@prefix ns0: . @prefix edm: . @prefix dcterms: . @prefix dc: . @prefix skos: . @prefix geo: . ns0:identifierAIP "de20aeea-1e44-4227-bf7f-8a77f66d852a"@en ; edm:dataProvider "CONTENTdm"@en ; dcterms:issued "2016-04-04"@en, "1911-06-10"@en ; edm:aggregatedCHO "https://open.library.ubc.ca/collections/wclarion/items/1.0318866/source.json"@en ; dc:format "application/pdf"@en ; skos:note """ t.O i )5. Vancouver, British Columbia, Saturday, June 10, 1911. Sabeortptlon Price Kription Price *ti mm TXXYXAX 91.01 [EASTERN PROPAGANDA | O'Brien in the Maritime gives his Views on Nation-wide Movement i In order to assist the comrades of (ils part while the provincial elections ere on 1 came east much faster than j othewise would have done. While bming here I assisted the comrades Iiith four meetings in Saskatchewan, lye ta Ontario, three in Quebec and liur in New Brunswick. And now I tn at the end of it—as far east as one ^n get on land. Since arriving here Cape Breton County) I have assisted lie comrades with sixteen meetings Kid their annual convention. ! While organizing for the Socialist arty of Canada through the Western rovinces, most everywhere I went I let comrades who knew more about ie movement than I, comrades from hom I could learn almost every min- te I was with them, comrades who reely Imparted to me such knowledge s they could, endeavoring in that way 3 assist me In doing such as I could or the movement. While I was hik- ng about, late and early, arranging for letting to and from meetings, they apart from their slavery) were drink- ng deep at the fountain of Knowledge. ?hey were equally as familiar with he philosophy of Omar Khayyam, the vritings of Deitzgen and his science |if human brain work as they were vith the works of Marx, Engels, La- |argue and others. But as I came east of Winnipeg, I uissed all this assistance. Mc, as tditor of the Western Clarion has said fevery comrade should do propaganda, put as good a fellow as you can start with is yourself." I noticed the I:omrades who spend so much time do- ng propaganda with the heathen that perhaps to some extent to the similarity of natural environment as well as Industrial economics. There are various reasons why the movement has not made such progress here as it has on the Pacific coast. The population here has been more staid or settled in ItB make up, with, therefore, less chance to break with the superstition of the past. The series oi strikes on the Pacific coast in the early part of this century helped to clear the way for sound Socialist pro paganda. Here, hostilities between the buyers and sellers of the commodity, labor-power, were, until about two years ago, somewhat successfully concealed. Since then it has come to the surface with a vengeance. Our movement is in about the same stage of development here now as It was in the west about six years ago, a good clear movement on the coast with some struggling locals in the interior. The movement here is particularly fortunate ln that it has not been pestered with that oportunist itch that came from the U. S. A. to Ontario, thence west to the Pacific. Though not so successful on the coast as inland it spread east as far as Montreal. Some parts of the Interior of these Eastern Provinces may have been affected but there is no sign of it around here. While the comrades here have not been so aggressive as they have been on tbe Pacific, yet they have been just as active, but in a different way. In fact, in that respect I think they are in advance of the west. We are just commencing to adopt the method of 'hey have no time to familiarize them-[propaganda that the cc.mrades here lelves with the works above referred o, are poor propagandists, as com- jared with the comrades who first do iropaganda with themselves. They do lot have the prestige or command the -espect of the heathen, and therefore ■annot so successfully get an audience o a meeting, sell books or take subs. ;or Socialist papers, though they usually work much harder than the better losted comrades, but with less effect. i"here they do dispose of books or [tapers they usually give them away. i"hen they send ta subs, they pay for hem out of their own pockets—one of he reasons why they always circulate he cheapest. The chief reason howler, is because that is the only Socialist literature they know, the kind hey read themselves, wben they do •ead. I not only mean cheap ta the lense of low price, for in that sense mch literature ls dear at any price. When I arrived here on the Atlantic fcoast I find in every comrade's slave pen that I have been into all the best jooks of the movement, well soiled |rrom use, men and women alike fa- nillar with their contents. In comparing notes with the comrades I find the movement started here about the same time as it did on the Pacific coast—about ten years ago—neither one knowing of the existence ot the other. I suppose they were both produced by the same economical and historical force. The make up of the |two movements are very similar, due lANNUALPICNIC A Socialist Party Picnic Will be Held at WHITE ROCK June ■», 1911 Special train will leave Great Northern Depot at 9:00 a.m. A Big Programme of Sports has been arranged, with suitable list of prizes. | Tickets on sale at following places: Empress Theatre, Sunday evenings. Perry's Tailor Shop, 834 Pender W.' Clarion Office, 579 Homer-Richards Lane. Adults $ J.25, Children 60c have been using all the time, quiet, individual propaganda. Mc. has also said something like this: "As a rule, worthy recruits are brought to the movement by the individual propaganda of the worthy comrades among their fellow slaves as they come in contact with them." Alex McKinnon, a worthy comrade, a native of this place, one of the first to take up a study of the movement in this part, is the flrst Socialist Party candidate for the Legislative Assembly on this coast. He was nominated over a year ago. The elections are on the 14th of June. In their county convention a few days ago, the comrades decided to nominate two candidates for the Do minion elections. There is no joint meetings with the capitalist parties, no challenges to debate the capitalist parties, but without any great roar, we are having the best of meetings. The capitalist papers mention us. Lots of good literature is being sold. As far as I can gather, the cost ef living Is as high here as it is out west, but wages are higher out west than here. So the standard of living is lower here than lt Is out west, hence the difficulty ln getting the sinews of war. On my return I expect to visit many parts that I did not take ln on my way out here. I start west tomorrow. I received the following donations from the stated comrades: Calgary $15.00 Manitoba 12,00 Ontario 11.00 New Brunswick 10.00 I did not get any financial assistance from the comrades in Saskatchewan or Quebec. I thank the many comrades for comfortable accommodations and the many other kind acts that go to make life worth while for a Socialist agitator. C. M. O'BRIEN. IN LIGHTER VEIN. Some Socialists are in the Socialist movement ln the hope that some day a plum wlll fall to them from the Socialist tree. Methinks that so far as Canada is concerned all that will fall to these Individuals will be the deposits of the crows. * a * The Rev. C. W. Gordon recently marched with the Highlanders at Winnipeg church parade, with a bible tucked neatly under his left arm. Pity the reverend gentleman did not have a gun tucked neatly under his right arm just to show the relationship between the Christian religion and militarism a little plainer. * * * When a proletarian, performing no useful function in society, helps him self to the necessaries of life and is arrested for so doing, members of his class are not slow in branding him a "thief." But if a member of the propertied class robs them of two-thirds of the product of their labor, they will take the first opportunity to call him a "gentleman." * a a The board of directors of the St. James Temperance Hotel, Winnipeg comprises two millionaires and charitably disposed "gentlemen." The bedrooms of this hostelry are small, with concerte floods, and each containing single bed, an apology for a bureau and one chair. For this little lot, accompanied by the nightly invl- tatien to "attend service downstairs," the occupant pays $2.50 per week. And as he is about to get Into bed, he Ib comforted by a text from the bible. An excellent sleeping draught, I presume. * a j, The inactivity of the average worker to analyze the happenings of capitalism may be accounted for by the fact that he is busily engaged enquiring as to what will happen under Socialism. "I am merely an instrument in the I hands of my friends." R. P. Roblin, I Premier, Manitoba. Who says capitalist j politicians are not honest? , a a a A certain branch of the I. L. P. inaugurated a Socialist Sunday School. The choosing of the subjects for discussion in the adult class was put to a democratic vote of its members. Por first Sunday's subject some wanted one of G. B. Shaw's plays, some wanted enlightening upon Shakespeare's "Tern pest," whilst others preferred to hear about physical culture, and one individual, evidently of a musical turn of mind, wanted the subject to be "The evolution of the piano." Every member of this Socialist Sunday School adult class wanted to be taught anything at all except the three fundamental principles of Socialism. Eh! Have Sunday Schools connected with the S. P. of C? Well, I once suggested having one in Winnipeg, but after receiving the above information, I never repeated the offence. L. PICKUP. Buying and selling at cost of production does not prevent robbery occurring. A laborer, not owning any means of substinence, has to sell himself for his subsistence to those who do own the means of wealth-production. Subsistence is the cost of his daily needs, but he is robbed because his use value to his masterB is five times his exchange value (for subsistence). A farmer is robbed on the same principle, he being merely one of the laboring class. A farmer does not own his wheat, he must nass it on; a laborer passes the result of his toll on; both incorporate their labor and get paid one-fifth, or cost of subsistence. Sometimes a SLUMP occurs where the farmer is paid in wheat that has not gone further than the amount of time he put into it, and Its value is consequently very low. He could not pass It on. p. R. THE STRIKE SIMPLY SOCIALISM First of a Series of Articles describing Social Conditions, their Cause and Cure. The power of one class in society to dominate another class is expressed only politically. In other words, there is no power but political power. Economic "power," so-called, is the ability to produce wealth which ls not a class, but a race, matter. The boss is able to dictate to workmen on the job, only because his authority to do so is written in the State. The enormous popularity of the "general public" has once more been demonstrated and the anxious regard of the "friends of labor" forced on our attention. All this has taken place since the first announcement of a general strike set for June 5th. The gentry of the press, pulpit and spokesmen for the master class generally have been kept busy trying to find expressions deep enough to convey their tender solicitude for the welfare of the workers—and the "public," of course. With regard to the "public," we feel a good deal like that famous railroad magnate when he exclaimed, "The public be damned!" only long before he said it pur portion of the public was already damned, a"d doubly so ever since ln having to stand for the opinions of social parasites being shoved down our throats in the name of the "public." As to labor, we know they are expected to say something soothing occasionally, usually about election time. They are paid to do that. But there has been a note of extreme concern, just as If they might possibly be called upon to do some real work themselves should the workers decide to take a rest. Sp.it was quite natural for these parasites to perceive ta that contemplated action that which might menace their position on the back ot labor, That they gave themselves needless alarm they could hardly be expected to know, since lt takes one hundred years to get a really new idea into most of their heads. That is why they seek to remedy the evil of labor troubles by vllllfylng some few individuals, making the cause seem a personal grievance instead of collective. They don't have to know anything much of the economics of the industrial trend, most parasites only require a voracious appetite, but these that live off labor excel in cunning, and the