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f-m W1. EVENTS Official Organ of THE SOCIALIST PARTY OF CANADA raiLbtoMT s«HSsps*«*ssissss>js»assssaisajiss^ .'«: ■•'",:*■'. ;# aft 4 lumber 322. Twice a Month VANCOUVER, B.C., JULY lit, 1920. The Breeding Ground Compromise ?«*«* •HE study of economies baa always been decried m u the "dismal science,'* and it is very strange ■hat capitalist thinkers should have encouraged this lf,rtJ< tilar notion regarding the "science of wealth." Ine would think such a science was particularly in- rrcsting. and as a matter of fact Marx did make interesting, especially for the working class. In kyu we could modestly refer the wiseacres of the huuulian Manufacturers' Association to this much baiigned economist for fnfonnation as to their [rowing desire for Foreign Trade, and the relation bears to their rate of profit as outlined in chapter iv. of Volume iii. "Capital" However, we are tat so interested in their education as in that of the rorkers. We will, therefore, preface this article with a flotation from Karl Marx's third volume of "Csp- tal" for consideration of the reader, and those auf- Setartry interested may refer te the analysis thai recedes the conclusions arrived at by Marx. "On tbe other hand, every particular sphere of capital, and Ytry individual capitalist hat the same interest in the pro- (fortuity of tbe social labor employed by the total capital or two things depend on tbis productivity. In the first place be ma** of use values by which the average profit is expressed; am! this is doubly important, where this average profit serves as a fund for the accumulation of new capital, nd a< a fund for revenue to be spent iu enjoyment. In the pecood place, the amount of the total capital invested (constant and variable), which, with a given amount of surplus »!uf. or profit for the whole capitalist class, determines the ktc m profit or the profit on a certain percentage of capital. Tie special productivity of labor in any particular sphere, or '•"• any individual business of this sphere, interests only tho«c tarritalittf who are directly engaged in it, once it enables that particular sphere, or that individual capitalist, to make an pttfl profit over that of the total capita! Here, then, wc have the mathematically exact demon stra- pos, how it j4 |),a, ,|,e C3pi(a|is|, fortn a veritable freemason Iuety arrayed against the whole working das*, however 'hey may treat each other as false brothers in tlie competition among themselves." (Kerr edition, p. 233) Tho slogan of "Greater Production" may appear more intelligible after a careful digesting of tho (above, , even in rases where a^man without wealth receives credit "' his capacity as an industrial or merchant, it is done for the confident expectation, that he will perform the function of a fapttaJisj and appropriate some unpaid labor with the bor- trmia' wealth may by th, 'in ... |»n.l.r of new soldiers of fortune into The field and into ' "Wprtiuon wi,f, fhc tIrea(|y cxiMi„K individual capitalists. |lrlvV° S-CUr" thc M,Prcmacy °* capital itself, expands Its capital. He receives credit in his capacity as a poll capitalist. This circumstance, that a man'without but with energy, solidity, ability and business sense lotos a capitalist in this way. is very much admired >' 'ho apologists of the capitalist mod*? of pro* ""»kIi this circumstance continually brings an 11 Md enablt, it to recruit ever new forces for itself out "wer layers of society. In a similar way the rircum- • "Woe, that the Catholic Church in the Middle Ages formed !' s ,llcr:,rchy out of the best brains of people without regard fort ('"' ,'irt'1 or wca,th. was one of the principal means of ' " >'"ig priest rule and suppressing the laity. The more J ruling class is able to assimilate the most prominent men (jrl r,,,(;<l/lass, the more solid and dangerous Is its role." (Kf" edition, p. 765). Tnp last paragraph of^ the first quotation is worthy | ° Particular consideration by those interested in the I P0,dioal movement of the working class. The impossibility of compromise is glaringly evident. The second quotation will five some idea of where we may expect to find the party of conciliation. In actual daily experience, where do we find these exponents of the "ca canny" policy of political action, —amongst that mixture of "aalariat," "labor leaders" and "profesional preachers" that we call the "middle class,"—the class that does not know where lt IS. The middle class, or rather the "educated" class in society, are credited with being; the "brains" of the capitalist system. The capitalist, at am individual, being nonessential in the processes of production snd distribution, only appears aa "the will" behind the world's activities in modern countries. The members of the middle class, therefore, appear as those possessed by "The Holy Ghost,''--the mysterious power that takes control of their energies to direct them into the presence of their Lord and Master—King Capital, whose lfingdom is oyejr all; the earth. The ''will" of capitalist society is expressed in the actual practice of extracting "aur- plus value." the failure to secure which has a'disturbing influence on those failing in the task of administering the methods considered necessary to secure the desired end. This aection of society, which has to attend to these higher duties of supervising the system of exploitation, are somewhat in the position that aj one time priests held between the people and their Gods—intermediaries and conciliators. The members of this "middle class" are educated for various processes in life, the importance of their various vocations being measured in actual lift- by the standard of usefulness to the class which they hope to serve honorably. The usual idea of the "honor" is related to securing special p/ivileges as | result of any particular ability they may manifest, nnd ultimately rest secure in "wealth"—the burden of their dream. The capitalist class having relieved themselves to a great extent of the worry of looking after their affairs nnd entrusting the working of the system to the middle class, the idea has become current that in this section of society are trt be found all the leaders necessary for any movement or undertaking. This finds its practical demonstration in the selection of political lenders like Lloyd George in England, and also accounts for the continual selection of middle class eelebreties for the premiers of mantt- faetured republics of recent years, such as Pader- ewski. Premier of Poland. It may also be recalled that the repudiation of Kerensky by the Russians Mas one of the sore blows to the vanity of these middle data democratic statesmen. During periods of political and industrial crises, the peculiar position of the "educated" classes becomes very noticeable. The "middle" class is "be twixt heaven and hell" — their hope of ascending into the heaven of wealth or being plunged into the purgatory of the working class, is reflected in all sorts of warnings, first to the workers, and then to their masters. Throughout the whole strata of the "salariat" the desire to secure wealth and to cease from work is the great ambition, and 4>lace-hunting and all sorts of scheming to this end are manifest in their ranks. Balzac's stories in "Tne CorAedie Humane" are masterpieces in French literature, depicting the desperate struggles of the ambitious members of middle elaas society in Franc*. Whatever may be the opinions of the maater class as to the abilities of their lieutenants, it moat be admitted that there are great numbers of the workers, who are overawed by the appearance of wisdom amongst their "better*," Their achievements hawe been by no means alight, and the orgsmsmtion of industry owes a great deal to their abilities. The oan- tredictions of tne capitalist system, howfever, do not depend on them for eolation. They lis As servants of the capitalist class, and that class can? not solve their problem bat st their own peril The "• middle class, therefore, finds itself in the role of reformers or conciliators, when they sre entirely ejsV' gaged in attending to the results of the development of capitalism. In the mania for 'place hnntSng" they are being hard pressed by the capiialisw^neees^ sity of satisfying the ambitions of their "friends" in the labor camp. Is it any wonder, therefore, that one has to digest so many political nostrums of those who