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Pritchard, W.A.
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& WESTERN JCLARI The Official Organ of the Socialist Party of Canada. NO. 782 VANCOUVER, B.C., JULY, 1916 MONTHLY, 5C. TO THE WORKERS OF BRITISH COLUMBIA. MB, "We who address you have a policy distinct and different from that of any other party engaged in this election. As workingmen to ' workingmen we wish to point out certain facts with regard to conditions as they exist today. Society as at, present constituted is based upon the ownership of the means of life—the land, mills, mines, railroads, etc.—by the capitalist class, in consequence of which the workers, by whose labor wealth alone is produced, are enslaved. There is, therefore, an antagonism of interest between those who possess but do not produce, and those who produce and do not possess. This antagonism can be abolished only through the emancipation of the working class from the domination of the master class, by transforming the property of the master class into productive forces controlled and administered by the whole of society for the benefit of all. The machinery of the State, including the armed forces—army, navy, police, judiciary, etc.—exists only to conserve the interest of the master class. The workers, therefore, must organize on class conscious lines for the purpose of capturing the powers of government, so that these forces may be converted from an instrument of oppression into the agent of emancipation. Since all political^ parties are the expression of certain class interests, and as the interest of the workers is oposed to the interests of all sections of the master class, the party whose object is working class emancipation must be hostile to every other party. The Socialist Party of Canada, therefore, enters this election cam paign for the purpose of giving expression to the war it must wage against all other political parties, whether alleged LABOR or avowedly CAPITALIST. Within the past few months charges of wholesale graft and robbery have been the order of the day. From one end of the country to the other brilliant examples of "honesty as the best policy" have been" furnished us. From Roblin's Parliament Building swindle in "Winnipeg, to the irregularities of the Liberal politicians in Regina; from the Kyte and Carvell charges in connection with munition orders at Ottawa, to the demonstration of "clean politics" in "Vancouver, when pluggers were imported to vote as often as possible, for absentees and dead men, the highly moral story runs. ^^ Of course, we are not concerned very much about these things. The wealth was not grafted from us. Being wage workers, alive to the system of exploitation under which we live, we recognise that we are ROBBED when we produce things, and not when we buy them. And in any case, we are not of those who buy Parliament Buildings or munitions of war. We have never had the price. These things, nevertheless, serve to show us the kind of persons who, today, as Liberal and Tory, make specious promises to the "dear people", and contiually cry for a "clean" government. Understanding what government is, a means of keeping slaves well governed, and the rankness of the system of society which obtains today, we know that "clean" government is merely the production of a distorted\Tory or Liberal brain. So-called issues, raised by any section of the class whose function, at present, is to rule and rob, are of no interest to us. The "Full Dinner Pail" in a land flowing with wealth exploited from the workers, is an insult that no other animal but the human kind would tolerate. Free breakfasts for school children, old age pensions (when you are seventy; you are in the bread-line at twenty- one!), state insurance, railroad policies, free land for settlers—in a country where those who now have thus settled cannot find a market for their produce—all these things are of no interest to those whose only portion is that of the slave. Wages, representing so much food, clothing and shelter, when you are working; a place in the bread-line when the master no longer has need of you— these are the alternate positions, which unembers of the working class occupy. Six hundred years ago the means for producing wealth were very crude, yet a man could produce enough to keep his family and himself for a whole year by twelve weeks' labor. What vast strides have since been made in the means of producing wealth, and how many , times has the fertility of our toil been multiplied! Yet -men like Campbell Banner- man and Lloyd eGorge have confessed that "about 30 % of the populi- tion of Britain is living in the grip of perpetual poverty." That is a wonderful state of af fairs in an Empire about whose untold wealth we are now urged to wax so enthusiastic! And what has been the effect of the won'derful increase in the productivity of human labor? Has it raised those who work above that poverty line? It has not, and if yoa are only honest with yourself you know we speak the truth. The workers are compelled to become the WAGE-SLAVES of those who own the mines, mills, railroads, etc. i ^38 ml mmtm> ■ n]**<*v<**>yiMp*~*- mmm. If the workers in the Middle Ages produced more than they required, they could store it against a rainy day, leave it to rot in the fields, or take a layoff and produce less. Today, however, the wealth produced by the working class in excess of what is essential to its own maintenance, belongs to the master class. It accumulates until the world market becomes glutted and the warehouses are full, throws the workers out of jobs because there cannot be found any to buy the product of their toil and thus relieve the situation. Not only so; it brings a problem to the master class of finding an outlet for their surplus goods and so the workers, from whom it has been extracted, are called upon to display their loyalty by shouldering a rifle for the purpose of shooting their fellow workers of other lands in order that a market may be located wherein this stolen wealth may be sold. We, therefore, call upon the workers of this Province to study the conditions of their own miserable existence, and realize the cause >"or the same". To those who desire to register a protest against this system of exploitation, and go on record as being opposed to the continuation of wage- slavery, we say: Support at the polls, in the forthcoming election, the nominees of the Socialist Party of Canada. THE B. C. PROVINCIAL EXECUTIVE COMMITTEE. RUSSIA'S FIGHT FOR "LIBERTY." The great event which is occupying the attention of the people at the present time, of course, is the European situation. From the press, platform and pulpit the "slackers" have been told of the various motives why the different /nations struggle. It has been said that Britain "has stepped in on behalf of little Belgium, and that she is fighting for liberty and justice and against Hunnish brutalities. In France we hear that they are fighting for exactly the same thing, whilst Russia, in spite of her bloody Sundays, Siberian prisons and other THE WESTERN CLARION examples of supreme justice, has finally ranged -herself along with her allies as fighting for "liberty." This only came through the press this week, although many who understand the press, have been expecting it. In a certain sense this fight for liberty is really a fact, but to understand Russia's real aim we must try to find out what is meant by liberty in this particular case. Perhaps the following from the Toronto Tele- gram.of April 25th, 1916, will enlighten us somewhat. It says: "During the course of his recent speech in the Duma, M. Milmkoff, the Russian Liberal leader said^ 'Our Russian interest in this war can be defined briefly. 1 We need an outlet to a free sea. We did not begin this war for this; but without it we shall not end it. (Loud prolonged cheers from all benches) The annexation of the Dardanelles is in no way an attempt to enlarge the Russian frontiers, Russia is big enough, and has no need for new territories, but her complete development cannot possibly be realised. In our time when the old idea of continentalism is dead, when international relations demanding a sea may have become the order of the day, the State without such comunications is an organism without the necessary organs.' " Apparently the freedom or liberty that is required by Russia is to export .goods without hindrance by other Powers, and it would seemvas if this is the price that must be paid if Russian help and co-operation is. given to bring the war to a successful end. T. M. THE WESTERN CLARION bear fruit in making war inevitable. The most remarkable passage written by Engels, almost thirty years ago, is as follows: "And, finally, no other wars will be possible for Prussia (Germany) but a world war, a war so extensive and frightful as has been hitherto unthought of. Eight to ten million soldiers will murder one another, and incidentally devour Europe as would a swarm of locusts. The devastations of the Thirty Years' War pressed together into three or four years and spread over the- entire continent; famine, epidemics, a partial return to savagery on the part of the ar^_ mies and the masses of the people, brought about by acute suffering; demoralization of trade, industry, and credit, ending in general bankruptcy! An absolute impossibility to predict how all will end and who will be the victor. One thing is absolutely certain, general exhaustion and the bringing about of the conditions which will be necessary for the final victory of the working class! "This is what must be looked forward .to when the system of competitive armament will have borne its inevitable fruits. To this pass, princes and statesmen, you have brought Europe, and if nothing else is left you but to start the last great war dance, we may as well be satisfied with it. The war may, perhaps, force us into the background for the moment; may even take from us many a position we have conquered, but if you loose the forces which you are afterwards unable to control, things might as well go as they will." —New York Call. THE EUROPEAN SITUATION. By Moses Baritz ALTA. REID DEFENCE FUND FREDERICK ENGELS ON THE WORLD WAR. What Frederick Engels tjhought about a future world-wide war is clearly shown in a part of a preface written by him in 1887 for a new edition of Borkeim's book, "Zur Erinnerung an die Deutschen Mords- patrioten" ("A Momento for the German Jingoes"). In this foreword Engels places the responsibility on the system of competitive armament, and declares this to be the factor which will finally Previously acknowledged $396.50 Per W, A. Pritchard, A. C. McCallum, Otawa 1.00 Malcolm McNeill, Erskine 5.00 Per W. A. P., W. J. Curry, Van 1.0 Per Com. Thomson, St. Catherine's Local No. 30, Ottawa J|| 5.00 Per P. O. Peterson, Alhambra Local Alta .w., J|N-00 Per Mrs. J. R. Masdonald, W. G. McClusky I ■ 1.00 A Sympathiser .60 Per W. A. P., W. W. Lefeaux Vancouver 1.00 Per Wm. McCall, Local Ridgeway, Alta 5.00 Per H. Dorch, Local Vulcan, Alta .10 Total $426.20 II.