CONTENTdm
application/pdf
A Journal of CURRENT EVENTS Official Organ of THE SOCIALIST PARTY OF CANADA HISTORY ECONOMICS PHILOSOPHY No. 889. NINETEENTH YEAR. Twice a Month VANCOUVER, B. C, APRIL 16, 1923. FIVE CENTS The International Situation The Concentration and Trustification of Capital IF I am to sum up the results of my recent observations of foreign affairs, I must first say, speaking generally, that the most important feature of our period is the concentration and trustification of capital on an international scale. In some countries the process of concentration was already greatly advanced. Now we find, behind the scenes of events, a constant motive force consisting of a struggle towards the international alliance of the national trusts, towards the international extension of national trusts and their growth beyond national frontiers. This process of international concentration of capital, is being carried out Avithin the post-war crisis and collapse. Consequently, it frequently assumes degenerated forms, and its gradual progress is accompanied by many morbid symptoms. The ruined and petty bourgeoisie, and the increasingly impoverished bourgeois, intelligentzia plunge into the extremist chauvinism, and create a heated political atmosphere. In Prance these elements support Avhat is left of the National Bloc; in Germany they join the Orgesh organizations or simply vote for the extreme right! in Italy they form one of the motive poAvers for the complicated phenomenon of Pascismo. Their furious activity keeps Avar ever near, and within certain limits, even leads to direct military action. But there is no immediate danger of a new world Avar: Tbe motive forces of a Avorld war can only be fundamental antagonisms between leading economic groups, and theses last have still to undergo a long period of development beforeIheir relations become so acute as to provide the possible conditions for a world Avar. Before the Avar the situation Avas different; at that time, large industry supported militarism, while the petty bourgeoisie supported pacifism; but now, large industry is, as a rule, the upholder of pacifism, and the petty bourgeoisie, at least its ruined section, is becoming the main prop of military and ultra-chau'vinist tendencies. Diplomatic life in Western Europe is based on the triangular relations between England, Prance, and Germany. The Anglo-French Avorld-antagonism is by no means fully developed. And yet this antagonism permeates all present day diplomatic relations. Among the questions at present existing betAveen Prance and Germany, the most important is that of their economic approach, of the understanding to be reached betAveen the industrial capitalists of the two countries. This interesting example of an endeavour toAvards international trustification deserves close attention- In the sphere of the reparation question, this endeavour assumed the form of economic agreements regarding payments in kind. But it has much more important aims. The France of today differs very much from pre-war France; developing industrial capital is gaining an ever-groAving influence over the politics of the country; it requires markets, it requires the development of economic relations with other countries. Thanks to the treaty of Versailles, France possesses a surplus of iron, and needs material from Germany for working up this iron. Negotiations are already being carried on between a number of French and German industrial undertakings with regard to contracts, trusts, and cartels. These efforts on the part of industrial capital, and its grow- OUTLINED BY GEORGE CHICHERIN ing influence, were the cause of France seeking, particularly towards the end of last year, to resume official commercial relations with Russia. The leading representative of the new policy of French industrial capital is the Banque de Paris et des Pays-Bas, headed by one of France's best economic functionaries, the banker Finali. These elements belong to that political grouping at present in course of development, if not in Parliament, at least in leading French political circles. Among this group one of the most talented French statesmen of the neAv generation, Loucheur, must be counted; he has connections with the industry of the North. The Ruhr adventure, which has shaken the political and economic life of the whole of Europe to iic foundations, and has also much injured Soviet Russia, who needs economic relations Avith other countries, is bound up in a most complicated manner with various tendencies Avithin French industry itself. The bourgeoisie of course preserves the customary sacred unity against the national enemy, but already the industrial periodical Journel Indus- trielle, is openly expressing its dissatisfaction with the Ruhr policy. This plicy, which leads to the impoverishment of Germany, brings no. advantage to France, who is unable to utilize the riches of the Ruhr area without the aid of Germany. The indirect result is, further impoverishment in France, and injury to her industry. The main object of this adventure was to pacify the shrieking chauvinism of the masses. And it is possible that the idea occurred to some members of the governing group, that it would be good to carry out the chauvinist desires of the masses to a point of absurdity, and to prove, by actual demonstration, their utter non- sense\ but this would be a very dangerous method of giving an object lesson. The Ruhr question iet* at the same time, bound up with one of the most important points of contact between French and German industry It is a well-known fact that the French heavy industry, possessing the ore of Lorraine, requires the Ruhr eoal, and that German heavy industry, if in a lesser degree, requires French iron. Many have been inclined to explain the long planned occupation of the Ruhr by France's anxiety to lay hands on the coke it needs, which coke- it may be observed—she cannot produce Avithout the organizatory help of the Germans. Thus, even the secret report of the chairman of the finance committee of the chamber of deputies. Dariac, which aroused so much sensation Avhen published hy.,^ "Manchester Guardian'' in November, ari_^a_w- garded as the clearest expression of France's aggressive designs, recommended nothing more than a preparation for the separation of the left bank of the Rhine from Germany; but as French heavy industry is about to enter into a trust with German heavy, industry, even this report goes no further than to demand the retention of the bridge heads occupied in 1921 (Dusseldorf and Duisburg). Tt is known that the Poincare government, shortly before the Ruhr adventure, prevented negotiations from taking place betAveen the representatives of French and German heavy industry, apparently for fear that control of the reparation question might slip out of the hands of the government. Despite this, the industrial magnates of tbe two countries opened communication with one another, and the demands from the French side were spoken of as too high. But though the formation of a trust with German industry can be of no enormous profit to the industry of eastern France, it would wreck other undertakings, for instance those of Normandy. It is* difficult for an outsider to form a comprehensive idea of the struggle going on behind the scenes between the various interested groups; a very intimate acquaintance with all the circumstances is required to penetrate these secrets. Even tnose industrial magnates anxious for a peaceful understanding were not opposed to a trial of strength upon whose results the future division of the spoil would depend This is of course a mere detail, and in no way alters the fundamental outlook of events for us. To the French militarists it is not a matter of indifference Avhether or not they gain possession of the raw materials which they imagine to be necessary for a future Avar betAveen England and France. Industry, for its part, requires in its own interests a peaceful understanding with Germany, but at the same time a peaceful penetration into Germany. Even Schneider Avent over from the National Bloc to the "centre," and recently supported the policy of a peac-- .ful agreement with Germany. It is possible that this mutual tendency, towards a peaceful understanding Avill not gain the upper hand at once; it is extremely difficult to find a way out of the crisis if the French government insists on its reparation demands, and if the German government insists on the evacuation of the Ruhr before commencing negotiations. But it is highly probable that the Ruhr adventure will only form an episode in the progress of trustification of the industries of the tAvo countries. So long as the suffering German masses abandon themselves to nationalist feelings, so long will the elements of the right draw advantages from the extremity of the crisis. But at the same time the Avhole of Europe suffers from the consequences of this adventure. The intervention of England, or rather the joint intervention of England and America, would lead to an immediate reconciliation, but both powers continue to Avait and to observe the course of events. It must be observed that the closer political and economic approach of. these tAvo states to one another is one of the most important political facts of today. Under the rule of the present Conservative government, England is taking much more interest than before in the colonies and dominions, and is investing eapital in thein; still a great number of English banks are closely connected with the continent, and a considerable portion of German «;on- omic circles still folloAV England. In France tWfe is a Avidespread opinion that England employed a number of skilful manoeuvres, forcing France to take the Ruhr plunge, and is hoav leaving France in this difficult situation Avith the intention of gaining time until England can play the role of the laughing spectator. The same Frenchmen would not be at all surprised to hear that England had simultaneously instigated Germany's resistance. The Ruhr question, as also the Lausanne conference, increased the estrangement between England and France to actual hate, although as world competitors they are highly dependent on one another. There is no doubt that the breaking off of the Laus- (Continued on page 7) PAGE TWO WESTERN CLARION Italy and the Fascisti u I I i " ■ ■■ ; » I, - MB' I IF-1 \*i M THAT there is a power in Italy which is jreater than the government itself, is shown 'learly by the events that have occurred in tbe past feAV years. At the preseilt moment of writing tbe intelligent members of the working class in Italy are suffering the tortures of the damned. In order to get an outline of Italy and its people, let us go back to that period in 1914 Avhen the war "for democracy" began. Italy is a kingdom of southern Europe whose shores are lapped by the Avaters of the Mediterranean Sea. Italy has an area of 110,688 square miles, Avhich supports a population of 36,120,118 people, and in order to sIioav the density of population, it is approximately 327 people per square mile. These figures were compiled in 1915. Italy, Avith one-fourth of its population, devotes its whole attention to the land, so we may asume that it is an agricultural country. When the war started ih 1914 Italy was a member of the Triple Alliance, and when the cry for blood Avent forth slie took a neutral stand. 