would be the "saviours of society" and the "champions of democracy"? Always insisting on the raising np of "leaders," when the great demand is for teachers who are not afraid to place before the people the indisputable fact that society is based on a "Class Struggle" under the wages system. Imbued with the idea of the necessity of capital their position in society makes them the party of Compromise,—a policy impossible so far as tbe working class .and capitalist class are concerned, when the struggle for polftical power becomes a conscious necessity in the minds of the workers. Whilst confusion reigns,, their services are in demand in various ways — brass, pulpit, or the judiciary. Not all, however, are under the delusion of the capitalist psychology, and the only trouble with their disillusion has been the tendency to try and water down the "materialistic" political doctrines with humanitarian appeals to "cease this sordid appeal to class interests." A proletarian dictotor- ship as the final outcome of the struggle for political power looks too drastic, no matter how unavoidable it may prove through the necessity of events. The only useful recruits from the middle class to the working class movements are those who have thoroughly digested the fact that the coming revolution must be the work of the working class itself, and cannot he a "gift" from any class,—no matter how gifted it may think itself. The labor leader under the influence of "middle class' 'ideas has proved a hopeless failure,—and it may be some consolation to the members of the middle class to think that Marx,, Engels, and many others have "done their bit" for the working class movement that will never he forgotten when men eventually get down to solving their industrial problems free from all class bias. H. W. I . PAGE TWO WESTERN CLARION More Money Matters-The Silver Situation », ■ 9/ THE money commodity, in order to retain ita position, must posseM Obtain properties. Such properties are dependent upon the conditions existing: at wnstsvet pelted we esre to examine. What may sppcar 4 eharaeteristic of absolute necessity to the r.:••?}- ^.;iia:>A:!y at cue particular time ffisy. ia ::if: . -v.: *::*. prove detrimental to th-1 performance el ita vsriews fawtaosm. In • .---. - :. the properties indispensa ble to the material serving ta amessnre values, have been esunsexated ay recast! eeea mats as portability-, durability, boss gwteity. divisibility, stability of value, and cognise :.:y. The substance that possesses these attril ntea bids fair to 3efi at ita competitors and relegate to its./.: the office of intermediary in the modern system of trade and commerce . , It will be noticed, at once, that the requirements of our monetary system automatically eliminate practically every form of material outside the category of the precious metals. Even within this rate- gory, very few of th* occupants measure up to the s qualifications' demanded. The portability and durability of iron. lead. tin. and several others of the baser metals is not sufficiently noticeable to insure their admittance to, the channels of exchange. Gold and silver alone possess the requisite properties to the extent of functioning even fairly satisfactorily in this respect. Hack in ancient Rome, both in the time of the Republic and of the Empire, silver was the metal most commonly used in the capacity of money. In Saxon England it was still the most important representative of the mineral kingdom insofar as facilitating exchange is concerned. The system of coinage in that age was identical with a system of weights, the unit of weight resolving itself into the unit of value. The English pound sterling has its origin in the Saxon pound weight of standard silver, which was divided into two hundred and forty silver pennies each equal to a pennyweight. During all the early years of the feudal system, in the most important countries of Europe, silver continued to function as the money commodity. Its natural qualifications admirably adapted, it to this position. Trade, during those years, was not carried on in a very elaborate manner, and the silver supply not being exceedingly pler«:'ul, this metal amply provided a medium for trans rring values. With the discovery of a new world, however, a disturbance was inevitable. Vast deposits of rich silver-hearing ore were found in the two Americas. Capital, seeking an outlet, could here be profitably invested. The natives of these new areas, it is true, proved themselves monumental failures in the realms of production. They showed that healthy contempt for work so characteristic of all primitive .peoples from the very- start, They could neither be coaxed, bribed, coerced or frightened into accepting their new status in \society, and, doubtless, caused many an unhappy moment to the Spanish, English* and French exploiters who were anxious to develop their newly discovered treasures. When, through other means, the silver mines were placed on a paying basis, and great quantities of the metal exported back to Europe, a great change was effected in the trade situation. Not only was it possible to produce a new supply of silver at a greatly reduced cost, but the existing European supply, likewise, suffered a depreciation in value. With a materially extended world market, and soaring prices keeping pace with the growth of trade, the position of silver as a money commodity b/came yearly less secure. Something with greater value in smaller bulk was urgently demanded. This something was a characteristic of gold. The immediate result was not a complete elimina tion of silver from the arteries of exchange, and the establishment of gold in its place. For 1 period of about four hundred years, in England, gold and silver were jointly appointed by law to till the position. How well they functioned history has explained. As Marx has it—"To assume that then., is an invariable ratio between the quantities of gold and silver in which a given quantity of labor-time is incorporated, is to assume, in fact, that gold and silver are of one and the same material, and that a given mass of the less valuable metal, silver, is a constant fraction of a given mass of gold. Cheap politicians, of the W. -J. Bryan type, unconsciously adopt this attitude, The spirited campaign "*or free silver, that enlivened the political history of the United States during the latter years of the past century, was founded on the absurd notion that the purchasing power of the precious metals could be fixed by governmental fiat. Bryan's idea was that the "&h<\ standard" wss of artificial creatiort, and this golden cross, on which mankind was being crucified, existed solely beenase of the hideous ma chinations of the banking interests. Th> financial magnates of the V. S. might well revere 'he Dame Of n statesman who thus unreservedly ascribed to them a power approaching the supernatural. His solution was to destroy the existing standard and replace it by <'ue of silver. Possessing no knowledge of economics, and very little of anything else, he thought it feasible to arbitrarily set a buying-power on silver. Had the V. S. government secured possession of the world supply of silver, as well as the mines from which silver might Ik* obtained in the future, and all patents covering the processes of manufacture, it might have been possible to place an arbitrary prise on silver, and maintain it, though at an enormous and maybe ruinous cost. But, even in such a ease, the gold standard would not have been put out of hasine.vs. The purchasing power of silver, or any other commodity that plays the part rlf circulating medium, is not determined by legislative enactment. The nomenclature of money may he established by state fiat, but when it comes to a question of what pr«> portions any one will exchange for another, the problem can be solved only by understanding the relative quantities of social necessary labor time require?! to produce thern. Such being the case, we can see that any scheme pertaining to the establishment, and operation, of a system of bi-metallism is doomed to failure from the start. Fixing an arbitrary ratio between any two commodities is an utter impossibility as long as the law of value continues to function in human society. Each commodity being produced by a process peculiar to itself, whatever changes are introduced to the mode of production must, necessarily, reflect themselves in