—Germany. The latest news from Germany shows the ever widening split in the ranks of thej Social-Democratic Party. The party has been divided into a "majority" which means the main portion of the delegation in the Reichstag, supporting the war, and the rest including Haase, Ruhle, Liebknecht, et al, are called the "minority." As a consequence of "this division, the whole of the movement in Germany is split up into the "majority''1 and "minority" sections. The former favor the war, the latter are against the method of continuance, iiiiip Both sections have stirred every possible latent force to get control of the party paper, "Vorwarts." The editorial policy of the paper has been against the patriotic stand taken by the "majority." The editor,. Kunow, has done everything in his power to put an end to the authority of the patriots. His statement appearing in the paper, that only the agreement with the Party, which is statutory, made him publish the notices of the Executive Committee, which is patriotic. The E. C. have, therefore, tried their utmost to get rid of Kunow, and replace him with an editor in line and agreement with the "majority." But they were attempting too much, for it caused an outburst of indignation in the locals, in and around Berlin, which met and violently attacked the action of the Executive Committee, passing a resolution which contained the statement that "The Executive's action is in gross contradiction to the principles and international duties of the Socialist Party, and an act which would lead not only to the utter ruin of the Party, but also the undermining of the Party's unity.'' They go on to say that they are determined to free the paper from the pressure of the Executive, "with all the energy in their power, so that it might be conducted according to the tenets of the Berlin Socialists, and in the true spirit of Social-Democratic principles." At Duisberg, a similar resolution was passed against the un warranted action of the E. C. in connection with the Duisberg party paper. In Leipzig and Dresden, there is a complete division about paying dues to the party. The income of the party ,has been spent by the "majority" in issuing pamphlets and leaflets attacking the attitude and stancj of the minority. One of the branches in Leipzig passed a resolution calling upon the members jaot to pay any more dues to the party. In Dresden there was quite an Irish night recently. The two sections of the party had a "tiff," and the noise was so tumultuous that the police hacLio clear the hall. Most interesting of all the news from Germany is contained 'in the "Berner Tagwaeht,M which says that it has been asked to deny the rumor that Kar-1 Liebknecht was assaulted by Germans who were exasperated by his actions in the Reichstag. The paper says: "Quite the contrary, in fact, we learn from a particular source, that Herr Liebknecht's position has been greatly strengthened" by the energetic attitude adopted to the Socialists of Berlin, Hamburg and Breslau, who have declared by a large majority that they share Herr Liebknecht's views." That simply shows that there is a greater amount of liberty of expression in Germany than our tainted and putrid press care to give publicity to. We have been told times out of number, that if we were in Germany, we would have been shot, roasted, burnt, or starved to death for expressing some mild opinion. The news to hand from that country does not bear out that lie. On the other hand things are transpiring there that become both amusing and serious to us. Take for example the latest action of the Kaiser in hobnobbing about "with the Socialist (!) Deputies. Says the "Manchester Guardian" in an article printed on April 22nd:— "Before he left for Verdun the Kaiser had a private audience with Herr Ebert and Herr Scheidemann the Reichstag Socialist leader. The audience took place at the new palace, Potsdam'. The Kaiser first inquired as to the Social Democratic attitude towards a prolonged war, and heard without surprise that a party split was imminent. The Kaiser said that he was not a deadly foe of programmatic Socialism of Marxian economic kind, that he had never assailed Socialist economics, but had censured the German Socialists because they were anti- patriotic and encouraged disorder. He said: 'Neither of these things is an essential part of Social Democracy as propounded by Marx. Marx was an economist. Now that the Socialists have abjured the anti-patriotic doctrine and stand solid also for order and discipline during the war, the gulf between us is narrow.' " 111 'The Emperor next reproached Herr Ebert for the thanklessness of his party. He pointed out that the party opposed as long as thirty-five years ago the first sick insurance scheme, and that it opposed the subsequent labor insurance and factory legislation scheme, although the Conservative politicians who initiated these schemes accepted Socialist economies. Germany is the leading Socialist State; France has had Socialist Ministers who did nothing to advance Socialist legislation, while official Germany quietly nationalised railways, passed all the insurance schemes and factory laws, interfered in the working- class interests in the balance of production by encouraging special industries, and has now practically nationalised industry. Industry has been nationalised for war purposes; the State by advancing money to manufacturers is practically owner of factories; and. no one doubts that these measures will continue after the war. Nothing remains to be settled between the Government and Socialists except the question of the possession of power; and if the Socialists had a Reichstag majority, or could create one with the aid of the Liberals, no one could prevent the Socialists getting a measure of administrative power." The paper goes on to state that the Kaiser seeks out Socialists and THE WESTERN CLARION li-A-WW www wtiwaiifimmin.tiwm; decorates and offers money to them, which is refused. He told a Socialist non-commissioned officer that "Germany had been saved by her Socialists.'' This 'story simply indicates the state of the mind of the "patriotic" Socialists. To the Kaiser and his supporters, as well as to those in England who accept the same method, such. as the Hyndman—Macdonald clique, nationalising the State resources ds Socialism. Instituting murdering devices of a highly Christian and mechanical character, is a kind of Socialism. Such is the nonsense that the German Social-Democrats have been fed onSSuch is the piffle that the English S. D. P. and 1 L. P. have taught. The only hope lies in the complete destruction of the so-called Socialist parties, and a reorganization of those who will not add to the throng that uses our class as a road upon which to ride to pelf and place. And that hope seems within an ace of realization. (Next issue: France.) OUR POSITION. WITH an election coming off during the next few months, a little discussion of the probable fake issues that the hirelings of capitalism will endeavor to again bait their hooks with might now be of some slight interest to the suckers they wish to catch. The work sucker is here applied to the working stiff whether he masquerades under the garb of a direct wage slave or an indirect one such as i s found in that all important element called small business men and ranchers. Exception will likely be taken by many of these slaves to the term sucker and slave; but I again assert most emphatically that as a class the term applies, and am prepared to prove it. Anyone who has any logical argument to the contrary is invited to reply through the columns of this paper. If I am bitter and sarcastic in dealing with these servile slaves the fault lies with them alone. For years we of the Socialist Party of Canada have used our best efforts to point out the class nature of all capitalist legislation, and have stood ready at all times to prove beyond a doubt that nothing short of the overthrow of the present system of exploitation can in any measure improve the position of the exploited class—the world's workers. In spite of our warnings and appeals, the rest of our cla'ss, the suckers aforementioned, have repeatedly fallen for the masters' bait, and voted themselves and us. once more into slavery. Any cause for bitter ness on our part? No adjective-could be found sufficiently expressive when used with the word slave to reveal our contempt and disgust with the actions of this servile class of slaves. But let us get back to our subject, the probable bait for this election. For a time it looked as though the Liberals were going to fight it out on the prohibition question, but Mr. Bowser saw in this a juicy morsel also, for baiting political hooks. Hence the Liberals have to look for other means of catching votes. By the way the graft probes are proceeding it bids fair to be a matter of resorting to that old and trusty trick of hood-winking the worker by making him believe that if A and B had been honest and divided the booty stolen from the workers. everything would have been lovely, but the whole cause of the latter's poverty was to be found in the fact that A had grafted on B and got the lion's share or vice versa. Consequently the workers' salvation lies in electing a clean government, a bunch of fine fellows who will see to it that the employing class are only allowed their' legitimate profits (the polite way of saying everything but the slave's hide) and any attempt made by the employers of labor to graft or rob one another will be severely punished by this honest government. Now you exalted specimens of working class plugs, have you not swallowed just such guff as this year after year, and are you prepared-to stand up again in your own defence against the charge of being a sucker and servile slave? With every change of government you have been led to expect relief from your galling chains, but they are more tightly riveted to you now than ever before, not because you have a more dishonest government ruling you, but because the growth of the present system of robbery (that you have so often voted for) cannot continue to exist without more and more misery and poverty as the slaves' reward. If you took a few minutes each evening and studied the literature the Socialists everywhere are trying to induce you to read you would understand the situation, and be in a position to easily detect the tricks of slimy' politicians. You have no trouble in understanding that a bank robber would not hesitate for a moment to employ the smoothest tongued liar he could employ if it suited his purpose in aiding him to obtain the booty. Then why are you so dense and so slow in perceiving that which concerns you so much ? Can you not see that to cloak the method as well as the magnitude of the legalized exploitation of the world's workers is the first and most urgent concern of the capitalist class. They will stop at nothing,and to jail our Socialist speakers on any pretext in order to prevent you becoming enlightened is a part of the game. All kinds of tricks are employed by this class to fool you, but the most common method is to make you believe that honest governments a>e what you want. Elect a good honest man and your future is assured. Oh, the irony! Can such a man be found in a capitalist party? A party that exists for the sole purpose of ruling you and keeping you peacefully and quietly surrendering profits (unpaid labor) to them, the capitalist class? You understand from the word honest a man who would not take for himself that which did not belong to him. Well, the wealth of the world belongs to those who have the power to make you and I produce it, and surrender it to them. The class that is numerically weak is powerful enough to force a class that is numerically strong to surrender this wealth. Why? How? We slaves are for the most part ignorant of the fact that we are doing so, and many ! who know they are robbed are ignorant of how it is done. The power of the masters is vested in their political control and that control you gave them when you elected your honest politician, who (ignorantly perhaps, but that does