CONTENTdm
UBC Library Digitization Centre Special Projects
Cripps, John Matthew
Notes on ‘Recollections of My Indian Career’ by General JM Cripps, published in 1888 My great grandfather, JM Cripps published the memoirs of his more than fifty year illustrious career in the Bengal Lancers of colonial India during the British Raj where he saw action in Afghanistan, the Battle of the Sutlej (the Sikh War) and the Great Mutiny of 1857, of which he writes some interesting firsthand descriptions. Recollections was published in 1888 as a vanity volume, and he distributed its thirteen (only) leather-bound, gilt-edged copies to close family members. He married Agnes, my great-grandmother and their daughter Grace was born in Peshawar. Agnes was an accomplished watercolourist and documented her travels in India, Suez, Greece, Florence and England with her paintings. Her original watercolours populated the thirteen volumes. Alas, my original book is the only known copy left in existence. I’m told that a poor photocopy exists in a history museum in New Delhi and another in London, but I lack proof thereof. General Cripp’s daughter, Grace married my grandfather, Dr. Harold Stephens, who served as a field surgeon in the Boer War and who rose to Surgeon Commander of the Royal Navy. For his services to Queen Victoria, he was given farmland in Glenora, near Duncan in Vancouver Island which his son, my father Rupert Edward Cripps Stephens inherited. Mountain Valley Farm was stony and off the beaten path, so in 1950, my parents sold it and carved out of a second growth forest the beautiful 40 acre Goldstream Berry Paradise on Vancouver Island where I grew up, reading this book, but mostly fascinated with great-grandmother’s exquisite watercolours within its leather bound gilt-edged pages, sometimes imagining myself as Mowgli, the wolf child of India from the beloved Jungle Book by Rudyard Kipling. I have made many visits to the Indian subcontinent, and in 1969 in Old Delhi, married Ratana—a lovely, principled, astute and educated Indian woman, Ratana, which means ‘jewel’ returned with me to Vancouver and together we have four children and seven grandchildren; together we built a significant social enterprise that employs more than 700 and whose products are sold in over fifty countries. Our son, Arjan, did his undergrad BA history thesis on this very book at Queen’s University in Ontario. We were very pleased when we learned that the University of BC expressed interest in properly copying and documenting this valuable and informative tome for posterity. Arran Stephens
441 pages : illustrations, photographs
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JC*ka3 /?^J — RECOLLECTIONS OF MY INDIAN CAREER. Recollections My Indian Career, LIEUT.-GENERAL J. M. CRIPPS, Bengal Staff Corps. READING : Miss E. Langley, Lovejoys Library. PREFACE. QpjN the following pages the reader must expect nothing ^ beyond a plain and simple account of an Indian career in which some few trials were encountered, but which, I can truly say, was in the whole a contented, and ofttimes a very happy one. The story, as it runs on, has been well embellished by carefully-executed water-colour illustrations, which form its main attractions, being, moreover, all the work of my wife. The book is, of course, intended for my children, near relations, and very intimate friends only; for as opinions are very freely expressed about many persons, any wide circulation might cause unpleasantness, and perhaps hurt the feelings of those who^I have no desire to annoy in any way. Some readers may be of opinion that I might well have left out so full a reference to the domestic arrangements of some of the officers of the CONTENTS. Chapter I.—1839 to 1841. Leave England—Madeira—Soldiers on board : their wives— Woman gagged — Teneriffe—Gale off Cape of Good Hope—Sharks—Mutinous soldiers—Suspicious ship— Wrecked—Mrs. Talbot—Abandon wreck—Native brig— Orgies of soldiers—Theft of water—Scotch barque— Reach Calcutta—Quarters in fort—Hudson's family— Cobra—Court of Enquiry—Cadets' Mess—Start for Berhampore : boat wrecked—Second start—Berhampore— 69th Regiment of Native Infantry—Chota hazrees— Lichees — Dr. O'Dwyer — Lieutenant Hatchell — Drill sergeant—Society—Depots of 26th and 49th Regiments— Moorshedabad—Fireworks—My buggy and mare—Posted to 26th Native Infantry—Journey up country : Allahabad, Cawnpore, Agra, Allygurh—Bishop Wilson—Kurnal— March to Ferozepore—Thieves—Meet Major Broadfoot— Ride on a camel—Captain Cowslade : his practical joking—Ferozepore—Captain Lawrence—Officers of the 26th Native Infantry—My house—Dost Mahomed Khan of Cabul—Wrestling and games—Thieves at Ferozepore— Anecdote of Lawrence—Examination in Native languages —March to Meerut — Duelling — Highway robbers— Flood at Ferozepore—Fire—Dust storms Chapter II.—1841 to 1842. March of the 26th Native Infantry and other regiments to Peshawur—Destruction of the Cabul force—The Punjab : its roads and bridges—General Wyld's defeat at the Khyber Pass—Political officers at Peshawur—Captain Talbot — Severe earthquake — Attack on the Khyber Pass—Soldiers' wives at Kurnal—Capture and death of two Afreedees—First night in the Pass—Gallant conduct of two Sepoys—Second march in the Pass—Plunder of baggage—Attack on Lalpoora—Soldiers drowned—Reach Jellalabad—Defeat of Akbar Khan—Camp at Jellalabad— Sickness—Arrival of traders—High price of stores— Murder of a merchant—The Cabul prisoners—Major Lawrence and Captain Troop — Death of General Elphinstone — Tih Khana— March onwards—Weakness of troops—Sights on road—Fight at Mamoo Khail—My picket attacked—Sent to rear for supplies—Fight at Jugdulluk—Night blindness of Sepoys—Loss of an elephant—Baggage animals killed—Fight at Tezeen— Attack on pickets—Captains Troop and Bygrave— Account of fighting on Haft Kothal—Ferris' Jezailchees— Major Ferris—Khoord Cabul Pass—Arrival at Cabul— Arrival of General Nott's force—Measures for release of prisoners—Old entrenchment—Plundering in city—How prejudice works—Destruction of covered Bazaars — Misconduct of Artillerymen—Plunder carried off by soldiers—Release of English prisoners—Death of Mrs. Lumsden—Dr. Cardew : his gallantry . , Chapter III.—1842 to 1844. Fight at Istalif—Kohistan Valley—Women shot—Force retires from Cabul—Gosfun Durra Pass—Lord EUenborough and the Army of Reserve—Tomb of Bucephalus— Soobedar shot for desertion—Bursting of large guns— Gates of Somnath — Intolerance of Sikhs — General Avatabili—Lord EUenborough—Reception of regiment at Ferozepore—Reward for loyalty—Break-up of camp— March to Loodiana—Good feeling between 9th Queen's and 26th Native Infantry—Ensign Hall robbed—, Loodiana—Riding at races—Passed as interpreter—Sport at Loodiana—Mutinous feeling in some Native regiments —March with 7th Cavalry to Sindh—Mutiny of the regiment—Major Phillips takes command—I leave the regiment—Robbed by my servants—Indian bustard— Return march with the 9th Native Infantry—Canals in Bahawulpoor territory — Dr. Lacon and Lieutenant Chamberlain—Appointed to 9th Cavalry—Theatricals— Bath—Lieutenants Snow and Wyllie—Bella Knowles— Notices of officers of the regiment—Lieutenant Duffin and his wife—System of purchase in Native regiments . . Chapter IV.—1844 to 1846. Military chaplains—Appointed interpreter of my regiment— My pay and horses — March to Kythal — Cholera at Loodiana and in the hills—Visit to Simla—The Misses Watts—Marriages of Whittali and Faithfull—Lieutenant Tombs—Mrs. Tabor—Made a Freemason—Theatricals at Simla—Captain Christie and the 14th Dragoons— Journeys to Simla—Pad elephant—Arab horse stolen— Reports of the Sikh invasion—Monsieur St. Amand— Appointed Assistant Resident at Nepal—Start to join— Meet the Commander- in- Chief's camp — Return to Loodiana—Boxes stolen: small compensation—Rejoin my regiment—Sikhs cross the Sutlej—Report of approach of Sikh Army—Act as aide-de-camp—Fort of Wudni— Prepare for assault—Long and tiring march—Battle of Moodkee — Gallant charge of 3rd Dragoons : their great loss—Retreat of enemy—The body-guard—Roman Catholic priest—Generals killed—Gigantic Sikh soldier and soldiers of 9th—Captain Box—Report my return to Governor-General: his approval—Battle of Ferozshah : strange behaviour of Sikh cavalry—Lord Hardinge and his sons, Charles and Arthur—Sergeant Brazier—March to Subraon—Battle of Subraon—Lieutenant Mackenzie wounded—Gallant conduct of Ghoorkas—10th Queen's— March to Lahore—Start for Nepal: journey—Segowly— Mr. Colvin — Slaughter of Nepal chiefs — Flood at Segowly 109 Chapter V.—1846 to 1849. Segowly—Indigo planters—Manufacture of the dye—Mr. Wyatt: his tiger and menage—Anecdotes of elephants— Mad jackal—Wild boar in garden: narrow escape— Servant injured—Wolves—Character of indigo planters— Join my appointment—Journey through jungle—Kathmandoo and the Residency—Colonel Thoresby—The escort — " Tiger " Smith — Nature of work—Sport at Nepal—A bear hunt—Wild boar—Mad dog—People of Nepal—Jung Bahadur: his house and gardens—Signor Ventura and Mr. Siddons—Thunderstorm—Cholera : superstition of people—Doctor Login: his death— Sacred places—Suttees—Suicide of Native woman— Native officer at Residency—Brahminee bulls—Fakeers— Lord Elphinstone — Monal pheasant — Imports from China—The Halls at Segowly: anecdotes of poultry yard—Shooting in 'the Terai—Sprained wrist—Bettiah and the Rajah — Christian villages—Massive ruins— Tigers and Shikarees—Major Hill—Dak runners— Runaway elephant—Sonepore race meeting—Planters' and other messes—Mr. Tayler—Woodcocks—Ghoorka encampment in Terai—Revolution in Nepal—Capture of XI PAGE the King — Great hunting party — Illness of Jung Bahadur—Return to Nepal—Shooting trip with indigo planters and Captain Apperly 148- Chapter VI.—1849 to 1855. Accident out tiger shooting — Native shot by Captain Apperly—Man-eating tiger—Mr. Yule's story—Colonel Hodgson seized by tiger—Stampede of elephants— Danger of frightened elephants—Transferred to the Punjab—Journey to Lahore—Mr. Cook, Government grantee—Colonel Sleeman at Lucknow—Colonel Martin: his foundations—Posted to Ferozepore—Transferred to Mooltan : journey—Accommodation—Outbreak at gaol— Our office and work—Lieutenant James—Great flood— Meeting between Lord Dalhousie and Nawab of Bahawulpoor—Leave to Simla—Doctor Ebden—Captain Tulloch and Lieutenant Gordon—Journey to Mussourie—Horse carried away in rapid—Major Tritton—Journey back, via Nahun—Dugshai—Soldiers in the hills—The road to Thibet frontier—Game near Simla—Ebden's engagement—Appointed Assistant Commissioner at Simla—How I got my Nepal appointment—My work—Simla society— Lord Dalhousie and Sir Charles Napier—Affair between Mr. Lang and Captain Rose; also between Lang and Macleary—Take leave to Cape of Good Hope—Meet Gussy at Dinapore—My dog "Jumpy"—Arrive at Calcutta—Narrow escape on river—Voyage to Cape— Meet my fate : am married—Picnic—Return to India— Mauritius — Re-posted to Simla — Transferred to Peshawur: account of station—Charlie born —Hill tribes — Assassins — Major Mackeson killed — Night alarm—Notables at Peshawur—Hyder Ali and grand durbar 193 Chapter VII.—1855 to 18 At Murdan (Eusufzai)—Captain Hodson: his work and downfall—Mrs. Hodson—Life at Murdan—Danger to frontier officers—Captain James' escape—Major Adams killed-7ySickness at Peshawur—Examination of civil officers—Bristow and his hot temper: results of such— Indian valets—My pay at Peshawur—Horses—Robberies by hill-men — Dangers outside cantonments — Earthquakes—Captain James and chota hazree—Peshawur Mission—Mr. Pfander—Colonel Martin and Native preacher—Outbreak at gaol—Escape of prisoners— Appointed to Ferozepore district—Escorts for civil officers in Eusufzai—Fever on road—Description of work of Deputy Commissioner—Agnes and children to Simla—Pay at Ferozepore—Agnes' horse falls over precipice : narrow escape—Cholera at Ferozepore— Nawab of Mumdot—Attack on Lieutenant Thompson— Transferred to Goojranwala: house there, and garden— Narrow escape from explosion—Bishop of Madras— Agnes to Meean Meer—News of mutinies at Delhi and Meerut—Raise a levy—Captain Chalmers—Grace born at Meean Meer—John "Lawrence at my house— Mutiny at Jhelum; also at Sealkote: proceed there with Major Lawrence—Conduct of troops at Sealkote— Colonel Farquharson—Trial of mutineers—Search for treasure in Goojranwala district—Wolves—Camp at Shaikhpoora—My sister Sophia and Carry Blackburn— Mr. Blackall: his doings, or rather misdoings—My salary—Miss Graham—Charlie's death—26th Regiment destroyed Chapter VIII—1857 to 18 The neck of the Mutiny broken—Delhi in our hands— Feeling amongst the people—Improvements in Ferozepore ; also in society—Duelling in old times—48th Native Infantry: three officers dismissed—My pistols— Acting as Duffin's friend—Hocking and his shooting— Gussy and Carry married—Mahomed Sooltan: his opinions on morality of English people—Agnes to Simla—Camp life—Supply of carts for siege train at Delhi—Panic at Ferozepore—Robbery of treasure by English soldiers—Sir John Lawrence in district, and anecdotes of him, Sir Herbert Edwardes, and Major Nicholson — Sir John's quarrel with Sir Henry — Harsh proceedings of officials to natives — Settling compensation claims — Lord Canning's durbar at Lahore — Alfred born—Mr. Temple—Disaffection of English soldiers—Take furlough to England—Voyage home—Sir James Outram—Disobliging captain—Discomforts at Cairo hotel—Wild spirits of children— Arrival at Stone—Gussy's arrival—Leave children and return to India—Flirtations on board ship—Young married lady given to drink—Return to Ferozepore— Sir Robert Montgomery passes through district—Some account of him—Arthur's birth — Writing for the papers — Cholera at Ferozepore and Meean Meer— Lionel born—Transfer to Goorgaon district—City of Delhi—The Kootub—Campaign against the Bonair tribes—Akhoond of Swat—Description of Goorgaon, and its state during the Mutiny — Snakes very numerous Chapter IX.—1864 to 1871. Defalcation in treasure chest—Mr. Bulman—Sentence on agent — Money: how appropriated—Bath - house and garden—Capture of leopard and white crow—Gussy us a visit: dies at Morar—Schools at Goorgaon— Meteoric stones—Talk with Native schoolmaster about Missionaries: their success in education, but failure in converting — Inefficiency of converts — Tofuzzal Hossain: his religious opinions—The salt customs and salt manufacture—Rest houses—Old tombs— Sonah sulphur springs—Doctor and Mrs. Turton— Bishop Cotton visits Goorgaon—Our visit to Mussourie— Godfrey born—Carry and her husband stay with us— Temple to goddess Debee near Goorgaon—Offerings at temple—Rewaree dispensary, and tale of superstition— Meenas : their doings—Colonel Hervey and his Thugs— Calcutta detective story—My sheristidars at Goorgaon— Opinion of Native officials generally—Sent to Kussowlie as additional Commissioner—Colonel Reynell Taylor, the " Bayard of the Punjab": his dilatory style of work—Durbar at Agra—Captain B. and his wife— Cremation at Kussowlie—Outbreak of cholera on railway line—Sir Donald Macleod visits the district—Cholera at Goorgaon — Hurdwar fair — Quarantine—Fakeers, and anecdotes of them—Wagentrieber and his wife: their escape from Delhi in the mutiny—Civil appeals— Officiate as Commissioner of Delhi—Sent to Umballa to clear off arrears of work—Appointed Commissioner at Mooltan: my work there—Arthur and Lionel go to Carry at Kangra—Climate of Mooltan—Arthur and Lionel join us—Crows in the garden, and their pranks— Reginald born—General Van Cortlandt: his career— The Makdoom or high priest—Bishop Milman visits us—Carry and her husband come to Mooltan—I take XV page furlough to England—Kurrachee—Voyage to Bombay and home, via Egypt—Behaviour of English officers at Cairo—Our native servants, and their treatment on board ship—Life at Cheltenham—Return to India with Reginald: Children left with Mrs. Presgrave .... 342 Chapter X.—1871 to 1878. Return to India: take Reginald with us—Stay at Alexandria— Cairo and Suez— Museum at Boulak—Old tomb at Ghiza— Khedive's palaces at Cairo and elsewhere—Oppressive rule—Egyptian troops—Mr. Rogers, the consul—American general officer—Chief criminals at Cairo—Bazaar—Suez: its healthiness—Appointed to Jullundur Division; then to Goordaspore ; then Umritsur—111 with asthma—Take leave and stay with Carry at Jhelum — Nominated to Cashmere: not confirmed by Viceroy—Sent to Peshawur as additional Commissioner—Superior barrack accommodation—Difficulty in getting evidence—Pride of Puthans—Lord Mayo assassinated—Police and their doings—Abbotabad—Build a wooden house at Cherat— Agnes and Reginald reside there: measures for their safety—Robbery at Colonel Draper's and other places— Mr. Adams, the chaplain—Cholera—Amusements— Gardens—Bishop Milman—"Cripps' Gunge"—Mission school—Superstition of Natives—The holy fakeer at Rohilkund — Miraculous bridge over Ram Gunga— Young woman carried off by hill-men—Tribes blockaded—Panic at Delhi in 1866—Strange story of a sergeant in 1857—Transferred to Jullundur Division— Reginald scalded on arm—At Dalhousie—My mother's death—Badminton in large room—Strong family tie amongst natives of India—Honesty of hill people—We leave for England with Reginald—Rough voyage between XVI Alexandria and Brindisi—Journey through Italy and France, via Naples, Rome, Florence, Venice, Milan, Turin, Geneva, Paris—Two years in England—Return to India with Emily and Grace—Life at Rawul Pindi— Turkish envoy—Sir Lewis Pelly—Visit Cashmere—Retire on Colonel's allowances — Take house at Reading — Distribution of children—Some account of my boyhood— On religious sympathies and politics 393 RECOLLECTIONS OF MY INDIAN CAREER. Chaptee I. 1839-40-41. | LEFT England in the "Duke of Buccleugh" (of about 1000 tons), belonging to Messrs. ~Mi^3v^ Green & Co., of Blackwall, on the 20th October, 1839. The port of departure being Gravesend, my age being then sixteen years and five months, all but eleven days. There were a good number of passengers for Calcutta, and 100 recruits for the East India Company's Infantry, under the command of Captain Talbot. We touched at Funchal (Madeira), and with several other passengers I visited the convent high up on the hill, and the orange gardens, into one of which we trespassed without leave from the proprietor, who came forward, however, in a very courteous manner and begged us to take our fill. The city was very dirty, and so were the inhabitants. One of our lady passengers, about eighteen years of age, and very pretty, was landed here for change of climate, being in a rapid consumption. I shared a cabin at first with Simeon, a cavalry cadet, but as we both had swing cots, which took up too much room, he went into a cabin with Fred. Hudson, and a young man named Bateman, with his standing cot, shared mine for the rest of the voyage. The commandant of the recruits had but little force of character, and could not rule either his men or his very pretty young wife, who was certainly rather wilful, though all the young men*1 thought her an angel. The soldiers were often mutinous and otherwise troublesome during the voyage, fighting amongst themselves, and defying their non-commissioned officers, who were also a rather incapable lot. The few wives of the soldiers were, with one exception, disreputable; and one who got very drunk on shore at Madeira was so violent, when returning in the boat, as to necessitate her being hauled on board by a rope fastened under her arms. A sergeant in the same boat also became very violent from drink, and, stripping off all his clothes, tried to swim to shore. Most of the passengers who landed at Madeira bought jams and artificial flowers from the nuns, who were a precious ugly set of middle-aged women. I must mention that another soldier's wife was so drunk, and used such foul language, that by the ropes, in which state she remained prostrate on the mid-deck for some hours until quite sober and conquered to an extent that, for the remainder of the voyage, she behaved herself quite decently. The currents and contrary winds took the ship in rather dangerous proximity to Teneriffe, and whilst off that island she pitched to such an extent as to break off the flying-jib boom and top-gallant mast, which the old experienced commander (Norman Macleod) said was a thing quite unprecedented to his knowledge. We were also driven out of our course off the Cape of Good Hope, and lay-to for three days in a very heavy gale, which raised mountainous waves such as can only be seen in these latitudes. I cannot say that I was much frightened at the heavy rolling and pitching of the ship, as I had always liked the sea, and, being a good sailor, could appreciate the grandeur of a mighty storm. On the third day the captain, fearing that the vessel might be over-strained, determined to scud before the gale, which had somewhat abated; and, with very little sail set, we certainly did plough the sea in glorious style. For some time from the date of our departure things went on in no particular exceptional way on board, and there were the customary events of a calm or two near the line, and the capture of a couple of good-sized sharks, the flesh of one having been found quite palatable when broiled. On crossing the line Neptune was not allowed on board, but the sailors were satisfied with the passenger's coin. These passengers were all of the ordinary type— my cabin chum being exceedingly quiet. The recruits gave some trouble, as they got at some chests of firearms, with the intention, it was supposed, of rising against the officers and passengers, and taking possession of the ship. Two of them appeared at deck parade one day with a death's head and cross-bones embroidered on their caps. These men were at once placed in irons, and muskets and cutlasses were placed conveniently near the captain's cabin, to be available on an emergency. Nothing more, however, occurred of a startling kind, except that a very fast-sailing brig overhauled us after rounding the Cape, and kept near us for several hours and then dropped astern, although quite capable of outsailing us at any moment. The captain thought she meant mischief, and the soldiers were made to appear at the bulwarks in their uniform. All went well with us up to the Bay of Bengal, when, on a fine night under a moderate and favourable breeze, the ship struck on a sand-bank off Point Palmyras, and was totally wrecked; all the blame being laid to the chronometers which, it was supposed, had got damaged from the heavy pitching off Teneriffe. The choice lay between oss neglect and faulty chronometers, as we were nearly 90 miles out of our reckoning and to the west of our true course. The captain lost his head, and the preparations for leaving the ship were mainly made under the directions of Mr. Bird, the chief officer, who proved himself a brave and energetic man, and by his orders the foremast and the mainmast were cut away to relieve the ship, which lay over on her beam-ends, rolling occasionally very heavily in the surf, and, though the weather was mild, she bumped a good deal. All the boats were lowered and partially provisioned with biscuits and water, but on this head much neglect was shewn. A raft was also constructed during the night for the soldiers, as the boats would only suffice for the passengers and crew. All the passengers behaved well but Mrs. Talbot, and she besought the captain to place her in a boat at once, "as if anything inopportune happened, her blood would be on his head." It was with much difficulty he convinced her that the danger 7 was distant, and that if anyone was thus put prematurely into the boats the soldiers and their wives might become excited, and great confusion be caused. Mrs. Talbot was all the time standing on the poop in rather scant clothing, having evidently been in bed when the ship struck, so her appearance to the young men was highly interesting, and some of the middies expressed their opinion that it was well worth being shipwrecked to see Mrs. Talbot in her night dress, and her hair down. When the vessel first struck I was in the saloon looking at the pictures in one of Dickens' works, and the shock threw me flat on the table, and so violent was the bumping that after visiting my cabin to secure my money and letters of credit, with other papers, I found that the door would not shut by nearly an inch. At the request of the captain I went down the hold with another passenger to assist in handing up some bags of biscuit, as the soldiers had turned sulky and refused to assist. Minute guns were fired during the night, with the hope of bringing down some of the native craft, which the officers said traded with Juggurnath and other places for salt. All being ready, at early morning the soldiers were ordered to the raft, and the passengers and soldiers' wives were lowered into the boats. The sailors, however, who were appointed to manage the raft deserted it for the boats, and thus left the soldiers to their own devices, when luckily for them the wind drifted the raft back to the ship, on which they all sought protection. The long boat, in which I was seated, was very low in the water, but the first officer, who was in the cutter, made sail in hopes of cutting off a native brig, which he succeeded in doing after a few hours, and we all went on board her, keeping near the wrecked ship to take off the soldiers next morning. The officers of the ship who were deputed for this purpose found the majority of the men intoxicated, from indulgence in all the best wines of the steward's store-room, having also taken their fill of the hermetically-sealed provisions. The boxes of the passengers had also been broken into and most of the jewellery of the ladies appropriated by the worst of the men, who were quickly made to disgorge their plunder. 9 In their wild orgies they had dressed up the stumps of the masts in the finest dresses and shawls of Mrs. Talbot, and one man had jumped overboard, after putting on the full dress cavalry uniform of Simeon. It was supposed that the weight of the accoutrements had drowned him, as he never appeared on the surface again, though a fair swimmer. The native craft was in ballast and bound for the Madras coast, her provisions consisting of rice and a few casks of fresh water; and, our supplies being very short, each person on board received only three ship's biscuits per day and a pint-and-a-half of water, which was indeed short commons for the sturdy sailors and recruits. Some of the men had been base enough to steal an extra supply of water, so the passengers had to take their turn of sentry duty over the casks with loaded pistols. In four days the shaky old brig made only four miles towards Calcutta, but on the fifth we luckily sighted a Scotch barque bound to Calcutta from Glasgow, which was also out of her course. The captain willingly took us all on board, and in two days we reached Calcutta (15th of 10 February, 1840), where we presented the skipper of the barque with a silver snuff-box as some return for his kindness, he being against receiving any remuneration in cash. It was late in the evening when we landed, all being destitute of baggage, as nothing had been saved beyond the clothes we stood in, and, strange to say, my regimental sword, which some sailor had thrown into the boat. Simeon and I failed to get accommodation at the two hotels we visited; perhaps, from our seedy appearance, or perhaps, as alleged, from scarcity of room. The butcher of the ship, however, came to our aid with his proffer of service, and accompanied us to a keeper of livery stables who behaved in a most hospitable manner; providing us with an excellent supper and a couple of couches which would, doubtless, have been very comfortable as beds, but for the swarms of mosquitoes which attacked us most mercilessly. After a good breakfast with our host a buggy was lent us, in which we proceeded to the Fort Adjutant's quarters in the large fort to report our arrival, and be allotted rooms in the cadets' range 11 of buildings. These we found very spacious, and native vendors of bedsteads, clothing, &c, &c, soon besieged us with their wares and soft, oily speeches. Fred. Hudson, a fellow passenger and a little older than myself, soon called at the quarters, and easily persuaded me to become a guest at his father's house at Garden Eeach, on the river bank, and about three miles from Calcutta. Besides Fred, there were his father (a lawyer), two grown-up brothers, and a sister about seventeen, as also his mother and some smaller fry. My days were passed very pleasantly, and the change to this pretty country seat from the dull old fort was most delightful. Nothing worthy of note occurred during my stay, except the death of a servant in charge of the poultry, who had been bitten by a cobra. The snake had bitten a fowl, and the man when attempting to save it had been likewise struck by the snake. Ammonia, I remember, was given and other means taken, but he gradually sank into a state of torpor and died in a few hours. Ammonia taken inwardly and applied outwardly does, at times, seem to affect cures, but it is 13 food, and one evening when he appeared in the mess room just as the covers had been removed, each cadet took up some article of food from the dishes, and all these were sent flying at the khansamah's head—viz., legs of mutton, cutlets, potatoes, cabbages, rolls—which caused his speedy flight; and the advent of the Fort Adjutant, who afterwards put in an appearance daily at mess, as was his duty. A cadet named Bristow, who had come out rather late in life (being just 22), asked me to join him in a journey by boat to Berhampore, to which station both of us had been ordered to proceed after being about three months at the presidency town; and most gladly did we start to join the 69th Regiment of Native Infantry in a large boat called a budgerow; but we had not got as far as Barrackpore (a day's journey), when about noon the boatmen raised a cry that the craft was sinking, and thus I had a second escape from drowning by wreck, for we had hardly navigated the boat to a sandbank conveniently near at hand, when it filled, and obliged us to take protection in two small row-boats (dingies), in which having placed our boxes, we returned to 14 Calcutta, and made the owner of the budgerow refund the advance of rupees to his intense disgust. In a day or two we had arranged for a better class of boat, and again made a start for Berhampore, which we reached in a few days without any adventures worthy of record, beyond our having fired at some tame buffaloes on the banks of the river, from Bristow's assurance of their being wild ones. At Berhampore I commenced my military life, taking up my quarters with an ensign named Nesbitt, with whom I had been at school at Edmonton. With him I chummed for a short time, till more suitable quarters were found with a Lieutenant Stephen, the acting interpreter and quarter-master of the 69th, by whose advice I commenced the study of the native languages; * and to whom I must always feel deeply indebted for his kindness and good example. The officers of the regiment were an agreeable set, and Colonel Norton, the commandant, was a very quiet-going, nearly worn-out old man, quite of the typical style of Indian officer, wedded to his hookah and chota hazree meetings. These chota hazree 15 (or small breakfast) meetings are quite an Indian institution, adding much to the sociability of cantonment life. They come off sometimes in a mess verandah, or under a clump of trees in a mess compound, or perhaps at some private house, but always in the open air, and immediately after the early morning ride or drive, and with officers in the parade season just after the morning military display. As a rule these meetings are not open to ladies, though at times they are, and at Ferozepore I can remember seeing both sexes at the house of the brigade major once or twice a week at early morning. At Berhampore some very enjoyable chota hazrees came off at the house of Mr. Bashford, a silk merchant, and as there were some very fine lichi trees in the grounds, we used to indulge largely in that very delicious fruit, which can only be found in perfection hi Lower Bengal. I have tasted specimens of it in England, which I believe had been imported from the West Indies, but they were dry and insipid. One of the pleasantest officers in the 69th Native Infantry was the doctor (O'Dwyer), who was 16 quite a character, and I met him afterwards with the 7th Cavalry. He had a fund of Irish humour of the right sort, and was kind-hearted almost to a fault. Owing to an accident when hog hunting, he was lame with one leg. It happened that when he and some other officers were in full chase after a large boar and O'Dwyer just in the act of using his spear, his horse fell in some very broken ground, and when the doctor came to his senses, he was lying in some boulders with the spear through his thigh; and it was supposed that in falling the hind hoof of the horse had struck the spear with great violence right through the leg, just as man and horse reached the ground. The adjutant (Lieutenant Hatchell) was good tempered and very fond of his work; occasionally indulging in quiet jokes, which pleased the youngsters much. The drill sergeant, who was an old soldier of the company's army, used to amuse us very much by his barrack-yard stories; and when the adjutant was out of sight—or gather of hearing—we used to persuade him to allow us to stand at ease whilst 17 he told most absurd tales about young and old soldiers he had come across, and I only wish I could remember some of them. Hatchell one day turned the laugh against a young officer of a rather priggish disposition, who on being asked to take a cigar, replied " that he never smoked," on which Hatchell said, " what a lucky fellow you are, and how I envy you." " Yes," said young prig in a drawling tone, "I always understood that it was a very bad habit." "Pray," said Hatchell, "don't mistake me so, for I meant that you had such a pleasure to come when you take to the fascinating weed;" for Hatchell was a most inveterate smoker, and hardly ever had a cigar from his mouth, except when eating or sleeping. The society of Berhampore consisted of the officers of the regiment, the civil judge, magistrate, and assistants, with a few silk merchants. There were also the depots of the two English regiments, 26th and 49th, that had gone to China, so that there were probably more than 400 women left in the barracks with a few married sergeants, who utterly failed to keep them in any order, as seen by their disorderly conduct and facility of procuring liquor. 18 When at Berhampore I had my likeness taken in water colours by a very good French, artist, who was seeking his fortunes in the East. It was thought a success, and I put it carefully away in a large drawer for next mail day, but in the interval the white ants had got at it, and destroyed most of the countenance. I witnessed the great festival, called the " Bera," at Moorshedabad, a few miles distant, the place of residence of the Nawab Nazim. The display consisted mainly of fireworks on board of very large barges floating down the Ganges, as well as fireworks on the opposite bank of the river, in front of the large and stately palace. A ball and supper were also given by the Nawab in his palace, which was. furnished in the best European stylfc.... Fireworks and all were on a very grand scale, and I was greatly impressed by the fine display of Oriental festivities. The ivory work of Moorshedabad is much prized, and most deservedly so, as it is cheap and very good of its kind. The manufacture of silk goods is also great, as the climate is well suited for the worms.. 19 It was at Berhampore that I first enjoyed a sleep on the cool mats, called "seetul patee," which are very generally used by European gentlemen and natives in easy circumstances during the hot weather. Our chief amusements were billiards, and shooting snipe in the swampy grounds near the station. The only large game were pigs, after which the sportsmen rode with spears. All was good feeling and frank cordiality at the mess and library of the regiment, so that time passed very pleasantly, though the ladies were few in number. Nesbitt and I became joint-owners of a buggy and rather stylish-looking mare, which was certainly one of the fastest trotters I ever sat behind, though rather difficult to drive from her fiery disposition. She once succeeded in running off with us, but nothing happened beyond our being carried up to the door of our quarters at racing speed. We managed to sell the turn-out at a fair price when I was leaving the station. At the commencement of the cold weather of 1840 I was appointed to the 26th Regiment of Native Infantry at Ferozepore as junior ensign, I 20 and before joining I went with Lieutenant Stephen (each in a small country boat) to Calcutta for a few days, and started from that place in a steamer for Allahabad, where with Bristow, Phillimore, and Firth (all ensigns), I put up at some vacant quarters in the fort, without obtaining any permission from the authorities, who, however, kindly overlooked the omission, on plea of griffinage. I had an introductory letter to Mr. Montgomery, the Collector of the district, who afterwards became Lieutenant-Governor of the Punjab ; but he was away in camp, and a relative of his (Captain Staples) made a kind offer of service, and entertained me most hospitably at his mess. Mr. Montgomery had also placed his house and servants at my disposal. We all purchased horses or ponies for the march to Cawnpore, and were assisted in this by a jockey, who had come up with us in the steamer to ride some races then on the tapis. I became the possessor of a grey galloway, which turned out to be a most vicious animal, though sound and strong. His behaviour made me a better rider, but caused me much trouble. I cannot, however, say that the others were very much better—and the 21 doings of these animals most certainly enlivened much our journey to Cawnpore, which was made by the regular stages, shelter being afforded by the dak bungalows at every twelfth or fourteenth mile. Our morning rides were very enjoyable, but at Cawnpore we parted company and I went by palanquin dak to Agra, where I was entertained by Mr. Thomason (the Secretary to the Governor of the North-West Provinces and afterwards Lieutenant-Governor). Under his guidance I saw all the wonderful buildings — Taj Mahul, Motee Musjid, Secundra Gardens, with Tomb of Akbar, and several others, besides the large Orphan Institution at Secundra, giving shelter, food, and education to the native orphans (girls and boys) who were saved during the great famine of 1838 by the missionaries and the government. From Agra I went on by dak gharee, or rather palanquin on a truck, to Allyghar, and was put up by Mr. Morrison, the judge, who had also Bishop Wilson staying at the house. It was at dinner-time that an express arrived, telling of the surrender of Dost Mahommed Khan, 22 the ex-ruler of Cabul, on which the Bishop immediately knelt down, and with him all the diners, and returned thanks for this favourable ending of the war; at which I was certainly not much edified, nor, apparently, anyone else, as the Bishop's style was not only very eccentric but seemed very self-satisfied — at least, to my ideas, but then, I may have been mistaken. To Kurnal I also travelled by dak gharree, and was hospitably put up by Lieutenant Pownall, of the 39th Native Infantry, with whom I found Firth, who had been posted to that regiment. The station was a large one, with two English regiments of foot, one of cavalry, besides artillery, and three or four native regiments. I bought a large single-pole tent, and my horse having arrived from Cawnpore, a speedy start was made for my destination (Ferozepore), and by using the outer fly and walls as a second tent, the stages were arranged for comfortably. • My boxes (camel trunks) and bed and bedding were carried on one camel, and my tent, cooking apparatus, and servant's baggage on two more. The march was pleasant enough, and some little excitement was caused by attempts of robbery at 23 night-time; the line of road between Kurnal and Umballa, and even onwards, not being considered safe, it was usual to give officers a military guard of a native corporal and four sepoys, of which I neglected to avail myself, as men were scarce and the general said I should have to wait for some days, which arrangement did not suit my books. A thief managed to get inside my tent one night and actually passed his hand over my face, but he was quickly out of the tent when he found I was awake, and had sprung out of bed. I had also a very wakeful night at Umballa, watching for thieves with my gun by my side loaded with shot, and outside the tent my bearer said he saw them crawling on the ground towards the tent, but I had not his cat-like eyes, so failed to get a shot. Loodiana was soon reached, and at the encamping ground I fell in with Captain Broadfoot (afterwards the distinguished political officer at Umballa), who was taking up to Cabul a newly- raised regiment of native sappers and miners. He invited me to dine, and I then heard that the 26th Regiment had received orders to march at once for Cabul. At the same time he offered iff 24 me a camel on which I might ride at once to Ferozepore—distant 75 miles ! !—which offer I accepted, as it would be most inconvenient to reach Ferozepore after the departure of the regiment. The camel was brought out properly saddled after dinner, and looked a very fine specimen, so his regular attendant and I, having bound cloths round our loins, speedily mounted, reaching Ferozepore very late next morning after a very tiring ride for me, though apparently quite unfelt by the trained native, who, I may say, held the reins. One short halt in the middle of the night had been made for refreshments for men and beast. A very long and interesting journey of fully 1,200 miles had thus been completed, and I had doubtless acquired much extra power of self-reliance. In former times it had been the custom for the cadets to remain at Calcutta till forty or fifty were collected, and they were then placed under charge of an experienced captain or major, who went with them in a fleet of country boats up the Ganges, dropping them at their several stations. 25 An amusing story is told of a large party of cadets who journeyed thus up country under charge of a Captain Cowslade, a great practical joker, who, when the fleet of boats approached Allahabad, appeared one morning with his head clean shaven, at which the cadets expressed their astonishment, but were told that by the rules of the service all would have to do the same before presenting themselves to the General of Division that afternoon. The barber was therefore called up, and in a short time all the cadets made their appearance in full uniform with shaved heads, and after the boats had anchored, were duly marshalled by Captain Cowslade and. marched to the general's house; on reaching which, the captain took a neat wig from his breast pocket and neatly adjusted the same before entering the reception room. The general was, of course, taken aback, but said nothing, and the story soon circulated throughout India. It was this officer who, when challenged to a duel by a young prig of an ensign for some fancied insult, recommended the challenger not to have seconds, as the quarrel being so serious a one it was essential that one should remain on the ground, making believe that the combat must be a mortal I 26 one. Cowslade therefore, providing the pistols, drove the ensign in his buggy to the ground, about five miles from cantonments, and on a very warm morning. The ensign jumped out, but not so Captain Cowslade, who at once turned the horse and drove quickly off to cantonments, which the tired and foolish ensign reached about two hours afterwards, and was well jeered at by his brother officers. I put up with Captain Lawrence at Ferozepore, who was assistant political agent, and had been asked by Mr. Thomason to receive me. This was the Henry Lawrence who afterwards became so distinguished. I was not then much taken with him, as he seemed very sharp tempered, and had a bad habit of annoying himself about trifles, perhaps, owing to poor health, as he looked very delicate. At times he lived in the old fort in the city, which he was then repairing, and at times in a large house in the cantonment. Mrs. Lawrence looked very delicate, and their little boy was a very weakly specimen of humanity. What chiefly struck me was Lawrence's energy, intensified, however, to an extent bordering on what might be styled fussy. In conversation he showed 27 a great knowledge of Indian history and Indian subjects, and was evidently much interested in the people, though I should never have put him down as a man of great talent or one likely to gain the respect or love of the natives, who appeared to stand rather in awe of his hot temper; his body was much too spare, and his face had a worn look. The natives of India have a great respect for energy of character, but they like to see it accompanied by a composed and dignified manner, both entirely wanting in Henry Lawrence. He was very kind to me, and I saw that in after years, when he rose to high position, his manners had greatly improved. The Government having determined that a wing of the 5th Native Infantry would suffice for the convoy to Cabul, the march of my regiment was countermanded, and the carriage discharged, much to our disgust, though had we gone the regiment would have been amongst the number of those slaughtered in the Affghan outbreak. I found my brother officers an agreeable set of men; though four of them, and those amongst the seniors, had contracted marriages (native fashion) with women of the country, as was then so very much the 28 custom. Major Huish, the commanding officer, was a married man, and so were Captains Gahan and Taylor, and Lieutenant Duffin, the last being Quartermaster and Interpreter. I managed to buy a very small house in the corner of a compound for 450 rupees, the rooms consisting of two, and a verandah to the front. It was here that I continued my Hindustani studies during the hot season. The building had originally been intended for stabling, but was used as a dwelling-place by the officer who had got the grant of land, who had intended building a good house in the centre of the compound, which however never advanced beyond the foundation stage until after the departure of my regiment, and the advent of a new owner. Houses were very scarce, and many of the officers had to build. None of the roads had been metalled, as the station was .a new one, so the dust lay pretty deep throughout the dry season; wheeled conveyances also being at a premium, most of the officers and their wives preferring to ride. There were three other regiments of Native Infantry and two of Cavalry, as well as some Artillery. 29 Dost Mahomed Khan, ex-ruler of Cabul, arrived this year as a prisoner on his way to Calcutta; and General Elphinstone, then on his way to Cabul, gave him a parade of the garrison. The Dost was a very striking-looking person of tallish robust figure and a long, thick grey beard, keen looking eyes, and aquiline nose. The games of the irregular Cavalry pleased him much, which is no wonder, as they greatly excelled in taking up tent-pegs with their spears when at full speed; also in lifting balls of wool stuck on upright sticks; this latter feat being the more difficult one, as it requires a very steady hand and true One of the amusements of the officers of my regiment was in witnessing the wrestling of the sepoys of their respective companies, for whom they erected sheds in their private grounds, also in seeing their single-stick play, which was very good. Quoits was a game we all took to, but cricket could only be played in the cold season, viz., from Novemder to April. A very good billiard table was set up in the mess house, and some officers kept greyhounds, with which we chased 30 jackals and wolves which abounded near the station, though for the wolves it was necessary to have some good bull terrier dogs to tackle the game when overtaken and brought to bay by the greyhounds. Thieves were very plentiful, even to an extent necessitating a military guard at each officer's house during the nights; though even with such precaution the scoundrels made a great harvest oh dark nights, stealing guns, pistols, and small articles of jewellery from under the very noses oi the sentries; and it thus happened that we found dogs the better watchmen, and a large bull terrier I had was a very savage animal, though docile enough with me. Articles of food, fowls, &c, were very cheap, and I have seen sixteen fair-sized chicken bought for a rupee (two shillings), as well as gram for the horses, two maunds or 1601bs. for a rupee. Any little anecdote of so celebrated a man as Sir H. Lawrence is of course interesting, and in those days he was known to be very careless not only in his apparel, but also in his domestic arrangements, and his clever wife was quite as 1bad. 31 I can remember dining at his table with a number of other guests when it was suddenly discovered in the midst of the feasting that there was no wine or beer in the house, the latter beverage being generally the liquor most drunk in those days. The deficiency however was soon supplied from the stores of a kind neighbour, though it caused a good deal of amusement in the station. In dress Sir H. was particularly slovenly, and his wife, though said to be extremely well read in history and classic lore, was one of the worst housekeepers I ever saw. By November, 1841, I deemed myself sufficiently advanced in Hindustani and Persian to dare to face the Board of Examiners at Meerutt, who however were cruel enough to spin me for incompetency in the viva voce test, though as far as the books and translations were concerned I had satisfied them. The journey to Meerutt was made by the regular stages in tents, and was a most agreeable change from the monotony of cantonment life; and from Kurnal I had the company of Firth, as also of Lieutenant Tulloh and Sherwill, and 32 all having guns our days were enlivened by partridge and quail shooting, with occasional shots at hares and snipe. No large game was to be found in that civilized part of the country. Sherwill was a Sandemanian, and followed the Jewish and Mahomedan custom of cutting the throats of all the birds or beasts he shot. At Ferozepore in 1841 a duel was fought between Captain Thomas, of the 64th Regiment Native Infantry, and Captain Bailey of the same corps, the latter being hit badly through one thigh, and crippled for life with a withered leg. The seconds were Lieutenant Duffin of my regiment and Captain Corsar of the 64th, and the quarrel was about opening an official letter addressed to the officer commanding 2nd Company in an unauthorized manner by one of the duellists, a trifling matter which might have been amicably settled but for the very bad feeling existing between the seconds as well as principals. The youngsters however thought it a very plucky affair, as both the officers smoked their cigars throughout whilst preliminaries were being arranged hy the seconds, and when shots were exchanged. In those days duelling was very common, as were also deep drinking and uproarious singing at the 33 messes, pourtraying the delights of wine, and other dangerous enjoyments. In such matters there have been vast changes for the better during the past forty years, chiefly through the great increase of marriages, as also the improved means of communication with England, by which home associations are kept alive and eligible wives also found. When writing on communications, I may mention that the road by which I travelled from Ferozepore to Meerutt was unmetalled as far as Kurnal, which was about twenty stages, and there were no fixed encamping grounds or supply stores as now found, so it was customary to encamp near a village and get a watchman at night from the head man for a suitable remuneration. The robberies on the highway were far too frequent, and when I passed down I saw a body of a robber hanging in chains about twelve miles from Ferozepore, close to the road on the scene of an attack on a Lieutenant Anderson, who had been badly wounded by a spear and cleared out of his property. Umballa had not then been made a station for troops, our frontier posts being Loodiana and Ferozepore. In 1841 there was a very heavy fall of rain 34 at the latter station, flooding all the northern portion to an extent which caused the downfall of some of the houses of the officers of the 30th Regiment Native Infantry. A very destructive fire also destroyed the lines of most of the sepoys, and after this disaster thatched roofs were forbidden for the native troops, which was a very wise rule in a place where furious dust storms were so frequent, and also long continued dry weather. At times the clouds of dust would make the day resemble night, and the choky atmosphere would have been quite unbearable but that heavy falls of rain always followed a dust storm. On looking back it is melancholy to think how many of the officers of the regiment with me at Ferozepore have passed away. Major Huish, Captains Gahan, Tritton, Taylor, Evans, Spencer, Walker, Duffin, Handscomb, Hunter, Vauirenen, Eatwell—all dead; two of them having been killed in the mutiny of 1857, and Lieutenant Eatwell killed at Ferozshah. 35 Chapter II. T was during the cold season of 1841 that the 30th Native Infantry, 60th Native ^p^ Infantry, 64th and 53rd Native Infantry marched from Ferozepore to Peshawur under Brigadier Wyld to give support to the Cabul Garrison, then in great straits from the rising of the Affghan tribes, though we little dreamt that they would have been able to utterly destroy the garrison. The 26th Native Infantry also marched off as a reinforcement in the beginning of 1842 with the 9th Queen's Infantry, a Cavalry Regiment, and some Artillery. This move was caused by General Wyld receiving a serious check at the Khyber Pass, and this demi-defeat had aroused a very mutinous spirit in the Sepoys, who evidently greatly disliked the prospects of an Affghan Campaign. 36 The Sikhs in the Punjab, which country was then under the rule of Shere Singh, were also thought to be unfriendly, and affairs looked indeed very gloomy when on our march through the Punjab the news reached our general that Elphinstone's force at Cabul had been utterly destroyed, and that Brigadier Sale, with his brigade, were besieged at Jellalabad. Throughout our march through the Punjab a large Sikh force kept in our flank within a few miles, ostensibly for a support ; though the authorities were distrustful of their intentions, should any opportunity offer of humbling us. The contempt for the Sikh soldiers was very rampant at that time; though in after years we found very good reason to respect their courage, and also their military organisation, which latter superiority was entirely due to the intelligence and skill of the French officers, entertained by the foresight of Runjeet Singh. Forty-four years ago the Punjab was indeed very different in appearance to what it is now, for the roads were badly aligned and hardly ever repaired. Trees were seldom found near the main 37 lines, and wells for supplying water to the thirsty travellers were few and far between. The very great scarcity of trees was owing to the country having been so long disturbed by internal wars, and the consequent march of large columns of soldiers and irregular levies, whose requirements for fuel were never met by a well- organised commissariat, but by indiscriminate destruction of trees of all kinds and sizes, from the lofty and wide-spreading peepal and banian down to the scrubby and thorny mimosa. As for the rivers, there were bridges of boats over the Ravee, Chenab Jhelum, and Indus during the driest part of the year—viz., the cold season—and our troops found these all ready and quite as well constructed as our cultured Engineers provide now-a-days. I express such opinion from bitter experience as a district officer ; for hardly a year passed but the loss to the Punjab Government by the destruction of boat-bridges through freshets and floods on the large rivers amounted to a pretty high figure, which could hardly have been exceeded under Sikh rule. In 1858, at Ferozepore, the Sutlej boat-bridge was utterly destroyed by a freshet, and a large 38 number of costly boats were never recovered. The river had been so low that many of the boats were resting on sand-banks, over which in a few hours there was thirty feet of water. This was owing to the great scour which takes place on the occasion of a heavy freshet; and, were the boatmen sufficiently on the alert, the boats might be saved by being speedily disconnected and brought to the banks. The boats lost on this occasion had been sent round from Bombay in 1841 at great cost, and were capable of holding fifty tons of freight each. On reaching Peshawur we found that the brigade of Wyld was much disheartened by the defeat in the Khyber Pass and their very rapid and disorderly retreat from Ali Musjid, the small fort about eight miles within the gorge. The brigade had -got the name of the " Goose Brigade," from some of the officers having boasted in letters that they would partake of their Christmas goose (turkeys not being obtainable) at Jellalabad, after relieving General Sale's gallant little force. There were then two political officers at Peshawur—Captain Mackeson, and my old host Captain Henry Lawrence. 39 The first was a remarkably fine-looking man, of a most soldierly presence as well as engaging manner. He was known to be a most chivalrous officer, and capable of any deed of daring. Lawrence was styled by the Native soldiers "Do Chappatte wala," perhaps from his thin frame, or perhaps from his thinking that such quantity of food was sufficient for them whilst holding Ali Musjid, or from a peculiar head-dress he was accustomed to wear. He was accused by some officers, I remember, of not having forwarded a proper store of food with the small force which, by a secret night march, had gained possession of Ali Musjid, and which said neglect had obliged them to abandon the place. I may mention that "Do Chappatfae wala" meant a man of two loaves, or rather the thin unleavened, flat-shaped wheaten cakes which the Sepoys daily eat. It was during the retreat from the fort that Captain Talbot (who I have mentioned as on board the "Duke of Buccleugh") showed a want of courage in deserting his post when commanding the rear guard. He was tried by order of General Pollock, but eventually was allowed another oppor- 40 tunity of retrieving his damaged reputation. I may mention that after the campaign he left the service. When the camp was before the Khyber Pass a very severe shock of earthquake was felt throughout the valley, as also at Jellalabad, and several houses in the city of Peshawur were levelled to the ground; and amongst them was that in which Lawrence resided, who just managed to run down stairs and escape from being buried in the debris. The animals in camp, both camels and horses, were much frightened, and some officers owned to a feeling of sea-sickness ; but perhaps that might be attributable to weak nerves. I certainly did not feel anything like sea-sickness; but the long- continued rocking movement of the earth most deeply impressed me with man's insignificance, and a feeling of awe followed. Oft-times since have I felt earthquakes, but notliing like those shocks of 1842. At Jellalabad we heard it was quite as severe, and some parts of the fortifications fell, during which Colonel Monteith, commanding the 35th Native Infantry, was buried under some earth 41 from a bastion, and, on being extricated, called out to the people not to touch his head; for he was a regular old fop, and wore a curly black wig, which he thought might be pulled off. This was always told of him as instancing not only his conceit, but also his coolness in danger, for as a soldier he was celebrated. General Pollock attacked the Khyber Pass in April, 1842, after we had become very sick of the long halt near Jumrood. The heights were stormed on either side of the pass, and in so masterly a manner as to astonish the Afreedee tribes, who had made most of their preparations to resist an assault at the mouth of the pass and the hills immediately commanding it. I was with the Artillery below, and thus escaped the trudge up the heights ; all my attention being directed to the Artillery shrapnel practice, which, however, did not seem to cause much damage to the enemy, who lined the hill-sides in hundreds, their shrill pipes sounding the war notes of the tribes. This sound much resembled the bagpipes; numerous flags were also to be seen, and the well-known tom-tom, or kettle-drum, gave forth its hideous 42 sound to swell the din hill-sides. which echoed from the The soldiers, especially the English, were very bitter against the enemy, as exaggerated reports about the ill-treatment of the Cabul captives had been spread abroad, and a story was told how that at Kurnal when the 3rd Dragoons passed through the station the women of the 44th Depot ran by the sides of the horses beseeching the troopers to kill every Affghan (male or female, full-grown or infant) that they came across, which appeal had been answered by deep vows of vengeance, so that the look-out for those who asked for quarter was but poor. Just at the entrance of the defile two Afreedees (armed) had been found in a cave, and being brought before the general, he directed that they be carefully searched, taken to the rear guard, and released. They were, however, both shot by the soldiers after getting well out of sight of the general, who could not have helped hearing the discharge of the muskets. It was thought but politic to wink at such doings, as the atrocities of the Affghans towards our countrymen had been painted by journalists . • 4kW U 1 Cfetj****.. 