CONTENTdm
Pritchard, W.A.
application/pdf
The Official Organ of the Socialist Party of Canada. NO. 785 VANCOUVER, B.C., OCTOBER, 1916 MONTHLY, 5 k THE ELECTION THE election is over. A new government is ushered into power, and the many who considered their social misfortunes to be directly attributable to the Bowser administration will now have the opportunity of watching the Brewster government introducing the necessary changes to the social structure. Strange, is is not, that a class pos- sesing tjhe ability to operate the means of production; invent gigantic machines of various designs to obviate the employment of human beings in the production of commodities; scientifically arrange commercial intercourse between every section of the civilized world; and able to control the intricate financial mechanism of the present form of society, should, at the the same time take so little interest in its own welfare as to elect, on every possible occassion, political parties that openly represent the aims and desinefs of the master class? Still this is precisely what always happens. It seems, indeed, as though We have resigned ourselves to the fate of industrial drudgery willing to produce to the point of exhaustion but carefully- avoid playing any part in the1 administration of our own affairs. In looking back over the campaign that has just closed we are firmly convinced that, from the standpoint- of propoganda, it has been the most successful one' ever engaged in by the Socialist Party of Canada. True, the number of constituencies contested has not been so great as in previous elections, and the number of votes recorded for the Socialist candidates jconsideralifcy less, even- in those districts where Party can- A Review of the Work Accomplished by the Socialist Party of Canada By J. A. McD: didates were placed in tlie field, than on former occasions. A large number of candidates placed in nomination cannot be regarded as a means to Socialist advancement if such candidates do not possess the I necessary qualifications for the position they assume; while the vote reg istered, no matter how. large, if it is not the expression of those who understand their positipn in human society cannot, by any stretch of the imagination, be considered a move in the direction of working class emancipation. In previous elections the S. P. of C. Locals have1 nominated, and endorsed, men who were not even members of the Party, and who had little or no conception of the attitude to be taken by Socialist propagandists, tlheir only claim to fitness for the position being personal popularity, membership in fraternal societies, and industrial organizations by which they were considered capable of capturing a large vote. In the campaign just ended, however, wejj have made a start in the right direction. Each one of the four candidates was a party member and sufficiently acquainted with his social position to be able to meet in debate any representative of the old parties and expose their theories in clear and consise terms. VANCOUVER. In Vancouver, where Com. Harrington was the Socialist nominee, the usual Sunday night meietings were well attended and much interest taken in the attitude of the revolutionary working class toward the programmes and policies of those who represent the interests of the dominant class. Especially interesting was Com. Harrington's analysis of the Prohibition and Woman Suffrage movements, representatives of both parties being given an opportunity to explain their stand at the Sunday meetings. So far as the Socialist movement in B. C. is concerned, Vancouver has long been the nerve centre from which Socialism radiates and no matter what section of the province one may enter, workers will be found who still take a great interest in what they have heard at the Empress, and Rex, theatre tmieet- ings. . " ' OOMOX. ' ||- : In the ;Comox constituency, the candidate was Com. W. A. Pritchard editor of the Western Clarion, and Sec, of the D. E. C. who made a successful propaganda tour extending to fevery important point of what is undoubtedly the most difficult, and fexpensive, district to cover in B. C. Besides the regular Liberal and Conservative nominees, the Social Democrats to air their grievances against a Revolutionary party, also contested the district so that the vote recorded for Com. Pritchard can well be regarder as a class conscious expression. V e«;~ ' YMIR. ;;^^P In the Ymir riding a clean and vigorous fight Jwas jput up by Com. Goodwin who, for the^ first time,- entered a campaigni as the representative of the S. PI of C. This was the first election that other than a labor fakir was placed in this riding on m § m nil m behalf of the party, and much credit is du©1 to Coimi. G-oodwin for the man-' ner in which he conducted the fight Mention must also be made of the part taken by Com. Zanoni who proved of great assistance among the foreign speaking element of the! Trail workers. FERNIE. In the Fernie district the Party representative was Com J. A., .McDonald, and much good work was accomplished in every section of the .constituency. The greatest obstacle here, again, was thei dope dished out by sentimental and opportunist freaks who were nominated as the Socialist standard bearers at previous elections. Excellent propaganda, which has had the desired effect, was delivered in the district a year ago by Com. Connor, who was the Socialist candidate at that time. Briefly reviewing the campaign, we are well satisfied with what has been accomplished. Much literature has been distributed and a considerable numbers of subscriptions taken for the Western Clarion, as well as the holding of Socialist meetings for the first time in many parts of the four constituencies. With our efforts directed in the proper channels we can look forward to even better results at the next election. THIS IS AN INVITATION TO SUBSCRIBE OR, IF YOU HAVE SUBSCRIBED, TO GET A NEW READER. THE Western Clarion IS YOUR PAPER. 1SSSZS15HFa5Z5H5HSZ5HSZ5E5Z5_l_r2SZHH5E! ?5E5Z5E5H5H5H5HSZ5HEE5B5H5HJ5iSE5^SE5E! THE WESTERN CLARION THE PRESIDENTIAL CAMPAIGN IN THE UNITED STATES. (As One Socialist Sees It) Less than two months intervene between this date and that set for the Presidential elections. What follows is set down regarding that which' passes as the Socialist Movement in the United' States. The war which has eclipsed for the time being whatever of socialist activity there Was in the belligerent countries has had no such effect here so the campaign goes merrily forward. Once again the remnant of the old S. L. P. have placed a candidate in the field for the presidency of the nation for just what purpose is not quite clear. For many years the principle function of this organization has been to act as a sort of sponsor for various so-called industrial unions. As a result its political activities have grown weaker and more artificial all the time and the effectiveness of its socialist propaganda nullified by being made to fit the nejeds K)f its industrial union offspring. The; concept that the industrial union of today is the embryo of future society scarcely warrants debate. Dealing with things as they are it is assumed that socialist knowledge carries with it of necessity the ability to organize and arrange the economic program of labor to be applied to the life of the nation on the conquest of political power. Today the activities of any sort of union center around the practical proposition of the standard of living and the means taken to maintain it, not as short cuts to the socialist objective. Taken as a whole the organization known as the S. P. of A. usually covers the whole field, the S. L. P. being swept to one side. Such as it is this is the representative movement of the land. Among its adherents almost any kind of nostrum and reform proposition finds support. There is a fine scorn for what is termed ' jj authorota- tive" socialism the rule of thumb rather than an attempt at scientific precision is the line along which it moves. On this basis much of the party's literature and platform propaganda can consistently annex any old "cause" sentimental enough to gain popularity. So there rises on the platform now and then those who find nothing inconsistent in a socialist supporting a republican for the Senate and a democrat for the Presidency and who will line up in a "preparedness" parade. Others again object and are "pacifists" and more &£ the same ilk give vent to views of like fatuity. As of the great Chicago republican convention so the reporter could exclaim of this as so much \ \ guff, bunk, piffle and slush." What do these people know of the law of value? Well, if the respectable gentleman nominated for president on the S. P. ticket knew about it he wouldn't be able to plead for the isale <R commodities at cost as a-remedy for working class ills. Were the membership generally aware of the class division in society and its consequences, together with a glimmering of the materialistic conception of history, it wouldn't be quite such an easy task to make so many different kinds of fools of- themselves when discussing the war in Europe. But those fundamentals of socialism seem to have become mere shiboleths devoid of meaning and necessarily following there has been a deluge of those more comforting bougeois abstractions, "humanity," "justice" and the rest of them that have done double duty in the last three years. Amid all the confusion there appears one understanding at least and that is, to agree as it were not to see any disagreement. The choice of Benson to head the ticket could scarcely have been bettered. He typifies the movement in his personality and interpretations which might be summed up in two words—'l government ownership. '' RAYNER Los Angeles Cal. Sept. 14, 1916. At last the great G. E. Winkler has been before the public of th's burg, (Cumberland) and much fog has been removed as a result of the manner of his address and meeting in general. Many who were worrying over the two Socialists being in the field, and the vote split, and defeat certain, are now convinced that G. E. W., the Social Democrat, is not a socialist, but a Liberal or bL Conservative, or a mixture of both. Like they, he packs a sparring partner around with him, in the shape of a Suffragette, opens his clress with a funny story, which is followed at intervals by others, drags a few similar red herrings before the workers eyes, lambasts the S. P. of C, evades the challenge to meet the candidate of the S. P. of C. and debate the question;—resolved, that the S. D. P. is not worthy of working class support, and in the same, form and manner as the meetings helcfeeby the old capitalist parties, his meeting is closed by singing "God Save The King." While in Cumberland G. E. W. made many friends, chief amongst which were a sky pilot and a number of his lambs, all openly opposed to every effort of the slavea of this town to organize, either politically or industrially. They had been won over by G. E. W. through his promises to clean up the S. P. of C. in this town; but better men than he have tried that and failed; a protoype of his tried it on the very day this local was established. Local 70 of the S. P. of C. was born of a fight with the so- called socialist party, W. Gribble representing the former, and G. Pettigrew the latter. The result was the greatest boost the S. P. of C. ever got here. Over $40 were collected, about $13 worth of literature, a number of buttons, subs for the Clarion sold, and some 45 members enrolled. That is why we are so anxious to have G. E.' W. meet our candidate. We would prefer a stronger man, but if there are none stronger he will do. Bowser, McBride's successor, tried the same and met with a similar defeat. 