employing class need them in their business. Having nothing new to say on the subject, they just repeat, with variations, what they have been saying ever Bince the first strike was called by a labor union. Therefore we read of appeals for peace and harmony, that capital and labor are brothers and should practice the golden rule, etc. It would appear that they are far more familiar with the rule of gold than the golden rule, and j merely exists and wallows in the A pronounced feeling of restlessness and chronic discontent is permeating tie entire social structure these days, and is so self-evident that even he who runs may read. A serious sickness is gnawing at the vitals of society, gnawing with a persistence that will not be denied. Strikes, and rumors of strikes, Bpring up persistently in all directions, and will not down; and with time theBe surface-bubbles grow larger and more threatening in character. Police batons and mounted cossacks may cow the workers for the moment, but the fires of anger and resentment smoulder deep against the wretched conditions in which they exist,—and more so against the cause of them. The waif on the street, and the tired worker as he plods "home" from his daily grind, look askance at the leisured occupants of the whirring motorcar and fleet four-in-hand as they dash past,—and the look is scarcely one of love and admiration. At fiery furnace, in dust-choked factories and warehouses, in the rash and glare of huge departmental stores and commercial offices, ta tbe depths and dangers of the mines, and in the varied and various social toils which this complex civilization exacts, the workers eke out a miserable existence. At Baden-Baden, or Bingen-on-the- Rhlne, at the roulette wheels of Monte Carlo or the bridge whist parties of their social sects, with champagne baths, internal and external, and real pain aftermaths, the "cream of society," the "powers-that-be," also eke out their more or less miserable existences. Too much work, too little leisure, and too little pleasure, on one hand; too little work, and that useless, too much leisure, and too much pleasure, on the other hand. A strange distribution of a strange Bystem. The class which does the work :o- the harmony has usually been of such short duration that it might be likened to an armed peace except that on labor's side there hasn't been any arms worth noting. The dove of peace has never fluttered over or lit in labor's battles. Hitherto there has never been any real peace unless it was the peace of death, and it's a different kind of bird that hovers and lights then; no cooing dove, but a bird of prey, the vulture of capitalism with all its hideous flock of carrion feeding buzzards—the parasites of Its glorious institutions. So far the victory has always been with the enemies of the working class, and it will be so as long as the forces of labor seek to fight from the untenable position they now hold on the Industrial field. Working people, union or non-union, when you -strike work you begin to fight a losing battle, and it is against a condition of the labor market rather than the master class that you contend, lt Ib that condition of the world's labor supply that defeats you eyery time or makes even an occasional victory an absolutely empty one. This condition of the labor market is that at all times it is overstocked even in the newest of countries. There are more men than jobs, and the employers know it, so ought you. Were this not so the wage system vw>uld perish of Its own accord because labor could demand the whole product ot its efforts, and therefore no profits for the owners of the machinery of production would remain and their ownership be a myth. It's no myth now, however. Without your labor it is nothing, but you must work around lt to live. The thing, then, to do Is to get possession thereof and to do that la a political act, no matter whether it be done through the ballot or otherwise. The whole working class can get together on that proposition, and this brief statement of the facts is the position the S. P. of C. has endeavored to present to all workers ever since Its inception. RAYNOR. cial mire, while the class which does no work merely lives the full gamut of life and wallows in the manifold luxuries which money can buy. It needs no college-bred scientist to distinguish a member of the working class from a member of the employing parasitic class. Observe the worker, as he slouches along! Ages of servitude have left their stamp on the breed. Bent and twisted in body and brain, with meekness and submission oozing out at every point; clad in shoddy, and oft- times little of that; under-fed and over-worked; a true image of bis Maker, the GREAT Industrial System which breeds his spedes. Even Dame Nature sets her brand on him in derision. Observe the master as he struts along! Spick and span from top to toe in fashion's latest fads, with well- creased pants that almost creak in their rigidity; well-saved hands encased in gloves, lest contact with too material things should spoil their shapely whiteness; well-housed and well-fed; crammed to a torn at his select institutions, from whence all wisdom emanates; straight in limb and body; and easy and assured of carriage, that bespeaks a well-served master. Nature's brand in either extreme is seen. The survival of the fittest? Well! yes, of .the Attest rogue. The worker, through over-work, runs to hands. The capitalist, through over-eating, rnns to stomach. And in like manner, the politician to jaw, and the policeman to feet. Dragged from her semblance of a home, woman docks to the mills and factories to help eke out ber husband's, brother's, father's meager pittance. Or, perchance, thrown upon her own resources, she breasts the industrial whirl In a brave attempt to keep her independence and womanhood intact. Children, too, tender and plastic In body and brain, are dragged from the school and their romping games, and cast on tho altar of profit, a sacrifice to the great god Capital. Profit is god,—and nothing else matters. The painted harlot plies her hire in the slums, and dark alley-ways, and segregated districts of this great and glorious civilization, spreading disease and death in her wake indiscriminately. No love of the game drives her there. FoU environment; overmuch love and a misplaced confidence; a procurer's betrayal; or, as ls more often the case, an over-stocked industrial market,—and grim, dire necessity. Her wares obtain a ready market Instability of employment and scant wages make young men pause these days ere launching themselves into a matrimonial tangle and putting a millstone round their necks. Their personal maintenance and that of their immediate kindred taxes their resources to the utmost. So they shun.; the marriage tie and only meet their sister slaves on a cold, commercial basis. In the "upper circles" of society the germ is also seen. Marriages of convenience are the rule,—business convenience and the pride of titled trappings. Mutual love but seldom sets her seal upon the contract, and only then when other factors are satisfied. Once the solemn farce is o'er, they each follow their inclinations as lt leads, in Iiassons, affinities and Platonic friendships, using the marriage tie as a shield for a multitude of sins. A truly praiseworthy system which breeds cuckolds on one hand and wedded prostitutes on the other. Further still, as Engels puts it, they not only take great pleasure in seducing one another's wives, they also seduce the wives and daughters of their dependents. Assuredly capital- Ism should emblazon on their escutcheon the prostitute rampant. Titled heads, presidential mummers, and monied monarchs of the industrial world walk abroad in guarded circumspection, lest some rebellious spirit from the great unwashed should take revenge upon their sacred personages for the injuries done his class. The robber fears his victim and dreads his awakening Intelligence. The midnight thief and murderer prowls the dim alleyways and unguarded homes, doing illegally what his "betters" do in honest, lawful fashion. Whereat their lordships are highly incensed at the slums-.- imitation, i Industrial crises, financial panics, occur with clock-like regularity and • at ever-increasing intervals, until lt may be justly said today, they hava become chronic. Organized Industry, In the form of combines and trusts, learned by experience to so regulate the output that the market may not become over sotcked,—except in labor power. Hungry hordes of unemployed tramp the streets of the large industrial centers and the highways and tic ways of the country, searching in vain for a master. Their class have worked so hard [these many years producing and inventing methods of production, that their services are no longer required; and while the warehouses and stores are piled high with the products of their clan, they must go without. Drunkenness, and intemperance In many things, are by far too common,— the result of evil environment. Bad men make bad whisky; and bad whisky makes bad men,—and women. Tho fierce straggle for jobs makes enemies of all. Each looks with suspicion at bis or her neighbor, as wrestling the bread of lire from hla hand. Competition spreads disorder and strife, where co-operation Bhould exist, as the bountiful earth yields abundance for all,—and millions more. Chaos reigns supremo in this social system of a great and glorious civilization. Society iB staxllng on Its head. Do you know the reason why? "GOUROCK." Tbe strangest phenomenon of all the ages is that workers should slop to argue, when the world's wealth Is theirs for the taking. Two THE WESTERN CLARION, VANCOUVER BRlTISh COLUMBIA SATURDAY, JUNE 10th, 1911. IHE WESTERN CLARION Pttblished every Saturday br the ••elalist Party of Canada, at the OfHor mt the WesU-rn Clarion, Flaok Block ■aseiment, 166 Hastings Street, Ytuicou- ▼•X, B. C. V08T OFFICE ADDRESS, BOX 1688. SUBSCRIPTION: aJH-00 Fer Year, 50 cents for Six Month*, 35 oenta for Three Months. Strictly in Advance. Bundles of 5 or more coplea, fer a -p-erled of not less tlvan three mentha. At the rate of one cent per copy per issue. Advertising rat oh on application. If you receive this paper, it ie paid In making remittance hy cheque, ex- abanire must be added. Address all •Mninun. cat Ions and make alt money •r*ara payable te THB WESTERN CLARION. Bra 1688 VanoonTer, B. O. 636 Watch the label on your paper. If this number is on lt, your subscription expires the next issue. pation; of the latter to maintain exploitation, to hold mastery. By force, potential or exercised, the latter hold their sway. By force the former must break It. That is all there is to the class struggle. THE EVOLUTION OF POWER. SATURDAY, JUNE 10th, 1911. NO CLASS STRUGGLE. One Vancouver slave, on being asked whether he was participating in the strike, replied, "Sure. I'm in on the class struggle every time." We admit we rather like his style. His intentions are admirable. He is in it as it looks to him like a class ■struggle, which indicates revolt, anyway, if not Intelligent revolt. However, at the risk of being taken to be hyper-critical, a risk we are not much concerned about anyhow, we feel impelled to take exception to his knowledge of the class struggle. If it were a mere matter of splitting hairs about the correctness of his terminology we could very well save the wear and tear on the pencil, but the point seems to us to be vital. For, if this is a class struggle, Marx has lived in vain. To us it does not seem to bear the remotest resemblance to a class struggle or even to be fought in a held where any class struggle is possible. True, the contestants are workers on the one hand, capitalists on the other. But neither of them are fighting as a class. In fact, in the industrial field the workers are not a class, they are competitors, and, as such, no different to competitors in other walks of life. Tf they are to be classified at all they must be lumped up with all others who compete in the sale of wares. For it is wares they are selling; their power to labor, their brawn and brain, in fact, their very selves. They are selling these in competition with one another. In their case, as with competitors generally, competition forces combination. They combine, in their unions, to market their wares to better advantage by somewhat moderating the keenness of the competition. They can do so only in the last analysis by restricting the available -supply of wares. Jn the present instance this is perfectly clear. The issue is the "closed shop." That is that employers shall employ none but union labor. In other ■words, that these