43 and other writers in the deepest and darkest colours, too well adapted to arouse the worst passions of the soldiers, some of whom had been heard to declare their intention to kill any Affghan women who might come across their path, as " them's the b s that breeds the scoundrels; " a very coarse expression truly, but very characteristic of Tommy Atkins in what was styled the avenging army. The brunt of the Khyber fighting fell to the 9th Queen's and my own regiment, both leading the van up the hills. No tents were pitched at the first encamping ground at Ali Musjid, and we all slept on the bare ground, ready to repel any attack from the Afreedees, who, however, failed to seize any of the baggage, so well had the hills been crowned by the troops, and so strong was the rear guard. The Sepoys vied with the English troops in driving the Affghans from the mountains; and most cordial was the feeling between black and white in the ranks of the 9th Queen's and 26th Regiment Native Infantry—a state of things which was much fostered by mixing them up in picket duties, when the best points of character of each race came 44 prominently into notice, and Western and Eastern soon found out that they held common feelings on most subjects, different as was their outward appearance. Of course several instances of gallant conduct came prominently forward; but one is specially worth mentioning as having occurred when Wyld's force was retreating from Ali Musjid, and it was told me by Lieutenant Swinton, of the 53rd Native Infantry, who being wounded in the leg, was in a dooly carried by commissariat bearers, when suddenly the enemy showed in force, and the rear guard under Captain Talbot hurried to the front, leaving Swinton to be attacked by some Afreedees— one of whom was shot by his orderly, and two others bayoneted by him, and thus this gallant fellow saved the life of his helpless officer. The man was at once promoted to the rank of havildar (sergeant), and doubtless afterwards got the order of merit. Swinton said he had told the sepoy to Save himself when the rear guard passed on, and the bearers threw down the dooly; but the man refused to obey. Another daring deed was performed by a sepoy of the 60th Native Infantry in saving some treasure, 45 but I don't remember the exact particulars. Major Huish, our intelligent and self-reliant commandant, had broken through the bonds of red tape by destroying the heavy and useless shakos of the Sepoys, and in their stead making up some light and serviceable felt caps, which greatly pleased the men; and it so happened that the 26th was the first regiment to set a bright example regarding military head-dress in India. The rear guard had all the fighting the next day in the march to Lundee Khana, as the van and main guard were not attacked at all, either from the enemy being much disheartened, or from the tribes being more friendly and the country more open. The baggage was, however, plundered to some extent, and some camp followers were killed. On the third day the force reached the plain opposite Lalpoora, which is a large town belonging to the Momund tribe, indeed it may be styled their capital, and it stands on the left bank of the Cabul river. Its chief, Saadut Khan, who had ousted Torabaz Khan, our friend, was attacked by us and driven to the hills, Torabaz being installed in his old post. The passage of the river was rather difficult, and only effected with some loss of life 46 I amongst the 3rd Dragoons and 9th Queen's. Captain Macgregor, the political agent, was present, and superintended the crossing, which was by a rather difficult ford, or rather series of fords, and very dangerous at places where the stream was very strong; and so it happened that some men were swept away and a few drowned, the others having been saved by a really wonderful exhibition of activity and pluck on the part of the followers of Torabaz Khan, who jumped into the deeper parts of the stream on inflated skins, and so picked up several men who were drifting down in a perfectly helpless state. It was rather amusing to hear Captain Macgregor shouting out whenever he saw a soldier in peril, " Where is that d d chief and his men ? " On our reaching the neighbourhood of Jellalabad without any more fighting, the officers with their regimental bands came out to meet us, in very high spirits at their having beaten off Akbar Khan's investing force on the very day we had attacked the Khyber Pass. The garrison had never been really much straitened for the actual necessaries of life, though all luxuries such as tea, wine, or spirits 47 of any kind were obtainable at all. a very high premium, if General Sale himself was nought but a brave, rather coarse-minded old soldier, but he had several fine, intelligent officers in the brigade, amongst whom I may mention Broadfoot, Havelock, Dennie, Mayne, Abbott, Monteith, and Backhouse—all these- being men of mark, bound to come to the front at a crisis. General Pollock's force remained encamped at Jellalabad awaiting a good supply of carriage and stores from India, and as time progressed, the increasing heat, together with the enforced idleness, and the baneful, unavoidable filth of a standings camp caused much sickness, increased by the badness of the drinking water; so that by tho Autumn, when the troops moved onwards, tho condition of the men and officers was very far from being first-rate. I had been laid up more or less for some time- with diarrhoea, and was very weak, though always able in a way to perform my regimental duties. Beer and all wines were very costly, and tho water, unless filtered, far from wholesome; thus 48 stomach complaints were rife, and the mortality high. Mr. Arratoin, an Armenian merchant, was the first to bring up supplies from India, and he sold his liquors by auction, beer going up as high as 70 and 80 rupees per dozen bottles, and port wine, sherry, etc., to most exorbitant prices; as did cigars, though I managed to get a good supply very cheap by winning a box of 1,000 from Lieutenant Mackenzie, who had bet me that the force would not march to Cabul. A M. Peyches, a French trader from Ferozepore, also brought up a large consignment of European wines and provisions as far as Lalpoora; but a short distance from that place he was attacked by hill- men, who plundered the entire consignment and killed hini as well. The prisoners who had been taken at Cabul by Akbar Khan, including Lady Sale and General Elphinstone, were in a fort only a few stages from Jellalabad, across the river, yet quite inaccessible to an attacking party; and I remember Major Lawrence and Captain Troup coming to our camp on their parole (to try and make terms with 49 General Pollock for the release of Dost Mahomed), by order of Akbar Khan. They were dressed in Affghan costume, but knew that their request was hopeless. When General Elphinstone died Akbar Khan sent in the corpse, and it was buried with full military honours at Jellalabad. Troup gave a cheerful account of the treatment of the prisoners. The tih khanas, or underground dwelling-places that our Sepoys built for us, showed what a very loyal fellow "Pandy" was in those days. These smalt houses were constructed for the sake of coolness, and were generally about five feet under ground, with walls above ground of about the same height. One day Captains Gahan, Handscomb, and I were seated in a tih khana, which was our joint day- room, when a violent earthquake shook the building, from which we all tried to escape by the narrow passage and so got jammed—and were much jeered at afterwards for our precipitation; but I know of nothing which causes people to use their legs more promptly than an earthquake. I cannot say I liked those underground rooms much, for though much cooler than tents, yet there was an unpleasant, 50 ■earthy smell about them which could hardly have been wholesome. So weak were the soldiers when the onward march commenced in September, that a distance of about five miles was all they could compass, and even to manage that they had to be relieved of much of the ammunition usually carried in pouch when on service. As we approached Ghmdamuk, the third regular march, a large number of skeletons were found on a hill to the right of the road, this being the spot where the remnant of our harrassed troops on the fatal retreat had made their last stand—being all destroyed, except Major Griffiths and Captain Souter taken prisoners, as also Dr. Brydon, who alone managed to reach Jellalabad. The skeleton of Captain Percy Hamilton of the 5th Cavalry was recognised from its great size, and the yellow-coloured hair on the skull. The winter snows had kept the skeletons in good preservation, and all were decently buried by order of General Pollock. At Gundamuk there was a halt of some days, to allow of the arrival of grain which had been collected a long march to the rear, and opportunity *'i/?<>te^ u / y ^j/^^^>^^ 51 was then taken for attacking, and punishing, the people of Mamoo Khail, who had been foremost in the treacherous attack on our poor fagged fellow- countrymen when so near a haven of rest at Jellalabad. A brisk fight came off at the village, and on the adjacent hills; our loss, perhaps, being as great as was inflicted on the enemy, owing to the very difficult character of the ground, and the facility with which these hill-men followed up our troops when descending from the heights. Some very fine plane trees were destroyed by " ringing" the bark with hatchets, and the glorious vineyards were greatly damaged, the grapes being very fine and just ripe, to our great enjoyment. Major Huish, our commanding officer, was badly wounded by a ball in the thigh, and Ensign IJobertson doing duty was also struck by a ball. It was at Gundamuk that my picket of about thirty men was attacked at night-time, and so close were the Affghans, that during the intervals of firing they called out to us in most abusive terms, saying " they were deserters from the 5th Native Infantry, which had been in the Cabul garrison." My company formed part of a small force sent back from camp two marches to bring up grain and 52 other supplies, and at first, to the horror of the Commissariat officer, this small company of sixty men was to have taken the duty of protecting a convoy of camels and mules, constituting nearly the entire carriage of the army, and by the loss of which it would have been completely crippled. It never came out who was to blame for this blunder, but General Pollock was very angry when it was brought to his notice. Owing to the very great want of carriage, the Cavalry horses had to carry grain for four days' supply, about forty pounds, and officers were doubled or trebled up in small tents; the English soldiers also being accommodated in Sepoys' tents, "whilst the latter took only one-half of the number of tents usually supplied. Servants' rations were -carried on their masters' camels, and each officer was obliged to reduce his establishment to the lowest possible figure—no woman being allowed with the force on any pretext, which probably made the camp much quieter than at ordinary times. The Affghans opposed us at Jugdalluk, and some of the Colours of the destroyed Regiments were observed in their ranks. 53 In the Jugdalluk Pass a very large number of skeletons were lying near the artificial barrier that had been raised by the enemy under Akbar Khan to check the retreating force, and here the fight must have been a tough one. Many of our sepoys were affected with night blindness, brought on, the doctors said, by poor food and too much sentry duty during the great heat and glare at Jellalabad, and it was on picket duty one night that I was aroused in an unpleasant manner from my sleep on the hill-side by the fall of some heavy body right across my chest. My first impression was that the Affghans had overpowered the picket, whilst the fact was that the non-commissioned officer relieving the sentries was affected with night blindness, as well as the men of the relieving guard, and not perceiving me had all stumbled over my recumbent body, much to mine and their own dismay. It was here that the Affghans managed to drive off a large commissariat elephant for a few miles; but the animal turned sulky with his new masters, who could not persuade him to move on, and so the armed searching party soon brought him back to camp. 54 When on rear guard duty from Jugdalluk, we were greatly annoyed throughout a rather long march by the enemy's skirmishers, and Captain Handscomb, who was commanding, being a first-rate rifle shot, managed to dispose of several of them; plunder was their main object, but the order to destroy all baggage and shoot all the baggage animals which fell exhausted was most strictly observed, and on one march I saw as many as seventy camels and bullocks shot by the Mahomedan soldiers, as the Hindoo Sepoys were averse to taking the lives of animals. Grain for my two nags was always procurable gratis, as so many animals attached to the Commissariat sank with their loads of grain, which was invariably destroyed or shared by the rear guard officers and men, which was a far better arrangement than leaving it for the enemy, who were always prowling in the rear of the force like greedy jackals after carrion. At Tezeen the baggage guard over the grazing animals was attacked, and some soldiers of the 9th Regiment were cut up in a cruel way, which so exasperated the men of the regiment, that in a body they sought permission from their Colonel to make a raid on the unsuspecting Affghans—said to be resting in aj ravine a short distance from camp. About 500 hundred of the men, led by the Colonel, immediately made a hurried march to the spot, without uniform, but belts and pouches slung over their shirts; and though the surprise was not so complete as was expected, yet the Affghans were taught a good lesson in the art of war, which resulted in the loss of a good number of raiders. The encampment at Tezeen, on the Indian side of what is known as the Haft Kothal, or Seven Passes, was in a bowl-like valley; the hills all round being of good height, and on all these strong pickets were posted, every one of which was attacked at about mid-night by screaming Affghans, with the exception of my picket, which was on the highest hill of all, and certainly in the most commanding position, its great height giving me a most excellent opportunity of witnessing the fighting going on at the other pickets; though had mine (consisting of fifty men) been attacked, it was too far off to get any assistance from the camp, and I was obliged to keep on the alert throughout the night. If there had been no risk of an attack, sleep would have been quite impossible however, as the 56 firing and shouting would have) £ept the drowsiest mortal awake. One picket, commanded by Lieutenant Montgomery of the 60th Native Infantry, was driven in, and some of the enemy managed to get into our camp, but only to be driven out with all speed. We afterwards heard that the attack had been planned by Akbar Khan, the Cabul ruler, who on the following day gave us battle with his entire army at the Haft Kothal, on the road to Khoord Cabul, which latter place we reached late at evening after some rather severe fighting, in which my regiment took a leading part. So confident was Akbar Khan of victory with his 20,000 followers, that he brought out Captain Bygrave and Captain Troup (two of his English prisoners) to witness the defeat and massacre of their countrymen; and when the Affghans fled, Troup took the opportunity to ride back briskly to Cabul, Bygrave remaining with Akbar Khan, who was generous enough to appreciate such behaviour, and afterwards allowed him to return to his countrymen when we advanced to the Kohistan some days subsequent. Troup had on reaching Cabul sought protection with a friendly 57 chief, and two days afterwards came into the camp. I may mention that at early morning of the fight, my picket, with a party of the 31st Queen's, some of Broadfoot's sappers, and some other troops, all under the command of Major Skinner, 31st Regiment, advanced up the Kothal on the right flank by a steep ridge, and I was left at a particular spot with orders to advance when I heard the bugle sounded from Major Skinner's advanced party. No such sound reached me; but the firing ahead being rather warm, I moved on with a few men to reconnoitre, and saw that Major Skinner's party had been attacked by a large body of the enemy, and driven back with loss; on this I immediately pushed on with the entire picket, and some of Broadfoot's sappers on my right also advanced, and on joining the Major's beaten men we all rushed on the Affghans, and soon drove them down the hill-side. Major Skinner told me that on his men giving way he had a very narrow escape of being cut down. The wounded soldiers who had fallen were found in a shocking mutilated state. It turned out that the bugler was unable to sound his bugle when ordered owing to the dreadful state of his cracked lips, and thus I had never got the proper warning. 58 Ferris' Jezailchees.(an irregular corps of hill-men, organized specially for the campaign) particularly distinguished themselves, and their assault of one hill was witnessed by me, and I saw the Native Commandant fall mortally wounded after capturing a standard. Captain Ferris had been stationed with his Jezailchees* at a place called Pesh Bolak, between Peshawur and Jellalabad, and off the main road where the Cabul army was destroyed; and very few of his men being staunch, he managed to make his escape at night-time with his wife and her sister, as also his adjutant, to Peshawur. The ladies being obliged to ride " en amazon" on native saddles, such an escape when his men had openly mutinied being a piece of great good fortune. Ferris was a very stout man, but a thorough good soldier; and he generally rode into action on a good sturdy hill pony. But when it became necessary to lead his men up any steepish hill, it was his custom to fix a rope to a broad leather waist-belt, and two or more soldiers had to pull him up the slope. In the Khoord Cabul Pass, one march from the capital, the skeletons of soldiers and camp followers 59 of the destroyed force were strewed thickly over the road — for here it was that the treacherous attack commenced and the loss was heaviest, the defile being very narrow and the hills very steep on both sides; so it may be well imagined that sombre as the outlook was all around us, yet sadder far were the pictures our imaginations produced of the bitter wintry weather when our betrayed countrymen were fighting their way through this most horrid-looking pass. Our force passed through with very little loss, as only a few robbers made their appearance, showing how complete had been the defeat the previous day; for the defile is a most formidable one, and a few hundred cool and determined sharpshooters might easily hold it against an army. At the encamping ground we got a good supply of the very delicious melon called the surdah, as a very large stock of them was found concealed under some bhoosa (chaff) in an old fort. The camp at Cabul was formed on the old race-course, distant a short ride from General Elphinstone's entrenched position, and also nigh to the city, which is built quite in shabby Indian style, with the exception of the famous covered bazaars which 60 General Pollock destroyed by powder—from their having been the site chosen for exposing the bodies, or rather heads, of some of the leading political officers who had been slaughtered—viz., Macnaghten and Burnes—after the bodies had been subjected to the vilest treatment by the fanatical portion of the population. The British Flag was soon hoisted on the Bala Hissar, or Citadel, under a royal salute, and the British honour had thus been vindicated by a most triumphant march from Hindostan to the conquered capital of Affghanistan; though many of the timid and croaking class had as usual predicted all sorts of disasters for Pollock's small force, never numbering 9,000 men of all ranks, as far as I can estimate. General Nott's -force from Candahar arrived a few days after, much to the disgust of that irate old officer, who considered himself regularly outjockeyed by General Pollock. He need not, however, have grudged Pollock such honour, for he himself had gained a goodly quantity of laurels by his bold and well-planned march from Candahar, and completely gained the respect of the troops under his command. Major Shakespeare, one of our political officers, took about 500 kuzzlebush (Persian) horsemen 61 towards Bameean, to try and aid the English: prisoners in escaping from Akbar Khan's lieutenant. General Sale also took out his brigade as a support to Shakespeare in his venturesome ride. The entrenched position at Cabul, which the doomed force had held so successfully against the Affghan hosts until the provisions failed, was a miserable-looking work with a ditch over which a cow could easily jump, and it was evident that the enemy's leaders had been men of poor enterprise, or such a poor fortification would not for long have, baffled them: of course when we rode over it all the buildings had been destroyed, and the place presented a very ruinous appearance. All the sights in the interesting city were duly visited by me, and one day when riding through the streets with Major Huish and two other officers, we observed that the people generally had betaken themselves to the house-tops, and seemed in an excited state from an alarm that the British troops were plundering the shops, and we found such to be the case in some parts, as large numbers of the soldiers (English and native) from camp had visited the bazaars, and after indulging freely in 62 I ardent spirits had set about pillaging the shops; moreover, I saw several of the 3rd Dragoons lying about in the streets in a drunken state quite helpless. So great was the row that we rode back to camp and reported the matter to the General, when a large body of soldiers with their side-arms were sent off to arrest the most turbulent, and collect the drunkards. I may mention as an instance how curiously prejudice works in the mind of the best of us, that Major Huish on seeing some native sappers. coming from a shop with large bundles of loot under their arms, called out to some English soldiers to seize the native offenders, when the former immediately ran after the natives, to all appearance with the intention of catching them; but neither white nor dark soldiers returned to the street where we were waiting for them, upon which I remarked to the Major that "such was not surprising, as the English soldiers had even larger bundles than the natives," an instance which Huish admitted he had quite overlooked ! ! On the day when the covered bazaars were blown up by the Engineers, my company was on duty in the city with the force under the command of Colonel Richmond; but notwithstanding all the precautions 63 taken against plunderers, a vast quantity of property was carried off, and the city was also set on fire in several places. Mr. Mackeson, a half-brother of Major Mackeson, the well-known political officer, told me at mess that whilst loitering about the city he heard the cries of women in distress from an upper story of a largish house, and on running up stairs observed some stalwart horse artillerymen maltreating some Cabul girls. He at once called out to the men to desist from such cowardly and disgraceful conduct; on which one of them turned upon him with the remark, " What do you want here you little black beggar" (Mackeson being a half-caste), and then without any hesitation pitched him down stairs. I should fear that such was not a solitary instance of outrage on females, as the disorder was great throughout the day. On returning to camp in the twilight of evening, after destroying the fine covered bazaars and celebrated mosque, we met about 300 of the 41st Queen's armed with sticks, on their way to the town, and on being questioned by Colonel Richmond, replied " Oh, Sir, we are merely going for a stroll," on which they were ordered to the right-about, and duly escorted to 64 I their tents. They were, of course, out for a spree or foraging expedition. Numbers of the soldiers who went with our force into the city at morning wearing a slim appearance, returned looking very obese from the quantity of brocaded cloths and other stuffs bound round their bodies under the coats. The climate of Cabul was deHghtful,. and all the best fruits just at their prime—pears, peaches, grapes, surdahs (melons). Much of the furniture of the officers of the Cabul garrison was found in houses in the city, together with quantities of champagne and other wineSj hermetically sealed provisions, looking glasses, books, etc.; much being found in the streets also, where through fear the people had thrown them. All the wine found was allowed to run off in the gutters for fear of the soldiers getting at it. Thousands of the citizens had fled to the hills through fear of British vengeance; for General Nott's troops it was said had treated the country people far worse than was the case with Pollock's army, which was perhaps owing to the former having been nearer the scene of rebellion. The English prisoners (especially the ladies) seem to have 65 been kindly treated by the Affghans and Akbar Khan; though of course very unpleasant stories "had got abroad about the licentious conduct of the enemy. All these English prisoners effected their release when being taken off to Bameean, and were brought in by Major Shakespeare to General Sale's camp. One young married girl, Mrs. Lumsden, wife of a lieutenant of the 27th Native Infantry, had been shot dead at Ghuznee; but it was owing to her having put on her husband's uniform as a precautionary measure to save herself from ill-usage when the fort of Ghuznee was assaulted—and I heard that she was standing at a window when the mob fired at her as one of the English officers. When staying with Captain Lawrence at Ferozepore, I happened to meet her there on her way to Ghuznee to be married, and Captain Lawrence one morning at breakfast (for a joke) pretended that he had received a letter from Cabul announcing an outbreak of the Affghans; but he failed to alarm the young girl, who was in high spirits at the prospect of soon meeting her future husband, and like all the rest, had the blindest confidence in British prestige, which as yet had never been dimmed in its brightness throughout the swift and wide career 66 of victory from Plassy to the invasion of Affghanistan. Moreover, the surrender of Dost Mahomed was viewed as a sure guarantee of quietness. Much mention was made of the bravery of Dr. Cardew, one of the officers at Cabul, who was engaged to a young girl at Calcutta, and he had got leave to visit that place for the purpose of being married. I had made his acquaintance at Berhampore, and liked him much. He fell at Tezeen, after slaying several of the enemy around the battery to which he was attached; and his Story was afterwards worked up into a rather romantic novel called " Long Engagements." vrfa. 67 Chapter III. 1842-1843-1844. |HE 26th Native Infantry was with the force that attacked Istalif in the Kohistan Valley, ~yp— a few stages from Cabul. This affair was considered a very spirited one, and the troops engaged got a very large quantity of plunder, consisting mainly of costly shawls, gold and silver embroidery work, with silks of various descriptions. The grapes and peaches of Istalif are celebrated above all in the country, and were just ripe when we marched into the Kohistan and sacked their chief towns. The valley is very lovely, and the vineyards are mainly found on the hill slopes, and we really seemed to march past nothing but gardens of vines of the choicest kinds nearly all the way from Cabul; and most freely did all indulge in the large and luscious grapes, much I think to the benefit of health, though greatly to the loss of the owners. All the fine plane trees at Istalif, which were very ornamental, were systematically destroyed by "ringing" round the trunks, and I was very sorry to see that many of the finest marble tombstones in the capacious graveyard had been destroyed by the soldiers or camp followers. This very angry feeling had arisen against the place from its having afforded most willing protection to Ameen oolla Khan, a powerful chief known amongst us as the " infamous one," from his very bitter feelings against the English — though perhaps the name of "loyal" would have been more fitting had there been any inclination to judge our enemies with fairness at that time; ' for all who did their best to drive us from the country were surely nought but loyal and patriotic, though in the lust for conquest the moral vision of Britons in India had become rather obscured by anger and prejudice. The greater part of the Kohistan Valley was visited by the two brigades under General McCaskill, and we met with no further opposition after the fall of Istalif, at which place there certainly had been some stubborn fighting, and our approach being rather unexpected, the people had omitted to remove their families, as is usually done by the Affghans when a fight is at hand. It so happened that in the street fighting some women were shot in houses by accident, as 69 the soldiers of course fired into all dwellings held by the enemy. I saw one very pitiful sight, where a young woman and her baby in arms had both been killed by the same bullet, which had struck her in the chest and the infant high up in the thigh. She was young and very pretty, with a complexion fair as an European. I managed to secure a good horse at a very low price: it had been annexed by a soldier after shooting its rider (a chieftain), and I got it for 100 Rs. The retirement of Pollock's and Nott's forces commenced before the severe cold weather had set in, and the first stage was a short one to the Cabul side of the Khoord Cabul Pass, and as a precautionary measure this very formidable pass was turned by a flank march over the Gosfan Durra defile (or goat's track), and my regiment formed a portion of the small detachment. The road was extremely bad and rocky, and quite impracticable for laden animals, so our small requirements were carried on our shoulders. There was, however, no attempt at opposition, and the only attempt at annoyance between Cabul and Peshawur was made by small bands of robbers 70 on the rear guards; and General Nott's force, which left a couple of days after Pollock's, suffered the most in this kind of desultory fighting, as we heard that they often neglected to crown the heights. From Peshawur all was easy, and we had a pleasant enough march to Ferozepore, where we found Lord EUenborough, the Governor-General, with an army of reserve formed in readiness for any misbehaviour on the part of the Sikhs, who evidently did not think us quite such warriors as before the Cabul disasters—and prestige is really life to us in India as rulers. 1 Our march through the Punjab did not present any interesting features, and the roads were far from good, being the old unimproved ones of the days of the Mahomedan Emperors, and as before mentioned, all the rivers had boat-bridges. We passed close to the famous Mani-Khiala tope, which tradition says was the tomb of Bucephalus, the celebrated horse of Alexander the Great; but which the learned in archaeology say was a Buddhist temple. It had certainly a very ancient look—the main road passing close by it, which is not the case in the present day. 71 It was on this return march that an incident occurred which at the time deeply impressed me, and I never witnessed such again in India or elsewhere. A Mahomedan subadar (native commissioned officer) of the 27th Native Infantry had reported himself to the general at Jellalabad, before the onward march to Cabul, as one of those who had managed to escape from imprisonment after the surrender of the fort and town of Ghuznee, and he was at once appointed to do duty with my regiment, being present at all the fights during the march to the capital; but when the English prisoners were released (including the officers of the 27th Native Infantry), he was accused of having joined the Affghans and fought against us—so a Court- Martial tried him, and gave a sentence of death. This sentence was carried out at one of the encamping grounds at a parade of the entire force, the subadar being marched past each regiment in slow time to the " Dead March in Saul," and then shot by twelve sepoys of the 35th Native Infantry, his body being buried where he fell. I never witnessed a more solemn sight—and some officers thought that the man had been condemned too hastily, for had he been really guilty, it was very 72 odd that he should have come to the general just before we advanced on Cabul, where he was sure to meet the officers of his regiment and any sepoys who had escaped. He certainly had behaved well when with my regiment, and met his death like a brave man. General Pollock had at first intended that the firing party should consist of six English soldiers and six native, but the commanding officer of the 35th Native Infantry assured him that the sepoys had no repugnance to shooting a man whom they viewed as a traitor to his salt, and as eleven of the twelve muskets were loaded with ball, and the man fell dead from the shots instantly, it shows that the sepoys aimed well. I should have mentioned that General Nott's force brought to Cabul two large eighteen-pounder siege guns, one of which was made over to Pollock's force for conveyance to India, but was found to give so much trouble that the general had it burst at the Tezeen encampment; and on arrival there General Nott was obliged to do the same with his, as far too cumbrous for the passes. From Jellalabad we brought the .large brass gun called the kazee or 73 zubbar Jung, as far as Lundee Khana; but this trophy was also abandoned and thrown down a precipice by order of General Nott, when Captain Thomas with his Jezailchees descended the steep and burst the old trophy with gunpowder, for fear the enemy should exult on recovering it. At the desire of Lord EUenborough, the Governor- General, the celebrated gates of Sumnath were brought from Ghuznee by Nott, as it was thought that the Hindoos would highly appreciate such a mark of consideration for their religious feelings, which had been so deeply outraged 800 years ago or more by the great conqueror Mahmoud of Ghuznee, who stole the gates from the Temple of Sumnath in Guzrat. They are now lodged in the fort of Agra, it being found that the Hindoo mind was quite indifferent to the matter, as Lord EUenborough had been told by experienced Anglo - Indians would be the case. His mind, however, had a curious fantastic twist, clever though he undoubtedly was. He moreover quite forgot that such over-strained tenderness for the feelings of Hindoos might outrage those of the Mahomedans, more especially as the affair had happened so very long ago. In the Northern and 74 ^Central portions of the Punjab, where the population were mainly Mahomedans, they expressed an eagerness to see us as their rulers, and there was probably some sincerity in such expressions, as the Sikhs most firmly forbad the slaughter of all horned cattle, and likewise would not allow the call to prayer at the mosques; so that very naturally the followers of the prophet who were aware of our tolerance of the ceremonies and customs amongst all sects, expected under our rule to be free from much trouble on the score of religion. Our opinion of the Sikh troops was then rather low, and I can remember that on our retirement from Cabul, when encamped near Ali Musjid, a large Sikh picket under a native officer fled down the hill in terror of a few Afreedees who had fired distant shots. Major Huish abused them roundly; but as all persuasion failed to make them again ascend the hill, a subaltern's party was sent up from my regiment, which soon drove away the enemy, who showed no eagerness to contest the ground. The Sikhs are undoubtedly brave soldiers when well led, but they had little heart in fighting for a foreign cause, such as ours. ffp" f 1 | 1 I ,.l 1 75 General Avatabili, an Italian officer in the Sikh service, was the Governor of Peshawur in 1842, and he entertained us most hospitably, more especially when Pollock's force returned victorious from Cabul. His palace was a grand-looking building, out of which he never rode without a very large escort of cavalry. He was said to be a very able, but very harsh ruler; and by the number of bodies hanging from the large gallows when we first reached the city, it was very clear that he did not shrink from the severest measures against offenders. His personal appearance was in his favour, and his demeanour was dignified; French he spoke well, but no English, and since the death of Runjeet Singh, he had been trying to leave the Sikh service, but always failed to get the required permission from Shere Singh, the successor of Runjeet; and it so happened that the arrival of our force enabled him to accomplish his desire of conveying much of his hoardings to India by Treasury orders, in exchange for the cash so needful for the general and the Commissariat Department. A grand, review of both armies—viz., of Pollock's and the Army of Reserve—came off at Ferozepore, 76 under the direction of Sir Jasper Nicolls, the Commander-in-Chief, and in the presence of Lord EUenborough, the Governor-General; and on our crossing the bridge of boats over the Sutlej river, the regiment was met by Lord EUenborough and his staff, and being formed up in a hollow square, was addressed by his lordship in a highly complimentary speech for loyal conduct at a very dangerous crisis, and the honourable designation of "Light.Infantry" was bestowed on the regiment. We were all very proud of the distinction, as there were only two Light Infantry regiments in the Bengal Presidency, and such regiments were armed with fusils (a shorter weapon than the regular musket), and had one flank company dressed in green and armed with rifles. The men and officers also wore wings on their shoulders instead of the usual shoulder-straps. AU the boats forming the bridge had been decorated with streamers and flags of the colours of the ribbon of India, which was the new design for the medal ribbon. A temporary triumphal arch had also been erected, and all this display was in honour of the so-called " illustrious garrison," which had _j 77 held out in defiance of the Affghan nation at Jellalabad for so many months. The Governor- General gave some grand dinners at Ferozepore in his magnificent suite of tents, and behaved altogether as a true nobleman. He was a failure as an Indian administrator, but had he been allowed time to tone down a little, would doubtless have made a first-rate ruler. He was tall in stature, very good-looking, and had most agreeable manners; being especially partial to the military branch of the service, whilst all civilians he held in contempt, thinking that India would be far better administered under a military system, as more consonant with the feelings of the people. With the break - up of the large military camp, the year 1842 closed; and between 40,000 and 50,000 men were dispersed to their several cantonments. My regiment marched to Loodiana, escorted for a short distance by the soldiers of the 9th Queen's, who gave most hearty cheers for their dusky comrades, who had for so long been brigaded with them, and though of different race, religion, and manners, had most completely gained their 78 respect and affection. A similar good feeling prevailed with the 13th Queen's and the 35th Native Infantry, who together had shared the dangers and discomforts of a besieged force at Jellalabad; and whilst encamped at Ferozepore, the men of the 35th Native Infantry gave a grand entertainment to the soldiers of the 13th Queen's, and my regiment was desirous of doing the same for the 9th Regiment, but were dissuaded by the officers, who felt that on such festive occasions the rough side of the British character so often showed to disadvantage, from the sad propensity to indulge in spirituous liquors. The good feUowship existing between the soldiers of the 9th Queen's and the sepoys of the 26th Regiment of Native Infantry, was something very special and weU worth mentioning: often in camp, when a soldier of the former regiment was reeling back to his lines in a very drunken state, some sepoys would lead him to their tent, and persuade him to sleep off his intoxication, so that he might escape the keen eyes of the provost marshal, who had orders to apprehend all drunken men; and to high caste Hindoo Sepoys it must have been a great strain upon their feelings to come into very close contact 79 with men who had made such beasts of themselves. On the line of march it often happened that a good-hearted Ninth man would carry on his shoulders a tired sepoy, and vice versa, all which exhibited a very pleasant state of things. On the march to Loodiana we observed the body, or rather the bones and skin, of the robber leader, stiU hanging in chains by the roadside, of whom I made previous mention; and I may add that Ensign HaU, of the 26th Regiment of Native Infantry, when journeying to join us opposite the Khyber Pass, had been robbed of all his property near Umballa. He said that when asleep in his palanquin, the bearers suddenly dropped it, and the doors of the conveyance were then pushed open, spears pointed at him, with threats of death if he moved or showed any resistance. His pistols were taken from under his pillow before he was half awake, and every thing but the palanquin was carried off, and nothing ever recovered. As this had happened whilst passing through the Native State of Putteala, the political agent, Mr. George Clarke, got him full compensation, and was also kind enough to give him a good pair of pistols. 80 Loodiana was a large station, with one Light Infantry Regiment (50th), three regiments of Native Infantry, two batteries of Artillery, one regiment of regular Cavalry (native), and one of irregular Cavalry (native). I secured a comfortable bungalow and chummed with Lieutenant Vanrenen during 1843-44-45, whenever I was at the station. Major Huish took furlough to England at once, and regarding him I forgot to mention that in 1841 he had obtained leave and taken his wife and children from Ferozepore to Calcutta, at which place he heard of the Cabul outbreak; so, having seen his wife on board the ship about to start for England, he bade her good-bye, and hurried off to rejoin his regiment, then under orders for Cabul. Colonel Wallace was our new commanding officer, and we aU liked him. I was continuously with the regiment during 1843, but beyond races, cricketing, theatricals, parties at the messes and elsewhere, together with parades, nothing occurred worth noting, except the fact of my often riding at races, as I was then just nine-and-a-half stone, and a nice riding weight with a six-pound saddle— and as a gentleman jockey of course in demand. The 26th Regiment got the name of being rather 81 fast, and I fear that it somewhat deserved it, as the mess bills were generally higher than suited the purses of subalterns; and having to come down with my share towards the purchase of Lieutenant Hunter's retirement, the transaction threw me into debt with a bank. This officer had long been in poor health from injuring his hip- joint, and also from drink—though he was a man of much culture and given to intellectual pursuits. We all moreover gave a month's pay to meet the cost of some new mess plate, glass, and crockery, and the extra batta gained by the Cabul Campaign (an equivalent for prize money) came in very handy. In 1843 I passed very successfully the test for Interpreter at Meerut, and in those days the examination was much more difficult than at present—as it included a good proficiency in Persian as well as in Oordoo and Hindee. I was at once appointed as Interpreter and Quarter - Master to the* 7th Native Cavalry, then at Loodiana, and commanded by Colonel Stedman. Amongst the amusements at Loodiana I have omitted to mention shooting and coursing, and of the first I had a good deal—the country round about abounding in small game, as also some antelope. I have known 82 as many as thirteen hares coursed and kiUed in one morning by three couples of greyhounds. There was a large swimming bath, which was a real blessing, and here in the hot season we assembled in goodly numbers before mess-time to take a most delicious swim, amid great fun. Towards the close of 1843, there was much talk about the mutinous spirit pervading the ranks of the native regiments, owing to! the discontinuance of the extra batta or aUowances to the troops in Sindh. A "round robin" had been sent to the Commander- in-Chief, purporting to express the feehngs of the 64th Regiment, then at Loodiana; the expressions were most mutinous, setting forth that if the regiment was ordered to Sindh on the reduced pay, they would shoot the commandant and adjutant, seize the colours, and desert to the Sikhs across the river Sutlej. A Court of Inquiry was ordered to assemble with Brigadier Wheeler as President, and to this court I was nominated as Interpreter; but after a very lengthy investigation, nothing was found out to criminate the native officers, though several were strongly suspected of having countenanced the petition, if not of actually concocting it. I am glad to say that I came 83 off with flying colours as Interpreter, having been congratulated by the President in getting so successfully through what was rather a severe test for a youngster of twenty years. The regiment (64th), when ordered to march, did break out into open mutiny en route to Sindh, upon which it was at once ordered to Kurnal for disbandment; but with his usual leaning to the merciful view, which in this case was most injudicious, the forgiveness of Lord (then Sir Hugh) Gough, the Commander-in-Chief, was vouchsafed to the Sepoys on their humbling themselves to the extent of begging for pardon. After this the regiment did actually proceed to Sindh, but again broke out into mutiny at Sukkur a few months after, when a regiment of Europeans and some Artillery being brought on the parade ground, all the ringleaders were surrendered by their comrades, under a threat of immediate destruction of the whole regiment if such were not done. That our prestige had greatly suffered through the Cabul disaster cannot be doubted, and that the seeds of disaffection were then sown, to germinate in due time and fructify into the full-blown mutiny 84 of 1857, is also an undeniable fact, and therefore a most short-sighted and dangerous policy was it for the Government of 1843 to discontinue the Sindh batta at the very time when sickness there had been so rife and aU kinds of provisions were also very dear. The Sepoys could never afterwards be shaken in their belief that the Sirkar (Government) had broken faith with them, and doubtless many opinions in harmony with this view had been openly expressed at officers' messes and coffee shops, and retafled by native servants in attendance. The turn of the 7th Cavalry to march to Sindh soon came, and without an open murmur the regiment started for the detested province, possessing at that time the unbounded confidence of their officers; but, alas! we had only reached Mumdot (one march beyond Ferozepore) by a rather circuitous route to avoid the station, where three Native Infantry regiments were lying sulky and discontented, when the troopers all refused at morning time to mount their horses and march onwards, though all the commissioned and noncommissioned officers, trumpeters and farriers, etc., 85 who had any rank to lose made the pretence of loyalty by mounting and coming to the front where the EngHsh officers were assembled. I had gone ahead as quarter-master to the next encamping ground to fix on "the site for the tents, when, at a late hour in the morning, two troopers rode up saying "that the colonel wished the tents to be brought back at once." These men had ridden up with rather an insolent air, and when questioned by me as to the cause of the halt at Mumdot, replied " that they did not intend to go to Sindh." The officers were of course much exasperated, and in vain tried every persuasion to induce the men to mount their horses; the troopers declaring "that all such efforts were useless, as the Government had broken faith with them." None of the Infantry regiments then under orders to move from Ferozepore would obey the orders for the march to Sindh ; but the 6th Irregular Cavalry showed a bright example by starting off. After a halt of some few days to admit of orders coming from Head-Quarters (as the telegraph did not then exist), we received the command to 86 march back to UmbaUa, where we fuUy thought that the regiment would be disbanded, and so confident was Colonel Stedman of this, that he gave over the command to Major PhiUips, he himself riding ahead with me. On the first morning after receiving command Major PhiUips called up the European officers, and with them went to the rear of the regiment, telling the senior native officer to lead the corps which had so contemned its EngHsh officers. The men felt the sHght very much, and after a few days the native* officers' came to the colonel and besought him to lead them as formerly, which he did the next day, being very angry with the major. On reaching Umballa, so far from being punished the men got almost all they wanted, and moreover Major PhiUips having blackened the character of his colonel to the Commander-in-Chief, the latter was ordered to another regiment, and the command of the 7th was bestowed on Major PhiUips. We all felt more or less ashamed at the turn affairs had taken, and under such a weak military rule as that of Sir Hugh Gough, there was every reason to dread that this small spark of mutiny 87 might break out into a huge flame which would be very difficult to subdue. What story Major Phillips really told to the Chief we of course never knew, but from the bad nature of the man, all felt sure that falsehood predominated, and also that much blame had been causelessly and unfairly thrown upon all the officers, who from that day most thoroughly hated their new commandant. He had always exhibited a rather unfriendly feeling to me, owing, I think, to some unavoidable delay that had occurred at Loodiana in his getting his baggage camels. I thus saw an unpleasant future before me, and the bad feeling soon showed itself in every petty way the major's small mind could devise- viz., in finding fault about supplies, state of encamping grounds, and various matters connected with my department—and most of them being nought but vexatious and frivolous grumblings, perhaps caUed forth at times from me rather sharp remarks when making the morning reports on the renewed march to Sindh; till at last one day matters culminated, when the adjutant (Lieutenant Turnbull) told me in confidence that the major had ordered him " always to be present when I made my morning reports, and to carefully watch my bearing and tone, which he considered very; disrespectful." I was therefore careful not to commit myself, and having no wish to remain with the regiment I resigned the appointment when close to Sukkur, and taking advantage of the 9th Native Infantry being on their way to Ferozepore from Sindh, I at once joined them, and retraced my steps to Loodiana through the Bahawulpore territory in the months of April and May, reaching my destination in the height of the hot season after a most trying march. The tents were always struck about 11 p.m., when off the regiment marched, reaching the next encampment about sunrise: thus avoiding all exposure to the dreadful heat of the day. In the tents during the long weary days we used to He on the ground, under our bedsteads and near to the doors of the tents, at which mats made of a thorny sweet-smelling shrub called jiwasa were put up and kept damp aU day, yet still the heat was fearful, and several sepoys died from heat apoplexy. I forgot to mention that when on the march with the 7th Cavalry I was robbed by two of my servants—one a water carrier, the other a tent pitcher—both having been with me throughout the Affghan Campaign, and they had always behaved well; but like most of the natives, they had a horror of Sindh, and one morning on reaching my tent I found that the two men had walked off; taking with them some of my cash, which they had forced my young valet (bearer) to surrender, as also his private funds, which for safety he had placed in one of my boxes. I never saw the rascals again; and when I first heard of the theft and flight, my servant was sitting on one of my boxes weeping much at his own great loss. On the return march I saw for the second time the Indian bustard, a specimen of which was shot by Colonel Smith of the 9th when flying over the camp; some I had previously seen in the Northern Punjab. Nearly all the officers of the 9th were suffering more or less from the Sindh fever, and the regiment appeared to be almost decimated by this disease, which, together with large boils, had prostrated every regiment that had occupied that country from the first outbreak of the Affghan War in 1838. The country through which we marched bordered on the river Sutlej, with the desert only a few miles 90 I distant inland, being also very uninteresting and with a very sparse population. Bahawulpore is a large city surrounded by date groves, which at a sHght distance look very pretty, but hardly bear a close inspection. The small canals are very plentiful, and all running from the Sutlej, and full only in the season after the melting of the Himalaya snows, when the river is at flood—and but for these canals the country would be a desert or very near it, as the wells are not numerous, and water at a great distance from the surface. Wheeled carts of any description are rarely seen within the Bahawulpore territory; aU the merchandise being carried on camels or buUocks. Men, women, and children seemed greatly to favour the camel as a riding animal, and entire famflies are met journeying along on these patient and hardy animals. A good, swift riding camel is valued at about 120 rupees (or £12), but some fetch higher prices. The pace is smooth and easy, especiaUy when on the front seat of the large saddle; and officers in India often use the camels for shooting expeditions, the servant who carries the guns and provender riding behind *^/ 91 his master, whilst the latter guides the animal with reins fastened to its nose by rings. Camels, too, are often used for dragging guns (9-pounders), and. Sir Charles Napier formed some camel batteries, in Sindh. Their rate of speed averages about six miles an hour, and a good camel wUl travel fifty miles and more a day for a continuance without tiring, if well fed and groomed. Rather an amusing incident occurred on this march, in which I was called upon to play a part. Dr. Lacon was the young assistant - surgeon in medical charge of the 9th Regiment, and he and a Lieutenant Chamberlain were very great friends, their tents being next each other. Lacon had a pet monkey, which was tied up just outside his tent, and Chamberlain had a small terrier dog, which was also a great pet. One day the terrier flew at the monkey, on which Lacon came out of his tent and kicked the dog. Seeing this Chamberlain ran out of his tent, and at once kicked the monkey till it howled. Lacon afterwards came to my tent, and asked me to be his friend and demand an apology from Chamberlain. Shortly after this Chamberlain appeared, in the tent (not 92 knowing of Lacon's visit), and asked me to demand an apology from Lacon. With much difficulty I at last got them to make up the quarrel by mutual apologies, and the two again became great friends, as did the dog and monkey. Shortly after my return to Loodiana in 1844 I visited Simla for a month, staying with Captain Evans of my regiment, who was Aide-de-Camp to Sir Hugh Gough, the Commander-in-Chief, his uncle. The time passed very pleasantly, and the hill scenery struck me as very grand. On my return to Loodiana I obtained the Quarter-Mastership of the 9th Cavalry at the same station—and I got on weU with the officers; for though not a very quiet going set, they were aU good fellows, giving me a very hearty welcome. It was in this year that I first took part in a play, and after one trial my services on the stage were often in requisition; there being some reaUy good actors amongst the officers, especially two in the Artillery—Captains Christie and Abercrombie. One of our greatest amusements was biUiards at the messes and quoits, which were played much more than in these days. There was also a public coffee 93 shop at Doctor Whittall's house close by the bath, and here there was always a morning meeting after parade, when scandal and muffins were discussed with the coffee before taking a plunge into the bath, which was a good length and ten feet deep. This bath had been constructed and kept up by shareholders, such institutions being very common in Indian cantonments, as are racquet courts and cricket grounds. Of all amusements, however, in India I think that racing is followed up with the most enthusiasm, and the old and young officers take immense interest in training the most vicious and unsound screws— perhaps quite as much as the more experienced hands have in bringing forward their high-priced Arabs and Walers.* The foUowing story illustrates very fairly a phase of Indian cantonment life in 1844. Two young Cavalry officers of the 9£h Regiment, stationed at Loodiana, chummed together, one being named Snow, the other Wyllie. The first-named admired much a young lady called Bella Knowles, who was also admired by other officers. One night at - * The name given to Australian horses. 94 a ball Snow danced several times with Bed' T^-~ les^ and paid her much attention, coming home at a late hour of the morning. After breakfast WyUie saw him go to his writing table, and after finishing and closing a letter, he went into the verandah and gave it to his servant. WyUie suspected what the contents of the letter were, and going out at the back of the house, got over the waU, intercepted the bearer, took the letter from him, and pocketed it, forbidding him to say anything of this to his master. The letter was addressed to Miss B:*****^ and WyUie kept it in his pocket. At tiffin time Snow seemed very anxious, and suddenly looking at his chum, said: " Old feUow, I have made a great fool of myself for feeling very spoony this morning—I sent a proposal to B( JMftg»*3: the real truth being that I have no deep affection for her, and besides, I am too much in debt to admit of marriage." WyUie said, "Do you reaUy repent of having proposed ? " And on Snow declaring that he did, WyUie took the letter from his pocket and threw it across to his friend. It was a risky thing to do; but Snow felt really grateful. Several years afterwards Snow married in England; but IpJSI had then been long the wife of another officer. 95 I now give a description of some of the officers of my regiment. Major Huish, who commanded in the Affghan War, was a man of middle height, spare in frame but wiry, and from the peculiar curl of his dark hair and his somewhat thick lips, must I imagine have inherited some negro blood; he was reHgious, but perhaps a little narrow-minded in his views of life. As a soldier, he was brave and cool in action, and for Sepoys made a first-rate commander; though in after years, when appointed to command the 1st European Regiment, I was told, that he signally failed through want of tact. He was a bold and good rider, but very unfortunate in the number of dangerous falls he met with, and it was a bad fall when out hog-hunting that eventually most seriously damaged him, so as to necessitate his retirement. For his age and standing in the service, Major Huish was wonderfully youthful looking, and he kept his figure well. In Affghanistan he was wounded by a rifle ball passing through his thigh, yet fourteen days afterwards he was in the saddle and leading his regiment, quite against the doctor's orders. Captain Gahan was a large made man, of apparently a very robust constitution. He was an 96 Irishman, and very fond of a joke, also of a sarcastic turn which made him some enemies, more especiaUy after he had been suspected of being the writer of some very amusing letters which appeared in the Agra Akhbar newspaper when PoUock's force was at JeUalabad. The letters were dated from the camp, and signed "Triglyph;" but being fuU of personalities and camp gossip, caused some sensation, especiaUy amongst the staff, who got their full share of ridicule. In action Gahan was always cool, and I remember how at the Khyber fight he was drinking from a metal flask when a buUet struck it from his hand, on which he hardly started, but merely said " Confound that feUow; he has spiUed some good Hquor." The bad point in his character was his notoriety as a duellist, as he had been out several times, and it was said more than once on far too slight provocation, being moreover a first-rate pistol shot. I saw a great deal of him in the campaign, and for some time shared his underground dwelHng-place at Jellalabad. Mrs. Gahan was a very pretty lady-like woman, with some small children. His health broke down during the campaign, and he soon retired from the service, dying I believe a few years 97 afterwards on the Continent. He was a well read, clever man, and a most thorough unbeliever in revealed religion; such fact being, I believe, quite unknown to his wife, to whom' he was strongly attached. Captain Tritton was a good-natured man of light active frame, and a wonderful rider, really looking a part of his horse. He Hved very much in native fashion—keeping more than one native mistress, and possessing three or four whity-brown chfldren. He was invalided after the campaign on account of deafness, and up to the time of his death in 1861 Hved at Mussourie, where he married an English lady who was very kind to his half-caste children. Captain Walker died soon after I arrived in India from drink. Captain Taylor was a married man— in figure, stout and short; in disposition, jovial. He retired from the service before the Mutiny in 1857, being then in command of the regiment. Captain Evans, when I joined, Hved in rather native fashion, having contracted a left-handed marriage with a native woman. He was a kind- hearted man, and an Irishman; but of no great inteUectual grasp. Evans took a great liking to me, and gladdened my heart by offering me the use of any of his horses; all of which were first- class animals. I gladly avafled myself of his kind offer, as my own Stud was Hmited to one gaUoway, and that by no means a first-class animal. One of these mounts was a roan of about 14 hands 2 inches, and one of the prettiest horses I had ever seen. Evans, when at Simla as Aide-de-Camp, was induced by Lord Gough, the Commander-in-Chief, to seU it to him, and it became his favourite charger, and must often have been under very heavy fire. I have said that my horse was not a first-rate one, but he was also extremely vicious, and being a stalHon (as is so often the case with riding horses in India), was much given to fighting with other horses. One day when Mackenzie and I were riding together near the general parade ground, our horses commenced to fight, and after rearing straight up both fell backwards. I fell clear of my horse, but Mackenzie was under his, with his right leg still over the saddle. My horse rose quickly, and went open - mouthed at his fallen enemy; but instead of biting him laid hold of Mackenzie's leg by the calf and mauled it dreadfully, so that the poor fellow was laid up for a long time, and nearly all the calf sloughed away. Evans, as before mentioned, lived with a native woman, and she, like all others in such position, was kept as a purdah nasheen—viz., in strict privacy. One evening Evans was not feeling well, and I had stayed to dine with him, and when we had enjoyed the usual cigar, he asked me if I would like to make the acquaintance of his charmer; so we went into the private apartment after due notice had been given to her. I was quite surprised to see such a beautiful young woman, reminding me much of a coloured picture I had once seen of Ayesha, the wife of Mahomed. She was quite self-possessed, and was sitting cross-legged on an ottoman drinking coffee, and very freely entered into conversation in Oordoo about the pursuits of officers, and Captain Evans' love of sport. A couple of years afterwards I was introduced by another friend of mine in the 48th Native Infantry to his " light of the harem," and she was a Cashmere lady, and quite as beautiful as Ayesha. Evans for some years commanded a Ghoorka regiment, and died I think in 1858 or 1859, but I had lost sight of him since 1846. Captain Spencer was adjutant of the regiment when I joined, and he also had formed a connection with a native woman. He was a great reader, and in Hebrew and Oriental languages was a first-class scholar: he was kiUed in the Mutiny of 1857. Lieutenant Hunter had retired from the service before we left Ferozepore for Affghanistan, having greatly weakened his constitution by drinking. He was of very retiring disposition, and Hved much in Oriental fashion; to Hterature he was greatly addicted, and had a good' coUection of books. When quite a young man and an ensign, he had a quarrel with Major-General Sir Francis Whittingham, then commanding the Meerut Division, and on being called out Sir Francis would not take advantage of his position, but met the bumptious youngster at Mussourie, when shots were exchanged; though, after the duel, he had Ensign Hunter placed in arrest as a warning to him. Lieutenant Duffin was a married man, but was afterwards separated from his wife through her misconduct. He was decidedly clever; but got into bad ways— left the service, and died at Constantinople when serving with the Turkish contingent in the Crimean Campaign. Duffin's matrimonial affair caused rather a stir in social circles in Upper India in 1843-44, and people took sides with some warmth. The 101 officers of his regiment thought him very badly used, and I was a strong partisan of his, though the particulars of the case are too lengthy to be more than touched upon here. She was a very pretty and attractive young woman, he a good-looking man; and when I joined at Ferozepore, they appeared to be a very attached couple. It was the Affghan War, and consequent separation for a year, that brought this sad ruin to what had been a very happy home. Mrs. Duffin had gone to Mussourie after her husband left, and there made the acquaintance of a Captain Hemes, a staff officer who laid himself out to mislead her, and I fear was but too successful. In 1843, in the hot season, she was Hving at Simla in a house by herself and young child, her husband being with his regiment at Loodiana. He heard that she was carrying on an improper intimacy with a Mr. Lushington of the Civil Service, and a married man. Duffin laid his dak* under another name; and arrived at Simla unknown to his wife, whose house he watched, and saw Mr. Lushington go there at dusk. He at once followed him; but » Old custom of iourneying by palanquin. 