the values of the things produced, so that instead of having a rigid, iron-bound ratio con- firmel! between them, their values must vary relatively to each other, and consequently override any legislative decree to the contrary. Here, then, we find, as Marx has pointed out, that though two commodities can be designated by law to jointly fill the position of a measure of value that, iu practise, one only performs the function. The truth of this assertion can be found all through the history of English and American currency. When a change takes place in the methods of production, enabling one of the terms of the equation to be p'aced on the market with a relatively lower expenditure of labor than the other, all debtors will find it profitable to meet their obligations with the cheaper metal and, thereby, force the more valuable out of the channels of exchange. A fixed ratio, Yree coinage; and joint legal tender; these are the *U pre-requisjtes of bimetallism and, as we hav, these conditions cannot prevail. After centuries of endeavor to Maintain tk dotlblfl standard, in the face of economic tan »*, scheme is practically abandoned, sod oacorfc Other of the two metals adopted ;»> ..!;... A a population of over 700,000,000 pe ;. ■ silver kl day the money commodity. Although tUverdsjel its are found chiefly in Ifexteo, Canada 11 M United States, the metal ev«-ntua!l\ :.■ ;, •, nv\t the <>ri<nt, where it serves among molt than the world's population in the dual capacity of a isi modity and a currency. The great fluctuations in the ral -,;, the past the years merit our nt'-'' age price of silver in the l" S during uim was "»1.,M rents per ounce, which • • latsj QBotStiou for more than two een1 a the average hail rises' lo 98 I cents per • nj by December, 1919, it had m dented figqre of $1 37* per ounc< S • - the value of silver, a* pjessured In lerrai has Wen d< eidedfy 09 the loboggfl In adducing ressona for the* eral factors must l»c taken into rteaom for th« low price of 1915 ;»r. -• « peri importance to the student of 81 as thos gard to the high price of l!'l!» When «rai • nit the immediate effect 09 the foreign trsatf both India and China was a great it la 1 ports and exports, due to the scarcity • • carrying on trade The chief eual asm f ■ Orient were also the "dramatis personse" ''"' great war. 4,ermany had always bees » NUJC ■ porter of cotton, jute, rice, tea, and eoeoenstm duets, England. rVanre. and America batj - done a thriving business with the nacre) '• ' "' Orient. Having little domestic differences of theirowai settle, their buying and selling rdattom WtU ' ' neigh!>ors in the East were severely shaken time. This trade depression had a very effect on Ihe position of silver. A* soon as it became apparent to the adauastn tive officials of the Allied powers that th* ' '' game they had entered would last far bey three- months limit, specific! st tirM. they bejel" tiotiee the necessity of replenishing the letderm everything essential to winning the w»r ' ■ mediately developed that A*ia, and the Bast Wt would be drawn upon heavily for war mtW* Something must be tendered in payment tor the* auppliea snd, as the Western nations had bttl I ■* surplus of desirable articles to export, they w.. forced to fall back on the onlv available meted* payment, which was none other than shipp'■»»? ■ Another effect of the war was to change <■» and Ifidia from the position of being the fa»P' grounds for the surplus products of other ew»j" into great productive establishments of weffli"\. Moth of these countries,ar<> now industrial J •" ' sufficient in many lines, taking their place m production of cotton, jute, shoes, nud woolene the gr-at industrial centres of Europe. Ax tW _ material available for export has al»o cn-at} • creased, at the same time, the eoormoua """ ance in favor of the Orient can only be B»el •* creasing shipments of silver. The growth of''" try within the boundaries of those countries n * «artiy invol.es an addition of no small m»tF , to the medium of exchange. The 1u*nU!jL money functioning as the circulating medium determined by the prices <*f all commodities. « §cd by the rapidity of the circulation of 'll'""'-' (Continued on page 3) WESTERN CLARION PAGE THREE 0 Economic Causes of War. Article Mo. 7. r E arc told that Great Britain entered the war W because of her treaty to uphold the neutrally of Belgium, that the treaties of 1831 and 1839 .;il!,.,| an obligation on England to fight; but the »\t (it the treaties contains no word of this obliga- ,„ Gladstone said jn 1870 *hat the treaty of 18:19 [aa without force. Lord Palmerston, the man who L(,| ihe treaty of 1839, answering Disraeli said: |Hansiird.*Mmv Hth. 1865, page 1748: "It had been treed by treaty that Belgium and Switzerland be !;..!(■ neutral, but. I am not disposed to attach very iuch importance to such engagements, for the his ,r\ of the world shows when a quarrel arises, and cation makes war. and thinks it advantageous to rsverte with its army such neutral territory, the larations of neutrality are not apt to be very re- [giouslj respected." Major Murray, in "The Fu- re Peace of the Anglo-Saxon," pnirc 2fi. says: "As r treaties, there is no reliance to be placed on •m They are only considered binding as long as Be mutual interests of the binding parties remain ie tame, ami as long .SS there is power ts enforce A prudent ruler ought not to keep faith when v S" doing it would be Against his interests." Could jerobardJ have beaten that quotation, fellow-work- The real cause of the quarrel with Germany t.\- do more an honorable one than that of a dread i i too powerful commercial rivalry which, if Kng- <! had. stood aside, might have culminated in if k aercial alliance between Oermany and France Lra :.-t her in the markets of the world. Germany i • •>,, «j. sirous of empire as she WSS of the pre1* 'rraa'on of the independence of Morocco. Persia |id ''her states, as fruitful fields for German cornier cial expansion osi the basis of the open door; in hct, free markets more than empire was her views |* economic imperialism. France, on the other hand, mated empire, not to secure free markets, but to Kmopolise undeveloped markets. Britain's tra- itional stand for free markets should have inclin- i British policy towards Oermany. rather than to- mrda her traditional enemies France and Russia. it that traditional attitude had been undermined |ii<1 weakened by the fear and jealousy of powerful 'tnmercial, financial and social influences; it was rystalited in the Chamberlain Tariff Reform jcegoe, and aggravated by the extraordinary adapt- Imlitj snd sue, ens of Germany's economic progress l Ihi Qndeveloped markets of the world. Britain a Nndonmenl Of her policy Of the integrity and in- jepeadenee of Turkey. ICoroeco, Persia and Tripoli, eveloped an antagonism with Oermany, because it linunated the equal opportunity for commercial :"r,,"iirs- with these countries. This change of f ! '> was detrimental to the German trade . We were told that the war was to secure the uture peace of the world, but when th- lUlsheviki "•" public the secret treaties entered into during h" »tr, they uncovereil the beautiful platitudes "tt were used as lovely shop window dressings. '"' ,l"' complete defeat of Certnany was seen in its P*uty to be necessary before the Allies could div- "I1 the spoils agreed upon during the war. Q««a was to acquire Constantinople, the Straits, " '*rge section of Asiatic Turkey. France was f m'(l,ll,',> a large section of Asiatic Turkey and Of the German colonies. Italy was to acquire ""'"Km to portions of Austria-Hungary, a sec- '"" °f Asiatic Turkey, an extension of her exist- * Possessions in Africa, tbe right to conduct the ia al fairs of Albania, and a share in the war ^•"Hily specified in the Trenty of London, 1915. • "K,° Franco-Russian agreement as to the div- wu A8intic T»r^ey was in the spring of 1916. '•"aiiiH was to acquire Hungary, south ami east 10 *viver Theias. Britain was to acquire the I no"tral zone" of Persia, part of the German eolon- s an«l Southern Mesopotamia, with Bagdad and two r H ™ Syria. Frora December, 1916, to March, |H' 1'iri 1918, there were nine peace openings from the Central Powers, which were turned down just because it was impossible to divide up the spoils secretly agreed to amongst the Allies, unless Germany was completely defeated and unable to oppose their greed. Some people would have us believe that