22 of our members were shipped by him over the line into Alberta, and 20 came back. The Coal Co. officials tried it for three years and a half, but have finally given up the task (apparently at least). That was one time that Bowser was behind, the socialists. Of all the funny stories told by G. E. W. there were none funnier than the serious parts of his harangue. The S. P. of C. is the autocratic, the S. D. P. the democratic party. Yet, in his apology for being in the field, he read a number of letters out to the audience that had passed between himself and this local, of which he was the instigator, his motive being, so he said, to avoid a division of our forces. Of all the letters written by G. E. W. not a single one was from a body of men, but all from G. E. W. while every letter he received from here was from the local. The same difference is characteristic of the Campaign Manifestoes., Pritchard's is by the B. C. E., while G. E. W.'s is by himself. Although he informed us here that his backers the Finns, instructed him to be clear cut on the war question, yet his sparring partner, the suff. justified the Allies participation in the"war, to which he made no answer. But the funniest part of it all was, that he left the S. P. of C. because ivts platform did not approve of reforms, that it was too revolutionary. He joined the S.D.P. At a convention of his party, the S. D. P., there came a demand for a platform without reforms, something like the S. P. of C. But here he pointed out that the S. P. of C. platform was broader than the S. D. P. for reforms, and he read out that old clause: The socialist party when in office etc. Later he made a motion for the expulsion of Parker Williams because he was too much of a reformer There's food for the psychologist. Although nominated some jeighteen months before he never appeared in the district until nomination, just like the old parties. His answer to the challenge to meet Pritchard was: "The socialist party knows very well that I cannot be i^ere on that date. I might issue a challenge to Pritch- are to meet me in Sointula on the same date." When the meeting was over, the local members got together, (no one-horse affair as G. E. W. tried to make the people believe, mark you) and decided to call his bluff. They went to him and said: "All right Winkler, name the day you will be in Sointula and we will see to it that Pritchard will be there." His answer was: "I don't know on what date I will be there." I would advise S. P. of C. locals not to pj^i; anything in the way of G. E. W. hold- in meetings anywhere. He is the greatest boost for the s! P. of C. yet. iiii WON LHUNG. SECRETARIAL SCRAPS. And now Corns. Wm. A. Brown and A. Larsen, both of Travers. Alta. go on record as being desirous of contributing the proceeds of one acre of their 1916 crop to "The Clarion Maintenance Fund." We are going along fine. Next, please! * * * We have received a rebuke from Moses Baritz, of Portland, Ore., respecting his review of "The Jews in the Eastern War Zone," which appeared in the last issue. He charges that "someone has committed a gross blunder" insofar as the middle of the article was conspicuous by its absence. We have failed to locate the culprit. Our accredited substitute, who was handling affairs while we were getting defeated in Comox ("B. C. Fed." please note) denies that he was responsible, while the printer, true to printers' ethics tearfully protests his innocence. And we haven't the heart to pass it back to Moses, so it appears it must remain an unsolved mystery. # V * Kindly note new secretary of Rossland (B.C.) Local No. 25, S.P. of C: Will Jones, Box 135. * * * "The Organisation Manifesto of the Socialist Party of the United States," which we intended publishing for purposes of information and criticism, has been unavoidably crowded out of this issue. Comox. Stewart (Lib.) .i| 763 Manson (Con.) ... 736 Pritchard (Soc.) J| .. 234 Winkler (Soc. Dem.) ,1| 77 Fernie. Fisher (Lib.) 735 Uphill (Con.) Jt. 634 McDonald (Soc.) ^if|L.204 Vancouver. Macdonald (Highest Lib.) .f|; 7224 Bowser (Highest Con.) ...... 5525 Harrington (Soc.) 1036 Ymir. Schofield (Con.) fm. 560 Sullivan (Lib.) m. p||. 463 Goodwin (Soc.) .... 258 ANSWERS TO CORRESPONDENTS T. E. M., Lactone, Ont:—You are either sadly misinformed or else the victim, of a misapprehension. Any member of Winnipeg Local (J. Mc- pihie, secretary, 96 Dagmar Street) can give you full particulars of the first matter while we have already made public all that was niecessary with the second. Your threat to publish your expose in, one of the Labor papers comes with poor grace. We are already being notoriously boosted by them, and a little more advertising would not hurt much. LOCALS AND PARTY MEMBERS ATTENTION! The Editorial Board of THE WESTERN CLARION has been instructed to draw up a list of suggested amendments to the Party Constitution. We shall be pleased to receive suggestions from any Local or member in good standing in order that as good a draft constitution as possible can be) prepared before submitting it to referendum. The Dominion Executive Committee. ll n 1 1 t/ M*«. T^r-wf?^":*' t^T>-i P^TT" HgBfffvPSffl TEX WESTERN OLARION if I* I THE EUROPEAN SITUATION By Moses Baritz. No. V. Italy. There} is one redeeming feature about Italy's participation*in this war. It is that at least among the thieves that she is associated with, sine is unmistakably frank. Like a decent prostitute, she states the price she wants, and presents her body whole-heartedly. Her advent in the war was not attended with the lying that attached itself to the other powers. No fanciful stories about Belgian neutrality. No "horror" at the gross militarism of Germany. No; nothing of that. Simply a few kind words and—here we are gentlemen. There was however no unanimity of opinion in the Italian chamber when the subject was brought up by Premier Salandra on May 20, 1915. The whole of the Italian Socialist Party voted against it. There were, however, some of the other gang, called the Reformist Socialists that were in favor of war. But they are' not members of the Socialist Party. They left to try and reform the capitalist class. The Socialist Party was against the war. But it will be better to give a resume of the pre-war position so that we can see the factor that was making for the participation in the conflict. Italy and Turkey were at war during 1911-12. Italy's merchants, mainly Jews, had been carrying on a constantly increasing trade with Asia Minor. Vessels of Italian origin were to be seen in all of the ports frotai Smyrna to Alexandria. Salonika was a special point to which merchandise was shipped. Italian people occupied the towns adjacent to the sea. The fact that Germany and Italy w'ere Allies prior to the' war, in no way affected the agreement between France and the latter. An entente was established between them, and as soon as the war started Italy—or at least the Italian officials in Morocco— volunteered their services to assist their French ^associates. The Italian population in Casablanca, increased from a few isolated residents in 1900 to no less than 8,500 in 1914. Trade increased 6-fold. The cotton and wool eh trades were exceptionally busy, though not as much as since the war started. It was the desire to add to the Afrijcan territory that caused the war witih Turkey in 1911; a war that was singularly catastrophic for the middle class in Italy. The effort to secure the! complete dominance over Cyranaica was something worth striving after. It was to secure a possible economic advantage that made Italy decide upon participation in the war. It had everything to gain and nothing to lose. The time that elapsied since Italy entered the conflict has been advantageously utilized by the merchant class of that country. In every one of the Allied countries economic , arrangements have been made to carry on certain mutual relations involving the expenditure of enormous sums to develop trade in Italy. The English government is at the back of a $5,000,000 concern. No public issue was made. It was taken up by the oanks of England privately. The cap > italist class is on the look-out for a chance of exploiting some one and it is not upset whether it is an Eng- 'lishman, or an Italian. Prior to the war the workers were not organized by the capitalists of Italy as they should jhave been, hence the consequent "bad" conditions. It is settled that those who are not settled by .high explosives and low living, are to be "induced" to go to France to work after the war. The preparation to enter the war, was as great as the arrangement now being made to continue the robbery after the war. Signor Tittoni, Italian Ambassador to France, did much in his speech at the Sorbohne in Paris to clear away the lying of the British press in ^putting the whole blame upon Germany for the diplomatic outbreak of this war. It is common to read of Italian statestanen telling the reason why they entered the war. It was to get territory and the chance of enlarging their mercantile trade. There is no bluff about it. But one would really think that with all this information at their command, that men who were at one time members of the Italian Socialist Party, would have refrained from supporting a policy which was rank piracy. Not by any means. The Re formist Socialists have now 2 of their members in the present Cabinet in Italy, Signor Bissolati, who acts as Political Commissioner for War Services, and Signor Bonomi who is Minister for Public Works. Both of them are the worst of reformers, and no doubt will end up like Henderson, Hughes]^ Briand^ Viviani and Scheidermann in the ranks of the capitalist political parties. Naturally a man like Signor Bonomi, does not like the attitude of the official Socialists, as the Reds are called. He has written some disparaging things about them, but there is nothing that he can write that can efface these words. He says of the Italian Socialist Party:— "They are the only party in Europe in all the great States that has persevered in an absolute campaign against |he 'war. A truce was not even called when a small portion of Italian territory was invaded by the enemy. '' (This is not so, however. There is the S. P. G. B. and the Soc-Democratic Labor Party of Russia.) To my mind, it is an evidence1 of sound common sense. They are to be congratulated for that staand. It is so fine when compared with the putridity of the B. S. P. and I. L. P. in England, and the Social Democratic Party of Canada. It makes ones blood tingle with joy to read of how the reds in Italy act. They play hell with those who support the war. 1' The chief strongholds of Socialism are in the country districts especially in the Paduan plain. Here Socialist rule is so absolute, that the tepid are not tolerated and non-adherents are punished. Even •contact with organizations to relieve the sufferings of war is prohibited and participation in the propaganda work of the national loan incurred expulsion from the party. The Socialism of the country districts in fact, tolerates no views but its own. IT IS AGAINST THE WAR, AND WHOEVER UPHOLDS ' IT; AGAINST THOSE WHO CARRY IT ON, AND THOSE WHO ATTACH VALUE TO IT; THE PEAS- i ants have been led to the conclusion that it is||the upper classes who desire war, and that it does not concern them beyond the personal loss it brings them, and that its^out- come is therefore of NO IMPORTANCE TO THEM AS THE PROLETARIAT IS WITHOUT NATIONALITY." Now that is something worth reading. It shows that there are SOME men in Italy. The curious thing about the article of this capitalist courtesan, is that it brings to the mind of the reader a. fine phase of socio-economic development in that ihe declares that it is not poverty that accounts for this situation, for the peasantry in the valley of the Po, are the highest of all agricultural workers, and that they lack all feeling of patriotism. The last two decades of economic and scholastic advance, have brought the workers together. Although the press of all parties has penetrated the district the Socialist propaganda alone has made its presence felt. There is another question that has arisen in Italy, and that is .the inclusion in the cabinet of Signor Bos- elli, a Roman Catholic deputy. Signor Meda is the chief of the Roman Catholics in the Parliament of Italy. The late Pope Pius X was always opposed to the formation of a Catholic party in Italy. Maybe he was advised of the growth of the opposition,, by the bourgeoisie, to t|he Socialist Party, and if by any means the ruling class were losing its power over the masses, it would not scruple to enlist the aid of the Vatican. This is largely hinted in diplomatic circles in Europe. It is well known that one.of the Roman Catholic deputies In an indiscreet moment gave the game away when he stated that the Pope would have to take part in the peace negotiations for which he was —(naturally and immediately)—repudiated. No diplomatic solution to the present conflict was possible without the assistance of the prisoner of the Vatican. Let the readers note, that in Nov. 1914, I had foreshadowed the same THE WESTERN CLARION thing in the "Western Clarion," The Italian Socialists may be relied upon to deal with this question in their usual manner. We are ruled in the main—that is in the theological sense—by a live Italian priest and a dead Jew, and no opportunity should be lost in EXPLAINING this. ItNis politically interesting to read of the cross-fire in the papers of Rome on this matter. The organ of thje Vatican! >"L' Osslervatorte Romano" pointed out that Signor Meda does not represent the Roman Catholics. But that by no means gratifies those who know the history of Vatican diplomacy. ' \ Le Messaggero'' replies to the papal organ by saying:— "Signor Meda represents in the chamber, Roman Catholic electors and Roman Catholic organizations. Everybody knows that Roman Catholic deputies are the agents of thoroughly disciplined forces. And when Signor Meda speaks in