102 on opening the front door, he saw Mr. Lushington going out at the back window, and down the steep hill—at least, such was Duffin's story to me. He reproached his wife in strong terms, and that night she left his house for Mr. Lushington's, who was Hving with his own wife in another part of Simla. She sent for her clothes, but Duffin refused to give them. A few nights after this, when Duffin was dining out, five or six EngHshmen appeared at the house with crape over their faces, and seizing upon Duffin's bearer, bound his hands and feet, and made him stand with his face to the wall, whilst they packed up all Mrs. Duffin's things in her boxes, she having come to point them out; they then placed the boxes on coolies' backs, and had them carried to Mr. Lushington's house. It was never known exactly who these men were, except that they were undoubtedly officers, and one was said to be Lieutenant Edwardes, afterwards Sir Herbert, he being a friend of Mr. Lushington's; and I conclude that Mrs. Duffin had told a piteous tale, which made him think he was doing a chivalrous action. A duel came off on the Simla race-course between Duffin and Lushington, but no harm was done, Duffin being a very poor hand with the 103 pistol. Afterwards, when Duffin faUed to get a divorce from the Calcutta High Court, Mrs. Duffin lived at Mussourie with the child in the house of her brother-in-law, Major Gordon; and Duffin, determined to get the chUd from her, went to Mussourie with Montague of his regiment under assumed names,—and when Mrs. Duffin was out of the house, he went up to the verandah where the child was playing, and carried him off to the Rajpore Hotel at the foot of the hills. Here, in a few hours, they were waited upon by an officer of the Cavalry (whose name I forget), Major Gordon, and another officer, and Duffin gave them an interview in the pubHc-room of the hotel: the hotel-keeper and Montague standing by him. The officers said they came on behalf of a bereaved mother, and hoped Duffin would give up the Httle boy, who, by-the-bye, was standing by his father. This Duffin refused to do, and told them that he and Montague were armed, and if they tried force they would get the worst of it. Montague and the hotel-keeper also said it was their intention to assist Duffin in resisting the recapture of the chUd: so the three officers, seeing that the affair was far more serious than anticipated, returned to Mussourie. 104 Some months afterwards, when Duffin was at Meerut with the chUd, some officers performed the part of abductors, and the boy was taken to his mother's house. Duffin afterwards got possession of him by course of law, and as I have mentioned, left the Lieutenant Vaureneu had been my chum at Loodiana, and was a well-built, very active man; his weakness was a too great fondness for Hquor; and he died when holding an appointment in the Canal Department in Sindh. Lieutenant Baugh had formerly been in the Navy, and was a man of strong, hardy frame; but of a rather selfish disposition. Lieutenant Eatwell was a good-looking man, of pleasing appearance; but never gave me a favourable impression as to sincerity of character. He was said to have intrigued with a married lady at Loodiana, who on hearing of his death on the battle-field of Ferozeshah at once fainted away, and grieved for him sorely—at least, this was the report. Eatwell, as well as the husband of this lady, were old school-fellows of mine. Mackenzie, just below Eatwell in rank, was a truly fine-hearted fellow, and a great friend of 105 mine. On first joining he was what was caUed very raw, and got much teased about his nationaHty (Scotch). His temper was, however, exceUent, and it took a lot of chaffing to put him out at all. Mackenzie retired from the service a few years after the Mutiny, and I have often come across him in England. The above are all, with one exception, who were with the regiment at Ferozepore. Lieutenant HaU, known as " Georgy," joined us at JeUalabad, and was soon a great favourite. He was short, but compactly built, as weU as good-looking, and as a horseman was " facfle princeps" in the corps; though most of us were fair riders. He afterwards rose to the command of an Irregular Cavalry Regiment, and died some ten or twelve years ago of gout. Croly, a son of the well-known London preacher and author (the late Dr. Croly), joined us also at JeUalabad. He was a tall man, good- looking, and clever, and entering the Army late in life, had received an education much superior to most cadets. As an artist he also showed talent, making some capital water-colour paintings of the battles fought under General Pollock, which were 106 to have been published by subscription; but he was killed at the battle of Ferozeshah in 1845, and I suppose that the work of printing off the paintings in colours was never completed, for I have never seen them noticed. Some officers joined us at Loodiana, but none of note except Montague, who soon succeeded to a large fortune, and retired from the Army; though whilst with the regiment he lived at an expensive rate, and entertained much. I have reserved mention of one officer to the last, as I had greater respect for him than any other — and that was Captain Handscomb, with whom I shared a tent for some time during the Affghan Campaign. He had all the appearance of a bluff, honest Englishman, and in frame was one of the strongest men I have ever seen. As a soldier he was all that could be wished, having a very high sense of duty. When the Mutiny broke out in 1857 he was the brigadier commanding at Lucknow, and on receiving information that the garrison had broken out into open mutiny on the general parade ground, he at once ordered his horse, in the face of urgent remonstrances from 107 friends, who knew that the Sepoys would certainly shoot down any EngHsh officer who dared to interfere with them. Handscomb listened to the speakers, but disregarded their advice, saying that discipline and the calls of duty demanded that he should do his utmost to recall the misguided men to their senses ; so, mounting his charger, he galloped to the parade ground, and there speedily met his death at the hands of the furious Sepoys, who in happier times would have felt greatly honoured in being led to victory by so noble a soldier. The promotion in the Company's service went regularly by seniority, but in most Native regiments there was an arrangement for purchasing out officers desirous of retiring, from the newly - promoted majors down to the junior captain and senior lieutenant; and in my regiment we had aU signed an agreement to purchase such steps as were offered. Thus at Ferozepore, before marching for Peshawur and Cabul, we purchased out Lieutenant Hunter, whose health had broken down, and at Loodiana we purchased out Major Gahan on his promotion, and also Captain Tritton—and most of us had to 108 borrow the required money from the banks; and I thus commenced a career of debt from 1842. The interest charged on such loans was twelve per cent., and as we also insured our Hves, three per cent, was added to the interest charges. Payments were to be made by monthly instalments, and these very often fell into arrears—and the banks never omitted to add on compound interest when this occurred; so that it really was a case of the elder officers plundering the young ones, as most of the bank shareholders were officers of the Army, who thus saw a good opening for investment of their savings. Each borrower had to furnish two sureties on taking out a loan, and these were invariably his brother officers, who were generally quite as poor as himself; but then there was not much risk so long as a borrower was not dismissed the service. At one time, in the earHer part of my career, I must have been surety for fully two thousand pounds, with no assets to meet such a claim !! 109 Chapter IV. 1844-45-46. IT Berhampore, my first station, there was no chaplain nor church, neither were there ~*g§*~~ any at Ferozepore, nor a chaplain with the army under General PoUock; as in those days the establishment of Government chaplains was barely sufficient to admit of one at every large military cantonment, whilst at the smaUer stations the officers and men had to manage amongst themselves for their spiritual wants, which as far as my experience went was merely by stoHd indifference. During the halt at JeUalabad the service was read every Sunday at the head of each EngHsh regiment by the commanding officer in the open at early morning parade, aU officers from native regiments being invited to attend. Mr. Bowstead was chaplain at Loodiana, but he shone more at the mess tables as a boon companion than at church in his vestments. His sermons were, however, often exceptionally good; in fact, we 110 thought them far too good to be his own composition. He certainly signally failed to uphold much the credit of the Established Church, thinking he had done his duty well by getting through the two services every Sunday. I shall have more to say hereafter about Indian chaplains, who as a class failed to gain my respect during a lengthened Indian career. In the end of 1844 Lieutenant Duffin took leave to Calcutta in order to prosecute his suit for a divorce against Mr. Lushington of the Civil Service, and I was put in orders to officiate for him as interpreter and quarter - master of the regiment, which gave me more pay than I was getting with the Cavalry regiment, and I held the privilege of riding at all parades. Being very fortunate in getting staff employ early in life, I had been able to keep good horses for riding purposes, and one I also drove in a buggy; my pay being about 450 rupees a month (£45). The largest number of horses that I ever kept in India was six. I forgot to mention that in 1843, owing to rather serious disturbances amongst the Sikhs at Kythal (not far from Kumal, and in the protected Ill States), my regiment was hurriedly ordered off from Loodiana to assist the poHtical officer in restoring order; and though it was in the hot season, we made a forced march of about thirty miles the first night, and a shorter one the next night, when an express arrived that troops were not required, as the rebel force had given up the old fort and palace of which they had taken violent possession. This march gave me a very favourable impression of the powers of endurance of the Sepoys, as hardly a man fell out of the ranks. In the year 1845 cholera was very bad at Loodiana, and some few officers and many men (English and natives) died; but no officer of my regiment. Lieutenant Anderson of the Cavalry, a very popular man, was carried off after a few hours' illness. The disease appeared for the first time at a hill station (Subathoo), and there took a most virulent form. Some few officers in 1845 rented a house at Simla as a joint concern for two months, and I took up my residence there as manager of the accounts, which were on rather an extravagant scale; as, to use a slang term, "we Hved Hke fighting cocks." The shareholders in this 112 arrangement were Dr. Whittall (26th), Lieutenants Baugh and Hall (26th), Colonel Christie (9th Cavalry), Lieutenants Hughes and Wale (48th Native Infantry), Lieutenant Tombs. (Horse ArtiUery), and myself. The house went by the name of "Limerick Hall," perhaps from the row that generally prevailed. Just above us on the road a Mrs. Watts and her two daughters occupied a house, which came to be much frequented by Drs. WhittaU and Faithfull, who not being able to resist the attraction, very soon committed themselves to matrimony with the daughters. The younger (afterwards Mrs. FaithfuU) was very pretty. We of "Limerick Hall" of course attended the wedding, and breakfast, helping much to increase the hUarity of the feast. One evening a large leopard sprang into the verandah of our house whilst I was sitting there, and carried off a big poodle dog which had been entrusted to one of the party for change of air by a lady at Loodiana. Lieutenant Tombs (afterwards the celebrated Sir Harry Tombs who so distinguished himself in the Mutiny of 1857) was a very good-looking young man with a small silky moustache of a black colour, J 113 which he used to oil and caress to a most foppish extent. I did not care much for him, as he seemed to give far too much attention to dress, and was too conceited to please me. He was always sneaking off to the house of a lady not far off, with whom we all thought he carried on an improper intimacy. Her husband was a captain in a Cavalry regiment, and she was very pretty, sflly, and a flirt, ostensibly residing at Simla for her health, whilst the confiding captain was with his regiment in far-off Sindh. I, with a few others, was made a Free Mason whilst at Simla; but I never foUowed it up, partly by reason of the expense it involved, and partly from a want of interest in the ceremonies, and general working of the association. It was doubtless a very useful institution in the dark ages; but very much out of place in these enlightened days. Very many, probably most, join it at first from curiosity, and afterwards follow it up from a liking for the convivial meetings, for which Free Masons are so celebrated. I also at Simla took part in theatricals, and on one occasion acted in the character of Rochester to Lieutenant Edwardes' Charles the Second. This was the officer who afterwards made 114 1 such a name as Sir Herbert Edwardes; the play being the " Merry Wags of Windsor," and our audience the elite and fashion of Simla. The chief manager in these performances was Captain Christie of the Horse Artillery, afterwards killed at Chillian- wala by the Sikh Cavalry on the occasion of the flight of the 14th Dragoons. A few years afterwards my friend Dr. Ebden told me that he was one of the medical officers at the field hospital on that occasion, and was engaged in binding up Christie's wound, received previous to the misbehaviour of the Dragoons, when suddenly the troopers and Sikh horsemen rushed past the hospital tents, causing dire disorder and Christie's death by the reopening of the wounds. Ebden said that his first thoughts were of flight to Bombay, as India must surely be lost to us now that British CavaHy had turned their backs on an equal number of ill-trained Native horsemen. I may mention that endeavours were made to account for this strange panic in various ways; but I think the following remarks of a very experienced soldier may be taken as a good explanation. 115 A short time before the battle of ChiUianwala the 14th Dragoons had faUen into a trap on the bank of the Chenab river; the Sikhs being encamped on the opposite side of the river, and the Dragoons having been led on in a rather rash manner by Colonel Havelock (brother of the great general), had suffered much loss by artiUery fire, and Havelock was kflled. Sir Charles Napier, when he read an account of this affair at a London club, remarked to a friend: " This regiment wiU have to be very carefully handled the next time it comes across the enemy" — meaning that they had been very badly handled, and sacrificed with no good or useful object, and therefore had lost confidence. The journeys from Loodiana to Simla (about 100 miles) were generaUy made on horseback, as the road was usuaUy in a good state for riding. On one occasion, however, I remember that the rain had been very heavy, and the road was flooded for several mUes to a depth of about four feet, so that our party of five horsemen had to journey on a pad elephant of the Commissariat for some distance during the night. It was a tedious 116 business, and very tiring for two at least of the travellers who had the very back portion of the pad, as it sloped downwards towards the tail of the animal, and it was necessary to hold on tightly to the ropes to escape slipping off. I was seated on the front of the pad just behind my friend Lieutenant Wale, as in the rush for seats we had succeeded in securing the two best. Wale got into conversation with the mahout,* and commenced to humbug him about the wfld elephants of Ceylon, saying "how when he was there near the jungle the elephants, used to often come up to the verandah and take food from his hands, and that on one occasion he was writing in his room with the window open, when an enormous tusker came into the verandah, and put his trunk into the room in hopes of getting some bread ." Wale had got thus far in his fabrication when the elephant gave a sharp swerve, from the noise of a duck rising from the sedge, and losing his balance, Wale fell plump into the water — his punishment for the fabulous story being a good ducking and the loss of his front seat, which of course was immediately appropriated. * Driver of the elephant. 117 It was at Loodiana in 1845 that my best riding horse was stolen from his stable, evidently by Sikh robbers from the other side of the Sutlej. It was an arab, and worth Rs.800 (£80), which sum I had just been offered for him. The poHtical agent did not exert himself much to recover it; but impudently offered me Rs.300 for my chance of getting it back. As the year closed in all sorts of reports were rife of the intended doings of the turbulent Sikh troops, and much as we desired a brush with them, yet somehow we rather despised them. It was at this time that a Monsieur St. Amand (a painter from France), who had been treated most hospitably by our mess, and more especiaUy by Lieutenant Duffin, wrote to the latter officer from the Sikh side of the river after taking service with them, "that he hoped soon to meet Duffin and his brother officers in the front of battle, and so have an opportunity of wiping out the stain of Waterloo." This was the very man who had taken my likeness at Berhampore; and we heard afterwards that the gallant painter had fled to British territory in bodily fear of his own soldiers, who had threatened his 118 life. There were only two or three officers of European birth at that period in the Sikh service, for the fashion of employing them had gradually dropped since the death of Runjeet Singh, who having left no capable successor, bad government and disorder soon threatened the Khalsa dynasty with disaster; as from the turbulent spirit of the soldiery, who had assembled at Lahore in great numbers, any settled government seemed impossible. Lord Hardinge, the Governor - General, had appointed me as assistant to the Resident of Nepal just at the close of 1845, and all my preparations having been made, I was about to leave Loodiana for my new post, when the report regarding the invasion of our territory by the Sikh army became so strong that I at once asked for permission to remain for the present with my regiment; but the Governor-General, then at Umballa or near it, would not Hsten to my reasonable request, so I started at once by dak (dooley) for Nepal*; but had only got one night's journey when I fell in with Sir Hugh Gough's force on its- march from Umballa, which induced me to seek the advice of the Adjutant- * For real distance, see a Map of India. 119 General (the present Sir Patrick Grant), who told me there was no doubt but that the Sikhs intended mischief, and that if I left my regiment at such a time I might regret it much hereafter. My mind being thus relieved I at once threw up my dak, bought a horse from Lieutenant Edwardes, then an aide-de-camp to the Chief, and rode at a stretch into Loodiana by a direct route through independent Sikh territory, passing through some large viUages, whose inhabitants (especiaUy the boys) exhibited a great dislike at seeing the "feringee" thus riding apparently unarmed through their country, though unarmed I was not, as under my coat I carried a pair of pistols. My four boxes, which were carried by bearers on the same road, never turned up at Loodiana, and from inquiries made through the Postal department, it seemed clear that they had been stolen and the bearers murdered by the disaffected population of the Putteala territory. I afterwards received from Government the small compensation of Rs.300 (£30) as value of my uniform, all else being disallowed. On reaching Loodiana after a ride of about thirty miles, I found that the troops had all marched for 120 Bussean (thirty miles off) on a very hurried notice, in the hope of being in time to save a very large store of grain and other provisions which were threatened by the Sikhs, who had crossed the Sutlej river between Loodiana and Ferozepore in great force with a large train of artillery and munitions of war. After a night's rest at Loodiana I started on horseback for Bussean on a small arab I had left for sale, my other two nags having been got rid of—one by sale and the other by theft, as before mentioned. Captain Hicks of the 9th Irregular Cavalry accompanied me, as also two other officers on their way to rejoin, one of them a Lieutenant in the 50th Queen's, who had just sent in his resignation of the Service with the intention of taking Orders. He fell at our first action. We reached Bussean, where our force was, at evening, and found that the grain, etc., had been saved; and it was reported that the Sikhs were near at hand, and that there would most probably be a fight the next day. I also found that my regiment had been detailed for rear-guard duty, and not wishing to lose the chance of a fight, I at once went over to Brigadier Wheeler's tent 121 and got permission to act as his aide-de-camp or mounted orderly officer the next day. The force started very early next morning all ready for immediate action—the Artillery with port-fires lighted: but we saw no enemy, or sign of them, until the close of the march at Wudni; the small fort then being held by Sikh troops, who refused to open the gates. Preparations were at once made for blowing up the barred gates; but such intention was afterwards abandoned by our Chief, who settled the difficulty some way unknown to the troops, as the Sikhs to all appearance remained masters of the situation. There was of course much grumbling at what seemed a humiHation, as we had been drawn up ready for an assault, which would probably have been a bloody one, as the gates were too strong to be battered down by our Light ArtiUery guns. The force was then encamped near the smaU fort, and I had to borrow some clothes from my brother officers. The next day's march was a very long and tiring one: the men falHng out of the ranks by hundreds; so that when we reached camp certainly not more than 100 men 122 remained with the 9th Queen's (again brigaded with us), and perhaps 300 of my regiment. Our goal was Moodkee, and the road in places was very sandy. We (the officers), by 2 p.m., had partaken of a cold breakfast, and the Sepoys were engaged in cooking their daily meal, when the alarm was given that the Sikh army was coming on in force. Count Oriolo, an aide-decamp of Prince Waldemar, the Prussian, then a guest of the Governor-General (Lord Hardinge), brought us the news by riding furiously along the front of the camp, and shouting out "khirich," the Hindustanee for " a sword," most likely hi his excitement thinking that such a cry would answer as a call to arms. The force was soon ready in columns of regiments, and in such formation, with the Artillery and Cavalry in advance, we moved towards the columns of dust seen in the distance, knowing that such was the Sikh position, and very soon the balls began to fly|$ the whizzing sound of shot and shell being incessant, and the dust and smoke almost blinding. The men were falling around us, but the movement was onwards, 123 until an alarm was given that our flank was threatened by Cavalry, on which we immediately formed square, and as a heavy cloud of dust was quickly progressing towards us, the order was given to prepare for Cavalry, and only just in time to be spared a volley did the 3rd Regiment of Dragoons appear out of the dense dust cloud, or rather the remnant of the regiment, which had suffered a very heavy loss in its gallant charge through the Cavalry, ArtiUery, and Infantry of the enemy. The charge was a very rash and unmilitary movement, like Balaklava, but the moral effect on the Sikhs was doubtless great, and much favoured our side. After this episode we again advanced in support of the 9th Queen's, and soon gave the Khalsa a taste of the steel with a swift charge after a sharp volley of musketry; the loss being, I think, about forty men in my regiment, and in the 9th many more, as they were much more exposed in advancing on the Infantry of the enemy. By this time it was twilight, and the Sikhs had evidently had enough of fighting; so, after collecting the captured artillery (nineteen guns in all), and picking up aU 124 our wounded that could be found, we returned to the camp at Moodkee, fully impressed with the opinion that the Sikhs were far from being a despicable foe, as the heavy losses in our force most fully demonstrated. The Governor-General's body-guard (a very fine looking body of Native Cavalry) were to have charged with the 3rd Dragoons, but report said they behaved badly, and the body-guard afterwards always went by the name of the " Scarlet Runners," their uniform being scarlet with gold lace and other frippery. The 26th did not lose an officer in this fight, but many a fine fellow saw his last battle on that day, and amongst them was a Roman Catholic priest who had accompanied the 50th Queen's from Loodiana, and he went along with the regiment into action against the wishes of the officers, saying " that many a badly-wounded soldier might require his services." The good little fellow was struck by some grape shot, and his breast shattered, shortly after the firing commenced, and whilst binding up the wounds of a soldier. Amongst the soldiers of note who fell were General Sir Robert Sale and General McCaskill. 125 Brigadier Wheeler (afterwards the weU-known Sir Hugh, who fell at Cawnpore in the Mutiny) had his horse shot under him, and when lying on his back was attacked by a Sikh soldier, who made a slashing stroke at his chest; but the sword blow luckily feU on a powder flask and on one of his fingers; the man being shot before he could do further mischief. After the fight, and when resting on the ground, the attention of some of us was caUed to a group of soldiers of the 9th Queen's and 26th Native Infantry, and on going towards them we found that they had caught a gigantic Sikh soldier, who had hid in some branches of a tree; and it seems that the 9th men had intended to let him, loose, and when he had ran to a fair distance, a few Sepoys were to fire at him ; and this they considered was giving him fair treatment. Colonel Wallace spoke sharply to them of their inhumanity, and released the man; but I don't think the soldiers saw exactly how they had behaved badly, and it is very difficult to get Tommy Atkins to understand that natives of India are entitled to as kind treatment as EngHshmen. R Shortly before the fight commenced I remember Captain Box of the 1st European Regiment (Company's) coming up to some of us whilst breakfasting, and as he looked in poor spirits, being generally a very jovial character, we asked if anything was the matter; he answered "nothing," but that he felt sure he should be killed that and get it, as he said, "smack in the face;" and it really so happened that he was killed by a bullet in the forehead. I mention it, as he was a very popular man, and a great athlete, being an exceedingly good fighter with his fists also. At Ghuznee he led his company through and over the gateway which had been blown down by the Engineers' department, and in the fight, which was a severe one, his sword was broken, upon which he fought his way inwards with his fists, and strange to say was not wounded. When at Kurnal with his regiment after parade one day he was speaking in severe terms to a man of his company, when the fellow became very impertinent, on which Captain Box ordered the sergeant to take him to the quarter - guard, and 127 confine him there. As the man was being taken off, he turned towards Box and said, " I wish I could get at you, as I'would give you the d 1 Hcking you ever had." Captain Box looked round, and as the men (except the sergeant's guard) and all the officers had left the parade ground, he said to the sergeant, "Let him go;" which was done, and the man came at once to carry out his threat, but Box had thrown off his regimental coat and was prepared for him, and after a short but severe fight the man found he had met his master, and cried "Enough!" on which he was sent to the quarter-guard, to be released in a few hours, when the sergeant came and told Captain Box that the man was deeply penitent for his conduct. Box let him off, as he knew fuU weU that if the colonel heard of the fight there would be a serious row about it. This man, who had always been considered as the champion fighter of the regiment, ever after was quiet and well-behaved, and Box said he never had the sHghtest trouble with him. The day after the battle (19th December, 1845) I reported to the Secretary to the Government that I had rejoined my regiment, and my reasons for Lj 128 .so doing, and I soon received a letter of approval from the Government, as the eyes of Lord Hardinge, the Governor - General, were at last opened to the fact that the Sikhs were in earnest about invading our territory, but so blind was he till the battle of Moodkee, that even the march of the 16th Lancers from Meerut had been countermanded, and also the preparation of a siege train. The villagers about Moodkee exhibited a bad feeling towards us by withholding supplies—but large stores of grain were found buried; likewise ali information was persistently withheld, which showed that their sympathies were strongly with the enemy, who we knew were strongly entrenched in great numbers with heavy artillery at Ferozshah, a few miles distant. A halt of two days—viz., till the 21st December —was made at Moodkee so as to admit of a junction with General Littler's force from Ferozepore, and in this interval the Government offered me a Commissariat appointment, but I preferred to keep my Nepal one. On the morning of the 21st we marched in battle array, effecting the junction in •the afternoon (late) near Ferozshah without any 129 molestation on the march, except from a few horsemen who skirmished on our right flank, occasionally sending a matchlock baU into the column. It was very late in the afternoon when the action commenced, and as we advanced in Hne, supporting at a distance General Littler's column, the large cannon balls came lobbing up, and hopped over our heads; and hardly had we got accustomed to them when Littler's force was observed in hurried and confused retreat, the Sepoys crying out to our men as they rushed through the ranks—" Lotee ao bhai kooch bundobust naheen hai" (Retrace your footsteps, brothers, for there is no settled plan), meaning that they had lost confidence in their leaders. The loyal reply of our men was, "Where the 9th go we shall go also." Brigadier Ash- burnham, commanding one of the broken brigades, rode up to Major Handscomb, our commandant, and sought his advice on the plea that he was a young man having risen in the guards, and had never been in action in his life. Handscomb curtly told him to try and reform his brigade behind the 26th and 9th. The latter regiment rushed forward to the Sikh batteries in their front and captured them, my regiment going with them; 130 but the 9th suffered .great loss, about 300 men being kflled or wounded, as the Sikh gunners directed'their fire much more on them than on us, as they had done on the English regiment with General Littler's division. Our guns were all of them field ones of light calibre, and were quite unable to cope with the Sikhs' heavy artillery, a circumstance which doubtless greatly disheartened the native troops. We had not rushed far into the enemy's camp when buried ammunition began to explode, and as night was coming on the Commander-in-Chief ordered the troops to stand fast on the ground they had gained; but, unfortunately, the party I was with did not hear the bugle sound, and so got involved in difficulties, from which they were not extricated till past midnight by Sir Harry Smith, who assumed command of the broken portions of the regiments he had managed to collect together. The night was bitterly cold, and the panics frequent, our men knowing nothing of the Sikh position; and thus, as the despatch described it, " the long night wore away." On the morning of the 22nd December a second attack was made on the enemy, who had stood 131 their ground during the long, weary night, and by the afternoon we were in entire possession of the entrenched camp and about eighty large guns, though to gain such advantage the sacrifice of life had been deplorable, hard fighting without any attempt at tactics having won the day; and if the large body of Sikh Cavalry which threatened us on that morning had advanced with any courage and order, an utter rout must have been the result,, for our artillery ammunition had been aU expended, and nearly all the small arm ammunition as weU; moreover, all the men were worn out with hunger and thirst. Brigadier WaUace, our colonel, had assumed the command of the brigade when Brigadier Taylor fell, and WaUace was soon afterwards killed by a round shot. EatweU and Croly of the regiment were also kiUed by grape- shot, and Captain Taylor wounded. At about midnight I was searching for water for Eatwell, who was extremely thirsty in his wounded state; but faiHng to procure any, I opened a bottle of beer which I had found in possession of a drummer boy, who with others had plundered a cart fuU of boxes of beer, the property doubtless of some mess at Ferozepore, and which had faUen into the hands 132 of the Sikh soldiery. The number of soldiers killed and wounded in the 26th were, I think, seventy — the main loss falling on the English soldiers, who had been marked out by the. Sikh gunners. Even after the capture of the camp, the loss amongst the soldiers was not slight, owing to the constant explosions of buried ammunition. The shot and shell of the enemy, of which there were large stores, were collected and thrown down wells, from which flames soon shot up, whilst the ground was shaken all around by the exploding missiles. At the time that the Sikh Cavalry showed in our front at such great length on the early morning of 22nd December, some estimated their numbers at 30,000, with several light guns. On their, appearance the remnants of our regiments formed into squares, into one of which (the 50th Queen's) I saw a large shot plunge with terrible effect, striking down eleven; men, seven of whom were killed outright. The square broke, and so did ours when the shot came thick and searched the ranks. It was on this occasion that being very thirsty I ran up to a water-carrier for a drink from his skin; but a soldier ran up at the same time, and I 133 yielded the place to him, as he looked very much exhausted; and well was I rewarded for such politeness, for he had only just stooped to gather the water in his hand when a large shot struck him on the thigh, shattering it and killing him, and the water-carrier also, as weU as spilling aU the water. We found that our thirst was much relieved by keeping a bullet in the mouth until water was procurable, which, however, was not always drinkable, from the enemy having thrown so many dead bodies into the weUs round and about the village of Ferozshah, most likely to defile them; though our soldiers drank the water, and laughingly called it " Sikh broth." There were two stories accounting for the strange conduct of the Sikh Cavalry in not charging down upon the worn-out and diminished British force—firstly, that the move of our shattered ArtiUery into Ferozepore early in the day in the hope of replenishing the store of ammunition was thought to be a flank movement; and secondly, that our politicals had been in correspondence with Tej Singh, the Cavalry commander, who in his heart wished for the defeat of the Sikh Army, as his own interest could be best served hereafter by 134 retaining our friendship. Subsequent information brought to light this fact, that the bulk of the •Sikh Infantry had evacuated the entrenchment in the night, and that the troops we attacked the next day were but a remnant of the force. Lord Hardinge, the Governor-General, thought that utter defeat must ensue if the CavaHy advanced, and therefore, with a full determination of dying on the field, he directed his younger son (Arthur), his aide-de-camp, to proceed into Ferozepore; and Prince Waldemar (his guest), also at his request, left the field of battle, and made off for Europe in a great hurry via Bahawulpore, on reaching which place he heard from the political agent that the Sikhs had been utterly defeated. Arthur Hardinge (now Sir Arthur) would not leave his lather, but his elder brother Charles (now Lord Hardinge) did so, taking his father's miHtary orders and some other insignia. Our fare was very poor for the first day after the fight—an old goat having been captured, killed, and grilled by our sergeant-major, who proved himself very " au fait" at rough cookery. This man, named Brazier, at the end of the campaign J 135 got his commission, and subsequently rose to the commandantship of the Ferozepore Sikh Regiment^ which under him did such noble service in the mutiny year. Colonel Brazier was made a C.B., but his fondness for filthy lucre got him into a very serious scrape, he having tampered with the accounts of the estates of deceased soldiers of his regiment; but in consideration of his distinguished services, the Government allowed him to retire on a pension. It was a sad end to what had been otherwise a rather grand career. Brazier was also said to have gone shares with his men in the plunder acquired during 1857, and so to have amassed much wealth,— for the truth of this I cannot vouch. Some other non-commissioned officers got promoted after the campaign, but I beHeve that all came to grief, some from a fondness for drink, and others from pecuniary troubles; Brazier, however, was a very sober man. As all my clothes had been lost with my boxes, I was obliged to lay in a stock from those of EatweU and Croly, when all the small property they possessed was sold by auction, with the effects of other deceased officers* • 136 At Ferozshah we halted for two days before marching to Subraon, near the river Sutlej, where the Sikh Army, strongly reinforced with men and guns, was entrenched' opposite a good bridge of boats ' on the British side of the river, and this position the Commander - in - Chief found that he could not attack without heavy guns and a further supply of small arm ammunition. Thus for nearly two months we remained looking at the Sikhs, who used to parade daily in front of our advanced posts, one of which was held by ■the brigade containing the 26th Native Infantry. Alarms were very frequent; and by order every officer on outpost duty slept in his clothes, or was expected to do so. I was always a very quick dresser, so kept every article of clothing ready to hand by my bed, and whenever an alarm did sound, I found I was on the ground of assemblage as quick as any of the others. The men also slept clothed, with muskets ready to hand; and to check , any sudden rush of the enemy, batteries were raised to the front of the camp. On the 10th of February, 1846, the position was attacked by us at -very early morning j and 137 soon the roar of more than 150 cannon (EngHsh and Sikh) reverberated on the Sutlej banks. Our brigade was in support of the troops who attacked the right of the Sikh camp, and thus it happened that we were not under any heavy musketry fire till we came near the river, after crossing a great part of the entrenchment. The slaughter here was terrible, as our Horse Artillery guns swept the fords where the defeated, yet stubbornly fighting Sikhs were crossing by thousands—their bridge of boats having broken down. Our soldiers also lined the bank and kept up a roU of musketry fire on the enemy, who were retreating but certainly not flying. Never, surely, were such losses inflicted on a conquered army; but Sir Hugh Gough would not order a cessation of the fusilade, or withdraw the guns, as the Sikhs, who merely followed the custom of all soldiers except those of highly civilized armies, had cut up many of our wounded when the English regiments were driven back on the first assault of the left of the position. Lieutenant Mackenzie, of my regiment, was badly wounded by a ball in his arm when near the bridge of boats, and thirty of the Sepoys were hit, so we got off lightly. The buried ammunition 138 and bursting tumbrils caused as usual some loss on our side after the fight, through the imprudence of the soldiers who were searching for plunder. I here mention that when Lieutenant Mackenzie was taken to the field hospital, the doctors were about to amputate his arm at the shoulder, as from the bone being smashed so high up they saw great danger of erysipelas setting in. Mackenzie, however, protested and begged that Doctor Macrae, our regimental surgeon, should be called, and after examining the wound, Macrae said that if Mackenzie wished to run some undoubted risk, he thought the arm might be saved. Mackenzie was willing to do so, and his arm was saved, and he is now alive ( 1886) with a sound arm, and drawing full allowance as equal to that for the loss of a limb ! !—viz., £80 per annum. One of the regiments that most distinguished itself at Subraon was the Sirmoor GhoOrka Battalion, which lost its commandant and adjutant, and though thrice beaten back, again rushed forward and kept the part of the entrenchment to its front, capturing some guns also. M. Mouton, a French officer with the Sikhs, said he never 139 witnessed such bravery, and he also spoke very highly of the 10th Queen's, who advanced and took the batteries to their front with their muskets at the* charge, and until the guns were in their hands never fired a shot; at least, such was Mouton's account, who, moreover, said that after witnessing such conduct he knew that the day was lost, so fled across the river by swimming his horse, as the bridge had broken down: we found this officer's tents and stores in the camp. He and a Spaniard (name forgotten) were the only Europeans with the Sikh troops, who would not, however, listen to their advice and post their guns so as to have a good flanking fire, but insisted on dividing the guns equally amongst the regiments. As far as I can remember, we captured sixty guns of various caHbre, and a very large quantity of ammunition, which was at once destroyed. All admitted that the Sikhs had fought weU, and had not their entrenchment on the right been weak near the river bank, it is very doubtful how the attack would have ended.* In a few days after * Full particulars of the fights with the Sikhs would have occupied too much space, so I have only given a slight account of what passed before me. They were terrible battles, and our sadly crippled Army could hardly have faced another. 140 the battle, our army had crossed the Sutlej at Gunda Singh Wala, near Ferozepore, by a bridge of boats, and was in full march on Lahore—being met at the third stage from that city by the young boy sovereign, Dhuleep Singh, under charge of Sirdar Goolab Singh, who had come with him to make terms and humble submission to Lord Hardinge. At Lahore, the remnant of the Khalsa army gave up the few remaining guns; and a few of us took a ride to Jehangeer's tomb on the other side of the Ravee river, near to which the Sikhs were encamped, and as we rode past they looked very insolent, and no doubt muttered plenty of abuse behind our backs. The tomb of Jehangeer was well worth seeing, being of marble, and beautifully inlaid with precious stones of various kinds, like the tomb of the Taj Mahal Agra. The roof was however damaged, and nothing around it looked in a good state of preservation; it not being likely that a Sikh Administration would care much for the tomb of a Mahomedan conqueror. All the other sights were also visited, including the palace and the tomb of Runjeet Singh, the last being still in an unfinished state. 141 There being no prospect of further fighting, I soon started off for Nepal, taking Ferozepore and Loodiana en route. At the former place aU our wounded and sick were in tents, and a more pitiable sight was never seen, as there was a great dearth of all medical comforts, nurses, and doctors. Some officers volunteered for nursing work; and one young Heutenant particularly distinguished himself by his zeal and untiring kindness. His name was Bird. At Loodiana I stayed a few days to arrange for sale of my horses and property; and from there to Meerut I made the journey in a palanquin carried by men j. thence to AUahabad, by a truck drawn by horses—the palanquin being placed on the truck. Lieutenant Hall, 12th Native Infantry, was my travelHng companion to Benares; and from there I branched off to Gorukpore, taking Jounpore on the way, where I was hospitably entertained by Captain Hall, a brother of my former fellow traveller, and again at Gorukpore by some officers of the 52nd Native Infantry. Beyond Gorukpore, towards Segowly, there were some miles of thick forest, in which elephants and tigers abounded to an extent which made the palanquin bearers very shy of journeying by night, and even in the day-time^ it was evident they did not much relish the work. Things I daresay are greatly altered now in those parts. At Gorukpore I fell in with some very nice people, and amongst them were two Miss Mathesons—very pretty girls, one being considered a great beauty. I never saw them afterwards, neither do I know to whom they were married; their brother was in the 52nd, and I remember that he had great difficulty in keeping them in any order, as they were greatly petted by the old and flattered by the young men—moreover, had no father or mother. At Segowly I was received as a guest by Major Wheler, commanding the 7th Irregular Cavalry, the only corps at the station, and as the season was then too far advanced to admit of the descent from the Nepal hills of Captain Ottley, whom I was about to relieve, it was arranged that I should remain at Segowly on full pay during the hot season, and do duty with the 7th Cavalry; Major Wheler very kindly giving me a room in his house, which also served as a Regimental Mess House. Mrs. Wheler was staying at some hill station. The major, Doctor Hare, and 143 Lieutenant Harris the adjutant, with myself, were the members. Harris was a joUy feUow enough; but frightfully in debt, and not over briUiant in intellect, being also very fond of bilHards and cards. Doctor Hare was a very studious man, taking immense interest in his profession; though of rather a morose temperament. Shooting and quoits were our chief amusements, with a rubber or two at whist almost every night at four anna (sixpenny) points—by which no one could be ruined. Major Wheler was a first-rate cavalry officer; but my duties were really ml, as it so happened that I was senior in rank to the second in command (Captain Cunningham), and as Major Wheler thought it very hard that I should supersede this officer, I was allowed to stop away from all parades. Whilst I was at Segowly Mr. Colvin, the Resident at Nepal, passed through on his way to Calcutta, putting up with Wheler for a few days. His health had fafled at Kathmandoo, and he had taken a great dislike to the country, even to an extent which affected his mind. Login, the medical officer, afterwards told me that Colvin on one occasion had attempted his own life with a razor, 144 which Login managed to take from him after a severe struggle, and by frightening him with a threat of calling in the Native guard. The illness I believe dated from the day when Colvin and Login were riding on their hill ponies over a bridge which crossed the Bhagmutty river, in the dry bed of which the townspeople of Kathmandoo were fighting with stones, in play, and to frighten the two gentlemen they made the vicinity of the bridge the scene of battle, so that stones soon came whizzing thickly past their heads, till at last one struck Colvin on his forehead, bringing forth a stream of blood. Apologies were of course promptly made by the King, and all kinds of threats of punishment were dealt out to the offenders. Colvin, however, was not a man of strong nerve, and was impressed with the idea that it was a premeditated insult; more especially when a few days afterwards, on driving round the corner of a road in his buggy, a large bear which had got loose frightened the horse to an extent which again made Colvin imagine that the animal had been let loose to make him a laughing-stock. No arguments of Login could make him think otherwise; so it was thought advisable that he should seek change of scene. Mr. Colvin 145 was a remarkably clever man, and of fine bodfly frame. His faciHty for picking up languages, both ancient and modern, was remarkable, and Oordoo he spoke with great clearness and fluency, more so than any European I have met. Colvin in after years became Lieutenant - Governor of the North-Western Provinces of India, and died during the Mutiny of 1857 in the fort of Agra, I think from dysentery.* Just about the time that Colvin left Nepal a revolution occurred at the capital, which resulted in the slaughter of about forty nobles and the seizure of the ministerial powers by a chief named Jung Bahadur, comparatively a young man, but of a daring and unscrupulous character. The disturbance is said to have been started by someone shooting an influential chief who held the dangerous position of a favoured lover of the Queen, and so incensed was she on hearing of his death that she cajoled the King into giving her the Great Seal of State, and thus managed to assemble the influential nobles, before whom she appeared with dishevelled hair, * Mr. Colvin was one of the very few officials of high position in India who from the first saw clearly the very serious character of the Mutiny. and accused one of the great leaders of the Chountra famfly (the party then in power) of having incited the murderer to the deed, on which the great leader made counter-charges against Jung Bahadur's family, until from words the rival parties came to blows, all of course being fully armed: when Jung Bahadur's regiments being by a circumstance just outside the palace, some men were called in with loaded muskets, and forty chiefs were shot down in the Durbar room; the reins of government being then seized by Jung Bahadur, who held them firmly till the time of his death many years after. The river Gunduk ran close to the station, and one night it rose more than fifteen feet, flooding the country for a very wide area. Major Wheler's house was surrounded by water to a depth of more than two feet, and a most surprising number of crawling and creeping things sought protection in the verandahs and on any piece of high ground— snakes, lizards, scorpions, and many other such like creatures of all shapes and sizes. I have mentioned our nightly whist parties, at which I was often on the losing side from too 147 frequently drawing as partner Lieutenant Harris, and on wishing Major Wheler good-bye at the beginning of the cold season, he laughingly said that he " must have got a fair amount of rent out of me for the accommodation he had afforded," and I daresay such was the case, as his whist playing approached perfection. Jmmm 148 Chapter V. 1846-47-48-49. 1HEN with the Cavalry regiment at Segowly, I made the acquaintance of many indigo "SN^*** planters who had large factories in the Tirhoot district, Hving in grand style in some of *~ ":ffie**'finest houses I had yet seen in India out of .^C&lcutta. One of them, named Wyatt, who lived about fifteen miles from Segowly, was very friendly to mgf and I stayed with him once for about a month; and it being the manufacturing season, I u* wmiesled all, those interesting operations which >1*give us the most useful of all dyes. The manufacture of indigo is a simple process; the plant when at its full growth (perhaps a yard high) is cut* *and thrown into masonry reservoirs, and remains there steeped in water sufficiently long to extract all the colouring matter from the leaves. After which the water is run off into lower reservoirs, and is seen to be of a yellow colour at that time. Beaters are put into the reservoirs, who 149 thresh the water for many hours with long sticks having flat pieces of wood attached to the ends; and this threshing causes a granulated blue sediment to settle very thickly at the bottom of the reservoirs, and when the surface water has been run off, this sediment is removed to a room to undergo the process of pressing and moulding for the Calcutta market. Very large fortunes have been, and are still made by Tirhoot indigo planters after a few bumper seasons, but ofttimes their fortunes have been as quickly lost by a few seasons Of drought or very unseasonable heavy rain. In the district of Tirhoot a good deal of opium is also grown and manufactured by Government officiate. Wyatt's house was a large double-storeyed one, standing by a good-sized lake, in grounds of quite a park-like character. Amongst his Hve stock were two very good sporting elephants, and a large stud of horses; most of which latter he drove in his Duggy- The estate had evidently been laid out when planters generally made larger fortunes than they do now. In the centre of Wyatt's nicely laid-out garden was a very fine tiger, confined in a large and neat-looking cage, or rather house. The animal had 150 been caught in 1844 when quite a cub, and it made a companion of a large pig, confined in the same cage. To test his affection for the pig, on one occasion Wyatt kept the tiger for two days without food, yet it did not attack the porker. At feeding time the pig never interfered with the tiger till the hunger of the latter was satisfied, and then he partook of the leavings, whether flesh or other food. Comet, the tiger (named so from having been caught in the year of a great comet), was very fond of his master, and used to purr Hke a cat when Wyatt stroked his back. When the pig was first placed in the cage Wyatt watched, gun in hand, with charges of powder and wads in each barrel, and the tiger on viewing the pig made a spring at it, on which Wyatt discharged both barrels in its face, and so frightened was the tiger, that thinking most likely it was the pig's doing, he never attempted afterwards to molest it, and the pig certainly never showed any fear of his feline companion. During my visit I often went out shooting on one of Wyatt's elephants, and at first missed most of my shots, as considerable practice is required 151 before a sportsman can shoot with any certainty from a houdah. To give some idea of the intelH- gence of the elephant, I here relate an anecdote of what came under Wyatt's notice. His cook very frequently missed loaves that he had placed in a box just inside the cook-room doorway; so Wyatt kept a watch one night, when at about midnight he saw one of his elephants (picketed at about fifty yards off) quietly lift up the chain round her front leg with her trunk, and then proceed to the cook-house, drop the chain, and open the latch of the door; after which she lifted up the lid of the box, eating several loaves until her hunger was satisfied. She then shut the box and the door, lifted up her chain, and returned to her picket; the whole proceeding showing something very like reasoning power, especiaUy the lifting of the chain to avoid any clattering noise. This elephant was a female, and one of a pair that belonged to Mr. Buller of the Civil Service, a well-known sportsman of Bengal, who on leaving for England sold this elephant to Wyatt, and the other to a Captain Hughes. Several years afterwards these two elephants came together, on the occasion of Hughes joining one of the planter's 152 shooting parties. They at once recognized each other, and the mahouts* said that throughout the first night they remained with their trunks intertwined, making a grunting noise expressive of great pleasure. On the occasion of a line of elephants being frightened in the jungle, all the smaller ones will invariably run towards the large tuskers as if for protection. One evening at Wyatt's, when we were at dinner (perhaps twelve or fourteen men) an alarm was given that a mad jackal had entered the grounds and was making for the house, all the doors being then open for coolness. At once, as if by magic, the entire party were to be seen standing on the table, nearly all being large, burly men. Luckily the animal did not come beyond the verandah, and Wyatt, getting his gun, shot it as it careered round the compound, f after biting one of the servants, who had foolishly exposed himself to the attack of the animal without any fitting weapon for protection. I never heard whether the man eventually sickened and died, but * Keepers, f The name for grounds surrounding a house. 153 he was badly bitten, and Wyatt cauterized the wound, and a dose of ammonia was administered. Mad jackals are far too common in Tirhoot, and are greatly feared by the villagers. Another, day we received a report that a large wild boar was in an indigo field adjoining Wyatt's grounds; so he and I salHed out with our guns, and. whilst he kept watch in the garden, I made for the indigo field, and when running through it tripped over a large clod and feU to the ground, being immediately charged by the boar. It was a very narrow escape, but I just managed in my prostrate condition to let off one barrel, which doubtless caused the animal to swerve a bit, as my trowser was just scraped by his tusk; and he then passed on towards the gardens, through which he rushed, and cut open the thigh of a servant rather badly. We all then got a shot at him in the open lawn, and he was bowled over. Hogs are very plentiful in parts of Tirhoot; but it is very difficult to drive them out of the thick grass jungle, so it is seldom that the planters hunt them with spears from horseback, as done in Lower Bengal and the Deccan. Wolves are also very 154 plentiful, but by all accounts they very seldom carry off chUdren, whilst in the Punjab they are very fond of young natives of tender age. Pea fowl, jungle fowl, hares, partridges, and snipe give very good sport. The planters were occasionally rather rough, nay, perhaps coarse, in their manners; but warm-hearted and sturdy fellows as a rule, and all most hospitable, especially to military men, and compared with most Anglo-Indians, the indigo planter as I saw him was generally a particularly robust man of florid complexion, and yet they are greatly exposed to the sun, though invariably protected, so far as the head is concerned, with large mushroom-shaped pith hats. In Tirhoot there are never the fiery winds of the upper provinces; yet the temperature ranges very high in summer. In the month of November, 1846, I joined my Nepal appointment (assistant to the Besident), going by palanquin dak as far as the entrance to the great forest, forty miles off, which skirts the hilly country for a very long distance; through this I rode on horseback for about ten miles, then on a second horse through the Chirriaghatee range of low hills, and onwards on an elephant 155 to the foot of the high range. This last portion of the road was very tiring, as we had to cross the Raptee river about thirty times, thereby being much delayed; so that night closed in when five miles from the tents, and we also lost our way. The dew was very heavy, and being thinly clad I got quite wet through and chilled before the camp was reached. The great danger that threatened me was jungle fever from the chiU; so after arriving I at once stripped, got my servant to rub me well, took a good strong tumbler-fuU of brandy and hot water, and turned in between the blankets for a sleep of three hours, after which I felt all right, and managed to dispose of a good meal, which Doctor Login's servant, who had been sent with a tent and appurtenances from Kathmandoo, had prepared for me. Next morning I ascended the very steep Mil caUed Sheesa pani, and by the evening got another twenty miles or so, to the foot of the last range bounding the valley of Nepal, over some of the worst roads I had ever seen. The view next morning from the summit of the ridge was truly magnificent, for the lovely valley, with Kathmandoo* * 5,000 feet above sea level. 156 in the centre, and several streams meandering through the highly-cultivated and extensive plain, was spread out like a map before me. At the Eesidency I found Doctor Login, the surgeon who had taken charge pending the arrival of Colonel Thoresby, the new Resident. The Residency enclosure was very spacious, and prettily laid out, being about a mile from the city on undulating ground. The houses within the fine grounds consisted of the spacious Residency building, the Doctor's house, and a third for the Assistant Resident, which I had purchased from Captain Ottley, my predecessor; a fourth house stood at some distance, and had been turned into a Dispensary. Colonel Thoresby arrived in a few days, and got a grand reception from the Durbar. He was a thin, grey-headed man with a keen, intelligent face, gentlemanly manners, and possessed of great command of temper, to an extent I had never before observed in any Indian official. He was very well read, and deeply versed in Oriental lore, especially Sanscrit. All his household arrangements were on a grand scale; and he insisted upon Login and myself taking all our. meals at his table, which arrangement pleased us, 157 as it not only gave us the assurance of pleasant company and good food, but was also very satisfactory in a pecuniary way. My pay was Rs.500 a month, for which I had very light work as a political officer, and as a miHtary one the command of the escort of 100 Sepoys. The European society was Hmited to the three EngHsh officials, and my work as assistant consisted in translating Persian documents and superintending the treasury. The Resident's salary was Rs.3,500 a month with a very spacious Government house, his work being to collect what information he could of the goings on at the Nepal Court, and to endeavour to keep up a friendly understanding with the ruling party, as weU as to give advice if opportunity offered. With such trifling duties time of course hung rather heavy on hand, the great event of the day being the arrival of the post bag. I also subscribed to the Planters' Library, 'which gave me a fair supply of new books, though the colonel's library was a good one. The men of the escort were a willing lot, and were all recruited from our own provinces; some of them were very fond of accompanying me on my shooting expeditions, and acted as 158 beaters in putting up the game, especially in the hilly parts, where I went for woodcock. These birds afforded me great, sport, and I spent entire days in the season in search after them amongst the hill slopes and ravines, being quite contented if I got two or three birds; snipe were verv abundant, as were quail. I must mention that the Sepoys who came voluntarily as beaters never expected any pecuniary reward as an European game-keeper would, but did the work entirely from love of sport; and their pride as Rajpoots would have been greatly hurt if money had been offered them; this may read as strange, but it is nevertheless a fact. As the soldiers of the escort nearly all came from Oude I have often wondered what their feelings really were during the time of the Mutiny, when nearly the whole of their province was banded against us. My predecessor at Nepal was Captain Ottley, and his predecessor was Captain Smith, generally known as " Tiger" Smith, from the great number of tigers that he had shot. He did not get on well with Major Lawrence, and at last they had a regular row, charges being framed against Captain 159 Smith as commandant of the escort of having cheated the men by supplying very inferior clothing in the shape of uniforms, he being bound to supply clothing equal to that suppHed to the regular army in Bengal, a very ample yearly aUowance being granted by Government for that purpose. A Court Martial was ordered to assemble at Dinapore (the nearest large military station), for the purpose of trying Captain Smith on the charges framed by Major Lawrence, but shortly before the Court met Captain Smith (then on leave at Mussourie) had been seriously injured in an encounter with a bear, in which affair Smith as usual had proved himself a man of great courage, and a thorough sportsman. On entering the Court-room he Hmped in on crutches with his head bandaged up, and altogether looking so interesting that the sympathies of his judges at once went out to him. The charges broke down, as no man of the escort would give evidence as to any inferiority in the clothing, and Captain Smith was honourably acquitted, much to the disgust of Major Lawrence. I once asked a sergeant of the escort (who was amongst those summoned to give evidence against the accused) how it was that no one would speak 160 out in behalf of the prosecution; the man getting rather excited, said " he was quite astonished at Major Lawrence supposing that any of the men of the escort could be such 'nimak hurams,' viz., so disloyal as to give evidence against their Sahib, who had always been kind to them, and was also such a noble sportsman." Login and I one day got intelligence of bears about eight miles off, and armed with rifles and guns, we made for the place; when on going down a very slippery piece of hillside in thick jungle towards the lair of the animals, Login suddenly slipped and fell down, knocking me over in his fall; on which the largest bear being close at hand rushed towards us, making that peculiar noise which irate bears indulge in; but either the clattering of the guns or our peculiar position ' must have staggered Bruin, for he only looked at us, and made off before we could rise and get a clear shot. A second large bear had in the meantime attacked one of our Nepalese beaters, who being armed with a spear, managed in a most plucky way to wound and drive off the beast. Our escape was indeed a narrow one in our helpless state. 