buyers shall not buy outside of a certain restricted market. If the closed shop can be ■enforced, then the sellers within this restricted market can of course obtain a very much better price for their wares. We are quite prepared to admit, indeed, to insist, that this is the proper ■ course for them to pursue as sellers of labor power. On the other hand, however, we are forced to concede that the employers, as buyers of labor power, are equally justified ln fighting for the "open shop." That is, for liberty to buy in an unrestricted market in which they may purchase these wares to the best advantage. That each party should consider the contentions of the other absolutely outrageous is also perfectly natural. In fact it would be most astonishing If they did not. However, the merits or morality of the matter do not concern us here, They depend entirely on the point of view, anyway. What we are endeavoring to point out Is that this Ib no class struggle, but an effort of com- l modlty seller to gain a point of vantage by restricting the bounds of the market and therefore the available supply of wares. Outside of this restricted area aro also sellers of wares, ■of wares of the same description. Workers. Against whom, as well as against the employers the struggle has to be waged. A pretty class struggle! A claBs struggle, manifestly, must be "between classes. As sellers of wareB, "wage-earners," or what you will, the workers are competitors. Only as exploited producers, as slaves, are they a class. And so with the employers as buyers or sellers of wares they are competitors. But as exploiters, as masters, they are a class. The common or class InteroBt of the former is to end exploitation, to win emaucl- Evolution, social as well as organic, is from the simple to the complex, and, in the course of this evolution, all aspects, atributes and functions of society lose their primitive simplicity and assume an intricate complexity that readily lends itself to superficial misinterpretation, and is with difficulty to be correctly analysed. Thus with power. We can easily comprehend the power of the early slave-master over his slaves. We can conceive him standing over them with upraised spear, saying, in effect, "Work, or die." By simple, naked, brute force he compelled them to toil for his benefit. "Thou shalt serve thy master" is the first commandment—the flrst law—and, in the combination of slave owners to enforce this law by their joint brute force, we have the flrst state. To that end the state has ex isted from that day to this, however much the means to that end may have varied in the interval. With the chattel slave system, the mastery was direct in that it was the person of slave himself that the master owned. In that ownership the state guaranteed him. Behind the overseer stood the master; behind the master, the state with its armed force. A master might have a thousand slaves, anyone of them able to kill him with his bare hands, but he could drive and flog the thousand with impunity. He held a weapon more deadly than his forebear's spear —the state. The slaves knew that, dared they but raise their hands against him, and retribution, savage and merciless, would surely follow. In tens of thousands the slaves of Greece and Rome again and again rose in revolt and sought to throw off the yoke. In some cases they held out for years. Eventually they were always crushed—by the state—the seat of their masters' power. Under the feudal system the mastery became Indirect. The masters owned the land, and owned the serfs because they were attached to the land. The state again guaranteed the master in his ownership of the land. And also enforced the attachment of the serfs to the master's land. They were compelled to toll for their lord's benefit and the lord held over them the same weapon as the chattel slaveowner—the state. It was now the seat of his power and he could say "Work or die." Today again things are changed. The worker is neither owned In person nor attached to the land. But yet ringing in his ears is the old adjuration, "Work or die." The masters own the means by which alone today the workers can produce the means of life. Access to these means of production the workers must have ln order to live, and access to them they can have only as the servants of the owners of the means of production. To live the workers must sell themselves to the masters day by day; must become slaves in exactly as much as the chattel slave or the serf. And must continue so doing so long as the masters own the means of production. Behind the masters, as of old, stands the state, guaranteeing them in their ownership of the means of production, and thus giving them power to say to the' workers ln effect, "Work or die." And to work or die shall be the slaves' alternative until, realizing their needs and their potential Btrength, they shall seize the seat of power. Then their decrees will be law, to be obeyed without question, for they will have the power. This tendency ls reflected throughout Christian literature and scholastic training. Authorized histories deal largely in gore, while it Is a poor novel indeed in which heads do not fly off or blood flow to the glory of Christ. Most of our books for boys are records of different parties carving each other up in sanguinary conflicts. In all these squabbles, the "Prince of Peace" figures largely. There is a cause, of course. Prog- life, it will be noticed, is coincident with the attainment of perfection in the art of peddling, which has reached its greatest heights among Christians. This fact is neither to be deplored nor admired. It merely is. The Christian tendency to brag of pacific and magnanimous intentions while advancing solely along the lines of brute force, ,may be due to commendable modesty, or to the basic principle of hawking wares, which is to represent things as they are not; that is none of our affair. What is our affair is that the working class, being vendor of nothing but its labor-power, has no interest in the advancement of the world's business affairs, nor in the manner in which they are furthered, for its greatest benefit is to be derived, not from the sale of that labor-power, but from its retention for the use of its owner. When, by becoming possessors of the earth, the workers shall expend their energies in their own interests, then will their best endeavors be used, not to increase their capacity to kill, but to provide greater comforts and luxuries for themselves, and thus generally to improve the condition of the human race. WHY WE OPPOSE THIS PEACE MOVEMENT. MISDIRECTED ENERGY. No sooner does patient mechanical research bring forth a contrivance capable of lightening humanity's burdens; no sooner does the laboratory of Bclence uncover a new principle that may be beneficently applied, than the "wise" men of the earth sit down to solemnly figure out how fast they can kill each other with them. Nowhere is the practice so much in vogue as in Christian nations.' It is said that Socialism is purely destructive. That may be, but what is Christian civilization? Wherein has the Christian population of the globe made its greatest progress? In instruments of destruction. Its economic devolopment, while rapid, ls everywhere stagnated by narrow property Interests. Not so with machines for slaughter. The invention of theBe haB received everywhere the greatest stimulus, so much so that one ls scarcely completed before It Is obsolete. What was the lesson taught Japan by Christianity? Certainly not peace, good-will, love, justice or any such maudlin buncombe, but good, modern, up-to-date methods of killing. The Industrial development of Japan Is adolescent compared with that of her military and naval establishments. The hypocrisy of the English race is proverbial. At intervals they rise to such a height in this direction as to draw upon themselves the ridicule of the whole world—as when, drooling a sickening stream of sanctimony, they circumscribed the exploitation of the West Indian slaves, forbidding their masters to employ them more than eight hours a day, while children of tender years, of our own race, in our own country, toiled for sixteen hours a day In the mill-hells of the Midlands. The recurring frenzy of nauseating pretence again sweeps over the land, and this time its infection spreads beyond our shores. They have caught it in America; they suspire the bacillus In Germany; In Australia the complaint becomes epidemic. "Peace, sitting under her olive" is the subject of this amorous outbreak, and you might shout "mad dog!" in the streets and nobody would take any notice, because every eye ls fixed, on the beautiful form "sitting under her olive," and every lip is outraging her name. Peace, forsooth! What has peace to do with you, workingmen of the world? What horror has war that "peace" has not accustomed you to ? "The red rain of death!" Ah! go into the mine and you will see it. "The awful rending of strong men's bodies!" The shunter sees it every day. "The fearful cost of human life!" The "Thunderer" was built in "peace" at the cost of a thousand accidents, from kesl-laying to launch. Every plate in her great hull would sweat blood of those who mined it and smelted it and forged it, were the day when "the sea shall give up Its dead" to come upon us tomorrow. Every girder that gives strength to her stupendous form, and every rivet that holds them together, have been drenched with the blood of workingmen, at every stage of their winning and fashioning, before ever they come to crush and mangle workers' bodies in tho shipbuilder's yards. And every gun which is to be put aboard her, and the engines and fittings and coal—all these are to be paid for with workers' life and limb; so that when she leaves port a complete thing, she may do so as an emblem of capitalist peace: for it is very likely that she will never receive such libations of blood in battle as she has had poured over her on the stocks. Peace! The snuffling humbug of the word on capitalist lips! At the very moment they are mouthing It most unctuously they are drafting police and military against the miners ln South Wales, massing troops on the borders of Mexico, and raising an im mense fund to fight the implement workers ln Australia. And while the British Liberal Government are making the remote corners of the earth echo and re-echo with the empty nothing, "Peace!" they are voting the enormous sum of £75,000,000 for war— on the principle that they'll have to fight for it. Strange, is it not, that ln all this cry of "peace" but one Incentive shows itself? "The burden of armaments." It is the treasure, not the blood, that causes the capitalist head to ache. No wonder—for treasure is the master's while the blood is the workers. £75,- 000,000 in a year is a mighty drain, and the Government that Is forced to exact it ls In a precarious position. So they scream "peace" by way of a soft answer to turn away wrath—and also In the certain knowledge that the result wlll demonstrate that peace, even as the capitalist understands it, is possible only at the cost of crush ing armaments—or national extinction. It is significant that no hope Is held out of a "peace treaty" except with America—a country with whom all serious differences have already been composed, against whom, in addition, Britain would hurl her might ln vain, and who could inflict damage, where they can Inflict It at all, with impunity They could starve ns out by stopping their own and Canadian wheat at the granaries. It is admitted that on the day when the States and Canada want to join hands the "mother country" has got to submit. On that day the treaty becomes in all eyes what from the flrst it must be in reality—waste paper. It Is easy for two nations who cannot fight, to make a treaty that they won't. But the case ls different with, say Germany. No responsible person suggests a treaty with that country—yet it Is Germany that has made a British Liberal Government increase its annual Naval Estimates £14,000,000 in five years. No derision waits the Minister who dares suggest such a treaty, for the farce would be too apparent. Just as a treaty with America brings peace no nearer because the two could not fight, treaty or no treaty, so a treaty with Germany would bring no peace nearer, because in the face of conflicting interests (without which they would not fight In any event), the treaty would not be worth the cost of its inscription. The humbug, therefore, of the cry of "Peace" and "Disarmament," is apparent. There comes a time, of course, when it becomes cheaper to submit to a foreign rival than to arm against him. What