the Chamber, he does not speak for himself or for any group of casual friends; he speaks for the deputies of the R. C. group; a group which exists and is alive and active, in spite of the elegant distinctions of Ihe casuists of "L'Osserva- tore.'' In France the leading newspapers are intensely interested in the new move in Rome. It needs a little extra vigilance on the part of the working class. Rome never forgets. I am not making the Vatican the primary factor in the class struggle. It is the capitalist class that we are against from the word go. But there are agencies that go to the assistance of tjhat class, and they too, need attention now and again. To be anti-clerical, is not anything of a valuable character. To be anti-capitalist and all it involves is the work of the socialist. I do not want to leave the reader with a false impression about the Italian movement. I want him to know that the Italian Socialist Party has a reform platform, and that it advocates the extension of municipal enterprises. It is not Marxian from our standpoint. It is on this question, however, giving a lesson to the Hyndman's and the fake parties in 5 Europe. It realises that war is for t. the benefit of the master class. That is why they will not go and are opposed to it. With all their faults Ijhey are worthy of admiration from those who see the results of the war; lives taken by the million, homes destroyed, excruciating pain, endless misery. These are the concomitants of this present war. In the working class (movement Italy has a niche. Lett flne iconclude by printing the words of the Manifesto of the party on the war. It was issued on May 22,1915, BEFORE the declaration by Salandra:— "After the war the curse of the mothers, the wives, the woes of the victims, and the unavoidable economic crisis will give a new and strong impulse to the class struggle. It is for conflicts of that struggle we are preparing popular sentiment." Yes? comrades, if we take up arms let us do it in our own interests, and not for those of a class whose life- blood and sustenance is derived from the robbery of our class. SUBS. RECEIVED. $ 50c 25c J. A. McDonald 16 25 W. A. P 7 T. H. Lambert 0 w. Poole Wmm 1 3 A. R. Sinclair 2 J. S. MacPhie 1 2 2 John] Barton 4 Will Jones 3 Marie Petzold 2 Chas. Croot 1 1 A. Harris 2 37 39 3 Dollar singles—"Rufus," C. M. O'Brien, G. Heal, J. Wright, J. Blair, J. McMillan, Wim. Churchill, C. Ogilvie Wm. A. Brown, V. P. Morgan, J. E. McGregor, M. Bruce, F. Harman, Geo. J. Mead, H. Schlinsog. F. Slank D. Moysuick, J. E. Mickle son. Fifty cent.—T. Hanwell, S. Earp, W. Bennett. Twenty-five cent—M. L. One hundred and one subs, receir- ®d. Can we maintain that mark? M I m i i tm I I 6 The Western Clarion Published by the Socialist Party of Canada at the office of the Western Clarion, 169 Georgia St. 23. Vancouver, B. C. Subscription Bates i Per 20 issues Per 10 issues 1.00 , iilli o,5° Bundle Bates:—3 cents per copy per issue. In making remittance by cheque, exchange must be added. Address all communication to W. A. Pritchard Managing-Editor, 169 Georgia St. B. Vancouver, B. C. If yar. receive this paper it is paid for. AN APOLOGY. Owing to the recent election in British ,Columbia our office has been somewhat disarranged. This accounts in part for the late appearance of this issue; and on the principle that it never rains but it pours the linotype machine developed a disinclination to work at a most inopportune time. If there are any who have not received their Clarions, or are victims of other slight inattentions we ask them to repeat their orders, and we will do our best to oblige. In any case fling all your cuss words at ye editor. Our back is broad. AN APPRECIATION. We Ibereby request that certain enthusiastic readers of the WESTERN CLARION refrain from sending us marked copies of the British Columbia Federationist. We are on the mailing list, and we have noticed the amusing attempts to appear satirical both editorially and otherwise at our expense, on the part of certain erudite experts in the art of scribbling. The "Fed" is no worse (nor better) than the usual Labor sheet. Those who would ridicule the' Law of Gravitation or the Multiplication Table only succeed in making themselves ridiculous. The Socialist position is correct and can be proven so. The "Federationist," (along with the "Winnipeg Voice") offers us a few moments relaxation. And that is all we worry about the matter. THE WESTERN OLABX0 EDITORIAL PAGE OUR POSITION. A Reply to A. Percy Chew in the "Winnipeg- Voice." By J. Harrington. The nature of the position occupied by the S. P. of C. subjects it to unsparing criticism from friend and foe. Most of this criticism is of such a character that it calls for no comment on our part; attacks upon the personnel of the party or the motives which direct its activities may be so .classed';■ however, occasionally, we are charged with taking certain positions which are contrary, not only to modern science, but also to those teachings which we claim as the basis of our work, and which are contained in the Marxian philosophy. A. Percy Chew who, conducts the front page of the "Winnipeg Voice," under the caption of "Current Events" is a hardened offender in this respect. A sub-heading, "The S. P. of C. Again," is proof enough in the Aug 11th number. Chew has on several occasions, given sufficient evidence of his scientific and historical ignorance; on this occasion he is quite up to standard. He opens with the following:— "David Hume, the Scottish philosopher, like his contemporary, Adam Smith, employed the deductive system of logic in his enquiries. Instead of patiently investigating facts he based his conclusions on assumed premises which he never bothered to prove. Hume was a genius. He therefore attained some success in spite of the imperfection of his method. Modern science, however, has made its greatest discoveries by the inductive method, which arises from facts to principles instead of descending from principles to facts." Every statement in this paragraph is incorrect, and one is absurd. Chew has defined how induction and deduction operate, so that philosophical bone of contention is happily removed. Hume was the direct descendant of Locke, who attempted to carry out inquiry according to the so-called Baconian method, which called for the investigation and verification of facts by observation and experiment. Referring to the laws and forces governing the heavenly bodies, Hume says, "There is no reason to dispair of equal success in our enquiries concerning the mental powers and economy if prosecuted with equal power and caution. It is probable that one operation and principle of mind is dependent upon another, which again, may be resolved into one more general and universal.'' Note the last sentence directly /involves induction;—from the particular to the general. He commands us to begin our study of philosophy with clear • and self evident principles, to advance by timorous and sure steps, to review frequently our conclusions and examine accurately all their consequences; these methods though slow are the only means to arrive at "proper stability and certainty in our deductions" Hume's works are rich with such statements, and I cannot forego quoting the following, speaking of works on metaphysics he says— "Does it contain any abstract reasoning concerning quantity or number? No! Does it contain any experimental reasoning concerning matter of fact or existence? No! Commit it, then to the flames for it can contain nothing but sophistry and illusion.'' Adam Smith was not only a contemporary of Hume but his most intimate friend, although twelve years his junior; and Haldane in his "Life of Adam Smith" remarks:— \" Whether Hume could have been without Smith we cannot now say; but we do know that, but for Hume, Smith could never have been." Consequently ^ no more than Hume did he rely upon deduction in his reasoning. Concerning Hume attaining success by such hit or miss methods as Chew attributes to him, let me suggest that genius is not a factor in a guessing contest, for the guess of a fool is quite as reliable as that of a genius. No one with the slightest knowledge of modern science could be guilty of such an assertion as is* Contained "Jin the last sentence of Chew's paragraph quoted above. THE WEITEBN OLARION Newton arrived by deduction at the theory of gravity, twenty years before he established it mathematically. Kant following Newton advanced the nebular hypothosis about 1775, amplified later by Laplace. The Lord Rosse telescope built in 1848, the most powerful in use at that time, resolved several clusters of Nebulae to stars. By this particular fact the general law of cosmic developement suggested by Kant was over-thrown, according to astronomical science. This decision of the astronomers 1 aroused the resentment' of Herbert Spencer, then having just projected his Synthetic Philosophy. "With a daring which I look back upon with surprise"—his own expression. He called the reasoning of these scientists to.question, and not only demonstrated by deduction from general laws that nebulas existed, but by the same method suggested the photosphere of the sun. Proof of the former was soon given by Proctor; the latter by Kirchhoff and Bunsen through the medium of the spectroscope. Furthermore Spencer at the age of thirty-seven, set down in detail a scheme of philosophy, which was remarkable ; that, to use his own words "thus suddenly conceived, should have resembled as much as it does the scheme eventually executed." And how did he accomplish it? By working from general laws to particular facts. For instance:— "after recognition of the truth that unceasing heterogeneity is universal^ there arose the question—why is it universal? And a transition from the inductive stage was shown in the answer—the transformation results from the unceasing multiplication of effects. When shortly after there came the perception that the condition of Homogeneity is an unstable condition, yet another step towards the completely deductive stage was made." By such methods was the most modern, complete and fundamental system of philosophy from any single mind worked out. According to Huxley, one objection to the Darwinian theory was its author's failure to follow the method of induction. "Critics exclusively trained in classics and mathematics, who have never determined a scientific fact in their lives by induction from experiment or observation, prate learnedly about Mr. Darwin's method, which is not inductive enough, not Baconian enough, forsooth, for them." Darwin like all modern scientists operating in those fields which permit, used both induction and deduction in arriving at his conclusions. No discovery of recent date has been of greater benefit to man as an individual than that of antiseptic treatment of surgical operations. At the begining of the 19th century the theory of spontaneous generation was generally accepted. The ingenious experiments used by its champions and its opponents to prove their respective positions are outlined in Huxley's "Origination of Living Beings." Sufficient for me to state here that:—Pasteur finally established by experiment, that all those manifestations of spontaneous generation, were the result of life spores present in the atmosphere close to the earth's lower surface. Previous to this discovery, the hospitals were death houses, and an operation was tantamount to sentence of death. Many experiments had been carried out according to the method of induction. For example, that people died in hospitals after operations is one particular fact, from which we determine there is a hospital disease, therefore 'conduct operations elsewhere. This was done. A house especially devised was built. The neighboring people saw nine subjects enter and nine corpses leave. Pasteur's general principle of life germs in the air set the famous surgeon Lister on a new path. These life germs may be the agent of the terrible hospital disease: accordingly he applied crude carbolic to the wounds of his patients and immediately the death rate was reduced. The famous, and to those who have any pretention to scientific reading, familiar discovery of the planet of Neptune, is a triumph of deductive reasoning. One more example, Faraday, who is reputed to be a "purely inductive- philosopher" conducted his' experiments chiefly by the light of Am pere's theory that magnetism might be reduced to electricity Ijust as electricity was reduced to magnetism. His researches have resulted in many inventions of benefit to mankind. Chew proceeds to tell us that:— "In Hume's day the Scotch intellect was just begining to throw off the shackles of theological superstition." Just why the Scotch should be singled out Chew may perhaps explain'. It is true Bayle had passed away a few years before Hume was born. But the real awakening