not excuse him) has been doing his part in the game of deceiving you and making you fork over. Now the position of our Class has been repeatedly stated in the columns of the "Clarion" and no man or woman in Canada has any excuse for remaining ignorant of the cause of his or her slavery as long as he or she can obtain our literature or subscribe for this paper. All phases of the Socialist movement are dealt with from time to time and all the tricks of the hirelings of capitalism to hoodwink the workers are laid bare, hence why should you not study a matter of such moment to you? Why take such interest in reading of the manner in which the capitalists quarrel over the booty, seeing that this booty was surrendered by you at the point of production? Why not find out why it is that our class who brought all this wealth into existence possess none of it now and never did. The betterment of your material welfare is your main object you admit, as from this foundation alone can you attain your fullest moral, physical and mental development. Your poverty is largely the cause of all your deficiencies, whether they be moral physical or intellectual^, and your greatest enemy the class of leeches that live from the product of your toil. A very slight insight into the magnitude of the amount we have been robbed of in the past can be obtained by considering for a moment the daily cost of the war to Great Brit" ain, which is nearly one million dollars per hour. This represents but a very small portion of the weajlth robbed from the workers at the point of production. Remember thi% that it is the capitalist class that educates you from the cradle up. Every school book is very carefully got up in a manner designed to mould the minds of the young to think as it suits the THE WESTERN CLARION masters. JfeAlmost every paper issued outside the Socialist publications are .directly or indirectly con- , trolled by a company of capitalists. Therefore they feed and guide your mind as suits them, and on second thought any child would see the wisdom of such a course. Wholesale robbery is made to read "Legitimate profits," legalized mUrder "war," slavery "honest labor," and slaves "laborers or servants." Yes they are wise to their interests. Never, then will you wake from your intellectual stupor as long as you swallow such dope. Buy a few Socialist pamphlets and wake up. Read this paper every issue and don't forget that we all are not able to see the same point when viewed from the same angle. The point I have tried to drive home you may not see, but some other writer next month may show the same thing up in another way, and you may grasp it at once. Thus you see the necessity of reading all the literature you can get on the subject of Socialism or working class emancipation. I venture to predict that you, prejudiced by the poison of the capitalist press as you may be, will yet, before you have experienced half of the misery and poverty you have yet to face in the depression that will follow in the wake of the war, be perhaps more vehement in your denunciation of the apathy and stupid" ity of your fellow workers than I have been, after you have caught a glimpse of the truth. Speed the day- Ip J. PILKINGTON. HiECKEL!—WHOSE "HACK?" THE 'pundit' who is penning these phrases has often been taken to task by other "pundits" for what they were pleased to call his want of respect toward the towering genius of the Jena Professor of biology. Nevertheless, we remain unrepentant, and as it has been lately shown that the learned gent is a most hun- nish Hun amongst Hunnish Huns, we suppose that the aforementioned perambulating "propundities" will cry encore to the following, with great acclaim. Let it be made plain, however, that we have nothing but respect for Hgeckel the biologist, but for Hasckel the world-moulder, Hseekel the general advisory council and censor— of one, about as much admiration as we have for a dead dog or the Old Testament. Hasckel on eternity is about as rational a guide as Billy Sunday or the late lamented King of the Cannibal Islands. But then what else can be expected of a scientist who is sponsor for "A Monistic Science, based upon Pure Reason?" Why not upon pure milk, or pure water, or pure nonsense? Pure reason ! Listen to this' Monist advocate of metaphysics whose reason is so pure that, strange to say, it is colored and compounded of pure jingoism. His "Science, Eternity and Life" contains the following Monistic gems altogether designed to' smooth the thorny way for the German soldier and to forge an excuse— a scientific excuse-^-for those upon whom the responsibility of this awful slaughter rests. He paints a terrible picture of the modern battlefield and calls upon mankind to witness the suffering of "Our noble, finely educated German volunteers tortured and maimed in inhuman fashion by the 'hyenas' of the battlefield, the barbarian Indians and cruel Senegal negroes," never pausing to ask himself why these selfsame, "finally educated, etc." are there, or if men of the calibre indicated would not be sufficiently intellectual to refuse altogether to risk such a fate at the behest of half a dozen '' patriots.'' The Pure Reason by no means suggests to him the advisability of calling upon the German worker to fight for himself, to turn and rend his master, for ' | if his ethical development is high enough for him to have achieved the proper balance between egoism and altruism he will be also mindful of his social duty to the State and gladly offer up his life for the preservation of the Fatherland"—which, of course, science, economics and o'bservation show, he hasn't got. The professor is justly scornful of the religious zealot who wages war for the sake of winning "heaven," but considers it the duty (Continued on page 9.) ■■up imiwumhw^m^iatmi mm THE WESTERN CLARION The Western Clarion Published toy the Socialist Party of Canada at the office of the Western Clarion, 169 Georgia St. 23. Vancouver, B. C. Subscription Bates: Per 20 issues Per 10 issues Bundle Bates:—3 cents per issue* :j$y§ Ihbm_jw-'-• In making remittance by cheque, exchange must be added. Address all communication to W. A. Pritchard Managing-Editor, 169 ueorgia St. E. Vancouver, B. C. If yor: receive this paper it Is paid for. 1.00 0.50 per copy EDITORIAL PAGE PRINCIPLES AND TACTICS "In times like these," when self- styled* Socialists are vociferously biting the atmosphere and indulging in other mulish practices in the interest of '' their' I several countries; when compromise and confusion exist in profusion on every hand; when, to the casual observer in the working class, a party is given credit for the label it carries, and it becomes difficult for such to distinguish between those"Socialist Parties" which are Socialist and those which are not, a statement re our position becomes increasingly urgent. WM / We are perfectly willing to admit that, in the past, the Socialist Party of Canada has been woefully lacking in discipline, but, particularly in the last two years, many strides have been made in Party /organization, etc., that bid fair to put us on a clear and unmistakeable~ trail. That many individuals have not adhered any too closely to the path of Socialist recti- tud % we are willing to confess along with our other confessions of sins of omission and commission (principally omission!). The only reason for our eager haste to appear in print on this matter is that there may be some who still persist in shelving questions of this kind as though insignificant. For ourselves we prefer not to wink our eyes and pass them by. The editorial policy of the "Clarion" is not the result of one person's consuming*- desire to have things done his way, but is the expression of the stand to be inevitably taken by those who understand Socialist "Principles" and desire to apply them at all times, to "Tactics!" Thus, with the "^sanction of the Party itself, we have been enabled to clear away much of the misunderstanding in the organization, arising from lack of discipline in the past. We have changed the Pa*rty Platform; we have asserted the Socialist position on religion; we have stated our position with respect to our members appearing on other platforms, except in opposition; and we have stated also our position with respect to persons, other than party members, acting as propagandists for us (see minutes of D. B. C. meeting June 8th, 1916). In short, we have almost established some kind of discipline within the party.- One thing alone appears to be lacking. The quality of the propaganda generally cannot be questioned; the. tone of the "Western Clarion" may not be "loud," but it is "correct," if rather "deep." But one thing remains: the application of principles to.tactics. The Socialist Philosophy is based upon the Materialist Conception of History. The class, antagonisms existing in society today form the basis for our action. Since, therefore, our platform, our Party Manifesto, ' our official organ, our every pronouncement, are expressions of the . realization of that /Class Struggle everywhere manifested today under capitalism, those who, in any way^ side in their political activities with any who are but the political henchmen of the master class, either have not read their lines very well, or else deliberately play the game of'the ruling class. And in such a case they must, necessarily, be acting against the interests of the working class. This holds good in every country having -working class organizations on the political field. The Socialist Party of Canada is composed of individuals. If any individual member deviates in his 'public political capacity the party as a WHOLE as- supies the responsibility of such error. The individual cannot be separated from the party to which he belongs. Those who violate party principles and still remain immune irom discipline, do so because the party is at fault. If "tactical blunders" occur they can generally be traced to lack of principle, or unwillingness to put that principle into effect. If we condone acts contrary to Socialist principles merely because Comrade X has been a good war-horse in the past, the party with all its various forms of propaganda, professedly for the purpose of enlightening the workers to a realization of the Class Struggle, becomes a mere farce. And if the game we are playing is to become farcical we may as well quit at once and leave the field to those whom conditions will raise up to carry on the work of Socialist education without fear and without favor. On the slightest interference with principles, discipline should and must follow no matter whom the individual may be. If our personal associations and friendships are to be made excuses for refraining from the enforcement of discipline then our associations and friendships should be given a good look over, for, in the business to winch we have set ourselves, sentiment and personal favors can have no part. W. A. P. CAPITALISM'S DEN OF THIEVES MAJOR General Sir Sam Hughes Canada's governmental Frederick Barbarosa, is- enjoying to an enormous degree the popularity which comes from constant attendance beneath the public calcium. With that self-imposed superiority, wholly unwarranted by his ability in any particular direction, he frankly . announced with his usual unmitigated bombast, two days after the tragic death of Lord Kitchener, that he had informed Briton's War Secretary of the utter untenability of the Ypres salient. Prior to this, he imparted the startling information that 6,000 Canadians had been lost in one week. But that is not all. Press despatches from Ottawa, as