CONTENTdm
Pritchard, W.A.
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WESTERN J CLAR V -#;::■;-.■■■ The Official Organ of THE SOCIALIST PARTY OF CANADA No. 797] Vancouver, B. C, October, 1917 [Month 5c "Democracy" is the magic word these days. &&$ Like their savage prototypes in darkest Africa the witch doctors of modern civilization weave their evil spells in legislative fyalls,| on public platforms, in the pulpit and the' press. They hymn, they chant, in seductive strains of the new democracy. But charm they never so well they cannot seduce the blanched and horror stricken gaze of sorrowing multitudes away from brood drenched Europe, from those ocean graves, from those perishing populations, nor our thoughts from those millions, the flower of the race, lost to the world in the pride of youth or returned to us shattered, maimed and torn, to live living deaths, immolated, horrible sacrifices to the great god capitalism. But the spell must be cast, there is much at stake, so they gyrate around and around their Mumbo Jumbo,yincanting the magic /word. That nightmare of the bourgeois democrat, the working class listens and waits, though with a growing scepticism, to hear where it comes in on this beatific scheme of things: listens and waits and waits in vain for anything specific. And, looking at the prophets (I had nearly said "profits") of this new Jerusalem, is asking itself, with gathering storm of doubt and suspicion, can it be that there is a labor market in this Jerusalem also? Turning the question over in its slow moving collective mind, and looking who the profits (Oh, let it go this time) are( is arriving at the con- DEMOCRACY THE WORKERS PLACE IN IT elusion that it is so: same old market, same, old'subsistence wage, .with the (at intervals) usual bad times and the same old soup kitchens, that is to say, same old Democracy. (Big D please). How fine the word democracy sounds when uttered by a big mouth with one hand stuck in the breast and the other under the coat tails, of a platform shouter. But will it pay the rent,) or buy the baby a new dress? - Answer, Ask the missus. No, not upon wordy abstractions, but is it upon wages that the working class live and will live, or exist if you like, so long as the capitalist system of production lasts. Wages is the price of labor power. Price and a market go together. A market implies competition. A labor 'market is where/ men, women and children of the working class compete against each other for employment by the capitalist class, the owners of the means of wealth production. Nor is that all the competition they contend with, but every new invention, every new device, method or technique plays its part in pressing down wages. The crude irony of the term "labor-saving" throws into high light the social position of the workers.. What might under happier circumstances, be a new help to fthem in life's struggle but binds their chains more securely^ widens and deepens the social gulf between them and the bourgeoisie. One class forever, through ages of productive development, aye, clear through into twentieth century democracy, subsisting on the slave's portion, the other class falling heir to an ever increasing command over social powers. Workers are you the heirs of all the ages? Or are you the slaves of the present ? Democracy! What's in a name? Evidently nothing. And there's no end to understanding, confusion reigns, which, bye the bye, is just what our bourgeois "democrats" desire. But are they not in noble company since a titled aristocrat from his place in the British House of Lords ,said "We are all Socialists nowadays" ? The carriage awaits without, me Lud! Wh-ad ha' thought he was a comrade? What! To come to the root of the matter: Ancient Greek democracy was openly a helot system, resting upon the- backs of toiling multitudes of slaves who Were outside the pale. Under the rose, and in essence that is also capitalism, autocratic, or democratic. To be free the workers must free themselves from the stupefying effect of sounding phrases and realize they are but the sport of economic laws arising from the compiodity nature of their labor power. Slaves because they lack the very fundamental of freedom: control over their economic life. The Revolutionary Socialists of Russia realizing this, have for gener- * ations in their efforts to spread the propaganda of economic freedom, led the lives of hunted pariahs. All the might of Czardom with the assistance of some Democracies had assayed to crush them, but failed. Torture and the lash, and life long living deaths in foul prisons and Siberian mines was the lot of men, women, and children, many of them delicately nurtured: sacrifices made,- unequalled in the history of struggles for freedom: crushed without ruth or mercy, they rose, now^here, now there, like Phoenix from its ashes, tomfinally strike the blow which started the revolt. The Czar deposed and a prisoner bureauocracy allegedly dispersed, they are asked to staf their hand, allow the sleek and crafty bourgeoisie to assume power; the loan shark, the munition contractor, the lawyer, the banker, the manufacturer, that unholy crew, the agents and tools.of foreign concessionaries, bloodsuckers of the economic life of the country, exploiters of its working class, spoilaters of its natural resources. Ah! No ! Not while the memories of the martyred can inspire; not if human faith and courage; not if 'hardihood and bitterness born of inhuman persecutions can avail. Nothing will satisfy the revolutionary working class of Russia, nor the revolutionary working class of any other country, except the abolition of the exploitation of human labor. It is their determination in this generation to achieve, if humanly possible, the emancipation of their class from the servile commodity status. If it is not their good fortune to see that end consummated, then in un- dying faith in the inevitability of ultimate success, to hand on the struggle to the next. A real definite material de_ao- cracy is what we fight for in which the natural resources and the machinery of wealth production shall be owned and controlled by the whole people. Capital! What is capital fundamentally but command of labor: Capitalism's command of the labor forces of society by the capitalist class for their aggrandisement and enrichment? The absolutely necessary end that is accomplished is that the whole of society is fed, clothed and sheltered in some shape or other. If some go short it is not because society lacks the capacity by any means, but from other causes. Scientific research has annexed society as Qne of its fields of .enquiry and-the laws of human development have lone been well known. And because of that, profit making and the competition associated with it as a means of development are to be no longer justified. Nigardly as the appropriations are for experimental farms they yet can carry on experimental and research work with greater thoroughness and success than the individual farmer. His part being to get as near the best approved practice he can. Something like that might be done in all other spheres of industry. In effect substitute for the blind destructive eompetitve principles conscious control. We need have no fear, the creative instinct ,some say the strongest passion in the human breast, is a restless spirit ever seeking for a means of expression. Capitalism, autocratic or democratic, indifferently which, is a social fever spell—a nightmare. We must, and shall, push through it to sanity and the light of a brighter day. §1 C. S. ETHICS A^TD IJISTORY ' HE view we take o fany particular historical event, that is, the interpretation we put upon it, depends, in great measure, on the view We take of history in general. The ardent religionist views all historical events as a working out of "God's plan;" the advocate of. the "great man" theory sees the world's history as an expression of the achievements of great statesmen ,etc.;. while the idealist looks at these happenings as a progression towards the realization of that idea which he regards as the acme of perfection. The idealist, for instance, views the American Civil War as having been fought for freedom of the negro slaves, on ethical grounds. According to his notion the people of the Northern States had discovered that chattel slavery AAjas contrary to the highest ethical principles, and thereupon they abolished it. mm We might be inclined to wonder how Isuch a peculiar geographical distribution of ethical ideas came to exist; that is, we might wonder how it happened that the ethical ideas of the Southerners were so different and so far behind those of the Northerners. However, if anyone wishes to retain their idealistic conception and imagine that the world moves forward in proportion as man sees more clearly-what is right, the ywould do well not to investigate such a question. For if they do they are likely to meet with most annoying difficulties. They are sure to find facts which do not fit into the idealist conception of things. On the other hand, if we wish to know the truth regarding these matters, we will take pains to investigate all facts having a bearing on the matter. Many ^workingmen may think that it does not matter what vrsw they take of history. Yet great masses of men are ,at all times, moving in certain directions,, that is, acting in certain ways to accomplish some certain object, and J|Ldespite what they may think about it, their actions are immensely affected by their conception of things in general, and by their conception of history, in particular. Their responsiveness to a call to arms, their mass actions on the economic field, as in strikes, their collective action in putting a certain political party into power ,are examples of ways in which men act en" masse; actions which are preceded by more or less definite ideas as to what they warit~ and how to get it. To return now, to the question of slavery. Is tp_ere anything about the Northern United