in Europe did not occur until the latter part of the 18th century and Hume had already published his "Treatise of Human Nature" (1739), when-many of the great French philosophers were yet at school. More than that, Helvetius complained to Hume that he was forced to omit giving him full credit in his book 'De L'Esprit', as the censor had obliged him to Strike it out. And Engels states that "Bacon, Hobbes and Locke are the fathers of that brilliant school of French materialists which makes the 18th century a pre-eminently French century." Chew airs his historical knowledge a little further. "One of the new thinkers Ried, saw the danger of the deductive, logic. He strongly insists in a work attacking Hume's philosophical system that no one had a right to assume principles and then argue from them. A philosopher, he said, should seek the law of nature by patient induction and should not make the facts succumb to theory." This, I presume, means Thomas Reid who succeeded Adam Smith in a Glasgow University philosophical chair, although the description hardly fits him. Reid was a parson' and as such was animated by that extreme animosity which Hume inspired in his theological contemporaries. In fact Adam Smith's account of Hume's death caused an epidemic of hysteria among the Goddites! Many stories were told of the extreme passion exhibited, one of which, though denied by Haldane, will illustrate the feeling. Samuel Johnston called Adam Smith "a liar," and Smith retorted by inference that Johnston's mother was i ;1 I ^A **te- 8 THZ WK8TBEN CLABIOW 1 1 not quite respectable. Consequently Reid, reflecting the spirit of all his tribe could 'be expected to disagree with Hume. He did not, however, call into question the method of reasoning but the principle upon which it was based, accordingly, in opposition to Humes proposition that experience was the sole agent of human knowledge, and custom of human activity, he introduced perception which was from, God. Moreover Reid attacked the "Treatise of Human Nature" of which Hume was rather ashamed in later life (it was written between the ages of 21 and 25) though Huxley says without just reason. The proletarian method will be dealt with in the next issue. OUR BOOKSHELF. "MARXIAN SOCIALISM AND.RELIGION" By John Spargo. Published by B. W. Huebsch, New York 1915. By MOSES BABITZ. The author of the above book, is internationally famous, chiefly on account of his ignorance of Marx and Marxism. He once penned a life of Karl Marx. The book was the greatest literary perversion that ever afflicted the reputation of Marx. So vile was it, that Franz Mehring, the veteran German Marxist, said that it was an insult to the memory of Marx, and a disgrace to the International movement. Mr. Spargo has made a practice of fraudulently representing that he was a friend of Marx, that he knew him sufficiently well, to write intimately about him. Inquiries made of some of the old S. D. F. acquaintances of Spargo point to the fact that Spargo is stretching his great imagination. In August 1910, I wrote an article in the "Western Clarion" showing that Spargo had deliberately twisted the words of the "Communist Manifesto" to show that Marx was a reformer. Spargo had written in the "American Journal of Sociology" for July 1910, on "Karl Marx and Contemporary Socialism." Therein he said that the theory of value had been superseded; that the theory of marginal unity was now accepted as a factor in the economy of the Socialist. My attack then was criticised by men who are now outside the S. P. of C. aiding the Liberal party in Canada. But time has 'shown that Spargo is nothing more than I called him. That is, a mental pervert and prostitute, a traducer of Marx. Since that article in 1910, Spargo has added to the rascality, by deliberately associating with the name of Marx, men who have falsified the works of Marx. Anything that has tended to give Marxism a reactionary bias, has been utilized. The latest piece of literary prostitution, is the above work. It is written to reconcile the absurdities of religion with science. He attempts to prove that religion and Marxism are compatible. To show that religion is in harmony with the materialistic conception of history, he quotes many CHRISTIAN and JEWISH "divines" ! ! ! ! The book, as usual, abounds with misquotations and misrepresentations. In no case has Spargo giVen an extract indicating the persistent antagonism of both Marx and, Engels to religion. Like the trickster he is, he has refrained from quoting Marx on religion. * * * What was the reason, that caused the book to be written? We find it in his book, though of course, he may not admit it. The reason is, that the pamphlet on "Socialism and Religion" published by the Socialist Party of Great Britain, has been circulating too much in the U. S. A. It appears .that the American Anti-Socialist Union are using it to confront the tricksters in this country. On page 137 we find the bitter lament of Spargo on the matter. But does Spargo reply to the pamphlet, from which he quotes? Not by a damn sight! ! He, in making reference to the S. P. G. B., does what he does with Marx. He lies about them! The book is the swan song endeavor to indicate the compatibility of Socialism and Religion. Any "critic" of Marx, however mendacious of foul, is good enough to quote against Marx. For instance, the most criminally reckless and perverted misrepresentation of the Marxian philosophy was written by Prof. Simkhovitch in "Marxism and Socialism." That work was so grossly fal_ lacious that I. M. Rubinow in the "New York Call" for Nov.^2nd and 9th, 1913, had to apologise for the language he used against against Simkhovitch. He said:— , "As might readily have been expected this book is being extensively used for a frankly anti-socialist propaganda (as for instance, by the National Civic Federation) or for a prejudiced presentation of Socialism in the courses on the subject in our leading American Universities The fastidious may object to excessive violence of language. The writer made an honest effort at self restraint. He may only hope that a careful examination of the evidence presented will justify his frankly expressed condemnation of the statistical methods used by Professor Simkhovitch for the purpose of discrediting "Scientifc Socialism." Premier place is given to Simkhovitch in an attack upon the Materialistic Conception of History, for on page 40 of Spargo'3 book appears the statement of Simkhovitch that the materialistic conception "is the crudest and mosK unfinished doctrine in the field of social philosophy." Then adds Spargo,/ "THE SUBSTANTIAL JUSTICE OF THIS CRITICISM CAN HARDLY BE' DENIED." I need hardly point out that if it were so, the enconiums lately showered upon Marx by eminent sociologists would not have been given. * * * How does Spargo proceed to criticise Marx? In making quotations from the works of Marx, he pretends that he is giving prominence by italicising, On pages 47 and 48, in a footnote, to a lengthy quotation from "Wage Labor and Capital," Spargo says "ITALICS MINE." But j what are the facts? The italics are those of Marx and NOT of Spargo. A fine piece of literary rascality made all the more abominable because in the last sentence, he leaves OUT the italicised words of Marx! ! ' On page 55 there is another footnote maintaining that "after the death of Marx, the statement of the doctrine of the economic interpretation of history was refined and modified by Engels." The footnote refers to page 40. Turning to that page I read, re-read, turned it upside down and obtained a magnifying glass to see if„it was between the lines, f. looked at the 40th page ,f rom the back of the book then tried to translate it into German, French, Greek, Latin, Yiddish, Volapuk and the American language, but was unrewarded. for my efforts. THE EVIDENCE WAS NOT THERE AT ALL. 0n page 52 Spargo clearly illustrates his lack of intimacy with the first volume of "Capital." His superficiality and supine shallowness is illuminating. He says that there is but one specific reference to the materialistic conception, (or the economic interpretation) in Marx's "Capital," Not only is that untrue, but Spargo acts as a literary perjurer, for, in the quotation, which in a footnote he states is taken from page 406 Kerr's American Edition, (translated by Untermann) HE ACTUALLY PUT INTO IT WORDS NOT IN THE PASSAGE HE IS SUPPOSED TO -QUOTH: FROM. NOR ARE THEY IN THE ENGLISH EDITION WHERE THE QUOTATION APPEARS ON PAGE 367. He then supplements that roguery by the deliberate omission of several commas, which if put in would destroy the validity of his claims! ! ACCURATE PUNCTUATION WOULD HAVE SHOWN MARX'S SARCASTIC REF- EUENCE TO RELIGION. What reliance can be placed upon a man who is so degraded as to put words IN a quotation that are NOT in the original? A foul twister and debase! trickster is the only appellation for Spargo. As I have stated before, Spargo says that the above is the one specific reference that Marx makes. It proves that Spargo is not familiar with the first volume. What is the true situation? In the 2nd preface signed* by Marx in London, January 24th, 1873, no less than FIVE pages of the Kerr edition are taken up by Marx discussing materialism and dialectics. In the English edition the space occupied is FOUR AND A HALF PAGES. The first paragraph on'page 25 in Kerr's and the same on page 30 in the, English work, is where Marx smashes the. whole of the religious fabric and foundation. There is the place where he points out that "the ideal is nothing else than the material world reflected by the human mind, and translated into forms of thought." If Spargo and the other Christians get any consolation from that they are welcome to it. Tell us, Mr. Spargo, WHAT MODIFICATION HAS THERE BEEN OF THAT POSITION? Efforts at reconciliation to get the votes of the Christians can only be obtained by Spargo lying, and saying that Marxism and Socialism are not inseparable; and that Marxism could disappear and Socialism could remain as a philosophy, only tends to show the degrading depths to Which the opponents of Marx will descend. Marx places the moonshine worshippers where they belong in the above passage. He raps the fingers of the metaphysicians and throws them along with the Spargo's, Berger's, Hillquifs, and Carl D. Thompson's into the intellectual garbage can. Now let us see what credentials Spargo possesses to pose as a Marxian authority. He has stated that there is only ONE specific reference to the materialist conception, and that is where he has put words in that Marx did not write, and that do not appear in the book he quotes from. On page 20 of the English edition, and page 60, Kerr's, Marx shows his contempt for the Christians. But the fullest explanation of religion in the whole of "Capital" is found on page 51 and 52, with footnotes and references on page 53-56 (Eng.) In Kerr's 91- 96. Marx points to the economic fecundation' of religion, and the paragraph with the following;, "The religious reflex of the real world can, in any case, only then THE WESTERN OLARION finally vanish, when the practical relations of everyday life offer to man none but perfectly intelligible and reasonable relations with regard to his fellowmen and to nature." Need it be added that Engels says the same thing in his biography of Karl Marx. Both of them saw that once the economic basis of society was altered from capitalism to Socialism, man would have no need of a God or Saviour. The destruction of capitalism involves the destruction of the dominant ideas of the capitalist era. A scientific organisation of society means that we would realise our own greatness, and not that of a ghost or spook, such as the Christian God is. Spargo has stated that Marx made no specific reference to the question. Let us now quote other pages whereon Marx dealt with the matter. On pages 159, 250, 344, 492, 520, 521, 622, 630, 736.739 and 744, English edition. The Kerr edition as follows: Pages 200, 291, 303, 386, 532-3, 560, 668, 676, 784-787, 792-793. Compare those references to the ONE specific case that Spargo misquotes. The reader will understand, "however, that the whole of my references, show the attitude of Marx on the religious proposition. They point to his hatred for it. Spargo actually says that Marx had a very spiritual nature! That body in Highgate Cemetery must have turned at the gross falsification of the position of Marx by the mountebank called Spargo. This paragraph proves that Spargo is not familiar with the work of Marx. Let us go and examine his other credentials to show that he is qualified to pose as an authority on this question. * * * In the works he has "quoted" from Marx NO. mention whatever is made of the "Jewish Question, no word is uttered to show that Marx wrote a work on the Hegelian philosophy. Why is that so rigidly kept