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Pritchard, W.A.
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. The Official Organ of THEisOCIALIST PARTY OF No. 790] Vancouver, B. C, March, 1917 [Month 5c. When, in 1769, James Watt made a steam engine which THE LESSON * could be harnessed OP THE to the use of man, PARIS he dealt Feudalism" COMMUNE its death blow. OF 1871 The development of that machine forced its users to radically alter their political structure. From the beginning of the 18th century, therefore, society has been undergoing a gradual but continuous change, with revolutionary outbursts here and there. France has been remarkable for these revolutionary periods. From 1789 to 1871 neither Empire nor Republic were very secure. After the breakdown of the Feudal regime, ere the new order could establish itself firmly, governments were overthrown with singular ease. But after each revolutionary or counter-revolutionary movement the proletariat had to be reckoned with. Like a maddened blood-hound held in leash at the first opportunity it was at the throats of its masters. The first of these slave uprisings was without class basis. It was certainly promoted by the existing class relations, but as Marx points out, the proletariat did not-fight its enemies, but the enemy of itsf enemies And while there was considerable class activity shown by some wage slaves in the affairs of European nations, particularly during the middle of the 19th century, the great mass of them lacking a class basis for their agitation were as clay, in the hands of their wily masters. However, during the stormy days of 1848 appeared the Communist Manifesto, and from then dates an ever growing concept of working class political needs. The Communist League was broken up, but in 1864- "The Workingmen's International-" was formed, and in Paris, late in 1869. a number of able proletarians set themselves the task of instructing their fellow slaves. The ambitious program of Napoleon III., Emperor of France in 1870, does not concern us here. However, tricked into war by Bismarck, disaster followed disaster until Napoleon surrendered his sword to the Prussian monarch at Sedan on September 2nd, and on the 4th the Republic was proclaimed by the workingmen of Paris. The government of France was taken over by a "cabal of place hunting lawyers." These men set t about preparing to defend Paris. The National Guard was armed and it became apparent after the town had been investedJby the Prussians that the defence of Paris was not against the invader but against the working men of that city, as was stated by Favre in a letter to Gam- betta. When it was announced by the Thiers Government that Paris was - to be surrendered, Paris was still armed and in no mood to lay down her arms, even after a five months seige. It therefore became necessary to disarm her. The Government, which had fled to Versailles, a few miles from the capital, sent some troops to seize the cannon. Instead O'f doing so they joined with ;the defenders of Paris, and then General Lecomte was arrested with his staff. Thus, on March the 18th, Paris revolted against the government of France. This action was largely on account of the total disregard shown by the Thiers government for Paris and. her ancient rights and privileges. So long as the issue was Paris against Rural France all was well. But when the working men declared the Commune a large number of middle class citizens took alarm. Notwithstanding these desertions the Commune commenced to reorganize the city. It is useless to regret the mistakes of these revolutionists. They had endured five .months of privation ; the Prussian army surrounded 'the town; Frenchmen held as prisoners in Germany were being released to form an army for their suppression. They had few who were capable of conducting, a military campaign. The forces opposed to them were not altogether free from traitors. With varying fortunes they maintained the unequal struggle until May 29th, and then commenced the most wanton destruction of human life in modern times. The entire European press shrieked in ^concert and some 30,000 men, women and children were butchered in cold blood within a few days. It was the wild fear of a miserably weak master class confronted with the power of its slaves. Reason had fled, and the chief desire was to stamp out every semblance of revolution in Paris. But to kill the spirit THE WESTERN 0LAB10 THE WESTERN CLARION q o !oi revolution would entail the slaughter of the entire working class. Forty six years have passed since then, and the German and French nations are again at war,the outcome of which no man can tell. But let us who profess to realize the mission of the working class do our best toward preventing any recurrence of such agony and bloody sweat by using what means we possess to dispel the political and economic ignorance of our class JH. It might not be out of place, "in times like these," THE BOOT whe*> news filters ON THE through of wholesale OTHER arrests of working- FOOT." men in Russia, that land of unrestrained "liberty of speech," "liberty of "press," and "liberty of action," to revert to mid-Victorian History and see what our "fathers" thought of the Holy Empire. The reasons for such thoughts, of course, are just as apparent to those desirous of getting a*- the truth as the reasons advanced for a totally different policy by the descendants of the "guardians of peace and preservers of liberty," are to day. In the London "Journal" of January 6th, 1855, at the time of the Crimean War, the following can be found in a vehemently vindictive editorial: "A3 the war with Russia pro gresses, it is generally felt in Eng land and France that it is a war that must be prosecuted with the ut- (most vigor and tenacity. It is a war of necessity, as well as of de- _ fence. "Modern principals would freely admit Eussia into the confederacy of nations were it not for her arogant assumption of the barbarous right of annexing the territories of her weakest .neighbors, whenever the occasion served^ Such a monstrous doctrine can never be admitted into the councils of modern nations. If it were the gates of Europe would not long be closed against the innumerable and disciplined hordes of Northern Europe and Asia—those nests in all ages, of the most cruel and predatory of the human race. *' The possession of Constantinople is the key to the whole question, and when we know that to acquire it has been the dream—the ardent aspiration—of eyery Russian sovereign and noble for centuries, we know that to protect it is an act justified by the soundest policy, the most justifiable expediency, and the most vivid appreciation of what is right.'' It will be observed that precisely the 'same arraignment is made of Russia of sixty years ago as is made of the Central Powers to-day. And wjujt is more interesting the solemn assertions of what "right" and justice demanded then, are practically identical with the Bonar Law- Lloyd George Episcopalian—Baptist slush of modernity. In this connection an excerpt from I recent outburst of Celtic eloquence might prove exquisitely apt as a comparison to the drivel of half a -century ago. Said Lloyd George at Carnarvon on February 3rd of this year: "Besides the rights of small nations we are fighting for the doctrine that the Turk is incapable of governing any race justly—even his own.'' When we recognise that in 1855 "the key to the whole question was the possession of Constantinople," and that later Russia laid at one side her century old aspirations regarding "St. Sophia's sanctuary" (Rus- so-Turkish War) owing to England's threat to take a hand, it looks as though the present turning of the world upside down is in order to secure what the "noise and battle" of 1855 was to prevent. Thus we have progressed! Nevertheless, economic conditions have changed vastly during the last fifty years, and newer and greater economic powers have arisen, but to those whose backs are ever bent to the pursuit of "unrequited toil" it would look as though the question was just the same to-day as yesterday. Of course, '' the boot is on the other foot." THE GERM OF SUPERSTITION. ©HERE is no subject today so much discussed nor so much abused as Socialism, and mostly by those who have never given the mat- ert one moment's consideration. Not one book have they ever read, not one pamphlet have they ever consulted, yet they will condemn Socialism as something not commendable. The endles chain of false accusations permeating the working class minds against the Socialist philosophy, constitute a splendid piece of capitalist diplomacy. Anything that will wreck the power of the controlling force that keeps the lower orders subjective must at all hazards be suppressed. The science of Sociology calls for a study of mankind with a view to placing society on a higher social basis than what at present exists. Scientific analysis of any organism demands a persistent investigation of all its functons and a careful record of all observations. Human society is an organism and the student of socialism ignores. nothing that is the product of man, not eevn the idea of God and religion. We are told not to interfere with anything outside of human jurisdiction. This remarkable advice given by religious bodies is only a corroboration of the Socialist's conclusions that the human brain is.limited to the universe and anything "outside" the universe must be let severely alone. We often sit and gaze out into the azure blue and puzzle our brains by attempting to grasp the limits of space. We will ponder over things that are beyond our ken, but as this is outside our jurisdiction we lose ourselves in vain and unprofitable speculation. The brain is a receptacle for receiving impressions "perceived' by the senses, but the brain is a very minute particle of the universe, and this infinitesimal portion of the great cosmos cannot extract an idea of its own making and then demand that the whole human race should worship I J ill I Mi ,. ■ it. To separate a mountain, river, sea, tree, or a log of wood from the universe and bow before such a unit as the controlling power of this mighty world would be equal to the theological conclusions regarding the idea of God and would be no advance beyond paganism. All knowledge is the result of mental activity in relation to external objects and every superstitious idea, ancient, mediaeval, or modern had their origin in a few germs of thought. Geological discovery of prehistoric man's remains give ample proof of human habitation of the world at least one million years ago. Professor Lyde, author of "Man in Many lands," a book that can be found in Alberta school