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CLARION Official Organ of THE SOCIALIST PARTY OF CANADA Jo. W3 Twice a Month VANCOUVER, P, C. MAY 16, 1921 FIVE CENTS Are the Principles Taught by Jesus Christ Advantageous to the Working Class? _ Christianity a Slave's Creed Debate Between Harrington and Cook. The Empress Theatre (Vancouver) on Sunday, . 8th May, was croujdtd to overflowing ti\«- min- lies aftt-r the doors opened at 2J0 p.m. The debate pas scheduled to commence at 3 o'clock. Many umirv-i-. ■ .-.iple were Onable to gain entrance President Klinck of thc University oi \'> C. oc- opied the • hair, and announced Rev A hVCcbk as j-cakrr in the affirmative, ami Comrade Harrington ative : Mr, Cook to speak first for 45 min- owed hy Harrington for 45 minute-.. After lection, Look to sp-cak 15 minutes followed 1 y Harrington, the debate to be closed by Cook in a dosing speech of 10 minutes. Mr Cook opened b) announcing £hat he intended iu base mi case on the four gospels. Matthew, Mirk. Luke and John. These comprised the doo >l Christianity, The doctrine of Christianity wa> the commonwealth of God and man on earth Iu application eras that in public liie public leaders laocld bt public servants; the j-our should inherit the earth Its ultimate aim was love, service ami equalit) noi force coercion and inequality. Each man riouW have the fuileat expression oi his per- naafitv The Socialist keynote to him was justice, democracy, brotherhood. This was covered hy the - ii ruU goodwill and mutual service between man ami man The brotherhood of man was a Socialist aim. Christ eras the originator of this idea Chrot v..iv th,. original revolutionist He was the forerunner of Marx and was the founder of democratic principles. The endurance of these principles bad swept aside chattel slavery ami feudalism and "a<l inaugurated and sustained what was good in "ur present day civilisation Socialists recognised that despite tbe value of their own doctrines and •erntalaa they owed it to Christ's teachings that We ideal of human brotherhood was maintained. r,M w*» of ihe common people. He moved .. >ng )''rn He was | carpenter by trade. His was a jerolationary doctrine. He taught the universal kwerbood of God. Diaper than economic »doo- n°e U) morals and spiritual courage- Each man n,is Captain of his fafe and master of his soul." In ,,s lay his spiritual equality. This was thc root Principle of the cries Liberty, Equality, Fraternity; ,hl" Megna Cbarta, the Rights of Man. The tru,h would make men free. Christianity was out turq Lite present competitive system up-side down. ' Wil> irue that there were Christian men in the *nk» Ol l,<,th capital and labor. They co-operated , PUDhc service. The competitive system eompelb l'f ,l10 capitalist tO be dishonest. In reality there *ain0 wealth but life. Material things were in- hcient, Money, power—social positionj--these ^wiona meant nothing if there was not too, spir- Ulil1 eniightenntant Man must love the highest p* he knew, Mrs. Browning said "Life develops ?ln within.'' Environment was nol final. It was V -he cure- ]* would not operate without the <"h itica "Re in heart. Thc thief, drunkard, criminal, pol- 1 Ktafler all existed no matter what were the ",U|0,,S—moral character was the essential omradc Harrington said that thc debate was in •»» somewhat narrowed by the terms laid ,,is opini* down, but Mr. Cook confined it within the canonical gospels. But the slavery of ancient Rome had been introduced and he claimed the right to traverse the same ground. Religion ih the form of Christianity, rather than being the continuous identical concept of equality, brotherhood, justice and so forth as outlined by Mr. Cook, changed with changing conditions and conformed always in the minds of nun t ■ their surroundings, the degree of their knowledge of nature's forces—the period in which they lived And Christianity, from the time of Us inception until today, was embraced as a slave creed by tbe working class and used by a master class wherever possible tctstiflc the spirit of revolt against the properly concept wherever it arose. For the purposes oi thc debate, and only for these pur- poscSi he intended to assume for the time being that Christ bad lived and had been cruciled. Thc valid- iiv of this claim was actually questionable but for the present he did not intend to concern himself with that. He would take Christianity as it was at the lime of its inception and examine its records. The materialist interpretation11 of the history of any creed or religion lay in the examination of thc historical period in which it prevailed. So far as biblical records were concerned the epistles of Peter ami Paul were more worthy documents and in some respects had chronological precedence over the gospels. These epistles outlined the principles of early Christianity as they were propounded in Palestine under Roman sway. To understand Christian teachings we must understand the conditions prevailing at that period Italy was then inhabited by a civilization, so too was part of the Creek peninsula and pari of Asia Minor. Outside of these areas' was barbarism. The Roman Empire fell. Patrician and Plebeian strife finally ended the last vestiges of what had remained ui communal society. Mr. Cook had claimed Christ as the ffrst to lay down a doctrine of brotherhood among men. This had uo foundation in fact The brotherhood of man had been a living fact until private property in the means of-life en- tcred upon the stage of human development. Until that Itage blood relationship bad been a bond between man and man. It had not been an essential bond since and it was not now. Christ's advent was not until a thousand years after that stage. Koine was then torn by civil wars. Rome was a slave empire. Under Roman conquest, captives were sold as slaves, but never—as in Christian civ- i/ation had a ship sailed from a port of the Roman Empire for the purpose of buying slaves. That infamy could not be charged against pagan Rome. Thc only civilization that charge could be made against was a Christian civilization. The civilization of Rome, built upon the baeks'of slaves, had established itself in civil wars and class struggles It endured terrible periods in the life of its people. The shivering savages who carried us through thc ice age had not endured such suffering as "the people of Rome under Tiberius, Claudius, Nero, Lucilla. Thc new- gospel -Christianitytook root in Rome in a period of misery among slaves. It taught that thc earth was hut a stopping place; death was the door through which men passed to glorious eternal life in heaven. All the pleasures conceivable were given to a person who "laid not up for himself treasures on earth." This was a solace in a hopeless slave society. It was accepted by the slaves. It was a comfort to thc slaves. It was a slave creed — a slave religion. The doctrine was set in fruitful soil and ripened admirably. As a religion of slaves, in Rome, it was beneath the contempt of the noble. It was held by slaves and propagated by slaves. Yet in thc four gospels and in the epistles of Peter and Paul, not one word was to be found in condemnation of slavery as a system of society. While it extolled charity it nowhere denounced the conditions that rendered charity necessary- The rights of master over slave were recognized by the disciples. During 300 years of religious strife, in obliterating the hold of other religions on the slave-mind, Christianity earned the contempt of the Pagan philosophers as a slaves' creed, as such, a citizen of Rome could have naught to do with it. For thc worker it operated to cloud his mind, lt taught submission to every form oi cruelty and oppression. It taught the righteousness of slave submission to a masters rule and consequently, rather than its doctrines being advantageous to the working class they were false to its interests. • Mr. Cook's next speech was taken up in elaborating his outline as above stated. Comrade Harrington said the Biblical utterances were made disjointedly in the Jewish tongue, written in Latin, translated inso Greek and re-translated into English. The revised version—so-called — presented no more the words of Christ than thc version of James VI. Kipling's complaint that American English did not represent his writings was in itself illustrative in a small degree of the magnitude of error that was possible in the case of documents w ritten so long ago and compiled under such diverse circumstances and changing periods. Mr.Cook had mentioned Wilberforce as an example of Christian concepts in practise. His practical efforts were towards thc abolition of the slave trade. How fine a creature was this man who, when the bill was introduced to abolish child slavery, rather than vote for it. and without courage to vote against it, hiB walked out of thc house. So much for spiritual regeneration. Slavery was not doomed through thc spreading of Christ's teachings- It was a long time alive. lt was alive today after 2,000 years of Christian doctrine and precept. From the tropical regions of thc earth to the ice regions of the north, wherever you find man you will find him in his ignorant state clinging to whatever gods his superstition had erected around him. He made his own gods, the gods did not make him, and the degree of his understanding the condition around him and the forces of nature, determined what manner of gods they were. But man was forever wrestling with the elements. The development of man could be traced from one form of life. Embryology demonstrated that man's present form and shape was not eternal. Every shape assumed, demonstrated thc evolution of man from a common parent form. In his growth to his present state all the comforts of civilization have come to man through his own efforts to understand the forces of nature and to harness them to his own needs. llis support and cqlighlenmcnt came through his (Continued on page 3) PAOI TWO W1BT1BN OLAIION Corcerning Value By H. M. Bartholomew. ■i "I Article 6. The Final Futility of Final Utility. IN my last article I presented the argnments adduced by the late Prof. Stanley Jevons in favor of llis theory of "final futility." In that article Jevons spoke for himself. No attempt was made to distort the quotations nor to drag in side issues. 95.—Emphasis Jevons. "The keystone of thc whole Theory of Exchange and of thc principal problems of Economics, lies in this proposition— The ratio of exchange of any two commodities will bc the reciprocal of the ratio of the final degrees of utility of the quantities of commodity available for consumption after the exchange is completed."