a secret? Personally, I am of the opinion that a few quotations from these works would show that Marx hated and exposed religion as the handmaiden of the ruling class. If the Christians were actually aware of Marx's real attitude towards religion, one feels that the Socialist movement would be clarified. Take the attitude of Marx in the "Jewish Question." Does he gave any opening for the religiously inclined? The materialistic interpretation of religion is found in these words:— '"We do not transform questions of this world into questions of theology, but we transform questions of theology into questions of this world. History has been explained by religion long enough, let us explain religion by history." Does Spargo mention Marx's "Critique de la Philosophie du Droit de Hegel?" NO! and why? It contains the following smash at religion:— "Religion is the opium of the people. The suppression of religion as the happiness of the people is the re-vindication of its real happiness. The invitation to abandon illusions regarding its situation is an invitation to abandon a situation which has need of illusions. Criticism of religion is therefore the germ of a criticism of the vale of tears, of which religion is the holy aspect." Engels in the biography of Marx, in his "Historical Materialism" published in "Socialism Utopian and Scientific" by Chas. H. Kerr and Co. presents sufficient to give the lie direct to the proposition that one can believe in a" Creator" and believe in Marxism. Let us see what Engels says on that point. On page 19 of the Kerr (1914) edition of that work Engels says:— "But nowadays in our evolutionary, con_ ceptlon of the Universe there is absolutely no room for either a Creator or a ruler; and to talk of a Supreme Being shut out from the whole existing world implies a contradiction in terms, and, it seems to me, a gratuitous insult to the feelings of religious people." Further on in the work there appears on page 134 a complete repudiation of the claims of the theologians and those who say that religion and Socialism are compatible. 'The passage is too long to quote here, but the following may help:— "If our juridicial, philosophical and religious ideas, are more or less remote offshoots of the economic relations prevailing in a given society, such ideas cannot, in the long run withstand the effects of a complete change in these relations and unless we believe in supernatural revelations, we must admit that no religious, tenets will ever suffice to prop a tottering society." How does that harmonise with the statement that one can agree with Marxism and still be a Christian? Passage after passage can be taken from the works of both Marx and Engels to show that they opposed religious ideas. If Spargo has misrepresented Marx on religion and suppressed what Marx has stated on that question, it is a mere detail when compared with the dirty trick that he plays upon the memory of Marx, -in avering that Achille Loria was "an eminent" "disciple of Marx." Any one who has read Loria's work called the "Economic Foundations of Society" knows that ' it is not Marxism, any more than Kropot- kin's "Conquest of Bread" or Marie Cor- elli's novels. Not alone is it Anarchistic in idea and false in fact, but it has the merit of being written by»a man EXACTLY LIKE SPARGO. Frederick Engels calls Loria an upstart, and literary adventurer, a mountebank and a few other names that Spargo can be tagged with. Here again there is evidence showing that Spargo has not read the 3rd volume of Marx. And if he claims he has, he is as great a traducer of Marx, as Achille Loria himself. If we turn to page 28, we will find t^hat Engels refers to this "disciple" that-/Spargo calls "eminent." It is dated Oct. 4, 1894. Engles says that after the death of Marx, Loria wrote an article about Marx "full of misinformation," Also that he twists and misrepresents the materialistic conception of his- - tory. In 1886, Loria published the work re- fered to a,bove, wherein; "He announced to his admiring contemporaries that the materialistic conception of history, so completely and purposely misrepresented by him in 1883, was his own discovery. True, the Marxian^ theory is reduced to a rather Philistine level. And the historical illustrations and proofs abound in mistakes which would not be pardoned in a high school boy. But what does that matter? He thinks he has established his claim that the discovery that always and everywhere the political conditions and events are explained by corresponding economic conditions was not made by Marx in 1845, but by Mr. Loria in 1886." Engels goes on to show that Loria lied about Marx,. much the same that Spargo is doing now. Loria said that Marx's theories were based on conscious sophistry and that sMarx used false logic and knew he did! Engels then says:— "And after biasing his readers by a whole series of such contemptible insinuations in order that they may regard Marx as just such an unprincipled upstart as Loria. accomplishing his effects by the same shameless and foul means as this professor from Padua." Loria is called a "scientific swindle." Had he been a German, he would have felt em- barrased. But being a bold southerner, "he comes from a hot climate and can claim that a cool nerve is a natural requirement for him." Engels calls him a "sophist, poor logican, liar and mountebank." But the peach of Engels' attack is in the following. JDont forget however, that Spargo says that Loria is a disciple of Marx! ! AND EVERY WORD THAT ENGELS CALLS LORIA IS JUSTLY APPLICABLE TO THE FOUL ROTTENNESS OF THE MENTAL MAKE-UP OF HIS AMERICAN PROTOTYPE, MR. JOHN SPARGO. IF ANYTHING SPARGO IS WORSE, FOR HE PARADES AS A SOCIALIST . when Loria did not. Engels says of Leria that he had "Unlimited nerve coupled to the smoothness of an eel when slipping through impossible situations, a heroic imperviousness to kicks received by him, a hasty appropriation of the accomplishments of others, an importunate charlatanry of advertising, an organization of fame by the help of a clique of friends—:who can equal him in all these." What can we say of a man whp refers to Loria as a "disciple" of Marx? Spargo's whole career has been one of the type indicated in the last paragraph. In him we have perversion personified, misrepresentation glorified, and literary mendacity canonised. The words of Engels were not known to Spargo, or for his own "reputation" he would not have mentioned that mental monstrosity in the way he did. Now let us come to his activities in connection with the Socialist Party of Great Britian. Does he tell the truth? Being Spargo, he could not. No. less'than three pages are used to deal with the S. P. G.' B. quotations made from the pamphlet on "Socialism and Religion." Spargo, however, does not attempt to reply to the pamphlet. He uses Sombart's phrase* about those who say that Socialism and religion are incompatible being "half- educated." Surely a giant of the intellect of Spargo could show the half-educated S. P. G. B. where they were wrong? But he does not essay an attempt. In no particular is any statement analysed. In no way is an endeavor made to clear up the fallacious position of the S. P. G. B. Surely after saying that: Wstm "This pamphlet is perhaps the most remarkable declaration of antagonism tov-religion ever made by a Socialist organizations," a reply should be forthcoming. If it is remarkable and yet false why is it that Spargo does "hot expose the lack of education that those who are responsible for the pamphlet, indicate by their work? No, my dear readers, don't expect it from him. There is nobody in existence, that can in any way, point to a single line that is wrong. The S. P. G. B. are too strongly fortified with the armor of Marx, to have a puny literary pimp like Spargo assail them. Because it is Marxism from begining to end, it is unassailable. The circulation of the pamphlet in America and throughout the English speaking countries, has done much to expose those, who like Spargo, lie about Socialism. Those who read Spargo's "criticism" will wonder why no specific details are given of the falsity of the S. P. G. B. position. They will wonder why it is, that instead of the reply to the statement, he tells his anxious readers, that the S. P. G. B. "is a very insignificant faction," that it not affiliated with the International Socialist Bureau, that it is small in jiumbers; that they attack "prominent Socialist and Labor members of Parliment," that they attack reform etc. His readers will wonder' what that has to do wHh the pamphlet! The greatest tribute to the worthiness of the S. P. G. B. is that Spargo disapproves of the party. Any party that Spargo agreed with would be destitute of every proletarian attribute, devoid of every proletarian principle and without proletarian I ■■ f: ii I I! ' 1 r^B^TCPW !*{,!, (P.,^ -i-^H "^S^N^J^J^M/M SS^^^sa^, fes 10 THE WESTERN OLARION I honesty. Surely the S. P. G. B. attaek the other so-called Socialist parties, in England. Has not the present war given the seal of authority to them. Has not the whole tendency of the working class movement in Great Britian been on the lines they indicated when first the party was formed in 1904? Not a solitary charge brought against all Mr. Spargo's friends in England, has been refuted. It is only because Spargo could no longer keep their name out of a general discussion of the Socialist philosophy, that he refers to them now. But the S. P. G. B. should worry very much about the low down literary cad called Spargo. He shows what a coldblooded bare faced liar he is When he says that the S. P. G. B. consists of about 10 to a dozen branches. Had he looked at the "Socialist Standard" he would have seen that that statement was false. The S. P. G. B. have done a remarkable piece of work, in publishing their paper, and the pamphlets under their own name. All work is voluntary, they have no one who has been to Oxford or Cambridge, but, nevertheless, they are better equipped than all the slimy gang that associates with Spargo. Their pamphlet on "Socialism and Religion" is a masterpiece, only as it represents what Spargo misrepresents. That is the Marxian philosophy. It explains the origin and growth of religious ideas. It gives the natural history that is so essential to a knowledge of the works of Marx. It explains the process that causes the disuse of antiquated religious ceremonials. •F V SP Can you Mr. Spargo, explain why it is that the Jewish religion is so vastly different now to what it was 50 years ago? Or why the Roman Catholics have a less number of masses to attend? Or why the theologians are looking for the historical Jesus? Can you explain why there is a new interpretation of Christianity? Well, Mr. Spargo, so that you may under, stand I will tell you. The only way one can do it, is by what is called the materialistic conception of history which states that the political, juridicial, IDEOLOGICAL, moral, ethical, religious institutions are an outcome of the processes of production. Man in that philosophy has a part, he reacts en his enviornment, deals with and modifies his surroundings according to the development of the processess of production. To quote Marx accurately:— "The religious world is but a reflex of the real world. And for a society based upon the production of commodities, in which the producers in general enter into social relations with one another by treating their products as commodities and values, whereby they reduce their individual private labor to the standard of homegenous human labor—for such a society, Christianity with its cultus of abstract man, more especially in its bourgeois developments, Protestantism, Deism, etc, is the most fitting form of religion The life-process of society, which is based on the process of material production, does not strip off its mystical veil until it is treated as production by freely associated men, and is consciously regulated by them in accordance with a settled plan." Let me say, finally, that the quotations do not mean any isolation of ideas by Marx and Engels, but on the contrary, they were both constantly and determinedly opposed to religion and their lives show it, and their works in general prove it. Let me now bid you good-bye, Mr. Spargo, with the hope that your gross falsity and deliberate misrepresentation, have been exposed sufficiently well, for you to hide that cowardly face of yours in shame—if you have any. No greater literary thug or second story intellectual ever disgraced the name of Marx like you have. Farmer's Forum. Under this head contributions dealing' with questions relating1 to the position of the Canadian Farmer from the Marxian standpoint will be published. Also points that are doubtful can be sent in. We will do our best to get our farmer comrades to elucidate them. THE MIGRATORY FARMER'S BUBBLE. "Whether or not