Protectionist countries are the creators of war, but Free Trade England is compelled to take part in a shuffle for spheres of influence and other monopolistic partitions of undeveloped countries, not merely by her capitalists crying for higher and more secure investments, but by the interests of her industry and commerce being threatened by her commercial competitors. Of course, we all know John Bull is an honest policeman. Did not John free Europe from Napoleon? He did his best to rescue Europe and France 'who declined the favor) from the French Revolution. Whenever Britain succeeded in her liberating mission, it was to reinstate the Bourbon in Spain ami Naples, and in 1815 to resettle the emigres, the priests, the Austrians, and an appalling reactionary regime all over the continent. Britain's historical mission is to fight for every scrap of paper without seeking any advantages of her own; merely accepting a few accidental gifts that may come her way. So the Henry Dubbs are taught; but if that is so, how is it that Britain did not fight Russia for violating the independence of Persia in 1911, also Frane for violating the guaranteed independence of Morocco! Why! Britain came to an arrangement about Persia's sacrifice; she also secretly sacrified the independence of Morocco before she signed the public agreement by which Morocco's independence should be respected. Of course, this is not the first instance of a policeman being in league with thieves. Japan broke Chinese neutrality in her endeavor to driVe out the Germans from China. Russia did likewise in Persia to attack Turkey, and Italy followed suit iu Albania all through the Great War which was fought to uphold small nations. Is it possible* for hypocrisy to be more naked and unashamed? A tight for the freedom of peoples, and yet the Allies were oppressing many more millions of men than the Central Powers. George Brandes. the Danish author, says: "Apart from the Russia of Czardom, the Allies held d« spotiq sway over some 550 millions of human beings—from Irishmen to Indians. Egyptians to Arabs. Moors to Koreans. With this ballast .they set out to liberate 30 millions governed against their wishes by the Central Powers. The war was the outcome of the great industrial and economic development of the Great Powers, and instead of wars today being necessarily like the wars of primitive man. who was forced to expand over a larger surface of the globe in search of food during famine and scarcity, they result today from an over-production of the people's needs, and show again, signs of the instability of capitalism. The war was not sprung upon any unprepared nation. The conference of Paris of April, 1914, at which Sir Edward Grey was present, has been shown by the Soviet Government to have been a preparing of the plans, by the Allies, to encircle the Central Powers. Russia began her trials of mobilization in February, 1914, and continued them until the outbreak of the war. Lord Haldane at Bedford College. November 29th. 1918, said: "At the outbreak of war the fleet was in such a state of efficiency as never before, and we were two to one even then against the whole German fleet. We mobilized at eleven o'clock Monday. August 3rd, 36 hours before we declared war. Within a few hours, with the aid of the navy, the expeditionary force was across the Channel before anybody knew it." Belgian neutrality was the excuse, the moral tone, to give to the public. German troops did not enter Belgium until the night of the 3rd and 4th of August, 1914, while Grey on the 2nd of August, after a session of the cabinet and after receiving a letter from Bonar Law saying the Opposition was with him in whatever action was necessary, according to the British ''White Paper" No. 148, said this: "I am authorized to give an assurance that, if the German fleet comes into the Channel or into the North Sea to undertake hostile operations against the French coasts and* shipping, the British fleet will give all the protection in its power." Grey to Bertie, in Paris, August 2nd, "White Paper" No. 119 "The preservation of the neutrality of Belgium might? be, I would not say a decisive, but an important factor in determining our attitude:." Now, fellow-workers, do ;you wonder why the Kaiser has never been tried? The very people who are bluffing are the last ones who would.desire its accomplishment, because of their own entanglements. Lloyd George said that iBritain did not covet any territory, but wanted on honorable peace. The gods of fate have thrown the Bull Dog just a few morsels for being a good dog. For instance, listen to this from a lecture on "A New East," by Rev. J. T. Parfitt, twenty years Canon of Jerusalem, before the Greenock (Scotland) Philosophical Society, November 22nd, 1918: "The present opportunity was the best we ever had to achieve mighty things in this remarkable part*df the world. Palestine did not offer commercial advantages, only strategic, but Mesopotamia was rich in prospects. Why, the oilfields which we had just taken over a few days before we signed the armistice were worth ten million thousand pounds, and were the finest in the world We had not sought territorial ex- -> pansion in the East, and were prepared to take up Ihe white man's burden." That is one of the few morsels that Britain did not want; it just came to her because of her goodness of heart and her love of protecting inferior people like the Irish, Egyptians and the people of India, who, we are told, are unable to govern themselves. PETER T. LECKIE MORE MONEY MATTERS—THE SILVER SITUATION . (Continued from page 2) stands to reason that the great increase in the quantity of manufactured goods and raw materials would make imperative an addition to the existing store of silver. The rise in the price of silver,.then, has been due' primarily to the inordinate demand from the East. But there are other factors.' The shortage in the world supply is secondary only to the Eastern demand. One of the most productive silver fields in the world has suspended operations to a large extent during the past few years. We refer to Mexico. The decapitation of presidents, and looting of treasuries, have assumed a more elevated status than the mining of silver. The diversion to war industries of labor, in the American and Canadian fields, has had its effect. The increased use of silver money by soldiers in the war, as well as the stimulated demand for silver for surgical and medicinal purposes, have all combined to strengthen the market position in recent years. The decrease in silver prices of late is directly attributable to the relaxation of the demand for Eastern products since industrial reconstruction, (ii a large scale, has extended to the belligerent countries. The embargo on the export of gold, put into effect by most of the participants, has now been removed. This removal results in giving to the oommeYcial interests the option of paying in gold instead of silver, and so tending to reduce the demand for the latter. As international trade recovers, a further decline in silver prices, as stated in gold, is to be anticipated. The gold question will he dealt with in our next. . J. A. McD. k AS u hi H I ■ mm I ' -' ■ I id ■:m * ' ■I :-■ * •;4 %T "'■£ ill r| i :». •\ :f'p m m ■ t i.% asm PAGE FOUR WESTERN CLARION •! .A Western Clarion A Journal of History, Economics, I Mlosophy, and Current Events. Published twice s month by the Socialist Party of Canada, 401 Pender Street East, Vancouver, B. C. Phone Highland 25S3. Editor Ewen MacLeod Subscription: Canada, 20 issues $1.00 Foreign. 16 issues .'. $1.00 aaa If this number is on your address label your X/jC subscription expires with noit issue. Keaew ""■SS promptly. VANCOUVER, B.C.. JULY 1st. 1920. EDITORIAL PRITCHARD S ADDRESS TO THE JURY. THE able address of Comrade W. A. Pritchard to the jury in the Winnipeg State trials at the Fall Assizes. 