libraries, says the differentiation of the human species could not have taken place in less than 100,000 years. The human skull discovered during excavations made in Sussex, England, in the year 1912, was examined by modern scientists and the conclusions reached by those able men were that this skull takes us away back beyond the Neolithic age; and the brain capacity was only one-fifth of what man has today. It was void of the power of Speech. The human babe repeats the life history of the race mentally. The child has a ferocious appetite, it goes to sleep on the breast and immediately on awakening it grabs the breast again. The first emotions of the child are fear and surprise. Pre-historic mfan's earliest emotions were like those of the new-born child and wherever darkness set in he made his bed.. Members, of certain savage races (denizens of carnivoraa infested regions) with no artificial light to illuminate their suroundings, became afraid. At every turn they were threatened with danger and when sleep overtook them the ivory tusks of wild animals pierced through the darkness and crept into their dreams. The earth's crust, at this time, had solidified, but was still porous, which ejected internal gas es forming a dense atmosphere. Storms of thunder and lightning were frequent, bubbling geysers and huge volcanoes burst forth here and there, precipitating great volumes of flame, smoke and steam. Man in his infancy, ignorant of the forces of nature, would tremble with fear, and with the pain of indescribable intimidation he gave birth to the germ- of the idea of bad. After the most severe storm comes calm,, the abating of the pulsating earth, the dying away of the vicious thunder and lightning storms, and the retreating winds were very soothing to the terrified being. Down came the refreshing rains cooling the parched earth, vegetation began to grow, nuts, roots and wild fruits sprang forth in abundance; everything seemed, beautiful. Man, at this time, lived principally upon whatever nature supplied, being elated at the prospect of a good supply of the good things to eat. In the heights of his element he gave birth to the germ of the idea or good. When man wandered forth from his forest home out into the open in the moonlight evening his shadow struck the ground. As he strolled along on his. hilly track his shadow disappeared and reappeared at intervals. When driving out a young horse for the first time you will observe that immediately his shadow strikes the ground he will rear and shy tind in all probability throw the driver. Man on seeing his shadow for the first time was in the position of the horse; he did not understand it and the germ of the idea" of a spirit originated, and concluding that this was something from within himself, he worshipped it. From these three germs of thought have developed the most intricate conclusions of men enthralled in the depths of speculative philosophy. Good, bad, god, devil, heaven- and "hell can be traced back to the preg- nated cell of the brain of pre-historic man. Science has climbed up into space and by -barometrical measurements and thermometer readings our little ball has been discovered to have cooled and contracted by its revolutionary movements through space in a temperature outside of our atmosphere registering 400 degrees below zero. Capitalist laymen must look for some more congenial place than heaven for the future residence of meek and lowly contented working men Scientists have also descended into the interior of the earth and by the same methods adopted in their Heavenly research have recorded a temperature of 1500 to 2,000 deg. centigrade of heat. Man is now between the devil and the deep sea; we must choose between the two evils when we put out the light; 400 deg. below zero or from 1500 to 2000 deg. centigrade of heat. What Socialists are trying to explain in- the most scientific manner is the origination of human knowledge and the intellectual development regarding all questions whether religious or otherwise. Socialists at the same time do not evade the question that must be made clear j that those religious or superstitious beliefs prevailing among men at any given epoch have been used or abused rather by the ruling class to keep the ignorant and innocent toiler content and satisfied while they with their own framed laws rob him of the wealth he produces. George Paton. In Chelsea, England, a soldier's disablement pension is determined by fractions. He is divided into four parts. He is considered % a man, ¥2 a man, or Y^ a man. One man with wounds in 24 separate places, a knee-cap shot off, two toes of the other foot gone, an eye missing, the sight of the other impaired was still considered 14 a man and so did not get a full disablement pension.— Four Lights, New York. e-.^.- ',.,._-.-,- ,_ ^.^,e T~=~TJ-3_ 4 THE WESTERN OLARION Thefcastern Canadian Proletariat After the conquest the Scotchman ran true to cultural form and succeeded in ambushing most of the loose dollars, but in recent years the Jew hjas more than succeeded in making a fifty-fifty division of this constituency (Montreal). When the industrial revolution appeared, Canada had to borrow her capital, her technique, and the technical management as well, but the discretion and control of her business, and the strategic dominance of the whole political and economic situation has never passed out of the hands of the native- born Canadian of the bull dog breed. The first considerable accession of English-speaking people were the sutlers, contractors and army followers who came in with the army of conquest and occupation. They were men with nothing to lose and everything to gain, and like all of their kind, were in no way scrupulous as io the means to be employed in securing their gains. Lord Murray, writing to the Secretary of State, complains that he finds great difficulty in introducing civil and erim- ^ inal law because there are not enough honest and intelligent, men from which to choose magistrates, and the first judge to try cases had to be "freed from prison to sit upon the bench. The next large addition to the population was that bunch of unre- generates known as the United Empire Loyalists. They came from those States of America which had suffered alternate occupations by the British and Revolutionary forces in the war of independence. They . had tried to run with the hare and to hunt with the hounds, and had been loyal to neither side. Had the other side won it is likely that a change of By Barton. PART II—The Obstacles to be Surmounted. climate would have been equally salutary. At any rate, their old neighbors refused to live with them and their emigration was compulsory. Since coming to Canada they have been vociferously loyal in season and out of season when the only sacrifice required of them could be made through the medium of their mouths. From a population so largely descended from-so ill-bred an ancestry it. is only to be expected that the present cultural conditions of Canada as a whole should carry some taints, in the survivals of sub-ethical standards from these old freebooters. The answer is to be found in the political and industrial history of the country which is merely a record of a succession of scandals, of bold buccaneering with the public funds and the public domain, the latter extensive enough to invite the most daring imagination to supremest effort. No one can say that the predatory strategist has, in the smallest degree, fallen short of the magnitude of the opportunity. In politics, in law, in business, in the school and in the church, the descendants of the old-timers haveman- aged to hold their own and to consolidate their positions against all new-comers of whatever origin, and for the new-comer to break inside the sacred circle he had first to prove that he accepted the standards of good repute, of conservatism, within the,local holy of holies. The conservative business man of Canada, and in this class is included -the politicians, the bankers, the editors ami the preachers, looked al- HI WESTERN CLARION INTERNATIONAL NOTES "By Man—Ed. ways with disfavor on, and refused encouragement to, any innovations in the line of new inventions, and of new technological efforts, but no clique ever were able to get there more quickly with the bag to intercept the profits once the venture proved its capacity to provide the sweet-scented incense that arises from a surplus. Industrial enterprises therefore, had, as a rule, to find the capital for their beginnings Wm the outside, but no sooner had they proven their ability to survive than the banker and politician were quite willing to enter into working arrangements with them, for the accustomed toll. In such cases both banking Capital and political "pap" were to be had on the usual terms. The typical English-speaking Canadian is fully as docile and tame a wage-slave as his French-Canadian brother when he is in the shop or factory, but the discipline of the machine is "at all times more or less irksome to him. He would rather be self-employed on a farm, or be driving a team, or doing such work as is not constantly under the sur- veilance of the gang-boss. On 'the average he is a pure " scissor-bill," saturated with the ethical and social standards of reputability prevalent on the farm, and a bush farm at that, during the last century. When he goes out from home he takes no other ideas along with him. If you could catch him young, you might do much with him, for he is full of resource, but as a rule his conceit and. provincialism, along with his - archaic standards make him a poor brother with whom to go on strike, and render him a poor subject to respond to the revolutionary propaganda. II i 1 Germany. From Switzerland comes the information that Karl Liebknecht has been confined in the State prison at Lukan since the beginning of December, and that he is employed as bootmaker. * # # It now transpires that Franz Mehring, who was held under preventive arrest, became obnoxious to the powers that be because, in a letter to a certain Deputy, which was intercepted, he had declared himself in favor of a demonstration for peace. prehension need be felt" as to the loyalty of American workingmen in doing their part for the preservation of the "safety, integrity and ideals of our Government.'' ■Tf w ts" Dr. Rosa Luxembourg was in prison for many months without the law being able to establish even the.sem-^ blance of a case against her. All visits were denied her, even those of her physician were interdicted. She was moved a month or so ago from the Berlin jail (Alexander Place) where she was confined in a cell ordinarily reserved for prostitutes awaiting trial, to Wromke, a province of Posen. Exile has thus been added to imprisonment. Britain. John Hodge, Labor Minister, addressing his constituents at Gorton, Manchester, after denouncing Labor Exchanges as being too bureaucratic went on to speak of the "welfare schemes" put in operation by the Ministry of Munitions. He said: "Employers themselves had begun to realize that welfare was a valuable asset to the productivity of the worker, and that it paid to treat men, women and children,as well as cattle, kindly. (Emphasis ours). U. S. A. In a letter from Sam Gompers, G. 0. M.v of Organized American Labor, to Congress appears some illuminating information. Among other things we learn that "no ap- Prance. At least Georges Clemenceau, after bitter hostility for eleven years to anything that even suggested the name of Socialism or Socialist, now eloquently pays tribute to the unswerving loyalty of the two labor groups as evidenced in. the recent conventions of The National Socialist Congress and the conference, of the Confederation Generale du Travail. 