the small farmer is in as smooth sailing a boat as is generally supposed depends on what one understands by a smooth sailing boat. Authorities are likely to disagree on this point. The farmer's concept is very likely to differ a great deal from that of the mortgage and trust companies. The farmer's idea of a smooth sailing boat is that of a farm that is absolutely his own with everything on it paid for. The mortgage and trust companies idea is that of a farm loaded just heavily enough with debt so that, it will not sink unless the sea is exceptionally rough. *" * AeCprdingjly, the ^capitalist class measures a farmer's success by the amount of surplus values he turns over to this class. This is what is meant by the term "success" as it is used in the capitalist press. The irony of the thing is that when a farmer reads this he puts his own construction on the word "success." And so he gets the notion that all farmers but himself are in a smooth sailing boat. Then he begins to blame himself for incompetency, inefficiency and poor management. He blames the country he is living in and yearns to remove to that blessed land of successful farmers about whiah he has read in the capitalist newspapers. Thousands of farmers in the States reasoned in this wise some years ago. They packed up their duds in Nebraska and Iowa and migrated-to "Western Canada, there to start all over again and make life a success. They have really made a success when looked at from a certain angle. For last year tJhe farmers of Saskatchewan owed to the retail merchants $30,000,000, 85 per cent of their lands were mortgaged, and they paid an annual tribute of over $40,- 000,000 in interest to the machine companies. The farmers of Alberta have been quite as successful. They owed to the retail merchants $15,- 000,000 last year and 82 per cent of their farms were mortgaged. They did not pay as large a tribute to the machine companies. But this is counterbalanced by the fact that neither P. Burns nor Swift and,Co. have become poor from slaughtering their hogs and cattle. Now a large number of American far^mers have become disgusted with the "success" they have made here. Some want to migrate to other worlds there to start all over again; others, having forgotten their former experiences in the States, want to go back there again. The last issue of the G. G. Guide bewails the fact that about 300,000 have left in the last three years. "We don't give a whoop or a hang where a farmer sells his labor power. We know that he has acquired the migratory habit of late almost to the extent of the "harvest hand." So if these farmers want to migrate let them migrate. What we want to combat is the notion that looks to migration as a cure for exploitation. These migratory farmers are usually very loquacious and never tire of telling others of the Paradise that lies just beyond the hills. Besides, as a rule, they lack altogether any sense of the exploiting process. It is with the aim of combating these and showing that agricultural conditions are as bad in the States as they are in Canada that I have written the following sketch of agricultural development in the United States. * * One hundred years ago the Central States were practically a glorious wilderness. The number of white men that crossed the Appala- chain Range numbered only a few hundred, and they were mostly hunters and trappers. Only a few of these hardy pioneers, to whom,by the way, civilization was a burden, had settled down to clear the then mighty forests of Ohio and Indiana and to cultivate the soil. Over the tractless plains west of the Mississippi the Indians held undisputed sway. St. Louis was only a fur-trader's hamlet, and Chicago was a lone frontier fort. But in 50 years this territory was flooded by a stream of discontented emigrants that had been almost starved out of Europe. Most of them procured homesteads and settled down to till the fertile soil. By 1860 the Central States had become the heart of an extensive agricultural democracy. Then, after the Civil War the new impetus given to industry, the building of new cities, the construction of railways and the development of natural resources caused an enormous demand for the products of the farm. For a few years the farmers, especially in the West, were doing fairly well. Indeed, it seemed as if the small farmers were in the flower of a very promising youth, which however was blighted by the new lands that were brought under cultivation,. It didn't take long before the farmers supplied more food-stuffs than the industrial population could buy. From that point the deterioration of the farmer has by no means been a slow process. Already in 1880, 20 per cent of the farmers in the North Central States were tenants, and they had been forced to seek relief by organizing the Grange. Each succeeding year has seen the process go on. But the growth of tenancy is the present tendency in agriculture which fills the minds of the captial- ist class with horrible presentiments of a disastrous future. It haunts them like a nightmare, and at the present time they are employing the best brains obtainable so as to prevent running deadx against this most dangerous rock. * * Nevertheless the ship is headed straight for it, and every wind of the heavens is driving it swiftly ahead. How the capitalist class will prevent the calamity, is, of course, their problem. Personally I would like to see the smash-up take place. For it would disabuse the minds of the farmers of their one besetting illusion, i. e. that they are owners of private property, and have an interest in its perpetuation. Once take the semblance of land ownership away arid the last hold which capitalism has on them is gone. Already-they tH£pTB8TBRH OLARION realize that they arc exploited to an extraordinary degree. Even now, numbers of them look upon their land ownership as a joke. y£ -r. sjc That the captialists fear of tenancy is not unfounded the following facts will show. In Texas there are 219,571 tenant farmers. This is an average of 53 per cent for the whole state, but the average of the 80 most thickly populated counties is 60 per cent. In Oklahoma the average for the state is 54.8 per cent, but in the 47 most thickly populated counties it is 68.13 ,per cent. In the States of Iowa, Illinois New York, Kansas, Ohio and Perinlsylvan^ tenant farmers have increased by .121,167, while home owning farmers have decreased by 62,915. In the twelve North Central States in 1910 the tenant farmers numbered 30 per cent. B. H. Hibbard of the University of Wisconsin thinks this is alarming because these states' comprise one-fifth of the area and almost one-third of the population of the United States. Here is found one-third of the farmers and one-half the land values. Further, almost one-half the horses, cattle and farm machinery is found here, while these states produce two-thirds of the hay and grain crops. The growth of tenancy proceeds in obedience to sound economic laws. In 14 counties of Illinois, in the choiciest part of the state^ the land was valued at $150 per acre in 1900. There were as many land owning farmers as there were tenants. In 1910 the tenants had increased by 10 per cent, and the land owning farmers had correspondingly decreased by 10 per cent. In one county there were 2 tenants for every farm owner. In 19 counties of the poorest land of the state, where the value of the land was only one-third as much as in the former group and the1 number of tenants half as numerous in proportion to the farm owners, the rate of increase of tenants was less than one-half of the first group. One apologist pathetically relates that "if we take the 25 most prosperous states of the Union—the states that produce the greater part of the cotton, corn, dairy, wheat and fruit stuffs of the nation—we may easily estimate 2,400,000 homeless 11 farm families who have not survived in the competitive pressure for land ownership." But this is really only stating half the truth. It is estimated that there are approximately 6,400- 000 farm families in the United States Besides this there are 2,500,000 farm laborers—the men who are commonly styled "harvest hands" and "farm hands.'' Formal statistics do not seem to include these among the farming population probably because they sell their labor power outright and make no pretensions of being property owners. Perhaps tfhey should be classed among the other chattels of the farm. Socialists, nevertheless, class them among human beings. According to this classification N then, there are 8,900,000 human beings engaged in agriculture and of this number 4,900,000. or a good deal more than half the number, are homeless. How many of the remaining 4,000,000 human beings have their farms mortgaged I am unable to say exactly, but according to the last census of the United States over 50 per cent of the farms are mortgaged. Now since a farmer with a mortgage on his land is like a man between the devil and the deep blue sea it is not overdoing the thing to say that between 60 and 75 per cent of American farmers are what the capitalist calls homeless. * * * These facts eloquently bespeak the success of the average farmer in a territory which by virtue of its soil, climate and geographical position is second to none on the American continent. They also tell in no mistaken terms that the hope which each farmer usually has of some day being free and independent is shattered and shivered to a thousand pieces on the rocks of economic facts. Further comment on them is unnecessary. Yet one cannot help but contemplate with some melancholy on the fact that these stately forests and tractless plains which 100 years ago were the homes of a free savage, are today the mere abiding place of an agricultural slave. O. M. CHRISTIANSEN. ■m m 1 H 1 1 I I m ece mW^CX^mm i I- fi 1 1 INTERNATIONAL NOTES. By Moses Baritz. At last the U. S. A. enters this column. The reason is that, something has transpired that needs publicity. The Socialist Party of America has recently formulated a program which was sent out to Its 110,000 members for ratification. The platform included two items that Eugene V. Debs, in a sobbing appeal to the melmibers, said if passed, was treachery to the working class. "All over America, protests were uttered against the adoption of the platform which contained clauses supporting MILITARISM. The S. P. endorsed "effective defense for war" and organization of military and naval units to "repel invasion." Debs and a few others went green in the face at thfe! suggestion^, and iasked the members to vote it down. * * Out of a SUPPOSED membership of 110,000 only 19,000 voted. The vote in favor of militarism was 11," 000, and that against it only 8,000. Bnt what will Debs do? Will he still keep in a party that betrays the working class interest? Or will he resign? Already there are many who are going to leave the S. P. I have no doubt, that the party will split up. But what does it matter, most of those who leave will be anti-militarist and NOTHING MORE.