'But being on the main route of commercial enterprise and naval energy, she soon succumbed to the Avishes of the British agents and entered the ring on the side of the Allies in 1915. So by a series of secret treaties Italy Avas aroused, pushed into the trenches, and kept there by a minority until 1919. From this period till the present it is of great importance to those members of the Avorking class Avho holler for action. The Avorking class of Italy were fuly informed through the press and all their organizations that the Avar was one betAveen England and Germany. Also, the lies that were* given publicity of the Ger__tn and English agents did not fool them. But that poAver which lies behind the scenes accomplished the trick, and although there Avere bodies of Avorkers Avho took a determined stand their efforts were of no avail, and they that had so earnestly shouted against war in 1914 reversed their position in 1915. Maybe this Avas "tactics," but all through the war the revolutionists Avere busy, propaganda Avas their weapon, and various Avriters have remarked how the Marxian Socialist was the dominant factor in the army. He explained things to the peasant that Avas in the ranks, because Avhat he said was in relation to AAThat the peasant knew Avas real. There Avere lots of "Socialists" in the regiments but most of them were patriots. The Caporetto affair Avas laid at the door of the radicals and it was common knoAvledge that the regiments Avere filled up Avith several thousand of the munition Avorkers Avho had taken part in the Turin revolt. So, the concentration of these men at Caporetto as a punishment Avas very unfortunate, as the results indicated, and there are many other events that happened during the war that are Avorthy of recording, but space forbids. In the fall of 1919 Italy's foundations Avere shaken by strikes Avhich occurred in all the vital public institutions, also in factories and other industrial occupations. Barracks and forts were attacked, while army magazines Avere bloavii to tbe Avinds. Shipping Avas at a standstill, so the industrial and agricultural life of Italy Avas completely paralyzed. Tbe national flags Avere replaced by red flags on toAvn halls and on all labor headquarters.-They had their Avorking class tribunals and then* laAvs, Avhich Avere branded as red, and there is no doubt there Avere factors in Italy Avorking for industrial control of all industries under the form of a Avorkers' republic. And events have since transpired in Italy AA'hich have completely upset their calculations on tbat line. The Avar and its finish had thoroughly aroused the ire of the workers; returned soldiers Avere laughed at and openly insulted on the streets. To be a patriot in Italy at this* period Avas a target for the humorists. In fact Italy Avas in the hands of the By R* SINCLAIR Avorking class to a large extent. Italy, like other countries had a large middle class; conditions did not look too rosy for them, and they Avere being forced into the position where they must save themselves. What they were promised in the shape of spoils did not materialise. So the Italian Imperialists set about to gain their ends. There Avere in existence in Italy a small body of men avIio had been soldiers and officers in tbe regular army, that Avere organized for their OAvn mutual protection, and yapped of patriotism in order to get it. This body Avas called the Fascisti, Avhich takes its name from tbe fasces, or bundle of rods tied together, used by the officials of the old Roman Republic as symbols of their power in imposing- laAV and order, and all other fancies Avhich they desired. To this organization all the efforts of the imperialists Avere concentrated; all their hopes, energy and bank accounts Avere placed at the disposal of this body. „ That the early activities of this body Avere clothed in secrecy there is no question, but it is not, as is comonly expressed, an organization that Avas born to destroy Bolshevism, Socialism, or any other isms. It Avas a movement that Avas subsidized by the strong imperialists of Italy as an army for foreign expansion They kncA\* the characteristics of the Italian people, also the weakness of its government and the changing attitude of Avorking class organisms, "even though some Avere labelled Communist and Socialist." And last but not least they knew that if Italy was to remain on the board as a world poAver she must as a nation expand. So the overthrow of the government, gaining political control for themselves, and the inauguration of a foreign policy on a large scale for Italy Avas their object. They also kneAv the conditions that existed in the Balkan States and that after they had got over their skirmishes they Avould need materials The expansion of Italian imperialism first gained its strength in the Fiume affair, where one of its high priests D'Annunzio, another of the "slogan" exponents, Avas in charge. Italy also played possum Avith tbe Turk, and Avhile planning to secretly land troops in Smyrna the British forestalled them and landed Greek troops ahead of time. So, to make a long story short, Italy needs coal, iron and food, and she can give in return wine, fruit and chemical products, and the most important of all, labor. In order to make tbe one balance Avith the other she must get control of the eastern shore of the Adriatic, so all the mystery about the Fascisti is easily explained. It is the illegitimate child of the middle class. As the organization grew they came into conflict Avith other organizations. S'o to offset them they turned to one of the cast-offs of the Socialist party for advice and help against his former comrades. Mussolini the traitor uoav enters the stage. He is a braggart and an opportunist of tbe Avorst stamp; inflated with his oavii vanity he proceeded for a price, the premiership of Italy, to destroy the foundations of all Avorking class movements. So "**m tlft destruction of libraries, print shops, co-operative organizations, Socialist and other Avorkers' "headquarters, he shoAved for Avhat purpose he Avas bought by the imperialists of Italy And from this point the domestic life of Italy Avas attacked by the Fascisti. The Fascist movement was a spectacular affair; the youth of the country Avere attracted to it by its black shirts, Roman salutes, its brass bands and parades. There Avere also the punitive expeditions against the radicals, with all expenses paid* This Avas great sport for Italy's young men, full of vigor , and energy. The holding of Fiume Avas a rallying point for membership; this Avas their inspiration, and how the slaves rallied; They Avho in the past cried "Viva, Italy," on to "Viva, Lenin!" Avere just as enthusiastic in their cries of "Viva, Mussolino!" It Avas a movement AA*here the young men Avere pro vided with a means of letting off steam, and exsold- iers in the hope of being provided for joined in large numbers, for in civilian clothes there was no halo of heroism, but in a black shirt excitement Avas offered, food and money supplied, and their bestial appetites often could be appeased. Now they have the "Avomen Fascisti!" It also took care of all the returned officers, in arms, ambulance, aviation and supply, avIio Avere like a Avhole lot more, out of a job". Then the unemployed began to join it in large numbers, also for a job. All the reactionaries of Italy were behind it. First it was anti-Catholic, then anti-Monarchist, but Avhen it took on that tendency its foundations began to shake and it threatened to drive off a large body that Avas supporting it. In order to remain intact it soon renounced both of these ideas and became "Pro," as Avitness the "hero" Mussolini when he Avas called to Rome to become Premier, "I am loyal to thc house of Savoy, and to the Monarchy of Italy, and your Majesty's most obidient servant." Also, Avhen he selected Professor Gentile, avIio was a Clerical, for Minister of Instruction Mussolini's words Avere, "I am a Catholic and an admirer of tbe poAver of spirit," So the Dr. Jekyll and Mr. Hyde character is amazing when you read all the capitalistic; brayings about this new and glorious order tbat has arisen in Italy. The organised Fas- cisto Syndicate, unions greAv so strong that when the Avorkers of Italy declared a nation wide strike in all industries, the Fascisti was able to break it inside of 24 hours in the summer of 1922. Drugged by their success they went still further, deposed legally elected members of City Councils from their seats, entered barracks, helped themselves to everything they could lay their hands on while the police and military forces Avere spectators, "and they were the forces of law and order." Then they marched on Rome, and Avhen the Fascisti entered the King Avas there waiting to receive the victorious mob, with a job for Mussolini. .The "Outlook," in commenting on this charact-. erised it as "Italy's school boys' Coup D* etat," and Mussolini's success as "a splendid moral for the moralists." After the gaining of Political power, see to what ends the Fascisti Avent. Forced farmers and landlords to employ members of their unions and evicted those Avho did not belong, also acted as rent collectors for the landlords against the No Rent league. The method Avas Castor Oil and a beating. It opposed strikes of any kind, forbade meetings of Socialists and such parties, wrecked every thing of a Avorking class nature. The young men of Italy are full of patriotism, but in it lies their strength and also their danger. It is an army of the mercenary type, it is a danger to the middle class itself; the ever increasing force of its own numbers will ultimately wreck it. Mussolini and his party have openly preached hatred of England on account of her Greek policy, and England looks with disfavor upon the Fascisti. The Fascisti intend to change the constitution, and the folloAving is the policy of its government: (1) Strict economy and a balanced budget; (2) The farming out of public utilities to private companies; (3) LoAvering the taxes on capital and increasing the taxes on the peasant and Avorkman, and suspending the right to strike. Wilson delivered a speech in Rome, Jan. 3rd, 1919, and this is what he said: "My heart goes out to the poor little families all over this great kingdom who stood the brunt and the strain of Avar, and gave their men gladly to make other men free and other Avomen and children free. These are the people and many like them to Avhom after all Ave OAve the glory of this great achievement." It is enough to make Salt Peter turn a somersault. How they praised the Italians before; Avhat are they doing now? They Avell know the atrocities that are committed on the Italians, but they will not Avbisper. Castor oil WESTERN CLARION PAGE THREE could be used to good effect at home, they say. It is only the workers that get the doses, why should Ave object? But when some of the mouthpieces of Capitalism are arrainged and sentenced to death for their counter revolutionary activities, Iioav they ; holler- But there is one thing they forget, and