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BC Historical Newspapers
[Taylor, Dave]
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BWGi Im <*; ■M.-*-k-*-K*-HC-M<++*-fc-M<*+-fc*+ $ CAMERON'S GROCERY* $ The Modern Store £ J PHONE 137 t SEX OUR AD *r Fiftieth Year; Np. 24— 1 THE SIMILKAMEEN STAR s • FINES!1 PICTURES * * at Princeton's J t CAPITOL THEATRE $ J Every Week-Night J PRINCETON, B.C., THURSDAY, ISth JUNE, 1950 5c per Copy; $2.00 per Year THE KOREAN SITUATION IN A NUTSHELL The Truth About Korea PHIS is the Munich of World-iscrupulous 1 War III. Truman is determined to make it Manich in re. verbis St.alin prepared to make it Danzig? That is the issue. . It is the. key to a i;lch Oriental prize; it is a^o a pawn in a total world play. Checkmated in Europe, Stalin probes at a softer, remoter spot. With 700 million people, tjtit Orient is a prize in itself. From the time of Marco Polo the west, has coveted it commercially; from Peter the Great'so has Russia— and politically. But new independent forces are .growing up in Asia. For a century there has been obscure but intense rivarlry for Asiatic dominance between Japan and Russia Wprld War II deposed Japan:, but'the folly of Yalta let Russia in by the back door. Now the occupying powers — chiefly America—have fa'len heir to an old role of holding the bear in Asia. It ties in with their world task. Stalin will play for himself. Conventions, ideologies, will not worrv him pr principles or passion** be'ray him- He will make the best of it. He; wan.Js Korea i^id the Orient, and the world- But he Wants to know how far and how fast the democracies will let him go. They have told him it is Danzig or Munich, as he chooses He will play for himself, as he figures to win. It is significant that he again chose to mask behind a local "civiPissue rather than launch a global Pearl Harbor; and the immediate claim that he is the invaded, not the inyadei; that he replies to our dare—perhaps most daring in history — with compiaini; for America virtua'-ly challenged him to settle it all here and now. But he has been shrewd enough in planning not to have to see it so. He knows America is determined to kick him out of South Korea and to fight any new aggression; nothing more. From now on he will have to fight. He had to know. If he is ready now, it is now; be cap pick his own time; his security lies precisely in that he was not , invaded. It has had, too the studied effect ot making Trygve Lie's post. Hitler had it, and messed it up But it took us four years to organize our power to the point where we could regain the initiative. Then it. was all over in a few months. The big punch. And as science progresses it is more and more one big punch. Stalin does not figure to make Hitter's mistake. If he had had the power this would have been all over long ago—perhaps even the atom bomb. But he has not a well-integra'cd industrial core and a natura1 manpower of war like Hitler had. And his organization was somewhat, riddled by Hitler,' his task complicated by the spur of the last war upon scientific weapons. He got right down to it, but he win not strike till he has the big punch. WE BROUGHT IT ON OURSELVES BY BAD WAYS, WORSE TACTICS Exploitation, Selfishness Prepared The Charge, Folly Handed Our 'Comrades' The Match — It Is AU War Anyway •— T\OES Korea mean World War * * * * * if ts at aU; that the only victory. 1 eventually won the war, in our -he only good sense is the inex- 1 hands as theirs, orable balance of one right io But when it was won it was all- To have it we must comne' apparent that the Communists it everywhere and start with it 1 had used them not to fight our in ourselves. Or this test is vain | war bnt theirs, hypocrisy and we cannot win. j But it was treason to suggest In the larger and smaller sig- | so then, what clear logic com- nificance. this is the battle .<■ | pelted; witness Lady Astor. And III? Probably nobody knows outside the Kremlin's inner ring But the indications are—no. Certainly President Truman does not know. Striking significance of his bold policy is that he is determined to find out—, ready to risk that war itse'f toj find out. 1' Korea is not the Danzig of And his intentions World War III. It may be the lftws in se'fish illusion—1% continuous shifting of false balance forced by selfish stresses. But this .simp'e logic, this one solution, in selfishness no man and ho system will ..accept. the American dollar, In a world pattern where the dolar is thf material symbol of the democratic ideal, and America its dominant power. Our democrat y is faulty but fundamentally right and inevitable and the democratic world ra'lies to protect I*- It was challenged by fascism and the challenge was beaten £ff But principle and logic being were somewhat signalled. There was precedent. Korea is in no wise the big punch He would throw in the works in a e-lobal blitz. His whole attitude is Munich, not Danzig. But America may be forcing him, by accident or design. He is unlikely to be tricked, but it is « tricky situation and a train reaction could mean war where neither side wants it. Stalin'*, plan is world mastery. He proceeds piecemeal in the soft spots, with his big final punch against the English- speaking world when he is ready The Far East is soft. He has made big gains Both sides are Paving for Far Eastern prestige and strategy. Korea is the first direct test. If we lose, not only have we lost ground- strategic- ground, but we have lost the faith of the AsiaU-s to hold the Far East, recover it to our camp. It concerns a large slice of the world's mass and masses In 1939 Stalin control'efl 300. minion people; to.day eight — more than half the world, if the poorer half. It is later than Munich. _ But Korea, as a pocket-piece. <?J?.ot. reassuring. As a local war, America was caught napping with her counterpunch. Her intelligence—observation and fore knowledge—,is jmore disturbing s'iII. It is Poland again. Korea is a small stage for a butz handicap and to win back the initiative will be difficult trip optimism ridiculous, with *W take time. That could brew the blame on the "hypocritical / °}e^er things in a tense situa west" of the United Nations. It is a subtle attempt, to discredit the U.N. which the U.N- has answered with courage. It could mean the end of Russia in the U-N. or else the end of the UN. It had to come. We can't draw back but he can. He does not care what we think; behind the iron curtain they wi'l think what they are 'told — that this is another affront by the imperialists beaten back by tlje people's protector. That is indicated. Stalin now knows what he had to know—, that we are ready for war. He is playing for himself; it will be when he is ready. Not likely now but only surer than ever To-day is it not loyalty that wins wars. It is not good soldiers It is supply. It is total war, with one powerful punch winning. It is bUtzkreig. In potential, the west still has the power. But it is not geared for war. To so convert it takes, time. The totalitarian works on the simple strategy of regimenting his lesser potential behind an iron curtain and the big lie, utter ruthlessness, to the point where he feels powerful enough to deliver a punch strong enough to cripple an over-aU tion. Both sides have tried to make guinea pigs of the Oriental. Am- erica has lost that one. and all the early rounds. The Asiatics are for themselves. Our era of ex ploitation is over. They are try. ing a new poison for an old oppression. To them the real enemy is hunger and misrule. The Russians have not been, there long enough to be found out, but they have seen in us no great aUy. For the little man here the out look is bleak. Everyone knows now what fo lows Munich. It will be a desperate arms race, costlier than ever. We pay — more guns, less butter. Profit and politics drive principle out—everywhere. Anfl from every dictator they inevitably rear against themselves and send ns to put down, they take new totalitarian tricks. A Local Link PRELIMINARY to Admiral Per ry's trade pact of 1851. he left a mission to negotiate. One of its members was the son of Archibald McDonald, fur-trader. He was the third known white stronger enemy before it can I man to visit Similkameen (1826) organize. Ini' iative is everything I Thus father and son served in gained hv surprise, however un-' winning the west and the east. Munich but it is a poker Mun ich, the tead card played bv s> much shrewder- subtler, opponent than Hitler and covered by a somewhat desperate America •le+ermined to make, it a Munich in reverse It is not a fisrht for Korea, which is of relatively little sig- nif'cauce in a crucial inevitable srlobal issue, but it is a crucial test-snot in that crucial struefle —in World War 1TT. the inevit. able Word War HI. which has been very real- if passive, since the foUy of Yalta unfolded * .if * It is war, and we are in i*— now, whether we fight or pay. Twice in our lives we have fought, wars to end war; it can't go on. We won both those wars. But did we? Before we get into this let us know how we can be su^-e we will win. Without knowing tha* it is not much good knowing Korea. First strip awav hvpoe-rifical ideologies which however thev motiva+e the 'ittie man who fights the wars a«d p^'s for them, are not the sacred urge in the nowers that make them. This is a war for power, for world poiver, between, the rival ambitions of American capital-, ism ami Russian Communism. It i*s a war to hold or *o -break the American $- And because i< Is stark realism that the $ is the symbol the material core, round which our ideals are crystallized, the idealist the little man. can and must rally in stout heart and good conscience, in the sheer necessity to save ar admittedly faulty vehicle as the means to perfect it. * if * In 1939. there were three cam-is- Fascism, f!omroun\ and Democracy Democracy is perhaps a misnomer, distorted into free enterprise-, with perhaps capitaUsm its real forxe. Equa'ly is Communism distorted- But democracy anfl communism are their Ideals. Faspism m.ery pnwy by. regimentation- dictated from the top; Communism fror' ■the bottom; jdemocrjciy free ohoicc of free people. As ideals the three are fundamentally irreconcilable. In reality a loose pattern, sufficiency followed for popular consent, by which personal interests seek power, they are eaual'y- in sheer rivalry, incompatible. World Wars II and III are conflicts both in social ideologies and private rivalries. DemaC/drac" cannot perfect itself within while & is threatened from, without. Nor Communism. As a social ideal or a private lust either of the three needs, eventually, a clear^field. Con munism cannot share, nor free enterprise develop, ighat it does not possess, of wha,t a rival covets. It is a world issue. The Soviet- like the Nazis simp'y aggravating!? consistent. bases its prospect i^j a world Comintern and its record, in peace and war, covert and overt, is in that clear cour.se Ideologies are selfish shams of an inexorable principle. Democracy—mass free choice — is. as dangerous as any ujrtss predicated on right choice In precept it is the .best formula man can 'devise; in practice it has left itself vulnerable to, nay inspired crudities like coiynunism and fascism. The real enemies are selfishness and ignorancevwhere ever they are found. And the worst ignorance is the selfish defiance of or blindness to inexor- ah'e moral laws It is al3_abou,t us, the ksysttjjie of the materialist worlfl we struggle to shape arid to ho'd. It is the ignorance .of sophisti- vaticjn. tragic ijj all our values— iW''spW(!esl^TWfniiappines"sVrit is on our radios and in our $$'— the freedom to be slaves to our baser selves. But it does not satisfy, it does not balance and there are wars — civil war^ of socia* and economic rivalry, and wars of world unbalance Because democracy, if it is to succeed any obscured ^>y the urgency of tb« moment, this involved a strange al'iance with what we aga n realise to. be un incompatible ideology ajid a challenge to the democratic way; in truth a challenge to the death. On!y one creed could survive and it had to have the whole world. AU three knew and pro. claimed it—and we forgot it. £a,cih Had Ito elminate the other two.- eventually; and eventually we were at war with fascism- We grovelled for an alliance with Communism to meet the more urgent threat. But the others cou'd bargain with even less principle and Bus sia signed a non-aggression pact with Germany that made our war with Germany inevitable, and usefl it to <rrab cheaply the Bal*ic states and large chunks of Finland and' Poland, thumbing her nose at the howling but helpless democracies, who had already kicked. her from the League of Nations and thwarted whete, must succeed everywhere , and sneered at the Bolshevists— it cannot conquer the world, and mdeefl set ^em UD bv op_ posing the idealistic origin?! Kerensky revolution from the because it cannot defy inexor able universal axiom; it must convert to. and by* compliance. And it does not—at home or abroad, because it is faulty an-' often insincere It is galling, but revealing, to n*tlons hear stock markets bracketed JaPan tyranny of the czars. Communism was fascism's first foe. It allied three dictator Germany, I'aly and in an anti-comiiitem with war bulletins. * if * In no nation—and few men- is there true democracy; or, what is enough, the will or the sincerity for it. From the private citizen to the League of Nations, it is the thin hypocrisy —only more tragic because en oftei* unsuspected and sincere—, of selfishness: the politics of principle. Tha"" is thebackgro."- and the core of the present crisis If there is sense or sincerity in our rallying at aU we must face ii. at the outset and realize what tne real aim of victory ,'s. For the starkness of war rears opportunity for the ruthless to sab otage the victory from within bv selfisbyess that is the same enemy in Main Street as Moscow and recks as much for a brother as a Hun; and iemptaitipn. by the more immediate crisis, in the cruder passions of sheer survival, to sow in our owr hearts what we crusade if supplant in the ignorant of tjv enemy. pact. They tried to enlist the Jemocr.icies in an aUian-.e. The democracies preferred the bo'- shevists—and were well paid. Bnt in due course it suited Hitler to play Stalin at his own game. He tore j*p a f.hieves' pact and attacked Russia. Russia had schemed to fatten herself while her rivals weakened! eachother. The inexorableness of right now presented us- in full mora'ity, with what our rivals had schemed for. But—not because Russia attacked fascism but because they were attacked—the Communists became our allies and comrades, whom left to their own devices we had seen as savages. To make them fight our enemy we poured in desperately short supplies—the supplies that the lesser among us. But we humored the temperamental Russians at every turn* We waited for them to get into Berlin; we let them into the long Pacific war—in the same morality thev too had a non-ae- gression pact with .Japan, their ancient Asiatja 'rival—in' its last week. We fed them and. fought f->r them white *hey- sowed their seeds in conquered lands and our own, and spied, from their embassies. McKenzie King would not proceed in the O'fawa snv ease before consulting Washington—for fear of offending the spying Communists. And we left them straddled across thp world- from sub- tropic to Arctic, from Berlin < Korea, a conauest never before approached, by an essential arch enemy whom we embraced reeling on its feet by its own perfidy This was the suc-«ss of Teheran and YaUa. hailed as a new epoch in international amity. Roosevelt was duped. Hailed as a martyr to democracy, his- ory will show him, in fuU sin. cerity one of its most Ira^Jc, and most costly figures. But. who wou'd listen then? But there were others more cu'pable, because they knew. Churchill was morally bound to speak at Yalta and Teheran and not at Fulton, Missouri. Our leaders, not true leaders, but politicians, threw our victory away, and many brave lives and grand sacrifices, just as. because, politics is expedience, they jet- isone'd our idea's- It is us v.bo will pay again; and fight again and again, if reed be. But win we never Mnsolidate as soldiers -bouldT The folV of Yalta was equally the folly of the Far Eas+, and its siavest mistake was Manchuria Korea is but a natural aftermath and a token of things to come— unless we make it Munich sor Danzig. i, if * Bat first, to get a clear picture We must look from the other side of the world—a perspective we miss. For it is far and foreisrn but big and firm. And the Asiatic does not "see through our eyes. Russia is as much an eastern power as she is a western, by gco graphy. Sprawling across two continents it is unique in this po sition, with obvious advantages. It is no.t really a homogeneous nation at at, but a vast, remote stretch looseiv oocupiefl by mar*- ancient -peoples, from Slav to Turk and Mongol, whom the western march has neglected, and Moscow lately consolidated* Reaching for the Orient is no new Russian role. From Moscow to Vladivostok is 6,800 miles — overland; from Tokyo to Singapore 2,500; Korea is the size of England. And East is East. The Asiatics outnumber us 100 to 1. Their civilizations are older, more static, anchored on classic antiquity. Their id- ologi.es, 'their (philosophies ar*»l religions too, in entirely different conception than ours, but equally powerful forces. Western adaptations take strange shapes They are realists but not ration- a'-its. Love and honor are not their touchstones, but fear, face (Pacre Ten please) Progress is not a battle. War in the j jg sjmply an obstruction in the a'lacious creed that, the end jus I march None of us cou'd want „tifies the means. Which is the wars in that fjood logic- but if j exposure of any masquerading this has 'o but one, this time ideology—balanced right 'iinnox | let us face it with <rue vis'on be built of component wron'T and determination that in win. as our own history and the logic | ning it from the enemv we shall of 'wo world wars has sbowjn - not lose if to ourselvcsi but make Democracy too is imperfect, n a milestone >n th*» march. incoPirfsitent; witness 'the iblis- This is a cha^enee to patriot Five areas, this year, have been kept under continuous V.t% observation: (1) the Balkans, (2) Palestine, (3) K»...™<% (4) Indonesia, and (51 Korea. —**" ' '*'"*' , sful American paradoxes of V,'r | Monroe Doctrine and tne' Open Door, Marshal Aid and hieh tarif/s No interference ip ai>" of the Ajperi-ns, yf* America's froni'ers are on the Rhine anfl In Formosa, an."1 America's right to trade anywhere; gift dollars to snur s'-'k economies to earn prohibition of balanced recove.ry by -selfish national lines, buving dollars T)y exports; vet The dramatic change in Am- erVan policy from isolationism to internationalism is the confused realization of the need for ba'ance; with the unwillingness to give it still dragging. An unbalanced world will not work, nor can balance be achieved in any nation- any ideology without it. Mora1, laws are natural axioms, as inexorable and one with mecjforiicariaws—, the way" the world was designed to work. History is tfie record of i»lfish efforts to defy natural ■"sm. The true patriot is he who knows that rirht is not a selfish arrogatior, of right; _ that "rich' or wren?" is ^o pariotfcm ********************-**** C Your reporter, who speaks now in simple humility of service was in the Far East as a working journalist, in the cri'ical period from April, 1939, to the fall of Singapore- successively as associate editor of the Manchuria DaUy News, TSeutjjr's cor respondent for Manchuria, chief reporter. Shanghai Times, and news editor, Singapore Herald. On arrival in Britain he was called to the War Office by In- tellgenice and later was consultant for London Dailv Express on Far Eastern affairs. In support of honest lova.'y, he served wi*.' Shanghai Volunteers and Rova' Fusileers ,as a private and lv already volunteered should this mean war.] -K-»t-K-K-t<-K-ta-K*-»<-K-W(-K'K*-t<+-X*-K-t<*-tc orea. rari t: Ideoleaical B PAGE F,OtfR^ * THE SIMILKAMEEN STAR, PRINCETON, B.C. THURSDAY, 15th JUNE, 1950. BLAME PHONE SERVICE Keremeos-Cawston area is cam paigning for better phone service both in respect to hours and in- staiiaions- Long overdue. WANT BETTER ROAD Copper (Mtn. has petitioned Vic-1 Mow W^ctminctoi- toria, with heavy signings over l^eW WcSuTllllSter the disrtict, for surfacing of the road from Princeton. 'S terrible. Tops In Lacrosse &l/ fHE Manr. Cup, syraibol'c of the 'imafniaa (amateur) •r-aiwdi viiitiuaUy .ttoie- world—cbjain- piomiship at la/ciosse, Canjada's m.tj'tmal, Urn1; 'too little luomotrield, sport, bias hovered- evenly be- BiftUsh Coliumlbia and Ontario. ■ -One ttf the most beautiful of tnoipit< les—it is a soBd' goto bowl amd cost $5000-^t was dionped in 1910 by pioneer oiailroaidieii; (-Sir DarKaM Mann. At that ttne tihe profetsstaniaii game was ta.irts hreyday and the Manai toqplhy wiais the simon-pure cOuHJtenpait otf tihe monied Mlnto I cup, prize of memorable struggles I starring Newsy Lalomdie, Joe Lal- 1 iy, the Gilford's and Feeniey's | The profesisdonal game fell away, revived for a f«w years, j and! then dAed out. Somewhat as j in cup national winter sport of hwcfeey, amateurism, compromised amd in the case of lacrosse tthe Minto cup died' out, feeding replaced as a Cull national trophy by the Miann cup. Thus, first as bona, Hde Amateur, the Miann cup has been played for every year sinlce 1910. In 1933 box-lacrosse, a seveav man indoor game officially d>G*- placed tihe old 12-mtan field ven-- siom wlh ich is mow only pbatyed by a few Engisih. and American col- tegies. Boxla was a—successful— bd to atreatmiine the spank and recapture public interest in ome of (the worldls most tte Mng sports — like hookey, inlhterit>ed from the native Ind'atns, Meld lacrosse was played in S*anilki2imeen for some years in tflie early part of tihe cemtuiry, and the New Westminster champions, masquerading as "Hcpe" cleaned up againisit Princeton and TO EIGHT MILLION Canadian men and women hav 8,000,000 deposit accounts in TT the chartered banks-^-equal to £ one account for every adult. Banks value each depositor's business highly I . . . safeguarding your money, paying interest on your savings, standing ready to \ repay . . . striving to retain your confidence . and friendship. Your bank manager appreciates his obligation to you. Ask him what is a banker's first concern. He will answer "Safeguarding the depositors' funds." For he realizes that depositors are the ver> foundation of the efficient credit process r- which banks mobilize deposits to serve the needs of this working, growing, enterprising Canada. SPONSORED BY YOUR BANK Kerpmeos at a Dominion, Day tourrjairnetnt i.'ai Princeton' about 1*16. Boxla was introduced in 1935 but tihloiuig'h there axe stUu a 'few sticks around our younger fry seam to be much more interested in breaking things tihe obvioms way. MANN CUP WINNERS 1910—Young Toroncos Toronto. 1911—a*. Catharines, On*.• ,' 1912-3-4—Vanilcoiaver V.A.C. 1913-6-7—Ne|w WeatttnlmBteir. S'bel 1913—CoughJasro'lSv Vanjcouvar. 1919—Poomdialttans, Victoria. 1920-5—Nsw West'r SataorabeKi-'s 1926—Westxxtj, Ont. 1927—New Westminster Sbels. 1928—Otftawa Emmetts. 1929—Oshawa, Ont. 1930-1—Brampton* Ont. 1932—Mimiioo, Ont. 1933—Hamilton, Ont. 3934-6 arlffiliB, Ont. 1937—New Wtest'r SaJjnonbeMea. 1938-St. Oatmaminies:. Ont. 1939—New West'r AdaiyaCfi. 1940-1—St. C^tartaes, Onfc. IS 42—MtaiuQ Brampton, Out. 1943—New West'r Safanontoell'ert. 1944—St. Cdithaffltaies, Ont. 1945—Vancouver Bumards. 1946—St. Ca;harirtes Onlt. 1947—New Westrnidintsiter Adaaarat 1948—St. Oa'hBtines; On*. 1949—Vlamico^ver BurrarSs. Salmonbellies 5; Adanacs 2; Vancouver 4; Victoria 1— west II East 15. """I"'.:"::::":::::":;::::::;::::;:::::::::!::::::::::::::::::::;:;:::::::::::::::"' NORGE I FOR PROUD POSSESSION I • REFRIGERATORS • WASHERS I RADIOS Ask For Free Demonstration GOULD ELECTRIC I BRIDGE ST., PRINCETON ats are risky To an' oil man a "wildcat" is a well drilled in an area where oil has never beer found. 'Drilling a wildcat is a risky undertaking and a costly one. Some wells have cost more than a million dollars—-and have not been successful. For that reason oil men make as certain as they can, before drilling, that there is a good chance of finding oil. They use the most modern- instruments and skills to locate each drilling site; but still the odds are 20 to one against them. Only about one wildcat in 20 becomes a producer. &.•(&*%£ Over the past 30 years oil men have worked continuously against these odds. In western Canada Imperial alone drilled 134 wells—all dry—before the Leduc field was discovered in 1947. But the end result has been new oil for Canada and benefits for Canadians. There are thousands of new jobs. Millions of U.S. dollars are being saved as the need for imported oil lessens. And, as another natural resource moves towards full development, the Canadian standard of living climbs higher. These are real benefits to Canadians and they will increase as more oil is found. Bui to find more oil and to spread the advantages it brings, oil men must continue to work against long odds. 