- Debs who is opposed to militarism, has backed up the gang that have run the S. P. for years and who are advocating preparedness. What must be worrying Debs is the fact that the Quakers whom he is so energetically appealing to for votes on account of their ANTI- MILITARISM, will now have to vote for a party that stands prepared to support the military preparation that both Republican and Democratic parties are advocating. THE WESTERN OLARION MINISTER OF AUSTRALIA, FROM THEIR PARTY..W. M. Hughes who was in Canada a few months ago, went to Britain., ^where he was royally entertained by the capitalist class, and their "lord" King George V. He had instructions no doubt from the theives who had been dining him, to whip the pop- . ulation of Australia into line, and compel |hem by law to jjloin the Amalgamated Society — Southern Emblem—of Slaughters, or to give the initials for brevity's sake, the A. S. S. E. S. -j> *** a. 5JC 3|* 3J5 Sojme of the Australian workers think otherwise. In being wise in thinking they are organizing a strenuous protest against conscription. They are going to oppose each of the "Labor" candidates who are putting up for the forthcoming elections, in that State. One Minister in the Australian Cabinet has resigned, rather than back the Conscription Bill. But the intelligent action of expelling the Prime Minister from the "movement" is herein appre- workers would not have to fight to keep their jobs and have to fight the capitalist class to retain their standard. His reply was "That is so!" He also admitted that the capitalist class would SHOOT DOWN THE WORKERS AGAIN AFTER THE WAR IN AN INDUSTRIAL FIGHT. My reply was, "Then why are you supporting the class that will shoot the workers in cold blood in an effort to better their conditions?" The skunk replied, "It is you S. P. G. B.'ers that ought to be shot," (I may state that at that time I did not belong to the S. P. G., B.) * * ciated. * * * Australia has not appeared in this column, but here is some good news. The working class in that country, as represented in the1 New South Wales Political Labor League, the organization that is responsible for placing many of the \Labor' ministers in office has just passed a resolution EXPELLING THE PRIME Compare that with the reptilian form, with th'e corrupt . political pimp, Bien Tjfilett. This man who asked his Union workers to hold up their hands and pray that God would strike Lord Davonport dead, is the most persistent agent of the master class in England. So good has his treachery been, that Lord French— Sir George French—don't cher know, took the chair for him at a meeting at the Brighton Hippodrome, ^Eng. Lord French stated that'' the lecture by HIS FRIEND, MR TILLETT, WAS INTENDED TO MAKE CLEAR THE URGENT NECESSITY THAT EVERY ABLE-BODIED MAN IN THE COUNTRY SHOULD '' PULL HIS WEIGHT'' EITHER AS FIGHTER OR WORKER AT THE PRESENT TIME." Fancy his Friend Tillett. The assassinators of the workers have a FRIEND in Ben Tillett. Have the workers in England expelled Tillet? They HAVE NOT yet; but. just wait a little longer. Here is a man who, the last time I spoke; to him, was going down to the Sal- ford docks to settle a dispute abjut wages, and I asked hittn whether the Oh what a happy land is England! T!he "Follies" used to sing that. The average increase of FOODSTUFFS since the war started is 60 per cent. That is based on the assumption that there had been no changes in the standard of living. The German police arrested after a police raid, Herren Emil Eichorn, and Weise both prominent Social- Democrats, for circulating leaflets advising forcible action towards peace. The Berlin message add$v "Both prisoners support the Social- Democratic Labor Association, and THE PATRIOTIC SECTION OF THE GERMAN SOCIALIST PARTY SEEMS TO HAVE AIDED IN DETECTING THEM. Are not they dear comrades? Kapitalismus Uber Alles! See what our German fellow workers have had for their share in supporting the ruling class of their country. 1,250,000 jkilled,, 750,000 prisoners (-sensible bunch that) deserters, (wise guys, Eh?) and ONLY 3,000,000 wounded. That is the estimate given by the pjeace section who also announce, that 1,000,000, (ONE MILLION) ARE INCURABLY MUTILATED, THOSE WHO ARE ENTIRELY INCAPACITATED IS ENORMOUS. * * * It will be gratifying to those who have served the capitalist class and the country they do not own, to know that they are to get a silver medal "for services rendered" They are hereby informed that they will not be allowed to get much on them in pawn, when they are starving after the war. Those who have been "Rendered" to eternity need not apply. The Russians who left the Czar's domain-to go to FREE England, to jesqape presecution, ,by the police, slaughter by the Cossacks, and robbery by. the Black Hundreds, have been joyfully informed that unless they join the British Army, they will be sent back to Russia.- How nice! I herewith tender my apologies to Madame Roland, and paraphrase her saying. "Oh freedom, what comedies are performed in thy name." THE WESTERN OLARION ENGELS ON RELIGION (Continued from last issue.) * * Someone seems to be bothering the authorities in Leipzig. The police are offering rewards for the information that will indicate who are the responsible parties circulating and posting up at nights, a leaflet that tells the truth about the trial of Karl Leibknecht. The latter appealed his sentence, and got it increased to penal servitude for four years and one month, and deprived hi|m of his civil rights for 6 years. At the recent party meeting of the German Socialists, a discussion about "Vorwarts" was staged. Needless to relate the supporters of the minority, complained about the censorship of the party executive, which they said was even more severe than that of the military authorities. The Reds on the paper said they would have resigned long ago, but for the fact that the members of the party in Berlin and other places were against the Patriots. The "piece de resistance" was by "Red" Rosa Luxemburg, who then attacked both paper and party, saying that the editors of the paper were half-hearted, and were betraying the cause of the working class. She said that the majority were nothing less than a government party, and appealed to the membership of the party, asking them not to pay any dues, to support the organization. The failure to extirpate the prot- estant heresy corresponded with the invincibility of the rising power of the bourgeois of that time; as this power grew, the fight with the feudal nobles at first pre-teminently local, began jto assum© national propor-' tions. The first great conflict occurred in Germany, the so-called Reformation. The power of the bourgeoisie was neither sufficiently strong nor sufficiently developed for an openly rebellious stand by uniting under the standard of revolt the city plebeians, the smaller nobility, and the peasants of the Gountry districts. The nobility was struck first; the peasants took up a position that was the high-water mark of the entire revolution, the cities left them in the lurch, and so the revolution was left to the leaders of the country gentry who gathered the whole victory to themselves. Thenceforth for three hundred years Germany disappeared from the ranks of independent, energetic, progressive countries. But after the German Luther arose the French Calvin. With natural French acuteness he showed the bourgeois nature of the revolution in the church, republicanised and democratised. While the Lutheran Reforma- tion fell in Germany and Germany declined, the Calvinistic served as a standard to the republicans in Geneva, in Holland, in Scotland; freed Holland from German and Spanish domination, and gave an ideological dress to the second act of the bourgeois revolution which proceeded in England. Here Calvinism proved itself to be the natural religious garb of the interests of the existing rule of the bourgeoisie, and was not realised any further than that the revolution of 1688 was completed by a 13 compromise between a portion of the nobility and the middle-class. The English Established Church was restored but not in its earlier form wrtfti the king for Pope, but was strongly infused with Calvinism. The old-established Church had kept up the^ merry Catholic Sunday and fought against the tedious Calvistic one, the new bourgeois Church introduced the latter and added thereby to the charms of England. In France the Calvinistic minority was subdued in 1685, either made Catholic or hunted out of the country. But what was the good? Directly after that the free-thinking Pierre Bayle was at work, and in 1694 Vol- 1 taire was born. The tyrannical rule of Louis XIV. only made it easier for the French bourgeoisie to be able to make its revolution in the political form finally suited to the progressive atheistic bourgeoisie. Instead of protestants, free-thinkers took their seats in the National Assembly. Thereby Christianity entered upon the last lap of the race. It had become incapable of iserving a progressive class any further as the ideological clothing of its efforts, it became more and more tihe exclusive possession of the dominant classes, and these used it merely as a simple means of government to keep the lower classes in subjection. So then ,each one of the different classes employed its own suitable religion; the 1^'nd-holding squires, Catholic Jesuitism or protestant orthodoxy; the Liberal and Radical bourgeois, rationalism; and it makes no difference therefore, whether they believe in their respective religions or not. Thus we see that religion once arisen contains material of tradition, hence in all ideological matters religion is a great conservative force. But the changes which take place in this material spring from class conditions, that is, from the economic eir- cu|mstanceis of the mefn who take these changes in" hand. And that is enough on this part of the subject. —"The Roots of Socialist Philosophy. '' 1 THE WESTERN OLARIOT 15 i I THE NON-PARTISAN LEAGUE. Farmers as a class are not distinguished by a deep insight into the economic problems of capitalism, and thus become easy victims to the quack nostrums adopted by the old line parties as election bait.. Gifted with but short memories, the long discredited reforms advocated and attempted by the "Grange" or "Patrons of Industry" and its short lived off-spring "The Populist Party" seems still to exert a powerful influence over their tired minds. The rapid growth of the Farmers Non-Partisan League of Saskatchewan is concrete evidence of this, and the inner circle of that organization is to be congratulated on its clear understanding of the Rube's weaknesses and limitations. Much can be learned of the farmer's psychology by studying their facial expression while under the oratorical influence of that astute pedler of the complete cure-all for the farmers—Mr. Haight of Swift Current—President of the Non-Partisan League. See that bovine grin disturb for the moment the natural wilderness expression of their physiognomies as Haight, playing to the common characteristic of the ignorant, their vanity ? pictures how they intend putting one over on the city fellows by electing a majority of farmer's candidates to the legislature, and how when this has been accomplished, terminal elevators will be constructed and their complete p r o gr a m m e—'' Government owned packing plants and mills; Government buying of machinery; Government banks to supply the farmer with' cheap money or money at cost, etc, etc"—will be put into operation. For the success of such a movement, there must exist a state of discontentment and in spite of the rosy pictures of the Rubes' prosperity painted by all the newspapers and magazines, the ranks of the Non-Partisan League are growing and their bank account swelling as their $15.00 per head flows in. The movement is planned along similar, lines to the Farmers Non- Partisan League of North Dakota. A platform is adopted that appeals to the agriculturist to be presented for endorsement to those aspiring to seats iri the Legislature. To those - who adopt its platform the Non- Partisan League pledges its support irrespective of the nominee's politics be he liberal, or conservative, or even Socialist. The one marked difference between the North Dakota and the Saskatchewan organisations is the amourit of the membership fee, which is $9.00 in the former and $15.00 in the latter. (Why take only the hat when the over-coat is in sight.) The big fee, however, is probably necessary as the N. D. organization jhaving been framed and fathered by the Republican Party as a means to oust the Democrats at the next election the G. O. P's. general campaign slush fund is available, whereas in Saskatchewan the organization is a foundling awaiting the opportunity to adopt a wealthy father and meanwhile the Guardians of the child must live. The new movement gives ample room for the Social Democratic Party freaks who claim that the N. P. L. platform is consistent with the principles of Socialism and many of them have already been found jobs as organizers and canvassers. That the Saskatchewan remmant of the S. D. P. upon whom the lessons of the past two years are lost should have a refuge, the name of which does no violence to the word Socialism, is one welcome result of this " Bag-the-fif teen bones Movement" and for this reason alone the spread of the disease to the other Provinces may well be desired. The feature plank of the platform— the plank that makes easy the extraction of the $15—is cheap money, and strange as it may seem it is the one that no effort is put forth to explain. Much talk is made of the 33 per cent dividends, (the farmers milled their own grain and pocketed thesle profits themselves!,) but the CHEAP MONEY proposition, although emphazied as the panacea par excellence is not elucidated the zealous pursuers of the fifteen dollars per head relying on the magic of the words CHEAP MONEY to bring about the state of mind which insures painless extraction of the lucre. Cheap money is a weapon used by a bunch of cheap political trick sters to influence cheap slaves to endorse their own servitude and in- cidently to supply the fakirs meal- tickets. Suppose, Rueben, the Non-Partisan League to be successful at the polls and have a majority in the next Saskatchewan Legislature, how will the cheap money be obtained? Capital without stint has in the past been invested in this country; much of it up to the present being non-productive, and judging from, the promising future of other countries where production will cost less human effort, some years will elapse before profitable development of farm - lands is possible. Saskatchewan in common with other provinces is hardly