161 An encounter one day with a large wild boar turned out a very tame affair. The villagers had reported that it was a very savage animal, and had injured some men so badly that the people were afraid to work in the fields near the village. I came across the animal in a small cotton field, and when within thirty paces it raised its head and calmly viewed me, perhaps surprised at seeing an European for the first time. One shot killed it. I had also on another occasion to shoot a mad dog which had bitten some people near the city, and on being chased had sought shelter in my stables. It looked very fieree, and was foaming at the mouth, and I was obHged to fire between a horse's legs; but lucidly it fell dead at once, after causing intense excitement amongst the servants and others who lived close by, and who had all sought protection in their houses. The horse had remained very quiet at the sight of his strange visitor, and thus perhaps had escaped an attack. Considering what a very large number of dogs wander about Indian towns and viUages without owners, it is indeed a wonder that hydrophobia is not more common. L 162 Luckily all persons who are bitten by mad dogs are not attacked with hydrophobia, and I can call to memory four Englishmen who did not suffer at all after being thus bitten. One was Mr. Egerton of the Civil Service, Financial Commissioner of the Punjab and afterwards Lieutenant-Governor—he was badly bitten by a pet dog at Lahore; and Doctor Hathaway, the Inspector-General of Punjab Gaols, who was so celebrated for his amusing though highly-coloured stories, when on a visit of inspection at Feroz«pore assured me that Mrs. Egerton was so very anxious about her husband that she would follow him about the house, and at intervals offer him a tumbler of water to make sure that the bad symptoms were not coming on. This doctor was very amusing in his peculiar way, and was fond of talking of the many queer incidents which occurred on his first tour of gaol inspection after the first introduction of anything like systematic management. At that time a large proportion of the prisoners were employed on outdoor duties, and he would mention how in one district he found prisoners employed in assisting the compounder at a Government Dispensary, and on asking one the nature of his offence, wras told that he had been 163 convicted of being concerned in a bad poisoning case; and another prisoner, who was assisting the record keeper in the arrangement of the official records, was mentioned as a very clever rogue who had been imprisoned for forgery and tampering with important deeds; and so on with a long string of similar amusing incidents, perhaps not all strictly accurate, yet quite possible and also probable. He also told me, in proof of the Lawrences' great indifference to the little niceties of existence, or what may be caUed conventional customs, how on Sir Robert Montgomery succeeding Sir John Lawrence as Lieutenant - Governor, the latter remonstrated strongly against the severe measures Sir Robert was adopting to get rid of the numerous sparrows that occupied the cornices of some of the spacious rooms at Government House. M Why should they be interfered with," said he, "when I and my brother Henry have left them unmolested for so many years ?" The story may not be strictly true, but it was certainly very characteristic of John and Henry Lawrence. The natives of Nepal are Hindoos, or rather Hindooised Buddhists, of sturdy frame, and like 164 all Indian hill people, very honest and outspoken, yet of a highly superstitious temperament; more especially the women, who flocked to the very numerous shrines in the valley in crowds to make their periodical offerings and petitions, and a very pretty sight it was to see them trooping along with their hair decked out with wild flowers, and their close-fitting bodices showing off their shapely figures ; the head being quite uncovered. They have not the worn appearance on the face so often to be seen in the women of the plains; but are as a rule plump in person and lively in manner, having, moreover, the character for being more chaste than their sisters in Hindustan proper, which may arise from the extreme jealousy of the men, who for misconduct never hesitate to take the lives of their wives, as also the Hves of their paramours, on the first opportunity, as was done by an enraged husband on one occasion close to my house on the public road. It is evident, however, that the women are otherwise allowed great freedom as compared with the women of the plains. Jung Bahadur, the prime minister, who had indeed waded through blood to his high position, 165 was a young man when I reached Nepal, and gave me the impression of having a most determined will. He had several brothers, all devoted to him, as also some cousins, to whom he had given situations about the Court. He had the credit of being much addicted to the pleasures of the harem; and tales were told of his constantly seizing on young girls to replenish his bevy of females; but perhaps this was somewhat an exaggeration, as he must have made heaps of enemies who were only too ready to viHfy him. We, however, often used to meet him driving out in an open carriage with three or four blooming damsels. In conversation he had a frank manner, and gave signs of a breadth of view perhaps seldom found in Oriental nobles; and it was very evident that he desired to court the approval of the British Government. It was shortly after my departure from Nepal in 1849 that Jung Bahadur paid a visit to England, and was made very much of there, even to an extent rather humiHating to my countrymen and countrywomen, though it is to be hoped that the latter were ignorant of his real character when they attended his levees and gazed on his magnificent apparel covered with jewels. 166 Whatever may have been his private opinion of the delicacy of feeling of our women, he certainly returned to Nepal with a very high and just estimate of our power as a nation, and spoke out freely afterwards on this point when tempted by our enemies in the year of the Mutiny to join against us. The assistance he gave us in 1857 may not have been of a very hearty character, but he sent us several thousands of his soldiers at a very critical time, and though they showed far greater activity in plundering than in destroying our enemies, yet the moral effect must have been good. On attaining to his elevated post of Prime Minister and Commander- in-Chief, as he styled himself, he was perhaps a little over thirty years of age, of a slim, active frame, regular Ghoorka features, and had the character of a bold and very daring man. When quite a youngster (about twenty years of age), he had jumped from a verandah of a house in the city of Kathmandoo on to the back of a very large male elephant, which had broken from its picket, killed its mahout, and also done much mischief in the town, and though unskilled as a driver, yet armed with a goad he managed to 167 again • get the wild creature under control, and with a Httle extra aid succeeded in driving it home to its picket or shed. I paid him a visit one afternoon at his spacious palace in the company of the Resident and Dr. Login, and after some talk we were invited to shoot at a mark with rifles from his verandah, and we aU tried our skill against him and some of his chiefs with varying success at various distances. After this we walked about his large ornamental garden, and came across a fuU-grown tiger, which was roaming about in what we thought a very dangerous manner, though Jung declared it had never hurt anyone, and he thought was not likely to do so; there .was also a full-sized wild boar at large in this garden. -I heard a few days afterwards that the tiger had seriously injured one of Jung's officers, and he then thought it desirable to have it confined in a cage. He showed us a large oil painting of his uncle Matabur Singh, who some years before had been Prime Minister, but for some alleged offence against the chief wife of the sovereign, had been shot down in rather a mysterious way when on a visit at the palace. Jung Bahadur admitted to us that he had 168 " committed the deed by order of the King;" this uncle having always treated him as an adopted son. The Nepal Government was prohibited by the terms of their treaty with us from entertaining any Europeans as teachers of drill or gunnery, but they had often made underhand endeavours to compass their ends, and when I was at Nepal a Signor Ventura, an accomplished musician, was entertained on Rs.600 a month, ostensibly to teach a military band, and to amuse the high authorities by the sweet notes he could draw from his musical instruments, but he had not been many weeks at Kathmandoo before they tried his powers as an instructor of musketry and gunnery—it being a subject on which he was profoundly ignorant, much to their disappointment. He did not stay long; being in dread of his life, and being quite out of his element without any society of persons of his own class of life. We had him to dinner more than once at the Residency, but his knowledge of English was very slight, as was ours of Italian or French, the only two languages he could speak with any fluency. A Mr. SiddOns, a chemist, was also taken into service by Jung Bahadur, and attempts were also made to utilize him as a gunner: 169 his stay was short, and we heard no more of such dodges to circumvent the Indian Government. One day when Login and I called at Ventura's house during our morning ride we found him in a great state of excitement, as during the night his iron bedstead had been struck by lightning, the fluid having entered by the roof, passed down an iron rod of the bedstead, through the wooden floor and on into the cellar, where it had escaped through a small opening in the waU made for ventilation. The life at Nepal was very monotonous: a ride or walk at early morning, alone or with Colonel Thoresby or Login, a drill of the escort two or three times a week, shooting or reading during the day, and another ride in the evening. The climate was cool, and a punkah never required, as the valley was more than 5,000 feet above sea level. For four months the moisture of the atmosphere was too great, and the extensive cultivation of rice throughout the low lands could not have been healthy, as the crop requires much irrigation. During the autumn of 1847 cholera raged with great virulence, thousands being carried off in the large towns. Only one man of the escort died, 170 and a few servants were also attacked, but recovered under medical treatment. My own health got rather poor at this time, and I suffered much from dyspepsia and indigestion; my appetite being very capricious, and sickness of the stomach frequent. This was when cholera was at its worst, which coincidence most certainly did not make things look cheerful. So great was the mortality that the poorer classes neglected to burn their dead relations, contenting themselves by throwing the bodies near the river-side. The superstitious Nepalese attributed all the sickness to the bad spirits, whom they attempted (at the advice of their priests) to drive away by very frequent discharge of artillery placed round the walls of the city of Kathmandoo, and on this proving a failure feasts were given to the Brahmins by thousands in hopes of propitiating the deities and demons; yet still the disease raged, and ran its usual course of about six weeks in spite of prayers and volleys from big and little guns; the mortality, doubtless, being much increased by the dirty state of several of the streets and the defective drainage. Doctor Login was very attentive to the sick who required his aid. He was naturally a kind-hearted man, though perhaps not very refined d 171 in his ideas, having been raised (as the Yankees say) in the wild and bleak Orkney Islands, which gave him a very robust and short body, as well as a thoroughly Scotch opinion of the value of money, and of the great intellectual capacity of his countrymen. Login was to have gone to England with Jung Bahadur, but when journeying to Dinapore in 1849 to pass an examination there in Hindustani, he was seized with cholera, and died after a very short illness, induced by over-fatigue in journeying from Nepal, as he had from choice walked the whole way by very long stages. When Login died thus suddenly I was at Mooltan in the Punjab Commission, and Jung Bahadur wanted me to accompany him to England; but as it was impossible for me to meet him in time at Bombay or Calcutta, an officer was sent with him. from the latter place. Colonel Thoresby had recommended me for the post to the Government of India. Our Resident built a small country house on a hill about ten miles to the north of the city, and we often spent a few days there for change of air, as the trip was short and easy. The Nepal Vahjey is held by the Hindoos to be rather a sacred spot, 172 and is full of images imbued with most wonderful curative powers; thus a due quantity of devotion to one of them, accompanied by adequate fees to the attendant priests, is said to insure fecundity to barren women, whilst a second will cure snake bites, and a third perspires through its stony substance, and then works wonderful cures of all kinds. I had often been promised a sight of this large image when in its perspiring state, but somehow I never obtained such gratification; neither did I ever succeed in seeing a suttee (widow cremation), though such did undoubtedly occur during my time in Nepal; and an old native officer of the Court, who was always in attendance at the Residency, had promised to give me due notice whenever a widow intended to immolate herself on her husband's pyre, but somehow failed to fulfil his promise, which made me think that there is often more physical pressure brought to bear on the widows on these occasions than would be pleasant to display to the unsympathetic Englishman. The native officer, however, would not admit that in suttees witnessed by him any improper pressure had been brought to bear upon the widows; but that young as some of them were, the immolation A 173 had been entirely of their free wiU. I was talking about suttees one day with a sepoy of the escort, a rajpoot who disliked the custom, and he told me that a few years ago, when on leave in the Oude territory, he witnessed the immolation of a young widow who had lost a husband of position, being an influential head man of a large vUlage. He saw her mount the funeral pyre, and heard her tell the people, who had assembled in great numbers, that the act was entirely voluntary, and that no pressure of any description had been put upon her; she then took off all her ornaments (of which she had a large number on her person) and distributed them amongst her relations, after which she lay down on the smaU bedstead alongside her husband; and the sepoy declared that he was standing as close as possible to the great heap of wood and straw, but never heard a sound from the young woman as the flames and smoke ascended from the pyre. He also said that there was no great beating of drums or playing on musical instruments to drown such cries. Sir Donald Macleod also told me that when he was at Benares many years ago as a magistrate, an officer died after rather a short illness, and on the arrangements being made for 174 his funeral, a young native woman who Hved with him begged to be allowed to foUow the coffin to the grave. The officers of the regiment objected, as they thought she might cause a scene. She promised to be quite quiet, so she was permitted to attend; but after the coffin had been lowered into the grave, she suddenly stepped up to the side of the excavation, and, looking on the coffin, pulled a dagger from her dress and stabbed herself, saying " Sahib, I come," her body falling on the top of the coffin. She was quite dead, and was buried in the same grave with her lover. A native officer, styled a Koomeedan, was, as previously mentioned, always in attendance at the Residency, and he who held the post in my time spoke English very fairly, and desired much to improve such knowledge. The demeanour of this officer was always respectful, and when alone with any of us he spoke very openly about the doings at the Court, and would retail items of Durbar gossip; but at other times he was very cautious. I remember his telling me how he was present when the chiefs were killed in Durbar previous to Jung Bahadur's usurpation of power, and would 175 speak in piteous tones of his own great alarm on that occasion, and how he managed to sneak out of the room under the pretence of going for more regiments of the usurper. This native officer had under his orders five or six soldiers, one of whom had instructions always (if possible) to keep any of us in sight when out walking or riding; it seemed as if for the purpose of spying on our doings, though the Ghoorka Government said it was to keep us safe from insult; such, however, was never offered to us by any native of the country, though at times the fakeers from Hindustan would scowl and make impertinent remarks, of which we of course took no notice. A fakeer did on one occasion seize my horse's reins, and got a sharp rap with the whip on his knuckles, which made him look precious sour. Many of these men used to wander about perfectly naked. Brahminee bulls also abounded, being protected, and fed by the superstitious natives. At times smaU-pox would break out amongst these sacred animals, and carry off a goodly number; and it was a custom periodi- caUy, about every third year, to deport a large number of them to the Terai or forest country on the plains. The great increase in these pubHe 176 nuisances is owing to devout people letting loose so many young bulls when their children or members of their families have recovered from disease, or on occasion of some domestic event such as a birth or marriage, when it becomes a necessity to propitiate the deities. These animals for their natural lives are thus saved from the yoke of the plough, and wander about the towns preying on the charitable and superstitious public. At certain seasons they often have terrific fights amongst themselves, and many become seriously maimed, and so meet with lingering deaths, as no man would dare to take the life of one of these bulls. In the cold season of 1847 Lord Elphinstone, afterwards the Governor of Bombay, paid Nepal a visit as the guest of the Resident: he was a very gentlemanly,, well-informed man, and his visit caused a very pleasant break in our monotony. It was said of him that when a young officer in the Guards, and constantly on duty at the palace, the very young Queen fell in love with him, and the Government of that day sent him at once to Madras as Governor. This might have been the 177 veriest gossip, but his appointment to Madras was always thought a very strange one. I gave him some beautiful Monal pheasants, which he took to Scotland and let loose, writing afterwards that they were doing very well. These pheasants are of most beautiful blue, green, and golden tints, being easUy snared in the higher ranges of the Himalayas, near the snow-Hne. Large numbers of the bags of the musk deer were often brought for sale, and I executed many commissions for their purchase for friends on the plains; very fine yak's tafls were likewise brought, as were Nepal kookrees (knives); China silks and satins were imported across the China frontier yearly, together with sturdy and very shapely Httle ponies, and curious little dogs very like King Charles' spaniels: Jung Bahadur made me a present of a very pretty little spaniel, which afterwards lost the use of its hind legs from a stroke of the wind. Major Wheler's Regiment of Irregular Cavalry marched from Segowly in the cold season of 1847, being reHeved by the 4th of the same branch of the Service; in which regiment Lieutenant HaU of my corps was adjutant; he had been just 178 married to a very pretty young girl (Miss B **x*), and as I had a general invitation to stay with them when I could get leave, I took the opportunity and had a very pleasant fortnight's visit. It was evident they were very fond of each other, and she appeared to be a simple-minded, very young woman; perhaps too young and unformed in mind and character to set up housekeeping under the control of such a reckless rattle-pate as Hall was then, but still she seemed one who might have easily been moulded for good by a thoughtful husband. Her father was certainly not a bright example to his children, and after he had retired from the Service his moral conduct was so bad as to make it impossible for his girls to even visit him. Luckily they were both married, though the elder one (Mrs. Macleod) soon lost her husband, a very promising young civilian. When staying with the newly-married couple, the young bride at breakfast one morning told her husband that she suspected the man in charge of the poultry of stealing the eggs, on which Hall said, " Then why not keep the key of the fowl-house and feed the poultry yourself ?" She most joyfully consented, and for a couple of days 179 aU went well, when one day at breakfast she turned quite pale, saying, " Georgy, dear, only think, I have forgotten to feed the poultry for three days;" he at once snatched up the key from the wall of the bedroom, where it was hanging, and with his wife rushed to the house, and on the door being thrown open all the poor birds—fowls, ducks, and geese—were found to be dead, in fact the young couple were thinking too much of each other to remember such a trifle as poultry tending; need I say that when more birds had been purchased, the key was again made over to the servant, or rather his successor, for Hall very justly thought that the man must have observed that the poultry were not running about outside the house, and therefore most wilfully neglected to warn his mistress of her forgetfulness. As a rule ladies make over charge of the poultry to the sweeper, unless the farm-yard is so important as to require the services of a special keeper. Some years afterwards I heard on what seemed very reHable authority that she had caused a good deal of gossip when in England by herself, but her husband's confidence was never shaken. I met her again at Simla in 1853, and observed that her 180 manner was extremely nervous, and had lost all that frankness which gave such a charm to her girlhood. From Segowly I went into camp on a shooting expedition with Major Hill, commanding the Cavalry regiment, and Mr. Chapman of the CivU Service— both good sportsmen. The trip was highly interesting, though we saw no tigers, mainly owing to the great height of the grass at the best beats. Of Florican deer, pigs, pea fowl, jungle fowl, etc., we saw and bagged a fair amount. On the first day, when riding out to the camp, I unfortunately met with an accident from my horse falling with me, by which I severely sprained my right wrist; the catastrophe happening near the abode of the Bettiah Rajah, who was very attentive, and sent his private medico to doctor me, which he did in regular native fashion with fomentation of neem leaves, which greatly relieved the pain and reduced the swelling also. At Bettiah there was a small colony of native Christians (Roman Catholics), under the charge of two very self-denying, humble-minded priests from Italy. The villagers spoke nothing but Hindustani, 181 and it was strange to hear them recite the Creed in that language. They seemed to be very industrious, and reared large numbers of fowls, turkeys, and ducks, which they sold at very reasonable prices. They especially excelled in rearing capons, having, I conclude, been instructed in this by their priests. These Christians are some of the descendants of a large body who were driven out of Nepal about 140 years ago, when the Ghoorkas conquered the Newar* population of the vaUey. None of the Christians I believe were killed by the conquerors, but they were forced to leave their' homes and country. In these vast forests in the Terai, through part of which we shot, there are some very ancient remains of temples, and large tanks or reservoirs, which must have been constructed of bricks of enormous size some fifteen feet or more in length. Tradition tells us but little of these ruins, but the buildings are said to be of Hindoo or of Buddhist origin. There are immense herds of cattle in the Terai, and tigers make much havoc amongst them, as they are tended by a very scanty number of * The aborigines. if 182 herdsmen, and roam over very wide stretches of pasture land as soon as the high grass is burnt at the spring season. The sportsmen who visit the Terai often obtain their information of the haunts of tigers from herdsmen, though if the animal be not killed they have a superstitious dread of its avenging itself upon them. Some herdsmen are huntsmen also, and manage to turn the tables on the forest lords; though, generally speaking, the shikarees or hunters are quite a distinct tribe of rather low caste, and very keen in picking out the tracks of animals, easily telling whether the marks are quite fresh or of some hours. One of these shikarees who Mr. Chapman had in his employ told us how a tiger had seized his brother when they were walking together through the forest at evening-time, and how he at once climbed up a high tree near at hand, and had to witness the horrid sight of the animal feeding on his favourite brother. Ever since then he had been most inveterate against tigers, and most eagerly sought out the English sportsmen who annually came to the forest glades. On one occasion in this trip we came across several woodcock quite in the open country, and the shikarees declared it was their 183* breeding ground. Major Hill and I used to differ much about the cooking of these birds, for whilst he was for keeping them hanging till quite high, I always liked them to be cooked on the second or third day; and our discussions used to be thought rather amusing by Chapman, who was an excellent companion, and a first-class shot. The people of the Terai are a wild, uncouth set, and have a sickly appearance, which is not to be wondered at, for at least six months of the year it is very unhealthy, the air being impregnated with fever and ague of the worst type. The post-runners who carried the dak daily to Kathmandoo were of a tribe called Dongurs, with skins quite as black, as Negroes', and these people actually thrive in the Terai. Their work was one of danger from other causes than climate, for elephants ranged in the forests through which the narrow road ran, and the runners often had narrow escapes from what are known as rogue elephants (solitary males who had been obliged to succumb to the stronger of their own sex, and been driven out of a herd). Jung Bahadur had bought a magnificent male elephant in 1847 at the Sonepore fair for a rather large sum (I think Rs.5000), but when ascending the first steep hiU the animal turned 184 restive, killed its mahout, and ran off into the jungle, crushing on its way an unlucky cooly who was trudging along with a load on his back. A large party headed by Jung went in search 'of the animal; but never even got a sight of it. I never came across a herd of wUd elephants so close as to see them clearly, though on one occasion I heard them crashing through the heavy jungle just ahead of my own elephant, and I sent a brace of bullets to quicken their pace. The elephant I was on got rather excited, and trumpeted repeatedly. The tree known as the Sal grows to a huge size in the Terai, and is very lofty, and so is the cotton tree with its splendid scarlet blossoms. After the shooting was over I paid a visit to Wyatt the planter, and went with him to the Sonepore race meeting, where we joined the planters' mess. These races are always well attended, and come off near Hajeepoor annually at the time of the great fair. The gentlemen and ladies all Hve in tents under extensive mango groves, and the meeting lasts for a fortnight, being enlivened by balls and parties of all kinds. Two of the balls that I attended were given by native I 185 Rajahs of great wealth, who tried to outvie each other in the number of turkeys and hams for the suppers. It was at this fair that a large elephant got stuck in a quicksand in the river close to Hajeepoor, and the owner sold it then and there by auction to an enterprising man, who by help- of strong ropes and coolies, succeeded in rescuing the animal, which was very knowing indeed in placing with its trunk all the brushwood and straw thrown to it as deep as possible in the sand so as to get something firm to stand on. At this fair there were hundreds of elephants for sale, some of them with Httle young ones which squealed and ran to their mothers when touched. The planters'" mess was certainly not the. most aristocratic, neither was it the quietest; though it might perhaps have laid claim to the best cuisine: The mess of the civilians (who mustered strong) had the pas for sobriety and good manners, for some of the planters' assistants were rather a rough lot. Altogether, this fair and race meeting was a highly interesting sight, and I know of nothing more calculated to give a visitor from England a good insight into Indian ways and customs; and a couple of hours* 186 walk through the fair was a real treat for a person of good powers of observation. Mr. Tayler, the Postmaster-General, and Major Hill paid Colonel Thoresby a visit in the cold season of 1847. The first named was a great painter in water colours, and being good at portraits he took a capital picture of Jung Bahadur. This was the Tayler who in the year of the Mutiny was Commissioner of the Patna Division, and having been removed from his appointment by the Government, he immediately resigned the Service and set up as a barrister in the North - Western Provinces, and made a good fortune by pleading in many heavy cases. He managed to bring his grievance before Parliament, but though much talked about it was soon shelved for something more attractive to the general public, and the so-called injustice has not yet been redressed. I showed Major Hill some good sport with the woodcocks, which greatly pleased him. Mr. Tayler was in the habit of keeping an illustrated journal, and as his duties called him to all parts of the Bengal Province, his numerous smajl sketches, some of them very humorous, were well worth looking at. 187 The year 1848 in Nepal was very uneventful until the cold season arrived, when the young King invited the Resident to a hunting expedition in the Terai, to which we proceeded some days after the Royal camp had marched, and found troops to the number of about 12,000 with sixty guns encamped; the soldiers, in neatly constructed grass huts, with some large houses for the officers and people of the Court. AU this great array made us open our eyes rather, as such seemed hardly required for a mere hunting expedition. Jung Bahadur, however, said he was fearful of leaving the bulk of the army behind at Kathmandoo during the absence of the young Maharajah, for fear that intriguing spirits might take advantage of so tempting an opportunity to create a diversion in favour of the deposed and old Maharajah; and I find I have omitted to mention that early in 1847 Jung Bahadur had effected the deposition of the old Maharajah and the investiture of his young son with the royal robes and insignia. The old man had been much grieved at his Queen bringing about such a slaughter of the nobles as I have mentioned some pages back, and went with her to Benares 188 for the purpose of making expiation at the great Hindoo shrines there. But when the time arrived for their return, Jung Bahadur informed him that the Queen must be left behind, as she was always causing mischief, and he could not trust her. The old King resented such dictation, and came to the confines of Nepal territory with a goodly array of armed followers; but Jung was too much for him, and showed his skill by surprising the camp at night, killing a goodly number of the force, and taking the old King to Nepal as a prisoner. After which, at a grand parade of the troops, he explained his conduct, and with their full approval the Sovereign was deposed and the son raised to the throne ; the old man being a prisoner at Patun, a large town in the valley several miles distant from Kathmandoo. The whole affair had been managed in a most masterly manner, and people thought that Jung had done properly in ridding Nepal of the disreputable consort of the old King, who henceforth remained at Benares, and died there some years afterwards. When in the large camp Jung got a bad fever, from a very tiring hunt after wild elephants. 189 There was of course much shooting during our stay in the forest; but on the whole the sport was poor, as the noise was too great, and the style of beating very irregular, though we saw plenty of wild animals. The line of elephants on one occasion numbered over 150, and the tigers were of course driven to a distance by the volleys from the rifles and guns of the numerous sporting chieftains, who had- not the least idea of order or arrangement, and their bullets often came whistHng very unpleasantly near our heads and past our bodies, Jung Bahadur's sickness was rather a lucky event, as there was strong suspicion that the Nepal Government was playing us fast and loose, now that the Sikhs had broken out into open revolt and gained some slight success. The fever would not yield to treatment, so Jung, by the advice of Colonel Thoresby, broke up the camp and returned to the capital. It was a novel sight for us to observe how guns were taken off their carriages and slung upon poles shouldered by artiUerymen, likewise the limber and wheels carried in the same manner. We followed after an interval of two days the route taken by the troops, viz., over the Chirriag- hatee range of hills, where in 1816 the Nepalese 190 had erected stockades to resist the advance of General Ochterlony, who by a night march turned their strong position. Some of the stockades were still standing when we passed over the crest of the hill. The fortress of Mackwanpore is also seen to the right of the pass in a somewhat commanding position, which was also outflanked by the General, who proved himself the only English commander at all equal to cope with the sturdy and stubborn fighting Ghoorkas, as all other commanders in that far from brilliant campaign suffered reverses of a more or less damaging character; for the Ghoorkas are specially good at what are known as chappaos, or sudden and unexpected assaults, made generally at night or very early morning. They had managed in that war to capture one of our guns (a twelve-pounder), and at any great parade they were fond of displaying this piece of artillery. I have seen as many as 150 guns (mostly five or • six-pounders) on one parade ground, and on pressure I daresay they could bring out as many as 200, and perhaps 25,000 or 30,000 foot soldiers, who are quite au fait at their rough style of drill, which mainly consists of marching in line and column or skirmishing. Some of the 191 regiments had bayonet swords of the kookree shape, and such in the hands of strong active men would doubtless be very formidable. The Ghoorkas are the only natives of India who have • shown themselves equal to a rush at close quarters on English soldiers, as was done in 1816 in a most determined manner when armed with their sharp kookrees and koras; this latter being a more savage-looking and larger weapon, and with one good blow of it some of the experts at Kathmandoo will cut right through the thick neck of a buffalo. At the commencement of 1849 I had a very jolly shooting trip with Captain Apperly* of the Government Stud Department, and Wyatt, Saudy, Brown, and CahiU, indigo planters. The array of elephants numbered more than thirty, and the tents were large double-poled ones. This expedition lasted more than a fortnight, and the beat was through capital tiger ground; and of this animal we bagged * This officer was the son of the well-known writer who, under the name of " Nimrod," published so much on sporting matters between fifty and sixty years ago. Apperly was one of the best sportsmen in India, and on one occasion had performed the very rare feat of shooting a couple of large tigers by what is known as right and left shots. 192 five good specimens, one of the largest having fallen to my gun. This tiger was put up in a patch of grass jungle over a cow which he had just killed, and was therefore savage. Captain Apperly had a snap shot at him, and missed, on which he came round to my elephant on the left of the line and charged, when by a lucky shot I killed him. The elephant I was on belonged to the Bettiah Rajah, and was a very staunch one, as was the mahout who drove it; and in tiger shooting the success of a sportsman depends very much on the mahout, who has it in his power by a stroke of his heel to turn the elephant just at the critical moment, and make the sportsman look mighty foolish. 193 Chapter VI. 1849-50-51-52-53-54-55. jj|NE day on the former-mentioned shooting II expedition with the planters, when beating ^^s^®*^ up a dry nallah (ravine), with tree jungle On either bank and high grass, a tigress was put up ; Brown and I being on one side on our elephants, whilst Wyatt, Apperly, and CaMU were on the other side. The animal had been hit, and was very savage, and in the thick grass was difficult to sight for a fair shot, though there was certainly much firing; and after a few quick shots from the opposite bank, a mahout on a pad elephant near me cried out " Golee lugga" (a shot has hit me), and fell back on his elephant with blood flowing from his chest. We at once called out to Wyatt and company to stop firing, as a " man had been hit;" and on the party collecting, each of the three sportsmen protested his innocence of having fired in our direction. The accident, however, put a stop to the sport, and the tigress got off, as it 194 appeared necessary to make for camp without delay so as to make the wounded man as comfortable as possible. This was done, and shortly after he partook of some light food; his recovery being complete by the next morning, as all pain had gone and the wound looked healthy, and in a few days it quite healed up, much to our astonishment. What had really happened it is impossible to say. Some thought that he never had been hit by a bullet, but that his elephant must have swerved, and the point of the ankhus (or driving - iron) penetrated his chest; whilst it was the opinion of others that the bullet had struck a bone and then tumbled out, which to me, however, seemed highly improbable. Altogether it was a queer affair, and somewhat alarmed Captain Apperly, as in the previous year he had by accident shot dead a native whom he had mistaken for a tiger crawling through the high grass jungle. The man was a subordinate of the mahout, and had been seated behind Apperly on his elephant; but a tiger having been wounded, and slunk away into the high grass, the man, unknown to the mahout or to Apperly, had got off II 195 the elephant from behind to see if he could find the tracks of the wounded animal, and having on a striped jacket Apperly took him for the tiger, and fired with too deadly an aim. On this excursion I made some good shots, and got some good skins of deer; six large bears of the black species were also shot, but they gave but poor sport, and died without showing any fight. One very large tiger got up before my elephant and Mr. Cahill's, and he managed to knock it over with' one bullet. Tiger shooting is undoubtedly very exciting sport, and the roar of the animal on being disturbed is startling to the ear of the inexperienced, sportsman, and very apt at first to throw him off his aim. On one occasion when shooting by myself in the Terai with two soldiers of the escort, I was implored by numerous "villagers to rid them of the ravages of a man-eating tiger, which had killed a goodly number of natives, especially women, whom he had seized when on their way at evening-time to fetch water from the stream. I searched after this animal for some days, and though I more than once came upon his fresh tracks, I never once sighted him ; so was obliged to give up the hunt in despair. Two days after I left the ground a 196 shikaree brought me the dead body of the animal, it having been kiUed by a poisoned arrow set in a trap of a peculiar kind by this shikaree. The body was that of a middle-sized tiger; but evidently old, and with a mangy skin not worth keeping. A Mr. Yule, an indigo planter, told me that he was out once tiger shooting with about a dozen elephants, and in beating through a patch of high grass a tiger got up from the carcase of a bullock. He wounded it, when it at once turned and took one of the mahouts from a pad elephant, killing him on the spot. Mr. Yule again beat up the patch of grass, when a second mahout was disposed of in a like manner. On this he called together the remainder, and asked them if they were willing to continue the beat for this ferocious beast, when they unanimously begged of him to try again. This he did, and managed to shoot the tiger without further accident when it charged his elephant. The mahouts on small pad elephants* are certainly in rather a dangerous position in tiger hunts, and so at times are the mahouts on howdah elephants; but it is very seldom that the sportsman himself is in danger. A Colonel Hodgson whom I * Those used for beating the grass or jungle. 197 knew weU, did however meet with a bad accident, having been seized by a tiger- (which he had wounded) and actually taken out of his high howdah. He said that the tiger must have sprung fully fifteen feet from the ground. It was, however, the death - spring, though Hodgson was fearfuUy torn on the right arm and shoulder. Elephants, though very brave in facing charging tigers, are ofttimes easily alarmed, and on the occasion when I was out with a party and thirty elephants, it was the practice to skin the game at night by regular skinners who were adepts at the work, and then the carcases of tigers or bears were carried away into the jungle or thrown into a river if near by. One night after dinner we heard a tremendous trumpeting amongst the thirty elephants, and then a rush through the grass and jungle, and on going out we found the whole of the elephants had stampeded into the jungle, having smelt the carcases of two tigers that had been carried past their picket to be thrown away. It took several hours to collect them again and get them to settle down quietly for the night. In tree jungle it is of course very dangerous if elephants are frightened; and I remember Mr. Brown, an indigo planter, 198 being swept off his elephant, with howdah and guns, by the animal running under a large tree when frightened by a leopard, and it was a sight indeed to see Sandy Brown (a very stout man) ' trying afterwards to climb up a small tree, thinking that it was a tiger which had caused the alarm to his usually steady elephant. Some months before the close of 1848 I had applied to Government for an exchange to another appointment, as the damp climate of Nepal had not agreed with me, and I found it very dull; though I had always got on well with Colonel Thoresby and Doctor Login, and report had it that we were the only three who had ever remained so long as two years on friendly terms, and cynics said it was because we were bachelors. On being offered an assistant-commissionership in the Punjab (just annexed after most severe fighting), I at once accepted it. This was in April, 1849, a season when the Terai begins to become unhealthy; so it was necessary for me to pass through it in one day, which I managed to do on elephants and ponies. Most people smoke the Indian hookah wThen passing through the Terai at the bad season; but I not 199 only smoked it, but also at the recommendation of the doctor took a couple of doses of quinine before starting, and certainly felt no iU effects from the ■journey. At Segowly I put up with the HaUs, and at Gorukpore with the 24th Native Infantry, who entertained me most hospitably. At the half-way stage between Gorukpore and Lucknow I put up with a planter of the name of Cook, who had undertaken an engagement with the Government to bring under cultivation, within a given period, a very large tract of waste land, paying a small but progressive rental. His place was called Bastee, and I think it is now the head-quarters of a separate district. At Lucknow I remained during my short stay with Doctor Leckie, the Residency surgeon, who lived in a large house within the position which was entrenched and rendered- so famous in 1857. The Resident at that time was Colonel Sleeman, the well-known official who had so highly distinguished himself in the suppression of Thuggee, and who by his tactj judicial acumen, and energy had worked so successfully for a long course of years, and trained a very efficient staff of officers to follow in his footsteps. I had been invited to his house; but he had met 200 with a bad accident through a fall from his horse a few days before my arrival, by which his thigh bone had been fractured, and when Dr. Leckie took me to his house I found him lying on his back and strapped down to the bed, for being an elderly man, it became necessary to keep the injured leg in one position, as by the slightest movement the junction of the bone might be altogether, retarded. I conversed with him for half an hour or so, and was much pleased with his pleasant manners and high intelligence. He was one of the old school of Indian politicals, and a great stickler for the rights of the natives in opposition to that increasing and dangerous class of English officials who fondly and foolishly imagine that India should be ruled mainly for the benefit of the dominant class, whilst the millions of the dark-skinned races are to be treated as quite undeserving of any high consideration or as capable of holding positions of trust.* On an elephant lent by Colonel Sleeman I paid a visit. to the city of Lucknow and its spacious palaces, whicb were rather of a gingerbread style of construction, though the Imambarra and the Vide conduct of Anglo-Indians on the Ilbert Bill controversy. 201 Martiniere School were well worth seeing; the latter having been established by Colonel Martin, a Frenchman in the King of Oude's employ, who had amassed great wealth many years ago and founded not only this excellent scholastic institution but another at Calcutta, as well as one in his native country. He seems to have been a large- hearted man, although of low origin. In the lower basement storey of the Lucknow Martiniere is his tomb, with some lay figures of soldiers leaning on their muskets. His object in being thus buried in the building was to preserve it from desecration at the hands of the "bigoted Mahomedans, whom he knew would respect his place of burial even if their fanaticism should be aroused against an educational establishment where the European sciences were taught. Lucknow. is a very interesting city to visit, though most of its buildings are modern ; all the palaces and public buildings are imposing in size, and have since- the Mutiny been clothed with much historical importance. The Residency buildings have of course nearly all disappeared. The Dil Khooshah Park (or heart - opener) has 202 a most English look, and several wild animals are caged within its enclosure. From Lucknow I went by dak to Lahore, and put up at Sir Henry Lawrence's house, he being the President of the Board of Administration. He told me that a letter had been sent to meet me at Loodiana containing orders for my remaining at Ferozepore as assistant-commissioner, so I at once proceeded there, being hospitably received by an old schoolfellow, Lieutenant Lester, of the 32nd Native Infantry. I had been at work about a week, when Sir Henry Lawrence wrote that the Governor-General had, unknown to the Board, appointed Lieutenant Bristow to Ferozepore, so I should have to proceed by water to Mooltan, for which journey I soon made arrangements by putting up a good thick thatch over a boat of about 1000 maunds, or forty tons burden. It was now the hot season, and I knew that I was in for a very hot and uncomfortable voyage down the broad stream of the Sutlej, and so it proved, though my health luckily did not suffer. I forget how many days I took to reach Bahawulpoor, but I remember that the mercury at times rose to 116 in the boat. At Bahawulpoor I managed to get a dak 203 of bearers to carry me across to Mooltan, which place I reached in two. nights, and was received as a guest by Captain James, officiating deputy- commissioner, who with Mr. Edgeworth, of the Civil Service, the commissioner, composed what might be called the social circle of the outside English, as all the military, consisting of Bombay regiments, were located within the walls of the large fort which had given the British troops such trouble to capture. The country looked very dreary and waste, and our cutcherry or office was the old Eedgah or mosque, within whose walls poor Vans Agnew and Anderson had been so cruelly massacred by Moolraj's troops; which atrocity was the spark which lit up the flames of rebellion throughout the Punjab in 1848. James and I lived in a small house situated in a corner of a confiscated garden of mango trees, which had formerly been one of the ; gardens of the rebel Moolraj ; .but eventually I had to buUd on another site. Captain James was a very agreeable man, and he gave me every support and encouragement in my new and arduous duties of magistrate and assistant administrator. His own time was much occupied in what is called 204 il settlement work" in the Revenue department, viz.: fixing the assessment of the Government dues on the land (cultivated and culturable), and it thus happened that nearly all the criminal and miscellaneous work fell to my lot. One of my duties was the charge of the temporary gaol full of prisoners; the place of confinement being an old State garden, where accommodation had been prepared for about 700 men, chiefly soldiers who had been concerned in the attack on the two Government officials in the Eedgah, as also soldiers who had deserted the force under Captain Edwardes at the commencement of the rebellion. These prisoners one day refused to take their rations, and climbing up the walls were making preparations for a simultaneous outbreak; I arrived on the spot at the most critical stage, and collected all the men of the irregular force available. These men were chiefly Pathaus from the Trans-Indus villages, and about as great ruffians as could well be found; yet all of them being bigoted, Mahomedans they hated the Sikhs and Ghoorkas, who formed the greater portion of the prisoners. I served out ammunition, drew up the irregular detachment 205 about fifty yards from the walls, and told the prisoners in serious tones that unless they at once went to their wards I should open fire on them; they evidently saw that I meant what I said, and knew that the guard bore them no good wiU, but very far the contrary, so they obeyed orders, and I had no more trouble with them. One cause of their discontent was the stricter rules I enforced, for up to the time of my taking charge all the Ghoorka soldiers had been allowed to keep their wives and children inside the toalls of the gaol. It has to be remembered that most of the prisoners were soldiers, and were not in confinement for any offence of the lower description, such as theft, or crimes connected with misappropriation of property, but mainly for the political offence of rebellion. As a rule the rainfall at Mooltan is very low, but at that season the fall was heavy, and the Chenab and Ravee rivers both overflowed their banks, and the country was thus flooded for miles around Mooltan, so that all communication, except by boats, was cut off between us and the city, as also with the office. The two Bombay Native Regiments, the 4th and 9th, were smart looking, and.their native officers were much younger men 206 than were usually foun,d in the Bengal regiments, as it was not the custom to adhere strictly to the seniority system, which to the detriment of the service so universally prevailed in Bengal up to the date of the great Mutiny of 1857. Lord Dalhousie, the Governor-General, visited Mooltan in the cold season of 1849, and he marched with his State camp all the way from Lahore; the object mainly being an interview with the Nawab of Bahawulpoor, who came to the meeting with all the Oriental pomp of an Indian Chieftain, though rumour had it that he was in a great state of funk, and dreaded being sent across the Kala Panee (Indian Ocean), even to an extent which induced him (a Mahomedan) to consult some Hindoo astrologers as to a propitious day and hour for the interview with the dreaded English ruler. The presents given and received at the great Durbar were very numerous and costly, especially those given to the Nawab, who it was intended to reward handsomely for his friendly aid during the siege of Mooltan; altogether it was a grand sight, and the Governor-General did his part well. 207 The sickness during the Autumn from fever and ague was widespread, as was to be expected after so extensive an inundation; I did not escape, for in the Spring of 1850 my health was much broken, and by the advice of the medical officer I took leave to Simla, marching in tents by myself as far as Ferozepore through the desert country known as the Bar, where the water obtained from deep wells is often very brackish; thieves being numerous and cultivation very scant. My property was not, however, once attempted by thieves; but I had to keep a pretty sharp look-out at some of the most suspicious - looking halting places. I got some shooting, such as partridges, bastard florican, and peafowl, but no large game. From Ferozepore I journeyed by dak gharree to the foot of the hills, and on reaching Simla put up at the Pavilion Hotel for a few days, and then, having renewed my acquaintance with a Captain Tulloh, 39th Native Infantry, we agreed to chum together in a house at Chota Simla, which accommodation we also shared with a Lieutenant Gordon of the 39th, and in that house we remained till the cold season of 1850 on most friendly terms, Tulloh managing the household arrangements 208 and kitchen, as he was a good caterer and fond of seeing a good table, though too afraid of apoplexy to at all indulge in any of his favourite dishes. He was a stout, comfortable looking man, whilst Gordon was a very tall, strongly-built highlander, very fond of painting and of playing on the cornopean, out of which he brought very pleasant sounds when he favoured us with a tune in the large verandah. Tulloh played the violin, though he knew not a note of music; his ear was, however, so good that he easily picked up whatever he heard the regimental bands playing. He was very careful of his instrument, and knowing Gordon's propensity for pulling things about, had often requested that he would not touch his violin. One day, however, after Tulloh had started for a ride, and Gordon and I were smoking in the sitting room, he said, "By jove, I'll have a tune on Tulloh's violin," and opening the box, took out the instrument and commenced strumming on it, when suddenly a string snapped, and the violin was returned to its case. Tulloh, after dinner that evening, as usual took out his violin, but on 209 seeing it damaged he merely gave Gordon a look and replaced it in its case. Next morning I saw him carry off the instrument in its case, and he returned in a few hours with a neat-made concertina, which he had got in exchange from a music shop. This instrument he placed in a box in his bedroom, but after a few days it had been found out by Gordon and received equally bad treatment, and was partiaUy sflenced. Poor Tulloh's forbearance was thus sorely tried, but he took it like a true martyr, and carrying off the concertina to the town got rid of it also. Otherwise these two men got on extremely weU together, but TuUoh knew that any musical instrument, unless always under lock and key, would soon get damaged by Gordon's irrepressible propensity for fingering everything in the rooms. When the lease of the house expired at the end of the season Gordon returned to his regiment, whUst Tulloh and I went to chum with a Doctor Ebden in another house more conveniently situated for the winter. Before taking up my quarters in the new house I made a trip across the hiUs to Mussourie — fourteen stages over the worst roads I had seen since leaving Nepal. So bad was the 210 track (for road it could not be called) that laden mules could not pass over it in some parts; so all my baggage had to be carried on men's shoulders. The precipices were of great depth, and took away the breath of timid people not accustomed to the Himalayas. The river Tonse was difficult to get across, owing to the rickety state of the wooden bridge, over which animals could not pass, so my two nags had to cross the swift stream by swimming, which the pony managed to do with difficulty; but the Arab getting frightened at the roar of the rapid close to his flank began to paw the water, and was quickly swept away over the roaring rapid, rolled over and over the rocky bed, and carried some way down the stream until he most pluckily reached the bank on the side from which he had started, somewhat bruised, but not seriously damaged. He was there caught, bound with ropes, and hauled across by coolies in a most ignominious manner for an Arab, and which to me was quite a novel proceeding. His groom had swam alongside him at first, but when he was swept away, the man just managed to escape by the " skin of his teeth." At Mussourie 211 I put up at Major Tritton's, an invaHded officer formerly of my regiment, of whom I have made mention in a previous chapter. He was Hving in a house of his own, and had an EngHsh wife and a smaU chUd; as also two boys growing up, the offspring of a native woman. After a stay of a few days, I proceeded back to Simla vid the dhoon or valley skirting the hiUs and past Nahun, which I found to be a far more interesting route than through the lulls, for the Deyrah Dhoon—as it is called—is picturesque in the extreme, and likewise affords very good shooting for a sportsman not afraid of hard work, as also very good fishing. At Nahun (the residence of the Rajah) I had a visit from the chieftain, who I think had been misled about my rank and standing in the service; for I am sure that had he known I was merely an assistant- commissioner, he would not have come to see me with such a very imposing retinue. I found him to be a very inteUigent man, and had a long confab, with him. From Nahun I passed on to Dugshai, a new hUl station for English troops situated on a lofty and very bare hUl, but with a fair extent of table land. This place, as also 212 KussowHe and Subathoo, are all within easy distance of each other, and form most delightful places of abode for troops in the hot season, and must have saved many hundreds of English lives. Report has it that the English soldiers greatly prefer the plains at all seasons, where they can enjoy their rambles through the bazaars, and also manage for a fuller supply of the forbidden and deleterious liquors. In these hills, however, many of the soldiers employ themselves in forming collections of the rare kinds of butterflies and insects, selling such at high prices. One very good box of butterflies so collected I bought at Simla in 1853, and afterwards presented the same to the museum at Peshawur. The new road from Simla to the plains was in its earliest stages of construction when I passed through Dugshai. It is fifty-eight miles long, and at places as wide as fifteen feet, though the general width is twelve feet. It is made at a very easy gradient except at Dugshai, where a tunnel will eventually be made, and I suppose long ere this has been opened. The rise I was told was never more than two feet in 213 100. It had been Lord Dalhousie's intention to carry it into Thibet on the Chinese frontier, and I believe it has been completed for more than 100 miles beyond Simla, though not to full width. I have never myself been beyond the fifth march from Simla, where the scenery is very grand, and the view of the snowy range at morning and evening perhaps the very best in India. It is in the neighbourhood of Nagkunda (fifth stage), and below the mountain peak caUed Huttoo, that sportsmen first sight the beautiful Monal pheasant, which shoots swift as a rocket from its feeding ground on the steeps to the dense jungle below. I have made mention of this pheasant in the. chapter on Nepal. The cheer or long-tailed spotted (Argus) pheasant is also found at the first stage from Simla, and bears are often come across at the third and fourth stage during the apricot season; but things have probably changed during the long interval since I was in those parts. The faee leopard is likewise found in the Himalayas, and was much given to carrying off pet lap-dogs at Simla and Mussourie, being bold enough to visit the pubHc mall or riding road on dark evenings. 214 The small barking deer called kakur is shot often near Simla. During the winter of 1850 I occupied a house in the centre of Simla with Captain Tulloh and Dr. Ebden : the latter being one of the two surgeons in joint medical charge of the sanatorium. Some heavy falls of 'snow occurred about Christmas, and I enjoyed, after the lapse of more than ten years, a good bout of snowballing with Captain Tulloh. The society of Simla was of course much reduced in winter, and for amusement we were thrown much on our own resources, which mainly consisted in reading, walking, and smoking, with occasionally a few days' shooting near Mahasoo (first stage), where we waded in deep snow after deer or pheasants. Ebden was a most agreeable and intelligent companion, taking a vast interest in the practice of his profession, and holding advanced and enlightened views on most subjects. He was engaged to a Miss Plummer, a sister-in-law of Mr. Forsyth, the assistant-commissioner whom I succeeded at Simla, and they were only waiting for her father's consent to have their marriage consummated; but, alas! for Ebden's happiness, the engagement some few months afterwards was if J 215 broken off by the young woman's caprice; her feeHngs having, I think, been worked upon by her brother-in-law, Mr. Forsyth, and her sister, Mrs. Forsyth, who fully anticipated that she would be able to captivate a civiHan of high standing in the service. Such a hope was, however, doomed to be bHghted, and eventually Miss Plummer returned a disappointed spinster to England, whilst Ebden many years afterwards, when he had retired from the service, married a widow at the Cape of Good Hope. Miss Plummer was about twenty-five years old at the time of her engagement, was highly educated, and in appearance fresh and healthy looking, with a high colour, good features, and bright inteUigent eyes. Ebden showed me some of the correspondence that had passed between them, and the warm terms of the letters gave indication of much attachment; but she must really have been rather cold-hearted to have thrown him over so hastily. Her friends afterwards made some attempts to bring the affair on again, but Ebden very properly I think received coldly all such overtures, and perhaps saved himself from an unhappy marriage. 