given in the St. Louis Globe-Democrat of May 12th, unfold a lovely story of "stay-at- home '' patriotism. According to B. F. Yoakum, former official of the 'Frisco Railroad, the sum of $475,000 as commission was to be paid to himself (Yoakum) on account of certain Canadian munition orders. Of this amount fifty per cent, was tq be turned over to J. Wesley Allison, Hughes' business associate and companion. Other payments out of this amount, according to Yoakum, were to be made as follows: $105,000 to Mabel Edwards, sister- in-law to Allison. $10,000 to Major George Washington Stephens, of Montreal. $30,000 to Col. Wm. McBain, one of Sir Sam's proteges. $50,000 to Eugene Lignanti. Before the Meredith-Duff commission on Tuesday, May 30th, 1916, the Minister of Militia made reference to "a ring of British agents in New York" engaged in unscrupulous methods of war trading. A '' den of thieves" in very truth! ^With a clearing house at New York, this gigantic armament octopus has, we understand, agents in Turkey, and Canada, Germany and Japan, the United States and anywhere and everywhere that opportunities of doing business along the lines of "preparing for a bitter and enduring war" in times of peace, or "preparing the foundation for a sweet and lasting peace" in times of war present themselves. This, of course, is part and parcel of capitalist enterprise, a part of business, of which we workers are supposed to understand nothing whatever, and, concerning which, by the way, we are noiTperpared to become unduly excited. These fabulous sums were not taken from us. We never^ possessed so much. Nevertheless, an an insight into the hight morality and* intense love of country sported by these modern Dick Turpins and Jessie James' the following culled from the leading editorial of "The Ottawa- Citizen," Thursday, June 1st, 1916, may prove interesting: Speaking of the existence of the armament ring in New York, this paper goes on to THE WESTERN CLARION state: The ground is being prepared for the ring, and the masters of the ring will lead its gladiators forth to inflame the popular mind in due time. The Navy League, for instance, of the United States, filled with admiration for the Flooten-Verein (German navy league), and lauding the British navy lea_gue, and enthusiastic about the Ligue Maritime Francais, the Lega Navale Italiana, the Liga Naval Port- ugueza, the Ligue Maritime Beige, and the Liga Maritime Espanola, is preparing the way among the American people. Money is coming to the American navy league.- The donors, or investors, include representatives of all the leading armor plate patriots; officers, directors, attorneys and employees from the J. P. Morgan group, the Bethlehem Steel, Carnegie Steel, Midvale Steel and firar- vey Steel interests, and of the International Nickel Co. Group." (Emphasis ours). Thus "incomparably the greatest navy in the world" of President Wilson appears, and Barnum and Bailey's circus is finally eclipsed by "preparedness parades' throughout the United States. Col. Robert Thompson, president of the American naval league, is also chairman of the International Nickel Co., which owns the most extensive known nickel deposits, which, by the way, are situated in Ontario. He is also a director of the United States Steel Corporation as well as president of the New York Metal Exchange. The International Nickel Company is connected with the Midvale Steel and Ordnance Co., and the Remington Arms Co., is a subsidiary to the Midvale Steel. It has its tentacles ] around the United States navy department by having as a director a retired American rear-admiral* who is still on Uncle Sam's payroll at a "wage" of $6,000 per year. Whether the project be the building of a naval yard for the "unspeakable." Turk, or selling "defective" Canadian^ ammunition to the British Admiralty, or mining nickel in Ontario, it matters not. "Where the carcase is there will the vultures be gathered together" And thus, with their hands dripping in human blood, singing psalms of thanksgiving to the "God of all battles" in the "name of the Prince of Peace," our masters urge, threaten, bully, and enforce members of our class to "inspiring deeds of heroism." Meanwhile how do their dupes fare? From the "Newsy-breezy- forceful-truthful " morning "Sun" of Vancouver, B. C. (the most scandalous attempt at journalism ever perpetrated upon a gullible public) we take the following (June 13th, 1916): "Remnants remaining in our trenches were not visible until the next day. The men who remained had nothing fit for use, even if the men had been fit to use them. "But when they saw the enemy coming toward the trenches to meet them they charged magnificently, but pitifully, to their deaths, some blind and deaf and Staggering with no weapons but broken rifle butts, bits of entrenching tools, and in some eases only their fists." KB Patriotism indeed can be termed in the pregnant words of the eminent Johnson, "the last refuge of a scoundrel." From the jamming Ross rifle to the fuse contracts,^with shingle bolt cutting taking its place as an allied industry to boot making, the sordid tale of profiteering extends. While the atrocities of peace undoubtedly exceed those of war, yet in the painfuL exposures made the world over in relation to "war trading" the workers, perhaps, might read a valuable and instructive lesson. W. A. P. By a new regulation under the Defence of the Realm Act it becomes an offence for any person to have any document in his possession or on his premises which might prejudice recruiting, or cause disaffection if it were published, unless he proves either that he was ignorant of the contents of the document, or that he had no intention of circulating it, or of distributing copies of it among other persons! m\ hiiiiii,». ii im»iiil)i<»i"«iiW«sww<l»WS8a mmm&mmimtti 8 THE WESTERN CLARION OUR BOOKSHELF, "Societal Evolution,'ffby Prof. A. G. Keller (338 p.p., Macmillan, Toronto. $1.50). For years now the Socialist has been attempting to point out to the workers that the law of social evolution was akin to the law of development in the organic world. The Darwinian theory of evolution deals with the process of. development through the realms of biology, up to the time that the animal reaches the condition of man. From there on, the only scientific explanation of the forces operating in society, can be supplied by the Socialist. The "Communist Manifesto" (Marx-Engels) has shown the growth of various systems, and their decline. The Marxist is the only one who has been giving the real factor in the progress of society. He has shown that no social system remains permanent. He indicates that social systems come and go as an outcome of the development of the means of production. * # # We know that the announcement of the discoveries of Darwin was welcomed by Karl Marx and'Freidrich Engels as the greatest means of supporting their theory of the law of social development as laid down in the "Communist Manifesto." Since their day, their followers have insisted upon dealing with the evolutionary process as the only means of interpreting the struggles in the past, and, logically, as the only means of indicating a way for the overthrowal of the present ruling class. When, then, in the course of time, there appears a book taking up in the main the Socialist attitude, upon the alliance and interchangeability of the Darwinian and Marxian conception, it should be given the greatest publicity. Such a book has been written. The writer is Professor of the "Science of Society" in the Yale University. No Socialist should be without it, for it supplements the sociology of the Socialists in a manner few books have done. It contains more solid matter in its 338 pages than all the books printed upon kindred subjects in America. - _s radical character in phraseology upon kindred subjects in America, and the evident mastery of the writer upon the subject bids fair to put him in the highest ranks of sociologists. What is it that the writer has done? He tells us plainly, that'' I have come to believe that any fruitful study of the science of society must rest upon a clear understanding: even though it be a layman's, of the Darwinian theory.'' He goes on to say that' j The idea of evolution showed no kinship with metaphysical speculation. It was no dogma. It is a concrete, proved process, demonstrated in definite terms, and actually verified day by day in the incidents of scientific progress." Another fine sentence in his introduction, is that "Darwin cannot be too well known to any one who aspires to the name o'i scientist.... especially of men who aspire to apply science to the study of human society." w w In line with this he gives expression to the Materialist Conception of History, without, however, pointing out that which was due to the work of Marx. It is the blemish of the book that credit is not given to Marx for the work he did in demonstrating how men only acted according to and in harmony with their surroundings. That the class struggle was first demonstrated by Marx and Engels seems to have escaped the notice of the writer. Where Marx is at last mentioned it is done in a subtle manner by assenting to the theory of "Economic determinism." It appears to me, that in spite of the immensity of the proposition, the writer has kept too much under his hat, in order to avoid the eventual certain conflict with his pay masters. That he can write with a satirical pen, from which oozes ink dipped with contempt and disregard for the feelings of others, is evident from the manner he abuses the sentimentalists. On page 69 appears this pearl: "For instance, along with the advance of civilization there has developed a sentimentality which is, in many of its manifestations, pure weak-mindedness. Ethical Philosophers, removed from contact with the facts of life, have evolved, as in ferences, a set of ideals and dogmas about human relations which they have succeeded in putting into the minds of the emotional and susceptible. The latter are prosperous enough to pay without much self- sacrifice for the sensation of rectitude which they feel in living in accord with these noble sentiments; or, rather they are able to make those pay who do not agree, or who are too fully occupied in the struggle for a living to have much time for sentimentalizing. '' That at any rate shows he can be vitriolic when occasion demands. His attack upon the great man theory is as good a piece of writing as I have had the pleasure of reading for some time. Note the Marxian interpretation of the evolutionary process. On page 54-55, he says: "It is a commonplace of history that customs and institutions arise, attain strength and vogue, finally to yield to other ways of procedure and to disappear. For the explanation of this rise and fall we do not look to the individual or to £he limited group of individuals, except as he or they stand forth as the leading agency or exponent of the societal change. This is the only way in which the sociologist can view the "great man in history ;" he may sign an emancipation proclamation, but he does so only as a delegate or representative.'' Pretty nasty upon poor old Abe Lincoln. But why again does the author not give the credit to Marx? I have an idea that the professor has read the introduction to the "Critique of Political Economy." For that last quotation was dangerously near a paraphrasing of the wording in that preface, written in 1859. It seems, too, that the professor has read the "Communist Manifesto," though, of course, he doesn't seem to want to announce the fact. On page 65 he