States which distinguishes them from the Southern States in a way that would THE WESTERN CLARION 3 r ;*- explain why the people in the north should have a higher conception of ethics than those of the south? We know of nothing. -Then how are we going to explain this difference of ideas on a purely ethical basis? There were, of course, millions of men and women.in the north who thought that chattel slavery was morally wrong. Had these people been distributed throughout the country, the theory that slavery was abolished because it was wrong might be more plausible. But when we try to account for the separation of the advocates and opponents of slavery into the southern and northern sections of the country on an ethical basis, we have a very difficult task on our hands. We must, therefore, look for the factor or factors which determined the stand take_. by the two sections of the country ,on the question of slavery. There was one remarkable difference between the north and the south. It was in the manner in which production was carried on. In the north manufacturing was the important industry. In such a country slave labor is unprofitable, for feasons which will probably be obvious to the reader, upon a little thought. The south was a plantation country where slave labor was profitable. Whatever is profitable to the ruling class of a country is always considered just and moral. This might not have caused any trouble betwejen the two sections had it not been for the fact that they were both under the same government. The policy of a government has a vital effect on the economic interests of that country. The United States government was dominated by the south and its policy was unfavorable to the manufacturing interests of the north. The.south. was represented by the Democratic party. When the Republican party was formed to represent the interests of the rising industrial capitalist class, the address calling the first convention gave the reasons for the existence of this new party as follows: "The representative^ of freedom on the floors of congress have been treated with contumely, if they resist or question the right to supremacy of the slave holding class. The labdr and commerce of sections where slavery does not exist' obtains tardy and inadequate recognition from the general government . v. . .Thus is the decision of great questions of public policy touching vast interests and vital rights made to turn, not upon the requirements of justice and honor, but upon its relation to the subject oil slavery—upon - the effect it will have upon the interests of the slave holding class." In spite of the ideological phraseology contained in the above passage we can clearly see that the real issue was the material interests, in other words, .^fehe profits, of the contending classes—northern capitalists and southern slave owners.v Thus history goes. And if we recognise these important facts, and note the part played by economic conditions, in historical events, we are led to adopt an entirely different conception of history than that advanced by silver-tongued orators and simple minded historians. The recognition that human history can only be understood by taking into account all material factors, such as the mode of production, climate, natural, resources, etc., is what.is called the Materialist Conception of History. Of these factors, the economic is the most important. T-he -economic factor in history is, however, the least recognised of any by current day writers in general. Some of the more-advanced historians have -of late years, given considerable attention and recognition to this factor, but if we pick up a current magazine or newspaper we find tne present/War depicted in ideological terms. Just as the north in the Civil War is supposed to have fought for the abolition of a great wrong, so the present conflict is represented as a war for "democracy." Of course, economic conditions in the various countries are frequently referred to, and it is often remarked that the economic organization of a country has an important bearing on its power to wage a successful war, but when it comes to giving economic conditions any consideration as causes of the war, or to admitting that there are material objects in view, we find either ignorance or a conspiracy of misrepresentation. Economic conditions are not given credit for being vital factors in history, but are treated as if they were merely incidental. Yet if we examine carefully the - news items of the capitalist press, we can frequently find evidence of the fact that it is the material interests of the ruling class of the various nations which is.the real motive for their military activities. The "Literary Digest" is an excellent mirror of capitalist class aims, quoting, as it does, from Heading publications, the world over. In its Sept. 1 issue, under the title of "Welcoming Japan's Envoys,"' we are told that: "The Baltimore 'Sun'names as two possible causes of future .trouble between us and Japan, first, discrimination against Japanese citizens in this country and concern here over Japan's intentions with regard to China." (Emphasis ours). In the same issue, in discussing the Pope's peace offer, ;the '-^Digest" quotes from the London '' Daily Mail," as follows:^., "So long as the German Powers hold the whole of Central Europe _and the Near East, so long as German and tributary territory stretches in one unbroken line from Hamburg to Bagdad ,as they well know, peace would enable Germany to dominate not only all Europe, but aH Asia as well." (Emphasis ours). Yet we are told that the fighting is being done to preserve that very precious but indefinite thing known as "human rights." It has always * been the custom of the ruling class Ii ' it ...... . ■. ■ ■ ■ ■■■ ____________£__£__ 4 THE WESTERN CLARION m to express its very material aims in high sounding language—-ad cap- tandum vulgus. L. B. Detroit, Mich. OUR LETTER BAG Editor "Western Clarion," Vancouver. Sir,t—The August issue of your paper along with back numbers of other Socialist brochures, was handed to me by one of your subscribers who asked me to read and give my opinion of the substance of the different articles found therin. I will try and do so. I am just an ordinary plug who has ceased to work from day to day as formerly. My time is now given upto study and I have determined to give some time to "Socialism" and its objects, etc. I suppose that I am just about the ideal individual you desire to reach with your paper. Now suppose I am in order in starting to criticize, not with a view of reconciling your opinions with those of mine, but to get at the truth of the matte. I may notknow much about Socialism, yet I believe I have a right to criticize your opinions provided I think they are not logical. And I _»elieve you invite critiicism, knowing full well that it your doctrine will not stand investigation then it will fail in its purpose and have to give way to other and better ideas. But I do not want you, Mr. Editor, to be as harsh with me as you were with a correspondent you answered in your August issue. You said he was like all those of his particular school of thought. As a matter of fact I could not make out from his letter what school he belonged to. He did not say what he believed but simply criticised the thought of another individual. If I say I believe in infant baptism would you say I am a Roman Catholic. It is possible I may be a Scotch Presbyterian. First of all the thing I noticed most of all in Socialistic literature is that on many fundamental points the writers do not agree. In this letter I shall deal with one only,i and probably in future brain spasms 1 shall take up the discussion of others. The means by which Socialism shall be inaugurated has various partisans. One school advocates industrial unionism, another parliamentary action, while a third may say it believes in political actiorir- My friend who handed me your paper tells me that political action means any action. Therefore economic action is political. But- this is what I cannot see. At least the socialistic lexicographer cannot belong to the orthodox school with Webster Johnston, etc. Your last sentence but one states-that union men ought to join the political party of their class. This seems to indicate that parliamentary action is superior to or rather the ultimate means whereby Socialism shall come into being. In other words you advocate parliamentary action is a dream and those who dream of it will one day wake up and realize that is so. Is it any wonder I am at a loss what to believe. Being an individual who thinks, I studied the problem and have come to the decision that if you want to get anywhere you have got to go after it—not with a ballot box but with a rifle. The late Russian Revolution- helped naturally to make me see that my opinion is based upon truth. Again I would like to bring before your -attention the fact that distinct terms convey the meaning of distinct actions. If I say political action I mean pertaining to the administration of public affairs—the accepted meaning of the word. If you say political and economic" action you speak of two modes of action and therefore your assertion that all action is political is a contradiction. There are as many different modes of action as there are factors in society. You make a fetish of words even while failing to understand their meaning. The repetition of cumbrous and hoary platitudes taken from Socialistic books may pass with you for thought, but all men are not blessed with your mental constitution. Yours respectfully, XYZ. In replying to our correspondent we may remark that his contention that our position and statement thereon must be subjected to the most ruthless criticism,, and if found faulty must be abandoned by those who seek wording class enlightenment and advancement, is correct. Consequently, we will do our little best to answer his queries, and hope to be able to display that sweet reasonableness