216 In the winter season I received from the Governor - General an offer of the assistant- commissionership of Simla, and a few days afterwards a letter came from Sir Henry Lawrence offering to appoint me to Lahore or some other good district. I of course accepted the first offer; though it appeared rather irregular for the Governor-General to interfere with appointments usually made by the Board of Administration. I forgot formerly to mention how I got the Nepal appointment; but Dr. Login told me all about it— how that Sir Henry Lawrence, the Resident, was told to send in the names of two officers for the appointment then about to be vacated by Captain Ottley, and he sent in the name of Lieutenant Lumsden and mine. The first, because he had been a great friend of his father; and mine, because I had ridden seventy-five miles on a camel to join my regiment when ordered on service, and had also passed the Interpreter's Examination in Oordoo and Persian as well as Hindee. Lumsden though first mentioned was passed over, as there were so many officers of his regiment on staff employ. The appointment at Simla was for two years, and glad indeed 217 was I to get so good a berth, as I had not quite recovered from the Mooltan sickness. The work was heavy, mainly owing to the lazy disposition of my superior, Mr. Edwards of the CivU Service, who hardly ever came to office, and so threw nearly all the work upon my shoulders. The class of civd cases were those which in mUitary stations come before Courts of Request, in which officers and merchants or tradesmen are concerned. Thus the unpleasant task often devolved upon me of having to attach the property of persons who had left Simla deeply indebted. Many of the European Htigants considered themselves well versed in law, and often came into court with heavy law books under their arms, making vain but zealous efforts to persuade me that black was white, or at all events whity-brown. I generaUy found that a little quiet reasoning brought these gentlemen round to a calm common-sense view of matters, and saved them from subsequent outlay in purse. The society of Simla is composed of a few" retired officers or invaHds who own most of the houses, which in my day perhaps numbered 400. Then there are the officers on the staff of the lll^&^^F 218 Governor-General and Commander-in-Chief with their families, also officers on leave, civil and military, married and unmarried, with a goodly proportion of grass widows, whose husbands are toiling at their desks in the hot winds of the plains. There is an immense deal of gaiety, and a great deal of fine weather in which to enjoy out-of-door festivities—the season being from April till November. There is also a vast amount of flirtation, some of a dangerous character, but often very innocent, between the said young grass widows and the idle bachelors—some of the women behaving very foolishly and getting themselves talked about very early in the season by being constantly seen in the company of particular male friends, on whose horses they do not scruple to ride, though as often as not the said men are quite unknown to the husbands, and can hardly claim an acquaintanceship of perhaps more than ten days or a fortnight. Verily it is not to be wondered at that satirical writers so frequently style Simla and other hill stations as the Capuas of India. Simla is, however, so extensive that for quietly-disposed persons there is every opportunity for keeping much to 219 themselves or to a confined circle without attracting notice as peculiar, when not joining with the madding crowd bent upon frivolity. When I first came up the hotels consisted of two, neither of them first-rate, and seldom inquired after by families, being far too noisy and quite wanting in the needful privacy. In 1851 Lord Dalhousie was Governor-General and Sir Charles Napier was Commander-in-Chief, and both passed the hot season at Simla. It was there their first small difference arose, and afterwards burst out in full bloom, and came only to an end on the resignation of the latter, who being bitterly mortified at the treatment dealt out to him threw up his responsible and lucrative post. . I daresay both were somewhat to blame, for Lord Dalhousie was imperious in manner, and Sir Charles ill-brooked any control, so they could never work together without much friction. Lord Dalhousie was a comparatively young man for the important position he held; but his conversation, State papers, and general bearing gave indication of great abiHty and self-reHance; the latter being so necessary a qualification for a 220 Governor-General. He never enjoyed very health, owing to a scrofulous taint; but he looked fresh in face, and had the bearing of a true nobleman. Sir Charles Napier must have been over sixty years of age, being short in stature, sharp in features, and of thin frame. He was very much liked by his staff, with whom he often joked in rather coarse phraseology when in good temper, and abused when out of sorts, though not in a vicious way. He was always very bitter against Lord Dalhousie, and nicknamed him the "Laird of Cockpen" in contemptuous and depreciatory terms. In the height of the season a very serious row occurred between a Mr. Lang, editor of the Mofussilite newspaper, and a Lieutenant Rose in the Public Works Department of the Government. It was brought to Mr. Lang's notice that Lieutenant Rose had talked about his making an exhibition of himself in a drunken state the previous night at a party at Colonel Mountain's house. Lang, on hearing this, at once wrote to Lieutenant Rose that he should take the earliest opportunity of horsewhipping him for spreading such a false report. 221 Lieutenant Rose being evidently fearful that Lang would carry out his threat, went to the Magistrate's Court and swore the peace against the threatener. Lang on being summoned, appeared in the court carrying a large hunting whip, which the magistrate told him to leave outside, and then bound him over to keep the peace. On hearing this Sir Charles Napier was extremely angered against Lieutenant Rose, and ordered him under arrest for trial before a Court-Martial, " for having acted in an unofficer- like and unbecoming manner in not taking steps to protect his honour." The Court - Martial sat for several days, and as several ladies gave evidence, and contradicted each other in a most amusing manner, there was of course a great deal of cheerful gossip in society on this exciting topic, more especiaUy as Lieutenant Rose was defended by Mr. Quartley, the rather popular chaplain of the station. Lieutenant Rose was acquitted, and very properly; but he lost his appointment, and was universally condemned by his brother officers for having sought the protection of the law against a man who was not likely to have carried out his threat, as Rose was twice his size. Lang was a very notorious man—very clever and very unscru- 222 pulous, and wrote very amusing books, plays,* and newspaper articles. In the previous year he had been mixed up in a serious row about cards, and accused a Mr. Macleary of the Civil Service of cheating by marking the cards. A hostile meeting was to have taken place between these two, but both were bound over to keep the peace within the Simla jurisdiction. A month or so afterwards Lang left Simla, and was followed by Macleary, who had vowed to horsewhip him somewhere on the road to the plains. He overtook Lang at the first staging bungalow, and on seeing him Lang came into the verandah and promised to give him satisfaction at KussowHe, the next station, where both would be able to get seconds for a duel. The story is that they both had dinner together and got drunk, and then rode on to Kussowlie the next day, where no duel ever came off or any settlement; in short, no one ever heard, as far as I knew the real facts of the case, except that all ended in smoke—though none of it came from the muzzles of pistols. I remained at Simla as assistantrcommissioner till the cold season of 1851, when at the doctor's * The well-known play, "The Overland Route," was written by him and Mr. T. Taylor. 223 recommendation I took leave to appear before the Medical Board at Calcutta, making over charge to Mr. Metcalfe (afterwards Sir Theophflus Metcalfe). Lieutenant Eckford, of the 6th Native Infantry, was my companion down country in a country boat (neatly fitted up) from Meerut; our start being at about the end of October. We journeyed by slow stages, staying at important places en route, such as Futtehghur, Benares, Moorshedabad, etc., etc. It was a slow way of progressing, but in those days a very common one, and as we were both suffering from a long stay in India in very hot stations, we benefited much by the clear river air, and on reaching Calcutta looked fat and hearty. My complaint was almost constant headache, brought on by excess of office work. A short stay was made at Dinapore, where my regiment was stationed under the command of Colonel Handscomb, an old chum of mine. It was here that I first met in India my brother Gussy, having left him in England a boy nine years of age. He was not looking very well, as his face was pale ; but he was muscular, and broad in figure. He was studying with his moonshee, and getting on well; being also much liked by his brother officers, especially by Baugh m 224 and Mackenzie. On leaving Dinapore I made over to Gussy my pet dog Jumpy (a very pretty little terrier), and very much the little animal must have felt the .parting, having been a great pet, even to the extent of being allowed to share my bed in cold weather. At Calcutta I stayed at Spence's Hotel, and Eckford became a guest at the house of a Mr. Mackenzie, a merchant. I must here mention what a very narrow escape we had through our own imprudence of being carried by the strong tide at night-time against some of the cables of the large ships at anchor in the Hoogly, as we foolishly persisted, against the advice of the experienced native boatmen, in continuing our course after dark from a wish to anchor near the city of palaces, and it was only by the great skill of the men that we were saved from a capsize and the consequent sad termination of a very enjoyable trip, for few even amongst the best swimmers can contend with the strong under - current of the Hoogly river. I left Calcutta early in 1852 for the Cape of Good Hope on medical certificate, for in those days officers holding staff appointments were obliged to 225 resign them on taking leave to Europe. The ship was the "Windsor Castle," and we had a very pleasant voyage of six weeks. At our first dinner the captain told us of the presence on board of thirteen young sucking pigs, all of one Htter, and we ate them all up before reaching Table Bay. Captains Rattray and Davies, two friends of mine, were in another ship bound for the Cape, which kept company with us for the first night in the Bay of Bengal; and I lost a bet with Davies for a dinner as to priority of arrival, and payment was made by a picnic at Constantia. I weU remember how on reaching Table Bay early in the morning some of us hurried off in a boat for the best hotel (Mrs. Parke's), on the full certainty of revelling in fresh butter with rolls, but, alas! in place of the former we got only the salted article with the taste of " inferior Cork." I then learnt that fresh butter was rather a precious article at Cape Town, though perhaps there has been improvement on this head. At the hotel I met Mr. Oswell, the great African traveller and friend of Livingstone, who had formerly been in the Indian Civil Service. The society was very pleasant, there being so many Indian officers, civil and military; but the colony 226 did not strike me as very flourishing, perhaps owing to a want of enterprise in the Dutch, who form much the larger portion of the community. At one time the Cape supplied large numbers of remounts for the Cavalry in India ; but the Australians have now entirely secured that market by their superior enterprise. Most of my time was spent at Wynberg, a pretty village a few miles from Cape Town, and I got accommodation in a very favourite boarding - house kept by a Mrs. Usher; all the lodgers being officers from India. I have heard the Cape hotels abused; but nothing could have been more comfortable than our Wynberg boarding-house. The chief waiter was an African, who had been taken out of a captured slaver^ when quite a boy, but old enough to remember his former life; and he told me that his native village was in Central Africa, and that he was the son of a king who was killed in the fight which made him a slave. He had nothing of the Negro in his features, which were pleasant to look at and indicative of much intelligence, the forehead especially being well developed. He expressed no desire to return to his native country, and said that he had nothing to complain of since his release from captivity; 227 having been taught to read and write English, and receiving good pay, I joined the Cape Town Club, and found many agreeable people there. In the country riding parties were very frequent, and it was at Wynberg that I met my fate in the shape of a wife, and on the 30th October, 1852, I was married to Agnes Sophia Blackburn, daughter of Joseph Blackburn, Esq., a merchant; and my fate proved a most fortunate one, as my chief happiness and contentment in life I can truly say has been due to my marriage. Our honeymoon was spent at a farmhouse at Erste River, a few miles from Cape Town, and on our return to Wynberg the Indian civilians and officers gave us a large picnic party; most of the hosts and guests coming in omnibi drawn by four horses—and the affair was considered a great success. Captains Rattray and Davies both married at the Cape, and the alteration in the Indian furlough rules in 1868 must have damaged the prospects of many spinsters. Our voyage to India was a very long one, such being due to a breakdown of the machinery. At the Mauritius where we coaled we put up for 228 a night and day with Captain Ireland, and his house being a very comfortable one and well in the country, we had a very pleasant visit. We also touched at Galle, staying at an hotel, where the mosquitoes were as bad as at Calcutta. On arrival at Calcutta in March, 1853, we went to Spence's Hotel, and on calling on the Private Secretary to the Governor-General I heard that my appointment at Simla would be for another year, which was a favour I had hardly expected. I did not delay joining, as the hot weather was at hand; so we were soon journeying in a dak gharree on the trunk road, stopping at the Dak Bungalows during the great heat of the day, and with the aid of tatties* and punkahs we found these rest-houses quite bearable, and both of us being in good health we rather enjoyed the novelty of the journey. At Simla I got a suitable house called Rose Bank, it being the same as many of us had jointly rented in 1845. Lord William Hay was the Deputy Commissioner in place of Mr. Edwards, but did not work a bit harder than his predecessor. Lord Dalhousie was still Governor-General, and Sir Watered mats of a sweet-smelling grass. IP -J 229 William Gomm the Commander-in-Chief, a very different style of man from Sir Charles Napier. They both remained at Simla during the hot season, and as usual the gaiety was pretty continuous; Agnes and I joining in it to a satisfying extent, but no more. I managed to get Agnes a nice riding horse, or rather galloway, and most of our visiting was done on horseback; such being a common custom in those days, and very convenient, as the distances were often great and up and down steep gradients. Gussy paid us a short visit, as his regiment was at Delhi. Lord WUHam Hay was generally away in the interior on what he called political work, which I fancy mainly consisted of shooting; but as he was brother-in-law of the Governor-General, he had his own way pretty weU. The work for me wag. consequently rather heavy, and I was detained a good deal at my office. Agnes, however, had plenty of resource, and found pleasant occupation in music and painting until I came home for the evening ride; she had besides many visitors. Georgy Hall, of my regiment, came to Simla on leave, and we saw a good deal of him and his delicate - looking wife. The only drawback to 230 perfect contentment was my small pay, Rs.500 a month, and this obliged us to be very careful, as I had some debts to clear off. Agnes soon got into the way of keeping house, and seemed to like the native servants, which of course I was delighted to see, as so many young people get prejudiced against them, chiefly from entire ignorance of their daaracter, and so greatly lessen the comforts of their Indian households. The heat of the Indian •climate for so many months of the year, coupled with the mosquitoes, sand flies, and other insect troubles, as well as the control of a large number of servants, is certainly a considerable tax upon the powers of youthful housekeepers, and requires .a good allowance of the true philosophic spirit to make your Hfe a contented and at all a comfortable one; and by questioning old Indians you can easily ascertain whether they possessed the indispensable quality, for if not, they eagerly remember every discomfort, and forget to tell of the real comforts; whilst the true philosophic individual will have forgotten all the drawbacks, and wrill descant joyfully on the pleasures of the Indian life. Young men or women when the marrying time arrives do not generally fully realize the fact that 231 most of their future happiness will depend on the* character of the life-partner that is chosen, and he or she must bear well in mind the Vicar of Wakefield's advice, that "great care must be taken "that the choice falls on an article that wiU wear well" In this it was not meant that a youngs man should choose a girl who wfll make a good domestic drudge, but one who wfll bear up well in all the up's and downs of a chequered life. For the guidance of my unmarried sons, I freely give them my own experience—that a woman most certainly looks, and is, at her best when employed in domestic duties, and at her worst when discussing- politics or other pubHc matters, for which her reading and training hardly ever qualifies her, and do not the achievements of the dames of the Primrose League show us that, demoraHsing as politics are to men, yet they act upon women in an intenser degree. In the winter of 1853-54 I received a letter from Sir John Lawrence, the Chief Commissioner of the Punjab, asking if I would like to take up the Assistant - Commissionership of Peshawur, and the letter was couched in rather complimentary 232 terms. I accepted the offer, and by the end of February, 1854, we reached the frontier station of the Punjab, where many reputations have been won and also lost. Major Edwardes (afterwards Sir Herbert) was the Commissioner, and Captain James, my old companion at Mooltan, was Deputy Commissioner; both rather remarkable men in their way—the former as a ruler of men in troublous times, and the latter as a civil administrator. The station was a very large one, consisting of several regiments of Infantry, besides Cavalry and Artillery. We put up at Captain James's till we got a house of our own, and on the 25th April, 1854, our first child was born, and was christened Charles Augustus. Major Edwardes declared that he was the first thoroughly English - looking baby that he had seen in India. My judicial work at Peshawur was heavy, as crime was rampant, especially the more serious offences of murder and highway robbery; it being also a practice of the hill-men to attack frontier villages, and carry off the wives of wealthy Hindoo traders and others from whom they knew a good ransom was obtainable; but I never heard that the women thus carried off had been badly treated. All the hill tribes were wild 233 and lawless, especially the Afreedees of the Khyber Pass and the adjacent hills. The Momunds also Were very powerful, perhaps the most so of all the tribes whose boundaries marched with ours. There were three forts in the direction of the Momunds, viz., Michnee, Shubkuddar, and Abozai; and at each were small garrisons of Cavalry and Infantry, expected to turn out at a moment's notice to aid the villagers in repeUing assaults, and also to cut off the retreating enemy. Generally, however, in such small encounters we came off second best as to loss of men. I visited these forts, and others too, during my stay at Peshawur, and as the climate agreed with us I liked the frontier work—being stationed at Murdan, in Eusufzai, during the hot season of 1855; and there we lived in a house on one of the bastions of the fort, which was garrisoned by the celebrated Guide corps—Major Taylor, the commandant, and his young wife occupying half of the house. This was a temporary arrangement whilst a new house was under construction for my accommodation. Shortly before our arrival at Peshawur, Major Mackeson, the Commissioner, had been kiUed by an assassin, who had crept up to the verandah (where Mackeson L 234 was sitting in a chair smoking) and stabbed him in the side with a large Affghan knife. On being stabbed the Major seized the weapon with his right hand and tried to draw it out, whilst the assassin, a hill-man, tried to force it further inwards, and whilst thus struggling a native (ex Kotwal*) seized the man, and with aid from others secured him after getting a bad wound. Major Mackeson died the next day, and the murderer after trial was hanged and his body burnt. It was said that the Moollahsf of the city tried to console those who sympathized with the murderer by telling them that his ashes would make soorma (antimony) for the eyes of the beautiful houris of Paradise; but as all good Mahomedans (especially those who have taken the Hves of Kafirs) look forward to enjoying the company of the houris after death, such poor consolation hardly contented them. In my account of the attack on the Khyber Pass by General Pollock, I mentioned Mackeson as a very daring officer, and I ought to have noted his extremely venturesome ride from Ali Musjid to Peshawur on the very day of the successful attack, * Head of the town police. f Mahomedan priests. u 235 simply with the object of returning to his post and of despatching the news to India proper. His escort were a few irregular horsemen, and though frequently fired at by bands of Afreedees, yet Mackeson and his brave followers reached Peshawur unwounded. A memorial piUar was erected to his memory in the Peshawur cantonment, and on it were inscribed the words of Lord Dalhousie, the Governor-General, which had been published in the Government Gazette —" That under other circumstances the death of Major Mackeson would have dimmed a victory, but to have lost him thus by the hands of a foul assassin was indeed a most grievous blow to the Government of India," etc., etc. Mackeson knew weU that the fanatical hUl-men thirsted for his blood; and at his house at Peshawur he was in the habit in the hot season of spending much of his working hours in an underground room (tih khana), and he had made a subterranean passage from this to the garden in case of a body of men effecting an entry from above, and in this room he always had weapons ready to hand; and yet after aU such precautions the assassin easfly effected his object in the open day and in an open verandah—having, 236 as he admitted, watched some days for his opportunity. When in Captain James's house, Agnes awoke me one night by calling attention to an upper window about six feet from the floor, from which proceeded a strange creaking sound just as if some one was gently pushing the window open from the outside. I at once went quietly outside with a pistol to that side of the house, but could see no one; and on examining closer I found that the noise had been caused by some thick paper placed in lieu of glass, and a torn end of it was being gently blown against the window frame. I mention this to show how people were always on the alert, and very suspicious of night noises. An armed guard was always in the verandah of each civil officer's house, and I remember how one night Captain James being restless walked into the front verandah and found the sentry and the rest of the guard fast asleep; and on James rousing them up and pointing out how useless they were as protectors, " Ah! Sahib," replied the officer of these irregular levies, "if you are killed by any of those scamps we will speedily make minced meat of them." It was afterwards thought 237 wiser to give guards from the regular regiments. Divine service was held in the Masonic Lodge; and a regular church was not finished at Peshawur for some years. The queerest selection for a church bmlding was that made at Lahore, where the tomb of a celebrated courtesan of the Imperial era was transformed into a suitable place of assembly for the worship of EpiscopaHans, and up to present times has remained as such; though, a cathedral is in course of erection now that Lahore has been made a bishopric. In the winter of 1854-55 the station was visited by several notables, viz.: John Lawrence, Robert Montgomery, Donald Macleod, Captain Nicholson (a born ruler of men), and last though not least, Hyder AH, the heir - apparent of Dost Mahomed, the Cabul Ameer, who came for an interview with John Lawrence, the Chief Commissioner of the Punjab, and a grand Durbar came off at Jumrood, opposite the Khyber Pass. All the above-named • Englishmen came prominently to the front in after years, and more especially the first and last named in the Mutiny of 1857. 238 Chaptee VII. 1855-56-57. jT Murdan, in the Eusufzai country, my predecessor as Civil officer had been cc^>^» Captain Hodson, afterwards so well-known as the Commandant of " Hodson's Horse." He had also held the command of the Guide Corps; being therefore chief Civil and Military officer of the Sub-Division. Both these good appointments he had lost owing to his treatment of one of the leading chiefs, whom he imprisoned and accused of being concerned in a murderous attack on Lieutenant Godby, of the Guides. This officer when in the garden at Murdan was stabbed in the back by an oldish man, whom it was alleged by informers had been in the employ of Kadirkhan, an influential chief who was charged with having instigated him to the crime. Sir Herbert Edwardes reported that Hodson had acted most unjustly and harshly to this chief, and as Hodson at that time had been accused of mal-appropriation of regimental 239 funds, he was considered by Government as unfitted for so high an appointment, and had to return to his original corps, the 1st Europeans. In frontier society opinions were much divided on Hodson's affair, and many thought that he had been harshly dealt with, and that if the chief had been badly treated, such was owing to an error in judgment only. I saw a good deal of Hodson when I was at Murdan, and I never thought him a straightforward man, though he was undoubtedly very clever, and a first-rate soldier. Major ReyneU Taylor, who succeeded him in the command of the Guides, had to go through his regimental accounts, and thought that "there were no grounds for suspecting him of dishonesty:" but then, Taylor could hardly ever take a harsh view of the conduct of a brother officer; though one day he certainly did say " that it was very difficult to get a straightforward answer from Hodson." A MiHtary Court of Inquiry had been assembled at Peshawur to overhaul and report on Hodson's regimental accounts; but as he was able to produce only a copy of a day book, and not the original, which he alleged had been destroyed, the Court saw that all further enquiry would be futile, as no L 240 reliable accounts were forthcoming. I one day asked an old native officer of the Guide Corps what opinions the men had formed about Captain Hodson's conduct, and he replied "that it was quite possible from having so very much, work to attend to, besides that connected with the commandantship and civil duties—viz.: construction of the fort, aligning of roads, and other public works—his accounts may have got into a confused state, which left him open to much suspicion; and then, above and beyond all this miscellaneous work, there was his great khidmut (service) for the mem sahib (wife), for he always seemed to be a most devoted husband, ready to leave any office work and attend to her behests at any moment." She certainly gave me the impression of one who had a rather masterful spirit, though all who knew them thought the devotion was mutual. In society Hodson could make himself very pleasant, and his figure was of average height and of active build. He had bright blue eyes, light coloured hair, and well-cut features. My duties at Murdan were not Heavy, and the people behaved well on the whole during my «.J \-V«.c?^^^^^^^^^^-:^'/. llff v mm .- \1 J 241 incumbency; though on one occasion there was an alarm of intended attack on a viUage about twenty miles off, where some chiefs from independent territory had sought refuge from their enemies. As a measure of precaution, I took out the Guide Corps after consulting with Major Taylor; but nothing came of it; and though a large number of men had assembled, and burnt a village in independent territory just on our border, yet our frontier line had not been crossed. At Peshawur, and also at Murdan, the Civil officers never went out of the cantonment bounds for a drive or ride without an escort of two mounted policemen as a measure of protection against assassins, and I remember on one occasion a frontier man was seen coming out of Captain James's compound in a suspicious manner, and was arrested by a guard of soldiers who happened to be passing, one of them having, observed a concealed pistol beneath the man's cloak. He then admitted that his intention had been to shoot Captain James; but as James spoke to him in such kind terms, he had not the heart to kiU him. I need hardly say 242 that measures were taken to prevent his doing mischief for some years. In those times my duties necessitated very frequent visits to the city of Peshawur; but I was never insulted, nor saw reason to expect an assault from anyone I came across; yet the Affghan as a rule is a sad bigot, and must detest the rule of the Christians. Just before we left Peshawur Captain Hamilton, of the Public Works Department, was in camp close to a police station a few miles from the city, when a band of hill-men suddenly attacked him at night, setting fife to the tents and killing a number of his workmen and clerks; the object of the attack being some treasure which Hamilton had just received from Peshawur for his establishment. On awaking and finding his tent on fire he jumped up, seized his revolver, and made for the door, shooting down a hill-man who had attacked him with a large knife, and by cool courage eventually made his way to the fortified police post, where he found the guardians of the pubHc and their native Officer in a dreadful fright; and before he could arouse them to the required fighting pitch, the robbers had made off with the treasure and their dead comrade. 243 After our departure Major Adams, the new Deputy Commissioner, was mortally wounded by a fanatic near one of the city gates when on horseback. The victims of assassination were far too numerous for me to give any detailed account of such in these pages; but nothing to be compared to the victims of fever and dysentery, and the former disease was very rife during my two years, yet we never suffered, neither did Captain James. On being relieved at Murdan by Captain Urmston, assistant-commissioner, at the commencement of the cold season of 1855, we returned to Peshawur, and took up our abode in that officer's house, paying him a high rent for the accommodation; and there on the 26th I.October, 1855, our second child was born, and christened Emfly Helen Blackburn. Whilst I was at Peshawur the new rule came out for examination of assistant- commissioners in Law (Civil and Criminal) and in Revenue administration, so I had to go through the troublesome ordeal, much to. iny disgust; and I also passed in colloquial Pushtoo. I cannot but think of the great changes that have happened within the past forty years with 244 respect to officers in India (Civil and Military),, who when I entered the service had no examinations to- pass, and even "that, for military men as to physical qualifications was very superficial; and one of jmy medical examiners asked me simply "if I could bite off the end of a cartridge!" in his ignorance imagining that officers carried muskets. The second doctor punched me about a little, and tested my eyesight, but never asked me to strip. Young cadets before leaving England had to appear before the Chairman and Directors of the East Indian Company and be sworn in before them, and also listen to an address from the Chairman. My friend Bristow had been fighting with his brother the day before such appearance, and had a black eye, which the officious clerk at the office told him might have lost him his appointment, to which remark my irascible friend replied—" That his medical attendant was the best judge of his fitness." Bristow was very hot-tempered, and over 21 years of age (22 being the limit), and on board ship had a row with the captain of the ship, whom he knocked down on his own quarter-deck; being confined to his cabin for the rest of the voyage as under arrest, and on arrival at Calcutta was severely 245 reprimanded by the Commander-in-Chief. I also remember that when he came to see the budgerow or country boat we had engaged at Calcutta, the head boatman had omitted to carry out some instructions of his, on which Bristow hurled his heavy silver-mounted whip at the man, who dodged the weapon and it fell into the deep water of the Hoogly. It was a present from a dear friend, and Bristow was frantic at the occurrence, making the boatmen dive for it time after time, but without any result. I was looking on, and thought it a good lesson for him. On meeting him some years afterwards in the upper provinces, he told me how he had lost the services of a most excellent servant he had engaged at Calcutta. I certainly never saw a better one, for the man was his valet, table attendant, and tailor, and remained with Bristow for some years; but on being engaged, he had told his master that if ever he struck him, nothing would induce him to remain. Bristow for some years never touched him, often as he had been angered by imaginary shortcomings; till one day at Meerut he had yielded to passion just before going to mess, and gave the man a blow. On returning home late at night the valet could not be 246 found; but the keys were on the drawers, and an account up to date, with the exact balance of money in hand after deducting wages due. He never set eyes on this servant again. I have mentioned about keys and money; it being the custom in India for. officers who are bachelors to make everything over to their valets or bearers, who also get advances monthly for household expenses, giving in an account at the end of the month; though often officers who are careless neglect to take any account, but trust entirely to the honesty of the bearer, who not improbabty is often quite deserving of such confidence, for as a rule they are a most excellent class of servants. In these days young officers in the Queen's service who cannot speak the language, get hold of a low class of bearers, who have picked up English in a bad school—viz., the barrack yard, and they must not be astonished if occasionally their trust is betrayed. My pay at Peshawur was 700 rupees a month, and with it we managed to get on comfortably. Agnes did not wish to ride very much, so I kept two riding nags for myself and a buggy and horse 247 for us bothg and when required, Agnes used one of my horses for riding purposes. Ladies did not generally ride beyond the cantonment bounds, as the hill people were often loafing about fully armed ready to carry off horses, as such loot was greatly prized by them. Two ladies were driving one day in a buggy near the old fort, at a short distance from the cantonment, when two armed men sprang out of a ravine, and seizing the horse's head, made them dismount from the buggy, from which they speedily unharnessed the horse and made off with it to the hills. On another occasion a young lady, the daughter of a medical officer, was riding near the cantonment with Captain Grantham, when an Afreedee seized her horse's bridle and told her to dismount. Captain Grantham rode at the man to strike him with his hunting whip, and got a mortal wound from a large Affghan knife. The young girl ran into the cantonment; but assistance came too late for Grantham, who was found dead. I could relate many other sad tales of attacks on officers and others by the hill assassins, who gloried in taking the life of a Kaffir; and a blow from an Affghan knife was generally a mortal one, as they are heavy weapons, often two feet long, and very sharp. 248 During 1854-55 there were some severe shocks of earthquake at Peshawur, but none as bad as that of 1842, already mentioned. Ofttimes they were bad enough to make people in cantonment run from their rooms into the garden, and many houses were cracked at the corners of the walls. A great place of resort for officers at early morning was the large verandah of the Artillery Mess-house, when chota hazree and gossip were discussed; and these meetings I often joined, generally finding Captain James there, who Was a man possessing a great fund of anecdote when his spirits were in proper tone, which was not always the case. He amused us once by the story of his first love affair when on board ship en route to India at the age of 18, his beloved being the daughter of a civilian holding a high appointment at Madras. The girl was about his own age, and was going out to join her father under her brother's care (a young civilian). James was the guest of the father at Madras, and being encouraged by the brother to declare himself, he took an early opportunity after dinner of letting the father know of his aspirations, and that the girl was favourably inclined. James said the old gentleman merely looked sternly at j T\>aw\ tfaBobvlLfiaftJerttArtL^^ 249 him, saying "I think, young man, it is time to move to the drawing room," at the same time walking off himself. James lost no time in getting his hat, and made at once for the ship, which left the next morning for Calcutta; and from that day he had heard nothing more of the family. Captain James was a married man, but in 1854-55 his wife was in England with the children; and people said that he treated her more as a servant than a wife. Her father was an uncovenanted Government official, and when she was very young James was taken by her pretty face, thinking that he would be able to mould her mind; but as he was a very clever man, it is very likely that he found there was no mind to mould. I, however, never saw Mrs. James, and am writing mainly from report; though from a little story James once told me of a friend of his who tried to educate his wife and failed most signally, I have good grounds for thinking that common report gave the true version. In 1854 a Mission under Mr. Pfander was established at Peshawur, and Colonel Martin, lately of the Indian service, gave it much pecuniary support, at times accompanying the preachers 250 {English and Native) to the city. A story was told of his being with a native preacher, (a Persian convert) one day in the bazaar,. and after listening to the man for a short time the crowd took offence, and commenced to throw stones at Colonel Martin and the preacher. Seeing that things looked rather dangerous, the Colonel recommended a retreat; but the Persian was against such a movement, and expressed himself as ready to die for the faith then and there. Martin, however, would not agree to anything of the sort, and insisted upon a speedy retirement, which at once was effected. Pfander was a first-rate Oriental scholar, and had published a book in Persian called " Mizan al Hakk," showing the superiority of the Christian over the Mahomedan religion; and it was said that this book had never been answered, by the Mahomedan moollahs, who found. themselves unable to refute its arguments. The life at Peshawur may be said to have always been rather exciting, and one instance in particular which I may . mention here was an outbreak in the gaol which was under my charge in 1854, when I was also in temporary charge of the entire district owing to Captain James's absence 251 at Murree. I had commenced to smoke a cigar after dinner one night when a mounted policeman rode up to the house with , the news that the prisoners had rebelled, knocked over the head gaoler and some warders, and were escaping over the walls. I at once ordered my horse and rode to the scene, when I found that the disturbance was over, and that thirteen of the convicts (all very long term or life prisoners) had been killed whilst eight had got clear off. It seems that the prisoners had risen against the gaoler and warders when paraded and counted before being locked up for the night; and there being a ladder within the gaol, and a heap of bricks brought inside for necessary repairs, the prisoners used the first to climb to the top of the high wall, and the second became useful as missiles for knocking the police sentries from their high positions at the corner of the walls. These guardians had matchlocks which were not loaded, so a goodly number of the prisoners managed to get over the wall before the alarm had reached the outside guard; but when the latter appeared on the scene they at once attacked the fugitives with swords, cutting down the. number above mentioned; some of the police 252 receiving severe injuries from large bamboo sticks, which the prisoners had found ready to hand within the enclosure. An old Sikh policeman had shown great courage by pushing his way through a crowd of prisoners and then pulling away the ladder up which so many had already passed, and he was well rewarded by promotion and a gift of cash. There was of course great excitement at my arrival, and one young policeman ran up to me holding out his naked sword and crying—"See, Sahib, my sword is quite as bloody as any of the others, and yet I am only an oomedwar" (probationer). The escaped men were never recaptured, as the Khyber Pass was only a few miles off, and the night was very dark. I at once wrote off an account of the affair to Captain James at Murree, and on his showing my letter to Sir John Lawrence, the latter remarked " that the police had behaved well; but what will the Judicial say to such a slaughter?" referring to Mr. (afterwards Sir Robert) Montgomery, the Judicial Commissioner, who was supposed to be rather too tender-hearted; though I do not believe that such was the case, as during the mutiny of 1857 he made it apparent to all rebels and mutineers that 253 no over-tenderness of heart prevented him from dealing out to them their full deserts. I always found Peshawur as a city highly interesting, as the costumes were so various and the streets and bazaars very picturesque. To show how very distrustful we were of the frontier tribes, I may mention that the head civil officer at Murdan never went into camp without an escort of about 100 men of the Guides, Infantry, and Cavalry. Before the close of 1855 I was appointed to the Ferozepore district as officiating Deputy Commissioner, and we travelled by dooly dak, as the road had not then been metalled to allow of dak carriages; the only horsed conveyance being the mail cart, which was too rough for ladies. The dak-bearers in the Peshawur district were very inferior, and had to sling the dooly in a way which jolted the traveller most disagreeably. All journeying by night was dangerous, and the mail cart had been stopped by robbers more than once near Peshawur. Our journey was not entirely pleasant, as I had an attack of fever and ague on the very first night, after entire immunity for two 254 years in the valley. Luckily Doctor Pfander, the missionary, was at the dak bungalow, and he dosed me with very good effect. Having now attained to the charge of a district, I will describe shortly the work which fell upon a district officer in the Punjab in those days; though reforms have been carried out since which divided |the executive from the judicial work. Imagine, then, a large tract of country, mostly under cultivation, from 1,500 to 2,000 square miles in extent, with a population of half a million spread over a very large number of villages and a few towns, and such area for facility of administration formed into perhaps five sub - divisions, each immediately under a native collector or tuhsildar. At the head-quarters of this district are the Deputy Commissioner and his three or four assistants, one or two perhaps natives; all their work being apportioned out at the discretion of the head officer, who would generally make over charge of a sub-division or more to the more experienced assistants; all the important reports coming to the Deputy Commissioner. The assistants worked in all three departments — viz.: Revenue, 255 Criminal, and Civil, and one would have charge of the treasury, another of the gaol, and a third of the Local Government works—viz. : buildings, roads, bridges, plantations, etc., and for the officials' working accommodation there would be a large public building called a cutcherry or court-house, with commodious rooms and the needful offices of all kinds for the clerks (European and Native), and for the stowage of the records and treasure. At head-quarters also there would be the chief police officer and his assistants, also the civil surgeon. For each tuhseel or head-quarters of a sub-division there would be suitable offices for the estabHshment and branch treasury, as the main duty of the sub-collector was the collection of the land revenue, the excise, and other dues, ranging perhaps from seventy to eighty thousand pounds sterling, or more in some districts. These officers also had power to dispose of small cases in all departments, the appeals from their decisions being to the Deputy Commissioner. In each sub-division there would be, besides the police posts, a certain number of dispensaries with native doctors, most of such having accommodation for patients of both sexes; also schools for boys and girls under Government 256 inspection, and at stated periods yearly the Deputy Commissioner had to submit elaborate reports on the working of every institution, and on the work done in the revenue, civil, and criminal departments; so that with such multifarious work it can easily be seen that a district officer had very little leisure time, his daily post bag being indeed a strange sight for an outsider who had seen only the easy-going miHtary Hfe in India. But, notwithstanding the all-absorbing character of a civil officer's work, it was undoubtedly highly interesting to anyone who liked the natives, and really felt that the mission of the English in India was a high and privfleged one, and it certainly offered a fine field for the display of intelligence, patience, and forbearance. Besides the work mentioned above, there were in most districts a fair number of Government stalHons, bulls, and rams for improvement of the several breeds; and all these had to be looked after. At Ferozepore I relieved Mr. Brandreth, who had taken leave to England, and I bought his house, which was a good one, with a large garden. 257 My pay was about 1000 rupees a month, so we were well satisfied with the change. In the hot weather Agnes took the two chfldren to Simla, and occupied a house near Chota Simla, which was adjacent to one where her old friend Mrs. Rattray Hved; so she had opportunities for talking over old days at Wynberg; and as Captain Rattray was in the same forlorn condition as myself, they could condole with each other. I found Ferozepore greatly improved since 1841, many good houses, as also a church, having been built, and several of the roads metalled. Towards the close of the hot season I joined Agnes at Simla, and stayed there for two months. One Sunday we were riding to church alongside of Mrs. Mercer's jampan, when at a broken part of the road Agnes' horse started, and backed so much that his hind legs got over the precipice, and he fell backwards. I at once jumped from my horse, and with Captain Mercer ran to the hill-side, when I found that Agnes had managed to throw herself off on to a ledge of rock, while the horse had rolled a long way down. She was quite unhurt, and the horse only rubbed in places, though the saddle was a good deal 258 damaged. I attributed the escape to her having on her usual walking dress, as a friend had kept her so long in fastening a dress that there was no time to put on a riding habit, so she rode with a shawl thrown over the skirt, and was thus enabled to throw herself off on the wrong side of the horse. The cholera was bad at Ferozepore during the autumn of 1856, and the Artillery suffered very severely from its ravages. The 70th Queen's also had losses, but not quite so bad. There were two native regiments and a Cavalry one, besides some Artillery. I think the Artillery lost thirty per cent, of their men, and I can remember that nearly all the children who used to attend the Sunday School classes had died from the pest. The Nawab of Mumdot, whose territory adjoined the Ferozepore district, had got into very bad repute from his tyrannical conduct towards his subjects; and so numerous were the complaints against him that the Government of India thought it necessary to order an inquiry into his conduct through the Commissioner of the Division, Mr. Barnes; and this officer, after 259 personal investigation on the spot, recommended the deposition of the Nawab and a protectorate under the Punjab Government, who, through the Ferozepore Civil Authorities, was to administer the country, making over any balance of revenue there might be (after allowing for cost of administration) to the Ex-Nawab, who was to live at Lahore. The territory, by order of Government, came under my control, and Mr. Thompson, one of my assistants, was employed as a settlement officer; and when living in the territory in tents at Mumdot itself, he was attacked one day by a fanatic, who rushed at him with a drawn sword exclaiming that " he would kill the accursed Feringee." Thompson, who was standing outside his tent, had seen the man running from the direction of the town and had time to get his own sword; but just as the man came within striking distance a young native orderly who was in attendance drew his tulwar,* and jumping immediately in front of Thompson, cried out "You will have to dispose of me before you can touch the Sahib." The •* Native curved sword. 260 fanatic, a large powerful man, made a violent stroke at the orderly, who warded it off skilfully with his own weapon, and then managed to cut the ruffian over the head and bring him to the ground, when he was easily secured. It turned out that the man was a Mahomedan, who had gone religiously mad, and hoped to gain paradise by killing a Christian. The orderly was, of course, handsomely rewarded for his plucky conduct. I may mention here that the Nawab had got possession by force or fraud of the wife of one of his subjects, a cultivator of the soil, who lodged a complaint with Government, and after inquiry, it was ordered that the Nawab should restore the woman to her husband, but the chief declared "that the charge was false, and that such indignity he could not suffer and live; so that if force was attempted, he would die sword in hand at the threshold of his palace gate in defence of his honour." Attempts were made to bring him to reason, but without effect, and I had made preparations to take some soldiers with me, and to force an entrance to his zenana, when the extra assistant-commissioner (a ™1IL 261 native) brought me a message that the husband was ready to take 500 rupees as compensation for the loss of his wife, and would make no further stir in the matter; so a report was made of this to Government, and I recommended that such arrangement be sanctioned, to which the Punjab Government accorded sanction, and a troublesome affair was settled—of which I was glad—for people who knew the Nawab thought that his Pathan pride had been aroused and he intended to hold out like a true soldier. Early in 1857 I was transferred to the charge of the Goojranwala district about thirty miles to the north of Lahore, and here I took up my quarters in the house belonging to Major Clarke, my predecessor. The building was of Oriental architecture, with much ornamental work about it, and had belonged to the celebrated Sikh chieftain Hurree Singh, who in Runjeet Singh's reign had been killed in the great fight beyond Peshawur, in which the Affghan Army' had been defeated with heavy loss. The property had descended to Hurree Singh's heir, who, in 1849, had sided with the Sikh rebels, and as a 262 punitive measure, his property had been confiscated to the State. Major Clarke rented the property from Government, and had made many alterations in the house so as to fit it for the residence of persons accustomed to English ways, and he had likewise looked well after the large garden in which the building stood. This he had stocked with young Maltese orange trees, which yielded a fruit very much superior to the oranges of India. On my first arrival at Goojranwala alone, I had been the guest of Mr. Steel, of the Public Works Department, and it was at his house I had a narrow escape of being blown up, for it was very cold, and Steel had made up a large wood fire before going to bed, both of us sleeping in the same room; when on awakening the next morning, I saw that some lighted wood had fallen from the grate on to the matting which covered the entire floor, and that this matting had been burnt close up to the bedsteads, under which there were several large canisters of gunpowder. I suppose it was the absence of any current of air which kept the matting from bursting into a flame, and so it had kept on slowly smouldering 263 for so many hours. The Bishop of Madras, officiating for the Bishop of Calcutta, paid a visit to Goojranwala shortly after our arrival, and put up with us, as he had to consecrate the small new church and burial ground. I remember that the bishop at breakfast was talking rather enthusiastically of the great number of converts to Christianity in the Southern part of the Madras Presidency, and oil his bearer (or valet) entering the room, I asked him if that was one of the converts. " Oh, dear, no," replied the bishop; "that man is a high caste Rajpoot, a thoroughly honest person who could be trusted with untold gold." The man was a fine-looking fellow, and the bishop knew well that he was more trustworthy than the low caste men of Madras, who turn Christians often with the object of obtaining a rise in the social scale. Before the hot weather had set in I had arranged for Agnes to stay at Meean Meer, and for that purpose I rented Captain Mackenzie's house for a few months during his absence at Simla, and Agnes was • in it when the Mutiny broke out in 1857. This separation was necessary, as there was no English doctor 264 at Goojranwala. The first intimation of the outbreaks at Meerut and Delhi came in an express by the hand of a horseman sent by Mr. Montgomery, Judicial Commissioner at Lahore. The letter had been very hurriedly written, and told "how the native troops at Meerut and Delhi had risen in open mutiny, killed many of their officers, and that the universal cry was for the slaughter of the Christians—likewise that the sympathies of the native soldiers were with their caste brethren, and that we (civil officers) if possible should get rid of our treasury guards composed of sepoys, and relieve them with Sikh policemen. My chief assistant, Captain Presgrave, was on leave at Simla, and Mr. Wood was my only European assistant, his wife and small family being with him. I at once brought them over to my house, where Mr. Chalmers, of the Public Works Department, also took up his abode, and putting a loaded pistol into my pocket I went to the Treasury building (after arranging for a police guard), and told the native commissioned officer that he and the guard must return to Sealkote (twenty miles off) and rejoin their regiment, the 35th Native Infantry, that 265 night. The men and their native officers looked sour; but all started off at evening after being relieved by the police (Punjabees), and I was very glad to get rid of them, though their English officers and also Brigadier Brind, commanding at Sealkote, were very angry at my summary proceeding, the latter saying that he would report me to the Commander-in-Chief; my reply of course was that I was acting under instructions; and LI; heard nothing more from that quarter. From Government I sought permission to raise a levy of Sikhs and Punjabees, and sanction was given for a levy of 300 men, for whom arms and ammunition would be sent from Lahore. In carrying out these orders I was greatly assisted by Captain Chalmers, or rather as he then was, Mr. Chalmers, whose services the Government placed at my disposal, and he worked as a kind of adjutant in drilling and clothing the men; being a man' of a thorough soldierly spirit and one who had himself been trained as a soldier, having ran away from home at an early age and enlisted in - an Infantry regiment from which he afterwards got his discharge, and entering the Sappers obtained permission to study 266 engineering at Roorkee, and after qualifying succeeded in procuring an appointment in the Public Works Department. He was a married man, but his wife and he could not get on well together, so he allowed her to Hve in England with their only child (a little girl). Chalmers afterwards went to Delhi as adjutant of the new Sikh regiment that had been raised at Lahore, the men being low caste or Muzbees. I often heard from him about the progress of the siege, and he seemed to be quite in his element, setting no value on his life and ready for fighting at any moment. There was no outbreak in the Goojranwala district, but I must have raised levies to the number of 1,000 men or more, all of whom were drafted into different regiments when required. I also on one occasion took out 300 of them to the borders of the district beyond Shaikpoora, where the Khurrul tribe dwelt, as a large portion of them had broken out in the Lahore district adjoining mine, and it was probable that all the tribe would join against the Government. Those of my district, however, kept quiet, perhaps owing j to the arrival of the levy. Agnes remained at 267 Meean Meer in barracks after the disarming of the native regiments, such being by the order of the general, who thought that private houses were unsafe for the ladies. Our third child, Grace, was born in the Meean Meer barracks on the 16th June, 1857, and it was not for some three months or more that I was able to get away from my district and take a run into Lahore on the mail cart to see Agnes and the children. Unfortunately, it so happened that on the very day I took a holiday to see my wife and children, John Lawrence, the Chief Commissioner, arrived at the house for the day, on his way to Lahore from Murree, and of course he must have felt angry at finding me away. Mr. Blackall, my assistant, was at the house, and performed right well the duties of host to John Lawrence and his secretary; but when they were running in an undressed state to take a swim in the large reservoir just opposite the house, the fates so ordered it that in a darkish passage between the bedrooms, Mr. Blackall's head came into violent contact with Lawrence's forehead, and this I suppose did not tend to improve his temper, as soon after my return I L 268 received a letter calHng for an explanation of my conduct in going to Lahore without leave. Sir John Lawrence told me afterwards that he should most likely have passed it over, but unfortunately on the same day he heard of the district officer of Loodiana having gone without leave to Delhi to witness the final assault of the trenches by the English troops. When the 14th Native Infantry mutinied at Jhelum I went there with 100 men from the police, and I mounted them on camels as Captain Elliott, Deputy Commissioner, had asked me for assistance. However, by the time we reached Jhelum the mutineers had cleared off, and made for the Cashmere hills. This was after a very stubborn fight with the wing of the 24th Queen's. Very soon after my return from Jhelum I had to go to Sealkote with Major Lawrence, Military Secretary to Government, as a Commission to inquire into the conduct of the military police during the recent mutiny there, and we had to sentence to death by hanging the two head native officers of the mounted and foot police, one being a Sikh, and the other a Punjabee Mahomedan. We also tried and condemned to 269 death the gaol darogah,* who had behaved very badly, and released the prisoners. All these three were hanged at once in our presence, and before the small garrison of newly enHsted Sikhs., Likewise were some men hanged who had been concerned in plundering the military station after the mutinous regiments of Cavalry and Infantry had left. All the officers and ladies who had escaped when the mutiny occurred had found shelter in the old native fortress close to the native town, at a short distance from cantonments. In this fort there was only one good building, which had been the hall of audience of the native governor in old times, and here the ladies and officers of all sorts had taken up their abode, and for some days had to put up with poor food and much discomfort in the very hottest time of the year. The commandant of the station had been killed by some cavalry men of the 9th Regiment, having trusted the native soldiers to the last moment. This officer, Brigadier-General Brind, appeared to have been quite infatuated in his trust of the * Head gaoler. I 1 270 native soldier, and had, as previously mentioned, been very angry at my sending off the Treasury guard. At Sealkote (when the mutiny first broke out at Delhi and Meerut) there were the 52nd Queen's, a battery of English Artillery, the 35th and 46th Native Infantry, and the 9th Cavalry (native). The 52nd were sent off at once to form part of the • movable column, and so was the 35th Native Infantry and the battery of Artillery, and at this time Brigadier Brind had the option of disarming the 46th Native Infantry and 9th Cavalry before dispatching the English troops. This he would not do; but expressed his full confidence in them. Captain Balmain (who lived with him) told me that up to the morning of the mutiny at Sealkote the brigadier still felt this confidence in the sepoys' loyalty, and that when a native officer of the 9th Cavalry galloped up to the house and informed the brigadier that the men were mounting their horses he looked perfectly dazed, on which Balmain got his own and the brigadier's horses, and they both mounted with the intention of riding to the fort; but being overtaken by the mutinous troopers, the brigadier received a shot in the back near the loins, and was just able to reach the fort, 271 while Balmain managed to shoot one of the troopers, and escaped the bullets of the others. The brigadier died in a few hours, and most bitterly must he have felt the mistake he had made, as from an entire want of preparation for an outbreak many valuable lives were lost; whereas had there been an agreement to assemble with arms at some convenient house centrically situated all might have escaped, as the chief object of the mutineers was to make off speedily for Delhi. Some of the Cavalry behaved very well to their commanding officer, Colonel CampbeU, and taking him and Mrs. Campbell to the quarter-guard, they protected them from the more violent and murderously-inclined men of the native regiment. It was just the same at many other stations where the attacks on the officers were made solely by the Mahomedan troopers, and not at all by the sepoys. Several other officers had been killed by the Cavalry, but the ladies had not been touched; neither did the 46th Native Infantry commit any violence, but actually spoke in civil terms to their officers before marching off for Delhi. They offered the command to Colonel Farquharson, their colonel, and said he might have 1,000 rupees a month, and 272 permission to Hve on the hills during each hot season if he would remain with them. The colonel was married (irregularly) to a native lady, and had some children by her, and report had it that she went off with the colonel's head table attendant or khansaman, a very hot rebel. Mr. Monckton, the head civil officer at Sealkote, escaped from his house lying on a native bedstead, and was carried (with a sheet over him) by four natives into the fort on the pretence that they were taking a corpse from a village near to the town. He had a narrow escape. The hanging of the native officers was a ticklish business, as the loyal garrison of the fortress, on whom our sole dependence rested, were mostly Sikhs, and the ressaldar of the mounted police was an old Sikh who had been condemned for misconduct almost entirely on the evidence of the Deputy Commissioner, Mr. Monckton. The man met his death bravely, as did all the others, with the exception of the native officer of the foot poHce, and he showed much distress. The gaol darogah (a Brahmin) when brought to the foot of the gallows made a run for his life and jumped down into the road below the fort, a drop of more than thirty feet. A soldier of the 52nd Queen's, 273 who was on the walls of the fort, managed, however, to hit him in the leg with a bullet from his rifle as he was running up the street. This soldier was one of about half-a-dozen who had been left behind in hospital when his regiment marched to join the movable column. When the darogah was suspended from the gallows the rope broke, and he was shot dead whflst lying on the ground by the Sikh guard, and I never saw a man die harder, or shower out such fearful curses upon anyone than that man did upon . myself, Major Lawrence, and all foreigners, whilst the Sikhs were shooting at him. I have mentioned that the condemned men met their deaths in a plucky manner, and I may say that such was very generally the case, with the sepoys at all stations, and I heard of only one at Jhelum who gave signs of fear and begged for his life, saying to the English officer who was standing near that "he was quite ready to become a Christian if the Sirkar* so wished it;" which shows how mistaken these deluded men were as to the intentions and wishes of the British Government. <m tmi Government. 