government. On March 10th they declared bills due on 13th Nov. 1870 were to be paid 13th of March 1871. This gave the impoverished Parisians three days grace.All classes of newspapers favoring Paris were suppressed. Paris was to be crucified. Add to this turmoil the attempt on March 18th to take away the cannon from the National Guard. The bungling manner in which the attempt was carried out need not be told here.f|The troops sent by the Versaillese fraternized with the-National Guard. General Lecomte and his officers were arrested and afterward executed along with another Versailles General, Clement Thomas. Events were compelling Paris to declare war, but the Metropolitan character of her grievance was'not the stuff upon which revolutions feed. The petty traders were willing to join hands with the artisans to preserve Paris as the capital; to banish all siege contracted rents, and other such items, but could not go out on the high road of revolution on working class business lines. Of this debates of tine Central Committee furnished abundant proof. "We want," said Varlin, "not only the election of the Municipal council, but real Municipal liberties, the suppression of the prefecture of the police, the right of the National Guard to name its chief and to reorganize itself, the proclamation of the Republic as the legal Government, the pure and simple remittance of the rents due, an equitable law on overdue bills and the Parisian territory interdicted the army". A conflict arose between the Mayor of Paris and the Central Committee and in the end the latter managed to get the , elections legally proclaimed by the~ Mayors, and Sunday, the 26th of March saw the Commune proclaimed. The General Council then proceeded with its long list of reform measures. By the 30th twenty two '' sunshine Patriots" had vacated their seats and the issue became more and more a class one. On the 2nd of April the Versaillese opened fire on Paris, and the Executive Commission gave out Farmer's Forum. Under this head contributions dealing with questions relating to the position of the Canadian Farmer from the Marxian standpoint will be published. Also- points that are doubtful can be sent in. We will do our best to get our farmer comrades to elucidate them. THE RUSSIAN AGRARIAN REFORM. By C. M. Christiansen (Continued on page 15.) OF late we have heard and read a great deal about the reforms which are being introduced in Russia. .These have interested us, not so much because Russia is "our ally" as because they indicate the progressive steps whereby modern capitalism is obtaining its strangle hold on that country. In a recent issue of the \' Bulletin of Economics and Social Intelligence" appears an article dealing with the Russian Agrarian Reform. The object of this reform is to improve and complete the rural organization initiated by the emancipation of the serfs on February 19th, 1861. The agrarian laws of 1861 conferred upon the freed serfs 316,000,000 acres of land, either already State property or purchased by the State from the nobles, to be paid for by the peasants in successive annual instalments, which was given to the "mirs" (collective bodies of peasants) in proportion to their adult male members on condition of paying the annual instalments due the State. This land was, in time, divided among the households of the commune, each head of the family thus becoming a mere holder of a lot or \ nadiel' of which the ' mir' remained the one and sole proprietor. The most complete autonomy was granted to the "mirs" in regard to the further distribution of their respective domains. As a rule the distributions were made according to, households in proportion to the number of adult males in each, each one promising to pay his portion of the annuity due to the State from the collective body. So as to safeguard the interests of all, further divisions could be made periodically, or when two-thirds of the mpnjfcers of a com munity demanded it. vThe one thing at which the I \ mir'' aimed was to maintain equity among its members at all costs. Accordingly, it divided its domain into as many districts as there were different kinds of soils. In each district a household received a holding that was in strict" proportion to the number of its adult males. These plots were thus scattered