—"Theory of Political Economy," p. 95*—■ Emphasises Jevons. Let us. in this article, examine this theory of exchange-value in the light of economic facts, and of economic reasoning. What do we know of exchange-value! We know that the distinctive property of a commodity is its exchange-value. And we also know that this exchange-value is purely relative. A commodity possesses exchange value only when it is exchanged for another commodity. Indeed its value in exchange is equated by that of the other commodity. When we exchange two bushels of wheat for two pounds of tobacco we are dealing in quantities. Indeed the exchange-value of any given commodity is a purely quantitative relation. But utility, or general usefulness cannot be measured as a quantity. The utility of any given commodity such as wheat or tobacco, is purely a qualitative relation. How can utility, a qualitative relation, be measured? By what means can wc determine, in terms of quantity, the qualitative value of a commodity? It is impossible to do so. If, on the other hand, it is impossible to determine and measure a qualitative relation then how can that relation serve as a measure of exchange-value! And if it cannot serve as a measure of value, then it is not the basis of value. To approach this subject from another viewpoint Any given commodity must satisfy a need. It must possess the property of being ultimately useful in consumption. But its exchange-value is something entirely different and apart from this use-value, and is independent of it. A thing is exchange-value only to the person who has no use-value in it, and it loses its exchange-value when its use-value asserts itself. The use-value of a commodity is something inherent in its nature, in thc very mode of its existence; and does not depend on the social form of its production* It remains, in fact, thc same use-value, no matter how and where produced. Says Marx: "Whatever the social form of wealth may be, use-values always have a substance of their own, independent of that form one cannot tell by the taste of wheat whether it has been raised by a Russian serf, a French peasant or an ^English capitalist. ... It is a necessary prerequisite of a commodity to be a use-value, but it is immaterial to the use-value whether it is a commodity or not. Use-value in this indef- ference to the nature of its economic destination, i.e., use-value as such, lies outside the sphere of investigation of political economy. .... But it forms the material basis which directly underlies, a definite economic relation which we call exchange-value."—"Critique of Political Economy," ch. 1. Again: "But the exchange of commodities is evidently an act characterized by a total abstraction from use-value* Then one use-value is just as good as another, provided it be present in sufficient quantity. As usevalues commodities are, above all, of different quantities, but as exchange-values they are merely different quantities, and consequently do not contain an atom of use-value."—"Capital," vol. 1, p. 44. If exchange-value "presents itself as a quantitative relation" then it is economically impossible to measure that quantitative relation in terms of quality; just as it is thc height of economic nonsense to state that a qualitative relation, such as utility, can be measured in terms of quantity, In other words, the exchange-value of any givea commodity cannot be determined and measured by its "utility"—whether that "utility" bc "final" or "marginal." If. on the other hand, we leave out of consideration the use-value of commodities, they have only one common property left .that of being products of labor. Can labor be measured by a quantitative -standard? It is just thc quantity which we want. as the exchange oi commodities is a quantitative relation. Social human labor can be measured quantitatively, and quantitatively only ; and. by virtue of this quantitative relation can be the only measure of exchange-value. To again cite Marx: "We see then that that which determines the magnitude of the value of any article is the amount of labor socially necessary for its production."—"Capital." vol. 1. p. 4'- Therein is the triumph of Marxian economics. It is the only system of economics which measures the quantitative relation by a quantitative standard. It is the.scientific interpretation of economic facta, and the complete refutation of "qualitative utilitarianism" I.ut there is no need for us to go beyond Jevons himself in order to ascertain what value we need attach to his wonderful mathematics and complicated logic. Thus on page 163 we find him gravely telling us that: "But though labor is never the cause of value, il is in a large proportion of cases the determining circumstance, and irr thc following way : Value depends solely on the final degree of utility. How can we vary this degree of utility? By having more or less of the commodity to consume. And how shall we get more or less of it ? By spending more or less labor in obtaining a supply. ... In order that there may bc no possible mistake about this all-imjiortant (?) series of relations I will restate it in a tabular form, as follows: Cost of production determines supply, supply determines final degree of utility, final degree of utility determines value."—'Theory of Political Economy," p. 165. Emphasis by Jevons. Having gone to the trouble to make this profound statement Jevons indulges in many pages of mathematical formula to illustrate his wonderful theory. These formulii need not alarm us, for their many pages of a fruitless hunt after x~-y. tells us that: "It may tend to give thc reader confidence in the preceding theories when he finds that they Ipad directly to the well known law, as stated in the ordinary language of political economy, that value is proportional to the cost of production."—Ibid, p. IrY). Fearing that this bald statement will excite the sympathy of the reader in the naivete of thc writer, he invokes the rhetorical figures in Brown's grammar and the algebraic equations of higher mathe- mathics to illustrate and qualify, until having exhausted these sources of "matico-economics" (Jevons' phrase) he is good enough to say that: "Thus it follows that: , Value per unit of —Cost of production per unit of x; value of unit of y—-cost of production per unit of y ; or, in other words, value ia proportional to coat of production."—Ibid., p. .191-2. 9 I This, then, is the outcome of this application of utilitarianism to economics. After 190 pages of mathematical formulii and intricate algebraic equations we arrive at the exact position occupied by Mill. If "value is proportional to cost of production," why this elaborate edifice of "utility" and "esteem." The fact of the matter ts that levon i - • '■ despite g ostentatious display of Icarni his "■ ['Man'!* - » Uldai love Of formula- does not kno about. He sets out to up. • ,,,,; Hh . and ends up by Hating that "substantially tru<" when \\ »- .- ,. . tcrrmned by labor. This professor, in his • "Matito economics ' as u s>, Mabli* nimsell m a knot. ,m<l demonstra ny of final utility What think , of "utility** who gravely tells us • • .• ! "I hold labor t,. be essentially variable,a that its value must bc determined by they-u of the produce, not the value of the produce bt that of labor."—Ibid , p* 166 Is not that as beautiful and a " - nonsense as has ever |.. ■ economists? It i* •- M{ is equivalent • tating thats labor embodied In a ton of wheat . n^ my labor, embodied for an equal Pordeanj And tbis is tbe economic pro R ahrine the DniversiUcs of th* knees! FROM SOVIET RUSSIA TO THE MEDIO! RELIEF COMMITTEE • * ■ ■Marc- J. ;: Moa lea '.' il • B ••* •• . - C -•• ■ tai o •■ of tan l Ritas R. S F. Sv K . People's Commissariat of P Foreign Information Dii Dr, M I Mubaibnsk). Chairmai Russia Medical Relief Comi 1 fear Comrade, < >u behalf u n^saariat of Public Health, Dr. N \ on behalf of the Foreign Informatk Commissariat of r^ubtic Health, I a to the Soviet Russian Medial Reli< heartiest thanks for ihe aid rend by the Committee during the : - Istencc. Your aid aud \otir activities fill ticulatiy because they prove that tl itbiesat the broad mass of the American pen ffithSo* iet Russia Of this sympathy we are also < "l' Martens and Pr Kalv*. who Oil - ;rr;U; l! MOSCOW, gave us reports of tin COI ica. and on the aCtil iitc-s of yur Conn Everything shipped by you has b< UfC afe glad tO establish a closer i Contact with you - I should likr to draw your alter thai Soviet Russia needs very bad 11 uunt. particularly sanitary ambulant dietary foods, ,i> for instance condi t Ion, etc. With thencxl mail wc shall send you lata oat* activities of the People's Commissarial p (piUf th< fad ■IlllltlC.awl »ubw bv Health. \\ e are very desirous of l>.< :I,1C(1 your Committee about such American satin*8' methods and medical regulations as ma) l>< ofw Il '"ll est to the sanitary 'organizations and the "if profession of Soviet Russia. Tin- Department hopes that with the establisu" ment of closer relations with your Committee i become |>ossible in time to exchange wicntifli ical treatises and publications. u r We ask yoU to send all mail and packages •" representative at Revel, with mark in red "\cr' gent," so that it should not be kept loin al R^'a' With brotherly greetings and deepest grati " ' (Signed Dr. J KALlNA' Manager Foreign Information Division I1"' Commissariat of Public Health. nli"- ■■' ■ ■' ■ WESTERN CLARION PAQBTHRHI The Forking Road 1' bourgeoise educators, who labor with self-effacing zeal for our intellectual i»ic: |V>/ ,-ancement, frequently assure us that Marxism is a vain dream; a I topia, impos- since disavowed by all competent think- ; reiteration were as powerful a solvent a is of proletarian interest, their argu- i || | be as fatal to tin- mind of the thinker lo thc mind of the mass But reiteration i same relation to rea!it\ as belief docs • ■ propaganda of self-interest and n- g disproof, is found in thc repetition no sooner is Marxian philosophy dis- r . i reappears more vital!) insistent than , sooner is its theory "demonstrably" - World faci substantiates its truth. So iggle visibly progresses. that Marx has again been vanquished. L late economista Oaie is a good adjec* - v is iatalisi in philosophy, and being so n thc face ol social forces, that n- pow- , Btcd by inaction, and that therefore j- . trinaircs are thrown back u;N>n const it u- ds, and reforms to achieve social regen- .1 appear further tha! instead of cap- alisi , titration! a la Marx, there i-. actual!) an ihe numbers of the capitalist «":;-ss Ap ireni is an unsuspected affinity between • chevalier d*industrieM and the opium tali - Marxism in brief is the progress of society, |hi ing [evekmtnettl in the technique of wealth A- such, it is United on to the larger ■ "■mic evolution. Indeed it i- but a within the universal law. Casting aside ist" the implication of a tenet, and re- j;u • .!