1919-1920, printed in pamphlet form, has just come to hand. Comrade Pritchard, in his defence, has assumed the position of accuser of society as it is now constructed, with its multifarious forms of oppression, and with special reference to the operation of the machinery of law as it was operated in and around Winnipeg, centreing upon this trial. § S The address is an altogether creditable performance, and will endure primarily as of a political rather than a legal bearing. Comrade Pritchard bases his remarks upon the exhibits filed by the Crown, and from that abundant material outlines what is not a'oue an excellent case in defence, but a sound groundwork of educational substance worth while studying. Altogether apart from the wide interest the case has aroused from the legal standpoint, and the problems in connection therewith that remain to be dealt with, the booklet will serve well as of valuable reference in connection with Socialist literature, and works connected with social problems "We recommend its reading to all who have interested themselves in this trial, and to others it will provide food for thought as a document that is essentially of working-class interest. Single copies and small quantities can be sen^ from this office, price 25 cents per copy post paid. Large orders should he sent to J. Law, 220 Banna tyne Avenue, Winnipeg, or to A. S. Wells. 405 Dunsmuir Street. Vancouver. Ii. C. from whom special rates may he obtained. has cut deep into tbe standards of the institution of private property, aud while her present proposals for a working basis of exchange of products with capitalist countries remain unannounced, it is dif- fieult to estimate the true worth of the hand-shaking from a practical standpoint, as related to her present needs. Her present needs, while they may he more evident, are hardly less insistent than are those of lor enemies now in negotiation with her. Their needs may compel them to forego past claims against Russia in whole or part, but in any event, the consideration that prevents their mutual abandonment as Allies lies in their mutual economic and political dependence upon each other for continued existence as States. The several, Allied countries are competitors in the same market,and while they may manoeuvre for advantageous position, their interdependence and combined interest as profit producing countries, as against the Communist aims of the Soviets, serve as a check upon their everready willingness (o undo each other as occasion may demand. The liberal press of each country involved, in its advocacy of a policy of trade with Russia, is representative of those interests whose abandonment of true bourgeois principles is more apparent than real. Their Uberaliam towards Ruaais ia based upon a merited distrust of their own capitalist competitors. Onr good wishes'are wholeheartedly with Bossia, but we are not confused as to ihe fumiai/.eutal it* MM involved, and we know that her spokesmen are under no delusion as to the real meaning of trade relationships with the exploiters of human tabor. rpt» jiitaj LOUIS FRAINA RUSSIAN TRADE. OUR information concerning the details of the mission of Krassin in London, emissary of the Soviet Government, is dependent upon the daily news sheets. We have long since learned to be sceptical about any items in the press columns regarding Russia, and we are as sceptical now regarding the news of the negotiations of the emissary of that country. The presence, in London, of the Soviet commission, whatever may be its outcome, is a certain indication of up-to-date failure on the part of Britain in her Russian policy. One by one her mercenaries have been annihilated or have been rendered fugitive from Soviet territory, while Poland today, in her aggression against Russia, faces the overwhelming defeat of her armies, which Britain has largely equipped and outfitted without a bill of costs. While the press news indicates the existence of serious deliberations between the Soviet and British representatives, its presentation is so obviously doctored and garbled that it serves a useful purpose as being indicative of what ia not so. Whether or not there may be any serious minded people who imagine that Krassin's mission can busy itself exclusively as a commercial mission without regard to political considerations, it would be folly for us to ignore the fact that Russia is at the present moment an outlaw country in the capitalist world. Her revolution LUllS FRAINA has had levelled against him the most serious accusation that can be Bade against any man who calls himself a Socialist. Be is accused of being now. or of having been in the last year or two a secret service agent, acting for Palmer, official stifler of open opinion in the United States. We do not intend to repeat the story as it ha* been given by "The Call' New York . and echoed by others. We hold no brief for Fraina, and •< «* have looked with disapproval upon much of his hair- bratnedf alarmist propaganda in past years, hut we are of opinion that in grave matters of this kind, it is a discreditable practice on the part of the Social- ist and Labor press to imitate the sensation worshipping manners of the scurvy press. One kick is enough at a time, that is, until the victim has a reasonable chance to he heard. The charge against Fraina may verv well !«• true; but then again, it may not be true, and in any case, this kind of charge always leaves a mark. If those papers that rehashed the original news item had presented any evidence of their own in connection with the case, they would be less liable to classification as next-of-kin to the well oiled press. They have presented nothing that has not appeared in the original article they have copied, and now their duty will be to reproduce everything they can nee in Fraina's defence, even if it tills every inch of their space. We know nothing of Fraina or hia petBOttaJ character, and we are not appearing in his defence, but we dislike the practice of howling that a man is a rogue because a well-informed person next door says so. We have no quarrel with the original pub lication of the charges, but we quarrel with the questionable methods of the imitators. No lection of the workers' movement can thrive through the disparagrnent of any kind of man unheard. given the fundamental of social economy it structure could be predicated. And so' iad2^ could if all the data could be conceived ^j ft but that is just exactly what cannot be dosT^ Evolution is not a circle; docs Dot ffl|U- lines for set purposes; is not bounded by taa J logic of finite concepts. On the contrarv ^ eyela Of events, of changing complexity nn> ing in identical phase or form \\\ ,<■>■ y. causes, or motion, it develops in ever inerw,*.. „ plexites, In endless ooneatenaaons, in ,,ia.,■».. directions. And yet it is ever subject to the - laws and limitations of being and eonatitntilTi is like a stream that here breaks ia foaauna rt&i* there laughs in rippling shallows, thunders iny>ct ling cascades, glides in placid deeps, iwiruamj eddying hy Lend and hollow in ail own motion, never returning, never repeal ■ -,. tame series, ever flowing, broadening, deepessi 'gathering weight and power >u rolntaetadi tiality unknown. So with society, lt eostes, •!•• ■ leans Development itself prodnoea - j nature, quality and substsnce chaaisfJ ohanges the mode of progress, altera the t&sV fabric of social organisation, wea .• .. tern of social institutions, detenu Bed by lie..-«. fi.il necessity of eeaseteas bio enta and shadr that play over the I -x devices aud forma of ftOCiet) are • . •' i. tione of transitory human need, e, material progress of universal wi I i base <<!td concept there is de insr aeries of relationship b«*t« • > tWStO man and nature, bctwec •vity, Coiresponding with such ■ :• i>? their necessary change, comae) ■■ ii ly necessary change. New power I • Ml knowledge, new knowledge an l /'■**• < ountless gradation*, extent •: - : and its thought, of thought and its One <*an but forces*! So, w -' - - :'* negatively, and that on'y at its tBSCpt itself will he gradual and not We can "say that pro&eering shall aot <*xi»t—sastJ iu whole economic shall he forgotten like u el dream; that classes shall ha\e disappeared stall craft he no more; slavery and in - .; im| ithed like a ship in Uat night. We may aver that society will does the fullest *at;*faction of its areata ■•:■■'• ■■"" that all shall 1* free of w** to the DtJ i world resources; that all shall Individ e&jefa that in sfH'ially produced Thus lecure la •- of life, in the fnflinsi of eotnforl and •• : society will take root and Qottrish Ell BCi afi "1 new concept*, build its institutions, direct Betas; ditions. master the laws of change tad adapt total new attainments and purpose*. It will be a societv where men an.I W0B« r" not he the craven spawn of commerce, wherr«' hood will not be ground in the njUl of proft,"^ thought Will not be cankered hy finance, who: totality may rise to grandeur. A society *o0,eNT ion may be humanity, its ethic, liberty, indtil ing fount of truth the inspiration of ita i)^™4i' s tion. SUBSCRIPTION FORM SUGGESTIONS. IT is frequently—but vainly—asked: "What will Socialist society be like, how organized and controlled; what will be ita life condition!" Our querists are no whit daunted by the reason of dialectic, or satisfied with the empiricism of historical materialism. They demand concrete and detailed structure and correlation. Since social institutions are the reflex of social economies, it would almost seem to be obvious that, WESTERN CLARION. A Journal of History, Economics. PbfloeoP^1 Current Kvemts. Official Organ of the Socialist Party of C**dJ Issued twice-a-month, at 401 Pcmh r Street * ' Vancouver B. C. Phone: High && Rate: 20 Issues for One Dollar. Make all SOS. payable to E. MacLeod. k For enclose! he**" send _ Issues 'i,:"~ Name Address "' WESTERN CLARION PAGE FIVE Ireland. d'C MOTE The following article must he con- .. red ;i> our eotreaeoiioeaf's viewpoint. His article is .