that is in Italy the organisation is getting so top heavy that in order to exist they will have to give Castor oil to one another and there is where the danger -to it lies. Socialism Avill go forward, there is no doubt. The inculcating of knowledge is desired. All the barriers placed against tbe Socialist movement that is the only natural salvation for the race, must fail. Thc Avay is open for all to learn those drawbacks that exist, so far as our slavery is concerned. The Pascisti may be formed here under a different cloak, but fear it not as it is only a temporary check so far as progress is concerned. Educational Avork must be carried on. Enthusiasm for a cause will never Avin it atone. Billy Sunday Communists may bark, but "facts is facts," and they are being realised more day by day. A movement that is built on the solid rock of knowledge Will go a longer way to accomplish the world's revolution than slogans and tactics of the Mussolini order. Watch Italy and Avatch her Avell, as the only order that exists in that country that can save it from chaos and anarchy, even with all the handicaps against it, is still on the job and doing the Avork. Marxism and the Servile State BY J. CONLAN- COMMERCIAL ART. A Letter JTrom An Artist A RECENT article on "Commercial Development" shoAved ("with apologies) how destructive to the cause of Art, is production for profit;-backing up the statement from the AA'riter's OAvn experience. Here, along somewhat similar lines, is further proof of the evils of Capitalism, in that respect. For nearly tAventy years, the undersigned (avIio also holds a London, Eng.. Art Teacher's Certificate), Avas a lithographic artist and, in that capacity had worked in jobs ranging all the Avay from beer and whiskey labels to linoleum catalogues and medical plates. Limited opportunities for employment and the exacting and Avearing nature of the "profession' have, for over ten years, caused him perforce to earn a meal ticket otherwise. But at one ^period of his career he Avas engaged on a bastard kind of litbo. work, turning out phttto- graphic halftone picture postcards of various kinds. The firm he slaved for and Avhich extracted the last amount of labor-energy by a "bonus" system, over tmd above the necessary Aveekly product, Avas located north of the British river -Tweed; and, as it Avas in the pioneer stage, the artistic staff consisted only of himself, an apprentice and a foreman. One of the cards which, to start with, he was engaged on, Avas a halftone colored reproduction of a famous picture by Thomas Faed, entitled "A Highland Mother," and represented a Highland Scotch woman suckling her child. There Avas nothing wrong with the picture, and yet one of the old man's sons, with not a quarter of the grit of His father, the founder of the business ordered your artist to paint a strong Avipe of color, the same tint as her dress, over the woman's breast, in order to hide the immodest operation! HoAvever, soon the business increased with mushroom-like rapidity and many more artists and girl colorists were taken on. Of course, a market bad then to be maintained for their products. Noav, it did not take the manager long to figure out that nothing succeeds in selling effect like something that panders to humanity's sexual lusts. Accordingly, your artist was set to Avork on a series of (loAvtone) photographic halftone (and more than half undressed!) bathing-girl cards; and these, as it was not his concern what use his purchased labor-power Avas put to he proceeded to litho-color. However, they proved to be just a bit too strong to be acceptable for some of the more "respectable" retailers. It was then—on tbe principle of "it's a pity to waste it"—that a way out of the difficulty (Continued on page 4) WHITHER are avc drifting, to Socialism or the servile state? ln some people's minds there still seems to exist a grave doubt as to Avhat aviII be the outcome of the present state of affairs existing throughout the capitalist world especially in _iurope. Tiiey seem to realize tuat the chaotic conditions now exisang are proof of the utter inability of capitalism to function usefully, that such a system has become a fetter upon the progressive development ot mankind, and yet, when they read of tlie suttenngs oi the masses in Europe and Uo not hear tlie joytui sound oi revolution, they become pessimistic and are prone to tall into a position ot doubt. Tliis is exactly what the Bourgeois press is seeking to acconiplisn. To begin to create a skeptical leeling in the minds not only of those ignorant of tne teachings oi Marx and Engels, but also in the minds oi tnose young enthusiasts who have drifted into the movement Avithin recent years. Some of these iioav speak as though socialism is not inevitable, but that there is the possibility of something cise taking its place. (Questioned on this something they say, benevolent pateralism or an industrial slave state, or servile state or soine otlier fancy name. Were Ave to ask them Avhat would be the foundation of any of these systems, 1 think Ave Avould put them out of court. Paternalism had its day in Germany under Bismark. 1_ ever a servile state existed it surely existed there and accomplished avou- ders, but just the same it did not save the rulers of Germany, neither did it stop starvation and hunger from visiting the workers who had been cajoled into licking the hand they supposed was feeding ^lieni and for whom so many nobly gave up their lives. But in spite of all, the German worker is suffering just as acutely today as is the proletariat in .other countries where capitalism has a stranglehold. This is not to be Avondered at as the "State Socialism" of Bismarks Avas nothing else but an attempt to offset the growth of the real baby, and to raise the state to the position of a fetish with "Willy" at its head. ln this he Avas ably assisted by many of the petit bourgeois intellectuals of that country, avIio captured the S. D. P. and have seen to it, that it should henceforth serve the interests of the Fatherland, Avhich means the capitalists of Germany, and not the workers. Today it is still trying to pull against the ever-growing volume of an adverse tide in an effort to save capitalism but it is doomed. Just so long as private ownership of the means of life survives, so long will they play a losing game. They may juggle phrases of Marx as they will, they may call themselves socialists in an effort to gain the support of the masses, but the fact that they do so, is an admission that they see the inevitability of socialism, that to come out in the open as supporters of capitalism Avould mean their elimination. They realize that conditions have reached a point where the masses can see the necessity for a change, and the masses in their ignorance of Avhat really (onstitutes socialism have voted into power the Avolf in a sheep's lining, and still they see that they are no better off than before . Why is this? It is because there has been no attempt to socialize the machinery of production, and to introduce production for use instead of for profit. The old evil still remains, also all the old miseries. Tbe present lethargic condition of the German Avorkers is due to the fact that they think Socialism has failed instead of the reverse, namely, Capitalism under its neAv cloak. They are noAv in nearly the same frame of mind as the early Christians in the days of the Roman Empire and for the time being may have given up the hope, excepting of course an ever groAving minority. We ourselves must see to it that the gospel is carried on among those near to us and by so doing help to dispel the doubt that still lingers in the minds of many. We must at all times point out to the Avorkers the function of the state. To break down the Fetish that still exists among them in regards to the aforesaid instrument of oppression, for an instrument of oppression it surely is. Frederick Engels put it clearly and consisely Avhen he said, "The State is tantamount to your* acknoAvledgement that the given society has become entangled in an insoluble contradiction with itself, that it has broken up into irreconcilable antagonisms of Which it is poAverless to rid itself" Exactly! The only Avay that these antagonisms can be eliminated is by the proletariat seizing political poAver and abolishing the cause, i.e., private OAvnership, and this, Marx says is inevitable. In the Avind-up of the first chapter of the Communist Manifesto he says: '' The advance of Industry, Avhose involuntary promotor is the Bourgeoisie, replaces the isolation of the laborers, due to competition, by their involuntary combination, due to association. The development of modern industry, therefore, cuts from under its feet the very foundation on which the bourgeoisie produces and appropriates products. What the bourgeoisie therefore produces, above all, are its OAvn grave-diggers. Its fall and victory of the proletariat are equally inevitable." Surely that is plain enough for anyone to understand, no doubt is expressed here, and if anyone understands Marx and remains by his teachings they also Avill possess no misgivings as to what is to folloAV capitalism. The longer capitalism lasts, the more numerous become the proletariat and the more the very existence of the mass is threatened. Finally, and 1 don't think anyone, Avho understands the least thin<- about the evolution of society, will deny it, revolutions do occur and that the class in poAver during such stirring times are SAvept aAvay and a neAV class takes its place. Marx has Avell pointed out how the various classes in the past have been eliminated until under capitalism there are but two classes left who must sooner or later come to grips. The victory of the proletariat in no Avay presage; a servile state as its object is the socialization of the means of livelihood Avhich automatically does away with classes as such only exist on a property relationship. To again quote thc Communist Manifesto, referring to the proletariat: "If, by means of a revc^ tion it makes itself the ruling class, and, as such. sweeps away by force thc old conditions of production, then it will, along with tbese conditions, have swept away the conditions for the existence of class antagonisms, and of classes generally and Avill thereby have abolished its oavii supremacy as a class." No separate classes, no servile state. No servile state, no slaves. No slaves, no masters. No masters, equality. Equality, Socialism- This is what Marx teaebe; us. ECONOMIC CAUSES OF WAR By PETES T. LECKIE. NOW READY. Profaoo by ths author. 