• a principle, the Marxian thcor) ui ■social opment is no more, or no less fatalistic. j' other evolutionary process Every organ- co-ordination, undergoes a sequence oi | tcrmined by the circumstances of eovir- thc laws of individual being, and by the |: ol reactions Of life condition This in- e of events and its whole train of cumu- elfecta takes place according to the nature and [ of the initial starting point. m of departure of society ia necessarily IWw meai .hereby its social requirements are aatis- abita aud customs, laws and regulations, |:'"''Un...His and ideas, are the necessary product of ps.vsl of wealth production They are the man- picsts oi social interest, the expression of lifc-condi- P-en, an a? such must blond in an.I with the source ,; sustenance, And because the forces and peaden derived from the prime foundation of j"'•' re unalterable by any reforms within its I -.rate body, so the powers and privileges which are its resultants, are impregnable within tin \niue of constitutionalism. onsl 'utional methods, i.e.. the legal formula? of iVe c"' irol, cannot bv their very nature afford a aP°n :"• the emancipation of slaves. To expect * n»r'"»culous,4S tO expect the beneficiaries of !Knvor to annihilate themselves. If property is an eternal right," how comes it that all of society do P01 °w" property? If all of society owned property jj {hJ '"•'•"is of life, how could tbat be capital? If ri,sln to live" Ls the heritage of man. why is 1 weans to perpetuate that right denied him? It ° <1"li"1 him, how account for world distress' If ee«0m" is our inalienable possession, why does j^railui.Mu face us if we exercise it? If "social I. °e is not a figment of the imagination, why "(s 8°cial misery exist? Not onlv on so vast ;i wh'i al a,l? Were a^verament tlfc idealia ,u'h ll" "loose criticism of wooden thinking" su| poses ' acted "agitati so a m i- 8 11 to be, why is the long series of reforms en- „ '.' ,n all countries so profitless? the long years of one 11 --''d "uplift" so fruitless? the "justice ,. 8 delayed ? Why ? Why because, and entirc- k ecause, tho function of government is the sub- o 'on "i peoples to the exploitation of the property '"* ''■•■•ss, ami the suppression of all data of fact, from w: ich alone reason can be effective. And constitutional devices is the machine which transmutes the will of the master into the "law" of the land. But, although the forces and tendencies flowing from a particular social -foundation are unalterable within the scope of their evolutionary cycle, the ap- plication of those forces is susceptible of human direction, in the same way that physical forces, although in constitution beyond the will of man, can ■ I be commanded to his service. It is this application. ihi« ugh social interest, social sentiment, and social tradition, whicii makes the will, of the class appear as the wish of the people. Class society rose to dominion as the expression of social interest. When its disruptive influences, i.e.. its inherent class antagonisms, produced from its own progressive development—threaten its supremacy, it ap- peals to thc traditions of a bye-gone age to maintain iis existence, Its authority and power, therefore, can crumble away only with the same rapidity in which ii- rapacious process of expropriation proceeds It !-> onl) when its productive forces are full) •!■ keloped, when its task ot serializing the machinery of production is complete, and when as a consequent of that it prevents the satisfaction of the social interests it once conserved, that those sami social forces now expressing the imperative necessities of a fundamentally different society, sweep the obsolete obstruction away with all its paraphernalia of legal procedure, and inaugurate the social forms necessary for the growth of the new interests. This evolution is not governed by ihe "will" of man. it is not even his desire It is the "will" of continually augmenting necessity. Nevertheless, although this process is not of the mind ol man. the mind of man is one of the factors in its progress, Man's ideation is the product of man's life condition; condition stimulates thought; thought modifies condition, atfd according as this conception of social processes is greater or less, in that proportion is hi* influence on social direction. Bui this does not mean individual man. or individual ideas Politically, man is not an individual, but an amalgam of social law and circumstances. So man. or no group of men, can completely dominate society, r'.ach mind, each group, each condition adds it- Quota of influence, and the combined totality of influences, with their manifold modifications and correlations. >ct their inevitable impress on the individual. So it comes that individual concepts are social products. So the sum of individual mind, and individual interest takes on the color of the social ethic; individual volition, dominated by social volition, the status of the man. bounded by the status of the mass, and the nature and character of the community itself, the aggregate of its understanding oi social evolution. Tins is the real parting of thc ways. The prob- Jemisnot to regenerate society by regenerating the man. I >n the contrary, the regeneration of man involves the prior regeneration of society. And this regeneration ia revolution. Revolution of the idea of propert) in ihe means oi life. •The fundamental of wealth production alike determines the complex of social relationships and the complex of individual being. ;t is the necessities of social life which con- Stitutc thc necessities of social man. It is the fact. not the philosophy that is the driving power and to that fact alone can man respond. Historic materialism is not an energy of progress. but an explanation of social change, and in that explanation its powers arc not expended in vain- It is the onlv philosophy that in the presence of thc social forces can explain the phantasmagoria of social phenomena in terms of causation. Any philosophy whicii oversteps reality in its analysis of social events assumes a vitalism of some nature and by that assumptJil demonstrates its inherent impotence, and when the certain development of the social forced reaches its climax of change, that philosophy will vanish like morning mist. If capitalist concentration were not going on; if the numbers of the capitalist class were increasing there must be an increase of capital accumulation. But increased accumulation implies a concurrent ex pansion of the labor forces, and a greater body of wealth equality. But the exact opposite is the fact. Industries are closing down; production is on the ebb; unemployment is widespread; there is a greater disparity of wealth; a greater mass of dependents; a more gigantic volume of misery. These things have but one interpretation—the expropriation of the capitalist class by the economic processes of capitalist production. The alternatives are not, therefore, constitutional methods, or despair; the alternatives arc social destruction, or Socialist society. R. :o:- ARE THE PRINCIPLES TAUGHT BY JESUS CHRIST ADVANTAGEOUS TO THE WORKING CLASS? j (Continued from page 1) effort to meet the circumstances of living conditions throughout the ages, his effort to survive, and not in any one particular from any God or gods. His knowledge of the forces of nature and natural phenomena was such today that the appearance of a comet, the eclipse of the sun or moon, carried with it no terrors for him. Indeed he could foretell such occurrences, to the day, to the minute. The age of superstition was past for modern man. And therefore the stronghold of religious concepts was broken down. Man's ignorance of social forces in past ages had given him his gods and religious concepts; his present day enlightenment and understanding enabled him-to cast them aside- Illustrative of this he closed wiih a quotation from Swinburn. Mr. Cook had now ten minutes' time in which to conclude the debate. He talked mostly of the love of Christ. He took the opportunity now, however, to say that Harrington's scientific learning was not up-to-date. The germ-cell, protoplasm, was not the ultimate particle. Science had now discovered the electron, and he claimed adherence to evolutionary doctrine as well as Harrington and, as in this statement, he said he went beyond him. Harrington, of course, had now no chance to adjust Mr. Cook's foolish misrepresentations, in this connection. Tlarrington's references to embryology constituted a simple statement of science that each man at the beginning of his existence was a simple cell,—protoplasm, upon which all organic life is built. Mr. Cook's eagerness to proclaim himself an evolutionist took him into another branch of science—chemistry, wherein, according to him, the electron now takes the place of the protoplasmic cell. This is not only the confusion of sciences but the confusion of terms used in each branch of science. In short, it is just plain nonsense. :o: CARRYING OUT ANGLO-RUSSIAN TREATY. Moscow, April 14th— The Council of Commissaries has authorized the Commissariat for the Interior: 1—To take immediate steps for the sending home from Russia of all British citizens who wish to go and to issue thc necessary orders to the officials concerned. 2—To prepare regulations with the Commissariats concerned for the special privileges of the offic ials agents of the British government who will come to Russia under Article 5 of the treaty; at the same time to prepare regulations relating to their dealings with the Soviet authorities in accordance with Article 5 and to take steps that these regulations should be generally observed. :o: DEALING WITH LIES. Moscow, April 8th.