or reasonable sweetness, whichever best suits the case, that he himself so devotedly cherishes. In the first place, the school of thought to which we ascribed the utterances of a previous writer to this column was an anarchist school of thought, one which imagines that the power of the State is a thing not to be reckoned with, in fact, one to which we might close our eyes, and proceed immediately, without waiting for constitutional action and working class knowledge, to grab by sheer force of arms the means of life. "If," our present correspondent says, "I say I believe in Infant Baptism, would you say I am a Roman Catholic. It isj possible I may be a Scotch Presbyterian." Just so! But one can believe in infant baptism and be almost anything,: except a Baptist or a Plymouth brother. That, however, is beside the question. , The objection that many writers of "socialistic" literature disagree on fundametals, cannot be taken to mean that Socialism is not a science, capable of scientific treatment and explanation. All that our friend means if he understands what he has written is that there are "socialist" writers who are not Socialists. The label on the bottle is no proof of the contents. That alone can be ascertained by thorough and proper examination. When we state that the emancipation of the working class alone can be achieved by the working class itself, we merely mea that the working class, when sufficiently educated, will, of necessity, be compelled to dispossess the master class of its power to rule and rob the workers. That power today rests in the modern state.f|rThe friend who handed our correspondent a copy of the "Clarion" and said that political action meant "any" action, evidently was either too tired or disgusted, or perhaps both, to go to the trouble of qualifying his statement. Political power, as our correspondent somewhat vaguely suggests, is the power to control the forces of y,v\ THE WESTERN CLARION administering affairs. Today that power is one which belongs entirely to the economic masters,i the capitalist class. The powers of administration in a society divided into producers and possessors become government, and government exists for the purpose of keeping the governed submissive to the will of those who govern. There is a difference between the economic and the political action of the working class. The daily fight around hours and wages and conditions of labor compels the workers to combine and carry on action 'against the purchasers of their labor-power. This is economic action, action upon the economic field. That changing conditions of labor, changing methods of production and .distribution, changing means of dealing with the sellers of labor power by the mastersi, will compel the workers to readjust themselves from time to time in their fight on the economic field goes without saying. That in order to accomplish its .emancipation the working class-must be educated to a sense of its class status and to the need of a proper organization, that is a political organization, for the conquest of the powers of the state, of the club that now so effectively lands upon "the workers, is a matter that, alas, too few workers realize at the present time. The Russian Revolution has taught our friend that it becomes more and more necessary for the worker to grab a rifle. Had he but considered a moment he would never have taken such a tuition. To talk of grabbing a rifle in these days of high-power long range guns, of machine gun batteries, of liquid fire and poisonous gases, of terrifically effective submarines, or flotillas of aeroplanes and all other advanced methods of carrying on war, demonstrates a certahr shallowness of thinking. There were just as many working men in Britain, compared with the total population, with rifles in their hands as were to be found in Russia at the time of the recent revolution. But nothing has occurred. And we may rest assured that for some time,, at least, nothing will occur. It is not a question of putting "something" into the hands of the worker, as the Hyndman, Lee, Will Thorne aggregation so eloquently urge in their pleas for a citizen army in Britain, but putting something in their heads that is going to count in the fight of the working class for emancipation. And if it is a question of getting control, easily, surelyj,j and with the least amount of possible friction, of the army, navy, judiciary, and all other departments of the modern state, to the end that these instruments of oppression and government might be transformed into agents of emancipation and administration, we again declare that, right at this present moment, the working class have the means in their hands to accomplish this, providing they have the right stuff in their heads. That is the rock upon which we split with the advocates of "direct action," "step-at-a-time freaks," and "get-something-now" quack doctors. The working class can get something when they know how. Our business is to so engage in the presentation of our philosophy that they may know And that is the most direct action^ There is no short cut to working class success. The sooner we realise that the quicker will our objects be realized. W. A. P. Russia isn't bankrupt. It is one of the richest countries in the world. I mean the government is rich. It owns a vast Empire of arable and timber lands. There is no question about its ownership, the title has always been vested in the government." We see then what government ownership stands for; it means safety for the bondholders—safety for the real owners of the earth and all that therein is! MANITOBA MISCELLANEA By Pat. Charles Edward Russell is real {peeved at his old friends of the I. W. W. who went back to Russia from U. S. A. Evidently they got over ahead of him and put the workers of Russia wise as to what a fakir he really was. According to the Winnipeg Tribune of Sept. 1, 1917, he is reassuring the Yankee financiers that their money is quite safe. He says: "As a matter of fact Private Halloran, Munster Fusil- eers, found guilty of the manslaughter of his mother-in-law at Tralee, was at Cork, on Saturday, allowed out on undertaking to return to his regiment.—"Southern Reporter," Dee. 14,'1916. A good way to get rid of your mother-in-law—join up, then knock her head off. *__ _fr Capitalist newspapers do some sensible things by mistake at times. I see the "Telegram" prints Gerard's German experiences in the same section as Buster Brown's experiences. * # * Citizen No. 1: "Hello, Bill! Have you read those interesting magazines called "Fragments from France.' | Citizen No. 2 (a man without a soul): "No!,but I've seen quite a lot of fragments that have been sent back from there." * # # Ex-Controller Midwinter, who is a very ardent and patriotic anti- Socialist, a prominent member of the Returned Soldiers, and a strong believer in the line-em-up-against-a- wall theory has, according to today's papers (Sept. 1, 1917) been caught with two cords of city- owned wood. Of course it was all a deplorable mistake, but it was unfortunate it had to be returned to the city yard. Again, of course, it is patriotic to save your money as the government want the dear peepul to buy war bonds, and one's fuel bill in Winnipeg, would buy quite a few. I m 1 6 THE WESTERN CLARION i-ei- w*m The Western Clarion Published by the .Socialist Party of Canada at the office of the Western Clarion, N.E. corner Pender Street and Dunlevy Ave., Vancouver, B. C. Subscription Bates: Per 20 issues 1.00 Per 10 issues 0.50 Bundle Bates:—3 cents per copy per issue. In making remittance by cheque, exchange must be added. Address all communications to Managing-Editor. "Western Clarion" office, N. E. cor. Pender and Dunlevy Ave., Vancouver, B. C. Readers advising us of change of address can only insure csrrect and prompt delivery by sending the old address along with the new. if yor. receive this paper it is paid for. ■ *■ .the number before your IL name on the yellow label of your paper reads 7QC your subscription I yO expires with the next issue. This 'being a war of a magnitude beyond precedent its THE WAR developments were TO COME unforseeable at its outbreak, and now after the close of its third year, its results are yet beyond foresight in any degree of detail. We had been historically accustomed to wars which mainly affected the actual combatants and those in the immediate vicinity of the fighting. That this war should absorb not merely the military but largely the whole economic activity of the peoples involved, was by no means foreseen at the commencement or even during the earlier phases. Yet this appears to us now a per- fectly-logical and necessary development. It would seem as though any of us might have forseen it had we but thought it over a bit. We may take it, therefore, that the re-establishment of peace will hold similarly unforseen ■possibilities As we have pointed out before, war has became the normal state of society, not only among the belligerents, but also among the more socially important neutrals. The whole economic, social, political, commercial, religious, artistic, and private life of these nations has adjusted itself to this normal condition of war. Editorial Page and a re-adjustment will necessarily take place. The one thing about this re-adjustment of which we can be at all certain is that it will not be in the nature of a return to conditions prevailing before the war. As for the rest, we can but conjecture and surmise. For,/ as this is a war without precedent, we shall also have peace without precedent. However, certain developments are now manifesting themselves whose significance appears unmistakable. One effect of the war has undoubtedly been the speeding up of the process of the concentration of capitalist ownership and control of the means of production. The coming of peace will further accelerate this process, fo-r the mere probability of peace will knock the bottom out of the stock markets and wipe out the holdings of the