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The Christian Science Publishing Society One, Norway Street, Boston 15, Massachusetts Please enter a special introductory subscription to The Christian Science Monitor—5 weeks (30 issues) for $1 t> Name_ Street. City_ PB-4 -4 ORDERS TAKEN at THE STAR fr~ Ttv PRODUCTS . IMPERIAL OIL LIMITED • MAKES MONEY! • SAVES TIME! JOHN DEERE FARM EQUIPMENT Nothing on your mind? Neve"r mind! See us anyway .. .we're sure we can make your acres yield more for less! WELDING - REPAIRS BLACKSMITHING JAMES B. STALKER Next Riverside Motors, Bridge Street, Princeton 91 ^ : —; — &&^2l365SS§£^S33S§5i§&$P£ KOREAN COAST SCENI m miNESE FREIGHTER— TIGER HUNT IN MANCHURIA- \ Ilk. ■* I * \ Hi ...J iiiim ME— f MANCHU SUMMiti PALACE GARDEN, LTBHO&i! ife IK CHINESE ART: LANDSC CLASSIC MANDARIN DRESS- SHINTO SHRINE JAVANESE DANCE— Pilppil »YLOR KOREA 21— were none. Will it be so at. Moscow? In the last week Russia tore up her treaty and went to war We agreed, France who had called Italy's a stab in the back- And in the Far East Russia- as elsewhere, took up where she had left off—only more favored. For if Russian designs dale back three centuries Soviet intrigues are not new. The Communists have been in China for nearly 20 years They were fighting the Nationalists when the Japs in- vafled. We instructed them both to give un and fight the Japs. We poured in armaments, money Most of it has gone to help the Reds run China. The Reds got their share direct. They fought the Japs hardly at al'. The rest they got by conquest, or treachery. We realized at last and gave up. We should have taken charge from the first. Any old China hand knew. Yalta gave Manchuria to China but handed it to Russia to hand to her. We knew China's record gave her no claim; and there was no peace conference decision on it. And Russsia had schemed to get in for 300 years. We knew the Soviet's aims, her tactics* her record. The great armament Japan had stored in Manchuria, largey against communism, went to give China to Communism after we. not Russia, had won it. Went to make Korea- Our weapons are fighting us in Korea We had Communist riots in Malaya—which we have al'owfal to be 90 per cent, Chinese—before the war. And despite Japanese vigilance the seeds were well sown in Japan. There were pre-war Communist machinations in India and South Asia—and in London, Ottawa and Washington. Their formu'a was Lenin's—the world, by any means. The importance of Korea is principally strategic. It is an old but backward land of mountain and marsh. Its paddy fields are barely enough to support its dilatory but dour 20,000,000. Its mines are of no great importance; It has practically no industry. But It dips far into the shallow China Sea; in this day of air and sea power is virtually sentinel to Shanghai and the market ports of China. It is within tunnel distance of Japan and branches from the main Asiatic trunk, direct'y opening on Manchuria, the Canada of the East, rolling aioross two continents where Russia grips the Pacific and thrusts into the heart of Europe. Japan recognized the strategic value of Korea early -in its" dream of Asiatic power, but in contrast to rich Manchuria and Formosa, she did little to develop this rugged peninsula; nor could it quite tame its rugged peop r To-day Korea is not merely a psychological pawn in a game of world power — the line beyond which we trust no further—H is the key to the huge territory and the 800 million people of tihe Orient that might hold the baance of the rival camns- For Russia has China and Manchuria anld all else nor'h: without Korea Japan is unten. able; and once uprooted here we have no base from which to hold already troubled southeast Asia. The master-plan, of the Axis was an East-West pin- cer from Siberia to Suez- Russia, sitting on the Asiatic bel y from the Blaick Sea to the Pacific, is in a much more favored position to manage it. And it is not a new Russian design. There are really two Koreas; one an insignif cant state in India. Korea means- "land of morning freshness" Its mountain insularity is a vital factor. Its people' are rugged, somewhat primitive, independent, resistant of authority; there have been many local frictions and no foreigner has ru'ed them long. The Korean empire flourished about 1000 B-C- It has its own culture, somewhat primitive. Its original religion was fierce Shamanism, worship of evil spirits; it is now predominantly Buddhist. Both China and Japan have held Korea at various times. She was not docile unilcr recent Jap ru"e—1910.46. She resisted western trade approaches, gave her first trade, treaty to Japan in 1876. Korea'is largely a neglected land. With 700 million people, the Orient is a prize in itself From the time of Marco Polo the west has coveted it commercially; from Peter the Great so has Russia— and politically. But new independent forces are growing up in Asia. Russia is as much an eastern power as she is &< western, by geo graphy. Sprawling acrom two continents it is unique in this po kltlon, with obvious advantages It Is noi really a homogeneous nation at a'l, but a vast, remote stretch loosely occupied by mar- ancient peoples, from Slav to Turk and Mongol, whom the western march has neglected, and Moscow lately consolidated* Reaching for the Orient is no new Russian role. From Moscow lo 'Vladivostok is 6,000 miles — overland: from Tokyo to Singapore 2,500; Korea is the size of England. And East is East The Asiatics outnumber us 100 to 1. Their civilizations are older more static, anchored on classic antiquity. Their id- KOREA 22— ologl.es, their /philosophies and religions too. in entirely different conception than ours, but equa'ly powerful forces. Western adaptations take strange shapes They are realists but not rationalists. Love and'honor are not their touchstones, but fear, face and precedent. We will not change it in a day and we have made a bad beginning by bolster ing Oriental cirnnin? with what they see as Westem perfidy- A trader impresses their realism more than a missionary. So Roosevelt and Churchill were politicians And their morality was that of Wall Strcel and Stalin, with an assist from Hiss duped Roosevelt—and Wall Street—and Churchill spoke at FuWon. i Missouri and not at Yalta. And so Korea. For a century there has been obscure but Intense rivarlry for Asiatic dominance between Japan and Russia World War II deposed Japan: but'the folly of Yalta let Russia in by the back door. Now the occupying powers — chiefly America—have fa'len heir to an old role of holding the bear in Asia. It ties in with their world task. Ony one creed could survive and it had to have the whole world. AU three knew and pre claimed it—and we forg,ot it. £a,ah had Ho elminate the other two., eventually; and eventually we were a.t war with fascism. We grovelled for an alliance with Communism to meet the more urgent threat But the others cou'd bargain with even less principle and Rus sia signed a non-aggression pact with Germany that made our war with Germany inevitable, and used it to «rrab cheaply the Bal'ic states and large chunks of Finland and Poland, thumbing her nose at the howling but helpless democracies, who h-rt a'ready kicked. h*** from *he League of Nations and thwarted and sneered at She Bolshevists— and indeed set them up bv opposing the idealis'ic original Kerensky revolution from the tyrannry of the czars. To keep the Russians fighting our enemy, we sent punitive expeditions in answer to the petitions for help in promoting de.. mocratiaf nationhood, Un their- trying hour our nations grabbed at their territory. In making the Kerensky crusade fail, we installed the communists. Communism was fascism's first foe. It allied three dictator nations — Germany, I'aly and Japan — in an anti-comintern pact. They tried to enlist the Jemocr.icies in an alliance. The democracies preferred the bo'- shevists—and were well paid. But in due course if suited Hitler to play Stalin at his own game. He tore ^p a thieves' pact and at acked Russia. Kussia had schemed to fatten herself while her rivals weakened eachothea-. The inexorableness of right now presented us* in full ™*ora'l*y, with what our rivals had schemed for. But—not because Russia attacked fascism but because they were attacked—the Communists; became our allies and comrades,, whom left to their own devices: we had seen as savages. To make them fieht our en-_ emy we poured in desoera'ely- short supplies—the supplies that . eventually won the war, in our hands as theirs. But when ¥ was won it was: apparent that the Communist? had used them not to fight oui war but theirs. But it was treason to suggest so then, what clear logip compelled; witness Lady Astor. And Hie lesser among us. But we humored the temperamental Russians at every turn- We waited for them to get inlo Berlin; we let them into the long Pacific war—in the same morality they too had a non-aggression pact with .Tapan. their ancient AsJaMo rival—in its last week. We fed them and. fought f*>r them while ■'hey 'sowed (he'r seeds in conquered lands and our own, and spied from their embassies. McKenzie King would not proceed in the Otawa spff ease before consulting Washington—for fear of offendini the spying Communists. And we left them straddled across the world- from sub- tropic to Arctic, from Berlin • Korea- a conquest never before approached, bv an essential arch enemy whom we embraced reel, ing on its fee*, by Its own perfidy This was the sue-ess of Teheran and Yalta, hailed as a new epoch in international ami'y. Roosevelt was duped. Hailed as a martyr te democracy, history will show him, in full sin. cerity ore of its most trarlc and most costly figures. But who would listen then? But there were others mort en'pable, because they knew. Churchill was morally bound to speak at Yalta and Teheran and not at Fulton, Missouri. Oiir leaders, not true leaders, but politicians, threw our victory away, and many bra.ye lives and grand sacrifices, just as. because politics is expedience, they jet- isoned our ideals. It is us who will pay again; and fight again and again If need be. But will »e never consolidate as soldiers -houldT The folly of Yalta was equally the folly of the Far East, and its grivest mistake was Manchurl? Korea is but a natural aftermath and a token of things to come— unless we make it Munich or Danzig. Toadying to an 'ally' forced on us by perfidy, not desire, whom we found only awkward, because she was awkward we let her hog KOREA 23— tie the (T-N. We gave them half Korea, let them thwart a peace pact in a war they did not fight. Was it moral to divide one people into parts- and bring them to civil war- the miseries of wai ? Will it, impress them; or make them regret Ferry's arrival with freedom by force? Was it wise? If we were Allies, why not, one Ailed occupation force, with a swift peace conference where majority ruled? Berlin was bad enough- but in the east Russia had no c'aim- But this had to be a super democracy, run by five nations- including China. Or rather bv three men, who with much mysticism gave the people the At. antic Charter (what became of it?) — and secret Yalta, whose terms not merely fjje people but their governments could not know- Nor was it observed that thiee other men had met short time before. They were dictators And the politicians are too busy defending themselves to correct, their mistakes in it. Because we found our new al'y awkward we fixed it for them to be awkward- These Five —one of them expelled from the League—were to boss the U.N— vehicle of democracy, which is founded on majority rule; and any one—the expelled one—could boss it;—by vetoing everyone else This was the new democracy. Why didn't they just, veto the U.N.'s war against them? So we get tough with our ally. We are trying to convert our ex-enemies. They were first, suspects of Russia. What confidence can they have? And the lowly coo ie thinks us soft . . ■ But we simply paid—you did— to make Korea inevitable. For Chiang doesn't want the China we want or the Chinese want. Nor do the masses want the Reds. They want rice and an honest dollar. They want honest government But they don't know it; Ihcy have never had it to know. The United Nations should have stepped into China too- net to govern China but to insist that, Chinese give Chinese honest and efficient government, to educate them to what it means and let them know to demand it by demonstrating its worth- It would be cheaper than the waste of Korea and it wou'd pay . positive returns too. Instead, American dollars ac. tualy bolstered corruption- subsidized the exploitation of the poor. That was ironical. For there was no accident about the dou- b'e-cross of Teheran- At Cairo Koosevelt. and Churchill met Chiang, promised him Manchuria At Teheran they gave it to Stain- Small "wonder they did not have the face—or grace—to even tell Chiang. These we e the fathers of the four ireedoms. So we are liberating South Korea. Boi whom? If for the Koreans- why not North Korea too? Are they not all Koreans? , Who divided them? And "why not, China? Why not Czechoslovakia and the rest? What about, the rape of the Ba&ic? If communism is into'erable in South Korea it is into'erable everywhere; and any wise and moral man knows it. is- Then why toady to it? Why inflict it on Manchuria and Korea and so make it a menace to East Asi.i and world balance? It is a ccstiy blunder, could be a fatal one; it is the high-riding men who did it. who should pay; in Japan —or Russia—they would. But these men put on a big do for themselves in one of our ba'.tleships as fathers of a nejv world freedom. Two million m<'n on the fighting fronts thought they might have some part in its birth. Then they told us i was not an ideological war; it was just a spectacle for themselves, just politics- And they are still playing politics with it, want us to 'et them boss this one too. gafej If communism is wrong it was wrong in 1945 as in 1937—and we knew it was. We scorned (in- cute hypocrisy of the dictators who dodged their double cross by distinguishing—when it suit. ed—between the Comintern and the Soviet- But ihe treacheries of Teheran and Yalta had their eyes wide open — signed, then exposed for personal promotion. Communism is wrong, a self- declared threat to the true freedom for which free men have been marching for 5000 years and which no three politicians a:e going to endow with a wave of a big cigar—and one of them a sworn enemy of freedom, the others agents of the "freedom" of captive dollars. Communism is an ambush in the timeless march of free men, and free men will g'adly make it a battle if they must. But it is vicious that they should die *u make other men ritn, that their leaders should scutt'e their true aims. The deadliest, this is the most stupid war of all. This time it must not be. This time the private is supposed to think And to let, h'is bosses know it at the start, and fight better for it. This time they don't want socks and cigarettes: they want your honest votes. We have made tragic mistakes Exploitation of the pathetic Orient was the first. We had our chance to make them good, grate fui. Now that is gone. The old China tea party is no more. Ex traterritoriality- concessions are aU over. We will have to beat Communism — World War HI- KOREA 24— to have any access at all—and it won't be the old way. We have ended all chance of an unholy deal with the Chinese Rods, as Britain tried. They are sneering al us- Russian backed, defying us. They have wanted to dare for a long time. We have backed the wrong horse always, a doped horse, and it is dead. It was not the popular favorite- We were intruders, not teachers and friends, but. exploiters. In South Korea as in China and Indo-China we have oddly backed an unpopular regime. Our co'onies may have been golden eggs; as citizens and administrators they do us no credit They provide a stage for clerks and servants of democracy to let the British ass strut as the British lion. Singapore—the lion city turned ass—a lovely place with a nasty taste for many, a colossal fraud so typical. And American dollar imperial- Ism will be just as bad. And if we fight thus we only fight to have to fight. Our mistakes are patent—bad diplomacy chained to bad business: b ind- ness by the agents this blindness of politics sent to protect itself. In their predispositions, the strata in which they moved, they never saw the Orient at al'; for their Oriental counterparts do not represent it — the pu'se of the people. Here at least is a touch of it The record of events is the proof. We cannot know too much; it is a mighty pu se. The Far East is just a pawn in this global- pay; but this is just a phase in the evolution of the'East. However it goes, Communism will leave no permanent mark; it is but a new and tempt, ing poison for an old ill—bas- ical'y hunger. The teeming East has absorbed many influences; muoh pf ours it has spewed out. The Oriental, like Stalin and aU the rest of us is for himself. He is a national before he is a Communist and a human soul before that. Communism's doom is that it forgets that; so do the classic (Cultures of the East; but so too much do we. The old bogey of the yellow peril is now splashed with violent red. An old, mighty force is on the modern march. Its communist fling is proof. We have much to give to them; we have gone too much to take; but we had best know what we carry, and those to whom we carry. Or one day there may be an Oriental Korea, a Hiroshima in reverse. mmmm DAVE TAYLOR] The Land of The Ways That Are Dark m n m &* • MY FRIEND iM'GILLlCUDDY has bean thinking — it wasn't blasting, you see—about rus ancestors, and the progress of hu* man thought, from Sophocles to the CjCF., and that has Involved brushing up on his Chinese. Afi/r ail, there are so many of them, if the C.CF. couJd Just organ za them to spit together they could drown the Coalition, except that that woud be too sweet a death for any seftf-irespecling C-C.F. to endorse. But I mean to say y.v; lust can't pet very far In any direction except nor'-north east •"tt.'n-ut brushing up against the Chinese. • WHAT they do to the Kind's English when they rush against it is something else again. A prospective emlpoyee, immaculate in -Jong pcwderufc'lue K©w.n. long Wack greased pompadour, and horrib'y longer fin- ~ ' ger nai's, would open- with a gar- • ^ lie ttnted, "May I have an interview facial ftcial?" Or in writing "If your honor w'll do honor to employ me I a<m in my duty hounding arways piiay night and day for your honor long life. If wanting jne servicing I oo-u-di coming t-ud- dtogly." Now we know where Mnlt Ei-Skin get his degree. Your boy would tedious-'y transcribe your shopping 1-st* woolen bow'- bacon powder, wtaBihi' soup. sui°t potato, ki'iten knife, fly pan- lace Nor wil'. the "English" Peking Chronicle now peek in wrone fonts and tnirhed sorts on :he 'oc.ii sk.i,!r2f tr'V.dy: "They look angrily at ice enduring fi/e minute before leaving in disgruntle." or proclaim in helcd- j line "Queen El!edpe-th to b- mother of har own chiid-" One of our tramjslators raised quite a stinik when in doing the Jap cabinet he came up with "Lord Keeper of the Privy." The barber sign in Tsingtoa which says "Baircuttlng done whiie you -tfait"; the Shanghai tailor's Which invites you to "Comie in and hiaye a fit" and the simple iogic of the Canton ''laundry's "Wa Shing & Co," And it is hard to 3:-"Pute that in I.'ong Kong or heaven.. "Ah Men is the last word m riices " While we have his *>wn word fox it that "I. Nomuma. biggesi. ttaife:- in. Tokio." Missy who wants the nurse to bring the ' babv downstairs win be sure to get results oniv if she ye'is, ''Amah gk> topside aaitchee one piecee cow baby, Wing boittomiside qui-qu:dee. " There is a -classic hera-dry in riat ve signs, since verv few Chi nieise can read; but though not in the court registan dangling pigails Jnied in oil iare the most prominent. Harbin sigirns are immune fiipm political upheavals, already being in four languages- Chinese, Jap. anese, Ru&siiam and Englsh. Aye, things aoe guy bad in auid China the noo ye ken, an' I dtnina misdcot Ham-Le;., will soliloquize. 'Can do, no ctan do;' belly bad. How ooime?" k CHARLES LASiB tells us more or less (D ssertalion, Woolworch. and Co., two and sixpence, tl.at *he Chinese originated with roast pig, or maybe it was the o'her way round. Hoc Hit Hin accidentally set his house on frt and came up with roast rib. Pigi in those pre-C.C.F. days ippar. ently were not so particular, and, | did not mind living 'n CJiioafee Housas, which I can tell you j do not blame the pig. for U>-day, And I can too tell you with imy own aarple ears that John iil st in some sucker tor roast nork and especially ths tails, and Stan Wil Son would be considered fa- keep a very poor emporium in-, deed, wi'lhout his windows drap-, ed w»-ti brown greasy tails snp-. ped with a suggestive circle exf hb? (pig's) rump and punotaa'od with ducks fried with oheir ur- >toal stuffings. Mo-eover, the Chinese have a very dim opinion of Charles Lamb (of whom thev have never heard), and aU ths sheen tribe for that matter. They say the white man smells Hke niifton, which is the dirties.1. f>nd rWstTTist'ncest stink on earth, to iust Temember that at your boudoir. Belinda. But we don't «*ecm +" h» eettine very fcr with our Chinese, which we never did in the land of heavenly flowers. k CHINESE is rtaXiy a very s-!"i- ple and natural language. It grew up through the desire to call a. tfpade a spade and a mother- n- !aw a so-and-so and mean the same each time, and give it to your friend, to whom you would no doubt very miwh like toijive the mother-in-law. The sun Is a circle with rays around it; the moon is a. crescent and a mountain- a ruffle of per- manranit waves. One is a short vertical stroke and two is two of 'am. TJp is up and down is down M'CHHieudy is al] for Chinese^ so tor. Ideographs are all very wea tor simple natunaJl objects, but i;w 'are you- going to express ig binora'al theareni In terms oi rlmple, *»eU-sufficient Morse, oi Worse? Well, John Pigtail is a resourceful geeaunk, with p'en.iy ed1 ' -laginiatdon, also more than plentv mother-ln-Iaws. Whom "rtHl'tsudfly adanires very mu".h; -ept tor the mother-in-Jaws A man (I know) is a cooipi* ot i) BPS i wjm >,,,*>% m jppn legs with, a doubletree. A woman (I suppose) is a cat with an extra big mouth, a house (basic feaiDWJedge again? is a square with a peaked! roof; so hopplnesB' is a house with a pig and a woman in it; ecstasy, two pigs; discord, two women. If you don't believe me ask Confucius or your vegetable main. 'S truth. * THE CHINESE language U syllabic—imonosyllabic. There are no b g words, like monosyllabic. There is no alphabet; you don't have to learn no A.B.C.'s. And ,. there aint no grammar.. (Loud cheers from all the ^ttle M'Gil- icudfdles.) You start at the top right hand corner, and if you are like M'Qll- Mcudaiy you finish on the table cloth. But a'Jl lib s is not as simple t*a seems, just as gears make your limousine easier to push than your wheelbarrow, since, hke me, you frequently have to push both no doubt. Each word has three elements — itorm. sound and meaning Every basic character is a picture, drawn .from nature. It own, bmes six features: pictorial (ai the sun c rcle); indicative (as ,lit two strokes tor two), suggesttv* kr(as brightness is conveyed, by the sun added to the moon—which is somethaig even Einstein has never been- able to manage). The tourth, phone lie, is the heart of Chinese, and maybe the liver and onions too. It covers th. ee-tourths of Chinese char aoters; your aunt Matilda is siting on the rest. It is where na- ure takes the side track and human cussedness Hops on the caboose. These characters have two parts (hke M'Gillicuddy play ing Hamlet in The Egg and 1) xhe first part Is the phonetic, and ndicates the pronunciation. "'He second is the radical, and characters are grouped by tj.ei'r radicals: they take the plaice of our alphabet.. So etaCi, drink, speak and undoubtedly coss -tor every second word to Chinese Is a cuss) belong to tihe' mouth ( radical; and Chinese mouths aire plemihy radical. Travel, far, carfare and the Mke belong to ithe fool; radical; and I sucpose also taene is an eObow-bendLng rad*- icai, without which any language wouid stutter im thass painte. •outsid. the fourteen .proviiDJC'-s. Though of course /there is nothing in Chinese as aadlcal as the CiOF. Oh but we're pot f nished yet. Fifth category Is deflective. These characters are formed by a different internal arrangement of existing chamcters—Hike Hamlet swallowing the e£g, and things happening In his tummy. Thus old is deflected to form .ancestor, whereas with us she uses a hair dye and becomes 16. - The last category—thank Con- iusaon—is adoptive—words writ, ten and pronounced the same, but with different meanings, which makes Chinese just as daft as English. The sun is also day, and root the beginning, which is somewhat more sensible than bear and bear. < THE PHONETICS are Just ai naducaii as the radicals. Each sound nas tour tones.