—"Westnik" writes:— The anti Soviet press everywhere is attempting to prevent business relations with Russia in spreading lies and forged documents. The alleged instructions of the Third International for the commercial delegates of Soviet Russia are malicious inventions and forgeries. No instructions of any kind have been given the commercial representatives of Russia by the Third International. Instructions of the nature of thc contents of these forgeries have been issued by no one to any Soviet delegate. The whole document is generally an ordinary forgery whose aim is to injure Russians commercial relations- —"Rosta Wien." PAGBFOUB WESTERN CLARION Western Clarion A J< Pabuttad twiea a aoata by the SoeUUit Party of Oaaada 401 Paaaar Straw last, Vaaeoavar, B. 0. Bditor „•' Ewen 1 [scLeod fa ascription : Canada, 20 iaauaa Foreign, 16 iaauaa ... $1.00 .. $1.00 844 If this aaabar ts oa jraar address Ubal -roar ftboaiptioa oxpiros wtah aoxt iaaaa, Boaow VANCOUVER. B. C, MAY 16, 1921 A CURE FOR UNEMPLOYMENT THE unemployed problem has been tackled by many organizations in these recent months and the call goes forth for practical effort in its solution. Socialists are quite used to being termed impractical folk in a practical world lull of present day problems. So therefore, being aware that in these parts, to say nothing of the rest of the world, men, women and children are in many cases hungry and in need of the usual bare necessaries of life that wage slaves are used to when employed, when wc see what is supposed to be a document of practical import calling for co-operation to cure present unemployment, we are quite interested The document ih question is a circular letter issued, presumably, to working class organizations in B. C. by the Vancouver Trades and Labor Council (A. F. of L.) The letter says that up to April 15th the City of Vancouver had spent $280,000 for relief due to unemployment, while approximately 4,500 were registered as unemployed at the offices of the Employment Service of Canada on April 23rd. Many of the men registered are ex-service men, and some 800 are handicap case/i. All of-which, as statistical matter relative to registered unemployed men, is no doubt quite true. But now we look for the opinions of the practical men; and here they arc. "Our opinion is that the time has arrived when the citizens must draw the line more closely between our own nationals, and the aliens from other countries, and particularly those from Asiatic countries with a lower standard of living, by replacing these men by returned men and citizens generally, with special regard for those who are suffering from handicaps incurred in the war. "Many of the basic industries of this Province are exploiting .the natural resources of the country, and are manned almost entirely by Orientals, and a large number are employed in household work, gardening, janitor work, and in thc hotel and restaurant business In the last named there are 638 Chinese and 75 Japanese employed in the city of Vancouver alone, being 50 per cent, of the total employees." Just think of a labor organization composed of men whose business in life is to make profit for a -boss talking like that! It sounds quite important when you read it aloud: ". . . must draw the line more closely between our own nationals and thc . aliens from other countries," "Basic industries . . . manned almost entirely by Orientals." We recollect being at a meeting of the unemployed not so very long ago when a resolution was introduced proposing to take away the job from the Oriental now employed, and let it out to white men. The resolution was qontemptuously thrown out by the .unemployed men themselves. Starving man have a brotherly feeling, and we know that an empty Oriental stomach is just as painful for its'owner as a white man's stomach is to him when his belt is loose. And if the question of "rights" is introduced, the Oriental engaged in wage-labor has quite as much "right" to have a full stomach as a white wage-laborer, In fact, thc white man's "right," stated in monetary terms, in recent months amounted to sixty rive cents a day. and surely not even the Vancouver Trades ami Labor Council will in thla respect deny the Oriental equal "righta/' and wcl- . come. Just think of an organisation of wage-laborers whose eternal enemy is the employer ol labor, issuing this : "If the present unemployment is to be cured and a repetition of last winters condition in this cuty prevented, we feel that all public organizations will have to get together and begin a drive l'vr the employment of the citizens of this country in preference to all others, and it is for this programme thai we request your co-operation and support **\\e will be obliged if you anil k»w' this question your attention and advise OS U we can relj on vmir assistance in extending the slogan of the B. C Manufacturers' Association Made in B, C." to "MADE l\ B, C I'.V CITIZENS < >F CANADA." Now, we have never heard that it is the essentia^ attribute of any commodity that the labor embodied in it must be "citizen'' labor. They knew about that in Aristotle's day l o the master and owner of slaves and commodities the slaves' labor must DC productive and for ihe commodities there must be a market, not a need, mark yon "Citizens'" What self-respecting capitalist booming 'Made in B. C Products'' cares whether they are made by citizens or not? "Ottf own national-'" Give them a job in household work, gardening, janitor work, sawing wood, anything. }n>t because they're citizens! Who wants to be a citizen anyway? And maybe, if the Orientals are shipped hack in thc land whence they came they'll flood "our" country with cheap goods' From which it follows that thc beat way to protect "our" country and out wage standard is to keep the Orientals employed here. These consider' ations take us into the realms oi imperial council And from what we have learned of the effect of imperial council on some folk, they have lost their hair and gained nothing hut scholarships iu arithmetic —counting the cash—in the abstract' Sure I Well give one more industry an advertize ment as made in B. C. The cure (or unemployment, propounded by the Vancouver Trades and Labor Council—citizenship. Boshl The heads ot these wiseacres appear to be about as empty as thc stomachs of tbe hungry. "Our" industries, "our'* country, "our" natural resources' Maybe by next winter our friends will begin to see that when there's a job to let the employer worries but little whether --the man's a "citizen" or not who occupies it. So far as we are concerned wc will never try to oust any- body from a job, not even our friend the Oriental. If We undertook to be jealous of anybody'a job we would cast our eye on the boss. He OWfta everything in sight. His favorite word is property. Maybe, if the council will take time to look into the question they will see that as wageworkeis their interests lie with those Orientals and against that boss supreme importance of the political ed^ wide masses of peasants a„d workmen thc^p0^ Commissariat of Postal and Telegraphs - it its business to install a widcl) spread 1 radio stations embracing vast areas oi iC*** * For this purpose all the radio equipments xST1 transferred to the Commissariat of Postal and T? graph Service were made us, of VVirclc ors were sent out to all the provincial tow^S the work <»t installation was cam,,! on at full'/ under the direct lupcrviaion and guidance;oftae tral authorities and thc aympathcti cc-o-*ratio!rf the Wireteu. Operatora Union TheUrger*^ were provided with radio stations first, then earned smaller 'owns, and towarda the middle oi theiec-2 year of this work of construction we rind r*Cu mmissarut fe :o WIRELESS TELEGRAPHY IN SOVIET • RUSSIA. ^ In spite of the fact that Russia had been completely isolated for a period of two years, and in spite of the fact that the blockade cut off our specialists from contact with the technical science of the West, Soviet Russia made enormous progress in the field of wireless telegraphy. Previous to the October Revolution, the wireless apparatus was under tbe supervision of the Ministry of War, and was employed exclusively for war purposes. Following the October Revolution a special decree of the Council of Peoples' Commissaries was issued providing for the transfer of all radio stations excluding port a b^ ones into ihe hands of thdt Peoples' Commissamt of Postal and Telegraph Service. The latter augmented the number of these stations and introduced considerable improvements in their technique. Beginning with that period, the application of wireless telegraphy was put on a basis utterly un known in former times. Taking cognisance of the lions installed even in the villages Proceeding at this pace, the Co Postal and Telegraph Service has res hed the fat lowing results• All through the territory of Soviet Russia bave toda) 250 receiving radio station-, taA*t4 •lition 17 stations belonging to the VYarDt ■- -• out put at the disposal of the Co ariat (orPoJ al and Telegraph Service This makes a „.. system of about 300 units which is the most -„--<,. ful information agencj on the Continent Therms ber oi transmitting radio atations excluding %-. OO steamers equals 47, which pot u< ftrsi ce I of European countries in ibis com,. All the powerful transmit!!!!- r.i ■ •; . ,.,-^| we inherited from the fCerenski Gorernmeal km been repaired and put into an SXi ellet' state Wat the assistance of the Cmtr.il Committee of the i ran-qx-rt W orker-' ! mon. a Stall ol 0" • row being trained to man the nen • at tiona. ThttS radio telegraphic tenia, h t tre no* - i \ out from the centre to the mosl distant and n K corners of tbe Republic The unti telegraphy afforded the possibilit) close Communication between ' ' inccs surrounded by the enemy, where the eat •*• aging messages coming from the centn lodcamd through the air waves all over thi rasi area Re* sia. was spread through the local press an er- ui the Russian Telegraph \g< * Rdence- enthusiasm and strength im the fighters. During tbe civil war a wire!,- praphythi recotistructed did excellent acrvki ena to-keep in constant touch not on!) Uralsk, Baku and ihe Ukraine, hul <- ••-■ v Hungary ami with Cermany, and afforded the ef portunity of intercepting wireless message* the hostile canape of Pan". England ( stantinople Wireless telegraphy thus reconstructed oo a sea basis and brought home to the wide massesofpeu* ants and workmen became a powerful agency * propaganda and agitation in the hands ol the Sow Government The installation ol wireless sta&» and the development of wireless conimuntcaw would proceed even tt a greater spci I y •' were" for the- necessity of diverting the mosi dolled een? ers tnd most of the equipment tor tl needs oft* war. and were it not fof the fact thai I**0***" of wireless equipment does not keep pace with work of installation, The present abnormal condition- w n ••*«■ f0W man holding the hammer in one hand mual ?W the rifle with the other, are of Course, uufavefl for conatructive work. But the Council of w** and Defence nevertheless Issued a decree ProV1™2 for the extension of the wireless stations. Peopled Commissariat for Ways and Cofflntanw tions wss ordered to institute a number of po ful transmitting and receiving wireless Static the centre and iu the provinces * >l t,lls nU'. one station is already in the process of l"MS"ll\j,(..