mass of speculators. The^ re-establishment of peace will find the true master class an oli- grachic plutocracy, few in numbers but absolute in power n The issue of the war itself will not materially affect their position. As to which of the present belligerents will be victorious is a question no longer of much importance socially. This war was more than a war between two capitalist groups. It was a war between two capitalist systems. The struggle of classic capitalism striving to maintain its commercial supremacy against the encroachments of a modern, more highly efficient capitalism. But in the course of the struggle the former has been compeled to adopt the very mode and manner of the latter, and there is now little essential difference between them. By the end of the war there will be none. Which may possibly justify the assumption that more lively than a victory for either belligerent is an alliance between them, or rather, a fusion. On the other hand, while the function of the Press has long since been changed from that of disseminating to that of dissembling the news, j when occasionally a corner of the veil is lifted, in glimpses we are afforded no lacl^ of evidence of an unrest world wide and deep among the -workers. Everywhere there is struggle and repression, and we see the beginnings of the process of a driving together of the forces df labor. .The significance of all of which is Clearly that, while the present war goes on before our eyes, beneath the surface a new alignment of forces is taking place in preparation of a greater struggle to come. The world is falling into two great camps whose outposts are clashing already. Undoubtedly, in the beginning this coming war will be over wages and conditions—a struggle over the price of the commodity labor-power. But in that strugle, which will become intensified,) the present haziness and indefiniteness will be replaced by a clear vision of working class) political- neetls. Neither party then will be able to impose its will upon the other unless it has the power. The struggle must, therefore, eventuate in a war between the worker and their masters for power —for supremacy—and there is but one supremacy—political supremacy. And that is Class War. That, so far as we can see, is whither we are- heading. In the meantime it behoves Socialists to prepare themselves for this coming struggle as never before, for, if we read the signs aright, and it is coming, it will come swiftly. And, as ever, the best preparation we can make is to "make Socialists" and make them good and red. Of all the lessons the war is teaching the one it teaches with the most diligence and drives home with illustration upon illustration, is that a THE WESTERN CLARION "hyphenated" Socialist can be depended on to turn upon the wrong side of the hyphen, and that only the Marxist stays put. Provided we do that, then, given economic understanding, cohesiveness^ and definiteness of objective," we may, though in a minority, count on dominating any revolutionary- situation that may arise. Mc. INFORMATION AND THE PRESS T the Trades and Labor Congress held recently in Ottawa, a delegate declared that the Socialist Party was the greatest enCmy the working class had. These may not have been his exact words ( a matter of little importance) ,\ but so he was quoted by every newspaper of any importance in this country. They gave him heavy headline^ prominence at that. Newspapers which ordinarily 'abuse any attempt of the working class to better their conditions, are always jubilant when a slave denounces Socialism. If the slave exercised a little'reason on this matter he would ask why these avowed and active opponents of his class enjoy any expressed hostility to Socialism by slaves. Newspapers as a rule do not concern themselves with matters of interest to wage-, earners. They are ,on the contrary prompt to suppress any news which is likely to arouse a rebellious spirit among the workers. News of working class activity which in any way threatens the continued supremacy of that supine class which- at present sucks its sustenance-from exploitation, is skilfully distorted to arouse prejudice in the minds of the work-* ers, if it cannot be suppressed. The news we are supplied with from Russia is notorious in this respect. Any one reading the praise bestowed on Kerensky- a few months ago, and comparing it with the same_ sloppy nonsense about Korniloff when he undertook to displace Kerensky, must conclude -that the scribe re sponsible for such opposite views was more interested in impressing his readers with a certain viewpoint than in providing them with news. As an example of how closely any news of importance to the workers in an emergency, may be guarded is seen from the* fact that a general ^strike of some magnitude occurred in Australia last month, and though it lasted for three weeks, in this country not one word appeared in the press until it was over and the workers defeated. The effect of such news in Canada at a time''when general strike tactics were being advocated to combat the National Service Act can be well understood. If the same prominence had been given to this news as was given to the ineffectual attempt of the I. W. W. to call a general strike, the effect on the workers in this country would have helped the anti-conscription propaganda considerably. The masters wise, enough to understand this ordered the news suppressed. This is a situation which will possibly cause some trouble if the workers should at any time gain the upper hand in any given country. The history of the Paris Commune of '71 affords us positive knowledge of how the press can prevent news. It is said the devil is not as bad as he is painted, and certainly no "one^ could be as fiercely vile as the pictorial artists and their brother scribes portrayed the Communists. There as in all matters of working tives of the newspaper owners and class revolutionary activity the mo- editors was not to give news, but to create ideas. The cables are in the hands of the master class, and so far as present development goes wireless telegraphy cannot offer the workers its service. So even if we had a paper which could be published - frequently enough to keep the workers informed of the real state of afairs, at home and abroad, news service would still be in the same hands. However^ we have means whereby we can surmount the perversion o£ news matter and turn the newspapers into mediums of information. By giving our fellow-slaves a sound understanding of the class nature of society, we place in their hands an /antidote against mental poisoning by perverted news. When a wage: worker-grasps the principle of the class struggle he is equipped with a sort of instinct which enables him to read into press vilification of working class activity the knowledge that such activty gives concern to his masters, for which reason, he would positively refuse to take any part in opposing it. The dispelling of master class knowledge and the increasing of working class consciousness is still the first and chief task of the revolutionary workers. J. H. We are informed by the Press that a most fitting climax to the recent Trades Congress at Ottawa was reached. To realize the immense amount of delirious -» drivel peddled in that august assembly, in the name of Labor, is sickening, and need not be further dilated upon. The fitting climax,before mentioned was the presentation by John Winston, British representative, to Jimmie Waiters, Congress President, of a blood-stained bayonet from the Ridge of Vimy. We might suggest a means'whereby that bayonet could even now more * usefully shed blood than it ever did at Vimy. But we refrain. ;The "Chief Press Senseless" office might object. Still, to paraphase Madame Roland,, we might exclaim: "Oh, Labor! What comedies" are committed in thy name." W. A. P. Flippity flop to the chemist's shop, To get an ounce of whisky. H But the rich can keep it in the house It isn't near so risky. I I 8 THE WESTERN CLARION Correspondence We publish letters containing criticism, etc., and as items of general information. They do not necessarily carry our en- dorsation. EDITORIAL BOARD. A SUGGESTION It was gratifying to notice the sub. list of the "Clarion" for the past month. Your editor's remark requesting members to send articles has been noticed. As a result, in conversation, I have been asked questions by members as to how to write an article. They have difficulty in finding a subject, also in arranging their ideas. I had in my mind a suggestion which I offer for your consideration. That the editor ask for articles on a given subject every issue, giving authority for reference, to encourage reading with a system and an object in view. When reading up a subject notes should be copied and the date, with a record, for future reference. Nationalization of railways, etc., has again got the mind of the slave. He thinks he has a radical or new idea, and that nationalization is in the interest of the working class. The capitalists are preaching abstinence and pretending to show him an example, by a tax on profits, conscription of wealth and other schemes. A paper on this subject would be opportune. Yours in revolt, A. W. LOVE Headquarters, S. P. of C, Local No. 3, Sept. 6th, 1917. Editor, The Tribune, City. Sir,—Your editorial of Sept. 5th issue headed "All Pacifists are Pro-German" reflects to such an extent on our organisation that we ask your courtesy by throwing open your columns to our reply. You state: "The most pathetic group of Pro- Germans in Canada are the Socialistic wage-workers who agitate for peace and oppose conscription." In so far as our party is concerned, we wish to emphatically deny that we have, since this war started, ever agitated for peace. Our position is, that war is inherent in and natural to the present system of society. This attitude is clearly shown by a quotation from the 4th Edition of our Party Manifesto, which reads as follows: "But the war- This war is