274 At Sealkote there was a nunnery, and when the men of the Cavalry were riding up to the house bent on mischief they were met by the head priest and all the nuns in procession, the priest carrying a large cross; which sight so astonished the troopers that they at once rode off without molesting the party or touching any of the property. An old woman, the wife of an officer's washerman, saved her master's property by crying out near the gateway of the compound, when the Cavalry mutineers arrived, that her master's house had been plundered and her goods taken by the Infantry; and when the Infantry appeared she told a like story against the Cavalry; so that both branches of the mutineers abstained from entering the house. Major Lawrence and I left Sealkote after a couple of days, as Captain Elliott, who had been appointed Deputy Commissioner, had arrived and taken charge from Mr. Monckton, who through illness was obliged to give up work. In a record written so many years after the events, it is but natural that some occurrences should be mentioned out of their proper order; for instance, 275 I must mention now what occurred a very short time before the Mutiny broke out, as it excited some interest at Lahore and other parts of the Punjab. Mr. Roberts was then my Commissioner, and one day a messenger from him brought me a confidential communication to the effect that the bearer was a trustworthy man and had important information to give about concealed property of the Ex-Ruler of Mooltan (Moolraj the rebel chief), and his story was—" That he was a discharged police officer, and knew that a short time before the seizure of the Mooltan fort and city, and the capture of Moolraj, the chief had sent about five or six lacs (£50,000 or £60,000) worth of gold, silver, and ornaments to one Dabee Dyal, a merchant residing at Akalgurh, about fifteen miles from Goojranwala; Dabee Dyal being a near connection and a great friend of Moolraj." The statement received corroboration from another man, the informer's companion, so I started off for Dabee DyaFs house the same night with about thirty mounted police under a native officer; and at early morning we reached the town. Dabee Dyal was at home, but denied having any concealed treasure. 276 Afterwards, however, on my saying that search would be made, he admitted that he had property to the value of perhaps one-and-a-half lacs of rupees (£15,000) buried in the corner of an ante-room; but that all this was his own. On search being made, treasure consisting of gold bricks, English sovereigns, Indian gold mohurs and rupees, and gold and silver ornaments to about the alleged value were discovered in copper vessels about a foot below the floor of an ante-room. A list of all this property was made over by Dabee Dyal, such list being on a very small piece of paper taken out of a golden amulet worn on the neck by his wife. The old trader declared he had no further treasure concealed in the house or elsewhere; but the informer recommended more search, so the flooring of most of the rooms was dug up; but nothing more discovered. The property was then locked up in a large box and placed under a guard, and every enquiry made as to the truth of the informer's statement; but there being nothing to convince me that the property was Moolraj's, and therefore liable to confiscation, I reported at once to Government, sending the whole proceedings for 277 their information. I got no instructions till a few days after the massacres at Meerut and Delhi, when orders came for the restoration of the treasure to Dabee Dyal, who of course was very grateful, and his young son, just arrived at his majority, was delighted to find his father possessed of so much property. I may remark that the Mutiny made the Indian Government very circumspect about their behaviour to native chiefs, and by Lord Canning's very proper and considerate policy the days of confiscation are gone. Had the case of the Nawab of Mumdot occurred after instead of before the Mutiny, he would not, I believe, have lost his territory. It was Lord Dalhousie who so greatly encouraged the East India Company in annexing the territories of rulers who had misgoverned, and the case of Oude made the British rule very unpopular; whilst Lord Canning's just and sensible policy has greatly increased the strength of our hold on India, so that there is now no grievance of a burning nature to agitate the native mind. I may mention that old Dabee Dyal proved himself a loyal subject throughout the Mutiny, and was afterwards made an honorary magistrate by the Punjab 278 Government. He always expressed great gratitude to me for what he styled my very fair treatment of his case and considerate conduct in the days of his distress and humiliation. I found that wolves in the Goojranwala district were far more destructive to human and animal life than was the case at Ferozepore, at least to judge by poHce reports. One day when Agnes and I were standing near some laden carts just before the house at evening time, prior to their despatch into the district, a wolf seized a kid close to us and carried it off through the garden and over the wall. I remember also at Wuzeerabad, a town in the northern part of the district, a large wolf jumped over a low wall into a courtyard of a native house, and seized a baby lying on a cot; on hearing the noise the mother ran out, when •the wolf dropped the infant which it had killed, and running through the room seized and carried off another small child which was on the floor of the room, and the child was never seen again. This reads almost like romance, but it is strictly true. I had only one tour in the district with Agnes before she went to Meean Meer with the 279 children, and we visited the wildest parts near Shaikhpoora first, where there was a curious old Mahomedan tomb, which was held as very sacred by both Mahomedans and low caste Hindoos, and our servants did not at all like the idea of encamping at so sacred a spot, as it worried the spirit of the saint, who would be sure to show his anger afterwards in some way, and told us how young civil officer when in camp there a year or so before had for fun jumped over the tomb of the saint, and that in a few days he was attacked with a bad fever which killed him after a short illness. It was true that a young officer had caught a fever and died after enjoying a few days? shooting near the place; but I insisted upon our tents being pitched at the place for a night, and so afraid were the servants that after dark they nearly all found their way to the tomb with some small offerings to propitiate the soul of the saint. It was about the close of 1856 that we had invited my youngest sister Sophia to join us in India, as also Carry Blackburn, Agnes' younger sister. I had sent £200 for Sophia's journey to Calcutta and outfit, and afterwards money for her journey up country, as there was no leave obtainable to allow 280 of my meeting her. All Carry's expenses had been provided for by her father, and he was to pay me for her expenses in India. Sophia was, however, to be our guest free of expense. Carry joined us at Goojranwala before the Mutiny broke out, and went to Meean Meer with Agnes; but poor Sophia never got beyond AUygurh, where at the dak bungalow she was told of the outbreak at Meerut, and by advice of some English traveller returned to Cawnpore, as the road to Meerut was considered unsafe, and at Cawnpore she was killed, with so many others, by order of the Nana when Sir Hugh Wheeler's force was destroyed. Poor girl, I only had two or three letters from her after her arrival in India; the last having been written at Cawnpore, the others at Calcutta, when she was staying at the Turnbulls' (friends of mine), who had received her. Her Cawnpore letter was written after the force had gone into the entrenched positions. I never heard any particulars of her death; but Major Tytler (afterwards General Tytler) who was on the staff of General Havelock when Cawnpore was recovered from the mutineers, wrote me word that it had i HI 'IIP Bl 281 been clearly ascertained that she had been shot down on a boat which was just about to leave the ghat,* and that she had a child of Major Wiggins in her arms. If this was the case, she escaped all the horrors of the slaughter-house, as it was called. Mr. Wood, my assistant at Goojranwala, was taken ill, and Mr. Blackall succeeded him, being a wild spoken, excitable man, and of very little real use to me, except for Treasury work. After the 9th Irregular Cavalry had mutinied on the Trans-Indus frontier, I was warned that it was very probable the mutinous regiment, or part of it, would pass near Goojranwala en route for Delhi, and I should do what I could to rouse the country people against them. All this I communicated to Blackall, and a few days afterwards he came to me in the middle of the night, saying in a very excited way that the 9th Cavalry was then passing along the trunk road, which was a few yards beyond my garden wall. He declared he had .seen them himself, so I took my loaded gun, as he did his, for defence not * Landing-place on the Ganges. 282 defiance, and we both went to the end of the garden, the night being a clear one; when, lo! and behold! all we saw was a large number of laden bullocks passing down the road towards the city. Poor Blackall was dreadfully ashamed; but it was a proof of how excitement can overshadow all the reasoning faculties. As an instance of how little Mr. Blackall was fitted to act independently, I must mention that on the day I took the men to Jhelum to aid the authorities when, the 14th Native Infantry broke out, a detachment of about fifty Hindustani soldiers of a Ghoorka regiment on its way to Delhi arrived at Goojranwala en route for Abbotabad. Mr. Blackall jumped at once to the conclusion that being Hindustanis they must be mutinously disposed, and would therefore be certain to join the 14th Sepoys, so with the aid of the Sikh levy he at once disarmed them in a very rough way, for the Sikhs were not contented tfeafc they had appropriated all the silver and copper coins to be found on the sepoys, but also took possession of the native officers' ponies. All were likewise placed in gaol in irons. On my return 283 I had of course released all from prison, and made restoration of what property I could recover from the plunderers. Mr. Blackall got a very severe reprimand from the Government for his injudicious and harsh conduct; but so excited had his rather weak brain become, that he always viewed his proceedings as very meritorious and deserving of high praise. I luckily was getting the full salary of Major Clarke, for whom I was officiating, viz.: 1,500 rupees a month, or I could never have managed the great outlay in the hot season of 1857, for so many officers were constantly passing through, as also ladies, that I was obliged to keep almost open house, and there was also the cost of the second establishment at Meean Meer. I, however, was fortunate in having a capital jemadar of orderlies, who kept my accounts and looked well after everything. One night I heard a row near the sitting room, and on going to the small entrance room from the verandah I found this jemadar struggling on the ground with a man whom we succeeded in capturing, and discovered that he was a discharged table attendant of Captain 284 Chalmers, and had come after a small box in which rupees were kept, and which the jemadar always placed under his pillow. Just to the front of the house there was a good sized reservoir about -five feet deep, in which some fountains played, and these latter I removed and made a capital bathing-place of the reservoir, which was always kept full of fresh water, and greatly added to the comfort of myself and visitors. Shortly after the mutiny at Sealkote, a Miss Graham (a young girl nineteen years old, and daughter of a Doctor Graham who had been killed at Sealkote) stayed with me a few days on her way to Lahore. When the troops mutinied her father took her in his buggy and drove off towards the fort, but was confronted by some troopers who at once shot him down by her side, ciying out that "she would not be harmed, but they were determined to kill every officer." The poor girl, in a half fainting state, managed to drive on to the fort with the body of her father in the buggy, • and when with me her nerves were in that state that she seemed to dread even the sight of a native to such an extent that when starting 285 for Lahore she begged me not to send the mounted police with her who had been told off to escort her dooly. So to quiet her I allowed her to start without them, telling the men to keep the dooly in sight, but not to ride very near it, for to have allowed her to go alone would have been dangerous at that turbulent period. Our eldest boy, CharHe, having been suffering from bowel complaint, was sent early in the hot season to Simla to Mrs. Knowles, an old friend, where he seemed very happy; but at the panic there about the Ghoorka regiment at Jutog a few miles off, Mrs. Knowles with many other Simla inhabitants fled to Kussowlie to be near EngHsh soldiers, and doubtless the rapid journeying did much harm to Httle Charlie, then about three years of age; and in the autumn Agnes went to him from Lahore with Grace (the baby), leaving Emily with her aunt Carry at Meean Meer, where I joined them in the cold season after being reHeved by Major Clarke, who had returned from England. I made but a short stay at Lahore with Gussy, and then journeyed with Carry and little Emily to Ferozepore to take up my appointment there, 286 having observed that Gussy and Carry were on more than friendly terms. I had on going to Goojranwala sold my Ferozepore house to a Captain Raynor of the Ordnance Department, so I had to look out for one to rent, and succeeded at last in getting a good one on the mall, after a month or more's stay in rather a poor one near the cutcherry.* When the Mutiny broke out Captain Raynor still owed me a good part of the purchase-money for the house, and as he had been reported as killed at the Delhi massacre, being attached to the magazine there, I had naturally felt very anxious about the money. It afterwards appeared that he had escaped in a wonderful way after the explosion at the? magazine, and eventually found his way to Meerut, which place his wife with her family had reached after undergoing great hardships besides great perils. Agnes soon joined me at Ferozepore, with baby (Grace) and dear little Charlie, who, alas! was in a dying state; lingering on for a few days* only, and breathing his last on the 8th November, 1857. It was a dreadful blow to us, as he was such a very fine boy, and of a most engaging disposition, being a little more Court-house. than three years and six months old. He did not seem to suffer much, but had been fearfully reduced by the complaint (dysentery). I find that I have omitted to make any mention of the destruction of my regiment, the 26th Native Infantry, so I now supply such omission. The regiment had been disarmed at Meean Meer, as already mentioned, at the commencement of the Mutiny, and for more than three months had shown nought but good behaviour, nay, were held to have shown a good spirit in offering their great coats for the use of the troops at Delhi when the cold season was approaching. I think it was early in September, 1857, before the fall of Delhi, that one morning a soldier in undress, and with a naked sword in his hand, ran from the 26th lines through the camp of the Sikh regiment of which my brother Gussy was adjutant, and waving about his sword called upon the Sikhs to join him. Major Rawlins (the commandant of the Sikhs) took a shot at him with a revolver, and so did my brother, both missing him; the man then ran back to his Hnes, which were about 200 yards distant. Major Spencer, commanding the 26th, 288 accompanied by Captain White (26th), on receiving a report that the men were assembling on the parade in an excited state, went to the Hnes. Major Spencer was cut down by some men of the second company who attacked him at once, and the native sergeant-major (a Hindoo) was killed when trying to protect his commanding officer; the English sergeant-major also fell in a like attempt. Some men approached Captain White apparently unarmed, but somebody from behind a wall called out " Beware of those men," and on this they drew swords from under their loose clothing and cut at White, who was however too quick for them, and being mounted got off with a scratch on the back and with his horse's flank cut pretty deep. According to my brother's account it was then that the Sikh soldiers, without orders, rushed into the lines, shooting down every sepoy they came across, and appropriating their brass cooking utensils and other property; whilst the rest of the 26th (except a few native officers who escaped to the quarter-guard) fled to the jungle, and were eventually destroyed by a large body of police, who followed them up under the directions of Mr. Cooper, Deputy .289 Commissioner of Umritsur, who afterwards boasted of his harsh doings in a most unbecoming manner in a pamphlet written for his own glorification. The whole affair was a strange one, for most of the sepoys were cooking their food, and it seemed as if a few scamps had resolved on compromising the entire regiment, and succeeded most effectually in their malevolent object. 290 Chapter VIII. 1857-58-59-60-61-62-63. IT this period Delhi xhad fallen before the assault of our troops, who were then -ss^y^ driving away the mutinous bands in glorious style beyond Agra, and towards Lucknow and Central India. We in the Punjab of course felt immense relief after the heavy strain of nearly six months, and had not the Sikhs and Punjabees generally kept friendly with us, matters would indeed have gone badly with the English in India. The people of the Punjab it was clear, almost up to the last part of the struggle, had never really known how hard pressed we had been, or that we had lost our hold of such a very large extent of territory. They used to say—" Oh, if it is merely a mutiny of troops, then quiet will soon again be restored;" as outbreaks on the part of the soldiery had been only too common in the Punjab under Sikh rule. It was also very luckjr for us that the Sikhs bore an old grudge against the Mahomedans mmiimPM 291 of Delhi, who in times of old had treated one of their gooroos, or chief high priests, with great indignity and cruelty, and this they had never forgotten. At first when the news of outbreaks at station after station arrived, our feeling against the natives was no doubt very strong and bitter, so that all mutineers or rebels were dealt with in a harsh and rather unjust style by officers who ought to have known better; but such feelings gradually got softened, and the more thoughtful felt that the greater portion of the sepoys had been misled by the artful and designing, who had aroused their religious bigotry and prejudices to serve their own selfish ends; and at last we saw clearly that our bitterest foes were to be found in the intolerant Mahomedans, and not in the tolerant and usually docile Hindoos. I have already remarked that Ferozepore had been greatly improved as a cantonment since I was there in 1841, and within the period of seventeen years a most marked improvement could also be seen in the manners of the officers of the Government, who were now very much oftener *m 292 married to English ladies—and had thus abandoned the custom of forming alliances with native women. Again, there was not the excessive drinking that used to prevail, and duelling had altogether become a thing of the past. I was never directly concerned in a duel, though on two occasions I had been engaged as a principal in quarrels where seconds had to be employed, and these might easily have led to duels had not the seconds effected amicable settlements; and in both these cases I had at first been called upon to apologise for my alleged conduct, but declined with firmness to do so, feeling I had been in the right, as eventually was shown to be the- case by the seconds agreeing that no redress was due from me. I had also been engaged as a second on two occasions, but both these quarrels had been amicably settled by concession on either side; and I feel confident that in almost all cases of quarrel, if the seconds only behaved with impartiality and coolness, there would not have beeii a necessity for resorting to the final remedy—viz., an exchange of shots. In my owTn regiment on one occasion Captain Gahan had insulted Lieutenant Duncan by calling him a "dirty Scotchman," and had refused to apologise. He to Duncan. He then asked Tritton, a very easygoing man, to assist him, and got his consent on the understanding that the parties should only exchang shots once; to this Gahan agreed, but after being placed in position and getting the signal, his pistol missed fire and Duncan's shot had gone wide of its mark; on this Gahan said he was entitled to another exchange of shots, but Tritton refused to remain on the ground; so the duel ended, much to Gahan's disgust, as he was an excellent shot, and hating Duncan, wished much to what he called "wing him"—viz., hit him in an arm or leg. The 48th Native Infantry, which was at Loodiana with my regiment in 1844, had about the most quarrelsome set of officers I have ever seen; and many of them had been out either with their brother officers or with those of other regiments. Affairs came to a climax with them at Cawnpore when Sir Charles Napier was Commander-in-Chief, and on that occasion it was shown that a quarrel had in a measure been forced on one young officer by three others, and in the duel which came off this young officer was badly wounded. All four 294 were tried by Court Martial, and three were dismissed the service—Lieutenant Smith, Lieutenant May, and Lieutenant Litchford. I knew them all, and they were certainly no loss to the army. The officer named Smith was always known as "Smith of London;" there was a second Smith in another regiment at Loodiana known as "Smith of Lincoln;" a third known as " Gentleman Smith;" whilst a fourth was styled "Blackguard Smith." As one instance of the fighting qualities of the 48th Native Infantry, I remember that an officer named Burmester (an old schoolfellow of mine) had to engage in a duel with Lieutenant May, known as the "fighting cock" of the regiment; and on arriving at the ground Burmester made Over to his second a small bag of bullets, saying "that his servant was making more at his house should they be required." As a rule, however, not more than three shots were ever allowed. Lieutenant Montague of my regiment had a very good pair of duelling pistols—viz., long thick barrelled ones, and of very small bore, with hair triggers and saw-shaped handles, so as to ensure a steady grip. These pistols were given by him to Captain Duffin, and by the latter to me as a present for having 295 afforded him assistance in one of his quarrels, which did not end in a fight but in a written apology from his antagonist, an officer of the Horse Artillery. I used to practice in the hills with these pistols, and to make very good shooting. I have forgotten what became of them, but most likely they were sold when I went to the Cape. In duelling times there was of course a good deal of pistol practice, and one of the best shots I came across was Lieutenant Hockin of the 48th Native Infantry. A most notable performance of his being to hit a cigar held up by someone between the two first fingers at twelve paces, with the arm straight from the shoulder and the fingers sideways. Mr. Tandy, an indigo planter near AUygurh, had on more than one occasion thus held cigars for Hockin, and after a luncheon party at his house one day he asked Hockin to repeat the feat before his guests. Hockin objected at first, as he had driven a pulling horse that morning and his hand might prove unsteady. Tandy would not listen to such an excuse, so Hockin was persuaded to try on the lawn outside, and did so; but the result for Tandy was very unsatisfactory, 296 as the top joints of his two first fingers were shot off, and Hockin had at once to drive him to the station, where the surgeon dressed the wounds. Hockin was once with me in camp, and we were standing under the awning of the tent practising with pistols, when a young native woman passed within twenty paces carrying on her head an earthen pot of water, and wras extremely astonished to find the water suddenly pouring over her shoulders from a small hole made by a bullet of Hockin's. At the close of 1857, Carry Blackburn was married to my brother Gussy at Ferozepore from our house, and in the ruined church without a roof, as the building had been fired by the mutineers of the two regiments before they started for Delhi. One of my assistants was Mahomed Sooltan, a Mahomedan gentleman of good family, and a very intelligent man. He was a keen observer of the doings of the English in India, and was very fond of talking with me on all subjects— social, political, or religious. He evidently had no high idea of English morality; and on one occasion mentioned a long list of names of wives of English 297 officials who had figured in the divorce courts, arguing therefrom "that very great freedom to women led to immoral courses," The Affghans at Cabul also used to say that we were certainly a brave people, but we had no respect for female virtue; and most certainly during our occupation of Cabul before the massacre, the people had good grounds for classing the English as highly immoral; for the attractions of the fair-faced Cabulese damsels had been irresistible, and led to great mischief, some of the political officers, according to common report, being the chief offenders. This native assistant was a constant reader of Oordoo newspapers, which of course were nearly filled with translations from English papers, and he was fond of picking out laudatory passages showing that the moral tone of the English was superior to that of the natives of India; and after quoting some such article one day he said in a cynical way—" I suppose in England the people are so upright and free from crime as to render it needless to have magistrates, judges, or gaols?" He also asked me "if all false speaking was not condemned by the Christian religion, and if an untruth was allowable under any circumstances?" I replied "Most certainly not!" 298 Then said he—"Major Marsden, your predecessor, who is considered a perfect gentleman, most certainly told a falsehood, for during the Mutiny- he assembled some armed horsemen and footmen, and gave out publicly that he intended to take them to the south of the district to watch the fords there, and this he took the trouble to tell me himself; but when he marched off with his following he went to the northern part of the district, and afterwards allowed to me that such from the first had been his intention—for fear that the mutineers from Jullundar should hear of his movements, and so be able to pass through the district." He seemed to rejoice at having caught Major Marsden in a falsehood, as that officer was held in great estimation, and most deservedly so, by natives as well as Europeans. Agnes went with the children for a few months to Simla in 1858, and Carry joined her there, all living with Mrs. Mercer in a very good house. I went to Loodiana with my tents to meet her in October, and with Carry and the children we all had some camp life, which is one of the greatest enjoyments of civil officers in the cold seasons, 299 and in those days the supply of good tents to district officers was on a more Hberal scale than now prevails. The custom is to send on a good sized tent for breakfasting in over-night to the new encamping ground (perhaps ten or twelve miles off), and then to get up early and have a good two hours' ride before breakfast with perhaps some shooting on the way, and by the time breakfast is finished the office tents have been pitched, and soon the other tents also have been prepared for the day. Our children generally travelled in doolies carried by bearers, as they thus avoided chills from exposure. It was during this march that I saw the large comet so clearly. Carry was with us, as Gussy's regiment (the newly-formed Sikh one) was on service in Rohilkund, where the mutineers were holding out. The district of Ferozepore had furnished a very large number of carts for the carriage of ammunition to Delhi from the arsenal at the station, and as a large per-centage of these carts had been lost or destroyed in the trenches, I had allotted to me the difficult task of settling all claims for compensation; and this I found a long 300 and troublesome business. These carts had all been pressed into the service of the Government, and the unfortunate cart-men had to drive them to the tranches near the batteries of Artillery, or as close to them as their courage allowed, and there the oarts were taken over by the artillerymen; and often neither the carts or bullocks were ever seen again, and in some instances the cart-men never turned up, having been killed by the shot from Delhi, or having vanished from the scene through fear. If it had not been for the Ferozepore arsenal, matters would indeed have gone hard with us, as our largest store of war materiel had been lost at Delhi, and Ferozepore was only considered as an expense magazine; but luckily it possessed a siege train and a very large supply of ammunition. Early in 1858 there was one day a sudden panic at Ferozepore, and whilst I was at the office. An orderly came running into my room with a report that the troops were assembling on the parade and the ladies were all on their way to the fort, as the country people (moolkia log) had risen in rebellion and were on their way to sack the cantonment. I at once sent a mounted police- l 301 man to the city, two miles off, to ascertain the truth of this strange report, and ordering my horse I rode off to the brigadier (after assuring Agnes there was no real danger), who I found going to the parade ground. He said no order had been given by him for the assembling of the troops, though they had certainly turned out. It was found to be a most absurd alarm; and yet no one could discover how it arose. Agnes, like a wise person, had remained at the house; but many ladies had gone to the fort in great alarm. When the native regiments mutinied and left Ferozepore in 1857 the fort was garrisoned by English soldiers, and of course an English guard was over the Civil Treasury, which was in the fort; though before this the cash had always been kept in the cutcherry compound under a guard of native soldiers. Shortly after I arrived at Ferozepore it was discovered that three bags of rupees, each containing 2,000 rupees (£600 in all), had been stolen from one of the treasure boxes, which were heaped up just outside the Treasury building in the fort, as the treasure room was full. The general ordered a Court of Inquiry to sit, and a most 302 thorough investigation was made; but the theft was not brought home to any particular soldier or soldiers, so that the general opinion was that the whole sergeants' guard had shared in the plunder. It was a most disgraceful business, and I got permission from the Government to place a Sikh guard over the treasure for the future. There is an old saying in India that the English soldier cannot be trusted to guard treasure or liquor; and I am sorry to say that there were some other instances during the Mutiny year of like robberies of treasure by the English soldiers. One I remember at Lahore, and another I think was at Allahabad. During the whole of my official career I had never lost a rupee by theft when a native guard was over the Treasury. It was towards the close of the cold weather of 1858 that Sir John Lawrence (afterwards Lord Lawrence) passed through my district in tents on his way to Delhi, where he was going for the purpose of looking into the complaints of oppression against the prize agents, who were said to be acting in a way to arouse the hatred of the people. I accompanied Lawrence's camp through 303 the Ferozepore district, taking my meals with him; His staff consisted of Major Black, his military secretary, and Mr. Kirke, his assistant - secretary, Civil Department. I had often met Sir John Lawrence before, and had at Peshawur been in camp with him for some few days; but I saw more of him on this occasion than heretofore. He always gave me the impression of a man of much force of character, though he was not what is called a man of high culture. In figure he was strongly made, and he rode well, always keeping some serviceable nags. His features were massive and rugged looking, without any lines of beauty in them; but his forehead showed power, and his eyes were deep set and bright. He was wanting in refinement, and this fault to me seemed too frequently coming to the front. In telling a story he was good. For work he was a glutton, and exacted much from his subordinates—a trait which certainly made him unpopular, as he was considered a hard man. When in camp with him I observed that he always worked for some hours of a morning before starting at sunrise. One evening we were talking of the sufferings of some of the poor ladies who had to flee from Delhi at the time of the 804 outbreak, and on a certain lady (the wife of a major) being mentioned, who was known to be a woman of poor reputation, he said that when he met her at Lahore she declared she had been violated by six lumburdars, or head men of villages, on the occasion of her flight from Delhi to Kurnah This story he said he did not believe. He also told us that a well-known major of Artillery had sent him a long letter trying to prove that the Pope had been at the bottom of the Mutiny. This letter he showed to me; and it came out afterwards that the excitement of the Mutiny had driven the poor man mad, necessitating his being sent to England under the charge of two soldiers. That John Lawrence was a capital man for the crisis of 1857 there can be no doubt; but only those behind the scenes can tell how much he was indebted to some very .able subordinates—especially Mr. (afterwards Sir Robert) Montgomery, Sir Herbert Edwardes, Major Nicholson, and General Chamberlain: all these may truly be said to have been towers of strength. Of Sir Herbert Edwardes some mention has already been made, and I had seen much of him. He came to India later in life 305 than most cadets, and had the look of a man of delicate health; but his face showed much intelligence. He first brought himself to notice as a writer in the Delhi Gazette, in which paper at about English mail time letters used to appear periodically from Brahminee B»U in India to John Boll in England. These were eagerly looked for, as containing very racy notices of passing events in 1844—45. I have heard him say that his great ambition in those days was to enter the Advocate- General's Department; and I can remember when his regiment was at Subathoo he gave his services to a friend (Captain Gayner, of the 9th Queen's), and advocated his cause when arraigned before a Court Martial at Kussowlie for being intoxicated at a sergeants' ball, and it was solely from Edwardes' clever style of defence that Gayner owed his verdict of acquittal, as the Government prosecutor was made to look foolish before the court through the badgering he got from this very clever nonprofessional counsel. Edwardes told me that whilst the trial was going on in the Mess room he happened to look out of the window, and saw a large crowd of perhaps 300 soldiers ascending the hill. Suspecting something wrong, he at once went HI 306 out to meet them, when a spokesman came forward saying they had come to swear " that Captain Gayner was perfectly sober at the ball." It was with difficulty that Edwardes persuaded them to go back, but it gave proof of how Gayner was liked in the regiment, and of Tommy Atkins' very crude ideas of serving the ends of justice. In 1845, when the Sikh War broke out, Edwardes was appointed by Sir Hugh Gough, the Commander-in- Chief, as an extra aide-de-camp; and after the war, when Henry Lawrence, the newly-appointed Resident at Lahore, offered Edwardes a situation as one of his political assistants, the latter abandoned the idea of becoming a military law officer, and gladly entered on that career which afterwards offered such opportunities for coming to the front, not only as a statesman but as commander of irregular levies in very ticklish times,—and as those services have been so fully recorded in the pages of history, there is no occasion for my alluding to them further in these Recollections, though my own opinion is that Edwardes was a poor Civil judge, but a first-rate ruler of men in turbulent times. 307 When General Chamberlain went to Delhi as Adjutant - General, relinquishing the command of the movable column, it was a master - stroke of policy on the part of Lawrence to appoint Major Nicholson to succeed him, though the supercession by Nicholson (a young major) of so many colonels gave bitter- offence. A commander, however, was required who had a very cool head and determined courage, as well as a thorough knowledge of native character; and all these quaHties were met with in Nicholson. I knew him in earlier days, and even then thought he was one well fitted to command his fellows. Towards showing somewhat his style of working, I will mention one of many instances of his energy when in charge of a Trans-Indus district. He was at the very northern part of the district at about the hottest time of the year, when a man preferred a complaint against an influential police officer who had charge of a post at the extreme southern end (about 100 miles distant), and the complaint was that often men had been illegally and unjustly detained in confinement; and of such doings the people were afraid to complain for fear of consequences. Nicholson said that "perhaps the complainant bore personal dislike 308 to the officer;" to which the man replied that "even then there were two men in confinement, and they had been so for ten days, and no report made to headquarters." The names and dates were at once written down, and ordering his horse Nicholson- immediately mounted and rode off, and by taking fresh horses at the police posts en route, he reached the spot in a few hours and found affairs exactly as reported. As to the punishment dealt out to the native officer, we may be sure it was severe and not more than he deserved. The natives of those parts will talk of this among many other instances of the thorough manner of Nicholson's work, and how he always liked to see for himself, and that for the ends of justice he did not for a moment shrink from a very long and tiring ride in broiling weather on horses picked up at hap-hazard. Like many other men of strong will and great force of character, coupled with superior ability, Nicholson was great as a commander, but troublesome as a subordinate. Some years after the Mutiny, when I had charge of the Goorgaon district, I heard from natives a rather good story in illustration of John 309 Lawrence's vigorous rule as a magistrate and district officer many years ago when he was holding office there. It seemed that some wealthy traders (natives), when journeying by boat on the Jumna river from Delhi to Muttra, had been attacked by robbers and plundered of a quantity of valuable property. Lawrence on receiving the news rode out to the scene of the robbery, and strong suspicions fell upon two men as leaders of the band who had long been suspected of belonging to a body of dacoits ;* and on visiting their village, not being found at home, and no information being given as to their whereabouts, Lawrence at once had their wives and children apprehended, as also some other near relations, male and female. All were sent to the police lock-up at Goorgaon, and a proclamation issued the following day—"That unless the stolen property was all given up within three days, then he (Lawrence) would assuredly have the hair of all the females shaved off, and after being stripped of all their clothing they would be paraded naked through the streets seated on donkeys." This threat, the narrator said, had such Highway robbers. 310 an effect that in two days all the stolen property was recovered, and the seizure of the suspected persons also effected. On meeting Lord Lawrence (then Viceroy) at Delhi in 1864, he asked me about the Goorgaon people, and wished to know if they remembered him; on which I told him the above story, most of which he said was correct, but would not admit the truth of that portion relating to the threatened exposure of the females. Anyone, however, who knew his rough-and-ready style of doing business, might well believe the story in its entirety. It was told of him in 1857 that he expressed an opinion that officers for such a crisis required " guts as well as brains," meaning of course that vigorous bodies were requisite for arduous campaigning work and exposure in the hot season. He was very untidy in his dress and did not care at all for appearances in his household arrangements. It was remarked that he became of a far more serious turn of mind after the Mutiny, and gave much more attention to religious observances; and though I may be wrong, yet it seemed to me that he was deeply impressed with the feeling that divine providence had meant the Mutiny as a chastisement 311 for our shortcomings, and yet had mercifully spared us from utter destruction; and this view I knew was held by many pious people, though any impartial person who might give a calm consideration to the course of events would at once see that the chastisement which fell upon the natives of India was fully fifty-fold greater than what befel the ruling race, for looking at Delhi alone, the fate of the many thousand Mahomedans, exclusive of the mutineers, who were driven out of the city must have been something very dreadful, as the outlook for them was naught but utter ruin and starvation. Lawrence was considered a first-rate revenue officer, and in his younger days had been employed much in settlement work—viz., in assessing the Government demand on the agricultural population, a duty on which the ablest officers of the Government are employed — and he thus had opportunities of seeing much of the Zemindars,* whose cause he always favoured more than that of the native aristocracy; and whilst his brother Sir Henry was in favour of upholding most of the * Land-owners. L 312 free grants claimed by the upper classes of the Punjab after annexation, John Lawrence advised resumption of a large proportion of such grants, and it was on this question that the brothers disagreed when both were on the Board of Administration; and both having sent in their resignations, Lord Dalhousie accepted that of Sir Henry and transferred him to Rajpootana as political agent, whilst John remained in the Punjab as chief commissioner, and during his tenure of that high post he was considered to be a most impartial ruler, never yielding to temptations towards jobbery and nepotism; though afterwards, when Viceroy, he is said to have yielded a good deal to aristocratic influences, and shown a tendency also to favour his connections. Though so sturdy in figure, yet Lawrence was subject to serious attacks of illness, in which head symptoms prevailed ; and he would tell in an amusing strain how on one occasion his wife being very anxious that he should consult a medical man, he sent for the head civil doctor at Lahore, who duly punched and pinched almost every part of his body, and shaking hands with his wife and himself, 313 walked to the verandah and stepped into his buggy. Mrs. Lawrence then whispered to her husband, " Ask him about your complaint, as he has said nothing." Lawrence did so; on which the doctor took up the reins, and, turning to Lawrence, said in a rather pompous tone—" Organic disease of the heart, the liver, and the brain," and then whipping up his horse drove off. " There, my dear," said Lawrence, turning round to his wife; "that is all the satisfaction you have got, and now how do you like it?" I have mentioned that Sir John Lawrence was going to Delhi to stop the harsh proceedings so rampant there, and it was high time for him to interfere, as many officials had gone rather wild in their hatred of the Mahomedans; and it was said that Sir Theophilus Metcalfe, the chief magistrate, had summarily hanged no less than 364 of the hangers-on of the courts of the Ex- King, as he had cause to view them as concerned in the massacre of many English and Eurasian inhabitants. He had been assistant-magistrate at Delhi at the time of the outbreak, and had managed to escape by the speed of his horse. A gentleman 314 (traveller) who had come to see Delhi after its re-capture, said that he was staying with Metcalfe at his country house near the Kootub, a few miles from the city, and one morning when riding out Metcalfe told the mounted policeman to seize a man they had met on the road, as he was known as one of the palace orderlies. After breakfast the traveller said to his host—" Oh, I suppose you are going to examine the man you apprehended this morning ? if so, I should like to be present." His host replied—" Oh, that man ;' why, there he is on that tree! " And sure enough, on looking out of the window, he was to be seen hanging by the neck from a large branch of a tree just outside in the back garden. Such was known as summary justice; and it was said that Metcalfe regretted he had not hanged enough to make one for every day of the year, instead of one short of that number. He had been a great sufferer by loss of property at Delhi. Civil officers in the Punjab in 1857 had been granted large powers as judges, and two magistrates sitting as a commission could sentence to death if both were for a conviction, and this after a very A 315 summary style of inquiry. This at first appears harsh; but at such a crisis we were like rats in a corner, and it was very necessary to check the spread of disaffection by summary and stern measures. General Van Cortlandt, who commanded a force of irregular troops in the Hissar division, and who was also officiating as Commissioner, told me the following story about the summary actions of Mr. Ricketts, the Deputy Commissioner, who sent up for confirmation the proceedings of the trial of a man who was found loafing about near the canal. Ricketts, in summing up the case, had recorded as follows:—"The man was caught near the canal, and looking like a sepoy from Delhi, he was called upon to account for his doings. He has done so in a very unsatisfactory manner, and admits he has a brother in a Bombay regiment, though he denies being a sepoy. I recommend that he be hanged." Van Cortlandt said he could not conscientiously confirm such a sentence, and directed that the man be kept in confinement pending further inquiry; and at this order Ricketts had been much offended, saying " Such non- confirmation of his sentence would tend to weaken his authority." At Rohtuk, near Hissar, a Mr. 316 Wedderburn, Deputy Commissioner, had been killed at the commencement of the Mutiny, together with his young wife and infant (first and only child). I had known and liked him much. Ricketts I heard hunted up very keenly for the murderers of these unfortunates, and report had it that a great number of suspected men were hanged from having in their houses small articles of baby clothing. Ricketts is said to have hanged Mahomedans after wrapping them in pigskins. I have before mentioned that it was my task to settle the claims of cart-men to compensation; but I also had to enquire into, and report to Government upon the claims of English officers and others who had suffered from the destruction of their houses and loss of other property in the station and neighbourhood of Ferozepore, and this I found to be rather an unpleasant job, as some of the claimants had rather elastic consciences, and the wife of one officer (if her statement was true) must have possessed jewellery that a peeress might have coveted, though she was only the wife of a captain in an infantry regiment. I need hardly say that several of the claims had to undergo 317 great reductions before they were finally reported on and passed by the Government. On the 2nd February, 1859, our fourth child (Alfred) was born, and Agnes went to Simla during the hottest part of the year, I joining her for a short stay towards the close of the season, returning to Ferozepore before it was cold enough to bring the children down; but as soon as the weather was suitable she joined me, and we had a long spell of camp life. It was in the cold season of 1859 that Lord Canning, the Governor-General, held a grand durbar at Lahore. I marched with Agnes from Ferozepore to Umritsur to meet the large camps of the Governor-General and Sir Robert Montgomery, Lieutenant-Governor (Sir John Lawrence having retired to England). We marched into Lahore with the two camps, and at the durbar or assembly of chiefs and officials Lord Canning made a very good speech in EngHsh, which was however poorly translated by the Foreign Secretary, Colonel Durand. The chiefs were told by Lord Canning that in coming up country from Calcutta he had been introduced here and there to a chieftain who 1 318 had done the Government good service in the Mutiny; but here at Lahore, he said, "I find a nation loyal." My assistants during the year were Captain Hall and Lieutenant Lewin, besides natives. Lewin was a very agreeable man, clever, and well read, but thoroughly worldly and rather too selfish. He was a bachelor, but Hall was married, and had a family. Mr. Temple, afterwards Sir Richard, was the Commissioner of the division, and he was undoubtedly clever and a good administrator, with a most facile pen. In face he was very plain, but at the same time exceedingly vain, and had an idea that he resembled Louis Napoleon. I never cared much for him, as he always seemed to me a most self-seeking person, entirely interested in his own worldly advancement. This is probably the aim of most clever, ambitious men, but somehow Temple showed it too much. For instance, Sir Herbert Edwardes was, doubtless, a very ambitious man; but then he had other good qualities, which prevented you always seeing the ambition so prominently as in Temple. He had always professed to be imbued with very liberal ideas as 319 a politician, but when Lord Beaconsfield, in 1879, was at what seemed the height of power and the Tories thought themselves sure of a long possession of the loaves and fishes, Temple felt that his opportunity had arrived, and came forward at the Election of 1880 as a Tory candidate for Worcestershire; and I am glad to say most signally failed in his attempt to oust the eldest son of Mr. Gladstone, In 1859, after the proclamation of the downfall of the East India Company, and the assumption by the sovereign of the government of India, there was great discontent in the ranks of the European Artillery, Cavalry, and Infantry of the Company, as the soldiers thought that their wishes had not been consulted in their transfer to the Queen: which was really an illegal act, as they had specially enHsted for the service of the East India Company. This was called the European Mutiny, and as civil officers in charge of districts had the power to open suspected correspondence, it was soon clear that the troops had entered into a combination to rise against what they considered most unfair treatment. Eventually the authorities saw that a mistake had been made, and all who wished were allowed to take their discharge; of 320 which offer many hundreds availed themselves, and after a few months in England re-enlisted and secured a second bounty. At the commencement of 1860 I again became a sufferer from bad headaches such as I had felt at Simla in 1851, and at the recommendation of the doctor I took leave to England on medical certificate ; and by March we had managed to dispose of our carriage and horses and all our furniture at fair prices, and left for England via Calcutta, at which place we had to stop a full fortnight, as suitable berths could not be procured on the steamer which left just after our arrival. This was annoying, but the hotel (Spence's) was comfortable yet very expensive; and as exercise was necessary, we had to hire a carriage and pair of horses for morning and evening drives with the three children, and nice games Emily and Grace used to play by climbing on to the back of the seats, then on to the coach - box, and so on throughout the drives. Lieutenant Lewin, who was also going to England, came with us once for a drive, but civilly declined further offers; and a mutual friend told me that Lewin mentioned the young ones as too lively for his tastes. US 321 We had a warm voyage at the close of April to Suez in a P. and 0. steamer well filled with passengers, a goodly proportion being children (sixty I think). I should have mentioned that when at Calcutta Temple, my late Commissioner, was also there as secretary to Mr. Wilson, who had been sent from England as Financial Member of the Council to remodel the system of finance, and if possible to introduce extra taxes, as owing to the Mutiny the finances had got sadly disarranged. A great deal of treasure had been plundered by the mutineers from the Civil Treasuries, and though the real and personal property of many wealthy rebels had been confiscated, yet very large grants, perhaps equalling if not exceeding the confiscations, had to be made to loyal chieftains and many other loyal men of lower social standing, who had greatly aided the Government when so hard pressed, and amongst the chiefs the Putteala Rajah came out exceedingly well, as did the Rajah of Jheend, Mr. Wilson, to whom I have alluded, introduced the income tax into India, which I always thought unsuitable for the country, and felt that it would never work well; and in a few years my prediction proved true, and with almost universal approval the 322 tax was abandoned, having proved vexatious to a degree; and it is a tax only suited to a free people, who understand what State necessities are and can put up with vexatious demands from the tax collector, or rather what to the uncultured appear as vexatious. But to return to the P. and 0. vessel, which was carrying me to the old country after an absence of more than twenty years. We made the regular short stays at Madras and Point de Galle, and at the latter place were entertained by Mr. Forbes, the Government Agent who had succeeded my Uncle George in that appointment. They were agreeable people, and had a good house beautifully situated on the hills near, and which had been built by my uncle. Sir James Outram came with us so far, and he was looking very unwell, and as it proved was breaking up. He was my beau ideal of a civil administrator and soldier, and had been styled the " Bayard of India" by Sir Charles Napier, who was a good judge of a man, though he and Outram afterwards had a grievous quarrel about the annexation of Sindh: * but this * Outram thought the annexation so unjust that he gave away his large sum of prize-money, half to the Lawrence Asylum and half to the Byculla School at Bombay. 323 was years before the time I am writing of. I slept on deck every night between Calcutta and Suez, as the heat in the cabin to me was intolerable. Agnes, however, managed in her berth, which was close to the port-hole. The children also slept on deck, and disliked very much going down of a morning when at a very early hour the washing of the decks commenced. The captain was very disobliging, and always had the awning taken down at night—so all of us sleepers got covered with blacks before morning unless the wind blew from us, which it usually did not. The skipper when remonstrated with declared that if the awning remained up at night the man at the helm could not see ahead, and I suppose there was something in such excuse, as in those days there were no bridges in the ship's centre from which the steering could be arranged. Our ayah unfortunately was far from a good servant for children, and thus Agnes had more trouble and worry than she expected. The ayah had been engaged in a hurry at Calcutta to replace a very good one we had brought with us from up the country, but who died at Calcutta of cholera after a very brief illness. The disease was not at 324 the time very rife, but it was in the town, and the ayah most imprudently went to the bazaar one day and ate a lot of tamarinds, perhaps about the worst thing she could have taken. After landing at Suez we went by rail to Cairo, and remained at Shepheard's Hotel for one night, starting for Alexandria the next day after jbreakfast. I well remember the wretched night at Cairo, as the hotel was very full, and consequently we being late arrivals got very poor accommodation, and there being no mosquito curtains to the beds those lively insects worried us all night. At Alexandria we went from the carriages to the steamer, and in due time reached Southampton, after a voyage which had no feature of particular interest beyond the fact that many of the children were very lively, and ours were perhaps not the quietest of the lot. One old Indian civilian was often very grumpy about the doings of the small fry, as they could perceive his antipathies, and when opportunities offered teazed him in secret, having on one occasion dissected his wonderful Chinese arm-chair; and on seeing this he was heard to say that "until he came on board he had held 325 a bad opinion of Herod, but now he saw reason to change it." One boy, a son of Captain Ogilvie, of the Commissariat Department, was called " Naughty Jimmy," from the numerous tricks he played. At Southampton we stayed at an hotel for one nighty and I can well remember the children crying out at four a.m. for their "doodh" (milk), as it being the beginning of May it was of course quite light then ; but no " doodh" could be obtained till seven a.m. I was delighted on our journey to Stone with the May just coming into blossom, and with the neat - looking green fields; but everything looked very bright and fresh on that day, though the houses looked small after Indian dwellings. We remained at Stone with my mother, Charles, and Helen during our stay in England—with the exception of a short time at Southsea in lodgings, where we met Aunts Sarah and Jane, as well as Uncle William Turner, the admiral. After twenty years I should certainly not have recognized my mother, Charles and Helen, or Emily, had I met them casually in the street. On the 5th of August a little girl was born to us, and was christened 326 Louisa Ann: she caught whooping cough, Agnes being troubled with it, and in a few days the little thing died—viz., on 2nd of September, 1860. To try and save Emily from the troublesome complaint after Grace had caught it, I took her to Weston-super-Mare; but in a few days she had it, but not badly; so after a short stay I brought her back to Stone with her small servant, Annie Stinchcomb, who had accompanied us. A few months after our arrival Gussy turned up at Stone, Carry having gone to her father and mother at the Cape of Good Hope. We remained in England till February, 1861, when we left for India—the children remaining under the care of my mother and Helen. Our route was via Paris and Marseilles to Alexandria, and then by rail to Suez via Cairo. At Suez we got on board the P. and 0. ship the " Nemesis," which took us to Calcutta without any incident worthy of note, and of course we did not feel in very good spirits after leaving all three children in England. It is the dreadful necessity of separation from either the wife or the children which causes so much misery to Anglo- Indian married couples; and when the wife is not very steady, too frequently brings about great 327 unhappiness. It must always be a question whether it is better for the wife to remain with the children or stay by her husband. My mother thought that, the married pair should never part, and I agree with her; for if the children who are long away from their parents entirely forget them, and there is none of that close sympathy which ought to exist between parents and their offspring, yet such want of sympathy, deplorable as it may be, will not break up the home—but when the husband and wife get out of sympathy with each other, then the home is indeed broken up and tho mischief is irreparable. On board the "Nemesis" there was the usual quantum of flirtation, and a P, and 0. steamer I imagine is hardly ever free from scandal about grass widows and idle officers, who have no amusement but cards and flirtation. Pages might be filled with such recollections, all showing the great evils which result from the separation of husbands and wives; and I mean not only the long separation when the wife goes to England, but also the shorter ones in India when the plea of ill-health takes the not over-fond wife to the 1111 328 hills for the hot season, and where her vanity and love of admiration will soon make her the subject of gossip. The old "Nemesis" was rather slow and could not carry her ports well, so we were rather stuffy when below. There was one young married lady on board who was going to join her husband, and it was discovered that she drank about a bottle of brandy daily, and was subject to attacks of delirium tremens. Once at dinner she asked me if I did not find the rats very troublesome in my cabin, as they disturbed her greatly by crawling over her berth. Now as such an animal had not been seen by me on board I suspected something, and took a look at her eyes, which I at once saw had the wild look which comes on from drink. The stewards said that on one occasion she had come into the saloon at midnight and danced about in her shift. She was a pretty young woman, and looked about twenty years of age. Her husband I heard was a military man, holding a good staff appointment in the police of the Central Provinces. I never met her afterwards. There were three nice-looking girls on board, who were going to Madras to join their father; the captain had been entrusted with the charge of them, 329 and showed his impartiality by flirting with all three* These girls would not put out their Hghts at night at the proper time, though repeatedly told to do so by the second officer, who at last threatened that if they continued to disregard his request he would enter their cabin and himself put out the lights; and the very next night he carried his threat into execution, being pelted with shoes and slippers by the romping wild girls. The cabins of the P. and O., as a measure of safety, have no bolts on the doors inside, and by such arrangement, if ports have been left open in bad weather or fire breaks out, access is at once obtainable. From Calcutta we proceeded by rail to Cawnpore, beyond which we had to take dak gharrees to Ferozepore, to which I had been again appointed; and we managed to get a better house there, just opposite our old one. I omitted to mention that before leaving for England Sir Robert Montgomery, the Lieutenant-Governor of the Punjab, stopped with us for a day and night with his secretary, Mr. Davies (afterwards Sir Henry Davies and also Lieutenant-Governor), when on their way by camel carriage to the southern part of the district and on to Sirsa and Hissar* This way of travelling 330 is excellent for sandy roads, and Sir Robert's carriage was drawn by four camels, which kept up a speed of six miles an hour for a long distance. I always liked Sir Robert, as he was an intelligent, gentlemanly man of courteous demeanour, and one who I think always wished to act fairly towards his subordinates. At the beginning of the Mutiny he showed courage, a readiness of resource, and clear insight into the situation; for at the meeting of heads of departments at Lahore, after the arrival of the dreadful news from Delhi, it was Sir Robert Montgomery who recommended that the ammunition should be taken from the native soldiers; and on General Corbett advising that they should be entirely disarmed, Sir Robert, as chief civil officer (in the absence of Sir John Lawrence at Murree), at once said he would take the responsibility, and the general's proposal was sanctioned. It came out afterwards that Sir John Lawrence did not quite approve of the disarming policy, and thought that Brigadier Brind had acted wisely at Sealkote in allowing the sepoys to retain their arms; but events soon showed how far deeper Sir Robert Montgomery's insight into the sepoys' schemes was than Sir John Lawrence's: 331 Throughout 1861 we remained at Ferozepore,, and on the 16th of January, 1862, our sixth child, Was born, and christened Arthur William. I don't remember anything particular worthy of note at Ferozepore during that year or the next. There was the regular heavy office work for me, and the society was very pleasant all the time we were at the station. I had always written a good deal for the papers in my leisure -hours, especially for the Lahore newspaper, and I still continued to do so, chiefly on the proposed State measures or any changes in the system of administration. Officers of the Government have always been in the habit of giving this assistance gratis to editors, and Sir Richard Temple and Sir George Campbell rather distinguished themselves in this line, though of course their names did not appear. In 1863 we went to Simla for some months, and on the 11th of October of that year our seventh child (Lionel) was born. Cholera was very bad that year at Meean Meer, and the mortality amongst the English troops was so exceedingly great as to necessitate a searching inquiry into the system of hospital management, when the most disgraceful 332 disclosures were made; and so bad were they that the entire report of the Commission was never published. One thing was known, that there had been quite a panic amongst the men mainly from the bad arrangements at the hospitals; and on hearing that the EngHsh soldiers rather shirked the work of nursing their sick comrades, the soldiers of a Sikh regiment then at Meean Meer volunteered for the unpleasant duties. Some brave young officers also used to sleep in the cholera wards to cheer up the men. At the close of this year there had been a rather unpleasant correspondence between Mr. Forsyth, the new Commissioner, and myself, and as we could not get on well together, I was transferred to the Goorgaon district about twenty miles from Delhi; and I was not sorry for the change, being rather tired of the Ferozepore district. Agnes also had never liked the water there, as it did not quite agree with her; moreover, the Commissioner was a conceited and much over-rated man. We stayed a day or two at Delhi on our way to Goorgaon, and I remember having my first vapour bath at that place — all the arrangements being quite native, and the rooms very Oriental 333 in fashion. I found Delhi greatly changed for the better, as such a vast clearance of hundreds of shabby dwellings had been made around and about the old palace; new roads also had been opened out and metalled; added to which, the raUway had been completed to the city. The Jumma Musjid or Great Mosque is a truly grand structure of the Imperial period, and nothing can be more impressing than when its vast enclosure is filled with thousands of worshippers (Mahomedans) all engaged in prayer under the lead of the head moolla,* and all decked out in apparel of varied hues. Such sights are to be seen on the occasion of the great festivals of the Eed or Moharram; but it would take much time, and also require an expenditure of much ink, to describe with any effective detail the numerous objects of interest to be seen in Delhi and its suburbs, and I can safely say that any one would be well repaid who took a journey from England to see them and nothing else. On our onward journey we stayed a day at the Kootub (half way to Goorgaon), and went to the 1 Priest. 