over the enormous area of a Russian commune. A distance of from three to six miles was considered a normal distance between each plot. The final result of- this was that a large part of the land remained uncultivated, families not troubling to cultivate the parcels of land furthest removed from their home. The Russian peasants believed in sticking to the principle of absolute equality. If, therefore, a strip of land proved to be especially fertile it was considered inconsistent with the principles of the equal distribution of the communal domain if this parcel was not subdivided among the households of the "mir." So what with successive divisions of the foregoing kind, and what with divisions among the heirs of a farmer holder, the.Russian communal land soon became a conglomeration of parcels of land many of which were one or two yards wide and ten miles long. W TP The writer of the original article in the "Bulletin" makes the observation that this absurd system paralysed all individual initiative, that theoretically the principle was excellent, but practically it led to the most disastrous results. However, he might have added that the Russian peasants tried either to revive or retain the practices of communism, and, in their ignorance, did not know that such a thing would not work in a competitive system, where everyone is compelled to be for himself and the devil take the hindmost. Competitive production and communism mix no better than oil and water. # # It was soon apparent to the Russian "wise guys" that the peasant was one., of the most miserable of farmers. So the "wise guys," whose annual income began to dwin dle, set to work to find out and ascribe a reason for the deterioration of the peasants. They found there were three: (1) The absolute dependence of the farmer upon the "mir"; (2) the excessive division of the lot or "nadiel"; (3) the partial insufficiency of the land suitable for cultivation. For these three evils, three reforms were proposed: (1) 'The complete liberation of the cultivator from his dependence on the "mir" and the conversion of his portion of the domain into personal property; (2) the general rounding off of the holdings, if possible, into undivided plots; (3) the increase of the area of land adapted for cultivation which was placed at the disposal of the peasants. The object of these proposals was that each peasant should become the independent owner of a plot of communal land or, at all events, of a plot of land of equal value. The law provides also for the eventual passing of the commune into the hands of private owners. This change is to take place as soon as it' is asked for by a majority of the heads of the families of the commune. In addition the law abolishes the traditional family ownership, so that in the future any holding allotted to a household shall belong exclusively to the head of the family. So as to keep the land in the hands of the working farmer, the peasant, who has become an individual proprietor, cannot dispose of his land as he chooses. He may sell it to another peasant, or he may mortgage it, and then only to the Peasants' Land Bank, and on the condition that he uses the loan either for the purchase of more land or for the improvement of what he already possesses. f The aim of this last provision is easily seen. It insures a reliable income to those who lived off the farmers' surplus. The same people, who thought it was an extraordinary evil for the farmer to be dependent on the "mir," have now put him under the heel of the loan shark. # # # One important object of the law is to prevent the holdings from being divided into scattered plots. To ef- a&fe WESTERN CLARION feet this the communal body is authorized to unite into holdings of a single piece the plots of those members who have become individual proprietors. Presumably they have learned in Russia that one cannot bean efficient and competent farmer if one has to spend half his time on the road travelling from one plot to another. Further, any member of the "mir" may 'demand that scattered plots be united into an undivided holding. This is recognized as the most far-reaching of all the provisions of the law. It gives all the old "mir' customs and the traditional family ownership systems their death blow. It makes the desire of