181 PAGES. Ptr Copy, 16 Otnti. Ton oopioi ap, 10 ttntt Port Pali. PAGE FOUR WESTERN CLARION § }* ft- I Western Clarion A Journal of History, Bconomics, Philosophy, and Current Events. Published twice a month by the Social-it Party of Canada, P. O. Box 710, Vancouver, B. C. Entered at G. P. O. as a newspaper. Editor Ewen MacLeod SUBSCRIPTION: Canada, 20 issues fl.00 Foreign, 16 issues $1.00 Oflftlf this number is on your address label your XUIIiuibecription expires with next issue. Renew vwwpromptly. VANCOUVER, B. C, APRIL 16, 1923. THE SOCIAL CONTROLLER LIKE the poor, the idealist is ahvays with us. And again like the poor, it is mighty hard to separate him from his social preconceptions. "Oh," he tells us," you fellows are all theory; you talk of the anarchy and chaos of society and its method of production, but what have you in its stead. "What kind of system have you got? SIioav me how you are going to run your society? Give me some detail of your administration? Let me see your plan of things?" etc. All of which objections are, each and severally, but variants of the "great man" ideal. To argue on such a basis is», perhaps, like charging quixotically at Avindmills, but, Ave '11 have a tilt at it anyhow. What is society? A community of people, organized in a certain form, for certain general purposes, common to all. "What are the purposes, the manner of organization? What is the prime object of each individual Avithin the social group? Surely the preservation of existence- And is not this the precise object, the constant endeavor of the collective community? The preservation of its existence as a society? To preserve one's life, therefore, means and implies access, free and at all times, to the necessities requisite to maintain life; and society is organized around those same means of life—organized.in the manner that at the given time affords the greatest security of access to those necessities. But, just as each individual in society is a growth, a complex from pre-existing conditions, and developing in accordance Avith the laws of his being, so also is society itself a groAvth, a resultant of prior conditions, expanding as its accompanying social necessities determine. Furthermore, each individual in society not only obeys the laAV of individual being, but moves and acts in harmony Avith the society which conditions him; so also is seciety subject to the laAV of its being—the economic, flowing automatically from the ground Avhereon it rests— and conditioned by the time-circumstance of physical evolution. Out of this mighty drama of evolution has man been brought forth; dowered with the heritage of the past; circumscribed Avith present need; potent for future triumph. Struggle was his heritage and his necessity. It was the law of the ages. But struggle evolved co-operation Avith his fellows— thereby Avere the means of his life more secure. But co-operation involved divisions of effort, and divisions of effort is the fount and source of class society and its inevitable class struggles. But what is the co-operation and division of effort but a society and its particular form of organization? Primitive? True; but native to its time and potent with the savage splendor of capitalist society. Who among those primitive men conceived the concept of society? Who gave it organization and function? Who sketched its plan of action? All—and none. Out of the needs of the clay was it evolved; in harmony with the needs of the day did it grow; and in accord Avith its overshad- OAving necessities and its initial economic did it bring forth neAv co-operation, new division, new concepts cf relationship of man and his toois, of nature and her supplies, and these in turn, motived Avith a greater impetus for fresh and further modification. Evolution signifies change. A change from one form, or state, to another. A groAvth that, out of its inevitable development, induces, or creates fresh manifestations of matter in motion; conditioned by prior action; modified by and influencing the immediate present; and extending that influence into the inscrutable future; action and reaction, in and of and by the majesty of cosmic law. It is not like a piece of man's machinery, all the parts in existence requiring only to be pieced together. Nor yet like a telescope, containing everything in the beginning, having but to be draAvn out to show its full potency. It is groAvth and development; ancient manifestation giving place to the new, cause producing effect, effect passing into neAv cause* It is, in brief, change and its laAV. Man and society are parts and products of this same evolutionary process—or rather manifes- tions of the same thing. Man in society is not an individual, "being a laAv unto himself alone," buta unit, a component, an equal essentiality of the entire social body. He is not dependent upon his OAvn efforts alone for salvation of life and its necessities. In conjunction with social effort does Avelfare and maintenance accrue to man. His relationships with man and nature are neither conceived by himself nor entered into of his oavii volition. "Willy-nilly," like the blowing of the desert wind—do these things come upon him—are they thrust upon him. Themselves the fruit of causation, the climax of historical development. Neither does man produce society. On the contrary, society produces man, and the historical condition confronting that society determine the form it assumes. The stimulus of material condition evolves neAv concepts; a change in the material, condition, gives rise to neAv ideation. The urgency of the need is dynamic to action; the circumstance of the moment giving it direction. Thus nature acts on man. His life and the necessities of his life, his nature and its character, his mind and its ideals, are fashioned, modified and determined by the irrevocable limitations of environing conditions. But man also reacts on nature—in harmony Avith those conditions. (Necessarily, or he must perish.) He acquires experience, i.e*, he learns nature's methods by action; he gains knoAvledge- of the manner of operation, applying them—and fabricating the means of application—to his needs; giving them direction, to his advantage, Avith greater skill as experience is increased. But nature is al- Avays dominant, ahvays the power supreme. Man suspends no law, neither makes, mars, breaks nor turns aside. By pitting one force against another he fashions a new security of existence, and this neAv balance of forces becomes the motive source of neAv—and unfathomed—modifications, in ever Avid- ening cycles of complexity. Social organisation has followed social organisation, through historic and prehistoric time- coming into being, maturing and passing aAA*ay. Not because of man, or myth, but because necessarily they rested on a certain foundation, and the economic conditions produced from that basis, generated conflicts and disorders Avithin the body of society that, groAving with its groAvth, shattered the bonds that prevented the further groAvth of social necessity. Historic development has, again, brought us face to face with social change. Who shall determine its form and direction? Let us ask a far simpler question, and ansAver avIio can. Who can guage his OAvn individual life condition one year from now? And AA'hy not? Because Ave do not possess the data to make the calculation. Neither can it be done with society, for the same reason; we know not the infinity of causes bringing the fore-doomed change. Because the evolution of the social organism is a complex of social forces—economic, moral, intellectual—unfathomable. Thus is the idealist broken on the wheel of his OAvn questioning. Trained in the school of the classicist, he interprets the new in terms of the familiar old; seeks, with the vanity of egoism, to impose his volition on the invincible order of the cosmos. The society of the future is for the children of the future. We function in the present. It is our business to show the nature of the social process, and the necessity and cause of its change' Not only is that task great enough, but it is the limit of our powers. Let us "prepare the way." Let us educate whosoever will listen; the capitalist system will supply us with an audience. And we may rest assured that, when the condi- dition of change is fulfilled, Avhen the hour of social deliverance it at hand the social body, under the impulse of impelling need, Avill take the direction that the historic condition determines, using the methods its circumstances allow, taking form by its imperious requirements, trampling all opposition underfoot Avith the deliberateness of eternal law. R. COMMERCIAL ART. (Continued from page 3) Avas readily found. All that Avas necessary was to cover the practically nude bodies of these (as they Avere called) "Pebbles on the Beach," with a reasonable number of red-spot patterns. This done, lo and behold! they were again sent out supposedly adequately clothed and it is presumed, in their right minds! Of such is the nature of Art Avhen dominated by Capitalist conditions. When we see the Socialist movement or its leaders, native or foreign, slandered and caricatured by highly paid artistic hirelings of the Capitalist press, this bathing-girl incident will throAV a flood of light on the Avhy and wherefore of their mental productions. Another point. At odd times the writer has secured orders for pictures, and as like a number of artists and due to both physical and economic conditions, he is a bachelor, tbese pictures have had to be painted in "rooms," some of which, in winter are none too Avell heated. And as further, they cannot be painted by artificial light, they must be done en Sundays and holidays, after Avorking nine hours a day and six days a week at his main source of livelihood. Inasmuch as doctors say that amusement, exercise and fresh aid are necessary to life, it may be realized Avhat a strain art production is under such conditions. The average "Bohemian" artist is in no position to paint pictures Avithout payment, however moderate* therefore. But the vastly higher standard of Avealth and permanency of residence under Socialism Avill remove this present day obstacle. Moreover, art will then be genuine art, and not, as today, the bread and butter prostitution of the bathing-girl or anti-Socialist brands! "EX LITHO. ARTIST." HERE AND NOW. WE have done a little better this time than last, but not so well, Ave hope as next. It is something of an axiom in our chosen Littanay that "Everything is constantly changing" The custody of matters "Here and Noav" has, in the past year or so occasioned in us grave doubt. Our faith will come under reaffirmation with a change for the better, expressed monetarily, and that without los3 of time. Following, $1 each: Fred Harman, Sam Buch, J. MacDonald, J. Ramsay, P. Tripp, F. Cusack, J. Harrington, A. Mclnnes, W. Grant, D. Holliday, P. A. Askew, A. Lellman, R. Kirkman, P. W. Dunning, J. A* Moore, W. Miller, R. Inglis, Tom Erwin, E. Jahnan, G. Campbell, J. Robertson, H. Grand, G. Bowden, N. Odey, A. Patterson, R. F. MacKen- zie, J. Lidgerwood, A. C. Roga, R. Sinclair, D. Oliva, J. Schulthers, H. 0* Hansen, S. Arrowsmith, W. R. Lewin, O. Erickson, G. Douglas. Following $2: Leo Andell, J. Whitbread, Albert Dinkfalt, M. Stafford. J. F. Smith $1.25; Millerton Library $2.92; Geo. Donaldson $13. Above, Clarion subs from 29th March to 12th April, inclusive, total $61.17. WESTERN CLARION PAGE FIVE By the Way OUT of the wordy Avrangle in the Vancouver .press over the action of some students at our Western University on the occasion of the visit of Sir Henry Newboult, British poet and empire missionary, a point of vieAv has emerged worth noting on the function of education. The point of view is concisely put in the extract from the Vancouver "World," quoted in the Clarion editorial of last issue. "It