by no means to be regarded as an accidental and regrettable cataclysm. It is a fundamental and inevitable part of a world process. A page in the era in which we live—^-Capitalism;" (page 5). To class Socialists as pacifists in any respect is simply an error on the part of the classifier. The International Socialist movement represented in Canada by our organisation, in Great Britain by that small, but virile group, the S. P. of G. B., in Germany largely by those who look upon Franz Mehring as their spokesman, and in other countries by the thousands of individuals comparatively unknown as yet,.' but who for years have been fighting in every Capitalist country against the twin evils Nationalism and Reformism which were gradually allowed to eat the vitals out of the Second International. The S. P. of C. and the S. P. of G. B. for years prior to the war refused to join the International Socialist Bureau on the ground that it was neither international nor Socialist. The actions of Sudekum and David in Germany, Hyndman and Blatchford in England, Thomas and Herve in France, and last but by no means least Spargo and Simons in U. S. A., proves how correct we were in our analysis. These men at the first blast of war's trump shed their internationalism and came out in their true anti-working class colors. Macdonald, Snowden and Hardie in England, Gompers, Morel in France, Hasse and his colleagues in Germany and Ruthenberg, Hillquit and Berger in U. S. A., lining up as they have in a pacifist campaign prove conclusively that ( as we stated prior to the war, those individuals and the parties they represent were not Socialists. Mr. Editor, in conclusion allow us to again protest against the label Pacifist. We are strong upholders of war, and you can rest assured that each member of our party is forced to do his bit in the class war. A war, our success in which means to the workers the abolition of exploitation and the ownership of the earth and all that therein is. Allow us to conclude by quoting an extract from your valuable paper of January 19th, 1917, purporting to have come from the pen of Karl Liebknecht: "The Socialist combats capitalism where he finds it and where he can attack it efficaciously, that is to say first of all in his own land. It is in the name of the international proletariat that he combats his own government in his own territory." A Socialist who does not attack imperialism in his own country but with the approbation of his own representatives of imperialism in other countries is not a Socialist ; he is a despicable creature in the service of the dominating classes. Press Committee, Local No. 3,, Winnipeg, per. Alex. Paterson. Copy of letter sent to the "Winnipeg Trib- 'l _wirW: une. WHY NOT C. P. C. IN PLACE OF S. P. C. Since all things are today in the melting pot, why not a change in name. Changes in the social order are noted for their rapidity, and the discernment of changing conditions are the more readily observed by the people. Terms by constant wresting from their one-time meaning, may and do convey In time a totally different concept from the original ideas that was intended. This brings us to the consideration of the desirability of a change in name. An alteration would not be permissable if the present designation implied the acceptance of all the science of Marxian school. The term Socialist by the constancy of its misuse, viz., every political nostrum and panacea being dubbed Socialistic, we think no longer represent the Marxian idea. :-wm Organizations flourish who propagate confusionist ideas under the term Socialist. We have the State Socialist, the Christian Socialist, etc., etc. The word has been adopted by the reactionary interests. It has become a nisnomen Further, it has ceased to express the hostilities, the class antagonisms, existing in society. Hence we suggest that we get back to the free use of the terms preferred by Marx and Engels : "That we are Communists." We do THE WESTERN CLARION not find in the Communist Manifesto (not Socialist Manifesto) the party of the working class called the Socialist Party. On the contrary special emphasis is used "repeatedly so," that we are the "Communist Party." Objection may be made that it will convey to the mmd the local and restricted Utopias that have had an ephemeral existence in the past such as Owenism, the Icarians, etc., etc. The Communists and Communism are still the most hated,, because of their implications. They are still the distinguishing terms of the trend of human development. There can arise no misgivings, the terms imply clearness and defiriiteness. We submit that their use should be made more common even for the party name, "Communist Party of Canada." The concluding paragraph of the Manifesto are very striking, because of Marx and Engels insistence in the use of the term. Perpend: In short, the "Communist" everywhere support every, revolutionary movement against the existing social and political order of things. In all these movements everywhere they bring to the front, as the leading questions in each, the property question, no matter its degree of development at the time. "The Communist" disdain to conceal - their views and aims. They openly declare that their ends can only be attained by the forcible overthrow of all existing social conditions.. Let the ruling class tremble at a "Communistic Revolution." The proletarians have nothing to lose but their chains They have a world to win. Workingmen of all countries unite. The above is submitted to the party for the consideration of the membership, and invite discussion thereon in the "Clarion" of the Communists. SOUND ADVICE TO RUSSIA 14V^^HE Carpenter," a monthly V^^J journal, issued by the U. B. of C. and J., Indianapolis, September issue, comes out with an article under the above heading. One paragraph of the ''sound" advice reads as follows: "To Americans especially does the advent of a Russian Republic bring feelings of joy, for it heralds the further triumph of American ideals and to them appears as a sign or portent of that dream that finds a place in the minds of many—the republicaniz- ation of Europe and the redemption of the world from the wiles of king-craft and imperialistic ambition. \' Truly a great and noble ambition, the desire to see poor old Europe rescued from king-craft, etc. Judging by the "sound" that daily and hourly emanates from pulpit and platform ("Socialist" platforms not excluded) we know that the great U. S. is entirely unhampered by these drags on civilization and that freedom reigns supreme! But still there are doubts as to whether the absence of king-craft, etc., makes so very much difference, or that the republicanization of Europe would in any way ameliorate the condition of the working class. What is the position of the American worker today. After 143 years of "liberty" since those daring old sports kicked over the traces of that wily representative of king-craft, George III., House of Brunswick? According to government-reports, the average wage of the worker in the U. S. is $620 a year, which means that after a year's hard toil the .worker has nothing, but the prospect (and if he would still exist, the absolute necessity) of continuing the grind. In other words he receives just sufficient to make him come back. Referring to statistics again it will be seen that one per cent, of the families of the U. S. receive nearly one-fourth of the national income, while fifty percent, receive barely one-fifth. ||1| Equality, according to American ideals! A few months ago a labor agitator dared to raise his voice against the Montana mine operators, and was promptly ^hanged on a railroad trestle. Combined liberty and justice! A number of miners (1,200 to be correct) in Arizona, went on strike and were deported into the desert of New Mexico. Fraternity— another "triumph" of American ideals. In strenuous efforts to pile up dividends for shareholders, 10,000 people were killed and close on 200,000 injured during last years operation of the U. S. railroads. These few details, only emphasise the fact that despite the entire absence of wily kings- on the American continent, the capitalist system with all its attendant evils, remains in complete possession of the field, and while that system continues the "redemption of the world from king-craft and imperialistic ambition" matters not at all. J. Stevenson. HERE AND NOW Owing to an oversight in the making up of the paper last month the 4)lere and Now" column was om itted. The details for last month v/Ti be found in this issue. $ 50c 25c Local Vancouver No. 1 4 10 0 Local Victoria No. 2.... 5 10 Walter Read 3 1 0 "Jock" Reid 3. 0 0 Nels Sorlie II 2 0 0 A. P. McCabe 0 4 0 C. Roster 1 1 0 W. Lafontaine I 0 2 | H| ' U 1 0 : | ^iu.-les—W. Churchill, M. 01s«.-i, H M. Christianson, Miss P. Gfi-,- wold, TT Buick, W. Davenport, J. jp iV!:i.'.»'uire. 50c—:;\. Hastings. | Beardsley, R. Gc'hci:. '. 