an individual superior to the collective will of the commune. llflll # # # The chief charge of all this work of breaking up the communal lands and redistributiong them has been placed in the hands, of a "Central Council of Rural Affairs,'' composed of representatives of all the ministerial departments directly interested in the reform. Under its direction are the executive bodies of the reform, the Agrarian Commissions. They are of two classes, the "Pro- vjinciajl" and "District" Agrarian Commissions, and they are made up of government officials, technical experts, etc., and delegates elected by the local population. - The District Commissions assisted by a large number^of experts of all kinds make enquiries on the spot in regard to the proposals for the various operations coming within the scope of the reform. The reorganization schemes drawn up by the District Commissions must have the approval of the Provincial Commission before they have the force of law. Thus it will be seen that the redistribution of the communal lands is carried on by a large army of government dependents, each of whom is probably more interested in lengthening his job than expediting the work of the reform. But this has a doubly beneficial effect for the government. Each dependent is, natur ally enough, its staunch friend. On the other hand the peasants are kept in a state of strained expectation, awaiting the time when the golden promises of the reform will materialize. As long as the mind of the peasant is preoccupied with this dream he will doubtless submit meekly to whatever exaction is placed on him. And while the giant ■ sleeps, both the Rusian government and the individual capitalist will use the precious moments well. # # Some idea of the speed with which the government machinery moves may be obtained from the following figures. Of the 4,965,444 applications to the Agrarian Commissions for a reorganization of a holding, during the seven years of the reform's life, that is up to Jan. 1, 1914, 2,862,064 had reached the first preliminary stage, that is to say, the first draughts had been made and submitted to the District Commissions. Of these preliminary schemes 2,040,- 606 had, on Jan. 1st, 1914, reached the second preliminary stage, that is, they had been marked off on the soil, and plans made and submitted to the Commission in the form of definite proposals. Of the 2,040,606 definite proposals only 1,493,968 had attained their third stage, that is, had been approved by the Provincial Commissions and thus become law. . The area of the legally redistributed land totals the cultivated area of Italy and Greece. The total area of the land, for the distribution of which, application has been made, totals 35,000,00 acres. Thus if the land is reorganized and redistributed at its present rate thirty-four years will see the accomplishment of the reform. But as there is evidence that the executive bodies are going to intensify their activity, 25 years, so it is" estimated, will bring this colossal labor nearer to (its end. At all' events there is a large number of experts, engineers and surveyors who will have a steady job for the rest of their lives, who will extol the magnanimity of the Russian government and hand its memory as a legacy to their children. There are critics and criticisms of the reform, the most serious of which is that an agricultural pauper class will inevitably be created in Russia. The writer of the original article answers this objection thus: "The immediate result of the great agrarian reform of 1916 has been to re-establish more and more completely the tranquility of the Empire, with the total disappearance of those agrarian disturbances which have desolated Russia, the formation of a large and vigorous class of independent proprietors and a considerable increase in the general well-being of the other rural classes. What better proofs can we desire of the efficacy of the group of government measures in which the reform consists?" In answer to which we would say that it is too early to count the chickens before they are hatched. The reform has only been started. It has twenty years to work yet before it is completed. What will the condition of the Russian farmer be at that time ? It is a mighty bad weed that doesn't look as good as a flower when