realises for what purpose the army is used. He shows that might is right in contradiction to the so- called rectitudinarians that are in the saddle in Europe now. He says: "Behind the power of the courts, the police, and the rest of the regulative organization of society lies the force of the army, and ultimately, of a predominant section of group-mem bers, mobilized for mortal combat in civil war.'' Tf TP W I Then, again, our author seems to have diagnosed the proposition accurately in pointing out that "Mere existence is somehow assured is taken to be a fundamental fact; the struggle is not for existence but for a certain quality of existence; not for life, but for a standard of living,'' which to say the least is a fine way of putting it. He points out that there are no such * things as ' \ natural'' ■ rights. In dealing with political parties and elections he says that political parties are an expression of class interests, and that at election time "history and common-sense are perverted, deliberately to demonstrate" that the best way to have prosperity is to keep the same party in power. The reformers get little solace from him, for, on page 121, we find: "It is asking too much of human beings to expect one group to safeguard the diverging interests of another. Each group must try to get power to realize its own." All through the book there is material for enough lectures on this subject to last a year. The author seems to predicate the emancipation of the working class, when he asks whether the education the workers have, compared wjth that of the ruling class of the past, will not help them. He asks: "Will they not, therefore, in the course of time, secure such a share of the mental outfit as will enable them to modify their own codes for themselves in accord with reason?" Certainly they will. I heartily recommend the book to all those who want to see the way Marxism is percolating the universities in opposition to the desires of the ruling class. "Societal Evolution" is going to make history for our movement. Prof. Keller may get fired. But before he does, I hope that he will agree to have a cheaper edition of the book published. Whilst men in the University of Yale can afford to pay $1.50 the ordinary worker cannot. There will be a far greater sale, and I for one will be glad to recommend it to all the members of the working class I get in touch with. THE WESTERN CLARION But, dear Professor, next time you write a book, please give credit where it is due. Most of your work is good. Nay, it is excellent. It is not worth the game of mendacity, even if you are a University professor. Don't emulate Loria and Prof. Seligman. But I think that you may be forgiven for much, as you are at Yale. You have written a great book. Honestly, professor, you really do understand Marx, don't you? HiECKEL!—WHOSE "HACK?" (Continued from page 5). of the "finely educated" to commit the same folly for an equally imag^ inary "Fatherland." And this dispite the fact that " If he is firmly convinced of the limited span of his own life, (and all the German heroes, it would seem, realise this) he will try by fruitful activities and lively enjoyment of nature to make his life as good and as happy as possible and— Oh joyous, simple minded Monist! —leave the decision of his fate to blind chance." "Blind chance" is good, but written wrongly. Capitalist masters may sound less Monistic, but strikes nearer the truth. Besides the professor's rather unique view of "fruitful ac~ tivities and lively enjoyment," which includes such delightful soirees and lawn parties as Verdun and Ypres, 'we suppose, "blind chance" has no place in the categories of modern science, at least not Monistic science. Then again our advocate of "pure reason" finds an excellent reason why our masters should not be plagued after the war by a great army of broken slave humanity, for "this greatest crime in all history . . . has inspired thousands of people, severely affected by it, with a desire to put a quick end to their suffering by voluntary death. Judged from the rational point of our monism this desire seems perfectly justified and morally unobjectionable," for "there are the numerous poor without means, whose entire support has been taken from them hy the ruthless enemy (Northern France for instance) and are exposed to certain death by starvation. There are the wretched cripples, with eyesight, arms or legs gone, condemned for the rest of their life to long years of 'misery and pain." Of course to live on and live to see the authors of this deluge Of misery swept into oblivion would, we assume, be altogether against the tenets of "Pure Reason" land "Monistic. Science,'' while to again suggest that "judged from the rational point of our monism" the whole thing is a betrayal of crass class bias and is no more scientific than "Pilgrim's Progress' or the "Adventures of Hans and Fritz;" and that "the numerous poor without means" existed before the war began, in every master and slave class country under the Sun, not as the result of the war; and that the "ruthless enemy" is capitalist control and not, as this Chauvinist- proclaims, the Allied armies; and that the futile wind-up of the "Riddle of the Universe' with its pretentious "World Ethics" and moral codes, foreshadowed this last display of jingoistic jargon; and that, by it all, the real Hseekel stands exposed to the contempt and ridicule of working class thinkers, will we suppose be branded as "presumptuous pellets of inky ignoramuses." Is it not so ? BUDDEN ALTA. PROVINCIAL EXECUTIVE |jjj|| MAINTENANCE PUND Per Norman H. Tallentire— Otto Johnson, Etziken, Alta $1.00 A Friend, Etziken 1.00 C. A. Wilson, Etziken 1.00 C. W. Holmes, Etziken i.oo Ed. Solberg, Etziken .50 $4.50 Boost the Western Clarion * " **"%\- - rr-rfS ■*■* ■ **■'■** a**"K9*lfWiW*K!ffTKtt^<B^Jft#f^il&IS5i^ii«SiJUitfhi; 10 THE PARIS COMMUME AND THE IRISH REVOLT. By J. Harrington Part II.—Ireland and the Irish RevolC The revolt in Dublin parallels the Paris Commune in these aspects. The country had been - at war for some time with a foreign power; the leaders were from professional and literary circles; the politicians were functioning elsewhere. It was organized and carried out without the aid of professional soldiers and was sectional in its ideals, if not in its aim. It displayed the confidence of success and disregard for the overwhelming difficulties which characterized the Paris Commune by issuing postage stamps and like trivialities ere a blow was struck. The brief struggle left no chance of development, and so we must seek its cause and hopes largely from the works of its leaders. P. H. Pearse, provisional president of the Irish Republic, is thus quoted by the "Literary Digest," May 13, from what purports to be the last article written by him: "That God spoke to Ireland through Tone, and through those who, after Tone, have taken up his testimony; that Tone's teachings are true and great, and that no other teachings to Ireland have any truth or worthiness ... . ." Now Theodore Wolfe Tone was an Irish Protestant of English descent who lived in that stormy period which closed the 18th century, and it was Paine and Voltaire that spoke to him, at any rate that spoke to Ireland through him. He succeeded in bringing Irishmen together for the benefit of Ireland and for a time religious difficulties were sunk. In France he saw the new Republican machine at work and was, when home, in communication with the Committee of Safety. He was absent from Ireland when the 1798 revolt commenced, but hastened with a French brigade to help, was captured, and notwithstanding his request to be shot, was condemned to be hung. This satisfaction was denied his captors. He cut his throat THE WESTERN CLARION with a penknife and died by his own hand.. He had as much respect for Grattan and his middle class parliament as he had for England; but his ideas were necessarily the ideas of 18th century development, iand, therefor^, not what an intelligent revolution could "base all its mortal and immortal hopes on" in the 20th. It may be needful to observe that the 1798 revolt had the active assistance of Republican France against | which the ,. monarchical Powers of Europe were in arms. Not being burdened with a desire to love England, nor yet being an Irishman, I shall disregard Moore's warning that '' any Irishman who wishes either to love England or feel proud of .".re- land" should not read Irish-his vry. Moore might have added that his ov;n filthy sneers at his revolutionary countrymen we^e not calculated to inspire respect for Irish poets either. Ireland of the middle ages anl earlier was as wealthy and happy a land as any in Europe, and as her imports of iron, wines, gold, thread, etc., could be satisfied^ by Europe, she failed to follow England Jiito a hatred of France and Spain and consequently into a break with Rome. As most of her trading was with Catholic countries, she was indeed more likely to hate England. Fur the "Tore the feudalism of Ireland had not progressed much beyond tribal communes owing to her relative security against foreign ravages. They v/ere" accused of living like "unreasonable beasts, without God or good manners, in common of their goods, cattle, women, -children, and every other thing.'' As England had sufficient to do in overcoihing economic and warlike rivals on her east coast, it follows that her attitude to a. small hostile nation on her west, would not be very tolerant. mm When she settled platoons of English there to secure^herself against an attack in the rear, and also against a failure in her raw wool supply, she did so not out of hatred of Ireland, but for love of England. The almost insane methods of repression t-.s^d had the result of fostering a hitter hatred of England and all things THE WESTERN CLARION 11 English, and of preparing the. soil for an intense patriotism. A love of country,which could cringe and crawl with all the outward semblance of a willing slave, while murder filled the heart and curses rose unbidden to to the lips, developed. This spirit was deeply intensified by the Stuarts, who, after Ireland giving its best blood in the cause of that degenerate tribe at the Restoration confirmed all the laws passed against their former supporters. After being forcibly removed, from the rich low lands and then subjected to the unscrupulous exploitation of the land tenure system, the only possible expression of revolt would be aimed at the landlord. He was the outward and visible sign. The last open rebellion against the rule of England overthrown; then arose 1 number of secret ^societies', whose purpose was to protect the farmers from the landlord. There had been for years, before the Tone revA<~, agrarian secret orders which terrorized the country landlord. Some of 'these societies exist today; the Orangemen for instance, sprang from the "Peep-o'-Day" Boys, a society which arose largely out of jealousy on the part of Ulster workers, against the influx of workers from other countries who had come to take their "jobs," The new comers formed in turn the Defenders, who became the RibbonJmen of a few years ago. Then there were the Right Boys, the Steel Boys, and a number of others. These "boys" had a method of administering "law and order" which rendered any appeal to the constituted brand superfluous. But constituted law and order brooked no rival, particularly one with rival views of law and order. These societies were mercilessly hunted down and disbanded only to come up under otljier names. The Fenians were perhaps the last of the Land League Societies. The