course our ruling class will take when the cost of "keeping up the two- power standard" is. dearer than exploiting native workers under foreign rule is foreshadowed by the course of the French master class at the time of the commune. Their patriotism will quickly enough then take the form of reduced armaments—the tacit confession that they would sooner "wear the yoke" In humility than seriously suffer in pocket. Meanwhile the Liberals, in their desire to cover themselves, have been loyally supported by the Labor Party. These have shouted "peace" with the best of them, and they lose no opportunity of implying that It Is only the "burden of armaments" which prevents the Liberals "sweeping poverty from every hearth." They thus kill a number of birds with one stone. First the Liberals are absolved directly it is discovered that their efforts for general disarmament are without avail; secondly the Labor .Members put themselves right with all those of their constituents who are, or who think they are, groaning under the burden of armaments, and thirdly they throw dust in the eyes of the rank and file of the Labor Party and Trade Unionists on whose backs they have climbed to place—and pelf. Of course, a show of consistency had to be made In the House. The I. L. P. had organized 250 meetings on the question of nrmaments, so something was expected. And something happened. Exactly one-half of the Labor Members In Parliament came up to scratch to save the face of their party by voting against the Liberals' immense Naval Estimates. The other half (save two who voted for them!) stood out of It to oblige the Liberals! Keir Hardies says the party were bribed, the Osborne Bill being the price of their defection, and he should know. But we wonder how many would have opposed the Estimates had they been really in danger. How many would dare have gone back to their Liberal constituencies with the confession on their lips that they had helped to defeat a Liberal Government? Not many, we venture to guess.—Socialist Standard. Socialist Directory Every looal of tho Socialist Pnrtv of Canada should run a card under this head. Ji.oo per month. Secretaries please onto. DOMINION EXECUTIVE COMMITTEE Socialist Party of Canada. Meets every alternate Monday. L>. G. McKenzie, Secretary, Hex 16SS, Vancouver, B. C. BRITISH COLUMBIA PROVINCIAL Executive Committee, Socialist Party of Canada. Meets every alternate Mondav. D. G. McKen/.le. Secretary, Box 11188, Vancouver. B. C. ALBERTA PBOVINCIAL EXECUTIVE Committee, Socialist Party of Canada. Meets every alternate Monday in Labor Hall, Eighth Ave. East, opposite post- office. Secretary wlll lee pleased to answer nny communications regarding the movement In the province. F. Danby, Secretary, Box 647. Calgary, MANITOBA PBOVINCIAL EXECUTIVE Committee: Notice—This card ls inserted for the purpose of getting "YOU" interested In the Socialist movement. SOCIALISTS are always members of the Party; so if you are desirous of becoming a member, or wish to get any Information, write the secretary, W. H. Stebblngs. Address, 316 Good Street, Winnipeg. SASKATCHEWAN PBOVINCIAL EX. eeutlve Committee, Socialist Party of Canada. Meets every first and third Saturday in the month, S:00 p.m., at head'iuarters. Main Street, North Battleford. Secretary will answer any communications regarding the movement In tills Province. A. GlUleinees- ter, Secretary, Box 201, North Battleford, Sask. MATTAWA, ONT. Comrade:—Thanks for "Excerpts From Oscar Wilde." ThlB Is but typical of the excellent standard you are maintaining, and one that is bound to secure recognition ln due time from the poor self-blinded plugs. Yours ln revolt, C. C. WELLERMAN. The week's sub-gatherers; C. M. O'Brien, Glace Bay, N. S 12 | J. C. Burgess, City 7 C. McM. Smith, Brooklyn, N. Y. .. 3 J. D. Houston, en route 2 Singles: Alf. Johnson, Silver Creek, B. C.j Lestor, North Battleford, Sask.; A. G. McCallum, Ottawa, Ont.; Frank Blake, Edmonton, Alta.; EH Waterson, Salmon Arm, B. O.J A. R. Doe, Dawson, Y. T.j H. Samson, John Rivers, Hugh Dixon, Joe Johnson, Andrew Johnson, City. i Bundles, etc: Local Reglna, Sask., bundle and card $2.00 Local Rossland, B. C. " " 6.50 ATENTS artnsnnmM^iii.H.. we solid-, the mislness or Manuiaciu-rere, Rnpinecru nnd others who realize the advisability of having their Patent business transacted by JUzpeita. Preliminary ndvicc free. Chargei moderati. Our Inventor's Adviser sent upon request. Marion & Marion, New York I,ife Bldg, Montreal: nud Washington, DC, U.S-A. MARITIME PROVINCIAL EXECUTIVE Committee, Socialist Ptirty of Canada, meets every second and fourth Sundays in the Cape Breton office of the Party, Commercial Street, Glace isay, N. S. Dan Cochrane, Secretary, Box 491, Glace Bay. N. S. LOCAL PERNIE, 8. P. of C., HOLDS educational meeting*-; in the Miner.*.' Union Hall, Victoria Ave., Fernie, every Sunday evening at 7:45. Business meeting first Sunday in each month, same place, at 2:\\)Q p.m. David Paton, Secretary, Box 101. LOCAL OREENWOOD, B. C, NO. 9, S- P. of Ci, meets every Sunduy evening at Miners' Union Hall, Greenwood. Visiting comradea invited to call. C. G. .Johnson, Secretary. LOCAL SANDON, B. C, NO. 3f, S. P. OP C. Meets every Tuesday at 7:30 p.m. in the Sandon Miners' Union Hall. Communications to be addressed Drawer K, Sandon, B. C. LOCAL SOUTH PORT GEORGE, B.C., Xo. CI, meets every Friday night at 8 p.m. in Public Library Hoom. John Mclnnis, Secretary; Andrew Allen, Organizer, LOCAL VANCOUVER, B. C., NO. 1, S. P. of C. Business meetings every Tuesday evening at headquurters, 2237 Main Street. F, Perry, Secretary, Box LOCAL VANCOUVER, B. C., NO. 45, Finnish. Meets every second and fourth Thursdays in the month at 2237 Main Street. Secretary, Wm. Myntti. LOCAL VERNON, B. C, NO. 38, S. P. of C. Meets every Tuesday, S:00 p.m. sharp, at L. O. L. Hail, Tronson St W. H. Giimore, Secretary. LOCAL VICTORIA, B. C, NO. 3, S. P. of C. Heading room and headquarters, * 131 J» Government St., Hoom 2, over , Collister's Gun Store. Business meetings every Tuesday, S p.m. Propaganda meetings every Sunday at Crystal Theatre. T. Gray, Secretary. LOCAL CALGARY, ALTA., NO. 4, S. P. of C. Meetings every Sunday at 8 p.m. in the Labor Hall, Barber Block, Eighth Ave. K. (near postofllce). Club , and reading room. Labor Hall. Geo. Hossiter, Secretary, Box 647. LOCAL COLEMAN, ALTA,, NO. 9.1 Miners' Hall and Opera House. Propa-I ganda meetings at 8 p.m. on the first J and third Sundays of the month. Busi-1 ness meetings on Tliursduy eveningsjj following propaganda meetings at 8. Organizer, T. Steele, Coleman, Alta.;,, Secretary, Jas. Glendennlng, Box 63,fl Coleman. Alta. Visitors may receive I information any day nt Miners' Hall.I from Com. W. Graham, Secretary oil U. M. W. of A. LOOAL EDMONTON, ALTA., NO. 1, 0.1 P. of C. Headquarters 622 First St.] Business and propaganda meetings i every Thursday at 7:30 p.m. sharp. 1 Our reading room is open to the pub-fl lie free, from 10 a.m. to 11 p.m. daily, f Secretary, A. Farmilo, 622 First St., Organizer, W. Stephenson. LOCAL LADYSMITH NO. 10, S. P. of C. Business meetings every Saturday, 7 p.m., in headqunrters on First Ave. J, H. Burrough, Box 31, Ladysmith. B. C. LOCAL MICHEL, B. C, NO. 16, 8. P. of C, holds propaganda meetings every Sunday afternoon at 2:30 p.m. in Crahan's Hall. A hearty invitation is extended to all wage slaves within reach of us to attend our meetings. Business meetings are held the first and third Sundays of each month at 10:30 a.m. In the same hall. Party organizers take notice. A. S. Julian, Secretary, LOCAL MOYIE, B. C., NO. 30, MEETS second Sunday, 7:30 p.m., in McGregor Hall (Miners* Hall). Thos. Huberts, Secretary. LOCAL NELSON, S. P. of C, MEETS every Friday evening nt S p.m., ln Miners' Hull, Nelson, B. C. I. A. Austin, Secretary. LOOAL LETHBRIDGE, ALTA., NO. IB, I S. P. of C. Meets first and third Sun- t days in the month, at 4 p.m., in | Miners' Hall. Secretarv, Chas. Peacock, Box 19S3. LOCAL REGINA, SASK., NO. 6. MEETS I every Sunday at 7:30 p.m. ln Trades Hall, Searth Street. Business meet- ll.ga second and fourth Fridays at 8 p.m.. Trades Hull. Secretary, B. Simmons, Box 1046. LOCAL BRANDON, MAN., NO. 7, 0. P. of C. Heudquarters, No, 10 Nation Block, Hossur Ave. Propaganda meeting, Sunday at S p.m.: business meeting, second nnd fourth Mondays at 8 p.m.; economic class, Sundays at 3 p.m.; speakers' class, Wednesday at 8 p.m.;. algebra class, Friday at 8 p.m.; debating class, first und third Mondays at S p.m. D. France, Organizer, 1126 Victoria Ave. LOCAL NEW WESTMINSTER, B. C., No. 15, S. P. OF O.—Headquarters Boom 3, Dupont Block, over Northern Crown Bunk. Propaganda meeting every Sunday, Crystal Tln-ntre, 8 p.m. Business meeting every Monday. 8 p. m. B. W. Spnrke, Kecordlng Secretary; H. Gilchrist, Organizer; J. C. Williams, Financial Secretury. .. resa in facilities for the destruction of LOCAL PRINCE RUPERT, B. C, No. 53, S. P. of C, meets every .Sunday In hall in Empress Theatre Ellock at 2:00 p.m. L. H. Gorham, Secretary. LOCAL REVELSTOKE, B. C, NO. 7~* S. P. of C. Business meetings at Socialist headquarters fourth Thursdays of each month. B. F. Gaynuin, Secre- izer; B. F. Gayman, Secretary, tury. LOCAL ROSSLAND, NO. 25, S. P. of C, meets in Miners' Hail every Sunday at 7:30 p.m. E. Campbell, Secretary. P.O. Box 674. Hossland Finnish Branch meets in Finlanders' Hal), Sundays at 7:30 p.m. A. Sebble, Secretary, P.O. Box 54, Hossland. LOCAL WINNIPEG, MAN., VtO. 1. S. P. of C. Headquarters, 528 1/2 Main St, Boom 2, next Dreamland Theatre. Business meeting every alternate Monday evening at S p.m.; propaganda meeting every Wednesday nt S p.m.; economic class every Sunday afternoon, 3 p.m. Organizer. Hugh Lald- low, Room 2, 528 1/2 Alain St. Secretary, J. W. Hillings, 270 Young St LOCAL OTTAWA, No. 8, 0. P. OP C. Business meetings first Sunday in month In open air, followed by a picnic during summer months. Propaganda meetings every Saturday night at 8 p. m., at the corner of McKenzie Avenue and Hideau Street. Sum Hor- witii, Secretary, 374 Llsgar Street, Ottawa; phone 277 or 3229. LOCAL GLACE BAY, NO. 1, OP N. 0. Business und propugunda meeting every Thursday at 8 p.m. in Macdon- uld's Hull, Union Street. All are welcome. Alfred Nash, Corresponding" Secretary, Glace Bay; Wm. Sutherland, , Organizer, New Aberdeen; H. G. Ross, Financial Secretary, office in D. N. Brodie Printing Co. Building, Union Street. 599 F. PERRY TAILOR 834 Pender St. Vancouver To Canadian Socialists On account of Increased postal rates we are obliged to make the subscription price of the International Socialist Review In Canada 11.20 a year Instead of 11.00. Wa can, however, make the following; special offers: For (3.00 we will mall three copies of the Review to one Canadian address for one year. For 70 cents we will mall ten ooples of any one Issue. For 13.00 we will mall the Review one year and the Chicago Dally Socialist for one year. CHAR-LEI K. XBBB ft COMFAaTT 134 West KlnzleSt., Chicago. i\\Sttm THE CAFETERIA 305 Cambie Street The best of everything properly cooked. Chas. Mulcahey, Prop. <*54 NOW READY. "Manifesto of the 3. P. of C." Price—10 cents per copy or 76 cents per doz. (to subscribers to Publishing Fund, 6 cents). "The State and Government." Price five cents per copy or 25 cents per doz. (To subscribers, |1.00 per hundred.). GREAT BOOKS BY GREAT MEN Riddle of the Universe, by Haeckel 25c Life of Jesus, Kenan 25c Age of Reason, Paine 25c Merrie England 20c God and My Neighbor, Blatchford 25c Origin of Species, Darwin.. 25c Ingersoll's Lectures, each.. 25c Evolution of the Idea of God, Grant Allen 25c Postage prepaid on books. The People's Bookstore 152 Cordova St. W. DENTIST W. J. CURRY Room 501 Dominion Trust Bldg. PRICE LIST OF 8UPPLIE8 .- (To Locals.) Charter (with necessary supplies to start Local) $5.00 Membership Cards, each M Duea Stamps, each 10 Platform and application blank per 100 JS Ditto In Flnniah, par 100 .50 Ditto In Ukranlan, per 100 JO ConstItut ns, per dozen, 50c. Ditto, Finnish, per dozen SO m®®®®®®?