'Tis a striking commentary upon the "class consciousness" of these protagonists of sound and fury. "7f W ' TP Several strikes have taken place in war factories at Ivny and other places and the situation reached such a point that a delegation from the Metal Workers' Federation visited the Munitions Minister, "ex- comrade" M. Albert Thomas. Of this affair that vi%olic renagade, Gustave Herve, editorially in his paper "La Victoire," writes: "It is quite evident that it is much to be deplored that there should still be at the head of certain labor organizations leaders who in the present storm should have preserved old class enmity ideas with which German Socialism has long poisoned the mind of the French working class Such men cannot bring to the trouble which has arisen between employers and workmen that conciliatory spirit which is so desirable." (Emphasis ours.) Japan. The Japanese government has decided to use $10,000,00 of a $25,- 000,000 sinking fund in building up her fleets.||A seven-year naval programme is projected. When this is compared with what is discernible of America's naval intentions it can easily be seen that Japan will be in a position to hang the can on Uncle Sam. Japan is only a group of Islands; the U. S. A., is half a continent with two long coast lines. Well! Well! we can wait and see—but the fellow who is dreaming of this war being the last is going to receive a rude awakening. Behind the Recruiting Poster. Learned Professor, lecturing half a century from now: "Then in January, 1917, five privates of Battery E 2nd Field Artillery "refused to clean out the ring of the regimental armory in the Bronx, New York, because they had receivd nothing to eat that day. Thereupon their commanding officer had them lashed to gun carriages with their arms stretched out and tied to the rims of the wheels. Moreover, he did not feed them." Earnest student: "And do we list this military experience under the head of 'seeing the world,' or ' learning a trade' ?".—Four Lights, New York. REID DEFENCE FUND. Balance Sreet from July 28th, 1915, to February 16th, 1917. Eeceipts. Items previously acknowledged in Western Clarion $874.65 Expenses. Postage Stamps $ 25.05 Printing and Stationery 18.75 Mimeograph and Supplies 38.70 Telegrams and phones 4.72 Eent of Halls, protest meetings, advertising, speakers expenses, etc. 80.90 Expenses of delegates from P.E.C. in Reid and Isaacson, Macklin & Braton cases 75.80 Legal Fees on Reid, Isaacson, Macklin, and Braton cases .... 455.00 Witness Fees on Reid, Isaacson, Macklin and Braton eases 62.40 Literature to Reid in jail |p 7.20 Typewriter (half price) 25.00 Miscellaneous m^l.80 Balance in hand 34.15 $874.65 Audited and foui^d correct, Ernest H. Flegg, Mary Johnstone, J. R. Perkins, John F. Maguire. ■6 THE WESTERN CLARION The Western Clarion Published by the Socialist Party of Canada at tbe office of tbe Western Clarion, 169 Georgia St. 3. Vancouver, B. C. Subscription Bates i Per 20 issues 1-00 Per 10 issues 0.50 Bundle Bates:—3 cents per copy per issue. In making remittance by cheque, exchange must be added. Address all communication to W. A. Pritchard Vlanaging-Editor, "Western Clarion" office, N. E. cor. Pender St. and Dunlevy Ave., Vancouver, B. C. Readers advising us of change of address can only insure c®rrect and prompt delivery by sending the old address along with the new. If yor. receive this yaper it is paid for. sn .the number before your !L name on the yellow label of your paper reads *7 O 1 your subscription ■ -^ x expires with the next issue. . For many centuries, in fact, as far back as written his- THE NEED tory extends, it has OF always been the cus- LEADERS. tomfor the great masses of the people to follow in the footsteps of the popular leaders. It makes no difference what form of social activity we care to investigate, the name of some remarkable leader immediately flashes to the mind. Not only have leaders been considered a primary necessity in every movement, but we also notice that the great man who has conducted the campaign for any purpose has received due recognition of his his services by- being credited with every success, and held responsible for every failure. It was Nelson, so we are told, who won at Trafalgar; Harold lost at Hastings. Wellington won Waterloo, and Napoleon lost itM-Dewey was loaded with honors for winning a naval engagement, while Byng was shot for losing one. The troops they led seem to have been there for no other purpose than to hold their coats, and find out which leader was going to win. The necessity for leadership applies to the arts of peace as well. It was a Peary or an Amundsen who, single handed, ex- Editorial Page plored the Arctic Circle and discovered the polar extremities of the earth. The electric wizard—Edison, --receives the applause of his fellow citizens for every invention produced in his laboratory by the united efforts of his employees even while their cherished leader is spending his vacation in the south. Burbank of spineless cactus fame; Osier, in medicine; Marconi, in wireless telegraphy and the Wright Brothers in aeronautics are household words throughout the civilized world today. Bourgeois-history leads us to believe that all social changes and historic events of any importance, have been brought about by a few great men endowed with miraculous qualities. During the past century, however, a new conception of social and organic development has grown up. Students of sociology, economics, biology, history and philosophy have produced sufficient data to entirely shatter the ''great man" theory of social and organic change. Instead of being regarded as the absolute "lord of creation," man is now assigned to his proper position in the universe. This new concepton of the world's history made clear the fact that to find the reasons for political changes and all other important events, we must examine the economic conditions of society, and there see that the changing methods of producing and distributing the means of human existence has always been the moving force in moulding the various political constitutions of society. This method of viewing history, .of course, is not accepted by the intellectual hirelings of our masters. To do so would reveal, too clearly, the parasitic nature of the capitalist class. The methods resorted to in order to stifle the students of the new philosophy have been, invariably, the same. Silence was the first weapon. Refuse advertisement and scientific discoveries will die as their producers starved. When this method utterly failed, their theories', were openly opposed. Here again science woji. Truth will implant itself ever more firmly as the forces of superstition are arrayed against it. Today the Socialist position is impregnable. The necessity for leadership does not exist in our ranks. The analysis of capitalist production presented by the "founders" of the scientific socialist school has been so clear and concise that the average worker has no difficulty in absorbing its meaning. Where all thoroughly understand their class position and the means that must be taken to remove their labor power from the status of a commodity and become the owners of the wealth they produce, there is no longer any necessity to look to this or that individual to lead them out of the "sloughs of despond," or into them, as the case may be. The function of a Socialist Party is to stimulate class consciousness among the workers. J. A. McD. Since last we went to Press several important events "RIGHTS have occurred, chief OF of which perhaps, is HUMANITY." the breaking, by the United States, of diplomatic relations with Germany. While many individuals express surprise at what they consider a most unexpected happening, nevertheless, to the student of modern capitalism, it was long patent that American steel could not continually flow eastwards while European gold was flowing westwards without the great republic becoming involved. Moreover, a close scrutiny of Pres- \3 I 5 THE WESTERN CLARION ident Wilson's speeches and Secretary Lansing's communication^ make it evident that such a move had not only "been anticipated but prepared for at least as far back as October last. For some thirty months now American industry has been particularly thriving, fortunes piling up in greater magnitudes than in any period of history. The United States publicity artists and editorial ink- slingers have heralded far and wide the wonders of American prosperity evidently considering such well agitated questions as "the high cost of living" and "bread riots" as being too insignificant to warrant much attention. And in any case 'bread riots" have no business appearing concurrently with our unprecedented prosperity. Agitators, therefore, are the cause of these and the matter is placed out of court. But now the ever-developing flatulency of American business is in danger of being punctured. A howl of dismay such as never was resounds throughout the land. "The -rights of humanity" are bandied back and forth, being made to conform, it will be observed, despite the sentimental mushiness of silver ton- gued orators and facile pen pushers, with definite "legal" concepts. An unrestrained submarine warfare, however limited the zone,.puts an unpleasant crimp in the soulful aspirations of benevolent manufacturers of picric acid, nitro-glycerine, ' and such necessary elements for producing star shells, pin wheels, Chinese crackers and those other things forming part of Europe's pyrotechnic display. A blockade is established and the civilian portion of a nation faces famine, while the business men of another nation rub their hands gleefully, mentally