nature of the Irish conflict fostering this national spirit made it possible for such windbags as Daniel O'Connell and Charles S. Parnell to lead the country into the political mire. However, while O'ConneU's elder 'son was thanking God that he lived "among a people who would rather di$ of hunger than defraud their landlords of rent" a new school had arisen. John Mitchell and James Lalor preached a doctrine which, considering the date, and the economic development of Ireland, is remarkable. Lalor was the originator perhaps of Henry George's Single Tax. During the great famine he wrote: "It is a mere question between a class and a people, between a class of eight thousand and a people of eight million. They or we must quit this island. -It is a people to be saved or lost; it is an island to be won or surrendered. They have served us with a general writ of ejectment. Therefore I say let them get a notice to quit at once, or we shall oust possession under the law of nature.'' The famine of 1846 and this revolutionist started the Irish conflict into the open again. But the general ignorance of the Irish peasant was {more favorable to secret jsocieties than to formulating a successful rebellion. The uprising of 1849 was a fiasco. The Land League agitations -gained for the farmer many concessions until the Land Purchase Bill of a few years ago raised the farmer to a higher position than even the' Scotch or English renter. Meanwhile a movement had arisen which was born of the centuries of strife. It was purely national in character, and political in action. Gladstone became its champion, and Home Rule for Ireland became an issue in British politics. Parnell was the leader | and. the character of the movement will be understood when it practically collapsed upon divorce proceedings brought against his wife by Captain 0 'Shea, with Parnell as the bold bad lover. In the struggle between the farmer and the landowner religious differences could be sunk and as late as Parnell, a Protestant could be the "uncrowned king" of a Catholic nation. But the land question settled, the battle shifts to other grounds. And today Ulster on the one hand, and the rest of Ireland on the other make a clear division on apparently religious grounds. It will be noted, however, that where the industries abound, in the north, God appears to relish the ,homely adoration of Calvin's cheap creed; while in the south where industries are few, God glories in the sacerdotal ostentation of the "one sure church." When the principle argument for Home Rule appears in a plea that the national resources would then be released and industry flourish, we find the never failing economic basis present in all religious strife. However, a new movement appear- ed, having no affiliation with either Carson or Redmond, which gives these two jserio-comedians a chance to back down from their burlesque warfare. This movement makes its first revolutionary appearance in the form of an alleged demented diplomat, Sir Roger Casement, in a collapsible boat, fit emblem of the nature and stability of the entire enterprise. The Sinn Fein is of so recent origin that it has not yet found a place in the dictionaries and reference works at our disposal. For the origin of the name I am indebted to the "Belfast Weekly Telegraph" of May 6th. An Irishman who went to a fair on horse back returned slightly hilarious with the saddle on his^ shoulder and minus the horse. Inquiries as to the lost animal were met "with lordly wave of his right hand and a- constantly reiterated 'Sinn Fein, Sinn Fein' (pronounced in the Waterf ord dialect' Shing hane, Shing hane').'' Its literal meaning '' Ourselves (are) ourselves," the verb "to be" omitted in Irish. However, to the Irish speajring world it carries this wider and more belligerent meaning: f | This is our own business, and any outsider butting in will get hurt!" A Dr. Henebry, recently dead, being a relative of the horseless one, was requested to supply "a genuine Irish equivalent for Ireland for the Irish," and remembering the episode voted accordingly. ||| For various reasons, the term was shortened in time to its present form. Education in Ireland has progressed considerably since Irish were "forced feloniously to learn" when "the children of aliens received a learned education which is contraband, and penal for ours." And the Irish labor world has given proof during the last decade that the old nationalism, born of centuries of domination by foreign power, whose people resided luxuriously "within the pale'' while the natives rotted in hovels and housed with cattle; fed by poems of former glory and present distress, is commencing to feel the influence exerted when national problems give way to international. A few years ago when Jim Larkin and his transport workers disturbed the industrial worlds Larkin could proceed to England and talk to the workers there in terms they knew and understood. Still earlier Jim Connolly became known to the English speaking world for his activity in_the Socialist movement, being on the E. C. of the S. L. P. for a while and lecturing through the States. While his writings show a fair grasp of Socialist philosophy, they also show a hankering after reforms, and that he never really divested himself of that nationalist garb which clings to most Irishmen. This, of course, would influence him in throwing in with the Irish Republicans and ignoring the Socialist knowledge which would warn against such action. Such men as Larkin and Connolly suggest that Irish insularism is past and that capitalist development is making inroads upon Irish life. While the attempt to establish an Irish Republic furnishes us with still more proof that the spirit of revolt never dies, it also testifies that the working class are still waiting to lay down their lives in matters not of working class interest, but in matters pertaining to their class welfare, they will not spend a moments regard. In their declaration to the people of Ireland, the Provisional Government ca^ls upon "Irish men and women in the' name of God and of the dead generations." And they "place the cause of the Irish Republic under the protection of the Most High God." But they carefully omit any mention of two classes existing in Ireland. They "declare the right of the people of Ireland to the ownership of Ireland, and to the unfettered control of Irish destinies to be sovereign and indefeasible ... .The Republic guarantees religious and THE WESTERN CLARION civil liberty, equal rights and equal opportunities to all its citizens,'' and such sentimental and meaningless phraseology. mw} However, for years this is the stuff upon which the members of the Sinn Fein organization has been fed. And the signers of the Declaration' being mostly poets and writers, had the literary ability to clothe their ideas in such language as would impress the reader. That they depended upon help from Germany is evident from the Declaration, and from some of the proclamations posted during the' fight, and this may offset to some extent the enormous folly of attempting to oppose by force of arms, the most perfect military machine ever possessed by the British Government. It is clearly evident that the power behind the capitalist state is of such kind that any overt attempt to overthrow it is foredoomed to disaster so long as the working class as a whole defend that state in the belief that they are defending their homes and honor. The details of the suppression of the revolt need not be recounted here. They are the usual sickening, cowardly tricks peculiar to the suppression of every slave revolt in every slave system, except that in ancient days the masters themselves had to take a hand in the job, while today it can be left safely in the hands of other slaves. The lessons which he who runs may read from these modern revolts, are that there comes a time, and a condition of affairs when men would sooner die than live under the conditions of their existence; that they will follow any will-o'-the-wisp so that a change takes place: that spasmodic revolts can establish nothing permanent, and that no power can prevent or long arrest the influence of steadfast continued propaganda. Take the spirit of Paris and Dublin, substitute class consciousness for nationalism, make it as general throughout capitalism, and the end would be near. Education is the surest means to that end. SALVATION." ALONG with the development of modern civilization grows the line of demarcation between the two classes, constituting society. Every device that man's ingenuity has brought into being has increased the economic power of the capitalist class, and reduced the working class to a lower level of subsistance. This is the inevitable economic law which gives to those who own (but do hot produce) all the luxury and enjoyment that society has at its command. The abundance of wealth is displayed before the workers' eyes in such tangible forms as bouquets and pageants, with monkey dinners and blackbird pies (chorus girls encased in baked dough) and other similar debaucheries, to satisfy the insatiate appetite of the class that rules. Then the pageants, with their figure heads, whoever they may be, whether King, President, or some other person (whom it has pleased God, of course, to place in charge of the nation's destiny) with their trains of flunkeys and lickspittles, to jump, shout, sing,or pray, as the-occasion demands, like mere automata. These are spectacular scenes that are met with daily by the workers either in the locality where they exist, or through the easy medium of the "reliable" press. This gorgeous display of wealth by those that do not produce, before a half starved community of workers must arouse a consciousness, more or less of the huge amount of wealth that has been exploited from the workers in the past. The satisfaction of those feelings that the worker possesses cannot be fulfilled. Although he may be "possessed" of a job, which he follows daily, the pittance that falls to his lot is barely enough to keep him alive. The enslavement to the rule of capitalist conditions could not be otherwise. On the side of the class that owns the forces of production is all the wealth at their disposal, and on the side of the working class is the abundance of misery, degradation, and want. This constitutes the great chasm between the classes in society. To maintain this-system that pau perizes the many, that the few might revel in wealth, is to.the material interest of the capitalist class. It has called into being every institution imaginable, to safeguard and perpetuate the rule of robbery. The workers have been taught the ideas of capitalist interests through the school, press and pulpit. The teachings of "honesty and thrift;" "obey your masters," etc., to the end that if success does not crown your efforts, it is "God's will," and reward will be yours (after suffering the trials and tribulations of this damnable system) in the life above the clouds is good business from our master's standpoint. But the conditions of the slaves are gradually pushing those capitalist ideas into the background. Instead of waiting till we are dead, we are beginning to realize that happiness can be gained here; instead of accepting that everything that falls to our lot was ordained, it has been discovered that intelligent action by the workers can affect the conditions of their lives. Again, realizing that conditions change, a method is adopter whereby the cause of these miserable conditions can be found. Already, the cause of the misery of the working class has