*®®®®®®®®®®®®®®^®®®®®** iso«N;nlQ^'- _. Uf:ST jN B.C." cKsA>RS SATURDAY, JUNE 10th, 1911. THE WESTERN CLARION. VANCOUV ER. BRITISH COLUMBIA Three THE SOCIALIST PARTY OF CANADA This Page Is Devoted to Reports of Executive Committees, Locals and General Party Matters—Address All Communications to D. G. McKenzie, Sec, Box 1688, Vancouver, B. C. "THE MEEK SHALL INHERIT THE EARTH." REPLY TO A. PERCY CHEW, ON THE FARMER QUESTION. Comrade A. Percy Chew's article in Clarion No. 634, of May 27th, Is deserv. ing of comment. Of all that has been written in the Clarion of late on the position of the farmer, this Ib certainly the richest. Comrade Chew claims the farmer is no proletarian. He makes no distinction between the farmer who farms for a living on a quarter or half section, and the modern capitalist farmer who simply acts as a superintendent. It Is the former, only, whom I Intend to deal with and to whom Socialism would be a benefit. If the farmer is not a worker he must be a capitalist. According to the Marxian theory a capitalist Is he who lives by the exploitation of labor power. Does that flt the working farmer? He says a very large percentage of Canadian farmers own their places and machinery. Granting even this, although It shows an utter lack of understanding of the real position the most of the farmers are in, I must refer Comrade Chew to Vol I., Page 47, of Marx's "Capital," wherein it is stated that a thing can be a use-value with, out having value, whenever its utility to man is not due to labor. This Ib !the case with land. Land is not capital. As for owning some of the tools ifor production—well, how about the mechanic with his tool chest, or the miner with his pick, Is he a capitalist? He claims the farmer need not sell his labor-power, his product is his, he lean either keep it or sell It. I should like Com. Chew to come out on the prairie with the result of some previously exchanged labor-power in the shape of hard cash, pay for the privilege of working a piece of land, get himself some tools and motive-power, grow grain and turnips, and keep them. In order to live he could perhaps feast on some boiled grain and turnips, but how would he acquire the rest ot his necessaries if not by exchanging the product of his labor? How long would he last? About as long as a frost in June. The fact Is, that while the farmer is not under an Immediate boss, but appears independent, he is so only in appearance. Under the capitalist system the farmer will exert himself far more if left In this state of semi-independence. He has his steady job, and he knows it. He works longer hours than any other wage-slave and would centalnly throw up the job In disgust, f driven by an overseer. In our social production the farmer Is only a cog in the wheel. What the [farmer produces is not commodities, but raw material for the manufacture of commodities. A commodity is not roduced until it is in the hands of the 'consumer. It ls here where the farmer begins to be exploited. On account of the magnitude and complexity of their lture he cannot own individually the •equisite machinery for storing and ransporting his grain or cattle to the market. If he sells a car-load of grain, e has the privilege of selling it either [to the buyer on the street or ship it to he terminal. In either case he pays he storage and freight. Now what is transportation? Marx |sayB in "Capital," Vol. II., Page 169, ex- senses of circulation (transportation), o not add any value to a commodity. hey are dead expenses of capitalist production. The railroad, therefore, reates no values, although It performs necessary social function. Granting he men who operate those roads the ull value of their labor-power (I don't ant it all for the farmer), how long ould, for instance, the C. P. R. have o operate its road in order to produce |a surplus of some fourteen millions of ollars, without carrying freight and assengers? The same with the grist ill, not to mention a whole horde of useless parasites who, under the capitalist system squeeze themselves between the producer and consumer. (Most people make the mistake in laiming that agriculture begins and .ends on the farm. They do not con- Eider the railroads, grist mills, etc., [as subsidiary agricultural industries [which lend themselves so admirably to e extraction of surplus-value under private ownership. Some farmers are iven sure they are cheated when buy- fing their machinery, while some may be wrong, others are right. In this Instance we would have to deal with [each case individually. Let Comrade hew redd "Capital," Vol. I., Page 181 refully, and see if he can figure it .out It looks bad, very bad, to show be white feather and condemn the [farmer to eternal perdition, just because some of us think the law of val- ie will not fit. The law of value rehires study. Does Comrade Chew really believe that the dealers buy the farmers' produce without getting just a little bit lot surplus-value? The farmer knows that the shoe is pinching him somewhere, although he cannot locate the exact Bpot. AH he wants Is the knowledge of Marxian economics In order to becopie a good Socialist. Comrade Chew's attempt to usher in the Co-operative Commonwealth would be a lame attempt Indeed If he tried to leave out the farmer, who forms a large part of the working population in every civilized country and more so (n Canada. Where would the class-conscious workers recruit themselves? From the slum-proletariat of our large cities or from the Independent Labor Party? JOS. EFFLER. (Circulation does not mean transportation, which does add value to commodities. Would advise Comrade Effler to read all of that section beginning Page 169.—Ed.) REGINA, SASK. Comrade,—Comrade Stokes addressed an Interested crowd of slaves on Sunday, May 28th, on "Faith, Hope and Charity," and showed how it is very necessary from the capitalist viewpoint for the wage slaves to have faith in a ruling class to provide them with a job and through that food, clothing and shelter, the slaves' portion. Also how the hope of everlasting joy in the sweet bye and bye was very good for the working class, providing they don't spoil their chanceB by getting unruly whilst here below. As for charity, we should be very thankful for them returning to us something to which we have no right, seeing that we get the market price for what we have to sell, and under a slave system we have no right to any more, so we should be very thankful to our masters when they are charitably disposed. The remarks drew out an interesting discussion afterwards. We received another lost sheep into our fold and are educating several more by the looks of things. Yours for the revolution, B. SIMMONS. LESTOR REPORTS. Have recently addressed meetings at North Battleford, Dundurn, Payn- ton, Regina and Swift Current. The movement in the province Is going fine and we daily discover new comrades. Addressed a meeting of farmers five miles from Swift Current on June 1st on the law of value. This subject is rather dry, but they were intensely Interested and after two hours of it begged me to go on and give them some more. If any one had told me two years ago that a bunch of farmers would listen to a talk on Socialism for two hours, and some of them drive twenty-five miles for the pleasure of doing so, I could not have believed them. Whatever may be the farmer's position, he is taking his place in the Socialist party and he is worth having when you get him. Time and tide are with us now. Let us spread every strip of canvas we possess. The breeze of revolt Is beginning to blow. With Socialism at the helm, the harder It blows the better. LESTOR. This statement is attributed to a Nazarene carpenter, but to our lay mind lt has the stuffy and unwholesome smell of a church about it: a church in authority and wishing to keep the herd in its proper place. St. Mark, of jovial memory, playfully associates this quotation with the British nation, and as the real nation Is the element which digs and hews and blasts it into shape, no doubt Mark was nearer the truth than he imagined. We believe the meek shall inherit the earth, that is, the meek of all nations. The ordinary interpretation of this text, of course, is that by remaining meek they shall ultimately come into possession of this erratic globule of creation, and this interpretation we unhesitatingly set down as an error, a trick, a damned lie. The meek will get a smack in the mouth every time; they will get their pants kicked off them; they will live a dog's life and die a dog's death, as it was in the beginning, is now, and ever shall be. The proof Is historical. However, as we said before, we believe the meek shall Inherit the earth, but they shall inherit the earth only as soon as they are determined to quit their meekness and demand from the arrogant plutocracy the restitution of all those Instruments and factors of wealth production which have been slowly filched from them In the past. When the workers realize the mighty bluff which has been spooned into them by ministers of state and ministers of religion; when they arouse themselves and shake off their cursed and contemptible meekness, then, and not till then, will there be a gleam of hope that they will one day Inherit the earth and all that therein is. At present the wage plug at the polls is the meekest thing we know of. GEORGE F. STIRLING "The Provisional Government of the District of Altar announces that seven officers convicted of outrageous and unwarlike acts were shot and killed this afternoon while attempting to escape."—New York Times. "UNITED WE STAND." MAKE US TRULY THANKFUL. DESMOND REPORTS. Since last report have been doing mostly street and literature propaganda. The street crowds were large and attentive. The new manifesto of the party is a winner and can be sold without any trouble if comrades will only get out and try. The other night, while a comrade from the States was speaking on the street, I disposed of fifteen of them in a few minutes. Am now resting a sore throat for a few days before taking In the new mining districts round Ymir, Salmo and Sheep ('reek, which have not been touched since last fall. DESMOND. DEWBERRY, ALTA. Just a few lines to let you and the Comrades know that Dewberry Local is still alive and doing a little ln the scrap. Last Sunday we held a propaganda meeting at a friend's house and had a good meeting. There were about 21 farmers there to llBten to our message. Com. Anderson held the floor for awhile, also Com. Tonkin and myself. There were lots of questions asked and answered to the questioners' satisfaction, The farmers are ready for the revolutionary dope; so much so that they asked us to come again, so we will be holding another meeting there in about a month. Come, you wage slaves, wake up, or the farm slave will get into the fray ahead of ye. We have bought and distributed about $3 worth of literature In this constituency, and If things go ahead in the future 0. K„ I think one Qf us will be In Edmonton assisting Charlie In the gas-house. Yours In the Bcrap. C. W. SPRINGFORD, We live and learn. The other day the writer was called upon to go out to a small burg in the Kootenays to expound the revolutionary thought. After the spiel, he was invited to supper with a "comrade." As for the supper, it was all right in its way, much better than the average working class "fodder." The good comrade's wife had done her best. There was ham and cold beef and tongue, with a nice little salad. Now, I had spieled for about an hour and twenty minutes by the clock and that feed looked good. We gathered round the table and I for one was prepared to enjoy the spread. The "comrade" was at -one end of the "board," his "better half" at the other. After we were all seated the comrade raised his hand and hung down his head—I can't describe the performance any other way. Everyone else did likewise. I wondered what was coming. Then the "comrade," in a mon- otenous voice and with what he probably considered a reverential tone, delivered himself as follows: "Oh Loard, for what we are about to receive make us trooly thankful." Then everyone bobbed up their heads again and the ham and trimmings were dished out. But somehow the "cream was off" for me: It seemed as if the whole thins had depreciated fifty per cent. I have often been too tired to eat—most of us who have travelled the thorny road of wagedom have had that experience—but this time I wasn't that; perhaps the best way would be to say I was too disgusted to eat. Just size it up. Here is a wage slave—working ten hours per day. and hard woi-k at that, with a daily wage of *" 7" to j While men of wealth and titles great, At stately banquets dine; How many daily meet their fate In factory, mill and mine? While maid3 of fashion ride around In silks and jewels rare; Oh! think how many lives are ground Into the things they wear. While poodle dogs in fancy gowns Hear famous "Melba" sing; The cry of hungry children drowns The joyful voice of Spring. But why should kings and rulers care How we poor sinners live? While eaBe and pleasure is their share, To us, the work they give. When workers of the world unite And seize the helm of State, Then greed and profit bid good-night, And meet a timely fate. We'll shift the