it first shoots its head above the ground. Fifty years after Napoleon had converted the French serf farmers into freeholders, Marx thus wrote of the condition of the Allotment Farmers: — "That which now bears the French farmer down is that very allotment, of land; it is the partition of the soil, the form of ownership, which Napoleon had consolidated. Two generations have sufficed to produce the inevitable result: the progressive deterioration of agriculture, and the progressive encumbering of the agriculturist. '' '' In the course of the Nineteenth j century the city usurer stepped into the shoe of the feudal lord, the mortgage substituted the Feudal Duties formerly yielded by the soil, bourgeois capital took the place of the aristocracy of Landed Property." How well will the Russian peasants fare after two generations of Ag** «r- ian Reform? Let each one observe the results for himself. OPEN LETTEB TO LOCAL ST. JOHN, S. P. of C. 1 1 m i From Local Enderby, S. P. of C. Enderby, April, 17, 1916. St. Johns Local Socialist Party, Canada, ' St. Johns, N. B. ' Comrades:— Your Circular letter addressed to local Enderby was discussed at our meeting, April 16, and secretary instructed to reply through the Western Clarion. We consider your letter to be misleading insofar as it leads the readers to believe that the D. E. C. has forbidden organizers of this party to speak from the platform of other political parties or under their auspicies. The fact is that the D. E. C. has ruied that such organizers shall not speak from. the platform of other political parties under their auspices except in opposition. We as socialists, recognize the necessity of laying bare the reform nature of such parties as the Social Democratic party and other similar parties, and further we are confident that those of our organizers who have the courage to do this, are very unlikely indeed to receive any invitation from such parties to speak under thir auspices, or any help from the organization. If any or our organizers have repeatedly received such invitations and other aid, this is cause to be reasonably sure that they have not hewn to the line and shown up these fake saviours of society. While we are not prepared to accuse such of purposely catering to these organizations, yet the temptation is there, and we therefore are prepared to back the D. E. C. in their efforts to forestall any such dangers and prevent our party degenerating to the line of labor fakirs. Your charge that such action on the part of the D. E. C. is autocratic and exceeds their constitutional rights, is unwarranted in our opinion, as it is self, evident that the rules and oy-laws laid down in the constitutions cannot cover specially every act of the party of officers, but acts as a guiding ruje only. Article IV. section 1, par. 1, sufficiently justifies the D. E. C. in prohibiting party organizers from catering to other organizations no matter what their political complexions. !$$sfl; In conclusion let us suggest that less valuable time and space be in future taken up in childish fault-finding with our D. and P. E. C. and instead a more united effort be made to fight our way forward with our watchword "No compromise, no political Trading" a living reality instead of a meaningless boast! Yours for no surrender, On behalf of Enderby Local No. 65. J. Pilkington, Sect. At last! The Manifestos are off the press and we calmly await the awful avalanche of orders. Quite a number have been filled and we anticipate a hard run on our stock Those who want copies please send in orders at once along with the necessary medium of exchange. Prices: Ten cents per copy; seventy-five cents per dozen; six dollars per hundred. These prices^nelude express- age paid. Now let uf hear from you. Socialist |Party of Canada Manifesto With introduction written specially by the author of the original. Whole work revised and re-cast. .;.', NOW READY M ' $6.00 per 100, expressage paid A meeting was called in Trail, B.C., things can be expected of Trail as May 13th for the purpose of dis- v e understand that Com. Zanoni has cussing the advisability of re-organ-Mbent his footsteps thitherward also, izing. J in search of the job, of course. Com. Goodwin in a short talk em- phasized the necessity of education and clear propaganda, showing