^'ll'v written for oa M onr own request \ the kaleidoscope of world politics the struggles ,{ Russia and Ireland stand out pre-eminently indicating the direction of future economic and Political actions, one fighting for the overthrow of "*n,',mu, capitalist society, the other for the over- KroW 0f political imperialism. In both countries editions arc to a certain degree analogous, inas- [,m,,, as both arc as yet incompletely emerged as edged capitalist States, i.e., feudalism is ram- feant within the borders of each, and both are so mfs- , ented by their friends and enemies that the . : lSsues arc in danger of becoming overclouded |, transitory circumstances. A cursory glance, ..... at the main contending factions in Ireland, [ composition and aims, will enable the readers ,,,. Western ("larion" to form an accurate opin- |; i to the crux of the situation. .. stica as to party serength aiv furnished OU • elections under P. H. system. The Unionist |. the party of the big business and land owning |i. ., representing about IS per cent, of the total I ^0, stands uncompromisingly for the aolid- the empire, its devotion to the imperial idea I •..,] by its class consciousness. Loyal to both. I • immanda a certain respect hy its willingness to • i any extreme, including bloodshed, in defence it what it judges to be its right. The Home Rule party, founded by the petit hour- gt lisie, and still the mouthpiece of its founders,-— ted with contempt by British and Irish, has ...•!>• 1 n reduced to almost insignificant pro- | Its Strength, drawn from the farmers, ah- about seven pec cent, of the national vote Opposed to these are the two wings of the Nail mOTCmpnt, the Sinn Fein and the Lahor Party, In the interests of clarity we shall examine on its respective merits. The Sinn Fein party M th- creation of Cumsm Sinn Fein, an economic movement,Started about twenty years ago hy Arthur Griffiths and William Rooney, editors of the "United Irishman.'' The disgust at the actions of the Home Hole movement, its futility in securing any economic relief for the prevailing conditions in Ireland wa<* the primary cause of its inception. It laid down the principle that as long as Irishmen recognised the right of Britain to legislate for Ireland. then Britain, "ipso facto," possessed that right. Appealing to the electorate at the general elec tloo of 1918 with a Republican platform, it secured 75 per cent .of the total poll, and forthwith established an Dnil Kircunn (Irish Assembly) at Dublin on January 21st, 1919. It has appealed for inter* national recognition as the de facto government of If* land; has reorganized the republican army; established co-operative banks; authorized a loan of 130,000,000 divided squally in V. S. A„ Australia. nnd Ireland (which latest advices report to be oversubscribed) ; passed laws for the nationalizing of \hm estate, which the republican army is at present attempting to effect; set the machinery in motion for extensive draining of bogs, and it has established Courts of Justice throughout the country. It is 11,1 essentially "national" movement, inasmuch as '•« main or primary objective is the overthrow of taperiaUam in Ireland. The Lahor Party of Ireland having us its mouthpiece the Socialist Party is, on the other hand work- lag not merely for a "national" revolution but also " s,»''i)d one; not merely for tbe overthrow of British ""Pciialism, but also of that system of civilization tl,"t Britain represents in Ireland., In Connolly's "Labor in Irish llistfiry," we are told that up till lsl;l "tlie basis of society in Ireland rested upon COl»munal or tribal ownership of land Communal ownership would Undoubtedly have given w».v to the privately owned system of capitalist land- °'dism if Ireland had remained an independent '"
It's an ill wind that blaws naebody guid.
wcured from, and donations made to: ALRX. SHEPHERD, P. 0. Box 1762 Winnipeg, Manitoba. NOTIOE. r,**onatlon» to the Manitoba Provincial Election ientTlffT1 Pund 0f Locml <WinnlPog) No. 3, may be Cot!l0 E MacLeod, Secretary, Dominion Executive from !im Pcndwr 8tmt lMt» V*0000^' B ° • whom collection cards may alto be obtained. .. ACCORDING to the Paris correspondent of the Chicago "Daily News," the Vatican, in southwestern Europe and Germany has seemingly eu- tered on a movement of the greatest importance, namely, open co-operation not only with Protestants and all other Christian sects, but even with the dews, to combat the anti-religious spirit as manifested by Socialism. He quotes Msgr. Kordatch, ArcJlbisbop of Prague, who, in a speech before a conference of his eo-religionists, among other things said : "As Catholics, we will even go as far as to hold out our hand for political action. We will extend our hand to faithful Protestants who, like us, believe in the divinity of Jesus and in the Decalogue, these ten commands of God. We will work with thera in politics. We will work to construct states even with believing Israelites, and even with Liberals. I have expounded these principles to the representatives of Jesus Christ, to Pope Benedict XV., who has absolutely approved of them." The Church has a1 ways realized that an antagon- i-m exists between science and religion. Unfortunately, very few workers realize that. Practically ell the Socialiet parties in the world have maintained that "religion is a private matter." Even such a .Marxist a! Pennekoek is addicted to that view. They do not seem to realize that the great theoretic weapon of the wage-workers in their right for freedom is science; that religion has been one of the stumbling blocks in the paths of progress. Soon after Constantino proclaimed Christianity as the official religion of the Roman Empire, Science begun to feel the heavy hand of the church. "The Christian Party asserted that all knowledge was to be found in the Scriptures and in the tradition* ol the church; that in tlu written revelation, God had not only given a criterion ol truth) but had furnished us all he intended us to know. The church thus set herself forth as the deposit- .i!\ and arbiter o( all knowledge "'—Draper- She was ever ready to resort to force to compel obedience to her decisions. Inquiry was considered to be a crime; to doubt was to de damned; ami the Bible was made the final authority on all questions. Papacy thus took a stand which determined her whole future career; she became a stumbling block in the intellectual advancement of Europe for more than a thousand years. "Not till the education of Kurope passed from the monasteries to the universities, not till Mohammedan science and Classical tree lilOUghl and industrial independence broke the sceptre of the Church, did the intellectual revival of Europe begin I Lector). Thousands of men and women were either burned at the stake or imprisoned in vile dungeons for doubting the statements found in the scriptures. Men were murdered for maintaining that the earth was round, or that the earth was not in the centre of the universe. Galileo was treated with remorseless severity for maintaining that the earth moves around the sun. Hruno, one of the greatest scientists of the middle ages was burned at the stake, charged with teaching the plurality of worlds. De Dominis was imprisoned for offering an explanation of the rainbow. By order of the church, the great Alexandrian library, the greatest library of