calculating extra profits. A giant balloon drops explo sive bombs on comparatively peaceful places, tearing and rending women and children, and moving half a continent to unplumbed depths of hilarity. "Rights of humanity," forsooth! Rights of fiddlesticks! What we must understand, and what we must attempt to have others understand, is that humanity has no rights but those it establishes for itself; that the right- to live is only a right providing it can be Inaintained. And while American professors and Colonels, politicians and writers may ostentatiously reiterate' the humanistic utterances of their illustrious forefathers we can observe that the clamour increases in proportion to the profits that can be amassed. A crowd of American drummers searching for possible buyers of Bethlehem steel products go down on a torpedoed liner and capitalism's defenders scream of "the rights of humanity.'' A submarine warfare endangers American commerce and the legal mind perceives therein a flagrant violation of international law and the "rights of humanity." The slaughter of American working men by American troops and hired thugs upon American soil in the piping times of peace lets loose no^ such babel of tongues. The wholesale mutual devouring of nation by nation across the ocean brings no real protest against the bloody business^ for thereby profits accrue and the financiers and industrials wax fat. And not until the bulging fatness of American prosperity is threatened do these pious worthies exhibit magnanimous propensities on behalf of humanity. Of course this does not mean that America will "come over and help us." It may be, in the recently uttered words of a well known U. S. senator, that America is "too fat to fight." As to whether she will fight or not is a big question; but there is decidedly no question at all about hei fatness—in the capitalist sense. Developments from now on will be worth watching. Out of it all there may yet arise a better and clearer understanding on the part of the workers in all countries as to what the situation demands, if only we are prepared with our message and equipped with a determination to present it wherever possible. Let us stay with the one thing that matters—the explaining of the slave's position to our-fellow slaves. W. A. P. SUBS RECEIVED. D. Thompson 9 W. A. P. 7 B'. H. Hansen 5 I.'. R. Larson 5 T. Beattie 5 A. A. McNeill 4 J. Reid 1 II. Weltich 2 W. F. Welling 2 M. Baritz 2 jj M. O'Brien 2 J. M. Jenkins 1 Ed. Hansen 1 S. Bush 2 Chas. Macdonald 5 1 13 1 1 48 23 Dollar Singles.—J. Sutherland, T. Thompson, Mrs. C. E. Dexter, E. ward, J. D. Houston. Antiguntti, 0. Erickson, Thos. Seward, J. D. Houston, S. I. Johnson Knight, T. Feary, J. Harrington, Local Ottawa, Alf. Borar. Fifty cent Singles.—0. J. Giardi, T. Hanwell, L. M, Beardsley, M. Op- hus. Ninety-two new readers. Hit the pace, boys. Let's hear the bell ring. THE WESTERN C THE WESTERN CLARION 9 i VIRTUE and vice, while standing at the opposite poles of human conduct, are actually very near akin. The slightest change of location, or the lapse of a few days, will, at times, transform one into the other, and neither word has for any lengthy period designated the same conduct for even one •group of people, much less for humanity at large, where there has been rapid social development. During the revolutionary periods these concepts change with such bewildering rapidity as to suggest that the viewpoint had long been changed and the old form only remained through force of habit. The. progress of mankind, carrying him beyond the conditions wherein he developed^ certain ideas of virtue and vice, in due time confronts him with new conditions under which he moves with difficulty, harassed by worn out concepts. The more these concepts impede his progress the more impatiently will he regard them, and if he continues in this new direction a time comes when he must with more or less ceremony, thrust them aside. Another feature of these moral categories is their peculiar association with the "female of the species." Woman is supposed to possess all the virtues; and any excursion into realms deemed unwomanly is considered, and treated, as vice. Trivial things in themselves Will arouse the beast in mankind, and the highly civilized citizens of modernyNew York or London have frequently given evidence of their descent from the witch burners of mediaevalism. The most cross-eyed old witch would have had greater security in than a be-trousered femafe would in London a decade or so.ago. By J. HARRINGTON But the times are changed. And the wearing of male attire by a female does not suggest that womanly virtue has been laid aside with womanly dress; nor even that manly virtues have clung to the pants and so to the wearer. The pitiful pleadings of the mouthpieces of capitalism about 'Svoman's place, is the home" are no longer heard. Quite the contrary. Not a single newspaper or periodical is complete today which does not contain some reference to the tremendous energy and skill displayed by women in industries formerly monopolised by men, or photographic reproductions of females in semi-male attire pursuing every conceivable occupation, from cutting pig's throats with neatness and despatch, to making chemical analyses of a city's water supply, or microscopic examinations of the reproductive organs of the potato bug, and what shows the extreme breach with former ideals, they are still received in the highest social circles. Naturally all this activity of woman finds its coresponding ideals in the struggle for "Woman's Rghts." And while the first advocates of a century ago were deemed little better than prostitutes; no man standing for public office today dare voice the sentiments of William Ewart Gladstone in 1892 when praising Adele Crepay's "Emancipation of Woman," a book oppos- . nm the "Woman's Rights" movement. Certain, it is that the Moral concept is well worked in that book. There is, however, one point which Madame Crepay saw clearly, that any invasion by woman into industrial or professional life could only result in a material lowering of wages. So where the wage or sal ary of the husband was sufficient when he alone was employed, it would, after a lapse of time, be no greater, and perhaps less, when the wife was also employed. Within civilization woman's position in the social organism has been a subject one. The early civiliza- tians, such as the Egyptian, place woman on a much higher plane than any since. In Greece she had already declined to a mere attachment to the household, though ample evidence appears in the early Grecian legends and poems to show such pesition to be a new one. Yet, however writers on "woman" may differ (and perhaps no other subject creates a wider divergence of views) one thing they are all agreed upon. That is, wherever woman is possessed of property in her own right she is invested with political rights and wields great influence. Nietzsche declares that "through female cooks—through the entire lack of reason in the kitchen—the development of mankind has been longest retarded and most interfered with" and asserts that the entire endeavor for '' equal rights" in an atmosphere of "eternally hostile tension" is proof of shallow-mind- edness. This is on a par with his statement that she retrogrades in proportion to her appropriation of new rights. For if "lack of reason in the kitchen" has had so retrograde an influence on the progress of mankind, lack of the wherewithal to exercise the reason upon must, of necessity, be the root of all social degen- eiation. However, social development requires not the brain froth of Nietzsche or Schopenhauer for a settlement of this age-long conflict. With every revolutionary epoch, with every change in the economic base, wo- \l men have appeared demanding an enlarged and freer scope of action. As the requirements of the ruling class dictated these demands have been granted; and often in spite of ruling class opposition the requirements of the new social order have brought greater freedom. In the days of the Empire, Roman women achieved a higher and more powerful position than at any time or place in political society, except the United States of the past fifty years. And this by wresting the law to their convenience through powerful legal advocates whom their wealth commanded. Not all the historic incidents wherein the wit, courage, -and self- abnegation of Roman women saved the city (and they were many) advanced their position more than die! the possession of wealth in their own right. mm The Economic Basis. The "Woman's Rights" question, as are all questions relating to subjection of sex or class, is essentially and everlastingly an economic one. And in the present agitation it is written as legibly as at any time n the world's hstory. At no period since man has recorded his needs and deeds is it apparent that his entire waking life need be monopolised in procuring his sus,- tenance (excepting, of course abnormal disturbances). Women, therefore, were never called upon to take part in the actual production or procuring of food. (Again allow for a few specific exceptions). The present gigantic conflict, requiring all the available men for fighting purposes, calls for the employment of women to a greater extent than ever before. During this age of machine production the need for man to employ his entire energy in the productive field is immeasurably less than ev< enforced vacating of the factory, field and workshop by man has made the introduction of woman (a cheaper wage slave) not only possible but positively necessary. When hostilities cease the "hostile tension" between male and female worker will then appear. No. amount of sentimental vaporing can cloud that fact. And no government could stand long enough to count its majority when "the boys come home" if women are retained in the workshops AND ARE NOT IN POSSESS- SION OF THE FRANCHISE. Furthermore, a large number, of the property owning class are, owing to their class traditions, engaged in this war, and the consequent radical depletion of their numbers threatens their political supremacy, especially in these days of Socialist agitation. The non-participation of women in active national affairs, and the narrow sphere in which they moved for so many centuries naturally produced a narow viewpoint. This sufficiently accounts for their undoubted conservatism, without attempting to give it a biological bias, and found it on physiological causes. The balancing of the increasing radical slave vote with a number of conservative votes, certainly cannot be overlooked by the master class, obviously apprehensive of a new post-war slave phsyehology. Straws look good to