—and no* you really begin to talk .Chturvre The first is the flat, even, upper level tone Ike "ding-" Then the lower-teveJ cone, coming up, —as "what." Third, the rising or moduating tone—"wett." And (4) the vanishing tone—"now!"' Try them on your saxophone; just so long as short of me. if YOU HAVE, of course to mem orize a character for every ward, and most of you, no doubt, have a VDcaoulairy of 10,000, wi"*h which Shakespeare more or less got by on- M'G.fflcuddy boasts tour, -though he is sometimes , suspected of overwrokng them: "me wanchee mo' b«er." But it is not quite as bad as it looks. There aire some 50,000 Chi nese words. Like M'Gillicuddy, :i your ambitions are simple, you can get by on less. And aU thes* characters are produced from eight basic strokes, not including sunstroke and the breast stroke These are—(1) the dot (2) the dlash (here Jimmy Farley will be thinking Chinese is a cinch); (3) the vertlcail; (4) the hook (no jabs, please); (5) the upstroke right; (6) the down stroke left; (7) the up stroke left; and (8) the down stroke right. if KVUKX tVUKU represent*; ■«, sint'ie inea, wnicn goes hot tilt, inutip.e ia-*-a ot marriage t*,o'; '- is comimion lor a manual.n 10 nave a bigger haaem than ne nas a vocaouariy. But nice- me mandarin's lanuiy, one concept whougn not conception., can comibine several characters. For example, Bod Tayitto notwithstanding, uhere is just one cow character. It can be a bun' a steer, a miach cow or a calf and as Bob has probably found put already, there .s just nothing you can do about it; at any iate, in Chinese. So you just say maapia, cow, papa cow, or litfae oaw, or Hang Kow. A water buffalo is a waiter cow, which u pxiohaibly too much like calling a spade a spade to su t our milk, man; and I suppose you couW call a Jersey Lana Turner. Pork is pig meat and veal ii little cow meat. Democracy may seam as hard to reduce to naturalism as it is in practice, but you ©an always call it, with your tongue in your cheek, master pebpie rule. As ato the Almighty, "they treat him as one of them-, pelves—a doubtful compliment. He is familiarity known as "*h« old feBow." • IN CHINESE there is no grammar — no conjugations, no rte- clesions, tenses, number or person; no syntax, which is just as well, for sin is prolific and Hi a taxes are collected by the village bully on behi-f of the local war *ord (let's hope the C-C.F. isn't looking) a hundred years in advance. Be is always be «nd never was or has been; and be and she ere always "it" Nor is any mid .-light oil wasted over punctuation. there are no art.oles, though adjectives are prolific. You fi&y One man go, flirty man go; I be here to-day, I be here yesterday, some day tomorrow I no be h-re; which may make the pigon English of your vegetable man more understandable. If you want yes when you mean no, maybe, you say "You bUng alt-choke tomoWow question." If this seems funny it isn't fooiing. It will be something; anyway, toi most of you agree we aiftn't funny when we try to be. Jack Benny may even take to Chinese. Better than they would take to him at any rate. There is no richer sense of humor than the Chinese, though it can be disconcerting. A guy clinging to an eleventh storey window sil would mow 'em down To hear the variation in emotional reaction to one of pur movies—and they love "em—is something notv included in the admission fee. The Chinese, a smart business man- has slipped up on this. • SO YOU SEE Chinese is not so difficult after all, nor yet so easy. Like moat languages, it has its points, good and bad. It is .especially unsuited to the sciences and to exact expression. And even speaking it is no clnah. Moat Foreigners make flattering progress at HpfK But it's the tones ;lhat gets them — like tihe bear's and buys in English. But it's much more subtle, and many a smug Anglo fancies he is asking his Chinese boy for his slippers when he Is really asking for his donkey. 'each'mj the eager Chinese English is no cinch either. Is is no better that he has an alert mind and catches on quick, by iumps, and lands in unsuspected humor. Nor has he an 'nferlority com- ->'sx in the glory and author ty of antulqity. He adopts and translates to h's own idiom, just as he rides in our (his) street cars with h's poles an his -fish baskets. Hence the naturalness of pigeon English!. My friend Chou—the Chines* have a way of adopting a foreigner with an ntense devotion always, it is suspected, for social "resMge among his fellows, Just as the hunter instinct in universal man sends us bagging | fat and scrumptuous wench, m>t te- cause she Is useful or wi really want her, but because other guys envy us her. cnou-saa never ceas*d to ardently express his devotion, in these love-worn words: "I lou you pig," which seriously If not sincerely meant to convey: I Vke you very much. Of course Chou in Hhe Inevitable! aoid esprit of Chinese v.it bad *io add something that was equally ungram- atical iij.it. utterly unpr,nit**.ril». it's odd bow the naughty words come easiest.. The wee White Russian nippe.a could blaspheme like a negro minister In the five prevailing -iiguage*, They made you envious, loo. when you couldn't eat in one You could be darned dty in Jap- u tor lack of mitsu. But a smile and affiliated contortions are universally eloquent and a Mego- na Call Canadians are Americans) was looked upon by V.11 ragged descendants of the diagou in the land of the flowery middle kingdom i>he beginning and Exis is everything) as a sort ot anthropological curiosity, in utier good nature, and always good for a joke—with something of a delighted paternaism; especially as ha was utterly stupid with tag money and had- far too much to be good for him—there were bad Chinese who would take it away if they didn't. You wanted- to buy some eggs The word Is Jee-zur, but you didn't know it. After vainly look. Ing around — most shop wares are littered with delightful abandon and questionable aroma— in desperation you tried a timid cackle ind sat down on a box. They brought you toilet papur. You lamented your manly voice and not having acquired an old hen, decided to play your own role. Sat down again and <\d a loud cockadoodte-doo, rose up and flapped your wings. And amid contortions and congratu- 1 atoms they brought you the estgs. The Ch'nese are a snurt peopl*. They knew thev cou'd ™»t a better act out of you. perley would like tihem. • XOD DON"*-reaiiy see Chinese here at all. In the f.rst place practically all the Chinese who go abroad come from one area, around Canton.—and there nevei seem to be any less of them at home, though they are aU over the South Pacilc and into Liverpool and Glasgow, which makes uaam hardly more k paitlcuiair than the.r aforesaid pigs. , Moreover, Hhey do not act ilfce Chinese, but discretely as you expect Chinese to act, which isn't how Chinese act at all. You know the story of chop suey? In the eairly gold davs of California the Chinese tagged along to glow rich on the white man's waste. The boys were pretty rough. Ah Sing was washing .up in Lis restaurant one n'ght when th-?y banged at the door.. He had no wish for drunken miners but he was afjjaid to offend them. So he hit on a strategy. He'd let them in tout they wouldn't come back. He mixed up ail the scraps and leavings. They raved- aoout it, and chop suey was born. The On, nese being what he is, now you can get it in China. He doesn't want it. if BUT about his own sajred'in- stitutlons he is very different. His culture is very old, and jr-.. are simply unfortunata. The Four Bocks are aM there .& to know and if he dellgnis to ch -.ss ths yellow dog with firecrackers from eating the moon in eclipse, then you may think yourself sophisticated but vou are missing a tot of fun and* the Han dotes on the fun of Jiving, even whui he s starving to death; and how many do you have no id*a His language may be tedious and he has no aversion to making a dollar in yours, but he is very proud of it and If yoa think he is going to change it for Esperanto you had better have a talk with Ck>nifus:us or your vegetable man. He looks on his labored characters, lovingly dune with camel hair brash and charcoal nk just as they wece when we were painting ourselves with woac. w th a r;verence and craftsmanship sadry missing in our modern penmanship—or the mind It gives express'on to. Though poweii and money ere exp'oited in Ch'na with a ruth- les'ness that we ape but can never equal, they keep their sacred side. The social stvtus is clearly defined and dates to antiquity. On top 's the scholar and at the bottom the sollier. Next to the gun Is the barber's razor, wh'ch may be curio'is, but It is truly Chinese. A Chinese war, as you may have learned, takes some understanding until vou understand that it is stupid to fight. • CHINESE WRITING is very old- Bone shell script:—they were smart before they discovered paper—has been found via'Anj back 4,200 years. It is not, however, the CHil.ic.ie we know—or rather don't know. That or ginated' in the T'ang dynasty, about the beginning ot our Christian <;ra. It has changed hardly at all. It is the same aM over Gh.na and Japanese and Chinese are sa basically alike that you can read them equally (but of course yo'» can't). Mandarin—the Peking version has been proclaioud the official unversal tongue, but oki lady China has paid as much at"^n-» tion to that as to most reforms released by the revolution And though every Chinese and his yellow dog can play Gol Sa/» The King on h s abacus—which is a manual cash register—omy one in a couple of hundred can read at all, and the average vocabulary is somewhat less than the prescribed 40,000 characters" It has always seemed strange to M'Gillicuddy that people who- a-e smart enough to htve fine cars, with gears, should m'ss so much by keeping one wheel on ;heir mental barrows. But oi course that only applies to China And though the paw (uewspa- pers) are run by better business man and even poorer scholars than ours, and1 have blackmail down to a really fine art, it Is often conven ent not to understand the editor. if AMONG the so-called literate writing is an obvious lingua franca, though we seldom saw it resorted to. But any Shangh-u hand has seen a spruce business man from Hong Kong conycrs ng with a Shanghai tycoon in Eng-* iish(?) for the simple reason that they couldn't do it in Chinese There are a score of-dialects and it is nothing like tlw mere difference between the Glasgow burr and tne Co-kncy cwiaing. In Peking it is ee, ur, sang 'and in Canton it is yip, sep sar but both write it one, two. three little flat strokes. There is a dialect to- everj ' district, and, as is typically Chinese, they seem to enoy it for a Ban Franc'sco Chinese will ex- olain that his guest—whose forebears both surely came from Can ton—speaks "Los Angeles dialect Knowledge was with the Ore.it the prerogative of the sch*> ars, as in our Mddle Ages of th« monks. So it is that there was a common script. It is the one thing there is in common and it by no means belongs to everybody. It is a great mistake to th hk of China, as a nation, far less a democracy. There are fourteen provinces ar.d each one is -virtually ruled by a war lord or h's modern po-; li'tioal counterpart. The strongest one is China's ruler, and each provinc al one, rendering to the oentral government a pe."ceiic- age of what he collecits, virtual^ ty runs his own show. Th's Is the tradtlonal pattern and the modern adaptation is lesvs militarism and more pol'.tlcs, but It works out just the same. Even the laws are pretty much a mait- t. r of power aid ir.fliuenM. Corruption is hardly the word, from the Chinese point of view. Dexterity is n common acceptance, and they are an ingenious race. Bui the Americans, who tried to set the old lady on her feet, called it corruption, wlhlch it wivld be from -ur po'nt of view and threw up the sponge -as any ofld China hand could have told 'em they would have to. For tour thousand years the Chinese have matched their wits aga, nst a myriad of devils in a deugntful game; but if they are finally going, there they are sure io insist on going their own way. And whoever forgets it doesn't know the first thing about China' and -the besi'iSre the first to pretest how Uttle they know. Theie is no census, n.j tru# cadastral system. The w*y to sell half your land is to tear your century-old fan-tan paper in half and give it to the bu/er. And If you lose yours, k>.d holp you—If anyone can prove It. For wrong entirely depends on be.ng fcund out, officially. Even the Chinese dolWr is not worth me same in different parts ani it used to be a profitable buiiiess buyng stamps In Hellungkang, where the doJar was low and selling them in Shanghai. But of course a Chinese government is of the same shrewd stuff and soon there were local stamps. But a book of Chinese tricks would make our local bus ness tycoons fed very amateurish and must surely tlcke also the Old Fellow himself—for it Is hard to fancy a Chinese God without a sense of humor. Though suiwty ,at the top of the scholars- hie had better be handy wltf the abacus, for it only one in a hundred Chines* can read, they aU can count '.and though they have nevei heard of Micawber, they all know and foHow Micawber's law about having the cash (a Chinese coin before they taught us deflation) on the right side. Many a man gets his start with a stock in trade of a pack of cigarettea. sell ng a half fag ait a time, <x even a drag at a fag ;f tines ere bad enough. it SO. as has been on public record for the few who are in.*>er- ested since Sophocles sens-dl that the true scale of values was in . doing good instead of runn'ng a bad Greek restaurant, It Is a fact in China as well as in other strange lands I could mention (writes our correspondent M' Glll'cuddy from Peking—fie upon your Peipinp) that the cultural status of success and riches is somewhat at variance with Have Do and Brad Street. * LANGUAGE—and this is very props.,, lor language originareu 1.'* che urge tor express on ana is the commonest, must basic and moot abused of tne arts—nas remained, in script, essentially an art, inherent .n its pictorial pai- tB-n of ideographs. Where Eng' lish has be'.ome utterly commercial—and lost as much by tnii.k- ing with a typewriter as mak ng music with a cash register. China's wraten language—a bUs' sing of its difficulties, has re' mamed esentially cultural and scholarly. A lot of course depends on the thought you have to express; in fact language is nothing more or less than thought and human nature is much the same the world over—-wth smail vo-;abu- aries ample in cash register neads or abacus heads. So the bulk ot Chinese thought is obviously shallow and the art is decently left to the artists w th the difference that they are respected. Even the public letter writer — common enough in our own civilization in less 'intellectual' times, is looked upon with awe as he flails the magic strokes, especially If they produce in due mail the uiblquit- uously wanted ten bucks. As to the timbre of (he thought -well, an abacus is different from a cash reg star, and you have probably heard of Chinese music. And remember they have opln* ions about ours and there are four hundred miUiori of them and their culture has stood four thousand years. There was a chap Kip Ling who said summat abo-it east being east and west best. But you would find the course of Chinese thought interesting if not quite convincing. My word' Ur AS TO THE rKINTLR, just wnere he stands in the ceie>t ai , register, we cannot rigntiy say, out no doubt somewhere between the principal and the PT.A. Ac avoy rate, ne is not so gr-os*; y .associated w.th the aevn. And he will not lack fraternal sympa-* thies—the .Chinese, invented it 2000 years before GutenWrg. A inend showed us an auto-, matic Chinese typesetting ina-* enine he .was invent-.ng—a me-. chanical octapus of many arms, As if this were not monster enough! You will be thanking we should be thankful we don't have to toll .n a Chinese print - snop. Brother, we came back to one. After all, most of you say our stuff is aU Chinese anyway. Well, this Is. Kung si fa-tsai and lang may ycr tab reek. M'Gillicuddy, peeking. CHINESE BRIDES (WEALTHY) -^—— — The Truth § About Korea In Your Service by Your Community Paper THE SIMILKAMEEN STAR Price 25c SUMATRA WEAVER-T- BUDDHIST GODS- RUSSIA 21— DAVE TAYLOR] ialists- Be factual. Give, them time. And this is what his pal has done for him. He has put peace and economic stability out of reckoning. He has diverted hundreds of billions of dollars from human welfare to wasteful, lethal war; forged new and more terrible tools of war thereby. He has put billions on the taxes: he has milked the uol'ar to half its value; he has raised the price of butter and cut the price of moral decency; he has diverted millions of lives. He has given the capitalist and the po'itician their eager chance to clinch their grip by crisis upon the common man. This is their friend. In the dark corners undoubtedly the lot of many has improved. In a backward land that is no marvel, in the sheer necessity of state efficiency. Mussolini did something for the dark spots of Italy. But it, is the over-all average that counts and men have brains behind the iron curtain and brains improve even under regimented improvement. Men will not be satisfied forever to gaze on the portrait of Stalin as perfection deferred- For some have known other standards and in deference standards are not equal in all parts And men think and compare- They know a fault and a m'stake. The justification of the Soviet experiment lies largely in good faith Communism effici- iently applied could work quite well, fau'ty though it is in the suppression of individualism- But it funnels the mass will through a very few men, with no system of checks and balances. Stalin has fired many; he has never been fired or censured- Has Einstein never been wrong? An iron curtain is understandable to give a human experiment a chance against hostile, evil influences and interferences from an imperfect world- Is there evidence of a sincere search in such immunity for free search of the .ultimate in human truth? Then why hide it from a world it seeks to convert? Does what it' admits from the outside suggest it? For a curtain can have a sin ister function. There is evidence that it does. The perfectionists don't want truth admitted: they don't want their truth known. Why? If they have something better free men—ike you—will gladly buy it- Why this insidiousness, this exploitation of the ignorant to sabotage the rule of intelligence? We will not be answered by howls of" capitalist, imper- ialst." We know they are not truth or intelligence; that these are the instruments of progress, that they are of universal currency and no divine right: that when a man declines to deal in them we suspect his. motives and our suspicions have evidence An iron curtain has two sides. Through the mouth of a god can come the edicts of a devil- It has been with captive popes, with god-emperors of Japan. We know a happy world must be a moral world- amenable to reason and to conscience in all men. We know by these we do not have it, but by them we do not abandon our sincerity to attain it to men who scorn sincerity in these things. We know moral ends must come by moral means, that he who uses the- unmoral is not a moral man; and the avowals and the tactics of these men to win their ends do not fit with moral ends- We put them down as unmoral men; we know the nature of a snake. Now we do not suggest that our morality has altogether succeeded; we believe in the sovereignty of the popular will when it has the means to be right; but we believe human hopes are vested in the means to be right, in a rue of checks and balances That is our democracy. It has not perfected itself in a much longer experiment than communism's; but reason and conscience say it has more chance. Now we need not expect aU men behind the iron curtain to evolve this logic, but the inslmcts are there and something of it wil! ferment. For the Soviet's task grows ever bigger, its progress — the progress of grab—more difficult. There are no miracles; men will chafe. Her manpower anil economy are mainly pointed to the goal of word domination. More guns mean less butter. Even the nilitan Germans wearied :"Let's • done with this soldier business Communism sot a.wav to a fl7 ng start in its own soil, the soil t needed, but nationalism and 'he universal urge for freedom -■re not everywhere as easy to suppress and even Russia has revolted under ike masters- Pretty pictures aside, commun ism is .largely the rule of force— "or ignorance is a force- It gives "ome power to the ignorant —. that is its lure- And now that insolent Chinese sons are coming home and bul'-ying their fathers, and little local tyrants rule who were peasants' sons, and the rice is being gobbled up bv brawny, arrogant armies, there must be comparisons wi the war'ords and even the Japs, who at least Mid not pillage such sacred (and national) institutions as filial piety. The miracle won't work. You just can't wave a wand at deep engrained custom- And the suc- RUSSIA 22— cess of the world crusade means milking the home front. People won't feast on Stalin's portrait forever. And petty tyrants will clash. The creators of the fifth column are in dead'y fear of it A true plebiscite would show a very different verdict. For this is not mass will; it is mass submission- The "party" is an iron clad inner ring far within the iron curtain—jwith other rings within. But there lies hope and warning. They have a tight grip, a ruthless purpose. The sham of 'equality' aside, they treat well who serves well. The bri'liant military tactics of the quickly converted North Koreans warns that we face no primitive rabble and the Kremlin is a match for Tammany Ha'l. Now they are fighting for a promise and in grab have made encouraging sains How long will it sustain them? The inmost ring has set up a ruthless machine to keep everything in line. But what about i's inmost men? Who knows? Able, the gangster masterminds. But who? What' of their own inner,. se'ves, their ambitions? Why. Stalin? Why was Trotsky hunted down and murdered? Certain lv because he -vas somehow a threat. From the first (his treat work has been engineered~by a master plan, by master minds the inner core a jealous secret. And however, Stalin nolds the key. Wolves follow a leader, even when he is old, not because they fear him, but because to destroy him would set them tearing themselves apart. This is the usual fraternity of unmoral men The Nazis gave it much care, confirmed a schedu'e of succession to Hitler; but broke up like a childish teaparty. And Stalin' is precarious; there the periodic flutters. Communism has great violence that runs.to great s'rength- It \ did not crack before Moscow otii, Stalingrad, but Moscow and Sta< ingrad were never consummated And it can have no true moral strength Ifs strength hangs on slender threads, which converging pressures could snap as amazing as they hold. A gambler can front a minion until you see his hand and his wallet. The easy days of mushrooming communism are over. She must be tested from without while we have the advantage To think that Korea will settle anything is p'aying the ostrich- She is trying to maneuver us into just such, probing us here and there, annoying now and then giving us time to grow careless between nibbles; and preparing for the We bite. It will not come like Korea, but p^bab'y ochind a feint like Korea. Our watchfulness and deter- 'mination — even blunderingly unready—have clearly nonplussed her- Her reaction to our boldest stroke is unprecedented; she is strangely quiet—not afraid, but puzzled She must go on and the clash must come, and as she bui'ds up one way forces she cannot con- tol and which we cannot gauge, but which must be there, win continue to grow- And when the strings start to snan — How pathetic was the death of the German giant . . ■ With no halos, morality is «•"■ our side Events one day wil1 be, but Russia does not propose it. We must be ready for anythir j-rady to take advantage of it. We need not think that we can have a moral woTld bv downing communism, nor are we likely to be ready to fill with morality the fearful vacuum it wil bring; Inst- we must have something ready to take: we can at least have sincerity. We can use it now. Unanimity In The Kremlin: Scene: the K'emlin Stalin and Gromyko Telephone rins-s. Gromyko (aside): It is the American ambassador. Gromyko (into phone: No. No! No! No! No: No! No! Vn! Yes. No! No! (Hangs up) S'plin (sternly) • Why did vou s^v yes? Gromyko: He asked if I could hear h:m. Why Wars Last So Long: Royal Naval Barracks, Chatham, 30th March 1950 Reduction of Vote 4b Civilians: With reference to F-L memo No. 138,350 dated 29th inst., the following amendment is to be made:—Para. 5. For "these" read "those." Signed Distribution: Heeds of Departments (21): Divisional OiTiceffE (12), Ml* Officer, Senior Ch^p-" lsiin, Resettlement Officer, C.O. RS-, GP.O. Canteen For Information: Commodore, Captain (G.), Carruma.nder (L), Comimanidler (C), Maintenance Gomimanidier, Command P.T. |3pid W.O. ^::-w=^«y|W4'S*MiIJ.-.'J^ -■v4f-^< ■ ■ ■:;4<.