< The station will rival the most powerful *| 'stations iu the world. The Tranaatlantic eit«^ station hit*1! in the vicinity of Moscow will WV capacity of sending ou waves all ovci "" a .. possesses an alternator of a new type ol verj , . . I ....twill? * frequency - ■ twenty thousand original m tions ageo* second-apart from its wide pofsibilitiej M ■" cy of information it will also produce extensi forms in the matter of measuring longitude (Continued on page 8) WESTERN CLARION PAGE FIVE Materialist Conception of History - ■ I FOR BEGINNERS LESSON 13. THROUGH the influx of gold from America (and king Henry VIII debasing the currency | the value of the shilling fell to sixpence, and wages could nol keep pace with commodity prices: p ]. reduced wages ao low that the work day was lengthened The*workers were cheated out of their .,,,,u, s and degraded to the lowest depths of poverty. fhc dissolution *>f the monasteries enriched the nobles The merchants who bought the conns- ,,,; lands, deprived laborers of charity relief. which ihe monasteries gave them in bad tune- or as onal misfortunes. Th, number of persons who, owing to thc decay of feudalism, were torn from their moorings and left lo drifi ?bout in a world utterly unprepared to a!>- sorb their in employment, augmented vagabondage. The vagrants had never before been so numerous \ portion became the suckers of Kni^ and Prince-.. be ame thc germ of a standing army. A large proportion became beggars and robbers, living bj r and murder. There were hundreds ,f executions ior vagrancy, as if men could work or pay none of them to he found The rapid growth of the woollen trade plunged • • mto abject poverty through the evictions off thc land. Sheep raising needed few laborers and roc h land, therefore landlords fenced in the comi on* and evicted the peasants and tenants, and rent-racked any cultivator that remained The peasants were down and out. not having even the common lands to graze their cow. The portion who •inl not rob amt plunder, sought domicile in thc rising ■ iwn* The towns became flooded with labor seeking employment which was not to be found The suppression of the craft guilds had the effect of depriving the town lal»orer oi hi- organization. Then fore we had the first indication of the modern ■ lariat. This (ondnii.n brought on thc rebellion oi 1549 (which defeated the Royal troops), led by Ket. a tanner of Norwich. Rogers m "Work and Wages, says P is -aid thai tbe Norfolk Rebellion was due thc discontent about enclosure- in that county. '■ that similar disaffection WSS manifest elsewhere it is probable tbat other and stronger motives were at work; but the statement that the peas- intr) were stirred to sedition h) these practices i- sufficknt evidence of the fact that the practice was general/1 This rebellion was pot down by Lord Warwick with the aid yf German troops. Certain results of the increased ct-uuuercial activity began to appear. One oi these was the rapid growth of cities and the rise oi wlvat has been called the third estate. In medieval language the first • a- the clergy, and the second the baronage. Now appeared ihe mercantile and manufacturing class, and from its numbers and h*- wealth it had !i" power to make its demands listened to and enforced One of ihe first thingi which tin*- new dass ,!' inded.was security, both for the protection of property and a safer ami better meana of communi- '•"""i. This led to the landed class improving roads horn one place to another aud charging toll tor same. They did not realize that hy doing this they were ai ling tin- destruction of economic conditions Which Mistained tbe feudal system and its power. Another most important result of the increase of Commerce was the large amount of money which it •K-Cesartly brought into use. This was very destructive for feudalism, because it cut from under that sy»tem .he whole economic foundation. The regime ()l barter was no longer necessary. The owner of ,ar'd could now obtain an income from land in the '■"'■■' of money, and could purchase services he needed with greater advantage than when he rented his 1,1,1,1 directly for service. This increase of money ;,lN,, affected the feudal svstem as decisively on its MHical side. Tbe State was no longer dependent on the formation of its army or any other public service, The government introduced regular tax- *tion and made themselves independent of feudal Krviccs, These economic changes had a great .ns *• effect upon the serf class." The growth of tow.. offend him a place, to escape to from his serfdom, and the scarcity of labor tended to increase wages. '•ut th,- -olden age faded away with the influx of gold after the discovery of America. In Queen Mary'a rei.^n thc Roman Catholic re- ligion was restored and mass was reintroduced into ftic church. The Pope's representative with a silver cross on the front of the barge sailed up the Thames, granting absolution in the Pope's name to the Lords and Commons, who knelt to receive it. There was no .ppo-uion. but when Pope Paul VI. demanded that eery acre of the church property previously confiscated be given hack, it was too much for the land barons who knew where their'heaven lay. Therefore the dividing of the church lands in Henry \ 111.'- time had put an effectual stop to the Pope regaining any real hold on England- Scotland also graduall) adopted Protestantism. The nobles also zealous oi the wealth and power of the church, encouraged the new religion. They also benefitted bj tin. dividing of the church lands, which they also confiscated. Queen Mary of Scotland, appealed to Catholic France for help, she being a Catholic. The Protestants appealed to Queen Elizabeth, who refused to help the rebels, until a French army (her eneni) landing in Scotland became axertainty. She sen! a fleet to the Firth of Forth with 8.000 men. whieh icsuited in the Treaty of Edinburgh. 1560. the French to leave Scotland. The nobility, enriched by the spoils oi the church and their increased wealth through the wool trade. suspended the payment of members, which gave them th. monopoly of political power. Although trade in England was prosperous, the distress anion--; the workers was so great that the Mayor and churchwardens were compelled to raise funds for relief Thi- was the introduction of poor law- relief in 1562. Tlie guardians of Edward attempted. in a savage statute passed in the first year of his reign, to restrain pauperism and vagabondage by reducing landless and destitute poor to slavery, by branding them and making them work in chains. The \cl only endured two years. The poor law proper was not enacted until the period following upon the industrial revolution, which we will deal with ill a future lesson. Ground 1576, 1583, Sir Humphrey Gilbert, discovered the Hudson Bay and took possession of Newfoundland. Raleigh, Hawkins and Drake under: took voyages of discovery, Hawkins was the first to carry -lave- from Africa to America, trading them for rum Hawkins received royal recognition of his gallant exploit- in this trade and received from ihe good Queen Elizabeth a ship called •'Jesus" to encourage him in hi- Christian enterprise. Drake was the first Englishman to sajl around the world,, :!',• -on of a Devonshire clergyman who went to Spanish America and sacked the gold ships of Spain, which caused the Spanish war Drake sailed again in 1585 with 25 vessels to Spanish America and returncd*laden with plunder. Spain prepared tor war to hold on to her commercial supremacy. Tin- Portuguese in Africa ami India, and thc Span- ',-h in America, after their discoveries immediately look possession of these countries, developed on ocean commerce. Thc Portuguese established their factories along the coasts of India and in the East Indian Islands. The fabulous riches of Mexico and Peru attracted the Spaniards, and the Armada fleet of Spain wa- defeated in the English Channel in lulv 1588, a battle over the plunder of America, which Drake had stolen from Spanish ships. This success for England established the independence of the I hitch, who were the next commercial rival of England. Tin' years following the Spanish defeat were years of triumph for England. Her chief articles of export to the continent were. wool, cloth, lead and tin. Queen Eli/aheth granted a charter to the East In- dia Company the year after the Armada. There were charters granted to a Russian Company in 1554, and a Turkish Company in 1551. This was due to heavy costs and risks in remote foreign trade. This was the origin of corporate organizations of capital, to finance and fit ships with arms against ' pirates. To encourage this trade each company was incorporated to have the sole right to trade in certain regions. The difference between them and corporate companies today is, the former was an organization of persons carrying on individual trade, joined for convenience in carrying their wares. The latter is essentially an organization of capital in which it is 'ndiferei t as to who are its members, the members indifferent as to what trade it is engaged in so long as the corporation pays dividends. The first companies chartered had four features not to he found in the companies of today. lst—They paid the expense of the trading post; 2nd—They carried on individual trade 3rd—They were not responsible for the debts of the company, like a partner. 4th—They could not sell rights like a shareholder. Out of these grew Joint Stock Companies when capitalism had greatly developed. The Flemish towns suffered severely wkh the Spanish invasions and the persecution of the notorious Alva. This caused li e Flemings to emigrate to England, and gave a j^reat impulse to England's commercial supremacy, because the English wool could be manufactured at home into cloth. Therefore in Elizabeth's reign England advanced politically and commercially from the position of a second to a first rate power. There were troublous times in Ireland. England not being able to force her rule on Ireland from 1602, she adopted a policy of bribing the chiefs of the tribes with heavy bribes, granting them the lands of the suppressed abbeys in return for a promise of loyalty. The English law courts, ignoring the customs by which the land belonged to the tribe at large regarded the chiefs as sole proprietors. During the reigr. of James I., large numbers of Scotch and English settlers had lands given to them in Leinster and Ulster, on condition that they preserve order. These are known as the LeinSter and Ulster plantations ; by them two-thirds of the land of North Ireland passed into the hands of strangers. Although this change brought some prosperity, the unjust method of carrying it out raised a bitter spirit which fasts to this day. Wc will see at a future date the real economic causes of the Irish question. This is the King James of the Bible translation fame, who persecuted the Puritans who crossed in the May flower and founded the New England States in America. This religious bodv did not allow their religious scruples to interfere with their swindling business methods in transactions with the Indians in the country of their adoption. The statement made by the Rev* Roland D. Sawyer of America is true: "No religious institution that the world has ever seen, has had a religion strong enough to control its conduct, when its economic security was» in anyway threatened. If slavery means dollars and cents in the pockets of the ruling interest, then slavery is a divine institution." In Charles I.'s reign, who was practically an absolute monarch, dissolving parliament whenever he pleased, ignoring the Magna Charta and jailing men for refusing to lend money, the Commons brought in a Bill of Rights against illegal fines, taxations aud imprisonments agreed to by the Lords. The king struggled hard against it. but being pressed for money he was obliged to give in and it became law in 1628. The capitalist class was growing I stronger, and when Charles carried on for eleven years without a parliament they chopped his head off. Thc break up of the feudal manors and the decay of guild production owing to its inability to supply the wider market'now developed, came to be the idea of the nation as a trading unit. The local market with its narrow outlook in which the town was everything, made way for the national market. Nationalism had its beginning, and the realm was • Continued on page o) tmm ;f "■■■' i MGE SIX WESTERN CLARION 4i The S. P. of C. and the Third International Editor's Note.