5 c— 1. o c al Montreal. There has been a serious falling off in the number of subs, coming iuto the office during the last two months, and if the paper is not to go out of business some strenuous efforts must be made to keep this column from shrinking out of sight. We require at least ninety fresh subscriptions a month, and there is quite a difference between 50 and that "number. We look for a better display next month. H w H. _K 10 THE WESTERN CLARION THE SLAVE OF THE FARM x BY A. BUDDEN THE WESTERN CLARION ll LETTER No. 2. My Dear E:— You may ask by what means does capital arise, and why do the Socialists ascribe such malignant propensities to it. Others, how did it first come to this CQuntry, since, once upon a time, there were only Indians and gophers, as the saying goes. Tlie story of its rise is too long for us to tackle here, but its genesis is written in the annals of history in "blood and fire." The most frightful loss*of life, the driving out of peasants from their ancestral homes, the burning of homesteads and death of whole villages. These are the scenes out of which the capitalist class rose, Phoenix-like, to glory. Do you suspect it was otherwise with this continent? True, the romanticists are forever telling us the great story of Empire building. They do not always tell the truth. To them it is one long source of heroic tales and epics. This is not altogether without foundation, for there were brave deeds, but also bloody. Heroes, in the cause of trade, must always be practical, and never miss the main chance. And it was so with the first attempt to colonize the New World. An epoch making era it was when on a summer's day the frail bark of the adventurers rounded the Pebble Ridge, or dropped, amid the report of saluting cannons,, down Avon, past Bristol port, and so out upon the tossing main. "Westward Ho!" and "aye for the Land of Gold." '0jjM Gold was the lure; wealth (and the struggle for its pos- esssion) has ever been man's master. It is the dynamo of human society. There were weeks of terrible privation, of mutiny and- murder—-alone upon the tossing waste of sullen sea. Would the sea ngyer end? Were they even now sailing over the edge of the world? Who knows! Turn back, sating master, put her about for home! As unlike any band of heroes as well might be were those crews of gold-hunting humans set afloat in veritable coffin ships. The poet songs of "regions Caesar never knew," heritages of Britain, and these regions discovered by the sea captains of the Middle Ages, indeed show quite plainly that no iron yoke of civilization had ever burdened the dweller in this New World. No Caesar had ever come to fill the land with triumphs of art and slaves; to build grea.t cities where the wealthy might revel and the worker rot. To these new Romans fell the task of bringing to the western shores all the benefits of Christian civilization. With^torch and brand they pressed upon the Indian. As their progenitors blood-stained clansmen of the Tin Islands—fought and died, hurling their naked bodies in vain against the mail clad might of the Roman legionaries, so these new Romans, also in mail, swept the naked red man from his ancestral home. Foot by foot, mile by mile, the bronze-skinned warriors contested th right of entry. Kings in England or Spain granted charters of eminent domain, others trusting but lightly to such clerk's (ricks descended bodily upon the Indians' homeland, and made good those charters with musket, sword and sacrament. Those were evil days indeed! Dark and bloody were the actions of the "whites"; terrible deeds perpetrated in forest grove or rocky glen; evil happenings that blanch the | cheeks of the racanteur and send the children cowering to the blankets on a dark night, even to this day. For there was gold, gold, gold—mountains of gold; lakes whose glassy surface reflected the bright sheen of boundless wealth hidden in their depths. Druids in the British groves cursed the coming of the Roman Empire builders, and spat upon the faces of their gods. Medicine-men in the" long houses of the Iroquois or solemn aisles of spruce and pine, cursed these new gods of rapine, these new Empire builders, and, cursing thm, fled evrmore into the hinterland. But what then? Before the swift pursuit of treasure hunting whites; before the faces of Raleigh and Smith, of Fron- tenac and La Verendrye; at the devastating touch of Cortez and Pizzaro, they perished and passed away. Caesar in his conquests "made a desolation and called in peace"; these new Caesars desolated and knew not peace. For this is the method of Capitalist development. Before the blighting hail of European fires ticks, the great game animals vanished from the lands. The plains were putrid and stank to heaven, telling of the ruthless pillage of nature's hordes. From Sandy Hook to the Golden Gate, as time progressed, the robber white made his way, and |he homes of those who blazed the trail, together with those who tried to arase it, littered the boundless prairies, or shone stark upon the mountain passes. Meanwhile another wave, northward and westward, from the frozen shores of the Hudson Bay, from the wide and majestic. St. Lawrence, through the great forests of Lower Canada, around inland seas, heading past Superior, undismayed by rapid, rock, or Indian—the pioneer pushed his way. The strident voices of a hundred Red River carts proclaiming their advent, they came at last to where the City of Winnipeg now stands "and behold it was a fat land," so, being a canny folk, they drove in their claim stakes. Thus far the forerunners of capital swept, but not a sudden halt. The advent of capital itself had to await the process of its own development, but it lost nothing by the delay. True to its inner self, when once its requisites were to hand, its methods of exploitation were no less vicious, if more refined. Many factors, including the hostility of the Hudson's Bay Company, were lesponsible for this petering out of the westward surge. But an unsurmountable difficulty met the settler. Cyrus McCqrmick and his friend Appleby,were not yet to the fore; the coming of modern machinery of production alone made possible the colonization of the great prairie province. True enough, people drifted in aftert^.e suerender of the Hudson's Bay right of domain, but the next great wave did not come until the trap was I ready. mm McCormick's great invention fell, of course, into the hands of the Capitalists—all machinery of production is theirs by right; the capitalist class is the child of the Machine Age, and since it owned thejcey to unlpck the West, is it possible to suppose that in unlocking it, it did not first ensure itself ? Here were possibilities of fabulous wealth, all that were needed to develop k were slaves enough and machinery of production. Of course, this did not develop all at once, as we have said before. The exploitation of the West waited on the development of machinery. With the appearance of the first binders and larger machinery, a systematic campaign of immigration was started. The appeal to the dispossessed of Europe to come west and build a free nation on free "soil fell upon fruitful ground indeed. The response was sudden and overwhelming. Here was land, —land and freedom: "A man might become his own master in a year or two." "Banish the boss" was the slogan. "Look, what 160 acres in Germany or England mean," they would cry, "why a man is a little king with all that land!" Feverishly they would pace around some public square, calculating how many acres there were in it, and then in their mind's eye, the grime of a smoky city would give place to green and golden fields,, wherein a snug dwelling rested, cuddled down on a slope by a gently winding river. They came in thousands as their sires came in hundreds, but they did not find the same conditions. The pro- cess of developing the West has been a reversal of the historic method. In Europe, Capitalism fought a bitter war with the landed classes. In Western Canada, all chances of war were forestalled; capital was ready and waiting to harness its victims to the soil, i They never became a landed class, all they could be were soil slaves. Great masses of these have not yet, as you are well aware, discovered this; they are still thinking in the manner of their "fathers. The SLAVE OF THE FARM hangs most stubbornly to the idea that he is some kind of a freeholder or capitalist. All the farmer's organizations are founded upon this idea; his papers and his conversation betray tins false, or rather old time, conception of his position in modern society. Ancient ideas die hard. There was a time when the holding of land meant all the difference between slave and freeman, between noble and chattel. The most severe punishment—almost as bad as death itself—was to be branded "outlaw" or "landless man" by the communal dwellers or early England. A landless man was a proscribed and hated wretch, every man's hand was against him, and who caught him foul might enslave him forever. Even as late as 1 547 any person could make one of these poor unfortunates bondsman for all time by simply denouncing him as an idler, brand him, starve, whip and torture—even execute him. To be a landless man was indeed a terrible thing. The early settlers of Canada knew this too; the possession of soil meant to them life. Composed of United Empire oyalists, French Hugenots, expatriated Irish, and dispossessed Scottish Cottars and Clansmen, the social ideals of the peasant proprietor necessarily grew up amongst them, and are retained today by this new wave of immigrants, alas! to their utter confusion of thought upon matters pertaining to their economic status. The "back to the land" movement holds the imagination of the British worker because he knows the strength of the landed classes in his own country. There is also another factor in explanation of the soil slave's viewpoint, which,- my dear E., must always-be kept in mind,— the topographical condition of the country. This plays an important part. The voice of the wide spreading prairie, the murmur of the whispering woods, the gurgle of the swift running creek or the majestic sweep of some giant river, the wide expanse of the valuted sky, and the presence of wild things, proclaim the song of freedom; live again the cry of the past; wake again in the mind of the Western farm slave, the saga of the soil. The sense impression of communal barbarism, or the sturdy thought of the peasant proprietor linger here where capital is master; have stolen from their graves to whisper of the freedom that is no more. And Capital which exploits all things is able to bring to its aid the make-up of the human mind. The 'abstractions of today were the sense impressions of yesterday. To the peasant proprietor, work was well worth the doing. The proprietor of his hands accumulated around his homestead. Wealth he produced, but not commodities. Modern Capitalism manages to retain among its slaves of the farm the ideas upon work in vogue in those days, while skilfully abstracting the produce of