the falsity of attempting organisation without a realization of the Class Struggle, etc. He was followed by J. D. Vincent, an Italian comrade who briefly explained the Marxian theory of |Surplus Value" explaining how profit was made. Another spoke on the necessity of deep and steady study of Economics and History. Altogether the meeting was an eye-opener and great Local Toronto has moved its headquarters once more. Being too noisy at their propaganda meetings and economic classes, they disturbed the seances of certain spiritualist moonshiners occupying the same building. The "dear departed," it is rumored, objected to Socialism as being too materialistic. Headquarters now at 313i/2 Yonge St. Propaganda meetings every Wednesday and Sunday at 8 p.m. PAMPHLETS Issued by the DOMINION EXECUTIVE COMMITTEE (Prices include Express Charges) (3) WAGE-WORGER AND FARMER (Pilkington) Price—Per 100, $4.50; Per Dozen, 55 cents; per Copy, 10 cents (6) WHAT IS SOCIALISM? (Hardenburg) Price—Per 100, $5.50; Per Dozen, 70 cents; per Copy, 10 cents THE WESTERN OLAEION Executive Gommittee Reports DOMINION EXECUTIVE COMMITTEE Convened at the office of the Secretary, April 27th, 1916, at 8 p.m. Present: Harrington, McDonald, Jenkins, Bennett, Kavanagh, and the Secretary. Chairman, Harrington. Com. J. Kavanagh seated as delegate vice Com. A. McLean (out of town). Minutes of previous meeting read and adopted. Correspondence: J. W. Dargie, Empress, Alta.; Local Toronto; A. G. McCallum, Ottawa (2); Paterson, Winnipeg; W. H. Steb- gings, San Diego; Local Silver Leaf, Alta.; Geo. Rossiter, Toronto; Local Rossland, Sask.; N. B., P. E. C; Local Montreal; M. Bruce, Regina; Moses Baritz, Winnipeg (2); Alta. P. E. C; D. G. McKenzie, Alberni; B. C.; Winding-up Comittee, Winnipeg Local; William Davenport, Detroit; Church Campbell, Monroe, Wn.; Local St. Vital, Man. In response to request from Geo. Jackson, secretary St. Vital Local, the secretary was instructed to forward copy of following motion, caried unanimously: (Connor-Pritchard.) That those who endorsed Armstrong in his stand for anti- prohibitionists be refused admission to the S. P. of C, on the grounds that the attitude adopted by them was contrary to Party principles. 11111 The question of having new application forms printed was brought before the committee, and discussion re precise wording of Platform, in conformity with good language and best expression of Socialist principles was introduced. The following motion (Pritchard-Kavanagh) was put and carried. "That all words after 'struggle for' and before 'This is the Class Struggle," be deleted, and the following inserted in lieu thereof: ' political supremacy.' " The clause now reads "The irrepressible conflict of interests between the capitalist and the worker necessarily expresses itself as a struggle for political supremacy. This is the Class Struggle." Resolution Adopted by B. C. Provincial Executive Committee, April 27th, 1916. Moved by McDonald., seconded by Connor. Whereas in the forthcoming Provincial Elections, the Conservatives are determined to maintain their hold in the Legislature, and the Liberals are liable to press themj close, causing the fight to be a touch and go, and, Whereas under such circumstances, either Party will welcome any agency that will enable them to gain their points, and, Whereas, our function is to educate the workers, and maintain a clean stand and message, with "No compromise, no political trading," as our watchword. THEREFORE BE IT RESOLVED, that any candidate, organizer, or member of the Socialist Party of Canada, accepting directly, or through agents, financial aid from either Liberal or Conservative (or any other politcial party) be immediately expelled. Carried unanimously. This motion was considered necessary owing to the peculiar situation existing at the present time, and also in view of the fact that exceptionally dirty politics will undoubtedly be indulged in. This is issued in no carping spirit, but as a warning to all members to keep their eyes open for the masters' hirelings are ready and capable to dig pitfalls and set traps for those whose business it is to spread the message of Socialism. Financal Beport Western Clarion. Receipts. Subs 34.00 Directory: N. B., RE. C 10.00 Local Enderby 10.00 • 20.00 Ads. Main Hotel . 