334 top of the magnificent pillar, up which I carried Arthur, and since the steps numbered 378 it was no light job. This structure might well be considered one of the wonders of the world. Both Hindoos and Mahomedans claim the distinction of being the creators of this magnificent tower; but General Cunningham, the great archseologist, gives the palm to the Mahomedans; yet the Hindoos assert that merely the outer crust, which is covered with Arabic sentences cut in the stone, is of the Mahomedan period—:all the inner part having been built by order of a Hindoo king to enable his daughter to see the river Jumna every morning after her ablutions, and a very tiring job it must have been for her to walk up the 378 steps every morning before breakfast. In the large courtyard adjoining the Kootub, the buildings of which are all of the Hindoo period and very old indeed, there is a curious iron pillar of beautiful manufacture, which Hindoo tradition asserts to be resting on the back of a tortoise or serpent. The great conqueror, Nadir Shah, tried to burn down this pillar, but failed; though the pillar for some feet from its base has been much disfigured by the action of fire. 335 When, I was at Delhi,the campaign against the Bonair and Swat people on the northern frontier was in^ progress under General Chamberlain, and as our troops had met with a check there were all kinds of sinister rumours afloat regarding the disaffection amongst the native troops, which were listened to by the croaking class and doubtless caused mischief, though quite groundless. The Bonair tribes on the Eusufzai frontier had been originally offended with us for invading their country when General Chamberlain was about to punish the fanatics of Sittana, who had given us so much trouble. Their suspicions against us had been aroused by false reports as to our intentions, and they managed to obtain the support of the Akhoond* of Swat in the adjoining territory, and so made the affair a rather formidable one, for the Akhoond was one who exercised immense influence amongst the hill tribes, and was highly revered for his sanctity and general high character. When at Peshawur in 1854—55 I heard a good deal about this Akhoond, and every one spoke in high terms of his kindliness of disposition, * A sort of high priest. 336 tolerance, and self-denial. He rose from the low position of a shepherd's boy, and when I was at Peshawur was looked upon as ruler of the Swat country, a very mountainous tract adjoining Eusufzai. He had never been raised to the throne, as the people would not have borne with a monarchy; neither had the Akhoond ever aspired to so dangerous an elevation, being contented to live in a very lowly abode with lowly surroundings ; but as honest poverty is respected in Eastern countries (though rather despised in Western), this man was universally sought by the people, high and low, as a judge in all troublesome disputes, and his decisions as arbitrator accepted as final not only by the Swatees, but by neighbouring tribes of Mahomedans and by people from British territory. He had no landed estates or any other property, but was most liberally supplied with grain and all articles of food by very frequent offerings; and those who sought his advice or came to show their respect for him, were invariably hospitably entertained out of such offerings. Unfortunately he was misled by rumours equally with the Bonair people respecting our objects in assembling an armed force ; but 337 having soon found out his mistake he returned to his home, on which the opposition weakened and gradually collapsed. In 1877 he gave a very cold reception to an Envoy from the Sultan, and refused to accept the costly presents offered. The object was to use his influence with the Cabul Ameer against the Russians; but the Akhoond said he was a man of peace, and the Envoy returned much disappointed, but evidently deeply impressed with the simple and unpretentious character of the Akhoond. There is a metalled road from Delhi all the way to Goorgaon, which was a small station with a very limited society, consisting of Major Smith, the head police officer, who was an old acquaintance of mine; his assistant, Mr. O'Connor; my assistant, Mr. Bulman (a competition wala); and a native extra assistant; likewise a subordinate officer of the Public Works Department, together with Doctor Poole, a half-caste surgeon. The best houses were the thatched ones, and the most comfortable of all was Major Smith's. Ours was a flat-roofed one, and therefore warmer than if thatched. There was a good billiard table kept up by subscription, 338 and a public garden with a good swimming bath in ■ it, enclosed and roofed. Major Smith was married, and had a daughter -about ten years of age at Goorgaon, and two older boys in England at school. Doctor Poole was also married. My head clerk was a particularly intelligent man, possessing a good knowledge of engineering, which was very useful to me; there being such a constant demand for hew buildings of sorts—viz., school- houses, road bungalows, police buildings, tuhseel ditto for revenue collectors, etc., etc. I soon made a tour in tents all over the district, so as to get acquainted with my subordinates in all five subdivisions. The district was a highly interesting one, being about sixty miles long by perhaps forty in breadth, and was nearly divided from north to south by a low range of hills averaging in height about 500 feet, over which the roads were very bad, and to the repair of which my early attention was given. There were parts of the district to the south which had not been visited by any European for more than a generation, and the people flocked out in hundreds of a morning to see Agnes and myself riding past. These villages were mainly occupied by a tribe called Mewattees, 339 who had in old times given much trouble. The story is told of them that in 1857, when the English officials had been driven out of the Goorgaon district and native officials arrived from Delhi to collect revenue by order of the newly - proclaimed king, these sturdy Mewattees declined to pay a single rupee, saying that " if the officials appeared in their villages, they would hang them on the nearest trees." This was not from any loyal feeling towards us, but simply from a dislike to paying any revenue to anybody. When Mr. Ford resumed charge of the district after the fall of Delhi he was supported by a strong detachment of troops, and dealt out summary justice to all offenders with a firm hand; and amongst those hanged were a goodly number of Mewattees, as this tribe had not only refused to pay revenue to the new Mahomedan king who had been set up at Delhi by the rebel troops—for such would only have been laudable—but they had taken the opportunity to plunder the villages of tribes not so lawless or warlike as themselves, and thus added greatly to the state of misrule and disorder that prevailed. On the district being abandoned by the English officials, the treasury 340 was plundered and the court-house and records were all destroyed. Toola Ram, who in old times had owned large estates in the district, but whose property had been nearly all attached and sold under decrees of the civil courts, at once assumed the reins of government, and according to native report he managed the district extremely well, retaining as much as possible the English system of village accounts; and it was likewise shown that he had behaved justly to the people, whom he never plundered or otherwise maltreated. His only offence against the British was that he had, on demand, sent money to aid the usurper at Delhi; and on the return of Mr. Ford he at once fled from his home and managed to reach Cabul, the Affghanistan capital, where he shortly afterwards died. Toola Ram had built a handsome durbar or court-house at his native town Rewaree, and this was destroyed by Mr. Ford when he reached the town; though it would have been wiser to have left it as a rest-house for the district authorities. I never came across so many snakes (chiefly cobras) as I did at Goorgaon, and one day the gardener came to me in an excited state, as a 341 large cobra had taken possession of his hut in the garden, and was in such an angry state that all were afraid to tackle it. I went with my gun loaded with small shot, and found the snake (a very large cobra) in the middle of the floor, erect and waving its head (hood spread) from side to side. I stayed at the door looking at it for a few minutes; but it showed no intention of moving off, so I shot it in the head, and found that it measured close on six feet. I think it must have had eggs or young ones near by, and thus showed such pluck—for snakes, as a rule, make off very quickly when people approach them. Natives think that English people escape being bitten by snakes from the noise their boots or shoes make in walking, and so give the snakes warning, whilst natives go about so much with naked feet, and are thus apt to tread on snakes. On coming down a hill at Abbotabad I actually trod on a large cobra, but it did not turn on me, and seemed as glad to get away as I was. 342 Chapter IX. -67-68-69-70-71. IHEN I had nearly finished my first tour in the district of Goorgaon, I received a **$<$*§>*** note from my assistant, Mr. Bulman, asking permission to go on a shooting expedition for a few days—making over charge of the treasury to the native extra assistant, a well educated man, who spoke and wrote English well. I agreed to this; but on the following day a letter came from Bulman reporting a defalcation in the treasury of Rs.30,000 (£3,000). This information brought me at once to head-quarters; and it appeared that the native assistant, on taking charge of the cash and counting the bags, had found thirty short, each of which should have held Rs. 1,000. The agent of the head treasurer was at once apprehended by my orders, as he was the person in direct charge of the cash, and he made a full confession, saying how he had managed on three separate occasions to keep back ten bags of rupees when cash remittances 343 arrived from the customs officers on the salt line. The head treasurer, who resided at Delhi, and who had lodged heavy securities with the Government, was sent for; and on being called upon to make good the deficiency complied at once with such order—at the same time protesting that Mr. Bulman, by his careless procedure, had in a way given encouragement to the nefarious agent; and there was some truth in this; but Bulman was quite a young officer, and the affair was doubtless a good lesson to him—for he was supposed to see every bag locked up in the big chests, which were kept in a locked-up strong room. The agent was tried by me, and sentenced to imprisonment with hard labour for seven years, and also fined to an extent which would somewhat compensate the head treasurer. On further inquiry it was discovered that most of the embezzled money had been lent out to residents of the station, and Major Smith had borrowed about Rs.3,000, and my head clerk some also. Of course these borrowers had supposed that the agent was possessed of private funds; and his personal appearance being rather imposing, and his style of dress expensive, they might well have thought so. 344 We found the bath-house a real luxitry in the hot months, and Agnes soon learnt to swim about in it of a morning. The depth was seven feet, and with the help of empty gourds strapped to her back she managed to learn in deep water. When touring in the southern part of the district near the Ulwur territory, I managed to capture a leopard, full grown. It had been seen to enter a eave in the low hills; and I had a large wooden cage made up very quickly and placed at the cave's mouth the same afternoon, and then, by enlarging a small hole which we found at the top of the cave, and by throwing in some lighted straw, the animal was forced to spring into the cage—I standing by with a loaded gun ready to let fly should he succeed in breaking the bars, which he nearly did. With some ropes, however, we managed to strengthen the weak parts, and the animal was brought in triumph to Goorgaon on a cart. When the leopard became a little tranquil and somewhat accustomed to imprisonment, I made him over to the Zoological Society of Delhi, and I daresay he is still in the gardens there. I also when at Goorgaon secured a white crow—the only one 1 ever saw. This I also made over to the society. 345 It was quite a healthy bird, and the man who caught it alive said there was another one with it, which the people would not allow him to catch, as there was some superstitious feelings about these birds. One day in camp, at about thirty miles from Goorgaon, I heard a loud report as if a big cannon had been fired a mile or so off in a western direction, and next day I found that a meteoric stone of large size had fallen about a mile from camp. A large piece (about the size of two fists) was sent in to me, and I despatched it with a report to the Calcutta Museum. These meteors are said to burst on reaching our atmosphere; and it was some years afterwards, in 1868, at Mooltan, when lying on my bed at midnight outside in the hot season, that I saw a splendid meteor, looking the size of a school globe, pass across the heavens; and in a day or two it was reported that a large meteoric stone had fallen that night near a village four miles off, and a great piece was sent in to me by the head-man. It was of the same black appearance as the Goorgaon one, and was said to have buried itself about two feet in the earth when it fell with a loud explosion. These were the only two meteoric 346 stones I can distinctly speak of, though I had often seen specimens. My brother Gussy came to us in the hot season of 1864 with Carry — she had joined him in England in 1861, after we left. Gussy was looking very thin and ill, yet he took a great deal of exercise; and after leaving us, he died on the 28th of August the same year. His chief complaint was looseness of the bowels, which had troubled him ever since he had a bad attack of cholera at Dacca in 1863. He was of an extremely nice disposition, and was universally liked. His regiment was then at Morar (Gwalior), where he died and was buried; the officers erecting his tomb. There were several very good schools in the Goorgaon district, much better than at Ferozepore or Goojranwala, and the people took much more interest in education than was the case in the Punjab proper, north of Delhi; more especially in the Rajpoot villages did I observe this eagerness for learning, even to the extent of schools for the girls, and the old head-men have often asked me to examine the girls' schools, showing thereby a confidence very far from common amongst other 347 castes, as they are generally very shy of any interference by civil officers for the spread of female education. Agnes learnt to read the Oordoo characters, so as to assist somewhat at the girls' schools, where sewing was also taught. The influential natives showed a desire to have their boys taught English, and willingly subscribed to meet the cost of capable teachers, all of which was very pleasing to see; though the Mahomedans as a rule held back from the movement, being far more bigoted than the Hindoos, and very much afraid of any scientific teaching that might tend to make their chUdren doubt the historical truth of their reHgious books. One of the most enlightened natives I ever met was the head master of the Rewaree School, who had been educated at the missionary college at Agra. He was a Hindoo of good caste, and always spoke in the highest terms of the missionaries, whose teaching he admitted had led to his throwing aside all his childish beliefs; but still he found it impossible, after a deep study of the Bible, much as he admired the excellence of the moral doctrines found there, to take up the belief in Christianity as a revelation; urging in conversation one day 348 that " he failed to see how any well thoughtful man could do so: for," said he, " the missionaries taught us to use our reasoning powers in judging of the authenticity of our religious books, as expounded by the Brahmin priests, and whether such accounts of the deities as they contained were worthy of any credit or not; and then, after such superstitions had been thrown off, we were told to abstain from using our reasoning powers, but to allow faith to exercise full control on the imagination, and to take up as historically true the astounding story of Christ's miraculous birth and His miraculous doings—though the proofs are seen to be so extremely meagre." I give this as the well-considered opinion of a cultured Hindoo gentleman, and any thoughtful person must see the great difficulty with such highly - educated natives, eager to find the truth, and yet not knowing where to look for it; for on points of doctrine they very soon see what diversities exist amongst Christian sects, and well may they fight shy from jumping to any hasty conclusion on an abstruse question that is still puzzling the greatest intellects of the age. A great deal of good work is done by the missionaries throughout India in 349 the educational line; but in the parts of India where I have lived their success in gaining converts has been very slight. In the Madras Presidency, and in Chota Nagpore and Bengal, they can point to far greater success; but there the people who have come under their influence are of a low caste, and by turning Christians their social position has been much improved: for instance, in the Travancore territory, which is under an independent chief, the low caste people were a very downtrodden race, and their women were not even allowed by the State laws to wear any covering over their bosoms—the chaddar, or shoulder cloth, being allowed only to women of the higher castes. When these people were converted to Christianity, the missionaries very soon managed to get this restriction removed, and there is no doubt but that the low caste tribes have greatly benefited by the change. Amongst the educated upper classes the success has been very trifling in the Punjab, and all outdoor preaching appears to have been left to the native converts, amongst whom there are doubtless some very earnest men. As a rule the native Christians that I have come across were not a nice lot, and those few that I have tried in 350 official posts turned out failures.* In the course of time the Hindoos must throw off their superstitions, but I can hardly imagine that they will ever accept the Christian dogmas in their entirety. The Church they will form would most likely be one of a Unitarian character; though there is no saying with the least certainty what sort of Church the future will bring forth, as the majority of the well educated and thoughtful laity in England and Europe are in a state of doubt regarding religious dogma. The missionary is often a poorly- educated man, and is therefore unable to argue successfully with the highly-educated Hindoos and Mahomedans, who admire his self - denial and zeal, but rather despise his method of discussing the religious question—as they so often find that he is ignorant of the doctrines which underlie their systems, as well as of the history of their people. The Indian missionary generally lives in the cantonment or civil lines in a comfortable * One convert recommended his son as being " very fond of reading his Bible, and also an excellent judge of a horse;" and as I was then engaged in selecting horses for the Oude Mounted Police, he evidently thought the second qualification would touch me. house, comfortably furnished, and keeps a conveyance—many of them being able to send their families to the hills in the hot weather; and I found amongst Protestants nothing like what I saw amongst the Catholics in Bettiah, near Segowly, where two priests were living in truly humble style amongst the villagers. Near Goorgaon there lived an old native gentleman of rank named Tofuzzal Hossain, who had stood by us most loyally in 1857 when residing in the Nagpore State, having been rewarded with a grant of land rent free besides a pension. This chief had thrown up all belief in Mahomed as a religious teacher, but had not taken up the Christian faith. He used to sneer at all beliefs, but considered the Christian the best; and told me that a missionary at Agra (the present Bishop of Lahore) had convinced him of the absurdity of supposing that what went into the mouth could defile a man, so he took to drinking champagne and eating pork and bacon, etc.—thus showing his contempt for Mahomedanism, the religion of his forefathers. He was an old man and had three wives, to whom he introduced me one evening after dinner, as also to his mother, who must have been of a great age, yet he 352 asserted that she managed all his affairs in a most capable manner, and was very active. The old man drank a good deal too much spirituous liquors, though I never saw him intoxicated. Near his country house at Furruknuggur, there was an immense quantity of salt manufactured by evaporation after the water from the saline wells had been conveyed into the large shallow reservoirs, of which there were a great number. All this salt had to pay a heavy duty to the Government; and right across the district was a line of customs stations, at which were located officials of the Excise Department with their constables, who kept guard to prevent the smuggling of salt from foreign territory—viz., Rajpootana and some other localities; and a very high and thick thorny hedge connected all the stations without the least break, beyond gates at important places, so as to form an effective barrier. All these arrangements wore a cumbersome appearance; but the officials said that no other system would secure the Government interests against the unscrupulous portion of the village communities, who lived at such a convenient distance from the customs line. The officers were most of them Englishmen, but 353 not gentlemen; and got about Rs.200 a month each for what was rather arduous work if properly performed. There were several very good rest houses in the district for the use of the district officers, and one I liked much was situated at a place called Taorop, about twenty-five miles from the station on high land, and near some curious old tombs of Mahomedan notables; these buildings being perhaps more than 500 years old, and yet in capital preservation. Taoroo was thought to be a very healthy locality; its water being held in great estimation—especially that from a well which tradition said had once upon a time been closed because it made the women so strong that the men were unable to control them. At Sonah, one stage from Goorgaon, there were some hot sulphur springs, where bathing-places had been made very many years ago for the general public, who resorted to them very readily—men, women, and children remaining seated in the hot water up to their necks for hours, the temperature of the water being about ninety degrees near the springs. The Government made some bathing - places for the 354 English soldiers from Delhi who might be afflicted with what are called Delhi boils, and the men were said to have derived much benefit from the baths. I tried them once, and found the water too hot to be pleasant. A Doctor Turton was in medical charge of the soldiers at the baths, and he lived with his wife in an old Mahomedan tomb. They had only just been married; yet somehow did not get on well. She had been a widow, young and frisky,, with a hot temper. He was a tall good-looking man, perhaps about her own age—clever, fond of his profession, and of rather determined character; thus the fight for power very naturally came on at an early date after the junction of two such persons. She hated the dulness and quietness of the place, and wished him to go back to head-quarters. He, zealous and kind-hearted, was very desirous of working out the experiment to the full extent, and being confident that cures could be effected by the hot bathing, was determined to stay on. His wife took to her bed, declaring she would not get up till the order for the march came. He gave her to understand that her only ailment was a fit of the sulks, and that he intended to visit her just 355 as he would an ordinary patient; and so far the quarrel had progressed when we passed through Sonah, and had Doctor Turton to dine with us—his wife writing that she was too unwell to come. We never came across the couple again, so cannot say if their differences were ever made up; but it was very amusing at the time to hear Doctor Turton recounting all his differences with his newly-married wife. Early in 1865 Bishop Cotton, from Calcutta, paid us a visit of a couple of days, and consecrated the little church and graveyard. He was attended by his own chaplain and Mr. Matthews, the chaplain from Delhi. Bishop Cotton was a quiet spoken and I should say good man: he came to an untimely end in Assam—having fallen into the river when walking over a long plank fixed from the shore to the steamer. The body was never found. We went to Mussourie for two months in the autumn of 1865, and Godfrey (our eighth child) was born there on the 19th of October. I did not think Mussourie nearly equal to Simla as a sanatorium; but the view of the dhoon (or low land) was very pretty, as also the snow view from the high hill of Landour. 356 In 1866, early in the year, Carry stayed with us for a few days—together with her new husband, Lieutenant Cock, whom she had married at the Cape. They were on their way to Kaugra to join the Goorkha regiment to which he had been appointed. Cock was a very tall man, and devoted to sport. I never met with a man more eager after game; and during his short stay he was out every morning very early till night, and always brought home some deer or neelghai.* I liked what I saw of Cock; but he did not give me the impression of a clever man, though he was very fond of natural history—and knew a good deal on that, his favourite subject. His collection of birds' eggs was also a valuable one. Before going to the Cape he had been a good deal in Assam, and the records in his journal showed what a very keen and successful hunter of the large game of India he had been at that time, and such bags of elephants, rhinoceros, tigers, and buffaloes have been made by very few sportsmen. It was in Assam that his health broke down and necessitated a trip to the Cape, where he had intended to seek for sport in the wildest parts—all such aspirations * A kind of deer which natives call a "blue cow." 357 having been blocked by his marriage. Close to the station of Goorgaon there is a small Hindoo temple dedicated to the goddess Debee, who is supposed to preside over small-pox, and by her influence to spread it or cause its decrease. To this temple at certain seasons (more especially when small-pox is about) the people resort in great crowds, the majority being women, who bring their children to make offerings of silver and gold, or jewellery, to propitiate the goddess; and these offerings are a source of much wealth to the village head-men (where the temple is situated), who by some ancient rule divide the spoils according to their shares in the land. The women, who are generally afraid of their children losing their eyesight from small-pox, make offerings also of gold and silver eyes worked up as ornaments. As an instance of the superstitious feelings of the natives, I remember that at Rewaree, which is a large town, it was very desirable that the dispensary should be enlarged, but in the only direction where an additional room could be built there was a very ancient tree, whose branches on the further side sheltered an old tomb over 358 the body of a man considered a great saint, and who had died several hundred years ago. On my telling the native collector that the old tree would have to be cut down he looked rather troubled in mind, and on the next day when I went to the dispensary to point out to the builder exactly what I wished to have done I found a large Crowd assembled, and one of the leading men of the town said that the people were excited and would be much grieved if the tree on so sacred a spot was felled, as the saint would assuredly be very angry at such sacrilege, and some disaster would certainly happen to the town. I pointed out to the people what great benefits were derived from a good-sized dispensary, and that any addition to the present rather small one was impossible so long as the tree (which was certainly not ornamental) remained on the ground; I then asked them if the saint when he was alive was not considered a very kind-hearted good man, who always wished well to his fellow creatures, and they replied, "Yes, that such was the tradition." Then I said, "Why should you suppose that since he left this world he has become an irascible, cold-hearted man, and entirely have changed his character?" The 359 people could not help smiling at this remark, and I soon gained my point, promising to have the tomb put into good repair. On the south-western border of the district there was a fair-sized village, occupied almost entirely by a tribe called Meenas, who for generations had been known as subsisting by robbery. Most of the houses of the village were substantial brick buildings, but the owners possessed no land, neither were they known to have any ostensible means of making an honest living, and their character being so notoriously bad it became necessary to place the whole village under police supervision, and as a measure of prevention it was ordered by the Punjab Government that there should be a roll - call of all adult males every morning and evening, and any absentee who could not account satisfactorily for his non-appearance was liable to severe punishment by the magistrate. These robbers were in the habit of carrying on their depredations at great distances from the village, on information obtained from their brethren, in villages chiefly in independent territory; and so cunningly were their plans arranged, and so 360 swiftly could they journey on their costly riding camels, that their success in baffling the police was very great; though most undoubtedly in my time the policy of the Government had struck a severe blow at their evil machinations. There were other notorious tribes in the Punjab who had to be watched in somewhat similar ways, but the Meenas were far superior to any others for courage, powers of combination, and intelligence. In those days the system of Thuggee had almost received its death blow, and the special establishment for its suppression had been greatly reduced, and the few cases which now occur are in the native protected States. In 1863, when at Simla on leave, our house was adjacent to that occupied by Colonel Hervey, the Superintendent for the Suppression of Thuggee, and he always had several Thuggee approvers about the house holding the position of orderly chupprasses. These were men who had years ago been seized as notorious thugs, but having supplied most valuable information towards incriminating the leaders of the association, had escaped condign punishment and been retained as approvers, and ofttimes were invaluable in recognizing suspected men and in giving aid to 361 the department. Colonel Hervey told me that he had the fullest trust in them, though the hands of each were doubtless imbrued with the blood of murdered traders and wealthy travellers. He said they had often served as bearers and attendants on his children, and as detectives in criminal cases other than Thuggee had often rendered excellent service. The Indian police are rather distinguished for their capacity as detectives; and I remember how the wife of a wealthy merchant at Calcutta had a valuable diamond ring stolen from her dressing room, and information of the loss was at once given to the poHce by her husband, but nothing openly resulted from the inquiries made, and the lady gave up all hope of recovering her ring. A fortnight or so after the theft a smart-looking young man applied to the merchant for the post of an assistant table attendant, as a vacancy had just occurred, and as his testimonials were very good, and his appearance greatly in his favour, he was duly engaged. He performed his duties well, and also became very attentive to the ayah of the lady of the house, who it was evident was weU- 362 pleased with his attentions, and after a short time consented to marry him. He expressed great joy at being accepted, but said his means were small, and he should not be able to marry until he had. put by a small sum from his pay, as it was his intention when married to set up a shop. She replied that she had some jewellery, to which he was welcome, and amongst other things a valuable diamond, which he might be able to dispose of up. country, as she did not wish it to be sold at Calcutta. It is not necessary to say more than that the ayah was speedily apprehended and convicted, after a full confession; and the young policeman (soi-disant table attendant) was well rewarded for his smartness. I should have mentioned that, according to our servants (who spoke on the subject in subdued voices), the Superintendent of the Thuggee Department was held by the natives generally to be a most wonderful personage, and amongst other stories rife about him was that of his power as a sorcerer, especially in manufacturing a wonderful curative ointment out of the bodies of small children, which were boiled down in out-of-the-way places with most peculiar ceremonies. 363 I feel bound by a strong sense of friendship and gratitude to mention what an excellent man I had at Goorgaon as sheristidar, or Superintendent of the Vernacular Office on the judicial side. He was a Hindoo of the Brahmin caste, but holding broad and charitable views, more especially on popular education, giving to it a great stimulus by his advice and exhortation throughout the district. He must have been nearer fifty than forty years of age, yet he had taught himself English in middle life quite sufficient to write a fair letter, though the grammar might be perhaps weak; and his young son had commenced his education in English at a very early age. As an official he was an indefatigable worker, having a capital knowledge of law and procedure in the Civil and Criminal Departments; and by close attention to his heavy duties he most undoubtedly shortened his life, being attacked by consumption and general wasting during my last year at Goorgaon, closing his life at Delhi shortly before I left the district. I certainly owe a deep debt of gratitude to the majority of native officials who worked under me so intelligently, honestly, and patiently during 364 my long career as a civil officer, and though there were occasionally instances of misconduct, yet the quiet, smooth way in which the machinery worked as a rule in my own and other Punjab districts, spoke most strongly for the efficiency of the native staff, upon whom of course the chief burthen fell. My other sheristidar at Goorgaon, in the Revenue Department, was also of high caste, but a much older man, with extreme Conservative views. I often talked with him when the day's work was over; and much would he groan and lament over the reckless way in which the younger generation were throwing off their ancestral beliefs, and thus introducing sad discord into so many Hindoo families throughout the land. I tried to console him with the assurance that this was no new thing, and that the like happened to every nation at some time or other, as religious feeling was progressive, and in most families there would be some of more advanced opinions, political and religious, than others; and thus fathers and sons, mothers and daughters, would mutually find themselves opposed to each other, as in an imperfect world, occupied by imperfect beings, matters could 365 never be expected to always go on smoothly. Scepticism I also assured him was an absolute essential for progress, as without it we should now be falling down in adoration before stocks and stones. The old gentleman would listen, but look quite unconvinced; and on taking leave would sometimes express his satisfaction at being near life's close, so that he would never live to see the very great change he so dreaded. In June, 1866, I had to go to Kussowlie to take up the duties of additional commissioner, in order to clear off the heavy arrears in the Commissioner's office, where the civil and criminal appeals had accumulated to more than 1,000 in number; and as this gave me a hill station for six months in the hot season, and a good deal more pay, it was a very pleasant change from- Goorgaon—more especially as we were able to procure a comfortable house not far from the court-house, where I had to work. Kussowlie is at about the same height above the sea as Simla, but much nearer to the plains: the society was rather limited, as there was only a depot (and not a regiment) of English soldiers; but several of 366 the official residents of Umballa were there on short leave, and a good deal of croquet went on at the houses of the civilians. It is said to be healthier than Simla, being free from low jungle, and with a better water supply, Reynell Taylor was the Commissioner of the division, and I had been sent to clear off his arrears. We had known him and his wife well at Murdan, when he was commanding the Guide Corps. He was known for a very chivalrous officer, and on the frontier in old days had much distinguished himself, and gained the appellation of the "Bayard of the Punjab;" and from what I saw of him I gathered that he was a high-minded man, possessed of good ability; but at civil work he was very dilatory, from constitutional disability to form an opinion, perhaps from over-conscientiousness: but be the cause what it may, the results of such style of working were very unsatisfactory to litigants, and also to the Government, which did not like to deal hardly with so distinguished a man, and so gave him assistance in getting through the work. I always got on extremely well with" him; but in illustration of his manner of working, I remember that he sent me a very voluminous record in a 367 civil appeal case, which he said he had gone through some time ago and had actually begun to write out a decision, but from pressure of work had put it aside. When in regular order this case came up for decision, and I was about to tackle it, Taylor wrote to say "it was one he felt bound to decide, and therefore hoped I would send it to him so that he might dispose of it at once." This I did; but lo! and behold! when I came back (a year afterwards) to Umballa to clear off more arrears, I found this identical case still undisposed of, and had to decide it myself. It was in the winter of 1866 that Lord Lawrence, the Viceroy, held a grand durbar at Agra," and I had to do the Commissioner's work for Taylor, occupying his house at Umballa for the time of his absence. One of our friends at Kussowlie was a Captain B., who had a wife and some children, the wife being rather plain; and a story was rife that when on leave some years before in England, he had fallen in love with the third daughter of a country clergyman, and the girl was rather pretty, there being in all five daughters (unmarried); he did not declare his love, as he was not in a position to marry. On his return to India he 368 managed to get a good appointment, so wrote at once to the clergyman proposing for the third daughter. A reply came that the proposal was viewed favourably; but as it was against the rule of the family that a younger daughter should be married before the elder, he had considered the proposal as one for his eldest daughter, and she would leave for Calcutta by the next mail. The story seemed too strange for belief; but my informant declared it was quite true, and that B. felt himself obliged to go to Calcutta and marry the eldest—who was also the plainest sister; who, however, as far as I could judge, made him a very good wife. At a secluded part of the station of Kussowlie near where four roads met, there was a small pillar that had been erected by a military man to the memory of his deceased wife, who had been cremated by him on that spot some few years before we were at the station. It is said that he carried out the cremation at night-time without previous notice to any one, and at the distinct request of his wife. The officer commanding was greatly annoyed when he heard of it, but as 369 there was nothing in the articles of war forbidding cremation he was obliged to let the matter pass over, and very wisely too, for there could be no better way of disposing of dead bodies, more especially in India, where disease spreads so quickly from the germs which get abroad from bad gases. In Central India, when a railway was in course of construction, the workmen had to cut through an old Mahomedan graveyard in which some years previously many bodies had been buried of people who had died from cholera, and sad to say, very shortly after the cutting had been commenced cholera of a most virulent type broke out amongst the native workmen, who died by hundreds, at least so said the newspapers. In the churchyard at Stone there is a portion where it is said some bodies were buried at the time of the Great Plague, and to this day that part lies untouched by the sexton's spade, and yet, so short-sighted are the majority of English men and women, that they are foolish enough to protest against cremation, some actually being stupid enough to say that it might interfere with the resurrection of their bodies at the end of the world. This argument was, however, very easily 370 disposed of by Lord Shaftesbury, who wished to know "if the martyrs who had suffered death by being burned alive were likely to be thus doomed to eternal death!!" In 1867, at early spring, Sir Donald Macleod, the Lieutenant-Governor of the Punjab, marched through the Goorgaon district from south to north when returning from the grand durbar at Agra. I accompanied his camp, taking all my meals with him daily, as did all his staff. The camp was large and imposing, his tents being of a larger size than any I had yet seen except such as were used by the Viceroy; and his military secretary told me there were 300 tent-pitchers attached to the camp, one half of them going on ahead daily with the duplicate tents. Sir Donald was a well read, clever man, and what may be styled "very pious," having been brought up in the Baptist persuasion, though he always attended our Church services. He gave away large sums in charity, and when he left the service had saved very little. He was killed on the Metropolitan Railway, through missing his footing when about to step into a carriage in motion, and was dreadfully crushed by 371 the wheels passing over his legs. To missions he used to give much support, and was I think much liked by all classes in the Punjab, having held the appointment of financial commissioner for some years. When about fifty years of age he married a young girl of about twenty, a daughter of Sir Robert Montgomery. She died in her first confinement, and it was said was much attached to him, despite the great difference in age. I should have made mention of the outbreak of cholera at Goorgaon in the year 1866, before we went to Kussowlie. The disease made its first appearance at the great fair at Hurdwar under the hills. As owing to some conjunction of planets or particular phase of the moon, the Brahmins had predicted some special happiness to all who bathed in the Ganges at Hurdwar on that particular occasion, and thus the assemblage of fakeers and devout Hindoos was enormous, and when the fair broke up in rather a panic, the people on their way to their homes in all parts of India of course spread the disease broadcast over the land, and Goorgaon had its share with all other districts on the line of route. I had been ordered to enforce quarantine upon all persons returning to the large towns, but 372 I found that I had not a sufficient establishment of trustworthy medical subordinates to carry out usefully any system of quarantine, so the people were allowed to pass to their homes unmolested, for which I got blessed by the townsfolk, who compared their lot with that of people in adjacent districts who had been subjected to harsh rules, which really benefited no one and caused much discontent, whereas in my district, by allowing the people to enjoy the comfort of their homes, and by not subjecting them to exposure in temporary sheds and in tents, I found that the epidemic soon died out, and the mortality returns were lower than in the districts where quarantine had been enforced. I observe that the Government of India has at last come round to my view of the matter—viz., that quarantine, except in harbours, is useless, and then only when all communication with an infected ship is strictly forbidden. The people told me that in some places between Hurdwar and Delhi they had suffered unknown hardships from not being allowed to pass through the towns, but were driven into the fields and bye-paths, where no provisions were obtainable, and thus the cholera all the more easily found its -J 373 victims in the bands of weakened and tired pilgrims, who could with difficulty procure enough food to sustain Hfe, much less to enable them to battle against the fell disease which carried off its thousands. The large bands of fakeers (estimated at 30,000 at this fair) form one of the most striking features in these huge assemblies of devotees, many of them being in a perfectly nude state, with their bodies smeared all over with mud or ashes. They of course imagine that by thus giving up the ordinary modes of Hfe, and trusting to the charity of the public for sustenance, they are propitiating the deities, and though a goodly number of these mendicants use the name merely as a cloak to enable them to carry out some worldly, and perhaps nefarious project, yet the larger proportion may be viewed as really earnest and devout men; and when at Ferozepore I can well remember how a wealthy and influential head-man of a village, who had much real and personal property, actually made it all over to his eldest son, and taking to the garb of a fakeer, left his home and devoted himself to a wandering life for the rest of his days, he being then perhaps fifty years of age, and if not dead now he is probably still 374 engaged in roaming from place to place of pilgrimage, and all for the glory of God and his own good in a future life. This, I fancy, is only one instance amongst very many which go to show how much more earnest and single-minded Orientals are in their religion Jbhan people of the Northern or other parts of the globe. In fact, history tells us how all the great religious beliefs which have struck roots of any depth have had their origin in the East: for instance, the Jewish, the Christian, the Buddhist, the Mahomedan, the Chinese (viz., that of Confucius), and also that of the Parsees. It may be that the Easterns, having a milder climate, live much more in the open air, especially at night time, and are more given to ponder and meditate over such serious problems than the Northern or Western people, who from possessing greater energy and physical strength, employ themselves more earnestly in worldly pursuits and the accumulation of wealth. Many fakeers will wander- about for years collecting funds by the smallest contributions towards the construction of a well and a small plantation of trees called a tope (or grove) by the side of a road frequented much by foot travellers, and where the water supply is defective; and once 375 having constructed the well and planted the young trees, the fakeer will remain on that spot for the remainder of his days, supplying thirsty travellers with a drink of cool water, and he himself subsisting on the trifling gifts that the charitably- disposed may bestow. Some of^these men are highly respected, and the people resort to them much for advice in domestic difficulties, and often obtain •consolation from them in their trials and troubles. I was once joking with a fakeer at Nepal about the idle life he and his companions led. "Ah," he replied, " don't judge too quickly, Sahib, but first come with me and try our mode of life for six months, and then speak as your conscience may dictate, as you will then really know something of a matter of which at present you are profoundly ignorant. The old man gave the rebuke in a calm and impressive manner, and I felt that I had spoken merely from prejudice, and really knew nothing of a fakeer's life. Human nature is, undoubtedly, much the same all over the world, and the mistakes made by the majority of Englishmen in India in judging of native character are such as to make one blush for the prejudices and intolerant feelings of one's countrymen. The 376 more that people know of the natives of India the more they like them; and the greatest statesmen who have recorded their opinions, have invariably found much more to admire than to condemn; and when alluding to natives, I do not include those who have lived the cantonment life from childhood, for these, as a rule, have come too much into contact with the lower class of Europeans, from whom they have picked up a fair knowledge of colloquial English, but at the same time much that tends to lower instead of to raise their characters; and though it may be humiliating to have to record such opinion, yet it is but too true. The half-castes are generally a poor lot—weak in frame, and not over honest, at least as far as I have been able to judge. They very seldom rise to high position, though I can speak of one well- known exception—viz., Colonel Skinner, who was the son of an English officer by a native woman, and who was one of the best cavalry officers who ever led a squadron. He had a large family; but none of his sons were at all remarkable as soldiers or civil officials. A daughter of Colonel Skinner was married to an Indian officer, and being left a 377 widow, she afterwards married a friend of mine, Mr. Wagentrieber, who was sub-editor of the Delhi Gazette, and editor of the Delhi Punch. When the Mutiny broke out he had to leave Delhi very hurriedly in a carriage with his wife, and they drove towards Kurnal on the trunk road. At some places the Goojurs (a low-caste tribe, and often robbers) attacked them, but Wagentrieber had a couple of double-barrelled guns in the carriage, and by keeping cool and taking good aim, he managed to keep the scoundrels off. His wife, with her father's inherited courage, loading the guns most expeditiously, and the pair got to Kurnal unscathed except a few bruises from stones. My work when at Kussowlie was entirely at appeal cases from Deputy Commissioners and assistants, European and Native, and I was greatly pleased to see how, as a rule, the native judges and magistrates carried out their investigations in a thorough and honest manner, and arrived at conclusions by as honest and impartial reasonings as could be desired, or could be found in the records of English magistrates and judges. More 378 especially did I observe this in Civil and Revenue cases, for adjudication of which the native mind seemed to be specially adapted; and these cases are often the most difficult ones that come before the Indian Courts. In the hot weather of 1867 I had to officiate as Commissioner of the Delhi Division for two months, when Colonel McNeile was on leave; and the Government allowed me to carry on the work at Goorgaon whilst the office, or rather the English portion of it, remained at Delhi. Mr. Barkley, the assistant-commissioner, officiated as deputy commissioner, and very well did he do the work, being a most able judicial officer, though rather rough in his manners. He is now one of the judges of the chief court at Lahore. After the return of Colonel McNeile I was again sent to the Umballa Division as additional commissioner, in place of Colonel Farrington, who had taken charge of the Umritsur Division. I sold my Goorgaon house, and rented a good one at Umballa in the Artillery lines, and passed a pleasant cold season in it. It was at that time the Putteala Rajah held a very grand durbar at his seat of Government to 379 celebrate the birth of his son and heir, and I went with Colonel Taylor, the Commissioner, to verify the birth of the infant. A large number of officers also attended on invitation, and we were most hospitably entertained for a day and night, some spacious tents having been pitched for our reception. Colonel Taylor and I were conveyed from Umballa in carriages of the Rajah, with teams of four horses, the distance being about twenty miles. At the durbar there was the usual Nautch* and a display of fireworks in the evening. A most unusual sight at the former was that of a very imposing-looking Highland piper in full costume, who played up and down the great durbar tent; and it appeared that he had belonged to the 42nd Regiment, and was bought out by the Rajah, who gave him a high salary and a good house at Putteala for himself and family. In subsequent conversation the man told us he was very comfortably settled, but at first there had been a little difficulty about his wearing shoes at the durbars; in this, however, he had gained his point. ' Songs and dances by young women. 