that labor. No more do the products of the dweller on the land store yup and accumulate with him. Swiftly are they drawn away; they have become commodities^! All that is left with the soil serf is enough to keep him in slavery, and the passionate desire, for work; heritage of the past. All too well did the capitalist realize the truth of their economist's words, that "small property in land is the most active instigator to severe and incessant labor " All too well have they been able to harness ihis to their own aggrandizement. (To be continued.) NOTICE To Party Members and Readers Generally Above will be found the second installment of "The Slave of the Farm," by All Budden.. As will be seen, this work is written in the form of letters to a friend, and is in the best literary style with a subject matter which is of superlative interest to the workers of Ganada. That it has not been published before is due to the chronic state of financial embarrassment which continually dogs the footsteps of the party. Farmers and those who are directly interested in . farm products form by far the greatest proportion of the population in the Provinces west of Winnipeg. Our propaganda is directed in great measure at this section of the population, and we hope to place a copy of this work in the hands of every individual of this section. We are open for advance orders, and money turned in for that purpose shall be kept in a separate fund until the pamphlet is printed^The prices are: Per copy, 10c; per dozen, 75c; per 100, $6.00. Dominion Executive Committee. s m 12 THE WESTERN CLARION THE WESTERN CLARION 13 i EASY MARKS LONG the winding path of the centuries a varied assortment of tribes, races and classes have made their appearance. Each ane has paused in the limelight just as long as the economic conditions of that particular time was favorable to its existence and advancement. Progress in the various lines of activity has been most noticetble among those sections who possessed a bountiful supply of the necessaries of life. Those who were less fortunate in securing the means of livli- hood were periodically encroached upon and submerged by the better fed and clothed tribes and races. As the old gentile system, through agencies developed within itself, was forced to succumb and political society had its inception, the order of things was rearranged. Class domination and subjection was the natural condition through the following centuries. Property ownership and control was to be the line of demarcation between power and slavery. One thing, however, is noticeable in studying the different social forms that have existed since the advent of class society, i.e., the attitude of the slave class toward their owners and masters. In the chattel and feudal systems the classification was complete. One class owned-the -other without leaving any margin that could not easily bea ccounted for. The^ submerged section of society could in no way establish an identity of interests with the dominant portion. They could clearly see their inferior position. Revolts in which chattel slave and serf sought to relieve themselves from the galling chains of a master rule show that in some cases their status was realized and a spirit of class consciousness was quite pronounced. In the capitalist system the dividing line between slave and master has been carefuly obscured by servile institutions. Master and slave must needs exist, indeed they must occupy their respective positions at both end of society more emphatically than ever before, but, still, every institution from the sobriety of the bench to the hilarity of the "movies" serves as an instrument to prevent those on the lower strata from realizing their class position and the power they possess when they care to use it. The simple mechanism of previous systems, which, while not requiring a great concentration of thought on its operation, still left itself open to the attacks of unlettered artisans and peas ants, has developed into a political and industrial structure so complex in its nature that even those who are supposed to hold the reins of government have but a vague conception of the system in which they are called to rule. Strange as it may appear, in an age when science and invention are making sjuch remarkable progress, only an infinitesimal portion of the world's population, and even this number almost entirely from the ranks of the working class,have sufficient knowledge to properly analyse the process of capitalist production. The overwhelming majority of both classesmanage to exist in a blissful ignorance of their sat- roundings. Mechanically they satisfy, as best they can, their needs and requirements. Unlike the slave section of other systems the worker of today seeks to establish an identity of interests with the class that owns him. No action of his is right or just if it fails to appreciate his master's position. The term "property" seems to convey to him a sublime sacred something second on^y to "work.," Faithfully he obeys the dictates of those who employ him. Their word is law; their decision final. Producing everything in abundance for those who control the machinery of production, when hunger seizes him he regards it as a divine ordinance unavoidable for those who work. In reality he presents the most pitiable spectacle in the universe. Nothing equals him for abject servility, and yet, "Mc" compares him to the hen. Impossible ! such unwarranted eulogies should be ruthlessly suppressed. Have the denizens of the barnyard in Port Alberni ceased to supply the succulent hope of strikers, and despair of actors, that our old comrade should thus unreservedly malign them? However, things change! Social forces are moving fast. The development of the machine is bring.ng the proletariat to a realization of the position they occupy in human society. Once the worker understands that he is a slave who musL work to exist,. who must sell his energy to a master or else be deprived of life's "necessities, those well planned barriers of nationality, religion, color, and customs are soon- eliminated and the only real antagonism between sections of society is found to be a conflict of interests between those who produce the wealth of the world and those who own it. An analysis of this situation is the function of the Socialist propagandist. He must unravel the social mysteries that baffle the members of his class. This duty is not performed in the role of a martyr or even an altruist. To the worker who understands the capitalist system its speedy collapse is always a necessity. J. A. McD. Last Month's Subs. $ 50c 25e Local Vancouver No. 1 8 10 0 H.J . Dordi 5 0 0 W. Erwin 4 0 0 Thos. Hanwell 2 4 0 Geo. Schott 3 0 0 M. McNeill 2 0 1 R. C. McCutcheon i 2 0 1 M. Irwin ...... 2 0 0 P. McDermott 2 0 0 Local "Winnipeg No. 3 1 2 0 T. B. Roberts 0 4 0 Local Calgary No. 86.... 110 G. H. Laundry 0 2 1 Harry Noakes 0 2 0 Singles, $—G. Bloomfield, Thos. Foulston, C. Stephenson, B. W. Todd, A. Paterson, G. Heal, W. Bay- liss, Wm. F Dalton, J F. Maguire, C. E. Scharff, Wm Braes, Local Victoria. 50c—Chas. Hedstrom, J. Reid, Wm. McQuoid, Murray Hall, C. M. O'Brien, Local Montreal, E. M. Mutch. 25c—Martin Olson, D. J. Sullivan. DOMINION EXECUTIVE COMMITTEE Convened in the office of the secretary, 10th September, 1917. Present: J. Kavanagh, J. M. Jenkins, J. G. Morgan, J. Harrington, and the Secretary. Chairman, J G. Morgan. Minutes of the previous meeting adopted as read. Correspondence— '' The Weekly Record," Edmonds, B. C.; Wm. Per- rin, Vancouver; F. Pollard, Victoria; Local Victoria; Local Cumberland; Wm. Braes, Cumberland; M. Olson, Knox Bay; G. H. Laundry (2), Qual- icum Beach; M. T. Kirby, Tumour Island; A. P. McCabe, Smithers; A. K. Anderson, Chase; Harry Noakes, Notch Hill; -G. Bloomfield, Tran quille; W. Bayliss, Trail; T. B. Roberts (2), Silverton; M. Olson, Golden, B. C.; Alta P. E. C. (4); J. Far- quhar, Calgary; J. Reid, Calgary; Local Calgary (2); D. Macpherson, Wimborne; W. Erwin, Wimborne; C W. Springford, Blackfoot; E. Lonie, Rumsey; J. W. Boyd, Grande Prairie; D. J. Sullivan, Innisfail; Henrik J. Dordi, Vulcan, Alta; Geo, Schott, Dahlby; E. M.. Mutch, Regina; C. Stephenson (2), Swift Current; G. Heal, Swift Current; H. Vindeg, Sunkist, Sask,; Wm. McQuoid, Strathclair; R. C. McCutcheon, Winnipeg; Local Winnipeg (6); A. Paterson, Winnipeg; Anti-Conscription League, Winnipeg; D. Alexander ; Thos. Hanwell, Brandon, Man.; Local Ottawa; Local St. Catherines; B. Ainsley, H. Katzman, B. Cannell, St. Catherines, Ont.; Quebec P. E. C; W H. Harris, Seattle, Wash.; H Clausen, Seattle, Wash; V. L. Kain, Gt Falls, Mont, j (2) j Moses Baritz (2), Detroit, Mich; John Keracher, Detroit; C. M. O'Brien, Detroit; Louis C. Fraina, New York; Lestor Defense Fund, Fairbanks, Alaska. Considerable discussion took place on the question of conscription, and the party's attitude thereon, but no further motions were put. Financial Report Western Clarion Receipts Subs Ip $38.40 Directory 1.00 Bundles 11.00 C. M. F | 10.50 $61.00 Expenditures Wages :.., $15.00 Miss 2.95 Printing 63.00 D. E. C. Receipts $80.95 Literature $99.25 Stamps 25.28 $124.53 Expenditures Printing ...: j $69.p0 Rent 5.00 Wages 17.00 ~Miss :.... 