drowning men. In New York city (vide daily press of the 20th) five hundred women Stormed the city hall, demanding Bread. Let it be noted they, did not make the "radical'1 male demand "give us work! Curse your charity!" "Give us food!" was their cry. To enfranchise the women of England on the present basis raising the age limit to 32 years as is proposed, would have the effect of materially offsetting any loss in voting strength which the war makes probable. These facts sufficiently explain the great change of heart in the part of Britain's law makers within the past few years. I do not propose to put the entire "woman's question" on an economic plane. Like all questions of human conduct it is susceptible to many influences. For instance, that God-tied, inert institution, the Presbyterian Church, last month, in Saskatoon, for the first time in its history placed women on its Board of Management. The general advance of science will gradually loosen the strangle hold which dogmas of age-dead barbarian tribes, and their later descendants, and still later beneficiaries, managed to fasten oti the human mind. "Let not the woman do this—or that—or the other*" even if St. Paul, or for that matter Jesus Christ himself, said it, falls on heedless ears when those ears are appended to the skull of a sane woman at present earning an independent living, how^ ever meagre, but. still better than she has ever hoped for, owing to the war. |p|| But even so, her only hope lies in her lining up with her class to overthrow the capitalist era. Only then can she hope to escape that fate which ever awaits a goodly portion of her sex and under which, as Lecky says: "She remains while creeds and civilizations rize and fall, the eternal priestess of humanity, blasted for the sins of the people." M I HI £_ZZ^_ZI!ii THE WESTERN CLARION THE WESTERN CLARION 11 Our Bookshelf m "THE DIPLOMATIC HISTORY OF THE WAR.''—Including a diary of negotiations and events in the different Capitals the texts of the official documents of the various Governments, the puhlic speeches in the European parliaments, an account of the military preparations of the countries concerned and original matter. Edited by M. P. Price, M. A., Trinity College, Cambridge. Chas. Scribner's Sons, 597-599 Fifth Ave, New York. 344 Pp. Reviewed by W. A. Pritchard. I have just completed an exhaustive perusal of a remarkable book —a book which in reality is not a book. It is a compilation of documents and speeches, with references by the editor to treaties and "understandings" between the principal participants in what our author terms "the greatest catastrophe of modern times." # # # In his prefatory remarks Price tells us that "passion, excitement, Press censorship and martial law" may all contribute to disguising the events and incidents marking the cyclonic outburst of the European war in the fateful summer of 1914. Consequently he proceeds: A duty is therefore imposed upon some of us to collect these records before they are covered with the cobwebs of time, to co-ordinate them, and to set them forth for the judgment of a wider public " " in the recollections of the past we can always find a guide to the future and therefore it seems to me a duty to collect and collate such diplomatic and political facts about the causes of the war as have already come to light." After informing us that he was compelled to go back and examine minutely all the relations existing between the "powers" for the last twenty years, and that such is necessary for even a superficial under- stading of the situation, he mentions the diplomatic correspondence, etc., which he had to survey in order to obtain the desired result. "It will be possible also to see how the guardians of the peace of Europe were being daily frightened and stampeded by fear and distrust of each other and how they were finally overborne by the military party in each country." In the preface to the fourth edition of The Manifesto of the Socialist Party of Canada, issued in May, 1916, can be found the following declaration : "YET THE WORKERS OF EACH COUNTRY HAVE FLUNG THEMSELVES INTO THE CONFLICT, REGARDLESS OF THE CONSEQUENCES TO THEMSELVES. THEY HAVE BEEN STAMPEDED BY THE TWO FACES OF THE ONE BOGEY THAT HAS BEEN CONJURED UP BEFORE THEM ALL. THE TEUTONS HAVE RALLIED TO THE DEFENCE OF THE FATHERLAND FROM RUSSIAN BARBARISM. BRITON AND FRANK, SLAV AND ROMAN HAVE RISEN TO BREAST THE ONRUSH OF PRUSSIAN MILITARISM S That the foregoing is ineontest- ably true Socialists are not for one single moment either afraid or ashamed to announce, but a certain amount of secret satisfaction accrues when corroboration of a character of our position which also precludes argument, comes to us from so eminent a gentleman as M. Philips Price, ST. A., of Cambridge. At the conclusion of his preface he makes the startling announcement: "Amongst the Parliamentary speeches I have myself made or have obtained translations of the delar- ations on the outbreak of war by the statesmen and public leaders in France, Germany and Russia. The similarity of the sentiments in all these speeches is almost as noteworthy as the support which has been obtained by all from the official exponents of Christianity, art, science, philosophy, and letters. Each Foreign Minister or spokesman of his Government claimed that his country worked for peace, but was forced to take the sword through envious and hostile neighbors who were attacking it. Each said the War was only in self-defence and asked for national unity, while the Sovereigns appealed to the Deity to bless their arms, and the Churches, under the inspiration of State policy, have declared it to be a " Holy War.'' On the other hand, the Social-Democrats or advanced Left parties of all countries declared they had no quarrel with the workers of the other lands, and denounced the war as a war of capitalists and bureaucrats; but, when once the die was cast, they agreed to follow their Governments in the defence of their "national existence. With such irony as this the history of the last'few days of peace is filled." It is a pity that the weighty truths contained in this volume qpuld not be immediately brought home in a manner deserving of their perfidy to the Hyndmans and Hendersons; the Viv- ianis and Vanderveldes; the Scheide- manns and "Jimmy" Simpsons, together with all the other political prostitutes galivanting around in the name of labor. • # • In what might be called, for want of a better name, the first chapter, which is entitled "Historical Introduction," our author proceeds to a survey of the positions adopted by Austria, \ \ as inheritor of the Holy Roman Empire," and Russia, the self-appointed protector of the Slav races, "upon whom fell the mantle of political leadership of Orthodox Slavdom'' and shows how each desired an united Balkans in which their own particular hegemony could be established and maintained. Price, naturally,inclines to the pro- ally view, but is not very dogmatiic thereon, and—a thing for which he should be admired—is very impartial in his presentation of the vast array of documents which go to make up part of the War's Diplomatic History. Then again, except in one or two places—and then only indirectly—he does not treat of the most necessary phase of the problem, a phase which is basic and therefore of greatest importance. He neglects (and his work-would not necessarily include this) the economic interests at stake in the various countries, which finally lined up as two powerful military groups, each opposed to the other. Nevertheless, to those equipped with the Marxian Conception the intrigues and manoeuvres, press desp etches and official communiques, appear only, as in fact they are, as the flotsam and jetsam floating upon the surface of the stream of modern European Political History. Such flotsam and jetsam, ii Wm ■mm mi ■ .' m m 1 m m I however, indicates correctly the general direction of the swiftly flowing economic undercurrent as it also approximately measures its strength. The Socialist student, especially if functioning as a propagandist, ought not to overlook the vast amount of information, ready to hand, to be found in this compilation. One point for which the work should be commended is the inclusion of several important documents which are not found in those officially issued by certain governments, whether aceidently or not we cannot judge. Particular mention should be made of one—the speech in the Russian Duma by the spokesman of the Minority Group of the Social Democratic Party, Khaustoff. Our author mentions that the Balkan Alliance is said to have been founded at the instance of Russia and originally was aimed at Austria. "It was to have included Turkey in a great Serb-Bulgar-Grgeco-Turk confederation." Price here refers the reader to articles in t}he London "Times," on the "Origin of the Balkan War" (June, 1913.) The internecine strife of the Balkan Allies after their successfulfleampaign against Turkey (1912) is too well known to demand further comment at this time. However, as an ironic sequel to this we learn of the Russian accusation of Austria (M. Saz- onof's speech in the Duma, August Sth, 1914) having sown—for her own purposes—seeds of dissension among the Balkan Allies, while Germany accuses Russia of the same thing (Chancellor's Reichstag speech, August 4th, 1914.) The long list of "conversations," "understandings," etc., etc., denied both by Asquith and Grey in the House of Commins in 1913 are also brought to light, together with the arrangements between Britain and Russia, regarding tjheir respective "rights" in Persia, etc., A whole lot of interesting information is given respecting Germany's economic advance and her "necess ity/' without trouble if possible, with trouble if necesary, of finding an outlet for her "wares." That she recognized the stategical advantage of Russia, with a vast territory and long frontier, together "with vast resources of raw human material '' is clearly seen by her desire to have a conference of four powers not immediately concerned, to deal with the Austrian-Serbian bone of contention. Russia thus would have been offset, for acording to Germany she was outside of the particular argument which press correspondents and editorial scribblers from J. L. Garvin jj P. C. Wade (Vancouver "Sun") consider as the starting point of the war. To this the astute Foreign Minister Grey, would not assent. With his adroit phraseology he seems to Jiave had not only Germany "buncoed," but even France and Russia, both awaiting anxiously a "definite" statement of Britain's intentions. That her intentions were clear from the start appears from the various "understandings" which Grey had stated