<,WW-'■■>: ■ I ' i ; ~ KOREA 1C— luctance to give up Tsingtao. Ambitisn must dominate and in time it did dominate the military, with a determinating to (dominate the government, though it was no easy task to reconcile the rival prides of the imperial army and the imperial navy, for each first came to wear the adjective pompously* How much the merchant imperialists conspired in this by ---ho means rare perversion of scr- j vant to master matters little. But they were ready allies. The spring board was Manchuria. With the railway Japan took over vigorously where Russia left, off. As is customary they got a narrow railway belt. From this scant 101 square miles they built a design for domination of the Far East only stopped by the atom bomb- It is most unlikely this was the aim at the start. Japan only got, what Russia had, she did not not pick, though it Is what she wouM have picked. There is no doubt thai Japan meant to tap Manchuria's rich resources. That, was a blessing to the hungry East, however she - thrived by it. < A, But if she had worked in hand irwith the avaricious army she /could not have planned better. for them. She got a 25 year lease, extended to 99 years. She established a Kwantung Bureau- associated with the South Manchu ria Railway Campany. About ha'f the stock was owiicd by the Jap anese governmeu,. half by selected private investors. Of course the railway thrived. Some industries were started, Some settlers were planted- These as much to save the railway as to serve it and relieve overpopulated Japan. For Manchuria was primitive and lawless and bandit-ridden. Russians who stayed on after their part in construction relate ircidcn*s . which make the wild west seem , lame; and it is record that they had to detour ten m>les so that the iron horses would not disturb the spirits of the emperors in the Manch mausoleum, for- bi^Men ground of course. ■Soldiers were sen* too, but the bandits still played merr" havoc. Isolated settlement indeed worked the other way round. A strong garrison was essential and strong indeed it grew The Kwantung armv from con- ♦'nental vantage grew virtua" independent of its narent force end as a vantage point for Kfgj chauvinists took over not onlv the m'l'ta'w but also 'he government- thiough its power. Proximity showed what Man- chnvia could be Kwantung lease and the prosperity of the railway were proven examples. There i« no Idoubt that in .Tynan's Manchurian footho'd official or otherwise, preparations for something bigger were eo'"" on for some time. There we"ie international fa"- tors t.oo- Jaoan could not forget 'hat a.t first the western powers ha,! let her down, and nearly *=«lr) he*- out—and themselves— ♦o the Russians Thev m*>re or less milled out of Manchuria, and lef Japan annex Korea, and in p+.feot she wa« the dominant ■"ower in the East. Br'ta'n's t»l- i'a.aice was friendly i-pravj-nitjon- Tanan wanted one with America t.oo Rut at th's time, stemming <*>M<>f!" f*-om Japanese settle- i*i«nl in California. Japan's first f'ioid and teacher was' decided- iv -oool +o her. Worlrt War I showed Brita'n ,„a,pi-e her most . advantageous -.iis^**/*^ lav, and much to f^p ronsterna+ion of Japan, nuder ..''/_.Ameri-*a.n influence she deplinr--" . f.n rpaew he1* Jananese al'iance- Ar*d the Washington N*.va1 , Conference, through A"o-l°-Am- o-io-n ni-escuro. relegated Jauan to the status of a sor-o^n1 **o'e T*nw«*r That ga.ve the jingoisms tvp,- tjjor phan'-e. Japan was p,**a*-lv o^i tior own. Now whatever Japan's ultimate oin^s^ if lli"a were offipia''. fhpr»* :^ *... n*'*>sHon that in Japan asi-ltain an** America. lia*a 7P- *l.ie>n*.i»l friends- who, howpvp." rlisannointed, cl«»n**- to tho b'l'ef +1-*-*!. .Tartan's hest oonrse '-" n'i*-,*i ti-am. T»*pi*o we**e ton liberal and constitutional minds ■'" trio ni*>t Aid. necliar to Japan a*>d +-*rn,oa,I of i+s traditions ta*p-p t*tpvp the genros or elfl-er statesmen. soapo^-in**- 1-ke tt*p ealopc of a*"***?pnt f-.*-pppp. a*'*3*1 of pn't'ir** anft Prjaro.ofei* and wis^-am anr* lor,*r and proven sorvioe, jBvwT>o».-,iv,o- a« i+ wp-e the finest, in Japanese chivarly. 3. cjor*: of o-^er-oonnpil anr* pofiai- ,KPllor«j t.o *T*P pr*»nP*-or-, an«a them it was i--*-p-*Te**ent to floubt or ^nr,«s*> They were ato^e £.nv inf'ipipe. Sa»*H''.o~.1v -h.p o.liamf'nis'-.s struck In the most gruesome B^afsPh of modern t'mPR ">»" j,,i*viprprl all who ml-^ht s+anr1 * the'r w?'—^militaiM,. noli^'oat a.nd even of -ova' blood. Wifh o+hprs thev han" heen bnsv. Fr*~rn- ■/>-*t. o-oi.— «*a-h*-. Janan was a mil itarv cabal- its rulers obsessed With almost fanatio.a^ schemes of oonnnest The emneror was t-hpir punnet. The rest, was ear* for an imperial rescript, was ph- soiutp and dirine, and a docile lovaity. nourished on l*"shido, a.n*. poo»* enough In suffer, was p-cJIt, ^onvorted to sacrifice and loyaltv. No nation ever tried h?.'-der. At this time we had our wor- rips w'th a gu" naropd Hi*ler an-l old Mu'sso was sneaking .trnunfJ t-^e corner to water down con- f!«lprt-,e in collective moralitv And beyond the pale of decent KOREA 17— humanity was Russia, kicked - out of the League of Nations. Japan at least had the face to walk out. That came very soon. If fat Musso could get away with it, surely bushido was much his superior, and more deserving. Now if anything like normal civilized human conduct could be expected from the first gentlemen of the earth, any real China hand knows you could ring a true bill for anything from common garden blackmail, slander and exortion, too wearisome to notice, to the most most ingenious incursions in pvscho- logical torture such as the Bor- gias never dreamed of. You had better not leave your shadow around in China. Rival gangs ex tort protection monev from even the powerful in big. modern cities The black market is right, on the main street, along with sunliiry professions of astonishing status. You take abuse from a rickshaw coolie for which you would normally knock down s prince or a pope. Even the one day tourist knows you have to bargain, and the life-long expatriate knows he has never hit fair retail price. A publisher is liable te find he has paid his printers for a scurrilous attack against him in his own paper. A leading citizen may outrun his cue tomorrow and simply vanish. You learn he has gone without adieus "Ningno mo fah" where the climate is not. so hot. You never sue a Chinaman in his own court—you wangle him into him into suing you in yours —if you want justice. The catalogue is endless as life in Cathay. It has no great seriousness and you take it with the harmless rage or the de- 'ightful good humor that play shaft and shadow in the land of the ways that are dark. You can afford to. But, fitting the sta'ure it can be cruel anil callous and crude. Any newsman who has covered the police beat is inured to skipping over huge lists that would be screaming sensations in orthodoxy. So it is never hard to find an incident—or to arrange one tha' mere western convention finds worthy of starting a war. Now Japan's relations with her neighbors — Russia and China—were certainly unhappy- In essence, the Chinese just did not want them around- They were not nearly as jol'y playmates—or as lucrative—as the careless foreigners- of whom they were getting a 'ittle bored too. Japan met a Chinese wai and took nlen*v of insults in the process- Anld the Jap has an odd .sense of humor if any.' They ex p ain it seriously, but most westerners find the seriousness funnier than the joke. There were unquestionable many incidents which among normal neighbors would have warranted punitive measures and indeed such masures of a minor local character befitting local affairs had been taken ever manv years. But the Jans with characteristic clumsiness, had to devise one so efficiently as to be palpable excuse for an obviously premeditated coup. Manchuria has a'ways been the cockpit and the battleground for all East Asia wars, and the pot was bubbMng.Chang Tso-Lin a northern war 'ord. was cutting suspicious capers until he was dramatically killed (who- ' dunit?) when his train was bombed near Mukden. His sun Chang Hsieuh.Liang took over clearly a more wily gamester yet- anld though nominally rooting out the Communists was widely suspected of flirting with them —or anyone to his advantage. The Russian revolution na*- ura'ly brought problems to East Asia. Czarist troops- pushed back eventually to the Pacific set un a Far Eastern Republic at V ad ivostok but it lasted only uuti ihe Bolshevists got round to it- Czarist remnants retreated over the Manchu border—with regal iortunes which they exchanged for sanctuary. Nor did the Chinese open sums to the new Bo^hevist tenant, and the buffer tribes caughfi the spirit, ever ready for a laid. There were many clashes snd general anxiety that the new neighbor boy would be uncouth and rough. Soviet smoothness was not yet notorious. But rough or smooth- Manchuria was a nic£. untidy backdoor prize. Old ambition, a new kind of skullduggery. Now that everybody else wanted it, it was of course Chinese. It bad been formally annexed in 1907. _ but that changed nothing. Immigration, bans had been lifted but that, only only meant authority recognized an o!d actuality. The reckless overflow flowed as it could. It was a nice ante-room for the ever-ready racketeer. The currency, smuggling- piracy and banditry were always good games in China — a practical reason why the goofl earth which however oppressed, was the solid citizen's treasure. Stamps sold in the northwestern provinces, for instance, had to be overprinted—as anv philatelist knows — because a huge traffic developed. Agents would buy them there where the yuan (do'lar) was lower, shin them to China proper for re-sale It was of course the same yuan. but local inflation is indicative of the state of authority The 'ommercial bandit rivaled the warlord everywhere in China and every control was simply a new leaf for a new parasite. In short, China was corrupt- KOREA 18— But outside the small Japanese policed railway belt spic-ous Manchuria, quite unorganized was living space for the cruder bandit-lord, most rapacious ras- •als, history has seen. And among them men of craft like Chang Tso-lin were sliding. And the wild-eyed Bolshevists were at the wall—the od natural wall of the Amur river and often darting over. China at first warred with the new neighbors, then made treaties, and treaties be. tween two such are not reassuring to anyone else affected. Of course the unsu'tableness of this suited the Japanese chauvinist very well. There was just one thing to do and the home front was geared. The wor?d would denounce it of course but when the liberals were slaughtered in the Tokio purge Japan had renounced the world and was ready to defy M—and rule it. It was the Meiji revolution re- Versed, the myth of Nippon Sei- shin perverted by men whom its classic chivalry abhorred- II had happened before. Now the Japenese are noted imitators and vou could always Day a bottle of Johnny Walker made in Nagasaki, just as in Nanking Road a copy of the King's English photo-pirated by the Central Press for $2.50 lav alongside its parent of the Oxford Press at $2590—in time the figures were multip ied by a mil ion inflationary dollars. Now imagination is the real gap between brown and yellow- and while the hired howler is one of the most real and accomplished of the professions of Han homuncules is the world's worst liar and concoctor of propaganda and intrigue. He tries just too hard, normally his best trait. There was no lack of evidence of atrocity both, local and by bandit sweeps into "protected" Ko ea, anld Japan characteristically came up with volumes of it, produced at great cost, which she would soon have paid more to have burned. Ardent- documented with testimony and picture with one or two super.excesses supplied so synthetic as to discredit fact, of which there was no lack A Japanese captain had been ki'led shortly before with no real reta'iation. The metic- ■o'ts minded Jap could not tako any of a thousand ready made excuses. He had to make—and mess—his own. The incident was this: a bit of track was dynamited near I.uianshihshan. just outside the rhief city of Mukden. Shots were exchanged with the ra'lw" guard. Evidence was fortuitously left, to identify the saboteurs not as the much ma'igned bandits but soldiers of Chang Hseuh Liang, quartered at Mukden's North Barracks. The objective was of course to infer that the common barbarities blamed on the rabble weire actually officially inspire'. To say the least, it was a stupid thing to try to prove in such a situation — worse than just marching in. Most people conclude that fhe whole thing was 'framed. Organization was too manifest in its success. Lo-al obsf rvers confirm what the world deduced, that from the railwav springboard a massive organization was prepared, that the Kwantung Army was a bristling hornets', nest, that at the »ero hour the Japs struck 500 miles away, slaughtering the Chinese garrisons in their s'eep; and it is .'.omman talk there that amonr the exp'osive evidence flaunted by the righteous Japs were belts that were not Chinese issue at a'l The point is that. Japan was off on her big gallop. Her soldiers marched and her planners and artisans toiled and her presses roared the New Order of East Asia Co-Prosperity crusaded by the sons of Nippon. And as the o'd China* hand sniffeil, it was quite a new odor. Over the homeland bushido burst, forth like the sakura bios soms in spring. Where families had iiK-nicked under the cherry trees and indulged in ancient archery fire drils and air raid warnings were rehearsed. Every Japanese became a counter spy and eve.y boy a cadet. There was a civilian uniform too. The soldier was primed with the best. food, equipped down to a penr.il while the civilian pinched un. mercifully. And on the school- grounds you saw strange monkey-shines which later floored you in Malaya. The wholesale s,weep was well signaled. Ludicrous y, the Japs could not capture the Laiotung tip— because they had it under lease; so we had at Dairen consuls accredited to Hirohito; and at Mukden to Chiang Kai-Shek. And in Manchuria they preach ed the unification of the five races (which none of the in- digines had heard about)—the five barred flag; and showed free movies of the sons of mercy bringing food and m dicine; and staged hired parades in which the Manchu extoled his deliverer. The native took the. hire and extolled fu'l value and never niissed a show; anld went back to h.dc his crop from the central authority though it was all his head was worth; and bowed to the sentry and when his back was turned tossed a tin can bomb And it is a good bet such things are happening right, now in Korea on both sides of 39. Japan's pattern in Manchuria was patently thin but the (.loth was amazing good. She dug up Pu-Yi, the bov emperor (a Manchu) whom Sun Yat KOREA 19— Sen had deposed and who had been hiding in a Tientsin garret. fi'ted him in somewhat shoddy Oriental spendor, made a big fuss when he had a son. He was a harmless bloke and he had a nice stamp collection: one wonders what has become of it — . and him. Of course Manchuria was an autonomous state—Manchoukuo graduating with conquests to full fledged empire, Manchoutikuo; as the Japs grabbed border lands —the fifth character that makes your second issue fifteen.fen (stamp) boohaw (no good). The premier and all the front-face ministers were nice fat, aproned Maivmus, the back-room ^deputies diligent, horn-rimmed air- sucking Japs. But it is sheer stupid not, to concede that they did a great job. And recall that we were determined not to. That depreciates our accusation of their successors to our hate — what the Russians have stopped and undone and carted off. The truth is in hard world . statistics, but let ns instance the great. Showa Steel Works at Anshan (carted off); the Fushun open cut coal operation, so big the trains looked like ants; synthetic oil; forestry; soya beans to surfeit. Air lines and even a movie industry. The modern Xandu of Hsinking ("the new capital"), as elegant as most rf London, much more than most; industrial Mukden (Hoten, for 1 the Japs changed everything) of 2,000,000 workers. When the Japs bought out the Russian part of the railway they changed from narrow to standard gauge. The running change was made overnight and the stream-lined Asia express was on time. This in less than ten years from a five- century wilderness preserve. Hsinking is again Chanchung. the pathetic native hovel along, side and one would like to look up the 14-mile straight of Ta- tung Boulevati and compare* And wonder what became of the little White Russian bakery that sold potato bread and za- houskas . ■ • Certainly much of the millet was flailed as it has been for centuries, though there were trqr<to:s too; and his- crop was taken and he was paid in scrip he couldn't even swop for sterling and off came his noggin if he tried; and Fushun coal went to Tokio while Mukden shivered on shale; and Jap bayonets were damned aggravating anil the gendarmes could hold you incommunicado for dangerous thinking (though how pre-pri- vate m'glUicuddy could be convicted of thinking is something sergeant-major Jimmu Fairlev will have to exp'ain to the sun god). Certainly Manchoukuo was wrong- a Jap grab; but so was Ethopia and it was Canada that denounced her delegate who moved for sanctions; but the Jap grab fed many more of the hungry of the East than did the Lytton report.; or than the sons of heaven did with a rich neglected land. If the League or the U.N. wanted to play protec- tor to a model orphan there was never better prospect. But we gave it to the Russians who had been trying to grab it for two centuries; and now it is bothering us ''a Korea- THE U.N. SHOULD TAKE OVER MANCHURIA AND DO WHAT JAPAN PRETENDED TO DO—MAKE IT (including Korea AN INDEPENDENT STATE, LEAGUE SPONSORED AND PROTECTED until mature. It would be a boon to Asia and the world- key to the solution of a far more serious Asian problem of the future than Russia is now A living example would have inestimable influence on the Oriental mind; it might teach us something too. i Of course the Japs were at pains to explain that this was an emergency and in time there -would be coal for Fushun too and every riokshaw coolie would have a limousine and even privates could think—and have privacy. Thev wanted undersland- for their. Greater East Asia plan And get it or not it Went right on. At Marco Polo bridge in Peking in 1937 they staged a simpler version of the Manchuria incident) 'Chang, Hsuieh-Liang had marched in and made the Chehili war and incidentally the Japs weren't getting to first base in the China trade. They went right down. Manchuria they built for themselves but the arrogant enemy they seem to have mernt to wreck for good—most'v with opium. But they had no friends. Soon after he marched out of the Lea gue of Nations Yosuke Matsuoko made to your reporter "a personal appeal" fashed round the world "to mv old friend Presil dent Roosevelt, to step in and Stop this mad worM rush <o ruin I will retire to my .study to meditate "; And Yosuke meditated himself into the war cabinet as for. eign minister, and in due cours his old friend stepped in; and put his foot, in it at Yalta. But meanwhfe Yosuke was busy. There Were a couple of other misunderstood Httlp men on the other side of the wor'd who had no friends also; so what more natural than they be friends The Germans at the time had a military mission (paid) teaching the Chinese how to ki 1 Japs and they kept right on: it is glorious to die for the emperor anyway^ KOREA 20— That they were outlawed was all they had in common. It was factual that the Far Eastern German was contemputous of the Jap, moreso when the bu'gv little fellows tried to do the goose step, but the way the German agents — with which Japasia was soon soused—worked on them was rich to behold; and the siow-minded toil to unnatural conversion. The Japs.. though more polite, had an equal scorn of the Italians, of whom very little was seen. One thing in common—but no: Far bigger thev all had a dr"n distrust, a bitter hatred for the primp enemy of each. Th y got together to sign the anti-com- intern pact—common defence against Russia. It broadened logicail into positive alliance, the Rome-Berlin.Toyio Axis. And with strange friends Japan kept faith. Puniii carried twin cartoons of barbarians Russia and Japan pi'loried by the civilized League. When Hitler amazingly then signed a non-aggression pact with Russia there was consternation in Japan. The government resigned. But the Mikado had only to issue a rescript on the duty and destiny of Dai Nippon, a new government, lined up from the same gang to talc* over and make a non -aggression pact w,(h Russia too. A mikado is a handy guy to have around. The Yanks weren't bopping him off as a mere war criminal. Besides, this let Hit'er get on with keeping the boys tied up in Europe, and Japan fiee at the back door. But it was pretty hard to reconcile, and the Jan is a serious little chap who must reconcile even his sins and mistakes. For Japan had made a great crusade against the iniquities' pnd intrigues of the cominfocm. and- given out a library of proof at the cost of a great manv yen and not a few brave Nippon lives always self-convincing. And indeed, the communist was a considerable defence of her intervention in Manchuria and China Indeed, too, red, white or green Russia has always been a bad neighbor everywhere. The nor. thern border was always vexed- After the Japs were in it was much worse. For one thing th'iy engaged in a tug of war for Mongolia. The Japs formed the Inner Republc, the Soviet the Outer and it was either^^tsido in' or inside out thereafter, fov the Kin still 'oves a scrap, even with his own kin. And all the summer <*f 1939 the Japs and Russians wer: av it hammer and tongs in a carbon copy of Korea. The Nomon- han war was bitter. Incidentally, don't take Asiatic front bulletins too seriously. Tim kept a tal'v and after a week each side h"'* shot down more planes than the world cou'd build for some years to come When Hitler tore "o his pact and went anti-comin'ern again at convenience Japan did not. It was convenient, to keen her back door safe. And Japan has a pretty good treaty record. But Pearl Harbor ?«nd al'. her sacrifice—and that, should be pondered on, for Soarta never matched it—was in vain The Manchuria grab alone cost Japan 100,000 lives and bi'lions of gold.plated yen- But her bushido boys fel back itnd all her dream of Dai Nippon •—the Japan of destiny—disso7- ' ved back into the old unfriendly sea and the sun people crouched waited for the atom bomb, child too of the sun. Fanatics of a distorted bush- Mo they died Mke Samurai. Very different the desertions and treacheries in China. The Jans were good fighters and no mere fighting fools. Thev could well be fighting the o'd enemy in Korea. Once again thf amazed the world — and thev mav again, depending on our wisdom They knew when thev had lost the war. But they fought on- And behind them the neon!" suffered terribly; they did not revolt, or comp'ain There were true sons of bush- Mo who all a'ong had shaken their heads, powerless before tha* fanatics- They knew that Japan had erred and paid, that, the mistake and its authors were a'most ended Why punish their Nippon more? And the chauvinists knew victory cduld not be; bnt they preferred death. Those were tragic davs in ol-1 Nippon worthy of a Shakesneare Which was loyalty, bushido? The olri men dared. Three months before Hiroshima, at great, risk, secret ap- nroach was made for surrender. It was made through Russia, the only avenue. Russia, had an anti-war pact, with Japan — no legitimate interest in tbe Pacific war at all- She was asked to do two sets of her friends a norma' diplomatic courtesy- was under moral compulsion bv international acceptance. The Jans enquired more than once: Russia staled We knew nothing about it till after the surrender We did not need to use the atom bomb; or to let Russia know that in fact we had it. When the end drew near the militarists wou'd still not five 'n. And they sti 1 were Japans dictators — and the emneror's At last, in a quaking voice, he stood up and defied them. His and other lives were attemn'eal When the Americans came in thev expected the wooden ho- —trKkery, booby traps. Tbjere ' KOREA 1 rl DAVE TAYLOR SUMMARY HS Is the Munich of World War III Truman is determined to make it Munich in re. verse.Is Stalin prepared to make it Danzig? That is the Issue. It is the. key to a rich Oriental prize; It is also a pawn in a total world play. Checkmated in Europe, Stalljl probes at a softer, remoter spot. With 700 million people, the Orient is a prize in itself. From the time of Marco Polo the west has ooveted it commercially; from Peter the Great so has Russia— and politically. But new independent, forces are .growing up In Asia. For a century there has been obscure but injsnse rlvarlry for Asiatic dominance between Japan and Russia World War II deposed Japan:, but the folly of Yalta let Russia in by the back door. Now the occupying powers — chiefly America—have fa'len heir to an old role of holding the bear in Asia, it ties in with their worljl task. It is significant that he again chose to mask behind a- local "civil"issue rather than launch a global Pearl Harbor; and the immediate claim that he is the invaded, not the invader; that he replies to our dare—perhaps most daring in history — with compiaini; for America virtually challenged him to settle it all ■ here and now. Stalin will play far himself. Conventions, ideologies, will not worry him or principles or passions be'ray him. He will make the best of it. He wanjs Korea wd the Orient,' and the world. But he Wants to know how far and how fast the democracies will let him go. They have told him it is Danzig or Munich, as he chooses He win play for himself, as he figures to win. $S&i But he has been shrewd enough in planning not to have to see it so. He knows America is determined to kick him out of South Korea and to fight any new aggression; nothing more. From now on he will have to fight. He had to know. If he is ready now, it is now; be can pick his own time; his security . lies precisely in that he was not invaded- It has had, too the studied effect of making Trygve Lie's post trip optimism ridiculous, with the blame on the "hypocritical west" of the United Nations. It is a subtle attempt to discredit the U.N. which the U.N. has answered with courage. It could mean the end of Russia in the U-N. or else the end of the UN. It had to come. We can't draw back but he can. He does not care what we think; behind the iron curtain they wi'l think what they are told ■- that this is another affront by the imperialists beaten back by the people's protector. That is indicated- Stalin now knows what he had to know— that we are ready for war. He is