26.33 $117.33 Adjourned. ERRATA In the last issue of the "Clarion" the following mistake occurred in the article "The Individual and the Materialist Conception," on page 4, the last paragraph in the column.. "Just as the average human labor power determines the exchange value of commodities " This should read: "Just as the average human labor time . . . . . ." The Democracy, Hodge of England is Fighting For. Raining sweat lest the land go dry: He sees his masters, he gives them hail With hand to forelock as they go by-*. :S They that eat what he doth bake, They that hold what he must buy, They that spend what he doth make, They that are rich by other men's toil; Hip They of the sword and he of the rake, Ipl The lords of the land, the son of the soil! From "The Song of the Plow," by Maurice Hewlett. With such a clear exposition of what Government Onwership really means it may be that the I. W. W members at the next election may switch their allegiance or votes from the S. P. of A., Government Ownership candidates to some other reform-anti-working-class party like the Republicans or Democrats. Of course, it will not be the first time, as their history proves. The Slave of the Farm Advance Orders Taken Now Per Copy 10c Per dozen „75c Per 100 $6.00 . id THE WESTERN CLARION I IP I i_r LITERATIJ FOR SALE BY ' Dominion Executive Committee l|| 401 Pender Street E., Vancouver, B. C. Capital, Vols. I., II., III. (Marx) $2.00 each Ancient Lowly, Vols. I, II. (Ward) $2.00 Ancient Society (Morgan) 1 $1.50 History of the Commune of 1871 (Lissigaray).... $1.00 Essays on the Materialistic Conception (Labriola) ....$1.00 Marxian Economics (Unterman) : $1.00 Socialism and Modern Science (Perri) $1.00 Physical Basis of Mind and Morals (Fitch) $1.00 Industrial History of England (Gibbons) $1.00 Positive Outcome of Philosophy (Deitzgen) 111 $1.00 Landmarks of Scientific Socialism (Engels) '. $1.00 The Theoretical System of Karl Marx (Boudin) $1.00 An Introduction to Sociology (Lewis) $1.00 Savage Survivals (Moore) 1 $1.00 History of Great American Fortunes, Vols. I., II., III. (Myers)f| | 1 $1.50 History of Canadian Wealth (Myers) ?. $1.50 Evolution, Social and Organic (Lewis $ .50 Germs of Minds in Plants (France) I .\$ .50 Feuerbach (Engels) _ $ .50 Communist Manifesto (Marx and Engels) $ .50 The Law of Biogenesis (Moore) $ .50 'The Right to be Lazy, and Other Studies (Lafargue)'....$ .50 Revolution and Counter Revolution (Marx) .7....$ .50 Science and Revolution (Unterman) $ .50 The Evolution of Man (Boelsche) $ .50 Vital Problems in Social Evolution (Lewis) $ .50 Socialism ,its Growth and Outcome (Morris and Bax") $ .50 History of Politics (Jenks) 1 $ .50 Socialism, Utopian and Scientific (Engels)... $ .50 Eighteenth Brumaire (Marx) '. $ .50 PRICES INCLUDE POSTAGE THE WESTERN CLARION Socialist Party Directory 15 SEND YOUR Frinting TO THE Western Clarion DOMINION EXECUTIVE COMMITTEE Socialist Party of Canada, meets every alternate! Monday 8 p.m., Socialist Hall, N.E. cor. Pender and. Dunlevy, Vancouver, B. C—W. B. Mitchell, Secretary. BRITISH COLUMBIA PROVINCIAL Executive Committee, Socialist Party of Canada, mets same as above. | ALBERTA AND SASKATCHEWAN PROVINCIAL EXECUTIVE COMMITTEE. — Secretaryl, John F. Maguire, Box 785, JEdmonton. Phone 4803. NEW BRUNSWICK PROVINCIAL EX- ECUTIVE COMMITTEE.—A Taylor, Secretary, East St. John, N. B. For Party literature and information on organization matters, etc., write to above address. LOCAL ALHAMBRA, No. 74 (Alta.) S. P. of C.—P. O. Peterson, Secretary, Horseguards, Alta. LOCAL CALGARY, No. 86 (Alta.), S. P. of C.—Business meeting every Tuesday, 8 p.m. Economic class Thursday and Surmay at 8 p.m. Headquarters, 220—8th Ave. E. Secretary, H. Clifford Morgan, Suite 49, Thomas Block. LOCAL CLAYTON, No. 83 (B.C.)) S.. P. of C. —John T. Dempster, Secretary, Clayton, B. C. LOCAL CRAWFORD BAY, No. 72 (B.C.), S. P. of C.—J. E. McGregor, Secretary Crawford Bay, B. C. local Cumberland; b. c, no. 70.— Business metings every first and third Sunday in the month, at 10:30 a.m.,~ Economic classes every Monday and Friday, at 7 p.m., in the Socialist Hall opposite P. O. Regular Propaganda meetings at every opportunity. C. Walker, Box 181, corresponding and financial secretary. LOCAL ECKVLLLE, No. 58 (Alta.), S. P. of C.—J. F. Knorr, Secretary,. Eck- |j|||.yille, Alta. LOCAL ENDERBY, No. 65, S. P. of C— Business metings first Sunday in each month at 2:30 p.m. Propaganda third Sunday in each month at 2:30 p.m., in the Theatre, Main St., Everybody welcome. J. Pilkington, Secretary, R. R. No. 4, Armstrong, B. C. LOCAL EDMONTON No. 1, S. P. of C — Free reading room and headquarters ■ :Room 5, Bellamy Blk. Propaganda meeting every Sunday in the Bijou Theatre, First St., at 8 p.m# Business meetings every Tuesday at 8 p.m. J. Slater, organizer. E. H. Flegg, secretary, P. O. Box 785. LOCAL ERSKINE, No. 32 (Alta), S. P. of C—A. A. McNeill, Secretary, Erskine, Alta. LOCAL FERNIE, S. P. of C, hold educational meetings in the Socialist Hall every Sunday at 7. Business meetings third Sunday in each month, 7:30 p.m. Economic class every Sunday afternpon at 2:30. Oscar Erickson, Secretary, Box 505. LOCAL ROSSLAND, No. 25, S. P. of C. —Meets in Miners' Hall every change Sunday at1 7:30 p.m. Will Jones, Box 125, Secretary. LOCAL FERGUSON FLATS, No. 85 (Alta),—O. L. Fuller, Secretary, Ferguson Flats, Alta. LOCAL KINDERSLEY, No. 10 (Sask.') - S. P. of C—W. K. Bryce, Secretary, Collins, Sashk. . v LOCAL LETHBRIDGE, ALTA., No. 13, S. P. of C.—Meets every Sunday at 3:30 p.m., in Miners' Hall. Secretary, W. Shaw, 624—14th St., S. Wm. Devoy Organiser. MEDICINE HAT (Lettish) Local S. T. of C. Meets first Sunday in the month at 528 C Princess Ave., J. R. Kalnin, Secretary. .HI! H§1 LOCAL MARKERVILLE, No. 31 (Alta.), S. P. of O—S. E. Baldwin, Secretary, Markerville, Alta. LOCAL MONTREAL, No. 1, S. P. of C— Address all enquiries to P. O. Box 253, Station B, Montreal, P. Q. LOCAL FLOWERDALE, No. 71 (Alta.), S. P. of C—Mrs. J. R. Macdonald,- Secretary, Richdale^ Alta. LOCAL SUNDIAL, No. 70 (Alta), S. P. of C.—Mrs. A. Thorburn, Secretary, Sundial, Alta. LOCAL SILVER LEAF, No. 101 (Alta.) S. P. of C.—Ed. Haugen, Secretary, Baraca, P. O. Alta. LOCAL ST. CATHERINES, No. 30 (Ont.) S. P. of C.—D. Thompson, Secretary, 34 William Street -|§| LOCAL ST. JOHN, N. B., No. 1, S. P. of C.—Visiting Comrades ^-Welcomed. Sec- retary, Stanford E. White, 24 Main St. LOCAL TRAIL, No. 37 (B.C.(, S. P. of C. —D. Wilson, Secretary, Box 531. LOCAL TRAVERS, No. 55 (Alta.), S. P. ofC.—W. A. Brown, Secretary, Trav- ers, P. P., Alta. LOCAL VANCOUVER, No. 1, S. P. of C. —Business meeting every^Tuesday evening, 401 Pender St. E. Propaganda meeting at the Rex Theatre every Sunday, 8 p.m. Secretary, J. Kavanagh. VANCOUVER LETTISH LOCAL No. 58, S. P. of ^C.—Business meeeting every first Sunday of the month and propaganda meeting every third Sunday at 11 a.m. Open to everybody, at Socialist Hall, N.E. cor. Pender and Dun- levy. Secretary, R. Amat, Box 667. LOCAL VANCOUVER, B. C, No. 45, Fin- nish. Meets every second and fourth Wednesdays in the month at 2215 Pender St. East, Ovia Lind, Secretary. LOCAL VICTORIA, No. 2, S. P. of C— Headquarters and Reading Room, 1424 Government St., Room 8. Business meetings every second and fourth Tuesday in the month. Secretary, J. Stevenson, 1424 Government St. LOCAL WINNIPEG, No. 3, S. P. of C— Business meetings every Sunday 11 a.m. Economic Class every Monday 8 p.m. Headquarters,,. Room 5—602 Main Street. Secretary, Leo Schoor. LOCAL OTTAWA, No. 8 (Ont.) S. P. of C— Secretary, A. G. McCallum, 276 Laurier Ave. ■ ■■"■: ' . . : ?esswc^* 1 11 : PLATFORM Socialist Party of Canada We, the Socialist Party of Canada, affirm our allegiance to, and supr port of, the principles and program of "The revolutionary working class. Labor, applied to natural resources, produces all wealth. The present eoonomic system is based upon capitalist ownership of the means of production, consequently, all the products of labor belong to the capitalist class. The capitalist is therefore master; the worker a slave. So long as the capitalist class remains in possession of the reins of government all the powers of the State will be used to protect and defend its property rights in the means of wealth production and its control of the product of labor. The capitalist system give to the capitalist an ever-swelling stream of profits, and to the worker, an ever-increasing measure of misery and degradation. The interest of the working class lies in setting itself free from capitalist exploitation by the abolition of the wage system, under which this exploitation, at the point of production, is cloaked. -To accomplish this necessitates the transformation of capitalist property in the means of wealth production into socially controlled economic forces. The irrepressible conflict of interest between the capitalist and the worker necessarily expresses itself as a struggle for political supremacy. This is the Class Struggle. Therefore, we call all workers to organize under the banner of the Socialist Party of Canada, with the object of conquering the political powers, for the purpose of setting up and enforcing the economic program of the working class, as follows: 1. The transformation, as rapidly as possible, of capitalist property in the means of wealth production (natural resources, factories, mills, railroads, etc.) into collective means of production. 2. The organization and management of industry by the work- pjffe lng class. 3. The establishment, as speedily as possible, of production for use instead of production for profit. VANCOUVER LOCAL NO. 1 LENDING LIBRARY HEADQUARTERS SOCIALIST HALL, N,E. cor. PENDER & DUNLEVY, VANCOUVER Economios, Philosophy, History, Biology, etc., etc. The best works o nthe above subjects by the greatest writers of the last century: Marx, Engels, Dietzgen, Labriola, Lafargue, Darwin, Huxley, Benjamin Ridd, and many others. Most of the works in this Library cannot be found in any other in the city, not even in the Carnegie Library. Membership per annum: Fifty cents. Socialist Party of Canada || Imanifesto With introduction written specially by the author of the original. Whole work revised and re-cast. Now Ready. $6.00 PER 100, EXPRESSAGE PAID. PAMPHLETS , Issued by the DOMINION EXECUTIVE COMMITTEE (Prices include Express Charges) (3) WAGE-WORKER AND FARMER Iffl (Pilkington) Price—Per 100, $4.50; Per Dozen, 55 cents; per Copy, 10 cents. (6) WHAT IS SOCIALISM? Hardenburg) ^|| Price—Per 100, $5.'50; Per Dozen, 70 cents; per Copy, 10 cents. Propaganda Meetin: Vancouver Local No. 1 S. P. of C. EVERY SUNDAY, 8 pm. REX THEATRE, Hastings Street. Boost the Western Clarion i ml I W
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