—The following article by t\»mra<U» C. Staph- eti.-on, which we have lia.i on liaml more than a mu-11'1, is t>>.. lengthy to conform to the ruling of the l>. K. C\, wntch confine*- this discussion to one i>age each isshe. This issue, therefore, contains the first part ot the article. T.';e MCtNM* j>*rt will be include-.! in next issue. **■•' . IN adding my contribution to the discussion rv affiliation with the Third International. 1 -hall confine myself to a survey of thc social situation in Canada, which situation, as I see it. furnishes the main grounds of my opposition to affiliation. I am impelled to a sober and. as far as space will allow, a detailed consideration of the factors in the Canadian situation, tirst. because Marxian science imposes that obligation, and. secondly, because so far. I think, a detailed consideration of those factors has not been presented in the discussion. It i< always in order to point out tha: the method of modern science, which is the essence of Marxism, is to go to facts, things, objective conditions outside the mind, for knowledge; and it was just an adherence to this method that constituted the revolt of the Marxian school of Scientific Socialism against the subjective, schematic idealism of the Utopian Socialists, and for the repudiation, by Marx and hi< coworkers, of Bakunin and such other ■ "actionists"' and their emotional following. In reading the terms of affiliation I get the impression, both by their general tone and by specific passages, that the formulators had in mind >o,;:al situations where a state of civil war exists or where it is immediately imminent between the working class and the bourgeoisie. Also I get an impression of the Executive Committee as a Genera! Staff marshalling revolutionary forces in the field of action However that may be. I count it folly and to the disadvantage of the movement for an E. C. while sit- '* • ting so faraway from the scenes of political activity in all parts of the world, to lay down set regulations to cover widely varying social situations. 1 will not go further into that matter, but will proceed to consider whether a war-like or near war-like state of things exists within the Canadian situation. As a forecast of the lines of my discus-ion I shali put, what seems to me, the following pertinent ques tions:— First: Mow is the population of Canada, as a whole, disposed towards the economic programme of Communism, i.e., to the abolition of private ownership of land, natural resources, mills, mines, factories, means of transportation and distribution. etcv, and to the setting up in its place, the common ownership of those material means of production and distribution; and also, how is the population disposed towards tlie political programme of Communism, i.e., the "Dictatorship of the Proletariat" for enforcing the economic programme? Second: How are specific sections of the population disposed toward those programmes and what is their standing to each other in point of numbers and material and spiritual resources? Third: What percentage of the population at present accept the Communist position? Fourth: What are the tendencies in the situation ln Canada in respect of the revolutionary communist programme? These questions, of course, can be answered only approximately, and in the end, according to each individual's personal judgment. This article does not pretend to cover the whole field opened up by them. Milnly, besides stating my own views, it is an attempt to call attention to certain factors, the consideration of which may assist readers to a decision- It will, I think, be known to most readers that Socialism has made its greatest progress among what is termed the industrial or machine proletariat and least progress among the small farming peasantry, and the business callings. Outward from the machine proletariat through intermediate occupational groups, at each remove from the influence of the machine technology the members of the groups are found less and less susceptible to Socialist ideas. and to'come more and more under the domination of business principles of profit-seeking by means of competitive advantages gained through the buy ing and selling of property, until is reached at the farthest remove the peasant and the business groUpfl who are notoriously reactionary to the point ot antagonism. An extended account of how these groups conic to be predisposed for or against Socialist ideas is beyond the SCOpC of this article, hut fot m> purppSC- something must be said upon it. Suffice it t.> aa) then, that such \arious predispositions are oul) in small degree the result of reasoned conviction such as comes from a consideration ol economic interest, but are largely, unconsciou-U acquired habits of mind. Such habits of muni, or mental prcpOSSCS- -ions, result from the disciplinary effect of habits ot life enforced, in part, by the general method of production, and in part by a particular occupation, To illustrate, in technologically backward communities. production is carried on, on an individual scale The farnu-r owns his own tools, implements and stock, and often buildings and land, and only occasionally does he need the help of other men. He is an in dividual producer owning the product- of Ins labor, which he trades or sells on the market Habits of life formed in accordance with individual production, ownership of property and the manipulation of it fo* purposes of personal gain induce habits of thought whieh,make u\i that complex of idea- and standards of judgment known as the individualistic point "i view. Thc peasantry moreover, are not generally forced, by industrial crises- into a critical attitude towards the present economic organisation of society, as are the industrial proletariat, having some reserves against hard time-, in products raised ior home consumption. Also, in such technologically backward communities the play ot natural forces ?.r>r not fully understood; there are gaps In the pro ductive process so far as matter-of-fact knowledge is concerned and guess-work tills the gap. and often with the sujurnatural. The peasantry as is well known, are the most religious as well as thc mOSl ideological!) unprogrcsaivc ity. Modem industry, on tin oth< i on a large scale plan, ia e*hi<: workers co-operate together in i labors are subKuvided, so thai .■ n-oi pear as an individual produ< • related, intei dependent unit auu ers in the productive I'lmo. I work day life induces a hahit ..: ■ ed than the peasants to thinking so. the technological proci i< production an- mechanical proc< cess is hut natural forces guided I determined end in a conttnuih cause and effect. The machine ; ally, largely creaturea oi thia • .-■■ da) fife in which there are po n ■ are notoriously matcriaHsi religious, not actively hostile I different as though not undo ta supernatural forces. But th. . ism of the industrial proletariani ire without pTOpCfi) . cithi of wealth production or the pro in a society whose dominant and ; • :;al fact is the principle of ownei urally, the aacrcdncsa of this prim less force to the propjertylesi group in the community, In thia last moat significant that of all thc rari group-, there is a more widening di habits of lift* of the business class an proletariat, eapecially those in the stri ical occupations, and this carries wifl difference in the habits of thought a grounds and methods of reasoning i each class, resulting in a growing in< dcrstand each other's point of vie* . ... ■ ■ - ' Continued in next MATERIALIST CONCEPTION OF HI«TORY (Continued irom page 5) set above the town. This condition encouraged thc growth of the absolute monarchy which was in close touch with the trading interests against the feudal lords, until it became a hindrance and resulted in the execution of Charles I., after six years of strife and civil war from 1642 to 1648, ending with Crom- wel as head of the Commonwealth. On the side of the king were the nobles, thc clergy and country gentlemen; their opponents were the tradesmen and shopkeepers of the towns. De Gibbin says that the Cromwell wars were commercial, and supported both by the religious views of the Puritans and the • 1 sires of the merchants. i In I6S1 Parliament passed the Navigation Act prohibiting foreign goods to be brought into the country unless on English ships. This struck a blow at the Dutch trade, as they were the chief carriers from foreign countries. Trade was transferred to English ships. This caused the war with the Dutch, when thc Dutch admiral tied the broom to his mast because he swept England off the sea; but two years later thc Dutch were defeated. Cromwell demanded trade with thc Spanish colonies and religious freedom for English settlers in such colonies, llis demands were refused as he well knew they would be, whereupon he seized Jamaica, 1655. and succeeded in giving England a foothold in the West Indies Not content with this victory, with the consent of the mercantile class England declared war OQ Holland, the result of which I have just pointed out. In one of the Dutch wars England won New- York from them. One writer has said that "from I65Q to 1674 the Dutch were our natural enemies and the furious fighting in the Channel was really a struggle for the carrying trade and dominion in tin- East.'' The Dutch were the boldest navigators and the most skillful manufacturers in Europe, They were eager advocates of civil liberty and embraced the Reformation. They became ai nation in l'-K4 after a severe itrugj during which they had increased in made extensive acquisition! in thr l had the most powerful navy in Europe un won he: place m the sun We come down now to the RCvolut laud. 1688, which we will deal Wtth IU i SOU, fins was the culmination ol the i tween the King and the boorgeoisic * out in the civil war 1642 to 1649 PETER tl S aad ':'.