playing for himself; it will be when he is ready. Not likely now but only surer than ever. To-day is it not loyalty that wins wars. It is not good soldiers It is supply. It is total war, with one powerful punch whining. It is blitzkreig. In potential, the west still has the power. But it is not geared for war. To so convert it takes . time The totalitarian works on the simple strategy of regimenting his lesser potential behind an Iron curtain and the big lie, utter ruthlessness, to the' point where he feels powerful enough to deliver a punch strong en. ough to cripple an over-all stronger enemy before it can .organize. Ini'iative is everything gained by surprise, however unscrupulous. Hitler had it, and messed it up But it took as four years to organize our power to the point where we could regain the. initiative. Then it. was a1! over in a few months. The big punch. And as science progresses it is more and more one big punch. Stalin does not figure to make • Halter's mistake. If he had had the power this would have been all over long ago—perhaps even the atom bomb. But he has not a well-integrated industrial core and a natural manpower of war like Hitler had. And his organization was somewhat, riddled by Hitler, his task complicated by the spur of the last war upon scientific weapons. He got right down to it, but he will not strike till he has the big punch. And his Intentions were somewhat signalled. There was precedent. Korea is in no wise the big punch. He would throw in the works in a global blitz. His whole attitude is Munich, not Danzig. But America may be forcing him, by accident or design. He is unlikely to be tricked, but it is a tricky situation and a train reaction could mean war where neither side wants it. Stalin's plan is world mastery. He proceeds piecemeal in the soft spots, with his big final punch against the ; English- speaking world when he is ready The Far East is soft. He has made big gains. Both sides are p'aying for Far Eastern prestige and strategy. Korea is the first direct test. If We lose, not only have we lost ground strategic ground, but we have lost the faith of the Asiatics to hold the Far East, recover it to our camp. It concerns a large slice of the world's mass and masses- In 1939 Stalin control'ed 300- million people; to.day eight — more than half the world, if the KOREA 2— poorer half. It is later than Munich. But Korea, as a pocket-piece, is not reassuring. As a local war, America was caught napping with her eounterpunch. Her in- • teliigence—observation and fore knowledge—,is more disturbing still. It is Poland again. Korea is a small stage for a blitz handicap and to win back the Initiative will be difficult, will take time. That could brew bigger things in-a tense situation. Both sides have tried to make guinea pigs of the Oriental. America has lost that one. and all the early rounds. The Asiatics . are for themselves. Our era of ex ploitation is over. They are trying a new poison for an old oppression. To them the real enemy is hunger and misrule. The Russians have not been there long enough to be found out, but they have seen in us no great ally. For the little man here the out look is bleak. Everyone knows now what fo lows Munich. It will be a desperate arms race, costlier than ever. We pay — more guns, less butter. It is war, 1950 pattern—blood, sweat and tears; mud, threats and jeers- Profit and politics drive principle out—-everywhere. And from every dictator they inevitably rear against themselves and send us to put down, they take new totalitarian tricks- f »» » )»->M->fr*>M->f*>M-!M->M-****><->M-**- Your reporter was engaged in journalism in the Far East Muring the crucial period for three years centering round 1940, successively as news editor of the Manchuria Daily News, Manchuria correspondent for Reuters international news agency, chief reporter Shanghai Times and news editor Singapore Hera d- On arrival in London after Sing apore he was summoned to War Office 6-55A (intelligence) and as a sub-editor with the London Express was consulted on Far Eastern affairs. He speaks frank Iy because he believes the sol" - tion is truth—and you want it- He served-three years—as a private—with the- Shanghai Vol. unteers and- the Royal Fusileer* and has already volunteered shou'd this be it.. KOREA 3 IDEOLOGICAL ftOES Korea mean World War '■' IH? Probably nobody knows outside the Kremlin's inner ring But the indications are—no. Certainly President Truman does not know. Striking significance of his bold policy is that he is determined to find out—. ready to risk that war itse'f to find out. Korea is not the Danzig of World War in. It may be the Munich, but it is a poker Munich, the lead card played by a much shrewder, subtler, opponent than Hitler and covered by a somewhat desperate America •le+ermined to make it s> Munich in reverse ft is not a fight for Korea, which is of relatively little significance in a crucial. Inevitable global issue, but it is a crucial test-spot hi that crucial struggle —in World War 1TI, the inevit. able Word War HI. which has been very real- if passive, since the folly of Yalta unfolded It is war, and we are in i*— now, whether we fight or pay. Twice in our lives we have fought, wars to end war; it can't go on. We won both those wars. But did we? Before we get into this let us know how we can be sure we will win. Without knowing ■that it is not much good knowing Korea." *•* First strip away hvpovrilical ideologies which however tbey motivate the little man who fights the wars a"d narys for them, are not the sacred urge in the powers that make theji. This Is a war for power, for world power, between the rival ambitions of American capitalism and Russian Communism. Tt is a war to hold or to break the American S* And because It is stark realism tha.t the $ Is the symbol the material core, round which our ideals are crvs- taTlized, the idealist, the "Hie man. can and must rally In stout heart and good conscience. In the sheer necessity to save an admitted!* faulty vehicle as the means to perfect it. In 1939 there were three canms. Fascism, (lomnjun':, and Democracy Democracy is perhaps a misnomer, distorted into free enterprise-, with perhaps capitalism -its real forlce. Equally is Communism distorted- But democracy and communism are their ideals. Faspism me-" powe/" by «-egim,entation. dictated from the top; Communism frnr ■the bottom; .democrsa iy free ■hoicc of free people. As ideals the three are fundamentally irreconcilable- In reality a ?oose pattern, sufficiency followed for popular consent, by which personal interests seek power, they are equal'y- in sheer rivalry, in. compatible. World Wars U and . Ill are conflicts both in social ideologies and private rivalries. Dem?.Ta«"* cannot perfect itself within while ft is threatened from without. Nor Communism* As a social idejil or a private lust either of the three needs, eventually, a clear.» field. Cor munism cannot share, nor free enterprise develop, what it does not possess, or what a rival co-.-ets. It is a world issue. The Soviet, like the Nazis simp'y aggravatingly consistent, bases its nrosnect cjj a world cpmintern and its record, in peace and war, covert and overt, is in that clear course .in the fallacious creed that the end jus ti'ies the means. Which is the exposure of any masquerading ideology—balanced right 'annoi- be built of component wrop's as our own history and the logic of 'wo world wars rjis shown • Democracy too is imperfect, inconeisjtent; -witness the SMis- sful American paradoxes of *** Monroe Doctrine and tne Open Door, Marshal Aid and high tarif/s. No interference in an" of the Ameri*-Bs, yej. America's frontiers are on' the Rhine and In Formosa, and America's right to trade anywhere; gift dollars to snur s'ck economies to earn prohibition of balanced recovery by selfish national lines- buying dollars "by exports; vet The dramatic change in Am- erVan policy from isolationism to internationalism is the confused realization of the need for balance; with the unwillingness to give it still dragging. An unbalanced world will not work, nor can balance be achieved in any nation- any ideology without it. Moral laws are natural axioms, as inexorable and one with mechanical laws—> the way the world was designed to work. History is the record of selfish efforts to defy natural laws in se'fish illusion—a continuous shifting of false balance forced by selfish stresses. But this .simple logic, this one solution, in selfishness no man and no system will accept. Ideologies are selfish shams o* an inexorable principle. Democracy—mass free cho'ce — is as dangerous as any uji'-ess predi. cated on right choice In precept it is the .best formula map can devise; in practice it h's Je't itself vulnerable to, nay inspired crudities like communism and fascism. The real enemies are selfishness and igno'ance»-wh»re ever they are found. And th« worst ignoranoe is the selfish defiance of or blindness to inexor- al'.'e moral laws It is all^hou* us, the keystone of the materialist worM we struggle to shape ajd to ho'd- It is the ignorance of sophisti- ■ ation- tragic in all our values— of success, of happiness. It is op our radios and in our $$ — the freedom to be si-ives to our baser selves. But it does not satisfy, KOREA 4— it does not balance, and there are wars — civil war^ of social and economic rivalry- and wars of world unbalance. Becaus* democracy, if it is to succeed anywhere, must succeed everywhere —it cannot conquer the world because it cannot defy inexorable universal axiom; it must convert to, and. by. .compliance. Amd it does not—at home or abroad, because it is faulty anil often insincere It is galling, but revealing, to hear stock markets bracketed with war bulletins. In no nation—and few men- is there true democracy; or, what is enough, the will or the sincerity for it. From the private citizen to the League of Nations, it is the thin hypocrisy —only more tragic because rn ofteij unsuspected and sincere—* -of selfishness: the politics of principle. Tha* is thebackgroi- and the core of the present crisis If there is sense or sincerity in our rallying at all we must face it at the outset and realize what tne real aim of victory 5s. Fir the starkness of war rears opportunity for the ruthless to sab otage the victory from within by selfishness that is the same enemy in Main Street, as Moscow and recks as much for a brother as a Hun; and temptation- by the more immediate crisis, in the cruder passions of sheer survival, to sow in our own hearts what we crusade tp supplant in the ignorant of tjie enemy* i^*.?f'J Progress Is not a batt'e. War is simply an obstruction in the march. None of us could want wars In that good logic, but if this has to but one, this time let us face it with true vision and determination that in win. ning it from the enemy we shall not lose if to ourselves, but make it a milestone In tho march. This is a cha^enge to patriotism. The true patriot is he who knows that right is not a selfish arrogatlor, of right; that "righ* or wrong" is ;.o pariotism at all; that the only victory- he only good sense is the inexorable balance of one right i< all. To have it. we must comnc' it everywhere and start with It in ourselves. Or this test is vain hypocrisy and We cannot win. In the larger and smaller significance, this is the -bat le < the American dollar, in a world pattern where the dpi ar is th material symbol of the democratic ideal, and America its dominant power. Our democra. y is faulty but fundamentally right and inevitable and the democratic world ralies to protect i • It was challenged bv fascism and the challenge was beaten jjff But principle and logic being obscured 2>7 the urgency of tlf moment, this involved a si range alliance with what we aga n reahje to. be an incompatible ideology and a challenge to the democratic way; in truth a challenge to the death. On'y one creed could survive and it had to have the whole world. All three knew and pro. claimed it—and we forgot It. fEa&h bad Ito ebninate the other two. eventually; and eventually we were at war with fascism. We grovelled for an alliance with Communism to meet the more urgent threat. But the others cou'd bargain with even less Principle and Rus sia signed a non-aggression pact with Germany that made our war with Germany inevitable, and used it to grab cheaply the BalM*.- states and large chunks of Finland and' Poland, thumbing her nose af the howling but helpless democracies, who had already kicked. her from *he League of Nations and thwarted and sneered at the Bolshevists— and indeed set them up by opposing the idealistic original Kerensky revolution from the tyranny of the czars. Comihunism was fascism's first toe. It allied three dictator nations — Germany, Italy and Japan — in an anti-comiiktern pact. They tried to enlist the Jemocrncies in an alliance. The democracies preferred the bo'- shevists—and were well paid. Bnt in due course it suited Hitler to play Stalin at his own .game. He tore jjp a thieves' pact and at'acked Russia. Russia had schemed to fatten herself while her rivals weakened eachothe*- The inexorableness of right now presented us- in full mora-i'y, with what our rivals had schemed for. But—not because Russia attacked fascism but because they were at'acked—the Communists became our allies and comrades, whom left to their own devices we had seen as savages. ?!*%% To make them fight our en. emy we poured in despera*ely short supplies—the supplies that eventually won the war, in our hands as theirs. But when r* was won it was apparent that the Communist" had used them not to fight oui wa<- but theirs. But it was treason to suggest so then, what clear logic, compelled; witness Lady Astor. And the lesser among us. But we humored the temperamental Russians at every turn* We. waited for them to get into Berlin; we let them into the long Pacific war—in the same morality thev too had a non-aggression pact with j£pan. their ancient Asiatic rival—in its last week. We fed them and. fouijjit for them while +hey 'sowed, fhe'r feeds In conquered lands and our own, and spied, from their embassies. McKenzie King would not proceed in the O'fawa spv ease before consulting Washing- KOREA 5 ton—for fear of offending the spying; Communists* And we left them straddled across thp world- from sub- tropic to Arctic, from Berlin t Korea, a conquest never before approached, by an essential arch enemy whom we embraced reeling on its feet by its own perfidy This was the success of Teheran and Yalta, hailed as a new epoch in international amity. Roosevelt was duped. Hailetf as a martyr to democracy, his- ory will show him, in full sin. cerity one of its most tragic* and most costly figures. But. who would listen then? But there were others more cu'pabie, because they knew. Churchill was morally bound to speak at Yalta and Teheran and not at Fulton, Missouri. Our leaders, not true leaders, but politicians, threw our victory away, and many brave lives and grand sacrifices, just as. because politics is expedience, they jet- isoned our ideas. It is us who will pay again; and fight again and again if reed be. But will we neve* consolidate as soldiers -AouldT The folV of Yalta was equaltar the folly of the Far East, and % eiivest mistake was Manchurw; Korea is but a natural aftermath and a token of things to come— unless we make it Munich or Danzig. But first, to get a clear picture We must look from the other side of the world—a perspective we miss. For it is far and foreign but big and firm- And the Asiatic does not. see through our eyes. Russia is as much an eastern power as she is a western, by gco graphy. Sprawling across two continents it is unique in this po sition, with obvious advantages. It is no.t really a homogeneous nation at a'l, but a vast, remote stretch loosely occupied by manv ancient peoples, from Slav to Turk and Mongol, whom the western march has neglected, and Moscow lately consolidated- Reaching for the Orient is no new Russian role. From Moscow to Vladivostok is 6,000 miles — overland; from Tokyo to Singapore 2,500; Korea is the size of England. And East is East. The Asiatics outnumber us 100 to 1. Their civilizations are older more static, anchored on classic antiquity. Their id- ologi.es. «heir /philosophies arid religions too, in entirely different conception than ours, but equa'Iy powerful forces. Western adaptations take strange shapes They are realists but not ration- a'its. Love and honor are not their touchstones, but fear, face and precedent. We will not change it in a day and we have made a bad beginning by bolster ing Oriental cunning with what they see as Western perfidy- A trader impresses their realism mo-e than a missionary We must start with the un. derstanding that there is no feet ing of inferiority in the Oriental, no great reverence for the west; only some covetousness* They see us as foreigners,, intruders, exploiters. The Oriental in his own bailiwick is a very different animal than the punctilious immigrant. And they sec America as the Marine or Holy- wood. We must understand too the hardiness of the Oriental, his .struggle to survive. Christian principles, law and justice and other of our fundamentals are not theirs The spread between top and bottom, the general harshness and inhumanity, the cheerful persistence of the poor, are hard to conceive here. There is no democracy, and no relish for it. Most survive and thrive by power. He gets it as he can; and by it society acclaims his success—fertile ground for communism, this hypwerisy of equality that wrests the power to the long oppressed. Just as Rus sia was Meal ground, so it the Orient. The west demanded apcess to the Orient for trade They went to make money and too often in a virtual conspiracy with the established oppressors to further oppress The opium war . . • The Oriental is no fool. In due course the native taipan had learned the tricks of his western counterpart and wanted rid of him, to use them himscll — the inspiration of Japan's bid. The peasant had no great love for the inspiration of a new oppression: too often no great respect for his pergonal example of affluent, arrogant libertinism; and his colossal carelessness, so un- oriental, was open invitation— the Boxer Rebellion. This is the man whose hand two world camps, both fore'gn, are playing for. Of course it is war. When American planes fight Russian planes andAmerican guns Russian guns- what is it but war. i*» matter who fires them an&^lTO i masquerades behind a techvwical smokescreen, which tragically fancies itelf moral. It is all war, no longer the honest anger of Ug, but the suaveness of the modern Smug who goes to church on Sunday and gives handsomely to the patriotic fund and never dreams that he is driving some Oriental Ug. by primitive but persistent human instinct, to play Thug, in the slick hands of some gfes ' ually moral and successful sinner on the other side, whose morality has been distorted by the same selfish materialism under another flag, even another bible. There were no more sincere and patriotic than the Nazis or the Japs; nor than the Japs any more religious. Some KOREA 6-r strange Christianity has been crusaded in our own holy wars. We cherish a romantic reverence for the pirates of Elizabeth. The morality of our own empire is that it is a fait accompli; we have no wish—and no need—to disturb the status quo. And the totaliarians; with swifter cut. lasseg, use the same technique of the fait accompli* and we sat- is/isfy morality with de jure and »* de facto and cold and hot war. and make the puppets fire the guns and step in ourselves when they fall down. Ug was cruder, but. simple honesty is more successful because more natural. It is war whether you kill a man with an atom bomb or a high tariff or a cartel grab; or if you only incite him to retaliation that builds up to war. It is war when an ally stea's secrets far more devastating in actual effect than any day of battle; when he sabotages your economy directly or by infiitra. tion it is a straight tactic of modern war- In Korea more devastation has already been wrought than in all the campaigns of Alexander and Genghis Khan. But It not war—nobody has signed a paper—there is none to tear up. There was no war in China, but it has been going on since Chiang Kai Shek started it In 1927- and the fate of 450,000,000 souls, most of whom have had nothing : to say about it. has changed hands three times. We are too moral, too civilized to-day to grab a dub- to take a loaf when we are hungry, to save the strength to pay It back. We are a legal people. We have codes of ethics. And we are sincere in them, never suspecting that unnatural ways make them snares to trap ourselves. We can always vote on it; we can even make four o'clock five. Somebody voted on Pearl Harbor and there are no more moral nor religious people than the Japanese We vote for Pearl Harbor every time we vote for the fellow who does most for us, because by corollary be will do most for himself; every time wc invest In a shrewd stock. Every time we buy an unethical bargain. Every time we make our trade union an Instrument for getting all we can, as our moral defence against the same tyranny. Every time anyone thinks in terms of profit over real or social value. We undermine .iust as the communists do, but. things are complex- In a moral world—even our democratic slice of it—the dictators would never dare. But we are too inured to lust these things in ourselves We are aU selfish dictators little to big—and we forget the simple axioms of fua-i-um and leverage, the chain reaction of cause and effect- It starts far back and bui'ds up and when it boils It has not produced the rijih*. Ileadership or the right morality to handle it. We had a. long time to take mo--ality to the Orient. Even our most moral papers, which t Would never report wrestling match or even a sty'- ish horse race, give the stock markets full play—tied up with war bulletins. These a'e sincere moralists- the cream at the top. It is graphic in Korea. Roosevelt and Churchfi' were politicians, not statesmen. It was politics—the commercial interest— that even now made Britain recognize the Chinese communists. History is the history of what man knows to be axiom, but refuse to accept We learn In history what we will not learn f-om history. We understand all about chain reaction. It is behind U S. internationalism and Marshall aid. But it is the morality and charity of Wall Street, which goes to church on Sunday, and subscribes hand, somely to the patriotic fund. Nor ever suspect that they are_ Pharisees and Philistines. The propaganda of "American imperialism" is truer than *'" know—only more complex. Dollars cap take as much as guns. The men who nan margarine and spend your taxes to persuade you to buy butler so. they get the farmers' vote are the same men who decide about the guns and the ideologies. There are Smugs and wen as Ugs among the McCarthy's and no Ia,''k of Mugs among us in this Tug of war, be it hot or cold but constant. So the Hiss's get into politics and politics is the handmaiden of power profits which we fondly fancy is democracy- and to want natural balance and good government , makes you worse than Hiss—with the "patriots." So Roosevelt and Churchill were politicians and their morality was that of Wall Street and Stalin, with an assist from Hiss duped Roosevelt—and Wall Street—and Churchill spoke at t Fulton. \ Missouri and not at 'i^jKaKa And so Korea. 