5.00 Bundles: Local Edmonton .... 3.00 R. C. McCutcheon ..... ,.. 1.40 A. Harris .50 4.90 SpC $63.90 Expenditure Local Vancouver No. 1., rent W. A. P 11.00 Local Vancouver No. 1., Rent (Mar.- Aug. 51.00 Sundries: Janitor 2.00 Stamps 1.00 Scissors 25 3.25 65.25 Clarion Maintenance Fund. Receipts. J. W. Dargie 5.00 Local Roseland 10.00 N. Macauley 2.00 17.00 Dominion Executive Committee Receipts. Stamps: N. B., P. E. C 6.00 Literature: Alta. P. E. C. . .. . 2.45 Local Winnipeg 2.00 4.45 $10.45 Expenses: W. A. P. . .'.' 11.00 Adjournment Convened as above, same chairman. Minutes of previous meeting read and adopted. Correspondence: Paterson, Winnipeg (enclosing charter); J. L. Mills, Toronto; Mell- olieu, Toronto; Superintendent of Immigration Department, Ottawa; The Northwest Worker, Everett, Wn.; A. A. Isaacson, Eckville, Alta.; Alta. P. E. C. (3>; Local Montreal; Local St. John, N. B.; S. G. Nowell, Scrooby, Yorks., Eng.; Moses Baritz, Winnipeg; Mrs. Zink, Redcliff, Alta. Financial Beport. Western Clarion. $&L Receipts: Subs $14.00 Bundles: &M Local Edmonton 2.00 Local Montreal 10.00 A. Harris .35 12.35 Expenses: W. A. P H 11.00 Sundries: Janitor 2.00 Mailing 1.25 Ribbon 0.75 Stamps .. . 2.00 k String, Glue, etc. .<f|'. 1.00 7.00 Finsand and Leider No. 780 Clarion . .._ 56.60 Balance in hand 66.40 Clarion Maintenance Fund. Receipts: -J||? Per Jenkins 50 .50 Dominion Executive Committee. Expenses.*—W. A. P |§H . .. . 11.00 Adjournment. Dominion Executive Committee. Convened at the office of the secretary, May, 25th 1916, at 8 p.m. Present: McDonald, Harrington, Jenkins, Connor, Bennett, Karme and the secretary. Chairman: McDonald. ||||| Minutes of previous meeting read and adopted. s2^f! Correspondence: F. J. McNey, South Prairie, Wn; Geo. Rossiter, Toronto; G. Hovels, Bromhead, Sask.; Local St. Sats, Ont.; Budden, c.|o. Lee Wilson, Barons, Alta.; A. E. Faulkner, Conjuring Creek, Alta.; Paterson, Winnipeg; F. J. Connett, Kenora, Ont.; Retailers Protection Co., City. Chas Crook, Fiske, Sask.; Wm. J. McCallum, Sumrherland,. Westboro P. O., Ont; Alta. P. E. C. (with encl.) In response to request of Local St. Cath- rines, Ont.; as to whether D. E. C. contemplated discontinuings assessment of ten cents per member per month for Clarion Maintenance Fund, secretary was instructed to write and point out that we only are a little ahead and that times were uncertain, and further that if we could obtain any lead at all it would be needed to publish pamphlets of which the party Has but few at the moment. Financial Beport. Western Clarion. Subs Mr.'.. $29^00 Directory: Local Fernie 1.00 Local Rossland ;. . 4.00 — 5.00 $37.00 Expenses. W. A. P 11.00 Sundries: P. O. Stamps 1.00 Telegram 80 Janitor 2.80 3.80 mm $14.80 Clarion Maintenance Fund. Receipts. Assessments: Local St. Catherines . . 1.80 Local Ottawa -.90 Donation—A. E. Faulkner 10.00 $12.70 Dominion Executive Committee Expenses W. A. P. .. 11.00 Postage on bundles of Literature. . 1.60 iPt ||i $12.60 |#a Receipts. Stamps: Local St. Cats., 3.00 Literture: Chas. Crook ...... 2.00 $5.00 Manifesto Fund. Finsand and Leider, on account of - Manifestoes $70.00 THE WESTERN GLARIOF 15 THE PARIS COMMUNE, ETC. (Continued from page 10.) the proclamation "The Royalist conspirators have attacked; despite the moderation of our attitude they have attacked, etc.'" The fight was on. The mistakes of revolutibnary Paris were the mistakes of ignorance. Little realizing the magnitude of their task, not clearly recognizing the consequence, the commanders undertook light heartedly enought, one of the most formidable undertakings ever contemplated by man. Instead of boldly seizing upon the powers of state as one of their proclamations declared, they conducted a series of endless deliberations, and they were still deliberating when Rauvier, looking for men to defend the Buttes Chaumont, disbanded them by exclaming: "Why do you not go and fight instead of discussing. I' Originally Metropolitan and National in character it was forced by the circumstances to assume a class character, and the crucifying of labor could be the only result. Where ignorant of their own historic mission the workers took up the cudgels in the interest of middle class troubles. Next issue: "Ireland and The Irish Revolution." #f1 CANDIDATE FOR COMOX W. A. PRITCHARD All Socialists desiring to help financially or otherwise send to campaign secretary. J. McMillan, Box 312, Cumberland, B. C. Six candidates will be placed on the ticket in Vancouver, provided we can raise the funds. Make all moneys payable to J. M. Jenkins, 169 Georgia St. "B., Vancouver, B. C. CANDIDATE FOR FERNIE. LOCAL VANCOUVEB No. 1, S. F. of C. Business meeting every Tuesday evening. Economic Class every Sunday at 3 p.m., Education Class every Wednesday at 8 p.m. Dialecties class every Friday at 8 p.m., at Headquarters, 169 Georgia St., E., W. Bennett, Secretary. VANCOUVEB LETTISH LOCAL No. 58, S. P. of C.