is a matter of simple common British honesty that a state-aided institution should not teach nor encourage nor countenance anything subversive of the principles on Avhich the State is founded," says the "World." That dictum has been the refrain of most other of the criticisms levelled at the students, and so full of assurance of its inherent logic are the critics that merely to state it is considered to close argument. "We pay the taxes for the upkeep of educational institutions," say these business-like bourgeoisie, as who should say, "is it not in the bond that we who pay the piper call the tune." Education, forsooth! Well and truly did Carlyle note the "cash nexus" as permeating the concepts of relations in bourgeois society. So, according to the critics Avho take the stand referred to, the comparing of received ideas with modern experience is forbidden, i.e-, thinking is taboo in our educational institutions, seeing that practically all of them depend on the aid of the State and the endowments of the Avealthy. Students are to be mimics not reasoners, not experimental thinkers but mental automatons Avho memorize the economic and political formulas and social shibboliths of orthodoxy, to become tbe standardized products of the training mills, called educational. Evidently it is thought that the ultimate of progress is reached and the millenium here. # # # Only those blinded by ignorance and narroAV interest would set limits to education and thought, seeing that education provides the only means to orderly social change. They Avould carry on the policies of the privileged classes of other times and places whose outcome, as history attests, Avere social miseries and disorder, ending in catastrophic revolutions marking Avhere pent up social forces had burst the bonds of rigid custom and institution. The reactionaries might have some rationality behind their conduct if social changes Avere due solely to the arbitrary choice and free will of men. But they are not. Social changes are, at bottom, in the nature of adjustments enforced by neAv material conditions of life brought on by prior changes in the state of the industrial arts, to the functioning of which, in the interest of life and Avell-being, old customs and institutions have become obstructions. So that though conscious understanding of causes of social trouble be retarded through the suppression of education and free thought and the tides of change dammed back, mankind still continues to learn, in unconscious, blinder fashion it is true, and mentally shift to a fresh scheme of "common-sense" standards and outlook on the Avorld. It shifts by force of the suggestion of a neAv environment, i.e., by force of habituation to the new conditions of productive life. Man is the mirror of his envoronment. It was surely a true remark of someone, that "the history of man shows him to have learned by habituation rather than by reflection." But that way has meant an unhappy and turbulent progress; it has on occasions meant the destruction of civilizations and a fresh start again from the primitive base line of barbarism. * • * History shows the interest of privileged classes as standing in the way of social change Avhen change threatened special privilege. The possibility of introducing small changes in the interest of progress were lost forever and social affairs drifted until they drifted altogether beyond human control into a regime of accident, Avaste and distress- Rather than that, the method of trial and error, Ave Socialists desire that mankind learn through ideas, so that as knoAvledge increases, progress may be consciously Avorked out more and more evenly and continuously. We hold the need is for free intelligences in view "of the inevitability of change. • * • So Ave say thc responsibility for the social evils and disorders that attend on belated change must fall on those avIio demand that the poAverful agency of the State and private Avealth be used to restrict education and stifle enquiry. While it is true that taken in the mass it would be Utopian to expect thc bourgeoisie to realize their sociaal responsibilities in that respect because they are the creatures of the objective conditions of their social environment, nevertheless responsibility enters in concerning the future. In holding it up to them, our scheme of judgment of blame and praise is part of the objective conditions Avhich enter into their habits and into tbe habits of those strata of the producing classes impregnated Avith bourgeois concepts. So may the more fanatic, at least, arid ignorant elements of the bourgeoisie and bourgeois minded lose support and thus the young generation escape, in some degree, a destined petrification in the schools. # # # As a Socialist, I may, no doubt, be justly charged with having partizan designs in this matter of education. Let me, then, quote a great educationist, a recognized authority. Speaking of the rigid character of past customs and its unfavorable influence in the formation of habits in the young, he in part says: "We come back to the fact that individuals begin their career as infants. For the plasticity of the young presents a temptation to those having greater experience and hence greater poAver Avhich they rarely resist. It seems putty to be molded according to current designs. That plasticity also means poAver to change prevailing custom is ignored. Docility is looked upon not as ability to learn Avhatever the Avorld has to teach, but as subjection to those instructions of others Avhich reflect their current habits. To be truly docile is to be eager to learn all the lessons of active, enquiring, expanding experience. The inert, stupid quality of current custom perverts learning into a willingness to folloAV Avhere others point the Avay, into conformity, construction, surrender of scepticism and experiment. When Ave think of the docility of the young avc first think of the stocks of information adults Avish to impose and the Avays of acting they Avant to reproduce. Then Ave think of tbe insolent coersions, the insinuating briberies, the pedagogic solemnities by which the freshnes of youth can be faded and its vivid curiosities dulled. Education becomes the art of taking advantage of tbe helplessness of the young; the forming of habits becomes a guarantee for the maintenance of hedges of customs" i i-, « 1 can not resist giving another extract from tlie same author for the benefit of any chance one Avho may read this avIio thinks he is patriotic because he opposes change. "We realize how little the progress of man has been the product of intelligent guidance, hoAv largely it has .been a by-product of accidental upheaval, even though by an apologetic interest in behalf of some privileged institution Ave later transmute chance into providence. We have depended upon the clash of Avar, the stress of revolution, the emergence of heroic individuals, the impact of migrations generated by Avar and famine, the incoming of barbarians, to change established institutions. Instead of constantly utilizing unused impulse to effect continuous reconstruction, Ave have Avaited till an accumulation of stresses suddenly breaks through the dykes of custom. "It is often supposed that as old persons die, so must old peoples. There are many facts in history to support the belief. Decadence and degeneration seems to be the rule as age increases. An irruption of some uncivilized horde has then provided neAv blood and fresh life—so much so that history has- been defined as a process of rebarbarization. Iu truth the analogy betAveen a person and a nation Avith respect to senescence and death is defective. A nation is ahvays reneAved by tbe death of its old constituents and the birth of those avIio are as young and fresh as Avere any individuals in the hey-day of the nation's glory. Not the nation but its customs get old. Its institutions petrify into rigidity; there is social arterial sclerosis. Then some people not overburdened with elaborate and stiff habits take up and carry on the moving process of life. The stock of fresh peoples is, hoAvever, approaching exhaustion. It is not safe to rely upon this expensive method of reneAving civilization. We need to discover how to rejuvenate from Avithin. A normal perpetuation becomes a fact in the degree in AA'hich impulse is released and habit is plastic to the transforming touch of impulse- When customs are flexible and youth is educated as youth and not as premature adulthood, no nation groAVs old."—(Prof. Dewey in his "Human Nature and Conduct.") #" # * What vistas those closing statements open up before us of progressive and continuous social development, were their truth but universally recognized. Men Avould not be, as those priests in Russia are, mentally stranded in an age Avhen eclesias- tical poAver was struggling Avith the civil state for supremacy. Hallam, the historian, states that William the Conqueror, in England, first-separated the ecclesiastical from the civil tribunal. That was in the 11th century. The struggle was long and arduous and often sanguinary Avhile the issue remained in doubt, but the secular poAver Avon out. In our day it feels itself so strong that it can afford to be lenient though there are still those advocates of ecclesiastical pretentions avIio dispute the state's claim to its Avide sovereignty. Only the other day, Dr. Clifford, spiritual head of British non-conformity offered himself to the courts as a passive resister against taxation for the purposes of the education act, but nothing terrible happened to him. He and bis movement contain no present menace to the state. It is othenvise in Russia. Only a very feAV years ago the Greek Catholic church Avas a partner with the civil state, a subordinate partner no doubt, but one still Avith Avide political powers. The Roman Catholic priests who have stood their trial had been intriguing with Poland, a country strong in Roman Catholicism. It is safe to assume from the accounts avc have got of tbe trial that they had other ambitions than saving souls for the faith. They Avere intriguing, not so much against the Soviet Government, as such but through its doAvnfall they hoped for the restoration to the churches of those poAvers and privileges in secular matters of which they had been stripped, as they have been stripped in all modern states, As an instance of the encroachment of the civil state, in Great Hritain it appoints church dignatories to the established church and exercises large control over church doctrine and discipline and revenue- And it Avon its way to that control by virtue of just as drastic methods as any recorded of the Soviet Government, until the church learned to bow to tbe inevitable. Those priests in Russia had been educated (?) with an eye to the past, not to the present. In the last issu3 I said I. would deal Avith "nationalization of land" in view of a bill proposing it be put in effect being introduced into the British House of Commons by Phillip Snowden of the Labor Party- HoAvever circumstances have been such in the interval that 1 have had to pospone dealing "With it. 1 have also come to think that I had better use my space in one issue, the next if possible, in laying doAvn my approach to the subject. I may as Avell state that I shall not attempt to deal with it exhaustively but merely consider its position among social reforms. I am just a poor philosopher not an expert in social engineering. Good-bye. C. .