1 ■ To keep the Russians fighting our enemy, we sent punitive ex- • petitions in answer to the petitions for help in promoting de. mocratia( nationhood Un their trying hour our nations grabbed at their territory. In making the Kerensky crusade fail, we installed the communists. . The Korean still fishes with trained cormorant- hunts with trained hank. Throughout ihe Orient the old .Hides happily with what profits of the new; it -ould with things moral. The Orient holds human life more cheaply; there is less regard for human rights, more crudeness to human suffering- Fear and face compel compliance rather than respect for right KOREA 7 desire- Honor does not rate. In short, the rule of force. To the Chinese the tiger (wan) is the king of beasts. From afar, at great cost its powdered claws are brought, to pe eaten for power. The phoenix is the king of birds, the lotus the queen of beauty. We did little to understand, less to correct. Much we exploited at home as there. We had power. The Jap wars. the Boxer atrocities, the Tientsin strippings showed what he could dare. In dark aleys he has always dared. Huge individual fortunes have been made on both sides by East -West relations, but on neither side have the nations at large shared the benefits the wrong people pay in the resultant wars Both China and Japan have been led into error by their classic creeds; at other times by carelessness in them; and there as here materialism is breeding a recklessness of moral revolt. There is much that is good m the c'assic ideologies of the east; but for international harmony . as for enduring nationa ism, aU men must eagerly subscribe to inexorable universal axioms and all creeds need revising. Laws of conduct must be reconci ed with religious faiths — Confucius and Goethe with Shintoism as with Christian ty, the mathematics of morality and economy. The United Nations must start over by formulating such a universal code, drawn from the experience and insight of a1! men of all lands and all times—the true in. ternational law for every test. ■ Materialism has bred careless ness in Oriental creeds as with ours in the west; and there must be no east and west Co-operation is feasib'e in true natural segregation. We are all humans but not of one race. We must know each other— all peoples, in truth not prejudice or selfishness; our litmus not appeasement but right There He all our mistakes and their consequences. YOSUKE MATSUOKA RARON MITSUI VV*AMAA/V*AAa*w**/*AaWAoAaaAaaa/y*Aa*va< Mac Arthur ROOSEVELT KOREA 8— BACKGROUND THE importance of Korea is *■ mainly stategic It is an old but backward land of mountain and marsh. Its paddy fields are barely enough to support its dilatory but dour 20,000,000. Its mines are of no great importance; it has practically no industry. But it dips far into the shallow China Sea; in this day of air and sea power is virtually sentinel to Shanghai and the market ports of China. It is within tunnel distance of Japan and branches from the main . Asiatic trunk, direct'-y opening on Manchuria, the Canada of the East, rolling aioross two continents where Russia grips the Bacific and thrusts into the heart of Europe. Japan recognized the strategic value of Korea early in its dream of Asiatic power, but in contrast to rich Manchuria and Formosa, she did. little to develop this rugged peninsula; nor could it quite tame its rugged peop e To-day Korea is-not merely a psychological pawn in a game of world power — the line beyond which we trust no further—it is the key to the huge territory and the 800 million people of ' the Orient that might hold the baance of the rival camps- For Russia has China and Manchuria and all else nor'h: without Korea Japan is unten. able; and once uprooted here we have no base from which to ' hold already troubled southeast Asia. The master-plan of the Axis was an East-West pin- cer from Siberia to Suez. Russia, sitting on the Asiatic bel y from the Black Sea to the Pacific, is in a much more favored position to manage it. And it is not. a new Russian design. This is the back room olf the world- It is a big room and a lot of people live in it—more than half. We have been very careless about it. A pawn in the total throw for world power, it is of itself a certain problem child of the future. And because we have been indifferent our policy has been consistently wrong. That is why Korea has come. An Asiatic Korea is as sure for the future. There are three basic racial types in the Far East—San or Chinese. Polynesian and Aryan- The Orient proper is domin- ahtly Han. Migration has always been heavy. Manchus, Mongo's, Chinese, Japanese and Koreans differ mainly by effect of environment, and on the mainland after distinguishing lines developed, inter-breeding has been heavy- There are no national lines really no boundaries, no co-oidination of authorlity as we know it, even to-day. Chinese civilization goes back 4000 years. Its classic culture and phi'osophv, based on the Four Books, came all before our Chris tian era- By religion and philosophy it .clings to veneration of the past, pride in priority of civ ilization and culture—the Flow- Pry Middle Kingdom- centre of the earth; sons of heaven and 'and of ways that are dark. It is a great, diverse land. Eyen to-day the peasant of remote Szechwan has probab'y never heard of Peking. There are a dozen different .dialects and even a man from Shantung cannot speak with one from Shanghai.. When we think of China we think of rice, and indeed it is the staple diet ot the south and centre, but even today vou seldom see it in the north- where the appetite still favors the millet dumping. The Chinese feels with rev. erence that his was a gieat and happy land in the time of h's ancerjors- Change is saoriege. .That is the ancient backdrop against which a fervent movement of modern nationalism is forging ahead. It is essentially a movement of the young student, inocu aled with the technocracy of the west. The classic antiquarian—he thinks the true Chinese — shakPs his head. He was the classicist born, be he ever so humble for 'earning he left as the specialty of the few- It was their job to be custodians of an ancient cu'ture; it left him free to till the land. For the 'and and a son are everything in traditional China.. They have no real religion. They are simply content to contract with The Old Fellow as with the state to be left to win a living from field or shop with as 'ittle interference as possible, and much haggling and a trick if you can work it, for both are greedy fellows and take all the traffic wi'l bear- Toaism is the basic religion— Confucianism is not a re igion al all but a phi osophy of conduct. Confucius is regarded as good and wise a model man, but nothing theistic about him- Buddhism and other religions have intruded but the layman has delightfully scrambled them al. taking none more serious y than he must. He would be very happy to get along without god or governor. But without land and a son he cannot get on at aU- And the rice must grow and the saw and the woman be ferti'e. so there are churlish spirits to be paid and pleased, and in extremity he can howl very piouslv indeed- But unlike the over'ord the rain god cannot send sol. diers so why waste a pig when a stuffed hide will do? It is by such nimbleness you gain face, KOREA 9 not Jose it. But the spirits of his ancestors —they are his. .The family must hold together, for it is theirs; and cul.ure the land or the shop that provides- For the body will die, but the spirit never dies, and it cannot care for itself, so a man must have land to sui - port him and a son 'to care for his spirit. And filial impiety is jhe unforgivab'e sin. For the spirit in season leaves by the hole always left in the tomb, and on these days all the family is together in continuity of fidelity, and should a spirit accuse an undutiul son he has no fat among his fel'ow men-. From the tenth century BC. to modern times China has beei> .y.ilpd by powerful dynasties, each in turn being overthrown by its successor. As in feudal England, eaih ruer owed his power to the su. port of the barons, gut the bar ons were rather war lords than landlords, and as long as he provided enough soldiers and enough revenue nobody cared much how he did it He was more or less a vassal. He got all he could, often collecting taxes even 100 years in advance, for the common man found war the costliest of all, and the social calendar rates the soldier only higher than the barber, with the scholar at the top. Nor in this typical Chinese catch - can did anyone care much how anyone got it, where snrewdness rates as we rate honor. China is rich in resources as minerals and timber, but thev aU belonged to the emperor and were but little worked- Neyerthe less this o'd and favored land of nimbie, busy fingers and nim be minds built up an awesome splendor at the top and abject poverty at the bottom- There was oppression and prohibition, but the Chinese is a bora op- t'mist and indiv.dua ist and will risk breaking anv rule when the need demands. So the Chinese spread over the entire south' Pacific and far north* however prohibited. In utter contrast with Rome and Britain there is scant respect for the rue of law. Influence is far more profitable. The warlord started as a bandit and knocked off his rivals by any means and kept power by power tactics. He had prct*- much a free hand. The town bu'ly is still a valid office. Thus there was littte co-ordination or uniformity in government. There has never been a census. There is no proper .cadastral system- Even to.day a man stakes his sacred cla'j to property on a fan-tan, a scribb'ed note givtan long ago' for some favor, of which no other record exists. If the land is partitioned the fan-tan is simply, ripped accordingly and in a controversial land no one disputes the authority of that scrap of rice paper, however fractional. These things began 'ong ago. They were highly efficient in that classic age while our ancestors daubed themselves with woad They have the authority of ages and there is not only private resistance f any change affecting personal advantage, but vigorous public support. In short, China has never beep a co-oper ative comity- a nation as we know it, bat an accumulation of •ompetitiye individualism under a dominant individual. This is a na.tural free enterprise but it is the opposite of a democracy. The contract .between citizen and state is really a contest in which the individual defends his rights. To think of its government as democratic is fantastic. There is no franchise, no popular assembly. The Kuomintang is simply the Nationalist party of Chang Kai-Shek, and in any case the real authority rests with the legislative yuans or councils, each supreme in its own department and loosely integrated by a cabinet. Nor are federal ties very strong Each warlord really runs his own province. In this loose admins'ration it follows that boundaries are not specific. The ruling house woud naturally collect from as large an area as possible, but the farther from the capital the more independent the 'oca! lord China has thus always laid loose claim to a huge territory, far up and down the East Asia coast and far inland. Even today they claim Tibet, Mongolia, Korea* Manchuria, Formosa anc* feel Indo China and'even Burma are naturallv theirs. The stronger the ruler the wider his power, but history provides no claim for instance to Tibet and Burma To the north* country of tbe towering Hsingan mountain- and the sub-Siberian steppes, classic China 'ooked much as Roman Britain did on the predatory Picts and Scots. These were the na.tural lairs of tameless bandits and nomad tribes, and the Great Wal", most re. markable defence work in history, was the counterpart ot Hadrian's Wal'. It was built in the Twelfth Century. Of course teeming Chinese seeped beyond the pa'e and settled, but Ch'na proper is the central- core of the Fourteen Provinces. Now China's continuity datrs ba"k 3*0.000 years through c't- .states to autocratic imperialism and its early culture and civilization are the marvel of history It has always been tne 'odestar KOREA 10— of the Orient and almost even- thing in the Orient stemm' " from China, developing on national lines. The Chinese have their own tradition of Creation —P'an Ku the creator, with a line of handy henchmen like Sui Jen the fire maker and Fu Hsi master of matrimony (stupid fellow!) It is understandable then that the Chinese, r.f. f uent or oppressed- has .J classic pride, a sense of superiority and priority Which sometimes, against his classic wisdom.* runs to insolence and indolence—this not the Yellow River;, China's peri1. There is not a cringing beggar who would not be a lordly ' mandarin or litera'ly spit in your face. There are scores of "forbiddens" in the flowery land China has a,, great past; it has great possibilities when it scraps a long outmoded ideology reaches for what is frue j-nd inexorable rather than what is old and Chinese-The classic morality of a by-gone era- has broken down, is pocked W'th &umai weaknesses into which vestern adaptations have been corrupted No fe'low human can look on China without love; its naivete is delffhtfu ; but no. serious* intelligent, moral min can look on it but sadly, gravely, understanding its convulsions and realizing what must come. It is a battle of wits, a ruthless one. E egance of only Or- iential conception and urchins darting out j to knife gashes in ri -e bags laughing at the cruel whips, misshapen women sweep ing the precious spill from among the street filth; stepping your way through streets where star, ving hundreds expire in a pittance of green froth; horrible skeletons wasting on heroin in dark aleys, with a suave taipan oozing in luxury while his armv of vassals combs the gutters for filthy cigarette ends and many others roll them into the the dastardly "pills" for which the addict wil! sell his soul; wester- sponsored cities with daily truci- services to pick up unwanted baby girls thrown into the street While nbv'.ivious the r^urous street stall shouts its wares aspaj front the pavement, the ever hopeful beginner se'is the ind"m itable coolie half a cigarette. China's godowns are always stacked with rice. A hungry jeo- ple is the taipan's aim—the hungrier the more per picul. There are periodic 'famines' with fantastic prices mounting with the death toll. So with all business* The taipan can always dodge a law. Shanghai's international government had to go into the rice business. Birth rate is as fantastic as child mortality rate. Plagues and famines were long routine. Overpopulation suits exploitation And with the farmer, meeting his first Mego- the warm natural human friendliness of the good earth. Througlh these streets gO-at trucks ro^ to western argosies* the western bicycle is adapedto the ancient rickshaw in which human flesh pulls human flesh. The western Missy "shops" in aff'uence and Master gathers at gleaming bars His customer may be the heroin king; hJ- own dealings in-mde "cumshaw" and "squeeze"—it is China. It is China, one of the Big Five, guardians of democracy Where no one votes; where Chiang Kai-Shek simply another war:ord, rose to power K coup and conor-est i»j 1927—and was mightily opposed id western entrepreneurs—and their governments- We have manv mistakes, of misconception—and some of mi- conMuct. Cur hands are not clean. And the New China movement does not inspire confidTr« The impression is of impudent, irreverent young asses contomnt uous of everything. And their obsession is to kick out the west erner and have China for them.. selves. None the less, the F'ower-" Land has been the lodestar of the Orient through the centuries- The first primitive seepings into Japan, Korea, Formosa and the no th were so long ago that environment has shaped nation al identities- From earnest times Chinals relations; with these lesser peonies have been proud and arrogant. But dynasties grew over-:ipe and rotted, and in tin 13th Century Kub'ai and Genghis Khan swept down from Mongolia with the Kin or Golden Horde, swept even into Europe, retired to set up a long Mongol dynasty in China. And in the 17 th Cento: y the barbarous Manchus came down and beat the cultured Mings. They were, as always, absorbed by teeming China, bu' though they gave conventional rule from Peking as emperors of China, they continued as kings of Manchuiia. The conauered /Chinese had to wear pigtai's as a symbol of servi'ity, but their own tough clansmen they kept virile and primitive, and their own land primeval, a' vast nrc- se:ve. They buried their kings in their own mauso'eum at Feng tien (Mukden), built replicas of the elegant palaces of Peking at Jehol and Kirin. It was the Wall reversed. Immigration was forbidden—but not prevented. The. Manchus were absorbed. In 1912 the Sun Yat Set r* volution overthrew the de-adent Citings It was a popular V-rr- dom movement and the west looked askance but China fc- slipped back to the traditional rule of the warlords, and Chiang. .;-:,;J-^,, &}■*&*-■ - ;..,.**.■:. ' -J-,;.'^. ' DAVE TAYLOR KOREA U fortified with western ways, took over. The Chinese are natuia', enterprisers and almost from tim" immemorial caravans have trek ed acioss the waist of Asia. The merchants 'oif the Hvest looked avidly on Cathay. In the 13th Century Marco Po'o inspired a new eagerness and Columbus stumbled on the new world while ooking for a short route to the old. The orgv of discovery some what ec'ipsed the lure of Cathay but India was carved up and Spain took the Philippines. And soon the traders were knocking eagerly at China's door of scarlet silk and gold. Marco Po'o wrote of an exotic Chipangu. which, because aloof was remote, and because remote was fabulously rich. Here the romantic Italian erred. Certainly a'oof. Japan bad 'rethwd Into submissive remoteness because it was verv poor. Unlike the great plains and rivers of China, fed.by the high inland Himalayas, it is a chain of vnlcani'. islands — mou-ifatu tops and sea. The little brown bothers had a piide of meekness They did try early on to make fi *nds of their neighbors, to trade. The were even ready"to fight to prove their right. But thev Jdn't have much luck. Tliey fought well, but somehow, win or lose, thev invariably managed to oor.'.t off second best against their as'uter neighbors. The C&inese sneered, cal'ed them monkey men; and the Chinese hold all the Olympic records for scorning and swearing- The Japs were brave but. sensitive little fellows — not so little in the north—conscientious and determined if a bit awkward They decided they could neither whip the prodigious Hans nor compete with them, so they retired to their own bare lit le islands to be self-sufficient en fish and seaweed and what little rice hard work would yield For ten centuries they remained aloof, the original isolationists- They were slow but not stupid and they built up a culture and ous'.om typical of their environment, not the flowery brilliance of Cathay but neat and frugal, a bit toy doll and tip soldierish. Fop they were the little men of Nippon; sons of the rising sun anfl it was. their divine miss'o" to carry its light through the World, even the gaudiness of Cathay—Nippon -Seishin! History presents no other nation where reigion and govern, ment are so unified. Anthropo'ogically, Japan was set tied by migrations from Korea. The main wave found the islands occupied by earlier immigrants, the dwarf hairy Ainos or dog-men, and overcame them— something the superior Chinese choose to doubt. Leading the crusading Nippons was heaven-sent. Jimmu- son of the Sun Goddess Issu herself, lo inspire the divine mission. If this be legend, it is living legend, and even the occupying Americans have thought it unwise to disturb it. For Hirohito, the ruling Mikado, traces direct descent to Jimmu 2600 years ago and history accepts it as ihe longest dynasty tbe world has known. And it is one with Shintoism. the natural state religion. With liberal imports of Buddhism, it is simply the Sun-god theme. It is Kam.ino-michi, the way of the spirits, chiefly ancestor worship, but much more solemn and dignified than the Chinese, with much more passive obedience There are no tricks with the Japanese. The position of the family is profounder. The Emperor is divine, and so laws are god's laws. Some times a day the Japanese bows in the direction of the Imperial Palace. Before a ball game is started you aU do. Where the emperor .walks in public is fenced off; no one may touch or defile it. You may see it done. When some curious domestic item is issued from the secluded palace, it must, go to the top of the page—above the earthquake (Mikado is a foreign word, wnich since Gilbert and Sullivan offends the Japanese.) Regularly the Emperor and all impci ant officials visit the sacred shrine of Ise, where the spirit of the Sun Godess is enshrined, both to report and consult. Shintoism has "eight million • god spirits. The Japanese were never, keen on inter-marriage with Occidentals and in the recent tension were, outraged by it During the day the modern Jap anese appears as a conventional westerner; but. at night he goes back to the classic habit of his ancestors and few foreigners Invade the sanctity of his household Everywhere in the Orient it is much the sams—in tiling*? material he takes what profits- but inside he ticks as of olti- Business follows our calendar and convention but the o'd feasts follow the old ca'endir and the od expression. Yet. the O'ient can change. At one time aU the retinue of a Japanese when he died were buried with him; and when a humane emperor himself banned this in humanity his will w's insisted: but it ceased a thousand years ago- Binding of feet—its purpose is indelicate1}- Chinese— has now almost vanished On the other hand. When the servile P'f fail was abolished they were reluctant to be shorn. Closely associated with natu. ural relgion of patriotism, and again linked with the classic KOREA 12— feudalism so apt to it, is a code of chivalry, or bushido. The greatest Japanese is the samurai, aristocratic warrior, his greatest glory to die for the god-emperor; ihe more idaring the more glorious. It explains the banzais and the suicide subs Fo'lowing the sumarai are the farmer- the peasant and the artisan. The Japanese takes himself seriously- Failure, accident, are unacceptable. You take the responsibility and the blame- Not only your own, your country's You meditate and if you cannot recor, iile tihe course cif events you make the unworthy sacrifice of hari-kari. If you have moved among higher Japanese you havr seen it (what are you waiting for, Fairley?) For a thousand years Japan developed in isolation on this religio-feudal pattern. All round the world the west was knocking at new doors. In the 17th Century Dutch merchants came t Japan They we.yj received courteously but. cautiously, given limited concessions. Then came the missionaries. They too were well received. But came more missionaries with conflicting creeds and The Japs kicked them aU out, massacred those who - would not go, went back into heathen seclusion. Perhaps too the barons found obedience more useful than Christianity. But these were the days of rampant, commerce. The moguls of the west made similar deals vith the tycoons of China, i'b * string of treaty ports arose. Concessions were given, and international cities f'ourisheid, given extraterritorial rights — sometimes by purchase, sometimes, like Hongkong and Macao by conquest. It is true that they made some contribution to the modernization of China, even to the people's lot. But that was' not the motive. It was China, and China's standards were good enrtgh. Even those Chinese who profited most resented our abrupt manner, our material power, and our presence. The Taiping Rebellion, a pop- . ular movement was as much directed at the favors the Chings had shown the foreigners as it was against civil ills. An American, Ward, directed the defending forces. The west was determined to have its commercial stake. There had already been the Opium War. a little harshlv named—actually Britain's determination in the same commercial thesis- The west Was too strong The Chinese signed the Tientsin Treaty allowing concessions in China to our traders- And about the same time the U S- president sent Commodore Perry to open the trade doors of Japan. They reluctantly agreed. One old diehard put un private resistance, and a joint western task force blasted his feuda' lot at Shimonosaki—1854. Now there is a joker in this fine code of Nippon politico- religious patriotism. The em. peroirs edict is god's way. but the emperor is a man- Japan's feudalism produced powerful barons too, and soon thev had the emperor in thrall; he be- -ame their parrot god. Civil wai broke out, and the powerful Fu' waras—the Warwicks of Japan were put down. A virile line of the o'd dynasty gaee Japan a strong military-feudal rule, still vibrant when Perry came. The actual revolution was in 1868. The powerful Satsumas had in their turn set up a puppet dynasty the Shogunate This the revolt deuosed, restored the hereditary mikados. This was accomplished by what we came to identify as the typical edging technique of the sinister Jap- They could always retort in equal vehemence that reared equal conviction, wi'h 'Perfidious Albion' and 'Unctious America.' How stupid is hate But the Shoguns qualified The Jap is eager to improve — he is known as an imitator. The Japs conquered Korea — 'hey call it. Chosen, as Formosa is China's Taiwan—when cultural ripeness brought military eclipse- a shadow China Then an aging emperor netired to ease and serenity, abdicating in favor. of a virile son. The e was at, this time in Japan great rivalry between the Tairo and the Minomoto families and each had its turn. To this venerable Chinese con cession they gave a cute turn— the good old Japanese creeper trick—he politely borrows your hose cuts a hole in your fence so he does not wreck it by innumerable jumpings over, and very soon is telling you, "This my garden now" Soon they were crowning the emperor at five and retiring bim at 20 — worked as his contact, with his people was gradually cut, so nobody knew. And they saw that he had lots of prince!.