—Business meeting every first Sunday of the month, and propaganda meeting every third Sunday at 2 p.m. Open to everybody at Finn Hall, 2215 Pender E. Secretary, R. Amat, Box 667. LOCAL. VANCOUVEB, B. C, No. 45, Finnish. Meets every second and fourth Wednesdays in the month at 2215 Pender St. East, Ovia Lind, Secretary. LOCAL GIBSON'S LANDING, B. C. No. 49 S. P. C. Meets first and third Sundays of each month in Socialist Hall. S. Dib_ ley, Secretary, Gibson's Heights, Howe Sound, B. C.' LOCAL EDMONTON No. 1. S. F. of C— Free reading room and headquarters at 715 Second St. Propaganda meetings every Sunday in the Bijou Theatre, First St., at 8 p.m. Business meetings every Tuesday at 8 p.m. J. L. McKenzie, organizer. E. H. Flegg, secretary, P. O. Box 785. LOCAL NELSON, S. P. of C, MEETS ||» every Friday at 8 p.m., in Miners' Hall Nelson, B. C, I. A. Austin, Secretary. DOMINION EXECUTIVE COMMITTEE ' Socialist Party of Canada meets every ■alternate Thursday 8 p.m., 169 Georgia St., E. Vancouver, B. C—W. A. Pritchard, Secretary. BRITISH COLUMBIA LOCAL ENDERBY No. 65, S. P. of C, Business meetings first Sunday in each month at 2:30 p.m. Propaganda, third Sunday in each month at 2:30 p.m., in the Theatre, Main St. Everybody welcome. J. Pilkington, Secretary, R. R. No. 4, Armstrong, B. C. LOCAL LETHBRIDGE, ALTA., No. 13, S. P. of C.—Meets every Sunday at 3:30 p. m. in Miners' Hall. Secretary, W. Shaw 624-14th St. S. Wm. Devoy, Organizer. LOCAL MONTREAL N. 1. S. F. of C— Headquarters, 98 City Councillor St., Open every evening. Business meetings, Wednesday at 8 p.m. P. O. Address, Box 148 Station B. N. M. Leech, secretary. LOCAL TOBONTO No. 1, S. F. of C Propaganda meeting, Sunday 8 P.M.' in Forum Bldg. Yonge & Gerrard. All communications to be sent to W. H. Can- fiels, corresponding and recording secretary, 340 Victoria St. Geo Rossiter, fin, sect. 25 Tiverton Ave. LOCAL GLACE BAT, N. S., No. 1, S. F. of C.—Headquarters Commercial St., open every evening. Business and propaganda meeting every Sunday at 3 p.m. Harold G. Ross, Secretary, Box 505. LOCAL SANDON, B. C. No. 36, S. P. of C.—Meets every Tuesday at 7:30 p.m. in the Sandon Miners' Union Hall. Communications to be .addressed Drawer K., Sandon, B. C. FBOVINCIAL Executive Committee, Socialist Party of Canada, meets same as above. ALBEBTA AND SASKATCHEWAN FBOVINCIAL EXECUTIVE COMMITTEE. Secretary, Mrs. S. I. Jonson Knight, Box 785, Edmonton. Phone 4803. NOVA SCOTIA FBOVINCIAL EXECUTIVE COMMITTEE, Socialist Party of Canada, meets every second and fourth Sundays in the Cape Breton office of the Party, Commercial Street, Glace Bay, N. S. Dan Cochrane, Secretary, Box 491, Glace Bay, N. S. NEW BBUNSWICX FBOVINCIAL EXECUTIVE COMMITTEE.—A. Taylor Secretary, East St. John, N. B. For Party literature and information on organisation matters, etc., write to above address. LOCAL FEBNIE, S. F. of C, hold educational meetings in the Socialist Hall, every Sunday at 7:00. Business meetings third Sunday in each month, 7:30 p.m. Economic class every Sunday afternoon at 2:30. Oscar Erickson, Secretary, Box 505; Organizer, A. Goodwin. _ f— LOCAL BOSSLAND, No. 25, S. P. of C, meets in Miners' Hall every change Sunday at 7.30 p.m. Jas. J. Ritchie, Secretary. LOCAL VICTORIA, No. Z, S. P. Of C, Headquarters and Reading Room 1424 Government St., Room 8 Business meetings every second and fourth Tuesday in the month. Secretary, Fred Harman, 1424 Government St. LOCAL CUMBERLAND, B. C, No. 70.