did not bind Britain to any definite course of action, but by which he afterwards naively con- fesed (House of Commons speech August 3rd, 1914) after tracing the history o'f England's relations with France, showing how the Entente had grown from an agreement over Egypt and Morocco in 1904 to a '! diplomatic understanding'' in 1906, and thence to a "naval understanding" in 1912, carried \ with it a moral obligation to support France in 1914 (pp. 91 and 92 White Paper.) Space forbids us entering into a narration of. the agreement of France with Britain regarding Morocco, except to point out that Germany had pre-dominant economic interests in Morocco and yet, being shut out from diplomatic arrangements of the Anglo-French Convention, and finding herself thus outwitted blundered with characteristic clumsiness over the "Morocco" incident. Thus we find that "diplom- acy" is a fine art, at which Britain is past master for several reasons. Such foolishly clumsy and brutal assertions as those of the German Chancellor, "mere scrap of paper," "necessity knows no laws," and "hacking our way through," have succeeded in robbing German diplomacy of the glamour which attaches itself to that of Britain, and have rendered her open to those vicious and sentimental attacks from the frothy intellectuals of the Entente. Basically they differ in no wise from the outspoken and definite assertion of France "that she would act as her interests dictated," nor, despite the wordy mouthings respecting "rights of small nations" and the cauterwailing regarding "Belgian neutrality," from the frank statement, at the beginning of the brewing of the storm made by the British Ambassador in St. Petersburg, Sir Geo. Buchanan, that "Direct British interests in Servia were nil, and a war on behalf of that country would never be sanctioned by British public opinion." (Blue book No. 6.) # # # Altogether the time spent in examining the matter contained in "The Diplomatic History of the War" will repay the student of modern polities. INDUSTRIAL DEVELOPMENT. XT should be evident to any normal person that great changes are taking place in industry, in politics, and also in the realm of ideasre To reflect for a moment on the general condition of things of a hundred and fifty years ago and then compare them with those of to-day will give one plenty of food for thought. The changes in industry have been enormous; the old method of producing commodities by hand has been succeeded by machine production, which has increased output manyfold. Machinery has been s_»a_-ii HE WESTERN CLARION THE WESTERN OLARION 13 HIP improved and installed to take the place of the old, and thereby further increase the production of labor. So much so that prior to the war the markets of the world were glutted with goods for which no buyers could be found.. Alongside of this industrial growth and development there has been a growth, or an adaptation, of the political structure to conform more closely to the needs of the great industrial and commercial expansion. The profits which accumulate to the capitalists of . all those countries engaged in skinning labor have dominated their ideas; have been an incentive to propagate ideas to conform with their own interests. The one object of the capitalist being profit, he has co-operated with any and every faction that would be of use to him in the labor skinning process. All institutions of ^earning have been controlled by him so that the education the worker receives is only such as will tend to make him a more efficient slave. The forces of government have been used to coerce him when he has been none too willing to do his master's bidding, and to restrain him when he has become restive and anxious to loosen his chains. In spite of the teachings of capitalist colleges and preachers pulpits the evolution of industry, which is now developing at an enormous pace, must breed on the one hand the capitalist who is cruel and ruthless in his struggle for profits, who would, and does, trample on the workers and use them in a way that makes a barbarian look, like a novice. On the other hand, it breeds two types of slaves. One type that is a menace to progress; weak, puny, and instill- ei'. with that reverence for his masters that has for so long blinded him to his own interests. This type is very numerous, but is becoming a diminishing quantity (very much so since the war has been in progress). The other type, smaller in numbers, but more virile and resentful than the aforementioned lickspittle, is gaining in knowledge and numbers, and possesses that courage and determination that will ultimately carry his class to victory. First, antagonism, then enlightenment, and finally class consciousness. These are the stages through which the worker develops mentally. If the average worker could be induced to examine the growth of capitalism he would see that this industrial development must finally bring about changes that were undreamt of a hundred and fifty years ago. The changes have been enormous, each succeeding decade bringing its trail of misery for the workers and an ever increasing stream of profit to the capitalist; a bigger and more productive machine, and an ever contracting market. Up to the outbreak of the war products had accumulated and the markets narrowed to such a degree that some event of world-wide importance was foreseen. But since the war it has taken on a new lease of life. Industrial concerns that were on the verge of bankruptcy have been changed into flourishing businesses and have now, or soon will, reach their zenith. This industrial development, greatly accelerated by the war, must find its reflex in the politics and ideas of society. At one time people were horrified to hear of women making chains in centres like Crad- ley Heath in the English Midlands. But this and similar kinds of work are now becoming fashionable. So much so thai the elite of society dames have donned the overalls and worked in munition works among dirt and grease at least long enough to have their photographs taken. The labor unions who have, year after year, been advocating the nationalization of industries have suddenly had their aims thrust upon them— in most cases in a very disagreeable manner. They are also being told that the promises made by the capitalists were in good faith, but their old standard of rules temporarily suspended during the war, can never be allowed to operate again, and the sooner they realise it the better. Other instances, if one examines present day activities, are plentiful and varied to show that things today are not what they were. We no longer produce by hand, but by big, elaborate and complicated machinery that can supply our Wants easily if we only had the sense to control it. The ideas of society are also ve'iy much different. It is no longer a stigma for the wealthy to be engaged in trade and commerce. The power of the landed gentry has passed to the industrial capitalist, and with it the right to tax the former to help to run the business of the latter. The worker no longer owns his owns tools,or starts to work when he pleases and quits the same; but answers the factory whistle and works all day as a mere cog in the wheel of industry. He has no interest in his product and certainly no ownership. It is to be hoped that the experience through which the workers are now passing and the industrial shock which must come when the war is over, will have the effect of opening their eyes to a realization of their class position and therefore use a little of their fighting propensities to ther own material advantage. J. S. THE COST OF LIVING Prices—a la Marx, It is impossible to treat this matter as it should be treated, in a short article. The subject is fully dealt with by Marx in the first volume of Capital and the student will find therein a thorough treatment of a subject, without a knowledge of which no person can today lay claim to be educated; education being, as we understand it " a comprehension and knowledge of our relationship to our fellow beings and of those things that determine our actions both individual and social." Marxian Economics are not popular. A.s the Amsterdam professor has tersely put it "It is true that this theory has not been generally accepted—a thing that would be impossible from the social consequences of such acceptance" and he adds "but of all the economic theories, I claim that .that of Marx more and more interpj0_etrates all social science." We could not well expect that the spreading of the knowledge of a system of econ- I omics such as the Marxian, would be directed and financed by those upon whose industrial, financial and mercantile systems the said writer had focussed his extraordinary powers of analysis. The publication of the first volume of his work on Capital gave to the world the first complete account and description of the operations—all important to human society— that take place under the comprehensive term of .Industrialism. Apart from the fact that the scientific study of Economics was not conducive to the peace of mind of the controlling interests, there is no satisfactory explanation of the neglect of this all-important matter and the confusion that has been allowed to enshroud it—a confusion it is feared, that has. not always been beyond. reproach of having been deliberately planned. Human society has always had its attention attracted and rivetted upon a variety of matters, more or less—generally less— relevant to their interests. The The human unit has been and is ever worrying about his or her individual economic position. Why does not society, as a whole, take any interest in the economic position of society—as a whole? How much more forcibly served must be the evidence that the economic position of the individual is to-day inevitably bound up with that of the other units of society? If we are not yet satisfied on this point, and if reasoning the matter out is beyond us, we shall very soon have any "remaining doubt upon the subject dispelled by the cost of living, taxes and conditions of occupation. The club has been very busy among the ultra-individualists for some time now, and, if there are any left, it will be still busier with them in the immediate futue. But I digress. My excuse—that the subject is far removed . from the realm of individualist scope. It is emphatically a social matter, being not even confined by national bounds or limited to any class. Several days ago I made my way to a lecture. Generally speaking I plead not guilty of attending many lectures—with books one cannot argue, neither does one suffer therewith from the almost unre- strainable impulse to ask awkward questions. But the title of