-1 r*AGE _l_t WESTERN CLARION i-T ■ — itii.mi.ii' i mi-tnTa-jf_i Revolutions : Political and Social BY J. HARRINGTON. I t! ft- [. |t» in p'ii' m m ■■:*■ ' ':'•' I' WM, IH W Fourth Article. THE priest in "Black Arrow" was no doubt justified in his judgment that""There cometh never any rising from below—so all judicious chroniclers concord in their opinion; but rebellion travelleth ever downward from above; and Avhen Tom, Dick and Harry, take to their hills, look ever narrowly to see what lord is profited thereby." Perhaps so previous to 1879, for as Engels says: "Thanks to the economical and political development of France since 1789 Paris has for fifty years been in the position, that no revolution could break out without assuming a proletarian character in such wise that the proletariat which had bought tbe victory with its blood did not put fonvard immediately aftenvard its OAvn demands." These, he continues, might be indefinite and confused. Paris Avorking men Were directly linked up Avith the most stirring period of the great French revolution—the end of the Terror and the rise of the Directory. All the foremost men of the revolution had passed away- Robespierre and Saint Just had followed Dantoii and Desmoulines to the gullo- tine, and two years later, 1796 the last insurrection of the Commuues Avas overwhelmed; In this conspiracy "Gracchus" Babeuf Avas the leader, and his manifestoes reveal a fundamental conception of labour's needs; necessarily of course coupled with nature and nature's laAvs. His analysis, published by the Society of Equals in preference to the Manifesto of the Equals contains such sentiments as — "Nature has imposed on each person the obligation to Avork; nobody could Avithout crime, evade his share of common labor. Labor and enjoyments ought to be common. There is oppression wherever one part of society is exhausted by labour and in Avant of everything, while the other part wallows in abundance Avithout doing any Avork at all." Some of the military chiefs upon whom the Babeuvists depended were informing the Directory of every move, especially Grisel and all the leaders were arrested. That tbese doctrines had permeated the masses Ave know from Babeuf's conciliatory address to thc Directory: "Would you consider it beneath you, citizen directors to treat Avith me as power with power. You have seen Avhat vast confidence centres in me; you have seen that my party may Avell balance equally in the scale your OAvn; you have seen its immense ramifications. 1 am convinced you have trembled at the sight." This could be no empty boast. Babeuf was a man of indomitable courage, and sound common sense. The Directory, refusing to treat with them, sent them before the high court at Vendomc where they were condemned to death. Babeuf and Darthe stabbed themselves upon bearing the verdict, in open court. TTicy bad maintained an undaunted fiont and greatly impressed Paris even in those days when invincible courage Avas as eommon as speech. The fol- loAvers made one last desperate effort, but Avithout avail; thc troops Avere faithful to the Directory. We have reverted to tbis too obscure episode in order to introduce a man, also too little knoAvn but of great historical significance to us, an Italian (or rather a Pisan, because Italy was not yet a nation), who Avhile found guilty with Babeuf and bis felloAv conspirators Avas merely banished because he was a foreigner. His name was Michel Buonarroti. Returning to Italy he continued in the revolutionary movement, but Avith the triumph of Metternich in 1823 he Avas again on the move and found his way back to Paris- About the time Charles X ascended the throne, he wrote his history of Babeuf's Conspiracy for Equality which Bronterre O'Brien, Avho translated it into English, says contains the best exposition of his own vieAvs. HoAvever, Ave have already seen hoAv startling they were. So that arriving in Paris at a time Avhen all France Avas in a ferment, Avhen the last of the Bourbon kings had started upon his career which Was to end in revolution directly connected Avith the great events Avhich closed the 18th century, he had immense influence. When at last Charles the X. sealed his doom by suppressing the press, recompensing the royalists avIio were ruined by the Revolution, AVhile refusing to admit to the indemnity those of the revolutionary groups avIio had likeAvise suffered, and abolishing parliament, Buouarotti was again at the barricades. So much for one phase of the political development. In the struggles of the French people against reaction, a struggle which was peculiar to France and of course England, differing in character from that of the rest of Europe, which assumed a national revolt against foreign interference; the French sought elboAV room for development, Avhich Avas curcumscribed by tlie reactionary Bourbons, vindictive withal, ever with the memory of 1789 before them. The bourgeoise in their assault upon tbis reaction constantly appealed to the proletariat. Lot us hoav turn to the economic development. The steam engine, Ave have already noted, had made an early appearance in France but it Avas not until the locomotive was demonstrated to be tbe ne,Av haulage power that it captured French industry. Rails over which cars were hauled by horses had been laid for some time Avhen the first steam loco, arrived, in 1832. Then ensued a long period of agitation as to Avho should control the neAv system of locomotion. There Avas a strong sentiment in favor of state ownership, which ended in state assistance. By 1848, 3000 miles Avere operated. But France had not yet completed her social revolution; revolutions, insurrections, and attempted counter-revolutions, she had in abundance. The- workers, A\diose energy had forced the Bourbons to exile, were not quiescent to the Orleanists, and Louis Phillipe, chosen king to save France from anarchy, had anything but a peaceful reign- There were, added to popular uprising of a political character, many riots over Avages and hours of labor, besides the attempts by Bourbon and Napoleonic partisans to restore their houses-and repeated attempts at assassination of the Citizen King, of which Fieschi's Avas the most elaborate, consisting of twenty-five loaded gun barrels, bound together and discharged by a train of power. It will be readily understood then, what a state tbe bourgeosie of France were in; every means of prosperity to hand, and the red specter ever present at the feast. Parliamentary government, to Avhich they must have recourse if they were to be the dominating factor, became daily more anarchic and impossible. Every difference, no matter, Iioav slight, became the occasion of a trial of strength between the rival contenders for sovereinty. Bourbons by the ancient regime, Orleanists by the bankers, Buonapart- ists by a motely class of adventurers, and parliamen- tarists by the industrialists, with the communists and industrialists ever-increasing propaganda among the Avorkers, to add to the interest. The king and his advisors, the various ministries he had formed were under the circumstances compelled to restrict that freedom for the institution of Avhich they had been elevated to power, and in 1846 commenced the "Reform Banquets" at AA'hich republican sentiment Avas freely indulged in. Corrupt elections, bribery of government official, and attempts at absolutism were the main matter. The monarchy must go, Avas faintly heard. Guizot recounts a conversation Avhich took place after one of these banquets in 1847: " 'Well really,' Paguerre said, 'I did not expect for our proposals so speady and complete success. Do those gentlemen see what that may lead to ? For my part, I confess I do not see it clearly; but it is not for us radicals to be alarmed about it.' 'You sec that tree,' replied Garnier-Pages, 'engrave on its bark a mark in memory of this day; for Avhat Ave have just decided upon, is a revolution.'" That very night, as it were, the Romans landed on their coast, with King Coal as leader. *t was, sure enough, to use the almost universal phrase of the time, their right and duty to decide, but other forces Avere to carry out tbe decrees, and these same gentlemen Avho could not see clearly now Avere to realize clearly later, that their power to usurp the fruits of victory would at least be questioned. Industrial France Avas at a standstill. But even Avhile these radicals debated the fruits of their ac» tion in that leisurely stroll, one part of the problem Avas being solved. Coal Avas struck at the pit being sunk at l'Escarpelle. France had been penalized in the steel industry, through having to use charcoal for smelting or to import coke. And here it might be proper to point out, that notAvithstand- ing the brilliant and fundamental labors performed by the French in creating the science of chemistry, (Lavoisier, Bertholet and others), they bad failed to keep pace Avith England and Germany, precisely for this reason, that raAV elements Avere not found in France- How ever, the Reform Banquets Avere forbidden, and this forced the agitation on to the streets. Guizot, the man who had expelled Marx from Paris, declared that no advance toAvard reform could be exepcted from thc government. "The maintenance of the unity of the conservative party, the maintenance of the conservative policy and power will be tlie fixed idea and rule of conduct in the Cabinet." We are strongly urged at times to formulate a social laAv upon the universal and age old stubbor- ness Avith which governments meet great crisis. But this is not the place, and avc merely call attention to these vain words by one avIio had but to speak to be obeyed, but Avho Avas shortly to be hunted like a rat. 1847 brought the panic and the famine; all France Avas dissatisfied with the government. And so came one of those decisive factors entirely beyond man's control. Factors which cannot be engineered and which, if they could, would long aAvait the man whose humanity Avas so dead that he Avould command their appearance. As Guizot says: "The storm was in the air, evident both to those who dreaded it and those avIio were preparing to make use of it." The National Guard was called to arms by the government and refused duty. Some of the regular army took part in the Reform demonstration. The King was again and again urged to give way; the cabinet advised against it. Duchatol said: "Con- (Continued on page 8) SOCIALIST PARTY OF CANADA PROPAGANDA MEETINGS EVERY SUNDAY STAR THEATRE, 300 Block, Main Street APRIL 15th Speaker: A. J. BEENY All meetings at 8 p.m. Questions. Discussion. WESTERN CLARION PAGE SEVEN THE INTERNATIONAL SITUATION (Continued from page 1) anne conference, is bound to be *. 