-. I : .. : Ik- iroke KIE ;o : HAVE YPU READ 1 The Role 6f The Labor Unions in i Revolution. Single. 5c; bundle of 20 - " ■ I ofovtky i. 2, The International Council of Trade ai I i«dw trial Unions. Single, 'Oc; bundle of 10, \s A I.ozovsky). 3. -Two Months Activity of the International Council of Trade and Industrial Unions. Single**- bundle of 20. $1, (by J. T. Murphy i. The above pamphlets are both instructive and t',c very latest on the subjects treated. Postage prepaid. Ask for our 1920*21 price llat ?( nd cash with order.— Educational Press Association. 182 St. Catherine Street East, Montreal. -: o: CLARION MAINTENANCE FUND VV. VV. Clark, $1.50 R. Kirk, $1 ; J. Purn« •' »' • ' VV. Kaplan, $1. Total C. |f, K. contributions received I'"•" •Vf'il to 11th May, inclusive. $4.50 . . :o:~ C. M. O'BRIEN DEFENCE FUND Previously acknowled^.i $102.85; C. N"'i! *" Total to lhh May, $104.85. ******\mt f WESTERN CLARION PAGE SEVEN I I The Agrarian Question Thesis AdOj :d by the Second Congress of the Communist International, Moscow, August, 1920 1 o bui the city industrial proletariat, led Loin munist Party, can save thc laboring ihe country ft »m the pressure of capital nrdispi, t.-'m dissolution and from imj • inei itahh as i >n<- ;is the i apitali it rel • i. i no -.ils ation tot th< p«1 • to joii the Communist proletariat, to ih heart > id soul its revolutionary ,•'. < : ,h< yoke of the landh »rda an I I i .mi the industi ial work* i - .i r\ r iit th*ir universal histork mission. il« humanity l*om tin- bondage of cap- ii ih> ■ shut thamselvea within their • -.is. their nan «w trade interests and \r- adf-aufficientl) to a desire for ■ ntaof I heir aometime*i tolcrabl bour. tt ions of life That ts what happens in mosi ountrit^ possessing a "labor aristocracy,*1 rms tn. -.i.st*, of thc would-be Partii - ol the Interna* • nal who are m fact the worst i • «■ .nt--r-i to it. bourgeois jingi Iu tourgeoisie in the labor movement. Thc ■ • ico nes a truly revolutionary < lav, truly in actions, only by acting as tht van* .■•-.• who work ami are '„ ing < xploited, irb Icri a the struggle for the overthrow ^*ot . ,a;d thb --an;; ' be achieved with- b th* c!aas struggle into thi agricultural itnout making the laboring masses of the ' gather around the Comunist Party of the ifiat. without the peasants being edu to,.j, proletariat shoring and exploited masses in the coun- ' > to • i proletariat roust had on to .he ■ least win over te> its side, ate represented ■i apitaiist countries b) die following groups - • "ist place th,* agricultural prole'iriat, thc orcra (by iv ^ar, by the day. 1/ thc job their living I . wage lahor in capitalist agri oi industrial establishments, Thc indc- organiaation of this class, separated from i groups of the country population (in a nol- military, trade, co-operative, educational ■md an euerg**", propaganda among h, in cr to win it over to the sidi . !.•• Soviet wit the dictatorship id the proletariat!*- such is thi fundamental task oi the Communist Parties in untries In the second place • * semi-proletariat or small those who . .ihe their living partly by ■•''"' "• wages ui agrii altural and industrial cap ' ttablishment • partly by toiling on their own nted piece oi -and yielding but a part of thc •\ iiM»d prodn c Or their families. This 1 : the rural population is rather numerous ii It ibst COUntTlC^, but its existence and its peon 31 i' 'tion is hushed up by the representatives of ••rgeoisie and the yellow MSocialista'r affilial '' Second International. Some of these pco- 1'""tonally cheat the workers, but others fol- ow blindly the average views of the "peasantry" 'U( a method of bourgeois deceit of the workers is Useil inure particularly in Germany and France, an 1 '''' * «ser extent in America and other countries Providcd that the work of the Communist Tarty is jj[c'- organized, this group i.. sure to side with thc Communists, the condition*' of life of these half pro- etanans being very lurd; the advantage the Soviet , "u"' and the dictatorship ol the proletariat would >rins 'hem being enormou id immediate, in some ountrics there is no clear-cut distinction between ■''■"■■ two groups: it is therefore permissible under cert : ati ,lni circumstances not to form them into separ- '"'snii/ations. . " !,u 'bird place the little proprietors, the small armors who possess by right of ownership, or rent J'"'11 portions of land which satisfy thi necdi of 1PU' family and of their farming without requiring 'tlnv additional wage labor. This part of the popula- "" as a class gains everything by the victory of the P^letarint, which brings with it: (a) liberation from 1 ment of rem or of apart of the crops (for in- " ' the "metayers" in Prance, the same arrange- >«?nts m Italy, etc. to thc owners of large estates; b \bolition of all mortgages; (c) Abolition of ■ ill) forms of pressure and of dependence on the ■era of large estates (forests and their use, etc.); 1 Immediate help from the proletarian state for ' Sfork (permitting use by peasants of the agri- implementa and partly the buildings on the »ig capitalist estates expropriated by the proletariat. mediate transformation by the proletarian state ''r "' all rural cooperatives and agricultural panics, which under the capitalist rule were " hiefl) supporting thc wealthy and the middle pcas- into institutions primarily for support of the poor peasantry; that is to say. the proletarians. r< Ii tarians, small farmers,'etc.) - ne time the Communist Party should be ghl) aware that during the transitional period rom capitalism to Communism, i.e.. during the dictatorship of the proletariat, at least some par- tial hesitations are inevitable in this class, in favor ol tmrestrii ted tree trade and free use of thc rights ol private property. For this class, being a seller of commodities (although on a small scale), is neces- . • I) demoralized by profit-hunting and habits of pri< torship. And yet, provided there is a consist- I n Ietarian policy, and the victorious proletarian relent],--sly with the owners of the large estat- nd the landed peasants, the hesitations of the - ii question will not be inconsiderable, and can- • change thi fact that on thc whole this class will with the proletarian revolution. ? Ml these three groups taken together consti- the majority of the agrarian population in all capitalist countries. This guarantees in full thc Success ot the proletarian revolution, not only in the towi - I • ■ in the country as well. The opposite view is ven widely spread, but it persists only because of a systematic deceit on the part of bourgeois scientist - and statisticians. They hush up by every means an) mention Of the deep chasm which divides thc rural t'„:->c- we have indicated, from thc exploiting I mdbwncrs and capitalists, and the half proletarians and small peasants on the one hand, from thc landed pea-ants on the other This arises from the incap- t) and the failure of the heroes affiliated to the yellow Second International and the "labor aristocracy," demoralised by imperialist privileges, to do genuine propaganda work on behalf of the proletarian revolution, or to conduct organizing work among thc poor in thc country. All the attention of the ortuntsts was given and is being given now to the arrangement of theoretical and practical agreements with the bourgeoisie, including the landed and the middle peasantry, which we have described, and not to the revolutionary overthrow of the bourgeois government and the bourgeois class by the proletariat, Finally, this view persists because of Ihe force 'of inveterate prejudice already possessing strong roots (and connected with all bourgeois- democratic and parliamentary prejudices'), and the hicapactt) to grasp a simple truth fully proved by the Marxian theory and confirmed by thc practice of the proletarian revolution in Russia. This trufh consists in ihe fact that the peasant population of the three classes we have mentioned above, being extremely oppressed, scattered and doomed to live in half-civilized conditions in all countries, even in the most advanced, is economically, socially, and moral- lv interested in the victory of Socialism; but that it will Anally support the revolutionary proletariat only after the proletariat has taken the political power. after it has done away with the owners of the large estates and the capitalists, after the oppressed masses are able to see in practice that they have an organized leader and helper sufficiently powerful and firm to support, to guide, and to show the right way. The "middle peasantry," in the economic sense, consists of small landowners who possess, according to the right of ownership or rent, portions of land, which, although small, nevertheless may (1) yield usually under capitalist rule not only a scanty provision for the family and the needs of the farming, bui also the possibility to accumulate a certain surplus which, at leas! in the best years, could be trans formed into capital; and (2) need to employ (for instance in a family of two or three members) wage- labor. As a concrete example of the middle peasantry in an advanced capitalist country we may take in Germany, according to the registration of 1917, a group tilling farms of from five to ten acres, of which farms the number employing hired agricultural laborers makes up about a third of the whole number in the group. (These are the exact figures: number of farms from 5—10 acres 552,798 (out of 5,736,082); they possess in all sorts of hired workers, 478,79-1— the number of workers with their families (Familien- angchocrige) being 2,013.633. In Austria, according to thc census of 1910, there were 383,361 -farms in this group; 126.136 of them employing hired labor; '46.044 hired workers, 1,215.969 workers with their families. The total number of farms in Austria amounts to 2.856.340). In France, the country of a greater development of intensive culture, for instance of the vineyards, requiring special treatment and care, the corresponding group employs wage lahor probably in a somewhat larger proportion. (Continued in next issue) :o: DIVIDING THE SPOILS BEHIND THE SCENES AT THE THIEVES KITCHEN. Magnate Cut Magnate. What do our rulers spend sleepless nights (if any) over? Are they troubled about the homeless victims of the devastation in France? Or the invalid children and the starving old people in Vienna? Or the mess they are making of all Europe? On arrival in this country for the London Conference, almost the first words of the