380 In March, 1868, I was ordered to Mooltan as Commissioner — never having seen the place since I was there as an assistant in 1849-50. Agnes and Godfrey joined me after she had taken Arthur and Lionel to Kangra and made them over to Carry for the hot season. I rented the large house which my predecessor (Mr. Ford) had occupied, and, curious to say, it was the one I had built in 1849-50, though greatly enlarged both as to the building and grounds. I found Mooltan, of course, greatly changed for the better, as there was a large cantonment, and metalled roads with avenues of tall trees — some of the latter must have been those I had planted eighteen years before. Then there was the railway all the way to Lahore, and on the river Chenab large steamers, which ran between Mooltan and Kotree, opposite Hyderabad. Altogether I was well pleased with my lot, the only drawback being that the nearest hill station (Dalhousie) was very far off. My work was not very heavy, but the criminal cases were troublesome, as I had at times to hold sessions at Jhung, very far off and very difficult to reach; though it was rather a nice-looking oasis after journeying through a long sterile tract. The 381 rain-fall at Mooltan is very small; but this does not make the place unhealthy, but rather contrarywise, though the hot season is rather trying to people who are at all out of health. Cholera, I was told, was quite unknown at Mooltan. Arthur and Lionel came down from Kangra at the cold season, and little Godfrey found his nose rather put out of joint; but they soon got friendly all round, and much did they enjoy their games in the large garden in which we always sat every morning under the fine trees and had our chota hazrees. It was at these times that I remarked the extreme audacity of the crows, who would seize the pieces of bread and butter from the children's hands—nothing on the table being safe from them if I went away even for two minutes. I often left a loaded gun leaning against a tree, and so long as I was sitting there they would behave themselves; but they seemed to know that Agnes and the chUdren could not shoot them, and would commence their pranks whenever I left the spot. These crows used to swallow the wasps alive and afterwards disgorge them; and I should have liked the opinion of 382 some good naturalist as to this very strange taste of the birds, who were in the habit of thus destroying hundreds of wasps in the large verandah of a morning. Reginald (our ninth child) was born on the 20th of December, 1868. Lieutenant - Colonel Elliot was the Deputy Commissioner of Mooltan in 1868. His predecessor was General Van Cortlandt, who held charge of the district for several years, and rumour had it that he had been rather too lax in his administration, so that corruption was rife amongst the native subordinates. Colonel Elliot was known as a man whose speciality was to hunt down all corrupt officials with a keen scent and fixed purpose. Van Cortlandt's career is worth mentioning, as he had in early life entered the military service of Runjeet Singh, being the son of Colonel Van Cortlandt (of the royal service) by a native woman. He remained in the Sikh service till 1845, when he came to Loodiana and sought employment under the British Government; his first appointment being that of assistant to Major (afterwards Sir Henry) Lawrence, who used him as a sort of spy during the Sikh campaign. It was said that before the battle of Subraon Major 383 Lawrence had suspected Van Cortlandt of favouring the Sikh cause, and I was told on one occasion on speaking to a friend, Lawrence had said " that he did not know whether to ask Van Cortlandt to dinner that day or have him hanged as a traitor." All such doubts must have afterwards vanished; for he secured permanent employ under the Punjab Government, and doubtless did good service, though rumour would have it that he had well feathered his nest. I had known the old father of the general when he was in the 31st Regiment, and the old man had some humour—for when his son (then in Runjeet Singh's service) came on leave to see his father at Meerut, he fell in love with a Miss Angelo, who returned his affection (like a second Desdemona), though her parents highly disapproved of her marrying a half-caste officer of a native sovereign; and the old colonel also disapproving, told his son "not to make a fool of himself with a penniless girl, but to look out for an Indian princess with lots of rupees and jewels." The couple were, however, constant, and marriage quickly supervened, when they both went to Lahore and were received kindly by Runjeet Singh. I had often met Van Cortlandt, and he gave me the 384 idea of a soldierly man, ready for hard work and with much intelligence; his influence over natives was very great, and in the year of the Mutiny he did right good service. Of his honesty of purpose as a civil officer I am unable to give an opinion. He never returned to India after 1868, and I think was granted a full colonel's pension. A very important character at Mooltan was the Makdoom, or high priest in charge of the two important Mahomedan shrines named Bahawul Hakk and Rookn Alum. These two grand buildings were the tombs of two celebrated Mahomedan saints who had died greatly revered some 600 years ago or more, and the tombs were two very imposing structures situated in the middle of the large fort. The Makdoom's was an hereditary post, and the incumbent always exercises much spiritual authority over a very large proportion of the Mahomedans, not only in the Mooltan district, but in those adjacent, and even at remote distances. The man in power in 1868 was of great size, weighing more than twenty stone; and he always seemed to me well disposed to our rule, and one who would always use his influence in our behalf at 385 a crisis—indeed he had given good proof of this on more than one occasion. When Bishop Milman visited Mooltan in 1868, and with his chaplain put up at our house, I utilized the Makdoom to the extent of sending out his carriage, drawn by his four stout mules, to bring in the bishop from the river Chenab to Mooltan, about six miles, which was a very heavy sandy road for about two miles; and it seemed right and proper that the head of the Mahomedan religion in these parts should give assistance to the head of the Christian Church in India. The bishop seemed much pleased with the mark of attention on the part of the portly Makdoom, and granted him an interview next day, when his lordship conversed with him very fairly in Hindustani, showing how very much attention he must have bestowed on the study of the language during the short time of his incumbency. The bishop was a very earnest Churchman, and preached well and vigorously. In body he was deformed, but stout of frame and a good rider. He did much good while he held office, aitd was free from all narrowness of spirit. The little boys, Arthur and Lionel, said he was a bawun (a dwarf), and it was with difficulty we made them behave properly the first day, though they took to him afterwards. Whilst on the subject of the Church, I may mention that the missionaries at Mooltan, whilst active at school work, had entirely given up preaching in the streets or bazaars; and at their large school at Soojabad I found that the Bible was never read to the boys, nor was any Scripture history taught, though the head master (a native) when questioned, said that the boys did learn it; on my asking to see the book, he failed to produce it; and on making further inquiry, I found that all such teaching had been abandoned for fear of losing the Mahomedan children. The Hindoos were more tolerant, and had never objected to their children being taught Bible history. The Hindoos, though tolerant as above mentioned, do at times in the city of Mooltan show a great dislike to the Mahomedan sect; and when I was there in 1849-50 there were disturbances on more than one occasion, and whilst the Hindoos aroused the fanatical passions of the Mahomedans by throwing Httle dead pigs into their 387 mosques, the Mahomedans retaliated by sprinkling bullocks' blood about their temples, and more than one riot occurred; and only recently I was reading in the papers of some rather serious outbreaks in the city from the same cause; and such will generally occur in Indian towns where, as at Mooltan, Mahomedan mosques and Hindoo temples are found side by side. When the boys returned from Kangra, Carry came to Mooltan with them, her husband having gone with his regiment (1st Ghoorkas) to join the force which was to attack the black mountain in Huzara, and at the end of the campaign Charlie (Captain Cock) also joined us. As the cold season passed and spring was approaching, I determined on taking furlough to England, as the new rules had just been published which permitted officers on staff employ to take furlough on very advantageous circumstances as regarded pay and retention of their appointments, so that if I went to England for two years, I should get £1,200 per annum during my absence from India. My mother had been ailing much, and wished to see me, and it was eight years since iiPfl 388 we had left the three eldest children in England: such a long separation being bad for all. I think it was in March, 1869, that we left Mooltan by river steamer, and as at that season the stream in the Chenab and Indus is always low, we had a slow passage to Kotree (opposite Hyderabad), and only steamed in the day-time. The noise on board was very great, owing to the constant letting-off of steam — the shallow water and sandbanks necessitating very frequent stoppages. The table on board was good, and the cabins comfortable enough, but we were very glad when the journey was over and the bungalow at Kurrachee was reached; the raUway taking us from Kotree to the sea-board. We had a native man-servant, and also an ayah for the four children; but the man, though he had always been bright enough before, seemed to shut up altogether after we left Mooltan, and I think must have been in poor health. His name was Ghasee. The ayah, Bilasoo, was a very useful servant. At Kurrachee we found a comfortable dak bungalow, and the station altogether impressed me favourably. The carriages (two-horsed ones) which plied for hire were very good, and the charges reasonable. Our steamer to Bombay was very 389 crank; having but little cargo, and a gale of wrind would most probably have sent her to the bottom. The children were particularly lively on board, which seemed rather to please the captain, as he said that his experience of Indian children (viz., those born in India of English parents) was that they were a poor spirited lot, and he liked much to see the energy of our boys. We remained only a day or two in Bombay, going to Suez in a P. and 0. steamer, then across by rail to Alexandria, via Zagazig, instead of as formerly by Cairo—as the Khedive had broken up that line and made the new one to pass Ismailia and Zagazig; having been induced to make the alteration through the misconduct of English travellers en route to India and back, since some officers outraged the religious feelings of the Mahomedans by forcing their way into the Great Mosque, and treated badly the door-keepers who attempted to stop them and according to custom to put on slippers over the visitors' boots before entering the sacred building. There was a Court of Enquiry on the matter, with what result I don't remember. I can, however, imagine that the case was not at all over-coloured by the complainants, as no one in my opinion is 390 more difficult to control than the travelling young Briton, who is often so very irrepressible through his bumptiousness and self-conceit. It was always so arranged by the Egyptian railway authorities, that the train with Indian passengers should leave Suez at early night after dinner, and reach Alexandria at early morning, when the passengers were at once put on board the steamer. Our route was via Marseilles, in a paddle -wheel steamer. At Paris our servant Ghasee was followed about by crowds, which seemed odd; but perhaps he was taken for some Eastern notable, as he was of good figure and height, and dressed well. In my voyages in the P. and 0. Company's steamers I had observed how very badly the native servants were treated by the officers and stewards on the ships running between Calcutta and Suez; and so deeply was I impressed by this behaviour on the voyage from Bombay, that I felt it necessary to bring the matter to the notice of the directors of the company, who expressed their thanks to me for the information and promised every attention to the subject. From Alexandria to the European parts there was nothing to complain of on this 391 head; but the heat, crowded condition of the vessels, and extra work imposed upon the officials on the Indian side, must, I suppose, act unfavourably upon their tempers, and thus makes them very overbearing and given to bullying the weaker races, who travel generally as servants, and are as fully entitled to berths and good treatment as second-class passengers are. We met with no adventures, and reached Stone all well, meeting there our three eldest children, who were in good health. As the vicarage could not well hold us, we (the new arrivals) put up at a farm-house opposite, and in a short time migrated to Cheltenham, and settled down at Park Place in a house rented at £200 a year. It was not a very comfortable one, but the garden was of fair size, with a lawn. Our eldest children had been under a governess for some time (Miss Legros), who I liked much, as did Agnes; but the children did not get on very well under her, so I felt obliged to part with her—she herself admitting that there was no other course—and the girls were sent as day scholars to the Ladies' College, whilst Alfred went as a day scholar to mm 392 Mr. Gedge's, afterwards Mr. Austen's. I was not in good health during my time of furlough, owing to asthma. All the children got measles, and some whooping cough; Arthur being very ill from a complication of complaints, Alfred also being very unwell from rheumatic fever, caught in the playground I imagine. On Arthur being convalescent we all went to Weston-super-Mare for a short stay. The baby (Reginald) was a constant source of amusement, more especially to the girls, who made a great pet of him. On our return to India with Reginald in the beginning of 1871, it was arranged that the children should all remain at Cheltenham in the charge of Mrs. Presgrave, an old friend, who was a widow with several small children. She took a house at Pittville, and for some time all went well; but afterwards she got into pecuniary difficulties, and caused much trouble and correspondence, resulting in the girls being placed at the college as boarders, and Alfred, Arthur, and Lionel as boarders at Mr. Austen's, where Godfrey also went afterwards. 393 Chapter X. 1871 -72-73-74-75-76-77-78. IE started for India, taking Reginald with us, early in 1871; but remained at Cairo jjPIPpr for about six weeks on account of my health, as I was still troubled with asthma. We landed at Alexandria, and remained a few days at an hotel there, seeing all the sights in the neighbourhood, which were not very numerous; neither did we consider Alexandria a very desirable place of residence, owing to bad sanitary arrange^ ments. At Cairo we had very fair accommodation at Shepheard's Hotel, and found the table good; there being also some agreeable people, a few of wThom were Americans. It had been our intention to take a trip by boat up the Nile, but found on inquiry that it would be very expensive, so abandoned the project—contenting ourselves with viewing thoroughly all the interesting objects round and about Cairo, amongst which I certainly think the museum at Boulak the most attractive, even 394 more so than the Pyramids. A very ancient tomb had just been opened at Ghiza, and the valuable contents had been removed to the museum. We went down into this old tomb, and were struck by the massiveness of the work; the slabs of granite being of huge size, and all the workmanship of a very finished style. The grand new palace across the Nile must have cost an immense sum, and there was a good collection of animals and birds in spacious and suitable houses within the gardens. It was this palace which gave accommodation to the Empress of the French on the occasion of the opening of the Suez Canal, and the bedroom which had been fitted up expressly for her was most gorgeously decorated. The rulers of Egypt must have spent enormous sums on their palaces, as they are numerous over the land-—there being some superstitious feeling against occupying a palace in which a former Khedive has lived; and there is no wonder that the agricultural, and all the lower orders of the land, wear the appearance of a down-trodden race, as the very last possible farthing is screwed out of them in order to meet the lavish and reckless expenditure of the Khedive and his numerous pashas, who fatten on plunder. When we were at Cairo many of the regiments had been called in from outposts in readiness for dispatch to Constantinople, as there were rumours of a probable war between Russia and Turkey. The soldiers looked very much like some of our Indian regiments, and were well set - up and of good physique, all wearing the fez. Numbers of recruits were being brought in from the country in batches, like prisoners it seemed to me, and these men wore a very dejected look. I made the acquaintance of our consul, Mr. Rogers, and met at his office an American officer who had taken service with the Khedive. He held the rank of general, and had served with the army of the Southern States during the American Civil War. He was a fine aristocratic-looking old man, and seemed to be a great friend of Mr. Rogers. The latter told me that the Mahomedan population of Cairo were a very quiet, well - behaved lot, but that the low Greeks, Italians, and French were the people who gave trouble and offended most against the laws; also that the Khedive had accepted the services of many American officers who had fought in the cause of the Southern States, but only on the written conditions that they would become Egyptian subjects, and therefore Hable to be judged under the Egyptian laws, as according to the present rule all Europeans and Americans can only be tried by the Consular Courts; and the Khedive has found such custom to be most vexatious, as his French cook had him summoned before the Consular Court on some matter connected with his (the cook's) wages, and thus the Khedive was placed in a most undignified position. When at Suez I saw a number of Greeks and Italians fighting amongst themselves in the fish market, and a body of Egyptian policemen attacked both parties and chastised them well with their long whips, very soon dispersing the fighters—a rather humiliating sight for a European to witness. At Cairo Agnes and I often drove through the streets, and found them very interesting even with our experience of India. The old city was thoroughly Oriental in look, and would have afforded excellent illustrations for an edition of the "Arabian Nights;" whereas the modern portion of Cairo is in the worst French style, and the buildings are not at all suited to the climate, as far as I could judge. An opera was in full swing at great cost to the 397 state; but it is one of the hobbies of the Khedive, and I should say not the least expensive one, but to such a reckless spendthrift as Ismail Pasha a few thousands went for nothing; and the Way in which the fellaheen put up with the state extortions proves them to be amongst the most docile of the human race. Before embarking in the P. and O. steamer at Suez, we stayed a few days in the hotel there, and I found the air very pleasant, and judging from what a medical man who was settled there told me, it must be a very suitable place for people troubled with delicate lungs, or with their breathing apparatus affected in any way. After reaching Bombay I received orders to take up the officiating commissionership of the Jullundur Division, but there being some hitch about Mr. Forsyth's leave I never took up the appointment, but was directed to take temporary charge of the Goordaspore district until something better was available; and after remaining there for a few days, I was nominated as Commissioner of the Umritsur Division. Asthma, however, again attacked me, and the doctor advised me to take leave to Sukesur, in the Shahpoor district, as being a very dry situation. We went at once to Jhelum, and 398 stopped for about six weeks with Carry and her husband (Captain Cock), who was then attached to the 30th Punjab Infantry. I picked up strength and got fairly free from asthma at the end of six weeks, when the Lieutenant-Governor nominated me for the Residentship in Cashmere, but the Viceroy (Lord Mayo) appointed his under-secretary in the Foreign Department. On this I was sent to Peshawur as additional commissioner, where I worked for two years (1871—72). I found Peshawur very much changed for the better since 1854—55, but I had almost entirely forgotten my Pushtoo. One of the most notable improvements was in the barrack accommodation, as some first-rate double-storeyed buildings had been erected within the past few years at this and at many other large stations in India, adding very much to the comfort of the English soldiers and their families. In old times very little could be said for the soldiers' barracks, and I remember that at Loodiana they were constructed of unburnt bricks, and so badly put together that during a violent storm in 1844 some of the buildings were blown down at nighttime, and many of the soldiers of the 50th Queen's killed, with some women and children, and a 399 goodly number much injured. It was Sir Charles Napier who managed to bring about much of the improvements in housing and feeding the soldiers. The work (chiefly Criminal Sessions cases and appeals) was rather heavy, and the criminal cases at Peshawur are generally of a very unsatisfactory kind, as the people are very much indisposed to come forward in support of the law, though always ready to back up false charges against their enemies; such conduct arising from the constant feuds between tribes and families. Thus, if a head-man of a village had been shot or stabbed at night-time, there were always plenty of witnesses ready to swear that they saw a certain number of the deceased's well - known enemies making off from the scene of the murder, though it may have been a very dark night, when to recognize any one at a few yards' distance would be impossible. Such witnesses doubtless satisfy their consciences with the certainty that if the accused were not there, they were concerned indirectly in the murder. It thus so happened that convictions were recorded on weak proof, though the judge might feel quite satisfied of the guilt of the accused; and in many such cases the chief court would upset the verdict, 400 being ignorant of the great difficulties which beset the Peshawur judges and magistrates. The frontier Puthan is a very proud, and as a rule a bold fellow; but there is a strong tinge of wildness and ferocity in his character; and in illustration I mention the following case:—A headman, or mullik, of a vUlage was stabbed at night in the hot season when asleep in the open in the very midst of the village, and surrounded by sleeping relations and friends. The assassin was not seized at the time, and until three days had passed no person had been apprehended on suspicion. The mortally - wounded man had been stabbed in the stomach with a large Affghan knife, and he immediately asked for the tuhseeldar, or native collector, and for fear he should bleed to death before his arrival, would not have the knife withdrawn. To the tuhseeldar he dictated his wishes very calmly regarding the disposal of his property, and then begged his son to pull out the knife, which he did, and saw his father expire in a few minutes. On the trial of three men accused as implicated in this murder, the tuhseeldar deposed to the circumstances which threw suspicion 401 on the prisoners, upon which one of them, a Puthan of very imposing appearance, called out to me in a sneering tone—" Why, Sir, you surely won't consider such a witness reliable, when I tell you that the cowardly fellow nearly fainted away when he saw the knife pulled out of the body of the wounded man;" and from the murmur which went through the court it was evident that the listeners most fully agreed in opinion with the accused, any such exhibition of weakness being in their view a moral sin. In appearance they are generally fine-looking specimens of humanity, and I have come across several with truly grand countenances and bodily presence, such as artists would value very highly for models of statues for an Abraham, Moses, Joshua; or Saul. Of course the judicial work of a commissioner is of a very important character, and the appointment carries with it a high salary; but I found on the whole that the position of a district officer was a far more interesting one, as a commissioner misses greatly the long and very enjoyable marches through the outlying portions of extensive districts, where the scenery is generally so much more 402 attractive than near the stations; and besides this, there was not that full and free intercourse with the people, and the pleasant chats with head-men of villages and intellectual natives after the office work of the day, for a civil officer who has gained the confidence of the agricultural classes would soon draw from the elders exciting tales of days of old which they had heard from their fathers or grandfathers; and many hours have thus been spent by me in India whilst sitting outside my tent at evening enjoying the fine air of autumn or spring. It was during our term at Peshawur in 1872, that Lord Mayo, the very popular Viceroy, was killed at the Andaman Islands by a convict. These islands are in the Indian Ocean, and most of the life-term convicts are sent there from India; and the assassin of Lord Mayo was a Puthan from Peshawur, who at the time of his conviction (as accessory to the murder of another Puthan) was a chupprassy (orderly) of the Commissioner, and a man very well thought of, and fully deserving of trust as an official. His family had, however, for a long time been at feud with another family 403 of the same tribe, such feuds being as deadly as the ancient Corsican ones; and since the murdered man would doubtless without scruple have taken the life of this chupprassy, or of any of his near relations, the frontier men from their primitive1 view of social matters thought the prisoner had been hardly dealt with, and a sense of injustice doubtless rankled deeply in his breast and induced him to do the foul deed—all his petitions having been rejected by the Government, who stoutly declined to interfere. I have often heard accusations brought forward against the police of India for bringing great pressure, even to the extent of torture, to bear upon accused persons with a view to making them confess their guilt, and I daresay that many of such accusations are without foundation; but there is no doubt that at times such measures are resorted to by unscrupulous native police officers; and Mr. Chalmers, who was with me at Goojranwala for some time during the year of the Mutiny, told me how at Saharanpore all his silver plate was stolen, and he at once gave information to the native head of police, who after a very strict 404 examination of all Mr. Chalmers' servants told that gentleman that he suspected the thief to be his sweeper (mihtar), and if Mr. Chalmers would let him imprison the man and adopt his own procedure, he would obtain a confession and the recovery of the property. Chalmers said he would allow him to do as he liked, provided that he (Chalmers) was present. The man was then brought into the yard of the police building and thrown upon his back with his arms stretched out, and a native bedstead being brought, a leg of it was placed on the palm of each hand—a policeman lying on the bedstead. The accused was then asked to tell where he had placed the stolen silver, on which he stoutly denied his guilt. A second policeman was then told to get on the bedstead; but well squeezed as the man's hands were, he still denied his guilt. Whereupon a third policeman was added, and eventually a fourth; on which, the man being unable to bear the pain confessed his guilt, and told where the silver was hidden. Chalmers, after finding it, directed that the man be released. An officer of rank also told me (on the promise that I would never mention his name) that when in the Punjab with his 405 regiment he had some jewellery stolen from his house, and the native police officer said that if he was allowed to frighten the accused the property would be recovered. The suspected man was the officer's washerman, and the police officer tied his legs and arms, and surrounded him with a quantity of thorny bushes in a dry state. The man was then told that if he did not confess and point out the stolen property, the bushes would be set on fire. He denied all knowledge of the robbery, so the bushes were lighted up; but the man made no acknowledgment of guilt, and further steps were not taken against him—though he was warned that if he said anything of the ordeal he had been subjected to, it would certainly be the worse for him. The officer said that the heat must have been scorching, and the man was either very brave or quite innocent. At times I went to Kohat and Murdan to try Sessions cases, and two months of my first year (1871) were spent at Abbotabad, a delightful hill retreat about 5,000 feet above the sea level. In the second year I had a wooden house of three rooms constructed at Cherat, a lull place about the 406 same height as Abbotabad; and Agnes remained there with Reginald most of the hot weather, I paying them a visit occasionally, having horses laid out from Peshawur, thirty miles distant. The ride was thought to be a rather risky one at night-time or very early in the morning, but I always had an armed mounted policeman with me as an escort, and never met with the least annoyance. Cherat was considered a very healthy place as a depot for invalid soldiers from Peshawur and Noushera, as the climate was so dry and a breeze was always blowing. General Wilson (commanding the Peshawur district) and his wife spent some time there each hot season, and we used to have very good croquet parties; and at times garrison races and games came off, there being a good-sized piece of flat ground large enough for pony races. Agnes had an armed watchman always at night. He was a monthly-paid servant, and I got the head-men of a village near Cherat to furnish one, by which they in a measure became responsible for his good behaviour. At times there would be alarms of an attack by the neighbouring Afreedee tribes, and very strong pickets were always posted at night in suitable spots for checking any inroad; 407 and when riding down at very early morning in the vicinity of one of these pickets I always felt there was the chance of getting a shot or two from nervous young soldiers, and my mounted orderly admitted that he felt rather uncomfortable till we had passed out of range by the winding descent. Robberies by the hill-men from independent territory were far too frequent, and more than once some rifles were actually stolen from the soldiers' tents. Our hut was never visited by robbers; but Mrs. Raper, the wife of Colonel Raper of the Artillery, heard a noise in her bedroom one night when a light was burning, and she saw a hill-man filling a bag with clothes of her's and her children. The thief knew that she was watching him from her bed, but calmly continued to fill his bag; whilst she was afraid to awake her husband sleeping by her side, as his loaded revolver was in another room, and if he attempted to stop the man he would certainly get stabbed; so she kept quiet until the man had effected his object and decamped. Mrs. Anderson, the wife of Colonel Anderson, who also lived near, was robbed at 408 night - time; and another lady was completely cleared out of her valuables by a band of thieves, who, however, offered her no violence. We had a sporting chaplain at Peshawur named Adams, and I saw that he gained the Victoria Cross in the late Affghan campaign under General Roberts. He was a good and bold rider, and when the hounds did not meet, would join in paper-chases, he at times being the fox. In doctrine he was a High Churchman, and I believe performed his duties in a thorough manner; and I knew that when cholera was bad in 1872, he was very regular in visiting the sick in cantonments and in the movable camp. Like so many others, he was rather harsh to natives; and he once told me in the most unconcerned manner that he paid his servants monthly, and always placed the pay in small heaps on the carpet for each man to take up. Those who had committed faults during the month were allowed to choose between a small deduction from their pay or a few cuts with a whip administered by his hand. Bad as this conduct was, I cannot say that I was much astonished to hear of such from a clergyman of the Church of 409 England, as I never met but one Government chaplain in India who seemed at all to understand the native character or take any interest in the people. They come out late in life, take their duties easily, and after fifteen years retire on a fair pension, with the prospect of a living in England. Adams used to visit Cherat at times and preach a sermon, as also Kohat, making these trips very expeditiously on relays of horses, sometimes riding to Kohat for morning service and returning to Peshawur for the evening one on Sundays. This showed great powers of endurance in the hot season, the distances being so great. The cholera broke out at Peshawur just before we came down from Cherat in 1872, and Reginald got out of order shortly after we reached the station in October, frightening us rather. However, a dose of prepared charcoal set him all right. Archery was introduced by Colonel Hume, of the 55th Regiment, and the meetings were good and fully attended: the regimental bands playing close by. There was also a good deal of croquet, and our lawn was a very good one for it, as we kept it nice and green by conveying the water from the channel just outside the grounds. This water 410 channel passed through the entire cantonment, and came from the Barah river. It was considered very good drinking water by the natives, but was too muddy for European taste. I heard the other day that it was now conducted for many miles in iron pipes, and so reached the station clear and drinkable. It was this plentiful supply of water that made the gardens at Peshawur so green and luxuriant. In the city I found there was a large market-place called " Cripps' Gunge,"* in commemoration of my former work as city magistrate in 1854—55. Major Ommaney, Deputy Commissioner, by accident made mention of this in my presence; but I had no idea that the city people had so noticed my work. The city of Peshawur had certainly been greatly improved of late years, and a great deal had been done by Major Ommaney in the way of draining and paving the streets. The Mission School is a very good one; but the converts have been very few. When I was there in 1872 they removed the head master (a Mahomedan gentleman of great local influence), and in his stead r The Indian word for market. 411 appointed a Christian master, which certainly seemed appropriate, though I daresay it somewhat reduced the number of scholars, for the Mahomedans did not like the change at all, though it certainly seemed very unsuitable to have a Mahomedan teacher at the head of a Mission school. I was told that the arrangement had been found necessary at first when the school was started, for if the master had been a Christian then the attendance would have been extremely small, and the scheme would probably have been abandoned. I have always thought that the missionaries in India do great good by their exertions in the educational Hne, but little by their preaching. The people as a rule are deeply superstitious, and nothing but a thorough English education will enable a man or woman to throw off the grosser portion of such low ideas. I can remember well how in 1865 or 1866 at Goorgaon the people were flocking by thousands to pay their respects to a Hindoo fakeer in Rohilkund, about 100 miles from Goorgaon. This man' had a character for super - excellent sacredness, the story being that when journeying from Meerut to Rohilkund he reached a ferry on the Ram Gunga river, and asked the ferryman to 412 take him across. This the man declined to do unless paid the usual coppers in advance. The fakeer reproved him for demanding money from a man in his position, but said "it mattered little, as God when requested would soon make an earthen bridge for him across the stream ;" and on his offering up a prayer, lo! and behold! a bank was soon seen to make its appearance right across to the other side, on which the holy man passed over dry shod, to the amazement of the ferryman and other onlookers. The report of the miracle soon spread abroad, and caused an immense migration of people, who made small and large offerings to the holy man, who had taken up his quarters at a convenient spot near the river. The chief Civil officer feeling anxious about this affair went to the spot, and inquiry showed that the silt from an adjacent canal had that season formed a bank for some distance in the main bed of the river, but not quite across; and a few days after his visit, the flood waters had washed the bank entirely away. Thus the origin of this strange story; though of course the people said that " if the Sahib had only come at an earlier date, he would have seen the earthen bridge across the river from 413 bank to bank." Inquiry, however, from the most reliable sources, showed that such had never been the case. If so queer a story was thoroughly believed in the year 1866 by a credulous Asiatic people, what wonder is there that a similar credulous, and more barbarous people in ancient times could so easily believe in wondrous miracles in other parts of the world. Superstition is doubtless fading away somewhat before science* and the schoolmaster; but it wUl die hard, and many generations will not see its collapse even in old England. I have mentioned how at Peshawur the hill-men would make raids upon villages, and carry off women with a view to squeezing the husbands or relations to come down with a good sum as ransom money; and when I was at Peshawur in 1854—55 some of these robbers carried off a young woman, the wife of a mahout (elephant driver) attached to the Government Commissariat Department. I had more than once * Science may be said to be yet in its lusty boyhood, whilst Superstition has passed middle age, and has only commenced a career of decline. 414 observed this young woman when riding round the city of a morning on my visits of inspection, and it was her custom to carry on her culinary arrangements close to the road and near the gateway of the Commissariat cattle-yard; such a position giving her full opportunity for flirting with male passers-by, who to my knowledge fully availed themselves of such opportunity, as the young woman was comely in every way. It was at early morning that her distressed husband came to my office to relate the story of her seizure, and petitioned for Government aid in recovering her. He was simply told that it would require a small army to recover her by force, and such a proceeding could not be thought of; his only course, if prompt recovery was desired, being to ascertain what amount of ransom was required. I did all I could for him, and through the head-men of one of the border villages her recovery was effected, though the purse of her husband and of some of his relations must have been considerably lightened by the transaction. I forget the exact amount which was paid, but I do not suppose it was short of £50 or 500 rupees, for the hill-men are rather grasping, and well aware of the powerful position 415 they occupy. Short of sending a military force the only way of coercing them is by blockading' the offending tribe or tribes by capturing the tribesmen or women, who are to be found in the low lands; and I have seen as many as 200 men of one offending tribe in the Peshawur gaol, and there they had to remain till redress had been enforced by payment of some fine, and contrition been expressed by the head-men, or mulliks, as they are styled. I omitted to mention that in 1866, when I was officiating as Commissioner at Delhi, there was rather an absurd panic amongst the railway officials at Ghazeeabad, a great depot and junction a few miles from Delhi and towards Meerut. The people at Delhi were surprised to see a long special train coming in with all the raUway establishment and their families from Ghazeeabad, bringing the report that a mutiny had occurred at Meerut and that the mutineers were then on their way to Delhi, as in 1857. They were of course laughed at to a very unpleasant extent, and it was never clearly known how such a strange report arose; but at a time of panic people will believe any- 416 thing, and a day or two before there had been a silly rumour about an intended rising of all the butchers at Delhi—this rumour having nothing sound as a foundation. I give an instance of how an excited imagination in a time of panic can give quite false impressions to persons of nervous temperament. It was during the commencement of the Mutiny of 1857, when I was at Goojranwala, that orders had been issued secretly for the dispatch of 100 soldiers of the 81st Regiment from Meean Meer by ekkas* at night to Umritsur, forty miles off, for the purpose of taking over charge of the fort at Umritsur from the native detachment then in possession, as it was considered a very important post to hold. I had been informed confidentially of the intention of the authorities, and was of course anxious to hear the result, when a European sergeant of the Sappers came by mail-cart from Meean Meer, and brought the report that the English soldiers were not allowed to enter the fort, and on attempting to force an entry had been defeated by the Sepoys with much loss; and * One-horse conveyances of native manufacture. "iiiiL 417 he declared that he had got this information from a sergeant of the detachment who had been badly wounded. The informant was a sober man, and of very good character; but it afterwards turned out that the soldiers had not met with any opposition, but had been allowed to quietly march into the fort—the entire story being baseless, showing that the narrator's nerves had been overstrung. With respect to hallucinations, I remember that in a trial where the notorious Mrs. Weldon sought for damages for illegal detention in a lunatic asylum, it was held by the Court that those who thought they heard voices of unseen beings could not be considered as dangerously insane. My experience points otherwise, for at Ferozepore there was a Major Backhouse, commanding a mountain battery, who, on being visited by his medical man one afternoon for a slight bodily ailment, told the latter that it was a blessing he had not come at the usual time of early morning, as he (Backhouse) had been waiting behind the wall of the compound with a loaded gun ready to shoot him, spiritual voices having told him " that such would be for the doctor's eternal welfare;" though he had since come round to a different opinion, and would have 418 been truly sorry to have taken the life of so good a> friend. The doctor, after leaving the house, called up the major's bearer, who admitted to having seen his master with his gun waiting under the wall, and on the weapon being brought out, it was found to be loaded up to the muzzle. Major Backhouse was after this well watched by order of the general commanding, and from that day showed decided symptoms of insanity, being eventually sent to England under charge of two soldiers. He had been in the campaigns in Affghanistan from 1839 to the end of 1842, and the sad massacre in 1842 had affected his mind; and at mess one evening he admitted that when he reached the precincts of Cabul with General Pollock's force in 1842, his anger was so great that he at once went to the city and cut down the first Affghan he came across, and this had afterwards preyed upon his mind, "as he felt it was nought but murder, and that God would certainly send him to hell for it." He had gained a good name as a highly meritorious and brave officer. Throughout 1871 and 1872 I had enjoyed very fair health at Peshawur, yet on leaving I was 419 attacked with fever and ague when on my journey to Jullundur, to which division I had been transferred as additional Commissioner during the cold season of 1872. I soon shook off the fever, as I did on a former occasion in 1855 ; but it is strange, that on both occasions I should have escaped fever when at Peshawur, and been attacked so quickly after leaving the place. At Jullundur we got a pretty good house in the cantonments, but the garden was poor; and I did not Hke the change, as my cutcherry (office) was about two miles from the cantonments, and I had to take up the appeals from the Courts in the Umritsur Division also, which necessitated my being half the year at Umritsur. It was at Jullundur that Reginald's arm was so badly burnt with scalding milk, the shepherd having upset it over him when bringing a large degchee* full from the kitchen. Reginald was running towards the cook-room when the collision occurred. The boy suffered a good deal, and the injured arm took a long time to heal. Our opposite neighbour was Mr. Penn, a retired uncovenanted civil officer. He had a very * Cooking pot. ill 420 large library, and being very obliging about lending his books, I found him a most convenient neighbour. When he came to Jullundur, one of his daughters told me that it required twenty-five carts for the carriage of the books. I generally rode to office, as I had a rather nice mare which went weU in saddle, though in harness she used to give trouble. We brought our carriage and pair from Peshawur, and those we did not part with till I took furlough to England in the beginning of 1874. At Umritsur we had really no fixed abode, and on two occasions of my working there we stayed at hotels, and on only one occasion did I rent a house. Colonel Reynell Taylor put us up for some time before we left for England in the spring of 1874. It was in the hot season of 1873 that I took a house at Dalhousie, and Reginald was sent there under charge of his Aunt Carry, we joining her in August, having at that time just heard of the death of my mother, my father having died in 1851. It was a very large house, having been used at one time as the assembly room where the station parties and dances came off; and one large room, nearly fifty feet long, was made our 421 general working room, and whilst I carried on my office work at one end, Agnes and Carry sat at their table at the other end, Reginald amusing himself with his toys. We often played games of Badminton in this room when it rained. There were some agreeable people at Dalhousie, and we rather liked the place, which was as cool as Simla, and less foggy. The hill people were much the same as those at Murree and other hill resorts in the Punjab, and as a rule these hill people may be described as very honest. A common coolie earning fourpence or sixpence a day as wages can be trusted on a journey with articles of great value, and he is certain to bring them all safe to the journey's end. This may be accounted for from their simple mode of life, far from the struggling crowds of populous towns. The hill-women are also said to be more virtuous than their sisters on the plains of India, and this is supposed to be specially the case in Nepal. Altogether, I think the Indian peasant of the plains and hills will bear comparison with the labourers in towns and counties of England in everything but bodily strength, and though less able to bear the fatigue of hard labour than 422 Northern races, yet the Indian peasant has a very laborious life in those parts where well irrigation is required; and it is told of the Jat peasant that he will work for the whole twenty-four hours in seasons of drought, when it is so necessary to keep the weUs going. These Jats are a fine warlike race of men, and are principally found near the Jumna river about Muttra, Goorgaon, Bhurtpoor, Agra, and the adjacent towns. The Sikh peasants are said to be descendants of the Jats, and are hardy labourers in their fields. The family tie amongst Hindoos may well be said to be much stronger than what is found in modern Europe, it being a very common thing to find families holding landed estates and other real property jointly in quite an undivided condition; such, perhaps, having been the case for many generations. So strong indeed is the family tie, that a magistrate when taking evidence is often obliged to cross-question a witness closely before he can ascertain his or her exact relationship to some other person concerned in the case. For instance, a witness will say " So and so is my brother," and it will be necessary to ask him " If he means that he is his own brother," when 423 perhaps he will reply " No; he is a son of my uncle." Again, a man will describe a youth as his son, or vice versa a youth will call a man his father, when really their relationship is that of uncle and nephew, the father perhaps having died when he was a child. All this shows how close the family ties are. In villages and towns it is common to find grandfathers and grandmothers living in the houses with their children and grandchildren, their ancestors having lived in the same manner for generations. The respect of children to parents, to all outward appearance, is very great, such being a part of their religion. It is a hopeful thing to see such fine traits of character still existing in a people who were possessed of a high civilization when the inhabitants of England were living in a savage state, and any intelligent observer cannot help seeing that the Mahomedans and Hindoos of India most undoubtedly show capabilities for a much higher civilization, being (especially the Hindoos) most eager for knowledge of every description. Early in February Agnes and I, with Reginald, started for England, paying first a visit of a few 424 days to Agra, where we saw all the grand old buildings. Cawnpore was also visited, where the beautiful Memorial gardens and Memorial church pleased us much. At Lucknow we wandered over the grounds of the ruined Residency where the nobje .defence was made in 1857; and after seeing all the other lions we paid Major Cock a visit at Seetapore, where he was station staff. He was kind enough to collect for us a goodly number of birds, which he got carefully skinned, and some of them now adorn our hall in a glass case. From Seetapore we came back through Lucknow and so on to Allahabad and Jabbulpore, where we saw the marble rocks, and Bombay, where we put up at the Governor's house; Sir Philip Wodehouse, the Governor, having been a great friend of my uncle, George Cripps, at Ceylon. From Bombay we started early in March, and had a very rough passage between Alexandria and Brindisi, staying two nights at the latter place. Naples was next visited, where we remained a week, enjoying greatly our visits to -Pompen and the wonderful museum. At Rome we met Emily, and stayed seventeen days in the Constanzi Hotel, 425 with which we were quite satisfied. All the usual sights were visited, and we saw so many grand old ruins — churches, pictures, and sculpture galleries,, artist's studios, etc., etc.—that any detail would be irksome, not only to me, but to any future reader of this journal. I can only say that I would have gladly spent six months at the Eternal City, and. perhaps after the lapse of that long period would, have yet found much to amuse and interest me. Reginald certainly expressed disapproval at being- dragged through so many galleries and churches, and especially disliked seeing so many St. Sebastians- pierced with arrows; but the boy was really never tired, and kept in capital health. From Rome we went to Florence, where we had a pleasant week, our hotel being the Hotel de l'Arno. At Venice our hotel was the "New York," where we remained six days. At Milan we stayed three days; at Turin two days; and Geneva four days, whence we went to Paris via Macon, sleeping there one night. At Paris we stayed five days, and then came to . England via Boulogne. In England we remained till the spring of 1876, returning to India with EmUy and Grace—Alfred being left at Malvern College, Arthur at Wellington College, Lionel and 426 Godfrey at Mr. Austen's at Cheltenham, and Reginald about to go to the Misses Hill's at the same place; their holidays to be jointly spent at Wakefield and Stone, all pecuniary matters having been kindly undertaken by their aunt, Mrs. Armytage. I left England in poor health, but the voyage quite set me up; and I may truly say that all our voyages to and from India were pleasant for myself, though generally unpleasant for Agnes, who was not a good sailor. We remained in India for two years, my district being Rawul Pindi, where there was a large military cantonment, so that Emily and Grace had a fine time of it, except that Grace suffered for a short time from a severe attack of illness. Some portion of our two hot seasons was spent at the Murree hills, which were within the district. The only important events during the two years which I can call to memory are the proclamation of the Queen as Empress of India in January, 1877, when a grand parade of the garrison came off and a durbar for the Native gentry; secondly, a very heavy downpour of rain, amounting to nine inches in twenty-four hours, 427 with the destruction of two large and important bridges on that occasion. The Ambassador from Turkey also stayed some time at the station on his way to the Ameer of Cabul, and I had to perform the duties of entertainer to the distinguished official, who, however, most signally failed to obtain any promise of assistance from the Cabul ruler against the Russians; and the subordinate Envoy who was sent to the Akhoond of Swat also failed to arouse the religious bigotry of that notable, as already mentioned in a former chapter. Sir Lewis Pelly, the emissary sent by Lord Lytton, the Viceroy, to attempt the coercion of the Ameer on the question of an English Envoy at his capital, also stayed a short time with us; and he also failed in his mission, unless any success can be credited to him for embittering the relations between the Affghan and Indian Governments, and so causing a war, for he certainly did that. Emily and Grace had a small taste of camp life by joining me when on the march in tents to Attock, and our morning rides were very enjoyable to that place and back to the station, as the weather was all that could be wished. 428 Before I retired from civil employ we paid a visit to Cashmere, and any of the family who wish for a detailed account of those seven weeks' •camping-out must seek for it in the joint journal, in which daily occurrences will be found recorded. Agnes and I most thoroughly enjoyed the trip; though the girls probably would have preferred to remain at Murree, where there was plenty of the gaiety they delighted in. After our arrival in England, to which I had retired for a permanency on Colonel's allowances, I looked out for a house near to London, and also near a good school where some of the boys could go as day scholars; but all suitable houses very near London were too costly in rent. So in October, 1878, we settled down in a semi-detached house at Reading, situated to the south of the town, on high ground and a mile from the railway station,—and at No. 2, Christ Church Gardens we have resided up to this year (1886). Alfred failed | to get into the Indian Civil Service—and the change in the rules certainly told against him—-but he got a scholarship at Lincoln College, Oxford, and is now a master at «-> 4 f 429 Mr. Pipon's school at Llandulas, in Wales. Arthur is in the Bengal Staff Corps, and has been lately posted to the 20th Punjab Infantry at Allahabad, and has also taken to himself a wife, and of course t writes in a very happy strain. Lionel is overseer at his Uncle Alfred's farm at Cranemere, Cape of Good Hope, and has charge of the live stock; he has also a small venture of his own in goats. Godfrey is a clerk in the Standard Bank at Burghersdorp, Cape Colony ; and Reginald is a scholar at Winchester College—having been lately very ill with blood poisoning, caused I conclude by the bad sanitary arrangements. Emily is with us, and Grace is a sister at the Royal Naval Hospital at Plymouth.* These Recollections commence with my departure for India; but it may be that my family would like to know something of my boyhood. I was born at Cirencester on the 31st May, 1823; but my earliest recollections are of Gloucester, where * Alfred and Mr. Lewis have now (1888) a joint school of their own at Bromborough ; Arthur is in the Commissariat Department at Rawul Pindi, with a wife and child; Lionel and Godfrey are at Klerksdorp Gold-fields (Transvaal); and Reginald is a scholar at Brasenose (Oxford); Emily is at home, and Grace still at Plymouth Naval Hospital. 430 my father held for some years the position of Manager of the Gloucester branch of the Bank of England, and I believe it was a well-paid appointment. My first school^was one for day boys only, kept by Mrs. Sjkesf an old lady of whom I have some recollection, and I there learnt to read and write. From there I was removed to Mr. Fmfon's school at Cheltenham as a boarder with my brother James, my age being about eight years. Jt, was certainly a first-class school, and its jeculiarity was that most interesting lectures- Wyfe glt#k*' ^Ff jthe head master on Astronomy^ MectrXcpy, ^team|/£$fc^ with the aid of excellent models: and we all liired^ them. I was there at the time that cholera- w^te/ so bad in many parts of England, and especially at Gloucester when I was home for the holidavw in 1832, and it caused our flight to Ma^n*Ml a short stay. I cannot say how long I remained at tha# school, but my next experience was as a day scholar/ at the College School at Gloucester, ruled over bm a very able man, Doctor Evans; and amongst my schoolfellows I can remember the ; cjjSfebrated Sir 431 Samuel Baker and his younger brother, known afterwards as Baker Pasha.* From this school I went to Doctor Firminger's at Edmonton, where I must have been two years or so before leaving for India. It was a preparatory school for youths about to enter the Civil and Military services of the East India Company, and all the boys who had not direct appointments as I had were destined for Haileybury or Addiscombe. I was always told that I was a clever boy; but I had no great taste for work, yet sufficient pride to keep a good position in the classes; but this was comparatively easy, owing to my extremely good memory. I was very fond of all games, especially cricket, and I did well at gymnastics. Of course I left school at far too early an age, and felt in after life the want of about three years more schooling; but luckily I was very fond of reading. I had the somewhat rare experience as a boy of having been twice concerned in what are known as " barrings out." The first came off at Mr. Fallon's when I was quite a * The large school-room formed a part of the Cathedral building, and one of the walls of the Cathedral bounded the play-ground. 432 small boy, and as well as I can remember was caused by an unfair deprivation of a half-holiday. It was a failure, and several big boys were well flogged. The second "barring out" occurred at Doctor Firminger's, and we pelted the masters with books and slates. The cause was the badness of the food; and our action brought about a reformation on that head, and no boys were punished. I can well remember the great excitement at the time of the Reform Bills in 1831—32, and the Bristol Riots in the former year, when the 14th Dragoons were ordered off from Gloucester at midnight. As a boy I witnessed two elections at Gloucester, with the chairing of the victorious candidates and wide-spread drunkenness. I was a thorough little Tory, and was reproved by our nurse (Betsy) for abusing Mr. Philpotts, the Radical member, and told to bear in mind that " he was the man for the big loaf," thereby meaning that he was for the abolition of the Corn Laws. I found my coaching trips between Gloucester and London very pleasant, and on my last journey ■a 433 from l London in 1839 the Great Western Railway was finished as far as Maidenhead, and the coach was placed on a truck and carried so far. It is seen from this record of my Indian career that my entire term of service, including the periods on leave, was thirty-eight years, and out of that only six years were what can be called as on real military employ; and it was only during these six years that I saw any active service—viz., in Affghanistan, and on the Sutlej against the Sikhs. Three years were occupied in political employ, and had Colonel Thoresby, the Resident at Nepal, accepted the offer that the Government made him of the Rajpootana Agency (one of the highest and most important in India), he would have taken me with him; but after considering for some days he thought he had served long enough, and declined the distinguished offer, which made me ask for a transfer; and all the rest of my twenty-nine years' service was in civil employ in the Punjab, and it was what I liked above all other employment, as it is by far the most interesting for men who do not mind heavy office work; and is also a well - paid 434 department, as I drew the equivalent of £3,000 a year when holding the appointment of Commissioner. I have now been in England eight years; but my health has never been very good, owing to frequent attacks of asthma; and I often yearn for the old Indian Hfe, as freer and altogether pleasanter than what I find in England. That there may be no misunderstanding on this head, I think it advisable to record that I am and have been for many years in sympathy with the teaching of the very Broad Church party; and I always looked upon Dean Stanley as a fine type of that class of thinkers, as his books and sermons showed him to have been a large-minded and generous-hearted man. In the ranks of High and Low Churchmen I have seen very little of that broad charitable sympathy which embraces the whole human race, but rather a narrow sectarian sympathy, which to me seems quite opposed to the main lines of the Gospel; for example, I have known High Church families indisposed to even make the acquaintance of their Low Church neighbours in the same parish, merely on account 435 of their sectarian leanings, and vice versa, and this amongst people who otherwise possessed all the qualities needful for good-fellowship. On my first visit to England, in 1860, after twenty years of Indian life, I was once walking in a Western county with a clergyman of the Establishment, who pointed out to me a hill from which on a clear day more than forty spires of village churches could be seen, and on my remarking " How delightful it was to think that all the clergymen of those quiet-looking parishes were working harmoniously together, with one heart and one aim, for the general good of their fellows," he turned round with a look of amazement, and exclaimed f What ! working together harmoniously ? Why, several of them are hardly on speaking terms with each other." And on further inquiry such appeared to be the case, and it made me think much, and refrain hereafter from forming any hasty opinions in such like matters even in much-glorified old. England. Both High and Low Church, moreover, lay claim to infallibility, holding as they do to the Athanasian Creed. 436 The tendency of the present age is certainly towards encouraging the very high or ritualistic clergy in their vagaries, and the younger women of the upper classes are easily induced to attach great importance to sacraments and ornate ritual, whereby the clergy gain much power. This tendency is of course towards superstition, and Rome, and must I think result in a strong reaction, and eventually to Disestablishment. People in India are so far from the actual bustle and excitement of politics, that as a rule they are not partisans, but go more for measures than men. My sympathies, however, have always been with the Liberals since the Corn Law agitation of 1846. Sir Robert Peel, who took the leading part in eventually abolishing the obnoxious law, up to that time had been a Tory, and all my family were Tories; my grandfather, Joseph Cripps, having represented Cirencester for a long course of years as a Tory Member, and after his death my uncle, William Cripps (barrister), took his place as Member, and joined the Ministry Of Sir Robert Peel as a Junior Lord of the Treasury. I have followed Mr. Gladstone's career from that time 437 with much interest, as he, like a true patriot, and friend as well as leader of the working classes, joined Sir Robert Peel in the good cause; and from that time he has been a consistent Liberal, and I think him quite a man of commanding genius, and one of the greatest statesmen England has ever been blessed with, and consequently more hateful to the Tories than even Sir Robert Peel was. My friends have sometimes asked me how, being a military man, I ever became a Liberal; and to such my answer was—" That on a campaign I always liked to be with the advanced guard, and history shows very clearly that the Liberal party has always been on the side of the people and for true freedom, and therefore the party of progress; and so long as there are wrongs to be righted, and laws to be improved, so long must I be a Liberal." It may afford Tories much pleasure to use their best efforts for six years to keep a properly- elected Member from taking his seat on account of his theological opinions being far from orthodox; 438 but such policy seems to me very paltry,* and quite unbecoming in a free people; and as long as such persecution is allowable there can be no true freedom of conscience, for most sure am I that no human being is capable of judging another on the religious question, and every one must be left to settle that very important subject with his own conscience; for in matters of religion we find two extreme sections very strongly defined, whether it be with Hindoos, Buddhists, Mahomedans, or Christians—viz., the larger section, represented by a great majority who submissively follow their priests or representative teachers without taking any pains to study the history of their religions, and refusing to listen to any arguments which might shake their belief; and at the other extreme is the smaller section, but containing those of a higher culture with logical and inquiring minds, who can take nothing for granted, but require satisfying proof before conviction can enter the mind. Both these sections may be composed of * Now (1888) the Tory party are in power they have entirely changed their tactics on the Affirmation question, and what was declared to be a deadly blow at religion in 1883, is now an acceptable and proper measure. O tempora ! O mores !! 439 thoroughly conscientious persons, though one is swayed by faith and custom, the other by culture and reason and what seems to be a strong love for the truth as truth. Then between these extremes are found in all religions large masses holding various shades of opinions with more or less leaning to one extreme, and this it is which makes it so utterly impossible for human beings to judge their fellows with any fairness on so momentous a question; and I most fully agree with St. Paul in thinking that without charity— viz., love or kindliness—and full consideration for the feelings of others, we must be nought but worthless, and I therefore rejoiced to see the Universities opened" to aspiring young men of all creeds who were unable to subscribe to the Thirty- nine Articles. I also rejoiced to see purchase in the Army abolished, as also the tax on paper relinquished, and love of literature thereby encouraged. And again I rejoiced to see Nonconformists allowed to bury their dead in the village churchyards with their simple services, and School Boards established. Yet all the above measures, and many others perhaps as good and useful, were vigorously opposed by the Tories in 440 my lifetime, and it seemed to me that they opposed almost every good measure so long as they saw any prospect of defeating it. I make the above remarks in no spirit of bitterness, for it is highly probable that in thus opposing useful Liberal measures the Tories were acting quite conscientiously ; for human beings cannot go beyond the level of their intellectual and moral lights, some throwing off prejudices quicker than others, and applying reason where formerly prejudice was allowed to obscure their better judgment. I am confident that a large number of Tories, large-hearted though they may be, yet hold to their political creed simply from a feeling that their social position is more assured by doing so, and they are not prepared to risk the loss of an atom of that position by supporting the cause of justice and of human progress against privilege and crystallized customs; and one friend honestly admitted to me, " That greatly as he admired the Liberals for what they had done for freedom and progress in past years, yet he felt bound by old associations to the ranks of the privileged class, and must allow himself to go with the tide of Toryism." ERRATA. Page 4, line 15.—For particular read particularly. „ 11, last line.—For affect read effect. „ 29, line 6.—Read with a long. „ 39, „ 6.—For chappattu read chappattee. „ 141, „ 23, and also on pages 142 and 143.—For Segowby read Segowly. „ 285, „ 14.—For Kussoolie read Kussowlie. ,. 330, „ 16.—For Musree read Murree. ■MiCJ ^i. I I L*€(J f^St^jj^g^i
Annotation near title page.
Narratives
India
English
Vancouver : University of British Columbia Library
Reading : E. Langley, Lovejoys Library
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Original Format: University of British Columbia. Library. Rare Books and Special Collections. DS475.2.C75 A3 1888
India -- History -- 19th century
India--History--British occupation, 1765-1947
Recollections of my Indian career
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