able to meet the interest on capital already advanced and the town and City Corporations are in a similar plight; therefore my bucolic friend the question again arises, "whence this Cheap Money?" Money cannot be conjured from the air, and a government can only obtain it by taxation or by means of a loan. The latter method for the purpose of subsidizing a class doomed to extinguishment practically means a gift, and although at times capitalists make poor speculations there are no cases on record where they have ladled out the wealth with a full knowledge that no return is possible. We will waste no time considering the possibilities of the capitalists advancing more wealth Where securities on previous loans have shrunk at least 50 per cent, but pass on to the alternative, taxation. This is even more absurd as about 65 per cent of the population of Saskatchewan are needy farmers yearning for cheap? money, and it is very evident that the capital to finance a bank cannot be procured from those whose poverty is expressed in their desire to borrow. The life of the beast of burden on the farm compares favorably with that of the farmers and had not the excessive physical exertion exhausted their power to reason they would today be in the ranks of the revolutionary army. Grain producing under normal conditions must indeed be a slave task, if after two years of extremely favorable markets the majority of the farmers owe more than I I their land is worth at the present market prices and this is certainly so. Any farmer doubting this statement has only to attempt a sale to be convinced of its truth. Your taskmasters, the bankers, and machine owners, keep your neck in the yoke from 4 a. m. till 9 p. m., their lash being the title deeds—the certificates of YOUR independence which lie snugly in THEIR safe deposits. Darker days yet are ahead. In the past the lower plain of social development of the Russian peasant farmers whose cost of subsistence would barely equal 10c a day per head and their comparative proximity to the world's wheat market have been the greatest factors in determining the economic status of the Western farmers. For the' three years previous to the war one fourth of the World's wheat supply was produced in Russia. What of the morrow, when the splendid wheat lands of that country are doubling their out-put, due to more scientific methods made possible by the modern machinery the International Harvesting Co. are already contracting to provide. The Dardenelles is the Evil Spirit of the Grain Exchange. Roumania enters the European conflict and immediately the news is received panic prevails and wheat drops 8% cents. This gentle reminder that the day of the opening of the Dardenelles is gradually approaching was sufficient to scare those holding large quantities of wheat arid who are painfully aware that a stream of cereals will flow thru the straits as soon as the Allies gain control of them. You have done well for the Empire, Rueben. You worked yourself and family to the limit during these years of war and gave material assurance to Great Britain that there need be no apprehension of a grain shortage for which, of course, the reward of the patriot will be yours. As in 1910—11 you can chew gophers while your wheat rots on the prairie as a glutted Liverpool market is a most sentimental monster giving but exchange values irrespective of where the commodities are produced, be it within the British Empire, Russia, or Argentine: Wm . These are the forces which have brought you to your knees. Socialist Party Directory DOMINION EXECUTIVE COMMITTEE Socialist Party of Canada meets every Thursday 8 p.m., 169 Georgia St., E., Vancouver, B. C.—W. A. Pritchard, Secretary. BRITISH COLUMBIA PROVINCIAL Executive Committee, Socialist Party of Canada, meets same as above. ALBERTA AND SASKATCHEWAN PROVINCIAL EXECUTIVE COMMITTEE. Secretary, Mrs. S. I. Jonson Knight, Box 785, Edmonton. Phone 4803. NEW BRUNSWICK PROVINCIAL EXECUTIVE COMMITTEE.—A. Taylor Secretary, East St. John, N. B. For Party literature and information on organisation matters, etc., write to above address. LOCAL ALHAMBRA, No. 74 (Alta,), S. P. of C.—P. O. Peterson, Secretary, Horse- guards, Alta. LOCAL CLAYTON, No. 83 (B. C), S. P. of C.—John T. Dempster, Secretary, Clay- ton, B. C. LOCAL CRAWFORD BAY, No. 72 (B. C), S. P. of C.—J. E. McGregor, Secreatry, Crawford Bay, B. -.j(j3$jj{j LOCAL CUMBERLAND, B. C, No. 70.— Business" meetings evenm first and third Sunday in the month, at 10:i. a.m., economic classes every Monday and Friday, at 7 p.m., in the Socialist Hall opposite P. O. Regular Propaganda meetings at every opportunity. J. McMillan, Box 312, corresponding and financial secretary; Wm. J. McMillan, rec. secretary; Richard Coe, jr., treasurer; James Smith, Librarian. LOCAL ECKVILLE, No. 58 (Alta.), S. F. of C.—J. E. Lundberg, Secretary, Eck- ville, Alta. LOCAL ENDERBY No. 65, S. P. of C, Business meetings first Sunday in each month at 2:30 p.m. Propaganda, third Sunday in each month at 2:30 p.m., in the Theatre, Main St. Everybody welcome. J. Pilkington, Secretary, R. R. No. 4, Armstrong, B. C. LOCAL EDMONTON No. 1. S. P. of C.— Free reading room and headquarters at 715 Second St. Propaganda meetings every Sunday in the Bijou Theatre, First St., at 8 p.m. Business meetings every Tuesday at 8 p.m. J. L. McKenzie, organizer. E. H. Flegg, secretary, P. O. Box 785. LOCAL ERSKINE, No. 32 (Alta), S. P. of C.—A. A. McNeill, Secretary, Erskine, Alta. LOCAL FERNIE, S. F. of C, hold educational meetings in the Socialist Hall, every Sunday at 7:00. Business meetings third Sunday in each month, 7:30 p.m. Economic class every Sunday afternoon at 2:30. Oscar Erickson, Secretary, Box 505. LOCAL FLOWERDALE, No. 71 (Alta.), S. P. of C.—Mrs. J. R. Macdonald, Secretary, Richdale, Alta. LOCAL FERGUSON FLATS, No. 85 (Alta.), O. _. Fuller, Secretary, Ferguson Flats, Alta. LOCAL GIBSON'S LANDING, B. C. No. 49 S. P. C. Meets first and third Sundays of each month in Socialist Hall. S. Dib_ ley, Secretary, Gibson's Heights, Howe Sound. B. C LOCAL KINDERSLEY, No. 10 (Sask.), S. P. of C.—W. K. Bryce, Secretary, Collins, Sask. LOCAL LETHBRIDGE, ALTA.., No. 13, S. P. of C.—Meets every Sunday at 3:30 p. m. m Miners' Hall. Secretary, W. Shaw 624-14th St. S. Wm. Devoy, Organizer. LOCAL MINTO, No. 84 (B. C), S. P. Of C. —Sam Williams, Secretary, Cumberland, B. C. LOCAL MARKERVILLE, No. 31 (Alta.), S. P. of C- -S. E. Baldwin, Secretary, Markerville, Alta. LOCAL MONTR 2A.L N. 1. S. P. Of C— Headquarters, 98 City Councillor St., Open every evening. Business meetings, Wednesday at 8 p.m. P. O. Address, Box 148 Station B. LOCAL ROSSLAND, No. 25, S. P. of C, meets in Miners' Hall every change Sunday at 7.30 p.m Will Jones, Box 125, Secretary. LOCAL SUNDIAL, No. 70 (Alta.), S. P. of Mrs. A. Thorburn, Secretary, Sundial, Alta. LOCAL SILVER LEAF, No. 101 (Alta.), S. P. of C.—Ed. Haugen, Secretary, Baraca, P. O., Alta. LOCAL ST. CATHERINES, No. 30 (Out.), S. P. of C.—D. Thomson, Secretary, 9 Mary Street. LOCAL ST. JOHN, N. B., No 1, S. P. of C. Visiting Comrades welcomed. Sec- retary, Stanford E. White, 24 Main St. LOCAL TRAIL, No. 37 (B. C), S. P. Of C.— D. Wilson, Secretary, Box 531. LOCAL TRAVERS, No. 55 (Alta.), S. P. of C.—W. A. Brown, Secretary, Travers, P. O., Alta. LOCAL TORONTO No. 1, S. P. of C Propaganda meeting, Sunday 8 P.M.' in Forum Bldg. Yonge & Gerrard. All com- municatTons to be sent to W. H. Can- fiels, corresponding, and recording secretary, 340 Victoria St. Geo Rossiter, fin. sect. 25 Tiverton Ave. LOCAL VANCOUVER No. 1, S. P. of C Business meeting every Tuesday evening Economic Class every Sunday at 3 p.m., Education Class every Wednesday at 8 p.m. Dialectics class every Friday at 8 p.m., at Headquarters, 169 Georgia St., E., C. Stein, Secretary. VANCOUVER LETTISH LOCAL No. 58, S. P. of C.—Business meeting every first Sunday of the month, and propaganda meeting every third Sunday at 2 p.m. Open to everybody at Finn Hall, 2215 Pender E. Secretary, R. Amat, Box 667. LOCAL VANCOUVER, B. C, No. 45, Fin- nish. Meets every second and fourth Wednesdays in the month at 2215 Pen- _ der St. East, Ovia Lind, Secretary. LOCAL VICTORIA, No. a, S. P. of C, Headquarters and Reading Room 1424 Government St., Room 8 Business meetings every second and fourth Tuesday in the month. Secretary, Fred Harman, 1424 Government St. LOCAL WINNIPEG, No. 11., S. P. of C. Headquarters, Room 7—540 Main St Secretary, J. S. MacPhie. You have had the land and machinery;—and dollars less for every year you used them./ Cheap money or dear money cannotVope with this condition. The hopelessness of your struggle combined with your divorcement from social intercourse and institutions necessary to the acquirement of knowledge make the presentation of truth to you, a very difficult matter and one is inclined to think at times that the lead-pipe method, a sudden anpl effective one, is the only way to penetrate to the grey matter. But "hope springs eternal in the human breast" and maybe this article will aid to a better understanding of the farmers problem thereby saving a few dollars from falling into the pockets of the Non-Partisan League sharks. J. R. KNIGHT. „^f?B!ff^?^£?$P>flrtW ¥ _ 16 PLATFORM Socialist Party of Canada We, the Socialist Party of Canada, affirm our allegiance to, and support of, the principles and program of the revolutionary working class. Labor, applied to natural resources, produces all wealth. The present economic system is based upon capitalist ownership of the means of production, consequently, all_the products of labor belong to the capitalist class. The capitalist is therefore master; the worker a slave. So long as the capitalist class remains in possession of the reins of government all the powers of the State will be used to protect and defend its property rights in the means of wealth production and its control of the product of labor. The capitalist system give to the capitalist an ever-swelling stream of profits, and to the worker, an ever-increasing measure of misery and degradation. The interest of the working class lies in setting itself free from capitalist exploitation by the abolition of the wage system, under which this exploitation, at the point of production, is cloaked. To accomplish this necessitates the transformation of capitalist property in the means of wealth production into socially controlled economic forces. The irrepressible conflict of interest between the capitalist and the worker necessarily expresses itself as a struggle for political supremacy. This is the Class Struggle. ■■*§$$$ Therefore, we call all workers to organize under the banner of the Socialist Party of Canada, with the object of conquering the political powers, for the purpose of setting up and enforcing the economic program of the working class, as follows: 1. The transformation, as rapidly as possible, of capitalist property in the means of wealth production (natural resources, factories, mills, railroads, etc.) into collective means of production, mffl 2. The organization and management of industry by the working class. The establishment, as speedily as possible, of production for THE WESTERN CLARION 3. use instead of production for profit. Socialist Party of Canada Mam With introduction written specially by the x author of the original. Whole work revised |and , re-cast. NOW READY $6.00 per 100, expressage paid. PAMPHLETS § Issued by the J DOMINION EXECUTIVE COMMITTEE (Prices include Express Charges) (3) WAGE-WORGER AND FARMER (Pilkington) Price—Per 100, $4.50; Per Dozen, 55 cents; per Copy, 10 cents (6) WHAT IS SOCIALISM? (Hardenburg) Price—Per 100, $5.50; Per Dozen, 70 cents; per Copy, 10 cents VANCOUVER LOCAL NO 1 LENDING LIBRARY HEADQUARTERS AVENUE THEATRE BUILDING Economics, Philosophy, History, Biology, etc., etc. The best works on the above subjects by the greatest writers of the last century: Marx, Engels, Dietzgen, Labriola, La- farque, Darwin, Huxley, Benjamin Kidd, and many others. Most of the works in this Library cannot be found in any other in the city, not even in the Carnegie Library. Membership per annum: Fifty Cents. Propaganda Meeting Vancouver Local No. 1 S. P. of C. EVERY SUNDAY, 8 p.m. REX THEATRE, Hastings Street Boost the Western Clarion IF .the number before (your name on the yellow label of your paper reads .QX your subscription expires with the nest \ issue. RENEW AT ONCE.
Newspapers
Vancouver (B.C.)
AN .W3
English
Vancouver : University of British Columbia Library
Vancouver, B.C. : The Socialist Party of Canada
Images provided for research and reference use only. Permission to publish, copy, or otherwise use these images must be obtained from Rare Books and Special Collections: http://rbsc.library.ubc.ca
BC Historical Newspapers
Original Format: University of British Columbia. Library. Rare Books and Special Collections. AN .W3
Western Clarion
Text