burden that we bore, Tho' lords and princes rave, And we'll dispense for evermore With master and with slave. Oh, speed the day you workers all! You slaves of wealth and power; And at the sound of freedom's call, "Improve each shining hour." J. A. MACDONALD, * a * Those who think the average farmer owns "his" wheat are blind to facts. The average farmer, growing a hundred acres of wheat, ls barely able to pull through till he grows the next year's crop. Now, if he owned one hundred acres of wheat and paid next year fifty acres of wheat to get the one hundred acres of wheat ground into flour, at an average of a ton to the acre he. would have enough flour to do him and his wife and family for seventy-five years. One more such crop and the other fifty acres of wheat to pay for trouble of exchange and ne would have food of other kinds and clothing for self and family for at least twenty yeara. So about five years at one hundred tons a year would, If he OWNED it, give him and his family all they wanted all their own natural lives. But you know his nose is always to the agricultural grindstone and her's, too, and all the kids as well; and only a bare living- subsistence—the reward of the ignorant mass of toilers. # , * A scientist is neither an OPTIMIST nor a PESSIMIST, but is one who considers facts and conditions as they are. He knows that NECESSITY COMPELS; AND NECESSITY IS THE MOTHER OF ALL INVENTION. It is NECESSITY that causes enconomic changes, and not optimistically hoping nor pessimistically bemoaning. How Inconsistent laborers are when they sell their LABOR-POWER only to their masters and then go and LABOR for them. After they have sold their labor-power at the cost of ua production, why don't they take it easy and just sit down in front of their masters so as to prove to them that their labor- power is not being sold to anyone else. Why need they labor? They have not sold their labor, but only their power to labor. They could demonstrate their power to labor by laboring one day a week and looking sleek and well all the rest of the week, and just sell their labor-power each day for its cost. They would not be robbed at all If It keep self and family on. Living in an | were only their power to labor that age of machine production; an age when vast factories and Industrial concerns cover the earth. A member of the class getting, as nearly as can be figured, less than one-fifth of the value of his labor. Fancy such a one being thankful! To me the very thought of the thing ls sickening. Next night I put up a spiel on the street—dealing; with "Slave Religions." Some of the bunch wondered what made me so bitter. I answered them in the language of science, that every effect has cause. HIBERNICUS. 8EVEN SOCIALISTS SHOT. Maderlsts Tried Them on Charges of Robbery and Extortion. Tucson, Arizona, May 28.—Seven So- ciallst Insurrecto officers, who had been tried by a Maderlst military tribunal on charges of robbery and extortion to the extent of $60,000 In the Altar district of Northwestern Sonora. were taken a mile outside the town of Altar yeBterday and shot to death. The dead Included Capt. Cordoza, former Jefe politico of Tubatam; one American, a Russian, two California Mexicans and two from the Altar district. Their names were kept secret. The men- were former members of the Berthold command at Mexican. Their trial lasted more than a week. The bodies were burled near where they were killed. A bulletin was sent bv telesraph to the principal Juntas along the border, reading: they sold. The robbery comes in by their having to themselves produce not only values which pay for their labor-power at cost of production but also four times that value for their masters for the privilege of "selling" their labor-power. P. ROSOMAND. SUITS TO ORDER $18 to $30 Entire profits from all Suits sold through tin's advertisement go to tho fund for printing leaflets and pamphlets hy the Dominion Executive S. P. ofC. PLAN — Write A. F. Cobb, Gadsby, Alta., for samples of cloth and measurement forms 2. State about color and price of Suit desired. 3. Return samples and order -with deposit of $5.00 to A. F. Cobb. 4. Suit will be delivered CO. D. by express. A. F. COBB GADSBY, ALTA. PLATFORM Socialist Party of Canada We, the Socialist Party of Canada, in convention assembled, affirm our allegiance to and support of the principles and programme of th* revolutionary working class. Labor produces all wealth, and to the producers it Bhould belong. The present economic system is based upon capitalist ownership of the means of production, consequently all the products of labor belong to the capitalist class. The capitalist ls therefore master; tha worker • slave. So long as the capitalist class remains in possession of the reins of government all the powers of the State will be used to protect and defend their property rights in the means of wealth production tad their control of the product of labor. The capitalist system gives to the capitalist an ever-swelling stream of profits, and to the worker an ever-increasing measure of misery and degradation. The interest of the working class lies in the direction of setting itself free from capitalist exploitation by the abolition of the wag* system, under which is cloaked the robbery of the working class at the point of production. To accomplish this necessitates the transformation of capitalist property In the means of wealth production into collective or working-class property. The Irrepressible conflict of interests between the capitalist and the worker is rapidly culminating in a struggle for possession of the reins of government—the capitalist to bold, the worker to secure it bj political action. This Is the class struggle. Therefore, we call upon all workers to organize under the bann*r of the Socialist Party of Canada with the object of conquering the public powers for the purpose of setting up and enforcing the economlo programme of the working class, as follows: 1. The transformation, as rapidly as possible, of capitalist property in the means of wealth production (natural resources, factories, mills, railroads, etc.) into the collective property of the working class. 2. The democratic organization and management of Industry br the workers. 3. The establishment, as speedily as possible, of production for use Instead of production for profit. The Socialist Party when ln office shall always and everywhere until the present system Is abolished, make the answer to this question its guiding rule of conduct: Will this legislation advance the Interests of the working class and aid the workers ln their class struggle against capitalism? If it will, the Socialist Party is for it; If it wlll not, tb* Socialist Party ls absolutely opposed to it In accordance with this principle the Socialist Party pledges Itself to conduct all the public affairs placed in Its hands in such a manner as to promote the Interests of the working class alone. 6S YEARS' EXPERIENCE Trade Marks Design* Copyrights Ac. Anyone sending a aketch and description may quickly ascert-tln onr opinion tree whether an Invention ta probably patentable. Communlcn. tlnna strictly conlldentlul. HANDBOOK on Patent* emit free. Oldest aajency for aecurlnapatenta. Patents taken through Munn & Co. recelra special notice, without cbanie. In the Scientific Jfmericam k handsomely llln-rtrated weekly. Ifrgert ctr- dilation of any ii--funtitle journal. Terma for Canada, $3.76 a year, poetage prepaid. Bold by aU newMealera. . &Co.30l,B~**^ NewYQrt PROPAGANDA MEETING Empress Theatre Sunday, June II PRICE LIST OF LITERATURE Issued by the Dominion Executive Committee "Slave of the Farm," or "Proletarian ln Politics," to locals subscribing to the publishing fund, $1.00 per 100; to others, 25c per dozen. "Socialism and Unionism," to locals subscribing to the publishing fund, $1.00 per 100; to others, 25c per dozen. "The Struggle for Existence," to locals subscribing to the publishing fund, $1.00 per 100; to others, 25c per dozen. "Value, Price and Profit," to subscribers to publishing fund, $2.00 per 100; to others, 30c per dozen. "Socialism, Revolution and Internationalism," to subscribers to publishing fund, $6.00 per 100; to others, 75c per dozen. LOCAL VANCOUVER NO. 1 PRICE LIST OF LITERATURE. Capital, Vol. I, II, III, Karl Marx, per vol $2.00 Ancient Society, Lewis Morgan $1.5* Six Centuries of Work and Wages, Thorold Rogers 2.00 Woman Under Socialism, Bebel.. 1.00 Essays on tbe Materialist Conception of History, Labrialo 1.00 Socialism and Philosophy, Labrlola 1.00 Positive Outcome of Philosophy Dletzgen 1.00 Philosophical Essays, Dletzgen... 1.00 Socialism and Modern Science, Enrico Ferri 1.00 Evolution Social and Organic, Arthur M. Lewis SO Vital Problems in Social Evolution, Arthur M. Lewis 50 The above works wlll be sent postpaid to any part of Canada. This ls only a selection of our stock and almost any bound work in Chas. H. Kerr's catalogue can be had. Orders to be addressed David Galloway, 2243 Main St., Vancouver. TO HOUSEKEEPERS A If you would like to spend less time in your kitchen and woodshed, and have much more time for outdoor life, recreation and pleasure, look into the question of doing your cooking with a Gas Range. Telephone yonr address to onr office and we will send a man to measure your premises and give you an estimate ol cost of installing the gas pipes, Vancouver Gas Company, Limited. "TOUr THE WESTERN CLARION. VANCOUVER, BRITISH CULUMBIA SATURDAY, JUNE 10th, 1911. LIQUOR QUESTION. By J. B. Osborne. (Continued from last issue) Only those who help to do the world's work are of any use to society, therefore, al! that is good, all that is moral and all that is vital In the world today is contained within the working class; the only useful class. It remains for the working class alone to abolish all forms of exploitation and redeem the world from greed, graft and social Infamy; to establish as the human ideal, manhood and womanhood, ln place of the ideal of today which is the dollar mark. The Economic Argument. Today any movement which depends on public suffrage for its success is compelled to use an economic argument in support of its program. Economic interest is the dominant interest ln determining the action of the individual as well as of the social group. The principle argument of the Anti Saloon League and the Prohibitionists is economics. The abolition of the saloons of Fresno and the establishment of liquor dispensary where you can buy liquor of all kinds in original packages, is advocated by the Anti-Saloon League on the grounds that it would be more economical. They say why have fifty saloons with a hundred bartenders, fifty places on which to pay rent and license and fifty proprietors making profits, when all the liquor could be sold through a dispensary at a nominal cost. This is very good and I would suggest that while we are going into the dispensary business we may as well establish a religious dispensary at tbe same time, where one can buy the best brand of religion in original packages. Why should Fresno people be taxed to keep up twenty or twenty-five different churches, who by the way, pay no tax upon their property, and to pay twenty to twenty- five preachers a salary of from one to three thousand dollars a year for cheap sermons, when through a religious dispensary we could get in printed form the very best sermons of every denomination in original packages at a nominal cost. Then we wouldn't have to pay by the year, we would only get the kind and amount to suit our taste. For instance one would buy ten cents worth of Salvation Army, another fifteen cents worth of American Volunteers, or twenty-five cents worth of Free Methodist, or Hardshell Baptist, another perhaps would want thirty cents worth of Presbyterian or forty cents worth of Congregational, still others would want fifty cents worth of Holy Roller, seventy-five cents of Tangle Tongue, or a dollar's worth of Mormon. The religious dispensary would be a big economy alright, but the ministerial alliance is not looking for economy in that direction. I know of an incident in Denver, Colorado, where two men standing in front of a saloon were engaged in conversation. One of them was broke, the other who did most of the talking had twenty-five cents. When ready to go home he said to his friend, "I have twenty-five cents. I have to pay five centB car fare and buy ten cents worth of liver to take home so we can have a glass of beer with the other ten cents." While drinking their beer an acquaintance of the man with the twenty-five cents came in and said: "Hello, Will." Will responded "Hello, Charley, have something." "I don't