*' fun- so that the hereditary tribal giants became hereditary weaklings, and always married them to their own family. This of course meant a. p:o- tector which the leading family naturally supplied. And under the Jimmu creed you were stuck with the heir apparent, This family protectorate-iMas the Shogunate- It woiddMptob- a.bly be going on yet if tH§L Yanks hadn't broken it upi -just as thev are now modifying the useful emperor myth. The Americans sent wise advisers and Japan rallied to them, was soon converted. This, known as the Meiji Revolution, akin to KOREA 13 our .own industrial revoluii' was the most amazing transformation in history- Japan went diligent'y to her task of modernization- She was transformed to a land of light industry, of shools and hygiene. The peasant ; obediently left hand loom for power loom, rode in street cars, But he was still very much a serf, now industrial rather than agrarian. He worked for a pittance, and his goods were dump ed—how much the western ex- p oiter had to do with it was hardly thought of — at prices that angered our competitive workmen. There was similar hostility to cheap Chinese labor — natural counterpart of an natural anti-foreign feeling in China. There was none in Japan —then. They revered us, sent their sakura cherries to Washington-- And just as warm for Britain. They sent their sons to be educated, to learn seamanship Many a loca' Briton remembers he polite, docile little felldws apprenticed in our factories. But in China, an era of arrogance was arising. An imperious old empress, dowager ruled- She resented the haughty foreigners and in.iied they brought embarrassments. For the nimble Chinese were quick to learn. We democrats were soft. Anyone wil find a stronger native respect for the German, who treated them firmly, like good dogs. Mego (American) massa and missy have too much money. If missy good Chinee boy no take, bad Chinee he take. Their tricks were as delightful as their English. We enjoyed them; but we spoi'ed them. Many of the missionaries were grand. But thev made hardly a dine on Chinese naivete. "Wha'- y on do now massa go wa-''" yo*s would ask one who had been tenderly trained in a mission "Oh. me go back be p'ostitute." The mission rire was good and were many advantages that the Celestial quickly unearhtod. No mercy tempers Justice there, though money always can- You have to sample the Orental's treatment of an enemy, half genius, half brute, to know one side of him. But the mission would tolerate no such barbarism to her erring children. They took it up with ihe embassy- And you dared not insult the powerful foreigner. What is more, the o'd cow in the palace was a true arrogant Oriental tyrant The stiff trousered plenipotentiaries of England declined, literally, to kowtow (go down on their knees) even if the floor was marble mosaic and the old cow the self styled daughter of the son of heaven. This was too much- The old vixen, nominally persecuting them, secretly converted a secret sect into the revolt—the Boxer rebellion. The west joined hands to answer insolence and atrocity with somelhing it understood- An a - lied force sacked the summer palace, a sacred place, destroyed priceless treasures. China was not able to .expel the barbarian westerner—yet. China's insolence led her into a war with Japan. The new Jap anese economy wanted trading privileges such as the foreigners enjoyed. But they were Japs. There hafl been wars throng);, out the Orient's long history— Gi'bert and Sullivan affairs. But trading affluence had given China modern weapons, a British built navy. But while the world app'auded —and gasped —puny Japan swiftly disciplined her huge haughty neighbor. The applause was ominous — a new power had come to 800 millions. . Japan's price was Dairen, as a trade gate and defence outpost. America, who had fenced in her own continent and her neighbors with the Monroe Doctrine, then demanded the Open Door in the orient- now came up with Status Quo. The others nodded. They were well satisfied in Asia now- no disturbances- The Japs did . not. get Laiotung. They wanted an outpost because a new factor had arrived- Boxer ramifications in Manchuria had brought Russian punitive expeditions — and the Russians had a habit of staying on. While the western argosies had been staking huge colonial empires and reaching out to the Orient the long way round the great bear had been asleep. Russia was the most backward of nations! Behind a glitter of splendor in St. Petersburg sprawl ed a great dark continent under the tyranny of the czars. It was much like China, governed by military barons- Siberia was where convicts and political pris -oners were lost. To the south and to the Pacific coast were primitive tribes. Turk or Mongol or Tartar. This in the 17th Century. But Peter the Great hstd ambitions to match his rival princes Quite ignored, the Orient was open to Russia by the back door. Peter sent out explorers and organizing agents, and Catharine continued the plan. In -1630 the Russians first reached the Pacific coast. Soon after, they founded their first Pacific town, Okhotsk. A perusal of place names identifies their origin to this period or later. And they were soon prodding Manchuria. Now north-west Asia was vague and nobody bothered to challenge the Russians, even when they reached round to Al. aska- But when you bumped into a Chinese you nettled him. Politically careless, he became KOREA 14— very much Chinese wfien you wanted anything. And one of Russia's pet devices was to see the buffer tribesmen — always willing—slip off an another raid Nettlesome border incidents have been an almost daily misfortune ever since. The Russians and the Chinese by the treaty of Nertchinsk, fixed a line—1689. The Russians kept prodding and a new treaty, Aigun- in 1858 gave them considerably more ground. Now, in they were into Manchuria. III. The Uprising Orient The west suddenly became aware of the potentialities of this - vast preserve, strategicallv the Balkans, economically the Canada of Asia* Britain built, with Chinese partnership, the first railway — before any i>- China. America negotiated for a much bigger one. But Russia already had a bv" boot in the door. Ambitious vehicle for her Pacific thrust was the huge Trans-Siberian railway —6 000 miles — started in 187" It reached V'adivostok in 1851- But this synthetic port termin-T was found to be frozen in winter Russia had crept down g coast, as far as she could. Now she had to maneuver. Much of the dismay of the western powers she came up with a pact with China t.o build tho Chinese Eastern Railway, thro' Manchuria, connecting the big Eurasian line with ice.free Dairen at the southern tip She 'eased the Laiotung Peninsula and alongside Dairen built the naval base of Port Arthur, dominating the North China Sea and pointing at Japan. The Japanese had wrested this as a prize of the war of '95 but four powers America, France. Germany and —Russia had intervened—status quo. Where was the balance of power now? But it wa^ a.\> perfectly legal. The west growled- And Russia aimed at the heart with a Sino-Russian Bank. ' Japan was only more alarmed than annoyed, but the <.tb-rs were well nettled too, and the quaking sympathies of most of the world were with the litt'e fellow when he toed up to the big- treacherous bear in 1904— and brought off an epic victory. Her prize was to take over the Russian lease on the tip of Laiotung, which she had twice won. She also took over the railway as far as Chanchung. Russia still had the northern half, but sold out to the Japs after the Man- churian incident of 1932. Nor. thus disposed, did anyone object much when she used the pretext of a local revolt, to annex Korea in 1910. The door was well sealed against Russia. And we were good friends with Japan- Soon after Britain signed a treaty of friendship with her and she fought with us in the 1914 war. She put down for ur an uprising in Singapore. But only with reluctance would she give up the German treaty port of Tsingtao which-she ha8 occupied for the Allies', rt.is was significant. For a thousand years Japan had been aloof, in meager self- sufficiency. Suddenly she became a world power. It was virtually forced upon her. History shows that prosperity is sad linked with war. Understanding is safer than prejudice. Japans was. a militay feudalism She had no record of pro- vocativeness. Her story was much like that of Switzerland- In modern times, much like that of Britain. She gave her people as much > chance of democratic government as any has. But democracy rests with the qualifications of the people. Industrial and finan cial barons have taken over from the feudal barons in our own democracies. Japan afforded much more fertile ground. For the loyalty to the faini'y could" impinge upon loyally to the state. In total contrast to China, Japan adopted a constitution a virtual replica of that of the United States, American advisors planned and tutored, and the Ja.ps were apt, eager and unquestionably grateful. Democracy was lifted in, it was not bogged down by prejudice and precedent. There was no -ack of liberal speaking in the Diet. And no iron curtain- Education was enforced and the presses went crazy with books—mostly western translations. How could de. mocracy fail? Japan was of feudal mind, by long practice, almost by religion She applied the feudal pattern to the industrial transformation By custom, by religion- she was dori'e and obedient;—opposite of the Chinese. She became democratic because she accepted democracy as right. Her outlook makes individualism difficult if not impossible. You cannot be told to be free, to think free. Properly handled. Japan wou'li have been a good al'y to democracy, but without, some modifications in her religion hardly a democracy So she was at first, a docile a'ly while she trusekl. Among the finer Japanese, of intelligence and true Japanes" chivalry, the west made many "fine friends—friends of democracy, of Britain and America- They were deeply shocked at the recent turn of events- But thev were Japanese; they grieved within or committed hari-kari. The masses veered as thev were told—through rather than b" the god-emperor, witfi banzai and with sacrifice. Japan had fought before, had taken Korea before. Every now KOREA 15— and then a knight rose up who was more chauvinist than chivalrous. But by and large the motive was fear. They were a poor people, but, the outside world wouid not let them be with what little they had. And here, when they had found one friend to help them take their place in the world, was another waiting to pounce on them. Their suspicion of Russia—the green eye is what impresses thenT — was very real, persistent- and as events have shown, not unfounded. The trend since Peter ihe Great has been as plain as Napoleon's or Hit'er's ever was. It was us who mistook. Her surprising victory settled the Russian menace for the present, and she added a strong alliance with Britain. Now it is difficult. — eyen in Korea to-day — to know where fear stops and arrogance begins: necessary offensive defence and sheer ambitious aggression- Certainly America has veerer widery Armament usually goes with business. For some it is good, business. There is commercial imperialism—India was; all the west in the Orient was. And so in Japan. Japan benefitted in just thi same way as we from China' and India, with the big fel'ow squeezing more at both ends, and the little man being suueez ed—and finally into war. In Japan is was infinitely easier, compresed- Her character was feudal, her mood loyal and docile, and she was poor enough to suffer. Government must needs be . mightily concerned with economy; it makes grave •»!• understandable mistakes in it, and big business tilts its lever so that national economy is not directed for the peop'e but a few people. Politics is its functional counter part. You must invest in a resource to make it useful to society, and j outside socialism — and there ] has never been an effective one —that means private capital, at.- r.-.cted by profit, with a delicate ba'ance between attractive private profit anM utlimate social Weal. Political democracy docs not manage it either In Japan it happened on the feudal pattern. The big f ami ies had the investment capital and the Mitsuis and the Mitsubishi's succeeded the Fujiwaras, and gradually tightened their grip o" government, both in the normal couise of political economy and by design. A god-emperor can be an effeitive puppet By and large the Mikado bo- ca.me a constitutional monarch- All edicts are in his name, with deistic authority, and as he was actually subservient, to the Diet, so those of parliament. Politics can distort constitutional government and convert private pressures into social rule. It is hard to avoid it. for without the support, of the powerful it is hard to govern—witness Socialist Britain. Certainly Japan is a classic example of the few com-iiing the economic power at the ex. pense of the many- and the expansive course Japan took was all in their interests. But Japan also had a heritage of military feudalism, a defensive oomplex, and a real defensive problem. Her initial offensive defence was as defensible as America's in Korea to-day. Without access to outside resources Japan could thrive as a modern nation even 'ess than B'itain- Almost their sole resource was work. To exploit jitney had to have materials and markets. America's policy rtfets. on the need—the right — for markets. In essential balance these indeed are rights. In her o-vnansionist days Japan ar*"-*- " ♦he right, of a have.not nation to have. Her motives were not strj't economic axiom. Nor have any, though basically so, ever been. With true chivalry comes a fungus chauvinism The Japs may believe their emperor is G«"" .hutrit is a human belief. He is very mufh like any other human as we see it, nor is their belief in his perfection perfect, for they at least are human. In these chauvinist minds, of an unmistakable inferiority com niex—for fear and bullying bravado are never far apart — the s-'ei'tacular successes of the China, and ' Russian wars must have rung great banzais. Ap|1 the-e is no denyine that many a Jap, from shoolbov to samurai, dearly loves' a uniform and the jingle of his long sword and useless spurs, and though the worid's worst suited soldier, is a very ' different little man when he gets into them, playing the hero. For all his creed and legend is the rf-tisadinff son <"* the sun- It cou'd be converted^** "".alio Roots" For he made Rw> Ruth an idol too; and when his reverence of. the west turned to outrage he banned such degenerate heresies as Rotary and jazz and baseball (or better, changed a note or a rule or a name and made them Japanese. his greatest curse was Babo Roota—bagar! (for there is no true curse word in the Japanese language. Both in the mind of tbe ec- onomit-, and the chauvinist protection—neicesary. offensive defence easily strays to domination and there is no doubt that isolated germs were incubated firr- the first After all, it was' security plus and the west had set the pattern. The evidence was Japan's rc- . - ' M|WM|:'.. ■ ¥?y& RUSSIA 16— honest dollar- That was ironical. For there was no accident about the dou- bc-cross of Teheran. At Cairo Roosevelt and Churchill met Chiang, promised him Manchuria. At Teheran they gave it to Stain. Small wonder they did not have the face—or grace—to even tell Chiang. These were the fathers of the four freedoms. So we are liberating South Korea. Foi whom? If for the Koreans- why not North Korea too? Are they not. all Koreans? Who divided them? And why not. China? Why not Czechoslovakia and the rest? What about, the rape of the Ba'-tic? If communism is intolerable . in South Korea it is intolerable everywhere; and any wise and moral man knows it. is- Then why toady to it? Why inflict it on Manchuria and Korea and so make it. a menace lo East Asi.i and world balance? It is a ccstiy blunder, could be a fatal one; it is the high-riding men who did it who should pay; in Japan —or Russia—they would. But these men put. on a big | do for themselves in one of our '4, battleships as fathers of a new world freedom. Two million men on the fighting fronts thought they might have some part, in ifs birth- Then they told us i* was not an ideological .war; if was just, a spectacle for themselves, just politics. And they are still playing politics with ii, want us to ct them boss this one too. If communism is wrong it Was wrong in 1915 as in 1937—and we knew it was. We scorned the cute hypocrisy of the dictators who dodged their double cross by distinguishing—when it suit, ed—between the' Comintern and the Soviet- But the treacheries of Teheran and Yalta had their eyes wide open — signed, then exposed for personal promotion. Communism is wrong- a self- declared threat to the true freedom for which free men have been marching for 5000 years and which no three politicians a: e going to endow with a wave of a big cigar—and one of them a sworn enemy of freedom, the others agents of the "freedom" of captive dollars- Communism is an ambush in the timeless march of free men, and free men will gladly make it a battle if they must. But it is vicious that they should die 'u make other men ritn, that their leaders should scutt'e their true aims. The deadliest, this is the most stupid war of all. This time it must not. be. This time the private is supposed to think And to let. his bosses know it at the stort, and fight better for it. "This time they don't want socks and cigarettes: they want your honest votes. The Far East is just a pawn in this global pay; but this is just a phase in the evolution of the East. However it goes, Communism will leave no permanent, mark; it is but a new and tempt. ing poison for an old ill—basically hunger. The teeming East, has absorbed many influences; much of ours it has spewed out. The Oriental, like Stalin and all the rest of us is for himself. He is a national before he is a Communist and a human soul before that. Communism's doom is that it forgets that; so do the c'assic ioultures of the East; but so too much do wc The old bogey of the yellow peril is now splashed with violent, red. SUMMARY — Unanimity is clearly a myth, and to commit to it the security E of a new moral woild was clearly a mistake, either of honest but tragically, mistaken faith, or deliberate treachery of the vilest kind, in the sacredness of trust. It was entered into much too lightly, became the man obstacle to a moral peace, .sword and shield to a treacherous "ally". It based unanimity on two dia- metrially opposing views—com- mun sm and the state versus . free enterprise and individualism. In abstract theory they are opposite and' in political practice each is determined on a world in its own pattern. Yet on this Impossibility of unanimity world leaders based unanimous perfection. It devolved into two irreconcilable camps, encumbered by being committed to agree—a stupid hypocrisy; a dangerous and costly one. Unanimity is only possihe—as a constructive force-—in a common sincerity for right. ■ It is equally an obvious fact that Russia's conception of the orld secure is utterly at variance with that of the other cus- odians, and certainly not a mo ral. world of equal rights; at best, "lass rule, not the commonalty of free expression—a levelling to /5*£,the low, wh'ch is against the essential urge of nature. Communism, in principle, is as sound and workable as capital ism. though neither is the true social code. It is as foolish to equalize abilities, and their potential fruits, as it is to base value on materialism. The ideal is free inspiration—the creator— with an auxiliary of organizar tion—the producer and distributor—to preserve the social balance and share value without losing or discouraging it. Here both Communism and capitalism limit and distort. The man who finds no gold in the sunset loses true gold. But pnacticising Communism Is not at ail even the erroneous ideology of Karl Marx. It comes no closer than does capitalism to RUSSIA 17— the democracy of free enterprise. There is no evidence of an economic millenium or communal economy—simply regimentation. And her world pattern is clearly to make her satellites vassals to her economy—the imperialism she rails at. Forced labor, virtual concentration camps for conquered en. emies and for dissenters, refusal to let anyone in or out or even to allow communication with relatives abroad, this whole secrecy, intrigue and ruthlessness of purpose, is not at all a necessary part of pure communism; and all too inhuman and guarded to inspire confidence in their communism as a way of life; or in their sincerity for true communism at all. In short, the consistent pattern of a ruthlessness for power by a few, by any means, with nothing sacred, and everything a dupe, is the grim skeleton cleverly clad, seizing every opportunity with relentless purpose, exploiting the weaknesses of the moral way, but utterly destructive and negative, in itself. It rails against our imperialism while its own outstrips any the world has seen. It would ban our inhuman atom bomb, but where are signs of its humanity? Too patent the rage of chagrin, and feverish search for and bragging of something worse. Its tactic is to conceal its strength by howling about the other fellow's, and at the same time impress its strength by secrecy, bv fear. It trumpets the sovereignty of the proletariat bu+ exploits it to its own sinister ends, to sabotage an imperfect moral scheme. it is not a pian but a sinister plot—destroy to rule. While na- wons were at death grips with Fascism, Bolshevisms arch-enemy she grabbed the defenceless, sewed her own sinister seeds in the valiant, even in her own death struggle, spied on those whose arms she screamed for. •she made every pact and promise serve her convenience and broke it at her advantage. It is her handbook policy. Its only sincerity is ruthless expediency to power, by any means with Marxism in the same aspect. The USSR, is in no sense a Marxist confederacy; there is no practising Communism except as convenient to power. as a world force, Communism is simply a convenient receptacle for those disgruntled with society, just as there have always been "reds" and they have never made a nation, far less a perfect . society. There is no sacredness and no scruple. Such was the pledge of unanimity. Unanimity Is impossible in such opposite rivalries, even had there been sincerity. And unanimity in two faulty doctrines—in itself impossible— would be faulty. And Communism in Russia has simply seized on universal klis- gmntlement, unscrupuously exploited, as a means to climb to power. Its handbook dictates the goal of power' by any means. In p-actice, the history of ' the Communist state shows one single consistency—power by any means. A Communist state is not a matter ui numbers. Finland provides an approximate example. But Russia wants nothing less than \>orld revolution —for world domination. It wants no Titos; Moscow rules. It wants th s by any means, with morality the easiest dupe. It has no regard for right; what will further its ends is right. But. neither is democracy rap-, acious capita ism, free enterprise the licence to exploit. - But where democracy is simply dull in time values under the natural moral axiom, basic Communism is deliberately antagonistic — a materialistic leveller which ultimately would dry up moral springs, the fount and palate of human values. Rule of tne proletariat is tar from the ideal «f the ultimate in human asp rations; it is like saying that evolution should stop with the ape, that the ape should rule and curb or eliminate all who dare to progress Beyond hm. Nor does the proletariat rule ™ Russia; it is regimented and sup-' pressed in a patent deception, in the popularity of a convenient myth. The Soviet is totalitarian power, buttressed by many frauds in an iron grip. obtained by treachery. Behind an iron curtain is rigorously concealed the practising example that ■ should be the proudest salespiece, shutting out any other influence, when none should offer temptat'on; 'and ffording a cloak for binlster suspicions — and reports — of rigorous subversion of the individual free will to state will, in the decision of which the individual has no voice. Suppression of freedom . of of choice and thought and expression, or even unanimity in these, is in no sense necessary to the Communist ideology, and sits ill with a profession of the Four Freedoms, which true Communism could well afford. The riidicuious inconstency of Russia's ranting at the plain pro. tective realism of the Atlantic Alliance, spitting "American imperialism" in sheer frustration of her own too obvious Communist imperialism; her appeals to the United Nat ons, her.claims that the alliance violates the U.N. principle, when she has tied the hands of the UN. and exploited the sacred pledge of unanimity; her violent suppression of national, ism n Communism; the ruthless personal struggle for power at the inner core—the mysterious gull-* RUSSIA 18— litioning of promising careers} the mystery, almost the deliberate myth of Stalin's health am, signs of an animal-like scramble for his mantle—all this, grasping and low and sordid stands in des-: picable counterpane to the pure idealism of selfless comradeship; and its hope and inpiration to the little man, unhappy in the admitted squeeze of free enterprise, is simp y pathetic—a dupe. In the simple natural law of consequences Communism is bound to perish in its errors and weaknesses, just as Fascism did and would eventually have from within, just as capitalism will if it does not mend its far less serious faults. It Is just as certain as the prediction of an eclipse. Just as all social experiments have succumbed to their flaws in the inexorable moral musts— as capitalism surely will—so Com munism would perish by itself error. But now the conscious world has stiffened, and the foxy bear will face it with tactics strong " and cunning. Day to day there are developments, and none of them need surprise us. Our guess ing has not been very good, nor oic subtlety—thank God — any match for theirs, and it is encouraging that we are'falling back on forthrigbtness and strength. These balk'the crafty bear most, which is why he snarls now. What he will do besides depends just on what he thinks he can do, and what will be best for him. When that is war, it will be war. That it has not been afte:- so long is encouraging, an impetus to us to push along the right track and let him exhaust h'mself rather than fatten him. There is so obvious provocation in the Russian doctrine and its irrationalism will surely accelerate, provoking from without the shaft '.for |the internal collapse World War I burst the Czarist bubble And the Fascist powers, f o- all their nationalist zeal, were pathetically weak once their in* itial advantage of a sheer head start in the after aU crudest element of arms was exhausted. The ". nal and enduring force is moral and Russia's apparent strength lies •wholly In the misconception of deliberate suppression of the moral. Even now there is a convert gence of the inner and outer prove ciii ns. Th re is every sign that T'to's is as pure a Commun'sm as the Kremlin's. But it is necessarily nationalist. There is no stren. gth in a mere puppet, and tha best an enduring self-sufficient Communism could hope for is a sympathetic confederacy o* strong Communist nations, which is what the Union of Soviet Soc- irl'st Republics professes to be Mid was conceived to be. It is one th!ng for a screwmaker n New 'York to be staisterly directed from Moscow on how to sabotage anl overthrow the (oo-hatfd, too much blamed capitalist; it is another that he should bow down fo-ever at the feet of a foreigrt overlord as the realization of his emancipation. It 's just this weakness of the old colonial im- - perialism—and even the new and verv real industrial imperialism —that the Communists have found so much to their advantage. Now Russia — utter realists —■ are faced with an impasse, within and without. Thov will ta-e one realistically; the other—who knows? We would have to know a lot more about the true stote behind the iron curtain, and the inner ring, and the inmost ihourhts of the key men in it The inne • question—after Stalin what?