'lowed by a period of very active secret diplomacy, and increased struggle between France and England. But the concession hunters set to work sooner than the governments: The press makes no attempt to conceal the fact that the negotiations of the American Admiral Chester Avith the Turkish government, with regard to railway concessions and the exploitation of mineral riches, are successfully progressing. And it ia well known that the ubiquitous Urquhart is negotiating for large concessions in Turkey. The governments will find that negotiation. Avith Turkey are expensive, that serious concessions Avill be demanded from them, now that Turkey will no longer permit continuous interference Avith her laAvs, and the fettering of her economic life, as demanded by the draft treaty-drawn up by the Entente. Simultaneously with international trustification of capital, but poles apart from it, there is proceeding the emancipation of the peoples oppressed by capitalism. The numerous delegations of the Eastern nations in Lausanne, saw in the Soviet republic their sole true friend, and this alliance became closer and closer in the course of the Lausanne conference. Many of the native neAvspapers of the Eastern lands showed tbe diplomatic success of Turkey in Lausanne to be clue to thc diplomatic support of the Soviet republic, the presence of whose delegates lent a firm security to Turkey up to the end of the conference. The Soviet republic played its historical part as friend of all the oppres^d peoples, all peoples whose existence is in danger, or who are threatened with attack. The constant oscillation of French policy at. Lausanne Avas doubtless the reflection of anglo- French conflicts in the Ruhr question. Thanks to onr attitude, the conviction spread in French political circles, during the course of the conference, that the opening of the Straits for roreign warships, that is, the surrender of the Black Sea to England, would be disadvantageous to France. France, Italy, and Turkey, are all still bound by their previous engagements in this question- But even should tbe period of diplomatic negotiations with Turkey end with the signing of a general treaty, and should the Straits convention Avorked out at Lausanne, and which is unacceptable to us, be actually signed, the convention will not exist for long; thia is openly stated, not only by a feAV Turkish journalists, but also by the French and Italians. The situation is thus one of unheard of complexity, and Soviet diplomacy is also in consequence characterized by great complexity. We must think of the security of qur frontiers and coasts, and the means of access to our coasts; Ave must at the same time combat everyfuing endangering general peace, and be prepared to come to the protection of oppressed and endangered peoples; but Ave must not forget for a moment our most pressing actual task; tbe liquidation of the blockade against the Soviet republics where it has not yet been completely raised, and the complete clearing of the way to unhampered economic relations Avith all countries. We must be constantly on guard, Ave dare not let a single detail of the daily play of Avorld antagonisms escape us, for there can be no world politics without Russia and her allies, and no international question towards AA'hich Russia and her allies can adopt a neutral attitude. —"Inpreeorr" Still Saving Democracy THE peoples of all nations stand aghast at the terrible commotion stirred up by the flapping wings of a cynical dragon beating the surface of the globe for a place to land on. The guardians of the plUndcrbird are again seeking the audience of the robbed, starved and cheated to vieAv the prescribed scenery of Europe amicable to the continuation of our present slavish system. While the capitalist press breaks the news gently, the falcon sharpens its claws to once more tear the flesh from the bones-of the working class to fill i petrol reservoirs and improve the means of battleship propulsion in order to make Avar swag more secure. Our overlords iioav pace the floor wringing their hands, beating incesantly the diplomatic brow for some motive tbat will attract tbe patriotic mob in sympathy with a certain financial group against another. The display of ship sinking, tea taxing and militarism, with its rigid materialism, are being displaced with the latest design of the relentless Poincare. When thieves fall out honest people come into their own. Germany, recently "the curse of the World," has its title noAv transferred to France. The British capitalists shudder at the dominant power of France if she gets possession of Ruhr coal and Lorraine iron. The Labor M. P. delegation to the Ruhr fear the menace of France in the markets of the Avorld which will greatly affect British industry. You Avorkers remember that Germany oAvned the Ruhr coal and Lorraine iron, and that she must have been a "menace" to British industry before the Avar To save Europe from becoming a human slaughterhouse France must be checked. Who is going to check France commercial domination? Who Avas called on to check the Germaan invasion of the Avorld's markets, and Avho was called on to defend them? The Avorkers of the Avorld of course! British Labor M. P.'s endorsed tbe action and avIio Avas more familiar Avith the European situation than the German Social Democrats who voted in block in favor of the German capitalist group against the British and French group? Various capitalist groups may disagree, but let the workers of Germany, France or Britain threaten to take chaarge of the Ruhr mines and Lorraine iron and you will find the capitalist groups cling tenaciously together and bind closely the unconscious Avorkers willing to club and shoot the class conscious Avorkers. ' , Why should Ave point our fingers at France "stealing" the Ruhr Valley? What is the difference between the theft of the Ruhr coal and the stealing of the Gefman African colonies or Mesopotamia oil? Why, Japan "stole" the German Pacific islands. Italy swiped the Austrian Adriatic seaports, and Britain pinched all the oil Avells she could get her fingers on, along with the German merchant marine, and in Avild fury sunk the German fleet. We cannot blame any capitalist group from stealing; it is the rock bottom of our social system. Imperialism is built on the exploitation of labor, and tbe flying dragon stamps the territory with the right of OAvnership wherever it is able to light. The shrinkage of fields for further development brings about a strenuous struggle between the different capitalist factions to retain their grip on exploitable possessions. From uoav on Avars Avill be continually buzzing around our ears, and the function of labor representitives is to free the Avorking class from the dominant power of capitalism. Never mind the interests of capitalist profit-mongers, they arc quite capable of looking after themselves. The fact that German Avorkers resent the French capitalist invasion proves their ignorance of the cause of their misery. Canadians and U. S. Avorkers are employed by all kinds of nationalities that own the means of production and distribution. The sale of labor-poAver is offered and purchased by French, German, British or Hottentot, so Avhat difference does it make to the Avage slave or farm slave who oAvns the American continent? If Ave wish to free ourselves from the horrors of Avar, or a farmer- labor government, or unemployment, Ave as a Avorking class must learn from a study of Socialist literature the agencies that are responsible for Avar, unemployment and human misery in general. v GEORGE PATON. Clarian "Mail Bag" By SID EARP UNDER the spell of brilliant spring sunshine and soft SAveet scented breezes, we are tempted to open with descriptive verse such as— Spring is come- The Avoods aAvake from their wintry slumbers. Robes of living verdure take, Leaves in myriad numbers,—and so forth, etc. Romance still lingers, Aveak and fitful in the mind of the Avage hound, but the harsh demands of the Avorkaday struggle are imperative and not to hi denied. Girt up to the uncontrolled machinery of Capitalism, the speed of which groAVS ever more intense and cruel in its degenerating influence, it Avould seem that the attributes of human kindness and social thought are to be utterly destroyed. A feeling of revulsion towards the existing institutions of modern society is, however, gradually manifesting itself. The cultured and professional elements are finding not only a lessening scope for their ambitions, but also a groAving menace to their material welfare. In vain do they look and appeal for relief to the politicians. Their trouble is but a phase of a sociaal problem, the solution of Avhich lies in its understanding. But an individual outlook which poses as national (with remarkable consequences); is utterly incapable of dealing with a problem which overrides national boundary lines. French occupation of German territory has been, and will further be. discussed in a British parliament, and the object of debate will be the conservation of British investments, no more. They do but talk, these politicians. All the doing is done by a Avage-Avorking class Avho are under a misapprehension as to their real identity and place in this modern scheme of things. Thus in the protection of private investments, the question of of national Avelfare comes to tic fore, and Avorking class minds respond mor.' quickly to that than any other thing. Mean, colorless liv.-s become vivid Avith a noble sentiment and death is sought to perpetuate a—lie. To understand society ami its method of procuring a livelihood, is to become a revolutionist with a clearly defined objective; the elimination of parasitism. Seemingly a mighty task; but not impossible in an age of stupendous mechanical achievement such as exists today. It is to be observed that in those pursuits where man has registered an advance, a strictly scientific approach is utilized; it is the method par excell°incv But no hymns of praise and adoration are chanted to the skies. It is the Avork and thought of mor. that counts, and so it will ever be; even in the struggle for social wellbeing, where at present, weird battle cries and noisy challenging seems to be the chief feature. Practical workers and keen discriminating thinkers are the need of the revolutionary movement; our work is to attend to that need above all else. The "Mail Hag" is heavy this time, and space forbids lengthy comment on all communications. New Brunswick, Nova Scotia and Ontario are represented by brief but kindly letters, enclosing moneys for Clarion subs .and the Maintenance Fund. * a We deeply appreciate the efforts of these distant comrades. A burst of correspondence comes from Winnipeg, Avhere much strife exists within the Avorking (dass movement, We hope it will soon work itself out and that the factions Avill cease to concentrate on side issues. Scarcity of employment has caused a number of good men to leave the city, but their value to the movement Avill not be lost. In those avIio remain and Avho are finding a rugged path to travel, avo have much faith. Comrade Davidson sends a very, interesting letter containing matter for a splendid article. We suggest that he should try his hand at once. Herequests tbat Beeny Avrite to him, ' From Saskatoon, Lloydminster, Pinkham, and Sovereign, Saskatchewan, come cheering Avords, subs, and help for the Maintenance Fund. Writing from Luscar, Alberta, Com. Roy Reid (Continued on page 8) m PAGE EIGHT WESTERN CLARION ^ THE CLARION MAIL