care for anything much," said Charley, "give me a little whiskey." Whiskey was fifteen cents so lt didn't take Charley long to drink up Will's liver and car fare. When I was a boy of fifteen my mother gave me a dollar and told me to go to town and buy a new shirt. When I got to town the stores were closed so I came home without the shirt. Next morning, Sunday, I went to church with the dollar still in my pocket. This particular Sunday they were trying to make up a three hundred dollar deficiency in the minister's salary. I put my dollar ln the collection, in other words, the minister got my shirt' aB there were no laws tb protect minors ih' such cases. I am aware that individual extravagance often causes' hardships for the individual, and that individual economy accrues to the advantage of the individual: on the other hand I know that social economy If practiced a few months under the present system would produce a panic. I can imagine of no argument that is more silly than the contention, so often repeated by the Prohibitionist agitator, that it is the money spent by the working class in the saloon that causes pauperism. Miss Francis Willard said, "It is poverty that produces drunkenness, and not drunkenness that produces poverty." Professor Warner, of Stanford University, carried on an Investigation, through the Associated Charities and the Salvation Army, as to the cause of poverty In the United StateB, England and Germany. While it Is true that these organizations are en trades, with all attendant suffering and misery, will be the result of the prohibition movement if the Prohibitionists have their way. "The thousands of brewery workmen who have learned the trade will find themselves without an occupation, and will be thrown out upon the world on an already panic-stricken labor market. "The consummation of the prohibition movement will paralyze the woodworking industry for years, and the wood workers will be left without jobs. Glass-blowing will be an extinct industry. Union cigarmakers will flnd a market of 50 per cent, of their out- largely prejudiced against the liquor | put destroyed. business, still out of 100,000 cases of poverty Investigated by them. Prof. Warner's table shows eleven per cent, due to drink and seventy-five per cent due to misfortune, i. e., economic causes. The working class of the United States produce about ten dollars worth of wealth per capita for each day employed. The average wage per day is less than two dollars. It is not what they spend of this pittance that produces pauperism: it is that part of their total production that they do not get and therefore cannot spend which not only impoverishes the worker but at the same time produces the constantly re-occuring industrial paraly- sis. The wages of the working class are determined by the amount necessary for the worker to keep up the standard of efficiency required of him in that particular country in which he lives and reproduces his kind. Should the working class economize by spending no more money for beer, tobacco or butter, the result would be a fall in wages, exactly equal to the amount thus saved. Several of the Southern states have enacted prohibition laws and abolished the saloons. Georgia, my native state, is one of these. Nowhere on the face of the earth is child life more ruthlessly exploited and the innocents ground into dividends hy the capitalist mills of profit than in these same Prohibition states. Imagine little children by the thousands working twelve hours a day in the vitiated air of the cotton mill for a mere pittance of one dollar and forty cents a week, children between the tender ages of six and eleven, under the benign influence of a prohibition government, and then listen to the hypocritical rant of the Anti-Saloon Leaguer when he tells us that all pauperism and degradation is caused by the saloon. The question of the unemployed ls the greatest problem confronting the world today. The answer the Anti- Saloon League and the Prohibitionists give to the starving unemployed man is "You have nothing to eat and no money, quit drinking, also, and all will be well." Carroll D. Wright, in the "Eighteenth Annual Report of the Commission of Labor," shows -that only one- fourth of one per cent, of all cases of non-employment in the United States is due to intemperance. At the present time we have no less than 3,000,000 of unemployed laborers with a surplus product already accumulated in every industry, and still Mr. Chapin says, "We will employ the brewers and distillers, bartenders and saloon keepers; raisin growers and wine growers in honest industries." He advises the wine growers to convert their vineyards into raisin vineyards. Remember, however, that the raisin growers have from fifteen to twenty thousand tons of raisins on hand that they cannot sell at any price, and what is true of the raisin industry Is true of every other industry in the country. would like to ask Mr. Chapin to name the particular industries ln which he can flnd employment for the one million people now engaged ln the allied liquor business. Samuel Com "The thousands of boxmakerB and coopers who make the millions of boxes and barrels used in the trade will be left destitute, with no relief in Bight, and the thousands of teamsters engaged in hauling these products will flnd their occupation gone, for the blight of prohibition is permanent upon the working man. "The millions of tons of coal consumed in the industry the Prohibitionists seek to destroy gives employment to 10,000 miners, all of whom would be thrown out of work Bhould prohibition succeed. "Brickmakers, masons and builders, machinists, steamfltters, plumbers, gas- fitters, wagon makers, bartenders, cash register makers, and thousands of other workers will flnd that the prohibition panic is the most permanent and far-reaching of all panics so far experienced. The unions will feel it more than any other class." The above quotation from Mr. Gompers gives some idea as to what extent National Prohibition" would affect the problem of the unemployed, and to my mind there is no doubt but tbat the intensification of the problem of the unemployed that national prohibition would produce, would be fully as great as Mr. Gompers predicts. The Prohibitionist has no remedy for this problem nor for the general industrial conditions of overproduction. That the present capitalist society has developed all the productive forces for which there Is room within it, is evinced by the international suspension of industrial activity. Our productive ability is increasing much more rapidly than our consumptive capacity. The statesmanship of this country as well as that of every other country in the world is grappling not with any merely individual or national problem, but with a world problem. Society to-day gives to its producing class, which class constitutes over ninety per cent, of the population, wages enough to purchase and therefore consume, only a fraction of the wealth that it produces. How under such conditions can our consumptive capacity be made to equal our productive ability. Plainly then this problem can be solved only by the working class itself taking possession of the political powers and abolishing exploitation by making all the means of production and distribution which in their nature are social, public property, socially owned and democratically managed. Then and then only will all that is useless and socially injurious disappear, whether in the grog shop or the gospel shop. INCREASIN GINDIGENCE. Dear Mc:—The following appeared in today-s New York Times and confirms the Socialists' repeated statement that the lot of the worker becomes ever and ever worse until he ls on the heap. The writer of it asks, "Wherein does New York City profit by this increase in the Homeless Army?" The question of profit is ever before them. I have heard that there iB a scheme under way where the excrement of the pe5,\\re^^^ lB to be ground down into eration of Labor, which at its last convention went on record as opposed to prohibition, wrote in the Federationist of February as follows: "The brewery Industries and the allied trades have a total Investment of upward of $3,100,000,000. They pay annually state and government license amounting to $27,867,990. In addition tbey annually pay city licenses, real estate and personal property taxes aggregating the enormous total of $84,- 500,000. 'To deprive a million workmen of their personal liberty and an opportunity to earn a livelihood at their chos- Real Estate Investments Large fortunes have been made by judicious investments in real estate and natural resources on this Western Coast and in tho vicinity of Vancouver, owing to the increasing social demand for these things, occasioned by the large influx of population. Larger fortunes will yet be made, but it requires more money than formerly to handle them. Having had considerable experience in handling these propositions, I intend forming a limited liability company for the purpose, and shall be pleased to forward further particulars to any having large or small sums they are not using which may possibly be lying at the bank depreciating in value. W. W. Lefeaux, Broker Hollyfeurn, West Vancoover, B.C. profits and shares are selling readily. There Ib also another proposition where the workers will be Instructed how to consume their own chemicals without indigestion. As we are taught to believe that all good comes from above, this will readily appeal to the majority of the workers. In revolt, , C. McMAHON SMITH. * * *■ The Army of Vagrants. To the Editor of The New York Times: — Is it not obvious that the time has come to try to deal with the problem ot vagrancy in New York City in some consistent and comprehensive manner? Four eventB ln the last week emphasize our present ridiculously ineffective methods of dealing with the vagrancy problem. First, the Commissioner of Public Charities made seriouB complaint at the recent city conference of charities and correction because his hospital helpers, paid from $5 to $10 a month and maintenance, were constantly changing, becoming Intoxicated, being discharged, being replaced, etc. These hospital helpers, of a very low grade of efficiency, are in large measure a part of the floating army of the ineffl- cients and the vagrants in the city. Years ago the hospitals drew their helpers from the penitentiary and the workhouse. Today, according to Ex- Commissioner Hebberd, the same type is employed except that they are at the time of employment free agents instead of prisoners. Secondly, at the Conference on the Reform of Criminal Law, and Procedure, held at Columbia University last week, William M. Ivins graphically described the permanent occupation of Madison Square by the vagrant army, the impossibility of maintaining decency in that park, the presence of chronic rounders and \\drunkards of both sexes, and he even described a vicious assault as nothing at all rare. For years Madison Square has been a resthaven for the inefficient unemployed, although of course not absolutely pre-empted by that class. And what Is true of Madison Square is true of Union Square, of Bryant Park, of City Hall Park, and of many other parks. What gain is there to the city in the continuance of this condition? Other cities have solved the problem of making the vagrants move on in the parks. Why should we hand over the fairest and costliest plots of ground in the center of our city to the least productive members of the community? Third, in the Times of May 15th, the Joint Application Bureau, maintained by the Charity Organization Society and the Society for Improving the Condition of the Poor, is quoted as announcing that there are more vagrants in the city of New York than ever before. The Municipal Lodging House lodged in January, 1911, 24,336 as against 11,252 in January, 1910.' A large proportion of these persons are of the vagrant down-and-out class. In April, 1911, 15,715 persons were lodged In comparison with 7,776 in April, 1910, an increase of over 100 per cent. The citizens of New York probably do not realize that the cost of maintaining one person in the Municipal Lodging House for one night was in 1908 35 cents; in 1909, 44; in 1910, 40. During six months, up to the end of March, 1911, the Joint Application Bureau had 18,000 applications from homeless men as compared with 12,000 in the same length of time ln 1910. Wherein does New York City profit by this increase ln the homeless army? Fourth, a bill was introduced on May 10th in the Assembly providing for a farm and industrial colony for tramps and vagrants and for an inquiry in relation