the lecture was attractive. It was anounced that a local professor was to dissertate upon the rising cost of living and the causes of this particular phenimenon. As it was a real professor that zwas going'to orate I thought that here at least was an opportunity to hear professional opinion on the matter, and that the opportunity was not to be lost, for one does not very often have the opportunity to listen to professional findings, at the figure, in these days of rising prices —there was no charge. Now I am not one of those who expect that, in the market of human activities, - anything can often be obtained for nothing—I mean anything that is of any value—and I do not think that I can claim that this general rule was broken on this occasion. Oh yes, we heard something. For instance we were told that prices really do vary up .and down—generally up. We were. also.shown one or two charts illustrating this fact. It is just at this point that I have a complaint to make, and my complaint takes the form of a protest against having the fact of an all round rise in prices irrefutably proven to me by charts, and mathematical calculations. My intelligence may be of a somewhat low order but I rather pride myself on having discovered that fact and it hurts imy vanity to have even a professor tell me that he is dubious as to whether or no I am sufficiently acquainted with that fact. And again, it is not a point that I wish to argue against. With the professor I will agree that the conceptions (if any) held by the public regarding the nature of money, are decidedly vague. Beyond the fact that its possession means access to practically all desirable things, and that lack of it means inability to procure even the necessities of existence, the man-in-the-street has but very little conception of the laws relating to its exchange for these desirables and necessities. If one were to ask the average man. or woman what was -meant by the statement that our monetary system was on a gold basis we should be regarded with an incredulous smile—he or she would not have believed that we were really eligible for the mad house unless they had actually heard us ask such a foolish question ! And yet such an one would not have any great difficulty in telling us that the yard stick was the standard measure for length, the pint-measure for quantities of liquid, the pound for weight and the cubic foot the standard measure for containing capacity. But the point is not hard, neither is it very jj obscure. We are looking for , the standard measure of value; that is a material whereby we may name[ a_d ex press the different values of these desirable and necesary commodities, at the same time acting as a medium of exchange that is a standard that will contain in itself a crystallization of that which it is required to measure—namely VALUE. In consequence of this virtue it will be directly exchangeable. And gold has been found to fulfil these requirements better than any other commodity; consequently gold won out in the competition and got the job of representing, and being the standard measure of values. However, we must establish what quantity of gold shall be the unit for our measuring. As the pound is our unit for weight, and our pint measure our unit for liquids, and our yard-stick our unit for length measurements, so we require a certain definite amount of gold to be our unit in value measurements. By what rneans.the exact quantity was decided upon we' are not concerned just now. That is a matter that belongs to the realm of numismatics, and is of no mater- . ial consequence to us. Twenty-five and eight-tenths (25.8) grains of gold nine-tenths. (.9), or ninety per cent, fine, constitutes our dollar. One hundred atfd 'twenty-threa .and 274-l,000tln3 grains of gop:d nine-tenths (.9) fine constitutes the British sovereign or pound, W§!k The ten per cent, alloy varies somewhat with different nations. I In British and American coinage it is chiefly copper, and in the Australian sovereigns' it is largely silver, the light color of the latter being on account of the stiver alloy. We now have our standard of measurement and comparison, by which, we can scale or compare other commodities. But what is the physical property of these oth- the whole sit physical basis the utility of -was gold er commodities that we are going to scale with units of gold, each piece of gold be ing twenty five and eight tenths grains Wm twenty two carat fineness (dollar pieces)? What common characteristics have . commodities in general—including g0ia__by which they can be compared? Upon examination we find that there are two points or characteristics that com modities have in common, and they are that they are useful to human society and .are the products of labor. In these two points we have the crux of uation. There is no tangible or on which we can compare ■ different commodities. We must stipulate that articles, to be exchanged on the market, are necessarily of use and in general demand. If an article be useless, then it is valueless, for the labor expended in its production has been wasted. Generally speaking the utility of a commodity has no effect whatever upon its exchange value in relation to another commodity—always providing, as stated before, that both be useful and in general demand. The ordinary social economists never seems to get beyond the idea that value (confused by them with price) is determined by the relative supply and demand of the commodities compared. Our professor hovered around this point. He did not appear to be absolutely certain of anything, except that prices fluctuated. All that he could perceive—and that dimly- that if there was a larger supply of . than necessary, we had to give more gold (money) than usual for the articles wc wished to purchase. If, on the other hand, these articles were in a more plentiful supply than usual, we could procure more of them than usual with our gold—that is, that they would be cheaper.. To put the matter concisely we were told that the fluctuations of supply and demand, of the various articles in the market, determined the exchange value of each; in other words that the abnormal, the variations, the exceptions to a rule constitute the rule itself! Beyond the superficial and patently evident fact, that, if the market were flooded with a particular commodity, then the price of this particular commodity (its exchange value ex- presed in gold) would fall very rapidly, our professor seemed totally unable to go. He even forget to mention that, if the market were flooded with gold in an equal, ratio, the price would necessarily remain the same Apart from floods and dearths, over- supply and under^-supply, over-consumption and under-eonsumption, we want to get at the rule or law of erchange. of which the variations seem to supply an unlimited cause of confusion, both welcome and unwelcome, conscious and unconscious to our professional economists. The law is simple and very evident. The value of an article is determined by the amount of social effort (labor) neces- . sary to produce it. In exchange,, equal values will naturally—-under normal cir cumstanees—exchange for each other; for "Things that are equal to the same tring are equal to one another." If we have two or more commodities,.each equal to the same amount of labor, we have then' commodities that are normally equal to each other in exchange." The secret of the increasing cost of living lies in the fact that the money-commodity gold is being produced with continually lessening effort. The cyanide, ■■limmntwi JSH ¥ THE WESTERN CLARION chlorination and other recently perfected methods of extraction and mining hav« reduced the effort and labor illustrated by costs) required to put gold on the market, and its value in exchange is consequently falling. Other commodities are falling in real value on account of labor saving machinery, but they are not falling as rapidly as gold, hence the amount of gold to be given for them is getting larger. Had the amount of effort required to produce these various commodities, including gold, lessened to the same extent in each, then their relative positions in the market would have remained the same—providing always that the supply and demand had remained in like relationship. Supply -and demand do not constitute value. These phenomena will vary prices above and below the normal value for an article and show themselves in exchange. The normal value of an article will express itself in a quantity of gold in which there is incorporated the like amount of social effort. Equal values will exchange. Should the time ever arrive when we are able to produce gold with the same facility that we can produce silver^ then the real value of these two commodities will be the same, subject of course to the variations of the local market supply and demand. Then we might establish a dual currency with the same weight of each metal to constitute a dollar. But should one or the other become procurable by easier means, then the one which remains stationary in real value would disappear from circulation and the dollars composed of it (the more valuable of the two) would go to a-premium. Had it been a physical possibility to keep the effort required to produce gold and silver at the same ratio, then the Bryan Silver Slogan of ''sixteen to one" would not have been so absurd. No legislature in the world can. over-rule the natural law of value. It has often been tried, and will no doubt be tried again, overwhelming the sponsers of such legislation with surprise at the obtrusively glaring manner in which the I market" ignores them. There are other matters, such as the extension of credits and rates of exchange, that have a slight bearing on market conditions, but they only form part of the fluctuations and variations that affect the law of value when values are confronted by each other in the great exchange of commodities that constitutes human society's industry and commerce. This is the labor theory of value or law of value "a la Marx." The question is often raised as to how the amount of "necesary social effort or labor" is to be estimated in the consideration of this matter. For our purposes the difficulty is solved by reducing the various kinds of labor to common or ordinary labor and calculating the quantity by time. This may seem somewhat crude to some, but when we consider the manner in which machinery of various kinds is displacing skilled labor on the trades and also thi" fact that the various occupations, ideally considered are a matter of natural inclination and adaptability, we do not find the difficulty quite so formidable. We might also bear in mind the fact that, if society were placed