BAG (Continued from page 7) says in part: "I Avould like very much to hear some of the top notchers of the S- P. of C. analyse and explain the mud slinging contest betAveen the "Worker" and the "0. B. U. Bulletin." We suggest that he look up the Clarion of Februaray lst, 1922, and read the article under the title "Acrobatic Leadership." We have forAvarded a copy of that issue. Thanks for the sub. and donation. Com De Mott Avrites from Michechi, Alta., enclosing five dollars to the Maintenance Fund, and a sub. as well. His comments on the column "By the Way" are well taken. From Huxley, Haynes, Carbon, Og- deri, Green Court, Whitla and Wimborne come greetings, subs., orders for literature and donations to the C. M. F. Bravo! Alberta! Com. Geo- Donaldson, of Stanmore Local 110, writes to the effect that interest in our Avork is growing. He encloses thirteen subs, and an order for copies of "Slave of the Farm." He has been invited to attend a meting north of the locality in which he lives, and requests that a few "Clarions" be sent for the occasion. Gloom has no place where Donaldson is. Strength and inspiration comes from the like of him. Comrade Exelby Avrites from Calgary expressing much appreciation of Clarion Avriters. He encloses tAvo subs, and promises vigorous assistance in the future. Cusack writes a business letter from Calgary dealing with matter concerning the local- Things are not very bright at present, but no matter. " Lash and stoAv!'' Frank; that's all you can do till the Aveather clears. From numerous points in British Columbia letters have arrived shoAving interest in our efforts, and expressing pleasure with the material in the "Clarion." Subs, also come from points in Oregon, California and Eastern States. From far aAvay Ncav Zealand a letter has arrived Avhich is as follows: "IN NEW EALAND" "My comment on J. A. McDonald's article under the above was more lengthy than I had intended, so I will be brief here. I do not Avant any argument as Mac suggests, and I have not the least animosity concerning him. Personally, I Avas pleased with his lectures such as I heard. In his antipathy for the Labour Party I heartily concur. Still I believe he Avas prejudiced against the officials of the C. P. and that it Avas encouraged by the persons he mentions, and others. One of the persons he mentions avIio advised him against the linking up of the West Coast elements promised to do all he could to further the interests of the C. P. I have evidence of that from more than one source. That Anderson and Hunt are in the front row of students here goes Avithout saying. But to suggest that the officials of the Communist Party are boneheads or hero worshipers is simply childish. Most of them have Avorked together before, why not noAv ? This is my last Avord on the matter. Yours, etc., ALBERT E. HUNT. Huntley, N- Z., Feb. 18, 1923. We have nothing to say regarding this letter, except that equal space will be given Com. J. A. McDonald should he think it advisable to engage in further comment. And that Avinds up the "Mail Bag" column up to 7th April. REVOLUTIONS, POLITICAL AND SOCIAL. (Continued from page 6) CLARION MAINTENANCE FUND- THE COMMUNE CELEBRATION. ONE of the happiest features of the gathering held by Local No. 1 in commemoration of the Paris Commune, was the attendance of many old-timers avIio by circumstances are prevented from engaging in Party activities at present. The old guard, from Avhom the movement has drawn so heavily during the last decade are not lacking in interest and encouragement, neither have they forgotten hoAv to enjoy themselves. From early evening until nearly daAvn about one hundred and fifty people put aside their cares and doubting, and revelled in joyous companionship, in music, warmth, and laughter, rich and loud. It Avas a brilliant re-union of good friends, and a happy augury of future successes. SID EARP. cessions forced by violence from all the legal powers are not a means of safety, one defeat would quickly bring a second. In the revolution there was not much betAveen the 20th June and the 10th August. And today things advance more quickly than in those times. Events like travellers go by the stream." (emphasis ours). The dates refer to 1789- The Tennis Court Parliament, and the Flight of the King. Louis Phillippe at last decided to abdicate; he Avas persuaded not to. Finally he decided on a change of ministers. The streets Avere croAvded with determined and excited people, Avhen another accident, again entirely out of man's calculations, oc- cured. An explosion, the cause of AA'hich Avas never determined Avas heard. Thc loyal soldiers, surrounded by a hostile crowd, lost their heads and presuming an attack was being made on them fired into the crowd. The revolution was on. The people loaded the dead iuto a cart, and hauled it through the streets. By day break, Guizot tells us, Paris Avas covered with barricades. So far the crowds called only for Guizot's and Thiers' heads, and for reform. The King appeared before them and told them their demands Avould be granted, but while this was the cry, they were quite evidently determined upon something more, and continued at the barricades or demonstrating before the Tuilleries. Louis Phillippe wished to abdicate but Marshall Bugeaud would not permit it, saying it would demoralise the loyal troops. However, the National Guard Avent over in a body to the Revolution and the Monarchy Avas at an end. But these March days of 1848 Avere to mean yet more to Europe, so, while Paris is clearing up the barricades, and the spring cleaning is being conducted in the Tuilleries, let us turn our gaze to eastern Europe once more. PLATFORM Socialist Party of Canada We, the Socialist Party of Canada affirm our allegiance to, and support of the principles and programme of the revolutionary working class. Labor, applied to natural resources, produces all wealth. The present economic stystem is based upon capitalist ownership of the means of production, consequently, all the products of labor belong to the capitalist class. The capitalist is, therefore, master; the worker a slave. So long as the capitalist class remains in possession of the reins of government all the powers of the State will be used +o protect and defend its property rights in th r-means wealth production and its control of the product of labor. The capitalist system gives to the capitalist an ever- swelling stream of profits, and to the worker, an ever increasing measure of misery and degradation. The interest of the working class lies in setting Itself free from capitalist exploitation by the abolition of the wage system, under which this exploitation, at the point of production, is cloaked. To accomplish this necessitates the transformation of capitalist property in the means of wealth production into socially controlled economic forces. The irrepressible conflict of interest between the capitalist and the worker necessarily expresses itself as a struggle for political supremacy. This is the Class Struggle. Therefore we call upon all workers to organize under the banner of the Socialist Party of Canada, with the object of conquering the political powers for the purpose of setting up and enforcing the economic programme of the working class, as follows: 1—The transformation, as rapidly as possible, of capitalist property in the means of wealth production (natural resources, factories, mills, railroads, etc.) into collective means of production. 2—The organization and management of industry by the working class. 3—The establishment, as speedily as possible, of production for use instead of production for profit. Following $1 each: Fred Harman, J. MacDonald, Marshall Erwin, A. C. Roga, W. Turner (per Sid Earp). "Progress" 50 cents; R. Inglis $2; P. A. Askew $2; George McLennan, (per M. Goudie) $3; St. John Comrades (per M, Goudie) $ 9-From the extra cheerful ones (Commune celebration, Vancouver), $11.50. Above, C. M. F. receipts, 29th March to 12th April, inclusive, $33- Literature Price List Cloth Bound Per 0»py A. B. C. of Evolution (McCabe) $1.16 Economic Determinism SIM Evolution of the Idea of Ood (Oram Alton $1.16 Evolution of Property (Lafargue) .$1.11 Critique of Political Economy $1.05 Revolution and Counter Revolution (Marx) $l.li History ot Paris Commune (Lissagaray) $1.11 Ancient Society $1.86 Philosophical Essays — $1.66 Theoretical System of Karl Marx $1.M Landmarks of Scientific Socialism $1.61 Socialism and Philosophy $1.65 Capitalist Production (First Nine and 32nd Chapters "Capital," vol. 1, (Marx) . $1.00 Vital Problems in Social Evolution 80c Science and Revolution 80c The Militant Proletariat 80c Evolution Social and Organic 80c Puritanism 80c Ethics and History 80c Germs of Mind in Plants '. 80c The Triumph of Life 80c Anarchism and Socialism 80c Feuerback 80c Socialism Positive and Negative 80c Eighteenth Brumaire 80c The End of the World SOo Science and Superstition 80c * Paper Cover* Per Copy Two Essays on History (C. Stephenson and O. Deville) l« Independent Working Class Education ,....10c Communist Manifesto .<. _..-. _..10t Wage-Labor and Capital Its ,. rhe Present Economic System (Prof. W. A. Bonger) ....lis Socialism, Utopian and Scientific ills < Slave of the Farm _..._•• j Manifesto, S. P. ot. C ..Ms j Evolution of Man (Prof. Bolsche) 80s ] Causes of Belief in God (Lafargue) - 10* Shop Talks on Economics (Marcy) II* j The State and Revolution (l^enin) I6e , Value, Price and Profit (Marx) II* ; Economic Causes of War (Leckie) ii* Civil War in France (Marx) II* Eighteenth Brumaire (Marx) , 85* Christianism and Communism (Bishop W. M. Brown)....Sir ' Psychology of Marxian Socialism..... SOo < W. A. Pritchard's Address to the Jury, (State Trials, Winnipeg, Man., Fall Assizes 1919-20) . 25c [ Quantity Rate* on Paper Covered Pamphlet*. Two Essays on History 25 copies Tl* { Communist Manifesto 26 copies $8.11 Wage-Labor and Capital 25 copies $8.01 • Present Economic System 25 copies $l.lt Socialism, Utopian and Scientific 25 copies $3.86 Slave of the Farm 25 oopies $1.11 ■ Manifesto of S. P. of C 25 copies $2.01 Evolution of Man 25 copies $3.71 ] Causes of Belief In God 25 copies $1.01 Value, Price and Profit 25 copies $8.11 Economic Causes of War 10 oopies $2.01 Christianism and Communism 6 oopies $1.00 Psychology of Marxian Socialism 10 oopies $8.60 . W. A. Pritchard's Address to the Jury (State Trials, Winnipeg, Man., Fall Assizes 1919-20)....10 copies $2.00 ■ All prices include Postage. Make all moneys payable to E. McLeod, P. O. Box 710, Vancouver, B. C. Add discount on cheques. MANIFESTO — ofthe — SOCIALIST PARTY OF CANADA (Fifth Idition) Per copy 10 eente Per 25 eopies o*\ Port Paid
Titled The Western Clarion from June 18, 1904 to June 1, 1907; titled Western Clarion thereafter.
Newspapers
Vancouver (B.C.)
English
Vancouver : University of British Columbia Library
Vancouver, B.C. : The Socialist Party of Canada
Images provided for research and reference use only. Permission to publish, copy, or otherwise use these images must be obtained from the Digitization Centre: http://digitize.library.ubc.ca/
BC Historical Newspapers
Original Format: Royal British Columbia Museum. British Columbia Archives.
Western Clarion
Text