to vagrancy. The bill Indicates that there are vacant State lands in New York State possibly suitable for a farm and industrial colony. If there are, let us know lt quickly. The commission provided for by the bill would receive an appropriation of $10,000, not only to secure options on a site if necesBary, but to study the prol'iem of vagrancy in New York State. Certainly when the State can appropriate millions for barge canals, State roads and the like, $10,000 to study the vagrancy question, which costs the State, according to the State Board of Charities, at least $2,000,000 a year, from which we get no return, ls a sum which should be immediately voted. Why proceed further in this strain? It is obvious even to the unthinking that our vagrancy problem is serious. A generation ago or more Germany sought to fortify itself against the increasing army of vagrants by establishing voluntary and compulsory labor colonies. Many of the German compulsory labor colonies are largely self-supporting and the colonies have reduced vagrancy. Free employment bureaus throughout the German Empire have rendered German labor more mobile. England has recently undertaken to establish free employment bureaus on a large scale. To paraphrase a well-known Latin phrase: How long shall the vagrant army abuse our patience?" In conclusion I suggest two attempts at a solution: United effort to further the present farm colony bill and the appointment of a vagrancy commission, and the calling of a conference in New York City of all the more Important agencies dealing with the vagrancy problem, with the Idea that they shall at least try to "get together" on this problem, instead of dealing with it in a more, or less centrifugal manner and with little relation to each other. O. F. LEWIS. New York, May 16th, 1911. MUST COME TOGETHER. THEY MUST BE BROUGHT TOGETHER,—NO MATTER HOW. They must thoroughly understand that, no matter at what trade or profession they may toll, whether engine driver or section hand, riveter or caulker, clerk or common laborer, miner or mucker, whether skilled or unskilled, so long as they work for wages, their interests are identical. An injury to one is an Injury to all. They must make their slogan, "All for one, and one for all." They must hang together,—or hang separately. Their exploitation is a common one and merely differs ln degree, not in kind. Scoffers may doubt the capacity of the workerB to own and run the industries; but the fact remains that they do run them today, while not owning them,—not yet. From the salaried manager at the top, to the unskilled "hunkie" at the botom, they are workers all, members of the vast working class. The capitalists and their financial manipulators are merely skilled in the noble art of doing the other fellow. If they are capable of running the industries, what is there impossible about them owning them? They may not have the capacity for "high finance"; but with the establishment of Socialism and the passing of capitalism, "high finance" will also pass away. Capitalism is paving the way for its own downfall. It is digging its own grave. The trusts are organizing the various industries and bringing them into a condition ripe for social ownership. Oil trusts, sugar trusts and steel trusts are all performing their useful functions and eliminating wasteful methods of production, though at the cost of much suffering. The small trader, with his duplication of plants, stores and employes, in the same line of business, is being gradually absorbed or eliminated. His "right to live" ls not even considered. The vast industrial plants and departmental stores can produce and sell cheaper than he. The consumer wants the best article obtainable for the lowest price,—so the small trader goes. Bust the trustB? Not yet! The small farmer is also getting his quietus. The capitalist farmer is reaching out with his steam ploughs and modern wholesale methods, cultivating by the mill where the small farmer cultivated by the acre, and pushing him to the wall,—and not a word about compensation. An unemployed army of would-be workers is also developing. With the wolf of starvation panting at the door, and their loved ones in dire distress; or, as it often happens, no door for the wolf to pant at, and a dreary, loveless, wandering life their lot, their murmurings are growing ever louder and mare threatening,—and will not very much longer be denied. TRUSTS and UNEMPLOYED, the twin Cains of capitalism! Opinions differ as to the way Social- Ism may he brought about. Some 57 or so "varieties" of Socialism have been unearthed, but there is only one Socialism, SOCIAL OWNERSHIP, and theBe so-called varieties are merely a difference In method in gaining the same end. They may he united under two headings, POLITICAL ACTION and INDUSTRIAL ACTION. Differing aB these methods do, they are but a difference in .tactics,—and the fittest will survive. There should be no quarrel between the industrial: 1st and the polltlcalist. They should practice a little more mutual aid, for so long as the workers are divided industrially, they are hopeless politically. The crux of the question is class- conscious education,—and organization. It is then "up to" the workers to educate and organize themselves, so that they may be capable of seizing hold of the industries and run them in their own interests, which, there being no classes, will be the Interest of all. GOUROCK. PERCY'S PARS. There is only one brand of Socialism that really ls Socialism. That is the Revolutionary (scientific) Socialism whose sole aim is to abolish all forms of Slavery and establish perfect freedom and equality of opportunity to live, and enjoyment of a full measure of the fruits of this Earth. eae Of two evils—Liberals or Conservative—choose neither. e, * , You must always allow the "EASEMENT" between theory and practice. We have a very fine theory, but Socialism will be what the people make lt, as it will all be done by the voice of the people (plus a little work dally which is hardly worth the mentioning, as lt will merely amount to a digestive—just enough to keep us in health and comfort and plenty). I would not see people kept out of our party until they, knew Socialism from A to Z, but rather that they should get education within the ranks. Each day I see my mistakes of precious days, and if I had not belonged to the party, very likely somebody else might divert my attention and educate me falsely. I would NOT. like the party decentralized and the best brains scattered broadcast but rather that those brains form the educational fort as we have the party at present. I have read many Socialist papers and none keep more to proven fact—tha true education—than our Western Clarion. We may not please some—facts are stubborn things, and often hurt—but why try to dodge facts by hanging on to Ignorance and prejudice and false doctrine? * * * Conceit is the result, in part, of ignorance. Many people who work for their living would not for anything have themselves thought to be members of the great "working class." Oh no! not they. Their noses go up in the air when a working man ln some other line of work passes them, and they pride themselves on voting for the wealthy whom they worship and—incidentally—are the abject slaves of. Their pride and conceit we look on as IGNORANCE and BELLY-CRAWLING to the master class—what all slaves are expected to do by their masters. * * • Each individual who disposes of his labor-power produces the values which reproduce his labor-power, aud as labor-power is a perishable human attribute, each individual l.as to keep on producing his own labor-power each day. The fifth of the values he produces dally go back to him in food, overalls and lodging, and on a declining scale, into the rearing of young peddlers of labor-power, as his parents reared him. Both ends balance up, leaving the Individual producing his own labor-power. If society produced it as some say, Mike Smith's labor- power could go on being produced hundreds of years after Alike Smith were dead. In aggregate, of course, LABOR-POWER is socially produced but it takes all individuals to make aggregates. eee, A worker who disdainB a fellow worker Ib sure to be a very 'umble and obedient* servant, ready at any instant to break his neck ln his endeavors to serve his masters. But the bible tells this kind how great they are; incidentally dividing workers against workers; for does it not say "He that would be greatest among you, let him be your servant." Fellow slave, you have been guided into a slough by following the teachings of that book. Science knocks out the whole works of It. Get out of the slough and tread upon firm ground. a * * It would do a great many Socialists good to read that piece in the Clarion of May 27th, headed "Excerpts From Oscar Wilde." Of course, complete freedom of the individual and absence of government cannot be expected until some time after the Socialists take their hold. We have to bring along "perfection" and never attain to it. I should like to see that piece brought out as a pamphlet by the Dominion Executive. A whole lot of enthusiastic workers for Socialism are really working against it. They need such a pamphlet to read over about a hundred times and digest its meaning and significance. P. R. EDMONTON RESOLUTION. Copy of Resolution re the arrest of the officers of the Structural Steel & Iron WorkerB International Union of America and others in connection with the dynamiting of the building of the Los Angeles Times on October 1, 1910. WHEREAS John J. McNamara, Secretary-Treasurer of the Bridge & Structural Iron Workers Union of America, Jas. McNamara and Ortie McManigal were arrested and hurried out of the State of Indiana to Los Angeles, Cal., to answer to the charge of having dynamited the Los Angeles Times Building on October 1st, 1910; causing the death of twenty men; and WHEREAS the said John J. McNamara and others were taken out of the State of Indiana without due process of law, without even being accorded the prescribed rights of the law, the opportunity to defend themselves; and WHEREAS if the evidence ls as conclusive as the prosecution claims against J. J. McNamara and others; why then did they not give them the opportunity to defend themselves under the extradition proceedings; and WHEREAS it appears to us that this is a repetition of the Haywood, Moyer, and Pettlbone outrage, instigated by organized capital against organized labor for the sole purpose of crushing Trade Unionism and thereby placing organized labor more completely under the power of organized capi'".l. Therefore be it resolved that we, the officers and members of Local No. 1 of Alberta, of the Bricklayers, Masons & Plasterers International Union of America, do hereby emphatically protest against the said kidnapping outrage perpetrated against the members of the Structural Steel & Iron Workers' Association, and be it further RESOLVED that we believe the aforesaid kidnapped victims to be absolutely innocent of the grave charge which hovers over them, we hereby call upon all organized labor throughout the North American continent, to vigorously protest against this outrage and to use their future votes to place men of their own class ln charge of the powers of government, to usher in as soon as possible the Co-operative Commonwealth; and be it further RESOLVED that copies of theBe resolutions be spread upon our minute books and also sent to "The Appeal to Reason," Girard, Kansas. "Cotton's Weekly," "The Western Clarion," "The Bricklayer, Mason and Plasterer," and The Local Daily Papers. Signed on behalf of the above Local, F. BLAKE, JAS. BRERETON, S. STEWART. Resolution Committee."""@en, "Titled The Western Clarion from June 18, 1904 to June 1, 1907; titled Western Clarion thereafter."@en ; edm:hasType "Newspapers"@en ; dcterms:spatial "Vancouver (B.C.)"@en ; dcterms:identifier "Western_Clarion_1911_06_10"@en ; edm:isShownAt "10.14288/1.0318866"@en ; dcterms:language "English"@en ; geo:lat "49.261111"@en ; geo:long "-123.113889"@en ; edm:provider "Vancouver : University of British Columbia Library"@en ; dcterms:publisher "Vancouver, B.C. : The Western Socialist Publishing Co., Limited"@en ; dcterms:rights "Images provided for research and reference use only. Permission to publish, copy, or otherwise use these images must be obtained from the Digitization Centre: http://digitize.library.ubc.ca/"@en ; dcterms:isPartOf "BC Historical Newspapers"@en ; dcterms:source "Original Format: Royal British Columbia Museum. British Columbia Archives."@en ; dcterms:title "Western Clarion"@en ; dcterms:type "Text"@en ; dcterms:description ""@en .