been solved by a good many of the slaves. So soon as the discovery is made, they become factors in furthering the knowledge of the Cause of their slavery. The institutions which uphold the present system are analysed very carefully and their functions closely watched. The particular institution of "government" came into being to transact its business in the interests of the ruling class. The laws which are passed are but the expression of the dominant economic interests. Should any of the laws be disputed, or the working class refuse to abide by the decisions of the henchmen of capitalism, the different departments of the government are utilized to enforce the slaves to obey their masters. If cajolery and persuasion fail to keep the slaves quiet, then armed force is resorted to. This, then, becomes the mission of the workers; to get a knowledge of the cause of their slavish conditions, and the means that keep them in sub- # jection. It is the workers themselves that must work out their own emanr cipation. As a means to that end the Socialist Party of Canada is organized to carry on a program of education. As the condition of the workers becomes more unbearable,the call for Education and knowledge must of necessity increase, that the galling chains of wage slavery, with their accompanying evil effects of misery and want, insanity and crime, may give place to a society where slavery is no more, and happiness and joy, peace and plenty, be at the disposal of all. This ' will mean "Soci)i:l Salvation." To all, Jthose desirous of enjoying the full social fruits of their toil, this article is dedicated. It is the only way out of the wilderness, and the direction demands that "knowledge" must be our weapon to the end that we may attain "salvation." "GINGER." SECRETARIAL SCRAPS. Com. H: Vindeg, Sunkist, Sask., has redeemed his offer of ONE ACRE of his 1915 crop by paying $20 to our Clarion Maintenance Fund. This makes the third, the others being Thos. Foulston, Eyebrow, Sask., (the author of the proposition) and A. E. Faulkner, Conjuring Creek, Alta. 4tt 4b Jfr W W TT W. K. Bryce, Collins, Sask., has also fallen in line and will remit just as soon as he disposes of his grain.' He also falls in with Com. Foulston's suggestion for the same thing this year. Foulston wants nine others besides himself. Now, who offers? Keep this up and we will soon have a paper twice a month or else a bigger monthly. *4k 4tt We have nothing further to add to our statement of last month re the Red Deer libel action. As the case is sub-judice comment would be out of order at present. He desires to thank all those who took an active interest in the business and expresses the fervent wish that he will not be called upon to do as much for them. # # * In response to numerous requests re the standing of J. H. Hawthorn- thwaite, of Victoria, B. C, in the Socialist Party of Canada, we wislrto point out that he has not been connected with the party for the last five years. All that we know yet re the Reid case, is that Reid's sentence was reduced by order of the Governor-General in Council. Reid was immediately released. SUBS. RECEIVED $ w. a. p. ....:... W. K. Bryce ||... Jos. NayloT J. MacPhie ........ A. McPhee M. L. H. S. Dorsch ..... John Farquhar .... Malcolm McNeill .. C. Lestor T. Cameron ...... A. S. Julian John L. McKenzie 7 5 4 3 2 2 2 1 1 50c 45c 2 0 1 2 3 3 3 1 27 19 Singles—Dollar pubs.—Alta. P. E. gjjgj F. Harman, H. Skinner, John Young, -H. Noakes, R. J. Barrett, J. Hughes, H. Whi(tmore, F. S. Janstch, J. Sutcliffe, C. Kuizich, J. M. Browiii L. J. |R. Schoor, J. Reid, H. Reynolds, Pf W. Bishop, A. Gulickson, M. Hartt, F. Riley, J. H. Greaves. Fifty cent subs.—J. Groves A. V. Lawrence, Joe Lintzes. Twenty-five cent subs.—N. M. Leech, D. J. Sinclair, A. Harris. Seventy-three names added to list this time. Come on boys, and see if we cannot have a bigger paper, or else publish more frequently. The bourgeoisie perceives correctly that all the weapons, which it forged against feudalism, turn their edges against itself; that all the means of education, which it brought forth, rebel against its own civilization; that all the gods, which it 2a«de, have fallen away from it. It understands that all its so-called citizens' rights and progressive organs assail and menace its class rule, both in its social foundation and its political superstructure— consequently, have become "socialistic." It justly scents in this menace and assault the secret of Socialism, whose meaning and tendency it estimates more correctly than t hespurious, so-called Socialism, is capable of estimating itself, and which, consequently, is unable to understand how it is that the bourgeoisie obdurately shuts up its ears to it, alike whether it sentimentally whines about the sufferings of humanity; or announces in Christian style the millenium and universal brotherhood j or twaddles humanistically about the soul, culture and freedom; or doctrinally matches out a system of harmony and well-being for all classes. What, however, the bourgeoisie does not understand is the consequence that its own parliamentary regime,, its 'own political reign, is also of necessity bound to fall under the general ban of "socialistic. '' ffij —Marx in "The Eighteenth Brum- arie.'' mm CANDIDATE FOR COMOX W. A. PRITCHARD All Socialists desiring to help financially of otherwise send to campaign secretary. J. McMillan, Box 312. Cumberland, B. C. Six candidates will be placed on the ticket in Vancouver, provided we can raise the funds. Make all moneys payable to J. M. Jenkins, 169 Georgia St. E., Vancouver, B. C. CANDIDATE FOR FERNIE. T. Connor. Communications and donations to 0. Erickson, Box 505. 14 THE WESTERN CLARION Executive Committee Reports DOMINION EXECUTIVE COMMITTEE Convened at the office of the Secretary, Thursday, June 8th, 1916, at 8 p.m. Present: Harrington, Jenkins, Bennett, McDonald, 'Steen, and tthe ^Secretary. Chairman: Harrington. Minutes of previous meeting read and adopted. Com. C. Steen seated as delegate vice Connor (out of town). Correspondence: Chief Press Censor, Ottawa (2); A. Harris, Sardis, B. C; T. Hanwell, Brandon; Local Toronto; Socialist Party of N. A.; H. W. Reading, Winnipeg; Local Nordegg, Alta.; Organizer John Reid, Red Deer, Alta.; P. A. Purdy, Chicago, 111.; People's Prohibition Movement, City; A. McLean, Rock Bay, B. C; A. S. Julian, Calgary; C. Stephenson, Swift Current, Sask.; Wm. Dawson and Sons, Ltd., Toronto; John Smart, Cabri, Sask; The Northwest Work er, Everett, Wn.; Geo. Heal, Sask.; Alta. P. E. C; Robert Gardiner, Eagle Hill, Alta. As an aid to party discipline the following motion (Pritchard—Jenkins) was put and carried unanimously. "That in future no person, other than . members of the Party, be allowed to speak under the auspices of the S. P. of C, unless in opposition." In answer to communication- from Alta. P. E. C, asking for information concerning alleged irregularities of (a) Lefeaux in Rossland, and (b) Connor in Victoria during the last by-election, the following motions were put in order named, a long and vigorous discussion ensuing. Jenkins-Bennett: "That we answer the Alta. P. E. C. to the effect that we have no real evidence in either case (LeafeauX or Connor) and ask that they do not give too much credence to those outside of the party." |||| Motion lost, 3-2. Bennett, Jenkins, aff.; McDonald, Steen, Pritchard, neg. Chairman not voting. McDonald-Pritchard: "That we reply and state that with respect to Lefeaux's action in Rossland the matter is still under investigation, but that up to the present no evidence is to hand that party principles were violated.' Carried unanimously. McDonald-Pritchard: "That we reply re Connor's action in Victoria as follows: That Connor was not sent by .the B. C. P. E. C, nor yet requested to go to Victoria by the S. P. of C. Local in that city, and though rumors are in circula-^ tion that Conservative money was behind the movement to get him there, still we find no direct evidence to bear these out." The motion resulted on division in a tie, McDonald, Pritchard, Steen, aff.; Bennett, Jenkins, Harrington, neg. Harrington cast his vote against the motion on the grounds that an insinuation was contained that Conservative money had taken Connor over to Victoria. Bennett-Pritchard: "That this matter be tabled until next meeting, and that Connor be communicated with and asked to prepare a report on this matter, giving all particulars, in order that we might report fully to the Alta. P. E. C. Carried unanimously. Financial Report. Western Clarion. Receipts. Subs .M. $12.00 Directory: $WM Local Victoria 2.00 Local Gibsons 4.0 Local Toronto 1.00 7.00 Bundles: Local Victoria ?'. 1.25 Local Edmonton 1.00 LocaKGibsons 90 R. Gardiner 3.0 —— 7.15 The delegate was also instructed to gather all available data re the case, and further to enquire into the activities and standing of Local Victoria.. The meeting then adjourned. $26.15 Expenses W. A. P $11.00 Finsand and Leider No. 781 63.00 Sundries: Mailing' Stamps 2.00 P. O. Stamps 1.00 Janitor 2.00 Express, String, glue, etc. . 1.55 Marling 1.30 7.85 $81.85 Clarion Maintenance Fund Receipts: Local Vancouver No. 58 (Letts) 14.10 Dominion Executive Committee Expenses W. A. P Jfll.00 Finsand and Leider. In full Man- festo 75.00 Sundries: Exp. on Lit '. 1.50 Stamps 50 • 2.00 $88.00 Receipts. Balance of Manifesto Fund $80.00 Literature: !§£?-$ Northwest Worker^ 6.00 A. Harris . .- 75 T. Hanwell .50 —— 7.25 Stamps: Local Toronto 3,00 Wm $90.25 Adjournment sflp Special meeting convened at the office of the Secretary, Friday, June 16 th, 1916, at 840 p.m. Present: Harrington, Bennett, Steen, Sinclair, and the Secretary. Chairman: Harrington. Sinclair seated as delegate vice Jenkins (out of town). Sinclair, corroborated by Pritchard, stated that serions rumors, from a fairly authoritative source had been made re Connor's actions when in Victoria prior to the March by-election. After considerable discussion \t was moved and seconded (Sinclair-Steen) that we send a delegate to Victoria to investigate the truth of such rumor's. The, motion carried 4-1, Beiinett dissenting. Corns. Sinclair and Pritchard were nominated, the voting resulting as follows: For Pritchard: Harrington, Sinclair and Pritchard. For Sinclair: Bennett and Steen. Convened at the office of the Secretary, Thursday, June 22nd, 1916, at 8 p.m. Present: Bennett, Harrington, McDonald, Steen, Sinclair and the Secretary. Chairman: Bennett. Minutes of previous meetings read and adopted. Correspondence: Local Montreal; F. C. Watts, S. P. G. B.; Local Cumberland; A. McLean, Rock Bay, B. C; J. Blair, St. John, N. B.; M. McNeill, Erskine, Alta.; M. Lightstone, Otawa; C. Lestor, Dawson City, Y. T.; *ocal St. Cats., Ont.;, T. Hanwell, Brandon; H. Vindeg, Sun- kist, Sask.; Abbott, Macrae and Co., City; L. Schoor, Lloydmister, Alta.; C. Effenberger, Botha, Alta.; John Reid, Edmonton; Local Roseland, Sask.; Alta. P. E. C.; J. McPhie, Winnipeg. The Secretary was instructed on motion (Harrington-McDonald) to request the Alta. P. E. C, to make their resolution re. candidates read like the one made by/the B. C. P. E. C, and to give reasons'advanced for same by this committee. The delegate on Connor case reported and a long discussion ensued, the following motion (McDonald-Harrington) being carried, 4-1, Sinclair dissenting: "That this matter.be again tabled until next meeting." It was considered 'that Connor's report would be in by that time. luoved and seconded (Sinclair-Steen) that a copy of delegate's report be submitted to Connor immediately. Carried unanimously. William Bennett tendered his resignation as candidate in the forthcoming Provincial elections, for North Vancouver electoral district; also resigned from editorial board. Resignation accepted in both cases. Mover and- seconded (Pritchard-Mc- Donald) that a new editorial board be appointed. Carried unanimously. Sinclair, McDonald and the Editor selected. A motion (McDonald-Harrington) that we increase the editor's salary to $15 per week was carried by four for, none against. - Financial Beport. Dominion Executive Committee Expenses. W. A. P v, $11.00 Sundries: Fare for Connor 2.00 W. A. P. to Victoria ' 6.10 Exp. on Lit 1.10 P. O. Stamps 1.00 Exchange on cheques 30 • 10.50 Receipts. Literature: Local Vancouver No. 1.... 