— Business meetings every first and third Sunday in the month, at 10:*. a.m., economic classes every Monday and Friday, at 7 p.m., in the Socialist Hall opposite P. O*. Regular Propaganda meetings at every opportunity. J. McMillan, Box 312, corresponding and financial secretary; Wm. J. McMillan, rec. secretary; Richard Coe, jr., treasurer; James Smith, Librarian. LOCAL ST. JOHN, N. B., No 1, S. P. of C. Visiting Comrades welcomed. Secretary, Stanford E. White, 24 Main St. Com. A. E. Faulkner, Conjuring Creek, Alta., did not market his wheat, and therefore could not fall in with THE ONE ACRE PROPOSITION.^ However, since he fed his wheat to his piglets and then sold the tasty quadrupeds our treasury feels the benefit. Now, who IS next ? Pass along please. w. a. p ;w 3 7 W. Braes 1 3 J. Hartley 2 T. Hyde 2 G. Westlin .-.:.. 1 l John Vincent ........ 2 F. J. Connett 3 John F. Macguire 2 A. Harris .:. 2 T. Connor 2 T. Connor. Communications and donations to 0. Erickson, Box 505. SUBS. RECEIVED $ 50c. 25c A. S, McPhee 12 4 2 J. R. K 5 4 2 D. Wilson . 5 Local Victoria 3 Local Vancouver 3 6 39 30 4 Singles.—Dollar Subs.—Ed. Haugen, F. J. McNey, A. Keinis, C. M. O'B., .Wm. Lam- ont, J. B. Kift, J. Mather, O. Erickson, D. W; Anderson, C. W. Springford. Fifty cent subs.—C. Steen, S. Busch, D. Creighton, Harry E. M. L.f H. C. Bell Twenty-five cent subs.—N. M. Leech, Ninety new readers. In times life© these! Keep it up. 16 THE WESTERN CLARION PLATFORM Socialist Party of Canada We, the Socialist Party of Canada, affirm our allegiance to, and support of, the principles and program of the revolutionary working class. Labor, applied to natural resources, produces all wealth. The present economic system is based upon capitalist ownership of the means of production, consequently, all the products of labor belong to the capitalist class. The capitalist is therefore, master; the worker a slave. So long as the capitalist class remains in possession of the reins of government all the powers of the State will be used to protect and defend its property rights in the means of wealth production and its control of the product of labor. The capitalist system give to the capitalist an ever-swelling stream of profits, and to the worker, an ever-increasing measure of misery and degradation. The interest of the working class lies in setting itself free from capitalist exploitation by the abolition of the wage system, under which this exploitation, at the point of production, is cloaked. To accomplish this necessitates the transformation of capitalist property in the means of wealth production into socially controlled economic forces. The irrepressible conflict of interest between the capitalist and the worker necessarily expresses itself as a struggle for political supremacy. This is the Class Struggle. Therefore, we call all workers to organize under the banner of the Socialist Party of Canada, with the object of conquering the political powers, for the purpose of setting up and enforcing the economic program of the working class, as follows'::fil 1. The transformation, as rapidly as possible, of capitalist property in the means of wealth production (natural resources, factories, mills, railroads, etc.) intbv collective means of production. 2. The organization and management of industry by the working class. 3. The establishment, as speedily as possible, of production for use instead of production for profit. WHEN the bunch drink they go to the Main Hotel (Cor. Georgia and Main) Reduced Rates Light, Airy Rooms- Central Position Propaganda Meeting Vancouver Local No. 1 S. P. of C. EVERY SUNDAY, 8 p.m. REX THEATRE, Hastings Street Sam Busch TAILOR Cleaning, Pressing, Repairing. 409 Vernon Drive City ■ p . the number before your IL name on the yellow label of your paper reads i-jQ.-y your subscription / °-^ expires with, the next issue. RENEW AT ONCE. VANCOUVER LOCAL NO 1 LENDING LIBRARY HEADQUARTERS AVENUE THEATRE BUILDING Economics, Philosophy, History, Biology, etc., etc. The best works on the.above subjects by the greatest writers of the last century: Marx, Engels, Dietzgen, Labriola, La- farque, Darwin, Huxley, Benjamin Kidd, and many others. Most of the works in this Library cannot be found in any other in the city, not even in the Carnegie Library. Membership per annum: Fifty Cents. T. CONNOR Now Beady 1 Wage Worker 4 Farmer j By J. Filkingrton PER 100, $4.50; PER DOZEN 55 CENTS; PER COPT, 10 CENTS Express charges Included.
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