upon a sane industrial footing labor—as we know it—would be practically eliminated and our "necessary" occupations in comparison would be a picnic. But we are so acustomed to anarchy that we term it "law and order." W. W. LEFEAUX. The opening of Grecian history is one of the most momentous eras in the world's civilization. In war and peace, in literature and art, Greece won for herself in her early days a name and fame which no succeeding age has been able to outrival. Her history reaches backward until it blends with that of the Hebrews and the Persians, while her far-famed blind poet, Homer, carries us far into antiquity. The dramas of JEschylus, Sophocles and Euripides; the philosophic and critical disquisitions of Socrates, Aristotle and Plato; the vigorous and vivid satirical comedy of Aristophanes—these all pay eloquent tribute to the grandeur that was Greece. At the time of which we write, Greece was divided into various small states, Sparta, Athens, Macedonia, Corinth, Arcadia, etc. It is not within our province to 6!eal with the Dori^ the Persian, anU other invasions. Philip II, thfr third son of Amyntas II., King of Macedon, succeeded his father as monarch, By W. A. Pritchard. No. II. Philip of Macedon and Athens ^^^^■^^^""^^■^^^^■■■■■■■M_l_MBHH_N_M-_MIBiM_M-Ba_N_BH_MB since his eldest brother was assassinated and his next elder killed in battle. He soon established himself in power when only twenty-two years old and captured a city in Thrace, which he called Philipi, afterwards famous in Eoman history. There were gold mines in the surrounding country which gave Philip the means of purchasing support. He also built a navy and greatly augmented his army. When he attacked Byzantium, Athens intervened and prevented its conquest. The Athenians seem to have been alone in their attitude of regarding the defence of ~all the Greek states as a question of national interest. Their great orator, Demosthenes, set himself against what he imagined to be the selfish and ambitious purpos es of Philip, his great orations, the "Philipics" being directed against the Macedonian monarch's projects. Philip, however, owing to certain conquests and a few manoeuvres moved some of the practical difficulties, and the Athenians subscribed to a "treaty" which even Demosthenes felt compelled to recommend. Philip was able for a time to impress Athens with the notion that "honor" would hold the field, but his atack on the Olynthian state, which occasioned some of the most powerful speeches delivered by Demosthenes, made clear his fell purpose. Thus, despite the perfervid and denunciatory oratory of Demosthenes, and the feverish activities of the "Anti-Macedon" party which consequently arose, another "scrap of paper" went fluttering to the four winds before the stern and unrelenting blast of military expediency. m ;.we : ■ THE WESTERN CLARIO Socialist Party Directory SEND YOUR rintin AND Multi- raphing to us Thus You can help The Clarion. W&atH&MMKMaiKa ssBiir-"~*■ DOMINION EXECUTIVE COMMITTEE Socialist Party of Canada, meets every alternate) Monday 8 p.m/, Socialist Hall, N. E. cor. Pender and DuDnlevy Vancouver, B. C.—W. A. Pritchard, Secretary. BRITISH COLUMBIA PROVINCIAL Executive Committee, Socialist Party of Canada, mets same as above. ALBERTA AND SASKATCHEWAN PROVINCIAL EXECUTIVE COMMITTEE.—Secretary, Mrs. S. I. Johnson Knight, Box 785, Edmonton. Phone 4803. NEW BRUNSWICK PROVINCIAL EX- ECUTIVE COMMITTEE.—A Taylor, Secretary, East St. John, N. B. For Party literature and information on organization matters, etc., write to above address. LOCAL ALHAMBRA, No. 74 (Alta.) S. P. of C.—P. O. Peterson, Secretary, Horseguards, Alta. LOCAL CLAYTON, No. 83 (B.C.)) S. P. of C.—John T. DDempster, Secretary, Clayton, B. C. LOCAL CRAWFORD BAY, No. 72 (B.C.), S. P. of C.—J. E. McGregor, Secretary Crawford Bay, B. C. LOCAL CUMBERLAND, B. C, No. 70.— Business metings every first and third Sunday in the month, at 10:30 a.m., Economic classes every Monday and Friday, at 7 p.m.,- in the Socialist Hall opposite P. O. Regular Propaganda meetings at every opportunity. C. Walker, Box 312, coresponding and financial secretary. LOCAL ECKVILLE, No. 58 (Alta.), S. P. of C.—J. E. Lundberg, Secretary, Eck- ville, Alta. LOCAL ENDERBY, No. 65, S. P. of C— Business metings first Sunday in each month at 2:30 p.m. Propaganda third Sunday in each month at 2:30 p.m., in the Theatre, Main St.. Everybody welcome. J. Pilkington, Secretary, R. R. No. 4, Armstrong, B. C. LOCAL EDMONTON No. 1, S. P. of C—- Free reading room and headquarters at 715 Second St. Propaganda meetings every Sunday in the'Bijou Theat- inis every Sunday in the Bijou Theatre, First St., at 8 p.m. Business meetings every Tuesday at 8 p.m. J. L. McKenzie, organizer. E. H. Flegg, secretary, P. O. Box 785. LOCAL ERSKINE, No. 32 (Alta), S. P. of C.—A. A. McNeill, Secretary, Erskine, Alta. LOCAL FERNIE, S. P. of C, hold eduction! maeetings in the Socialist Hall, every Sunday at 7. Business meetings third Stmday in each month, 7:30 p.m. Economic class every Sunday afternoon at 2:30. Oscar Erickson, Secretary, Box 505. LOCAL FLOWERDALE, No. 71 (Alta.), S. P. of C.—Mrs. J. B. Macdonald, Secretary, B'ichdale, Alta. LOCAL FERGUSON FLATS, No. 85 (Alta),—©. L. Fuller, Secretary, Ferguson Flats, Alta. LOCAL KINDERSLEY, No. 10 (Sask.) S. P. of C.—W. K. Bryce, Secretary, Collins, Sashk. LOCAL LETHBRIDGE, ALTA., No. 13, S. P. of C.—Meets every Sunday at 3:30 p.m., in Miners' Hall. Secretary, W. Shaw, 624—14th St., S. Wm. Devoy Organiser. MEDICINE HAT (Lettish) Local S. P. of C. Meets first Sunday in the month at 528 C Princess Ave., J. R. Kalnin, Secretary. ■ LOCAL MARKERVILLE, No. 31 (Alta.), S. P. of C—S. E. Baldwin, Secretary, Markerville, Alta. LOCAL MONTREAL, No. 1, S. P. of C— Headquarters, 98 City Councillor St. Open every evening. Business meetings Wednesdays at 8 p.m. Smoker last Saturday in each month. LOCAL ROSSLAND, No. 25, S. P. of C. —Meets in Miners' Hall every change Sunday at 7:30 p.m. Will Jones, Box 125, Secretary. LOCAL SUNDIAL, No. 70 (Alta), S. P. of C.—Mrs. A. Thorburn, Secretary, Sundial, Alta. LOCAL SILVER LEAF, No. 101 (Alta.) S. P. of C.—Ed. Haugen, Secretary, Baraca, P. O. Alta. LOCAL ST. CATHERINES, No. 30 (Ont.) S. P. of O—D. Thomson, Secretary, 9 Mary Street. LOCAL ST. JOHN, N. B., No. 1, S. P. of O—Visiting Comrades welcomed. Secretary, Stanford E. White,' 24 Main St. LOCAL TRAIL, No. 37 (B.C.(, S. P. of C. —D. Wilson, Secretary, Box 531. LOCAL TRAVERS, No. 55 (Alta.), S. P. ofC.—W. A. Brown, Secretary, Trav- ers, P. P., Alta. LOCAL VANCOUVER, No. 1, S. P. of C. —Business meeting every Tuesday evening. Economic Class every Sunday at 3 p.m. Education Class every. Wednesday at 8 p.m. at Headquarters, Socialist Hall, N. E. cor. Pender and Dunlevy. Miss H. Harvey, Secretary. VANCOUVER LETTISH LOCAL No. 58, S. P. of C.—Business meeeting every first Sunday of the month and propaganda meeting every third Sunday at 2 p.m. Open to everybody, at Socialist Hall, N.E. cor. Pender and Dun- levy. Secretary, R. Amat, Box 667. LOCAL VANCOUVER, B. C, No. 45, Fin- nish. Meets every second and fourth Wednesdays in the month at 2215 Pender St. East, Ovia Lind, Secretary. LOCAL VICTORIA, No. 2, S. P. of C— Headquarters and Reading Room, 1424 Government St., Room 8. Business meetings every second and fourth Tuesday in the month. Secretary, Fred Harman, 1424 Government St. LOCAt WINNIPEG, No.. 11., S. P. of C. —Headquarters, Room 7—540 Main St, Secretary, J. Waters. LOCAL OTTAWA, No. 8 (Ont.) S. P. of C—Secretary, A. G. McCallum, 276 Laurier Ave. THE WESTERN OLJRION TFORM Socialist Party of Canada We, the Socialist Party of Canada, affirm our allegiance to, and support of, the principles and program of the revolutionary working: class. Labor, applied to natural resources, produces all wealth. The present economic system is based upon capitalist ownership of the means of production, consequently, all the products of labor belong to the capitalist class. The capitalist is therefore master; the worker a slave. So long as the capitalist class remains in possession of the reins of government all the powers of the State will be used to protect and defend its property rights in the means of wealth production and its control of the product of labor. The capitalist system give to the capitalist an ever-swelling stream of profits, and to the worker, an ever-increasing measure of misery and degradation. The interest of the working class lies in setting itself free from capitalist exploitation by the abolition of the wage system, under which this exploitation, at the point of production, is cloaked. To accomplish this necessitates the transformation of capitalist property in the means of wealth production into socially controlled economic forces. The irrepressible conflict of interest between the capitalist and the worker necessarily expresses itself as a struggle for political supremacy. This is the Class Struggle. Therefore, we call all workers to organize' under the banner of the Socialist Party of Canada, with the object of conquering the political powers, for the purpose of setting up and enforcing the economic program of the working class, as follows: 1. The transformation, as rapidly as possible, of capitalist prop- fpkfi'erty in the means of wealth production (natural resources, factories, mills, railroads, etc.) into collective means of production. 2. The organization and management of industry by the work-v ing class. 3. The establishment, as speedily as. possible, of production for use instead of production for profit. VANCOUVER LOCAL NO. 1 NDING HEADQUARTERS SOCIALIST HALL, N.E. cor. PENDER & DUNLEVY, VANCOUVER Economics^ Philosophy, History, Biology, etc., etc. The best works o nthe above subjects by the greatest writers of the last century: Marx, Engels, Dietzgen, Labriola, La- fargue, Darwin, Huxley, Benjamin Kidd, and many others. Most of the works in this Library cannot be found in any othat in the city, not even in the Carnegie Library. Membership per annum: Fifty cents. Socialist Party of Canada MANIFESTO With introduction written specially by the author of the original. Whole work revised and re-cast. Now Ready. $6.00 PEE 100, EXPRESSAGE PAID. ., j PAMPHLETS . Issued by the DOMINION EXECUTIVE COMMITTEE (Prices include Express Charges) (3) WAGE-WORKER AND FARMER "'|J| (Pilkington) Price—Per 100, $4.50; Per Dozen, 55 cents; per Copy, 10 cents. (6) - WHAT IS SOCIAMISM ? Hardenburg) Price-^-Per 100, $5,550; Per Dozen, 70 cents; per Copy, 10 cents. 'ropaganda | Meeting Vancouver Local No. 1 -■'■'■ S. P. of C. EVERY SUNDAY, 8 pm. REX THEATRE, Hastings Street. Boost the Western Clarion
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