6.00 J. MacPhie 1.20 T. Hanwell 50 Local St. Cats 6.00 A. T. Lawrence 20 W. C. Currey 10 Local Cumberland 1.00 15.00 $15.00 THE WESTERN CLARIOT 15 Western Clarion. Subs I 22.25 Directory: Local Rossland 2.00 Bundles: Local Rossland .5® C. Lestor , 50 J. Blair 2.00 3.00 $27.25 Expenses W. A. P ||. 11.00 Sundries: Janitor 2.00 Gum 15 P. O. Stamps 7. 2.00 String ..._..' 25 4.40 $15.49 Clarion Maintenance Fund Donations: J. Shepherd 25 A. Lear 1.00 H. Vindeg (one acre prop.) 20.00 T. Hanwell .50 21.75 $21.75 It has been stated by the Toronto Telegram that a great Socialist leader in Toronto has enlisted. The individual in question, Louis Scott, it is true3 was at one time a member of the Canadian S. L. P. Whilst he never really understood what Socialism was, yet he made himself prominent with his anti A. F. of L. harangues on the street corners. For some time he spoke along these lines, until the time came that he needed larger audiences, and so he joined the Social Dems. Why he left them the writer has no correct or rather substantial information. His knowledge of Socialism can be gathered from one of his statements made since enlisting, when he said: '' I am exploiting the capitalist class.' Just previous to taking the step of joining the forces, it was rumored that he was going to form a syndicalist movement in Toronto. All the unattached blood and thunder Socialists and I. W. W.'s were consulted upon the question, but the idea fell through. And so the working class must keep on suffering until another "Socialistic" leader evolves,xor until Mr. Scott converts those millions in Europe. T. M. A certain old-country icleric named Elliott, bewails the fact that in her hour of trial, Britain's heart did not turn to God. "Instead." he concludes, "it turned to Charlie Chaplin." Good God, Charlie, you are becoming famous. Working God out of a job, eh! Socialist! Party Directory DOMINION EXECUTIVE COMMITTEE Socialist Party of Canada meets every alternate Thursday 8 p.m., 169 Georgia St., E. Vancouver, B. C.—W. A. Pritchard, Secretary. BRITISH COLUMBIA FBOVINCIAL Executive Committee, Socialist Party of Canada, meets same as above. ALBERTA AND SASKATCHEWAN PROVINCIAL EXECUTIVE COMMITTEE. Secretary, Mrs. S. I. Jonson Knight, Box 785, Edmonton. Phone 4803. NOVA SCOTIA PROVINCIAL EXECUTIVE COMMITTEE, Socialist Party of Canada, meets every second and fourth Sundays in the Cape Breton office of the Party, Commercial Street, Glace Bay, N. S. Dan Cochrane, Secretary, Box 491, Glace Bay, N. S. NEW BRUNSWICK PROVINCIAL EXECUTIVE COMMITTEE.—A. Taylor Secretary, East St. John, N., B. For Party literature and information on organisation matters, etc., write to above address. LOCAL ALHAMBRA, No. 74 (Alta,), S. F. of C.—P. O. Peterson,' Secretary, Horse- guards, Alta. LOCAL CLAYTON, No. 83 (B. CO, S. P. of C.—John T. Dempster,' Secretary, Clayton, B. C. LOCAL CRAWFORD BAIT, No. 72 (B. C), S. P. of C.—J. E. McGregor, Secreatry, Crawford Bay, B. -C. LOCAL CUMBERLAND, B. C, No. 70.— Business meetings every first' and third Sunday in the month, at 10:»» a.m., economic classes every Monday and Friday, at 7 p.m., in the Socialist Hall opposite P. O. Regular Propaganda meetings at every opportunity. J. McMillan, Box 312, corresponding and financial secretary; Wm. J. McMillan, rec. secretary; Richard Coe, jr., treasurer; James Smith, Librarian. LOCAL ECKVILLE, No. 58 (Alta.), S. P. of C.—J. E. Lundberg, Secretary, Eck- ville, Alta. LOCAL ENDERBY No. 65, S. F. of C, Business meetings first Sunday in each month at 2:30 p.m. Propaganda, third Sunday in each month at 2:30 p.m., in the Theatre, Main St. Everybody welcome. J. Pilkington, Secretary, R. R. No. 4, Armstrong, B. C. S«p LOCAL EDMONTON No. 1. S. P. of C.— . Free reading room and headquarters at 715 Second St. Propaganda meetings every Sunday in the Bijou Theatre, First St., at 8 p.m. Business meetings every Tuesday at 8 p.m. J. L. McKenzie, organizer. E. H. Flegg, secretary, P. O. Box 785. LOCAL ERSKINE, No. 32 (Alta), S. P. of C—A. A. McNeill, Secretary, Erskine, Alta. LOCAL FERNIE, S. P. of C, hold educational meetings in the Socialist Hall, every Sunday at 7:00. Business meetings third Sunday in each month, 7:30 p.m. Economic class every Sunday afternoon at 2:30, Oscar Erickson, Secretary, Box 505; Organizer, A. Goodwin. LOCAL FLOWERDALE, No. 71 (Alta.), S. P. of C.—Mrs. J. R. Macdonald, Secretary, Richdale, Alta. ■—• ;—— ■-■■■ . ■ 1-. ■ .i* LOCAL FERGUSON FLATS, No. 85 (Alta.), O. L. Fuller, Secretary, Ferguson Flats, Alta. . LOCAL GLACE BAY, N. S., No. 1, S. F. of C.—Headquarters Commercial St., open every evening. I Business and propaganda meeting every Sunday at 3 p.m. Harold G. Ross, Secretary, Box .505. LOCAL KINDERSLEY, No. 10 (Sask.), S. P. of C.—W. K. Bryce, Secretary, Collins, 'Sask. LOCAL LETHBRIDGE, ALTA.., No. 13, S. P. of C.—Meets every Sunday at 3:30 p. rn. in Miners' Hall. Secretary, W. Shaw 624-14th St. S. Wm. Devoy, Organizer. LOCAL MINTO, No. 84 (B. C), S. P. of C. —Sam Williams, Secretary, Cumberland, B. C. LOCAL MARKERVILLE, No. 31 (Alta.), S. P. of C.—S. E. Baldwin, Secretary, Markerville, Alta. LOCAL MONTREAL N. 1. S. P. of C.— Headquarters, 98 City Councillor St., Open every evening. Business meetings, Wednesday at 8 p.m. P. O. Address, Box 148 Station B. LOCAL NELSON, S. P. of C, MEETS every Friday at 8 p.m., in Miners' Hall Nelson, B. C, I. A. Austin, Secretary. LOCAL ROSSLAND, No. 25, S. P. of C, meets in Miners' Hall every change Sunday at 7.30 p.m. Jas. J. Ritchie, Secretary. LOCAL SUNDIAL, No. 70 (Alta.), S. P. of Mrs. A, Thorburn, Secretary, Sundial, . Alta. LOCAL SILVER LEAF, No. 101 (Alta.), S. P. of C.—Ed. Haugen, Secretary, Baraca, P. O., Alta. LOCAL ST. CATHERINES, No. 30 (Ont.), S. P. of C.—D. Thomson, Secretary, 9 Mary Street. LOCAL ST. JOHN, N. B., No 1, S. P. of C. Visiting Comrades welcomed. Secretary, Stanford E. White, 24 Main St. LOCAL SANDON, B. C. No. 36, S. P. of C.—Meets every Tuesday at 7:30 p.m. in the Sandon Miners' Union Hall. Communications to be addressed Drawer K„ Sandon, B. C. LOCAL TRAIL, No. 37 (B. C), S. P. of C.— S. S. Lefeaux, Secretary, c-o R. Houson. LOCAL TRAVERS, No. 55 (Alta.), S. P. of C.—W. A. Brown, Secretary, Travers, P. O., Alta. LOCAL TORONTO No. 1, S. P. of C— Propaganda meeting, Sunday 8 P.M.' in Forum Bldg. Yonge & Gerrard. All communications to be sent to W. H. Can- fiels, corresponding and recording secretary, 340 Victoria St. Geo Rossiter, fin. sect. 25 Tiverton Ave. \ LOCAL VANCOUVER No. 1, S. P. of C. Business meeting every Tuesday evening. Economic Class every Sunday at 3 p.m., Education Class every Wednesday at 8 p.m. Dialecties class every Friday at 8 p.m., at Headquarters, 169 Georgia St., E., W. Bennett, Secretary. VANCOUVER LETTISH LOCAL No. 58, S. P. of C.—Business meeting every first Sunday of the month, and propaganda meeting every third Sunday at 2 p.m. Open to everybody at Finn Hall, 2215 Pender E. Secretary, R. Amat, Box 667. LOCAL VANCOUVER, B. C, No. 45, Fin- nish. Meets every second and fourth Wednesdays in the month at 2215 Pender St. East, Ovia Lind, Secretary. LOCAL GIBSON'S LANDING, B. C. No. 49 S. P. C. Meets first and third Sundays of each month in Socialist Hall. S. Dib ley, Secretary, Gibson's Heights, Howe Sound, B. C. gf& LOCAL VICTORIA, No. 2, S. P. of C, Headquarters and Reading Room 1424' Government St., Room 8 Business meetings every second and fourth Tuesday in the month. Secretary, Fred Harman, 1424 Government St. 16 THE WESTERN CLARION PLATFORM Socialist Party of Canada We, the Socialist Party of Canada, affirm our allegiance to, and support of, the principles and program of the revolutionary working class. Labor, applied to natural resources, produces all wealth. The present economic system is based upon capitalist ownership of the means of production, consequently, all the products of labor belong to the capitalist class. The capitalist is therefore master; the worker a slave. So long as the capitalist class remains in possession of the reins of government all the powers of the State will be used to protect and defend its property rights in the means of wealth production and its control of the product of labor. The capitalist system give to the capitalist an ever-swelling stream of profits, and to the worker, an ever-increasing measure of misery and degradation. The interest of the working class lies in setting itself free from capitalist exploitation by the abolition of the wage system, under which this exploitation, at the point of production, is cloaked. To accomplish this necessitates the transformation of capitalist property in the means of wealth production into socially controlled economic forces. The irrepressible conflict of interest between the capitalist and the worker necessarily expresses itself as a struggle for political supremacy. This is the Class Struggle. Therefore, we call all workers to organize under the banner of the Socialist Party of Canada, with the object of conquering the political powers, for the purpose of setting up and enforcing the economic program of the working class, as follows: 1. The transformation, as rapidly as possible, of capitalist property in the means of wealth production (natural resources, factories, mills, railroads, etc.) into collective means of production. 2. The organization and management of industry by the working class. 3. The establishment, as speedily as possible, of production for use instead of production for profit. Socialist Party of Canada Manifesto With introduction written specially by the author of the original. Whole | work revised and re-cast. NOW READY $6.00 per 100, expressage paid. PAMPHLETS Issued by the DOMINION EXECUTIVE COMMITTEE (Prices include Express Charges) (3) WAGE-WORGER AND FARMER (Pilkington) Price—Per 100, $4.50; Per Dozen, 55 cents; per Copy, 10 cents (6) WHAT IS SOCIALISM? (Hardenburg) Price—Per 100, $5.50; Per Dozen, 70 cents j per Copy, 10 cents Propaganda Meeting Vancouver Local No. 1 S. P. of C. EVERY SUNDAY, 8 p.m. REX THEATRE, Hastings Street Sam Busch TAILOR Cleaning, Pressing, Repairing. 409 Vernon Drive City ■ m . the number before your IL name on the yellow label of your paper reads »&•_» your subscription /°0 expires with the" next issue. RENEW AT ONCE. VANCOUVER LOCAL NO 1 LENDING LIBRARY HEADQUARTERS AVENUE THEATRE BUILDING Economics, Philosophy, History, Biology, etc., etc. The best works on the above subjects by the greatest writers of the last century: Marx, Engels, Dietzgen, Labriola, La- farque, Darwin, Huxley, Benjamin Kidd, and many others. Most of the works in this Library cannot be found in any other in the city, not even in the Carnegie Library. Membership per annum: Fifty Cents. T. CONNOR Now Beady | Wage WorRer 4 Farmer" By J. Filking-fcon PER 100, $4.60; PER DOZEN /:-. 55 CENTS; PER COPY. 10 CENTS Express charges included.
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