ancient times, was destroyed. According to Draper, the Inquisition, that terrible weapon of the mediaeval church between the years of 1481-1808, punished over 340,000 heretics. ;12,(XX) of these being burned at the stake. So much for the past history of Christianity. Volumes would be necessary to record the crimes committed by the religious fanatics during the dark ages. We must, however, not forget for a moment that Protcstiiuisni, Judaism and other religions have a past that is just as black as that of Roman Catholicism. The history of thvse churches is covered with the blood of thousands, nay millions, of victims sacrificed to Superstition. ' Luther, the founder of the Lutheran Church and the Father of Protestantism was revolutionary when the conflict was between the Papacy and his masters, but when the Peasants' War which iu a few weeks spread over entire Germany, Luther the revolutionary priest became one of the most zealous defenders of the then ruling class. Against the Peasants' breach of obedience, he now turned his wild fanaticism with a desperate blood thirst, an absolute delirious cruelty. In his brochure against the rebellious peasants, he states: "Inasmuch as they are evil-minded, and brazenly refuse to obey, and furthermore resist their masters, .they have forfeited life and soul as to all faithless, perjured, mendacious, obedient knaves and villains. Therefore, it becomes die duty r.f all here to strangle and stab secretly or publicly, all such, and remember that there is nothing so poisonous, injurious and fiendish as a rebellious person; just as you would kill a mad dag; if you do not strike him, he will strike you, and with you the whole country." The greatest strength of the church lies among the ignorant, superstitious, backward agricultural population of the world. This reactionary mass constitutes the greatest menace to Socialism. The majority of the supporters of the various Centrist or re- " ligious political parties of the world come from this class. In Hungary, Poland and Belgium, they control the government. From Msgr. Kordateh's statements, it would appear that a union of the liberals and Centrists is a foregone conclusion. Atheist France is now represented at the Vatican by Jules Cambon! Gone are all the petty differences between the two groups. Both realize their common enemy. Socialism. With the exception of Italy, the platforms of the * ■ Centrists are more or less of an extremely reactionary nature. In Italy, however, they are face to face with a different situation. Due to the strength of the Socialist movement, the platform of the Italian Catholic Party is more or less similar to that of the various yellow Socialist parties of the world. One writer in the "Nineteenth Century," of January, 1920. enthuses over the significant statement: "I salute the good fortune of Italy. The cancer in her heart is healed. The Catholic party is now the defender of the State, and public authorities are no longer in conflict.'' There is no question that the church has little influence with the great mass of industrial workers. Despite the free movies, lots of pretty girls aud other inducements, the majority of the churches in the large cities are conspicuous by the absence of the workingmau. The cause of the irreligiou of the industrial proletariat is due, as Veblen puts it: "The artisan class, on the other hand, is notoriously falling away from the accredited anthripomorphic creeds and from all devout observances. This class is in an especial degree exposed to the characteristic intellectual and spiritual recognition of the undisguised phenomena of impersonal, matter- of-fact sequence and unreserved conformity tj the law of cause and effect. This class is at the same time not underfed nor overworked to such an extent as to leave no margin of energy for the work of adaption," Religion is the handmaid of Capitalism. "Churches arc supported to exist only on condition that they preach submission t,o the State as at present capitalist- ically organized. Indeed, the religious bodies, as the almoners of the rich, become a sort of auxiliary police, taking off the insurrectionary edge of poverty with coal and blankets, bread and treacle, and sothing and cheering the victims with hopes of immense and inexpensive happiness in another world, when the process of working them to premature death in the service of the rich is complete in this."—George Bernard Shaw. Tinier all its multifarious forms, the modern mission of religion is to cloak the hideousness aud injustice of social conditions and keep the exploited meek and submissive. Socialism, however, is the possibility of soeial conditions that am rational and humane and need no mask. Therefore, to tear the veil of hypocrisy and mysticism from modern society is to urge the workers to end its.misery and inequality. However, the importance of tlie religious question must, not be overestimated. It is important, but yet secondary to the great class war that is raging over the entire earth. But it must be remembered that religion is one of the bulwarks of Capitalism;, and that it is used by the ruling class to keep the slaves in subjection. No intelligent workman can houcstly avoid the religious conflict. "Religion is the opium of the people."—Marx. JOHN TYLER. I t PAQE EIGHT WESTERN CLARION T I THE FEMININE POINT OF VIEW WOMAN suffrage, like prohibition, is one of the excresences of the capitalist system. Under the older systems of production, women had been expropriated from all voice in the democratic gov- ernments, but as the capitalist system developed, and women became more and more stock holder in the various enterprises, thereby becoming property owners, they wanted, and began to demand, a voice in the governments, which were controlled by those enterprises. The male of the species, thought they saw their dominance threatened, and opposed them. The politicians had sufficient work to swing the vote of the male workers into line without adding that of the woman. Opposition, as usual, made the woman more determined, and they began to war-dance. The propertyless woman, not having any more acumen than the propertyless man, joined the war party in the spirit of adventure. Of course, they were camouflaged, like their brothers, into thinking that suffrage would place them all on an equality. The fight thickened. The war broke out. and in order to line up all sentiment to make the war a success the capitalists endeavored to swing the suffrage sentiment to help win the war. They partially succeeded. The ranks broke, but some, like the National Women's Party, stuck to their guns. Success seemed certain. The war closed. The capitalist parties finding themselves nearly equally divided, and looking for recruits for their respective camps, "about faced" and are now competing with each other in the hope that credit for the final victory' of the women of their class may keep, or carry, them again into power. However, the women have been getting their education along with the boys in the trenches. They are asking, "Where do we come in!" and are realizing that it is not the intention of their leaders that they shall "come in" at all. Now they are wondering what all this democracy is about anyway. Their experiences with the politicians have not enhanced their respect ,and they are finding out that the democracy for which they have been fighting ia not what they thought it wss sfter all. And so, many of us are looking into the subject, and learning that democracy is the form of government that develops inevitably with the trade of a country, and ia celled the rule of the people. Then we went to know Who are the people! and aa it has been hammered into us for centuries that women were rot people, by digging in we learn again thst the people of a country have always constituted a very small proportion of the inhabitants of thst country, namely, the owners. Now we sre digging in deeper, thia time into Marx and Engels, Morgan snd Dietzgen, and are fast arriving at the conclusion that the great adventure of life is not so much to swing from convention to revolt, as to struggle out of confusion into clearness of mind. KATHERIXE SMITH. CLARION NEWS AGENCIES THE "WESTERN CLARION" IS ON SALE AT: CALGARY, ALTA—Abrxandcr News Stand, 204 Eighth Avenue West. Labor News Stand. 