French Premier to Lloyd George were: "We must punish Hugo Stinnes." Observe, if you please, how reparations are decided upon ! Here is the real story of the London Conference, where Dr. Simons "failed." Here is the real reason why there is about to be a fresh march for loot into Germany. M FRANCIS DELAISI never fails to be in teresting. In the Paris "Progres Civique" • he describes the battle of the industrial captains which preceded and formed the reality behind the shows of the London Conference. It is a comedy of the conflict of Stinnes and Loucheur, with a third party coming in at the end to rejoice M. Loucheur was. says M. Delaisi, a succesful contractor who made continually increasing coups during the w ar.until finally he was carrying out with his "Societe Geherale d* Entreprises." the most varying and important works. Like Stinnes he was interested in the Press—the "Petit Journal" and "Paris Midi." In Parliament he passed from office to office—Senator. Chairman of Committee, Minister of Munitions. Minister for Reconstruction, and finally Minister for the Liberated districts, in which capacity he came to the London Conference. Delaisi describes the first plans of Stinnes and Loucheur for joint working in the devastated districts of Northern France. German material and labor being used only so far as to avoid annoyance to French industry, and --the main thing—French ores from Lorraine being exchanged for German coal and coke. Meanwhile, a supposed sympathiser with their plans. M. Charles Laurent, president of the Union of Metallurgic and Mining Industries, and of thc Committee for the restoration of industrial activity in the devastated districts, went to Berlin as French Ambassador. But it was no part of Britain's aims to drive German industry out of the world market merely for France's benefit. The Versailles Treaty had very satisfactorily left the good coking coal within the German frontiers when France was given thc iron of Lorraine. At all costs this situation must be preserved, and that meant that at all costs Franco- German understanding must be prevented. So Lord d'Abernon came on thc scene. Like Stinnes and Loucheur the British Ambassador at Berlin is not a diplomat by profession. A prosperous career in the Near Fast led in the end to his appointment as British representative on the Turkish debt control, and subsequently a director of the Ot- (Continued on page 8) '-a fil I IF ■m PAGB EIGHT WESTERN CLARION it I a DIVIDING THE SPOILS (Continued from page 7) toman Bank. Xo one is better acquainted with German financial methods, and with the economic situation in Central Europe. He knew that the key to the industrial recovery of the Danube States was the economic restoration of Austria. A year ago a combination of British banks was formed for this purpose But already Creusot had obtained control of the Skoda Works in Bohemia, and French financiers were negotiating for control of the Hungarian railways, etc. The moment French finance appeared to be working towards collaboration with the Germans, the British group considered it all-important to approach the Loucheur group. So the battle began. The British Consortium offered the Loucheur eroup participation in their ventures, to detach the group from Stinnes. Loucheur then submitted to the Paris Conference a report in the financial restoration of Austria—by private enterprise. A company was to be formed with an initial capital of 200 millions of francs, English, Italian, and American undertakings sharing equally in the capital issue. It meant the very profitable financial control of a highly equipped industrial country. It was also a shrewd blow at Stinnes. Stinnes, seeing his Franco-German project in ruins sought ores and markets elsewhere. He proceeded to Austria, and the news soon came that he had bought 250.000 shares in tbe great Styrian iron mining company, the "Alpine Montangcsellscbatt." and also two metallurgical factories, at Graz and Trieste He undertook to deliver 1.200 tons of Ruhr coke a day to the Styrian company. This was a revolting spectacle to British capitalism. German industry now had in Styria a substitute for thc iron taken away from it in Lorraine. Stinnes must be punished- After this it was useless for thc Germans to make any proposals at the London Conference. In the end Dr. Simons actually accepted the French (Scy- doux) proposal, and even that served nothing* An excuse must be found, and was found, for "sanctions." On March 10 the Rhenish coal ports of Dusseldorf, Duisburg. and Ruhrort were seized, and control thus obtained of the coal and coke destined for Stinnes and his Styrian concerns. On March 11 M. Loucheur discussed with the Austrian Ministers his plans for the restoration of Austria, includ- the supply of 200.000 tons of coal monthly, and on March 12 Austria accepted Allied control of her finances. . There ended the possibility of German participation in coneessions or public works in Austria. But what about Reparations? What about the restoration of the devastated areas in France, for which M. Loucheur is the responsible Minister? Finance comes before poor people's houses, and Fn- ance decreed that it should be Austria this time, and that the North of France must wait. Not. you observe that it matters two pins to Finance if old Austrian ladies starve a' little less* or French workers pig it a little more.—(The Labor Leader). :o: WIRELESS TELEGRAPHY IN SOVIET RUSSIA (Continued from page 4) poses of navigation and surveying. There is no • doubt that the colossal power of the station will compel the radio stations of other countries to adapt themselves to it. It will also provide extensive material and possibilities for the study not only of wireless telegraphy but also of atmospheric and magnetic phenomena, thus becoming an object of examination not only for Russia but also for foreign scientists. All thc work of calculation and construction connected with thc alternator has been accomplished by 'the Wireless Laboratory of Niznigorod. Thc inventor of the apparatus is a member of the Laboratory Council, engineer Wolokdin. This wireless laboratory was opened at the end of 1918, and for this brief period of time it succeed ed in making considerable contributions of great scientific value. It is engaged in thc preparation of a new type of intensification which has hitherto been imported from France. By order.of thc Council of Defence the "laboratory started upon the preparation of a number of radio-telephonic stations through the application of positive rally. A model of this has been, worked out by engineer M. A. Bonsh- Bruovitch, one of the specialists working in the laboratory. Moscow has already a radio telephonic station of this type, which can carry the human voice over a distance of 4500 versts. This is confirmed by the messages arriving from the Chita station to the ef feet that they can hear MOSCOW The same is true of Irkutsk. Tashkent and Semipalatinsk. The author of these lines assisted by the Ministry of Postal ami Telegraph service carried on experiments in Berlin to establish the possibility ui carrying the human voice from that city ami Moscow. The main wire less station of Geithoff waa placed at our disposal for that purpose. The investigation work was earned ou in the presence of Count Arko, one of thc most prominent scientists and inventors in tin- sphere of wireless telegraphy, !>r. Ruhkopf, the chief of the experimental station of the "Telefunkcn Co.' Gruzntchka, Dr. oi physical science, who had arrived from London by invitation of Com. Krassin. and .the engineers and technicians of the above receiving station. At the appointed hour we heard Moscow saving "lUllo." and the conversation tbat followed was SO distinct that 1 could recognize tin voices of the persons speaking from Moscow The impression produced was overwhelming. One of those present addressed himself to ine saying: "How was it possible to achieve such wonderful progress in a country, where, as our newspapers inform us. everything is in a state of destruction and anarchy? Whom are we to believe after that?" 1 advised him to believe the facts. The German Ministry of Postal ,md Telegraph Service being greatly interested in the experiment ordered its laboratory expert, engineer Vrazka. to verify it. As a result of this it was established that the audibility is sufficient for carrying on regular telephonic communication between Berlin and Moscow. Even reducing the power to one half there is the possibility of carrying thc human voice over the distance between Berlin and Moscow This lead- to the conclusion.that the conversation from Mos cow was heard by all the most important radio stations in Europe, which was actually confirmed l»v messages received a few days after that from European wireless stations Thus the experiment in wireless teicphonv has proved a complete success, and all thi*. is the result of the scientific labors of the Soviet experts during the two years of their complete isolation from their colleagues in the West.. The radio telephonic station in Moscow is completely thc work Of thc Soviet Government. It has been installed and equipped by our own means beginning with the simplest screw and ending with the most complicated apparatus Apart from this our specialists introduced a nuiii ber of very valuable improvements in the technique of the wireless communication, and a number of ttjrw problems have been worked out by the radio laboratory at Nizhnigorod upon which 1 cannot dwell now. We can confidently state now that in tin matter of wireless telegraphy we have become altogether independent of foreign capital; we can ourselves produce al! the necessary apparatus whieh will not be inferior in any way to those produced abroad, while some of our apparatus even excel the European make. In the field of wireless telegraphy, WC ean siv that not only have we made a good start, but we hav* achieved in a comparatively short time such real progress as enables us to affirm that the productive genius of Soviet Russia has been aroused, and already provided evidence of its ability to successfully rival the capitalist West. —"Rosta Wein." April Uth, 1921, ;q j .— HEEE AND NOW. Followng. One Dollar each: W, W. Clark. D. Phillips, I). Pollitt, J Seppahamnier. J. Wilson, B. I). Huntly, R.Sinclair. R. Davey. J* Shearlaw, J. Purnell. A. Stewart, J. McKay. W. J. Kennedy, tV. Glenn. A- McDonald, E. A. Bartholomew, D. R. Morrison, F. Dononue, C. E. Perry, P. Duguid. IL C. Morgan, $3; W. R. Lcwin.'si; R. C. Mutch, $7; J. Sanderson. $2; L. Marks, $1.10; R. Methvcn, $6.75; S- Guthrie. $2; T, H. Lambert. $2: J. N. Hintza, $2. Above, total Clarion subscriptions received from 27th April to 11th May. inclusive--$47.85. 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