814a—Snd Street East- MONTREAL-S. Fcigclman, 421 St Lawrence Boulevard Frierman and Baranow <4i, 12 Ontario Street East NEW WESTMINSTER -News Stand. B C E. R. Depot. PORT ARTHUR -Viking Book Store, 264 Bay Street. TORONTO-D Goodman, Blind News Agent, corner Queen and Chestnut Streets. VANCOUVER—Columbia News Stand, corner Hastings and Columbia Streets. John Green, Carral Street. W. I-ove, Hastings Street East. WINNIPEG-Reformers" Book Agency. 222a Phoenix Block (Opening evenings). BUFFALO, N. Y.-Onward Book Store, 196 Gold Street. CHICAGO—Radical Book Shop, 867 N. Clark Street. Walden Book Shop, 307 Plymouth Court ROCHESTER, NY-Proletarian Party, 580 St. Paul Street TACOMA.—Raymer's Old Book Store, 1317 Pacific Avenue. SEATTLE,—Raymer's Old Book Store, 1330 First Ave. THE PUBLIC HEALTH OFFICER FARCE. ONE of the jokes of the existing social system is the "Public Health Act." We do not expect butchers to preach vegetarianism, nor hotel keepers to lecture on prohibition, and it would be a howling joke to put the anti-cigarette crusade entirely in the hands of the cigarette man- ufaeturers. Nevertheless, this is precisely what we are doing in the case of disease. The man who makes his living from disease and who would starve to death in a perfectly healthy community, is deputed by our all wise government to hold the control of disease in his own hands. In some instances the medical officer of health is individually put beyond temptation through being debarred general medical practice, but in the majority of cases all over the country he makes the bulk of his living by private practice. • As a country teacher, this fact is at the present. moment being brought home to me in a very lively manner. An epidemic is in its initial stages, and with the Public Health Act at my elbow I am doing my level best to nip it in the bud by |nforcing quarantine so far as the school children are concerned. Meanwhile the local medical officer of health absolutely ignores the Public Health Act and issues permission broadcast for children to mix with others, two or three weeks before danger of infection is over. I haw not a doubt that if. thanks to his assistance, the epidemic gets a thorough hold he will suddenly become severe having well sown his crop of "cases") and close down the school. Scientific specialists in disease tell us that contagious diseases could be as effectually stamped out as leprosy and the plague, and to a large extent smallpox has been, but there is no hope of this happening so long as we are wi'ling to support tbat closest of all combines—tbe medical trade. There are many honest, noble and self-sacrificing individuals among medical men, and we imagine they would welcome the day when the people control a medical service, whose interest and not whose loss it will be to combat disease by tvtry means in their power. A TEACHER, €OVIET RUSSIA MEDICAL RELIEF COMMITTEE. We are asked by this committee to publish the following financial statement:—- Brooklyn. N.Y., June 1, 1920. Treasurer'• Financial Statement, April-May, 1890 as to May 31,1980. Receipts— Contributions ^ #1.776.37 Net proceeds fan Mass Meeting, May 22 177 42 ♦1,05379 Expenditure— Printing of Circulars , $ 230.50 Postage, Stationery, Miscellaneous ... 142.32 Clerical Help 97,80 •Medical Supplies $1,000.00 * 1.470.32 Balance * 433.47 •Note—First pavment advanced for Medical Sup- p'ies. May. 27th. 1920. Note—Since June 1st. another payment of $1,000 has been advanced for the purchase of mt dical supplies. June 10th, 1920. Contributions may be sent to Jack Shepherd, Secretary Local (Vancouver), No. 1, S. P. of C All rams received will be acknowledged. HERE AND NOW. Following. $1 each: John Burton. G. Velge. G W. Howard. Mary Ertz Will, A. D. Mcleod. B. I. Tisher. H. Weiss. J. Cartwright. Trevor Maguire, D Thomson. R. Baylk*. J. Johnson. F. W. Borden, A Sumner. Martin Ophus. Following. $2 each. J. F. Knorr, J. F. Maguire R. Sinclair, Wallace GraysonV M. Goudie. Alex' Shepherd ^Mountain Park Social Club), Nels C Nelson. W. F. Rampe. 30.cent*. J. Rivers, $12; Geo. Wal- • iv~£-Harri*- *•wBreew- *5: A *■*•*• man. $IS0: R. C. Mutch, $19; J. A. McD., $14.50. Total subscriptions received from 11th to 25th •June, inclusive. $93 30 CLARION MAINTENANCE FUND. Martin Ophus, $4, P. Dayon, $5: Dick Burge, $1. Total from 11th to 25th June, inclusive, $10. I A HOME FOR THE JEWS T HE pages of the servile press arc stmi forge weapons of deceit in a (rentnsjSl maintain the present order. The class corw<>jo 1 server knows the depth of the reports 0f ta*kl press representatives. A lengthy article has been published of itajJ Convention held lately in Alberta when ... "r!i * rfvjjj. tion was passed to offer thanks for the rt\n*<f the -lews iu establishing a home by prodaisia British Protectorate over Palestine I presume those Jews in membly were not k,! quainted with the facts that Britain had to coverts her plundering dinpostion by saking th. JewiakJl pie to occupy a house of which she held the a»f The secret treaties between Britain snd her \|iw| during the spring of the year 1916 j»avp Britta] Southern Mesopotamia. Bagdad and two porfcea the Mediterranean. The port* of Haifa tod Aib are the gates to Palestine and Damascus. Theiuaa; Britain seixed Alexandria, a natural outset H Mesopotamia petroleum. We know tha; fa Hen potmma Dardanelles report tafia us of ghastly wenl when British soldiers fought to r-roteet the al iu*ta'lation at Abadau. belonging to the 1'enaaQi Company, of which the British Ooverittaeat Mb come huge shareholders. We sre told by tie aj port that wounded men had to make a fourteen din' journey to the port of embarkaUon without «?«. tention. W* are also informed that theca sTeashj soldiers lay huddled together on the deck of i lis with insufficient room to perform the functiaatf nature. The Ood of inflammable matter cries oat ii to- •pair for the return of bis lost ones to the Bab/leal flowing with the r^aw materia! to manufs^ttsr? as oil and gasolene. Capital require* labor, and an the British m<*r»j monger hood winked the warrior, he can also deeef j tbe Jew to develop the Holy Land and build :n» j portation lines to the holy oil holes, and mske prAj for the owners of the key of the bouse thst theat*j ish people are aaked to live in. GEO. PATOX PLATFORM Socialist Party of Canada Wa, flai BSSsSSJM Tartr at Canada, sffirss o«r »JUr»w* *T! aappan at. tfc. pnorip <• and pr*tr*mm» ef U* IS**" work.tg class. .. _(»'i1l is Labor. S[.p!n«d lo natural r»noor«>»a. prodo'«« »'' ^ praaont **«naml« »>«(»* >• ba*»d upon eapnal-•« "»»*rJ ' w st.asa of prodsMtos, f«na*<ju.r.tt», Sfl U>» t>r»*W''» c' '* ^ long to tht taptuhat clsaa. Tba capitalist is. »t>«'«for*- tfc. worker a slsaa. _ mo long •• is* espitslitt «»•*• r»»*«»t »» $"»»*'MI0" •* '^ *f gor.rntfiOBt all lit* powers of tkt USSS wSi bt SSN »Jj| and d.f.nd Its proptrtr rights la the »<••»• «' *«*"h p and its control ot III* prwdset of Ubor tttr BtM Tls. f«{!!sh.i »,«*» fforo lo »k« •SfStslW **nMon* •tr*uk of proflu. *r>4 t« ts* worhsr. •» »t»r «nff«»J,B* swsory »n«f «t.cr«doii»f«. ^ TS. Int.rrst of th. working tlin BSS SI SSlttSI HstB ^ rapitsti.t .iploitsOosi by U« •••liUon of tfc. »•*•' ,J]i>4k^ Ti •fctch tbis .sploiUtioc »t taa »»IbI of BesS»ttl«»\ SJ mim ^ •xrompltsh tkts BMWOMlUtM !»• MasuiforiMtlon of SW JJ^| poriy ts SJH ***** ot wosllll |.rod«cOos tola •««1»1 ' StJSSkSSSSS for««. ,»,. cpluIM"'' Th. srrr.prros.b!. tootiiet at lsUro«» b#«»"0 . L|,U«i»* k. worker B.r*..»rtJjr nsnMH SSstl M • SfSSSJS* «• Pf**cr Tkis It ths CUm airtffg!*- ^ssc1' Th.r.foro. »♦ esll sll wsrkots to or»»«H* »»
@en, "Titled The Western Clarion from June 18, 1904 to June 1, 1907; titled Western Clarion thereafter."@en ; edm:hasType "Newspapers"@en ; dcterms:spatial "Vancouver (B.C.)"@en ; dcterms:identifier "Western_Clarion_1920_07_01"@en ; edm:isShownAt "10.14288/1.0318949"@en ; dcterms:language "English"@en ; geo:lat "49.2611110"@en ; geo:long "-123.1138890"@en ; edm:provider "Vancouver : University of British Columbia Library"@en ; dcterms:publisher "Vancouver, B.C. : The Socialist Party of Canada"@en ; dcterms:rights "Images provided for research and reference use only. Permission to publish, copy, or otherwise use these images must be obtained from the Digitization Centre: http://digitize.library.ubc.ca/"@en ; dcterms:isPartOf "BC Historical Newspapers"@en ; dcterms:source "Original Format: Royal British Columbia Museum. British Columbia Archives."@en ; dcterms:title "Western Clarion"@en ; dcterms:type "Text"@en ; dcterms:description ""@en .