—may well be the bigger We shall have to wait and see. Throughout the world, taking advantage of ignorance and / caretessnesss and trust alike, the ned dragon sows its seeds — by spies and agitators and obstructionists; by l'es and broken promises, and breaches of faith; bv grab or stealth; and by the whip. The flaws of democracy give it amp'e opportunity, just as in such flaws in pit:ful, bu* not brutal, czarism it found its incubus. Feeding on the weak, and digesting them to its purpose, it has got a strong'start, aided by tbe war that was really conceived by Hitler—to crush it; and bv our blind credulousness which in one threat lulled us to the other. , . And over a world front she is opposed. Again and again in the UN. she has tasted moral defea now an alerted democratic western worM is united in its determination to defy and defeat tne new totalitarianism. The Atlantic Union Is a turning point in history. It is frankly an anti-Coriiintern pact — the second, let it be rememberd. But a very different one from the former of the Axis powers. Notable it is that the spearhead is the U.S.A.—mass ng the nations and leading the van. An utter reversal of the isolationist post-war pilicy of thi™y years ago which was perhaps the key factor in the failure of World War I to susta n what it had settled. There has formerly been a strange contradiction between hat the great America thought —and said—and what she did, in national effectiv mess. Americans have always been forwaiflly vocative about human rights, in any part of the world. A coup in the Balkans or the ill-treatment of beggar in Thvbuctoo never failed to arouse the private sentiments of frank America, sometimes to dip'omatic v indelicacy, but the man who howled liberalism —there was no louder outcry against Italy ever Ethiopia, RUSSIA 19— Japan over China and the heathen Bolshevists over everything —was the staunchest patriot of "America first", and the most conservative about Internationa] commitments. Now America dominates and tlirects world policy as perhaps no nation has before. And this not benevolent humanism but the realization that in the new small and rapid world what were once distant inconseqcnt-als are now local threats. The United States and we who tag along is feeding and arming her friends and lining them up and lining up with them partly because they are friends. and partly because one has to have friends, to trade with and to enjoy, in order to sustain one's own standards, and one has to sustain their capacities to that same end; and partly because when one has a menacing enemy, it is best to have all the help one can, rather than lose it to the enemy. In the world picture, the great rivals are unmistakably Russ!a and U-S, whatever the rest of us have in common, in the democratic camp. Russia has faced serious setbacks after unhampered success: in Greece, !n Germany and Eur- bpe at large; In Italv: in Austria and perhaps in Yugoslavia and to some extent ;h the Pacific. More than once has she been confronted with a virtual Danzig And the nation she fears and respects most is lead'ng the stand against hei. As undeviat- ing, without any tricks, is America. Following the Canadian spy trials, by strong legislation • and investigation, she has curbed the fifth column — though not above playing politics in it; has answered blow with blow, to the extent of curbing diplomatic re. Iations, with a fine disdain for Russia's old trick of being easily offended. For an the nonsense that is stupidly — and conveniently ascribefl to Communism, there is little doubt that the foxes of the Kremlin are trying both to underm'ne and to goad us—the bear baiting the man. It is un. derstandable that churchmen should be persecuted not merely to eliminate them from the rigid home-front indoctrination, but also to taunt foreign opposition. Much in the same category is the insulting and expulsion of opposing diplomats, and the outcry against our spy trials and any hardening of our much too soft pol'cy of tolerant privilege to Soviet representatives and to treacherous elements amongst ourselves. How do those privileges compare in Russia? We have ourselves to blame. You should investigate your part ner in a pledge; you should know the partner to whom yon bind yourself. And we did. We simply were hypnotized by fear and ha*e, in sheer ha f-hopefulness. We despised the Bolshevists as much as we ever did the Fascists. They had no reason to love us, and their purpose allowed no ave. Yet because Fascism men-' aced us first, we tried to bribe them. They were worse than ever when we lost. Common sense showed there were three world ambitions—Commiurism, Fascism and our own. One had to el'min- ate the other two, and the pact suited both—for a while. Then it suited Hitler to break it. He had broken an anti-Comintern pledge to Japan io make it, just as Russia biokc her pact who Japan— :*n equally hyopcrtt'cai pari -- and used the German one again ,t Germany. Vfits not? Mine Kampf I and the Soviet handbook equally preach this code of right: the nly nghi — tbeir right lo ruK the world. We went to war against it. Wio i.. 1938 woratcl embrace Russia ..iiy more than. Germany as an essential partner in the unanimity of our moral world? What nas changed — or ever had? Yet we did it, with eagerness and enthusiasm. When we make bad associations we are not merely inhibit- ' ing bur ideal, we are weakening ou-' faith in it, and our power to fight those who thwart it. The Atlantic Union is simply a serious confession that the last i war was in vain, that we are faced with exactly the same kind of threat, that the ideal, and even our security, has not been furthered one step. At best it is a negative thing. If it does defer war, it is simply defeating threat by threat. It is not peaue or security or unanim- - ity, but simply a large segment of the world fenced off from what we know we have to have. Behind that fence we can depend on Russia building with all her strength and cunning to defeat that threat, and either an ultimate showdown or an internal collapse, with no access for us to influence, col'apse or conversion by our own sweetness and light. The signs are manifesto—pressure on Finland :ind defiant Norway; the increasing insolence of satellite powers, even those responsible to us under the peace treaties, as their ilctors — the strangest victory of all tim*»s, where the victors pay: in the undoubted arming by Russia of those powers, disarmed as defeat, ed enemies under the surrender: in the correction of Tito's simply nationalist outlook; in the various pressures, the grab for strategic points from the Arctic to the Dardanelles and the Far East; in the zealous arms race; not merely nuantHy of arms, but decisiveness in arms like the atom bomb and super speed and distance and oarrving power In planes — the things that mean desperate totality. RUSSIA 20— Before it is reality the Atlantic pact is being imaged by other regional alliances — confession of a grim, total struggle. , Courtly, where we have frankly hoisted the stop signal, the Russians can certainly be depend ed upon to be re-grouping to contend with the obitacle, and the seS*!?y and ""scrupulousness which they enjoy docs not make our task the easier. They are very much spectral foes in this ejneial oold war. The Molotov shuffle is undoubtedly a factor in the riddle. And we are likely to.know less and loss. And when men sharpen their swords they usually use them- That Is the situation to to-day, but it is fluid, nay, mercurial, very much a matter of conjecture and capable of anything. That is the reward for the perfect trust, the faith in unanimity of irreconcilable ambitions, both faulty. Twenty-five yeaxis ago we had a war to end wars. History now categorizes it as a vain and foolish war that settled nothing, a war in which no social ideal was at stoke, and which nobody want, ed, but which we helplessly drift ed into—now two of them, each more deadly, more costly, waste, a tax on human happiness. That started things and out of the cowardly failure to restore a sane balance from World War ! rose the decadent forces that, let run out of hand, saw us drift, consciously but helplessly, into World War H. Because In equal cowardliness we failed to identify an equally decadent foc.ee that sprang from the sorry business of World War I, and only bolstered it thereby, War II is still unfinished business, and has drifted directly into World War III, the phoniest of all, but capable of fireworks that make the others pale. Where is the Atlantic Charter, all the starry things we were . assured we were fighting for, and seem very close to be urged ■to fight for again? Sooner or later there will be a war to end wars. If we don't di rect it, it will direct the end of us. It comes nearer each time. That is what we are drifting to Russia has tried to nettle us,' embarrass us. It is good to see her machinations turned against herself by firm forthrigbtness, the same strong consistent determination to resist honorably what she pushes ruthlessly by cunning or by force Iniquity must undo itself in the end- if it does not force those it offends to smash it. Communism is stil on the ascendant, but it has met a check as determined -to contain it. It will fight rather than perish by withering within- For unlike the slow progress that kle- mocracy creates, augmenting human wea;, this surge of communism is simply the spread of a creed—or rather a' grasping for control of word power: it creates nothing. It holds the promise.of a g'il- tering reward when it achieves its goal. For that it borrows an investment of sacrifice- It must move, and fast, for ifs gains fire the hopes of its dupes in that goa'- It must move as Hitler and Mussolini kept making new conquests- or its fanatics wi'l flag; it must keep them pre-occupied- To bog down is to sink- Even an iron curtain is no shield against discouragement and .many now behind that curiam know other standards. They will not wait, forever. Keep ing communism contained is good strategy. It could lead to a break from within. ' There are 17 Soviet Republics and a dozen satellite states, all under the will of the Kremlin. What holds the Soviet, together? Our starry-eyed idolaters notwithstanding, it is pretty hard in sober reality to see John Smith putting up with life in the Soviet union, bereft of his car and his deep freeze, his trade union and his 35 hour week, always voting "jah" for a one - party government that is 98.98% pure and perfect. Never has such unanimity been achieved in imperfect human nature; even Plato's ideal republic did not envision it. Does no one get drunk or park by a fireplug among the 18 millions of the U- S-S-R. group, which after all is just a struggling experiment in human perfection? Of course we know that it is very opposite, that the precepts of pure Marxism have been stretched a mile, that the fully authoritarian five-year plans bog down and are full of bung ings, with frequent axings, that prosecutions are as rigorous and as numerous as in the heyday of Siberia. The explanation is that this is an experiment, in the name and service of the people, rigorously pushed to perfection in the interests of the people- and that anyone who impedes, by defec- - tion or failure, is the enemy of the people- It is the will of the people, prosecuted in the acme of democracy, in the absolute, by the ablest, of the pcop e—an ideal benevolent dictatorship by consent- Now even if its top men were ideal- is every John Smith? There, has been no great, rush of the pink Johns here to the land of their dreams. They can't, take their autos and their deepfreezes- Now it is not contested that the standard of welfare in the Soviet aura does not compare with what has been tossed . to the slaves by the grasping cap tXOR- RUSSIA 1— 1. Before 1939 COVIET RUSSIA we have found u a bad neighbor. We have tried to be aloof from him; we have tried to be chums with him we have tried t0 reason with him, we have tried to appease mm, we have tried to be tough with him; and now we have told him—lay off. ox else. _ J*?w," "my speak well for our Christian charity that we have tried everything, but the fact remains we have been wrong we have failed. It has been expen- f!7e *5d we are far worse off •tnan if* as moral men, we had sued-him up at the first Now it hasn't been easy. Am. ong nations as among men you don't pick your neighbors, and unless you buy up or convert a whole community you are liable to get, some who, bring trouble. Even sticking In your own yard won't work, and that is not the thesis of a friendly democracy based on free enterprise. You just, can't live your own life with on obnoxious neighbor. With nations as with indivi- . duals a basic pattern of life has to be fixed, common to aU men, with due allowance for harmless individualities; and this has to prevail everywhere. It should be by eager, common consent, for it is the only thing that will work. It is nature's inexoable axiom of balance, and she is ever at it, in eruption and erosion* high t'de and low, froze and thaw, sun and shower. And as man is simply the top nhild of nature, it is his golden nil". If he hunts too heavily, there is no game; if he saps ihe soil- he pavs- It the natural arithmetic and it always adds up — cause and effect, action and reaction —balance. It is the axiom on which science has worked marvels in well-being, for man was ' created a conscious partner. He has power to use or abuse the inexorable axiom; but not to change it. He often forgets tha*, in his conduct- In his laws- He forgets that his whole concept of democracy — the will of the people—rests on the corollary of right desire: ft is no good voting to make water run uphill. But because so-iety grows complex motives become involved and perverted. Even good parents are sometimes wrong: British '"stice has (been unjust and Christian zeal has been unchristian. Man has the pow- of force and the fault of error. Both cause eruntlons of unbalance. Even sincerity 0f right desire is not enough; it must be sure it is right. Morality is man's acknowledgment of the natural axiom, his eagerness of right desire. And from the dawn of thought the moralist has been as busy as the scientist in the vital partnership of getting' value from material gains — atomic energy, creative or self - destructive; For both in one axiom have the same aim—eager happiness- But because we have been careless, we come to look upon morality as restrictive—so eager to have the apple that we forget how to enloy it. Morality is the universal creed of human happiness in the axiom of right desire, the natural religion that is no more solemn ' or restrictive than sun and air. and the only religion. AU any religion can do is inspire its joyous acceptance and the faith in obvious universal good beyond what human reason will not 'carry. In moral concepts everv religion has discovered almost the same attributes of necessary tuman conduct, but missed the xiom and its joyous urge that takes a glory, not a burden But the idealist. — the true ealist, most practical man of U. who couples purpose with iu.isuit tor true progress—has hot. From Babylon to Thomas Mann men have fully under. Itood the purpose of "life and Ihown how to reconcile improve Went to true progress. I It is 'he obvious starting poin' f-destination and direction, quo radis — but man has hewn P* usv going fast to think where l.e is going. I It is tbe starting point of anv 'ofld order. Men and nations ea'izp we need one and a quick . Iniversal formula to correct pe- liodic unbalance in a fast-mov- lig world. The League failed for |ck of it, but the U.N. launched Ise'f grandiosely with the same Id abacadabera, the catechism ¥ a parrot, so accepted as ,to • ever unconsidered. One line, one phrase is enou.*»'- hd all—the inexorable axiom nf Ight which all men sense ha ist'.nct—which! wisdom sharp- is and care'essness dulls. IBut it Is dun among men and pons' nations and hard on [en Hitler we found Stalin dif- r"lt The diffioulty was in us. INow individually an awkward fighbor who defies the axiom I difficult, and you can't just bye him alone. To destroy him fcn is wrong, for everything has [potential of good that is val- iMe to ourselves- To convert m is the true victory and col- Itively that it not so difficult. t-o make him see what he loses I his own errot. IVe have done very else with issia; he thinks he has done ftty well. And getting angry I at once is as effective in the Iral axiom as being careless I too long. How morality is practical- It I RUSSIA 2— has to eat. There is just one right and communism and democracy cannot both be right. Of .course neither is what it Mniie^est0 "? bnt eyei1 »« Pr* °*. rt *» on'y a mechanical version of a natural axiom. Aa men were not created equal No two babies are alike, audyou cant break an Olympic record* To so rule would be to stifle in- tor all. But gifts—for they are given, not made—should be used tor the benefit of all, not the ex P oitation of the unblest by the blest, with a fair incentive to tne gifted to so use his gift. That should be tne wilTof the people. We can forget aU about Karl SWarx; the communists in practice have had to. But democracy can stand a bit of cleaning and polishing. Even if both were pristine pure they are essentiaHy irreconcH. able but no farther apart than liberal and conservative. Christ was a socialist. Income tax and old age pensions arc socialism; and Korea is free enterprise run to licence. We could compromise with communism, but it wou'd limit the potential of our world: aid ivith designing communism ambitious free enterprise nercr could. It is one stage, and pretty small for man's ambitions- You succeed as you sum. up your neighbor — early. If he comes as a Hottentot you k.iow what you have to do. In co Ice ■' tive morality you can convert; him — neither by hostility j.or appeasement—kind but fir* at every step. Or—trouble. . But we forget, the., axio *i ire tempting expediency. Thirty years ago we found ourselves with a new neighbor in a big, neglected back va^d of the world. It is a big yard, a b*g family—8-000,000 square miles and 200 000,000 souls—too big to ignore, because you can't wnire anything but in dangerous ignorance,' And we had been uncaring. For it was a dirty yard: the children did not go to school They had p-ecious little t0 eat few of the things our same world gave us- The top few wore rich jewels-and threw big parties in the parlor that was St. Petersburg. But the rabble wers* ragged It was the one nation in the - modern comity where the leu-. da! medieval pattern persisted,, the many ruled recklessly by- the autocratic few. It could produce great things;-, grea* men—Peter the Great and' Tolstoi; in soccer and ice hockey it can quickly challenge Britain and CanahJa when it wills- It could be. arrogant too; there. Was Peter and Crimea. But as ever we were in trou- ble with a neighbor we had let go too far- and we gathered aU" the st-ength of morality on our side. Including Russia, where: the rot was so deep as to have- eroded even the imperial Romanoffs* and the power behind the throne* less silly than, sinister, was Rasputin, notorious "mad monk." In his mercuric hand lay the fates of 200 million Russia is as much an eastern power as she is a western, by gco granhy. Sprawling across two <*o.,<inents it Is unique in this po ' slt'on. with obvious advantages It is no* reallv a homogeneous "ation at a^, but a vast, remote stretch loosely oocupied bv ma'-- ancient peoples from Slav to Turk and Mongol, whom the western march has neglected. »nd Moscow Ia*ely oopsnlMated. Reaching for the Orient is no, new Russian role. From Moscow to Vladivostok is 6000 miles — overland: from- ' Tokyo to Singapore 2,500; Korea '«. the size of England. And East is East Now Russia made a good ally. . He- huge manpower tied up the • Germans on the long eastern front, and we were hard eunugh- put in the west. But if Russian gun fodder was- inevhaustible its endurance to suffering was not. The czar's neglected armament, was no match for Germany's modern might. The answer was to pour in more men. The slaughter was terrific. Nor could the medieval home front stand the strain. Russia just collasped. We did nothing; we made hem fight for ns—to collapse Our military need did what our morality should have done hu- m;*pciy Iopp- before Now the golden age that produced its Tergenevs and its Tschaikowsky's produced its political thinkers too. They had no more chance than Voltaire had with Louis XV. Revolution 'as inevitable and it naturally- came at the weakest point A rabble can stand only so much. Soldiers deserted-' There were ■ f<*ortl riots an* uprisings every.. where Rasputin was murdered. This was not. oisanized- striking in the opportunity of crisis. It was spontaneous the point beyond which the human animal will stand no more. And it was largely leaderless- There were thinking men in Russia, a tabor Party in the Duma, who for years had been working to- moderate constitutional reform. They did not fan an ignorant fire for personal power. The removal of Rasputin- gave them hone. The riots were -put down and what relief was possible was given. Public resentment compelled the abdication of Czar Nicholas- for it was through his influence over the empress that Rasputin had work ed his machinations: but Prince-- Lvoff became provisional pro— RUSSIA 3— teeter. The first recourse was an attempt to suppress it by force and arrest of the liberal members of tlie Duma, as had been managed in 1905 when, against Japan, Russia's disgrace in the field was evidence of disgraceful conditions at home. But this time suppression failed and there was little faith in the new.found sincerity of old oppressors. Even the Household Guard mutinied. Police encouraged the rioters- But the provisional government struggled -on- One of its early acts was to restore political prisoners banished to Siberia- The American Revolution had no such opportunity or justification- This was France, 250 years overdue. But revolt is a red and ug'y word, and in war it. is treachery. We had desperate need to keep the Germans harried in the cast. We forgot that we 'were fighting there for the same that our ally was reaching for at home The moderates had a difficult task to work the miracle the ignorant masses demanded in a ravaged land; and there were firebrands like Lenin and Trotsky as well as temperate met iike /Kerensky. They appealed to their allies for support, moral and material. They got neither. We tried to kick them back into the fight:— how different from Stalingrad— and they did try, and the more I hey tried the worse it became at home. There were riots too in Berlin and Vienna- Kerensky urged a conference of liberal men of all nations- to bring, by popular demand, a democratic world peace. We paid a Russian general to mvade his own aountry; our own troops, on punitive expeditions, to push the Russians back in-r-to relieve our troops. Poland egged by France, grab bed a slice of Russian territory. Each new crisis drove the radical wedge deeper. Kerensky was no politician, but Lenin amd Trotsky were. Their Bolshevik party grew as Kerensky fai'ed to produce the miracle- A big push to oblige his "Allies' led to Kerensky's fall. War weary Russia—for now tne only explanation could be the war—rose up again and this1 time there was an eager, we'l.wary nucleus ready to fire it, and ride upon it- They wanted no world democracy; they wanted a Red world, world revolution, world Comintern. Even Marxist T;otsky was too mild for them. They hunted him down and murdered him, for this was total and nothing must stand in the way Kerensky fled and"-continued to cm- crusade in vain for International intervention. All but the reeking Reds fled or were butchered, for this was no revolt, against oppression but the ruthless clearing of a favorable stage tor a new world play. Everything else was swept away. ' The outraged democracies cOn lined to attack but there was now little hope of Russia fighting our war and we were winning anyway, and we soon set them down as barbarians and left them to themselves. They were our natural en. emies anvway. and this could inspire neither fear nor love. The Bolshevist Wood bath ovor the communists, no mere butch eis, began to put their house In order with the same ruthless efficiency, for bigger things. At first, we ostracized them, but their constructive Purposeful ness gradually wore us down; and there was much they needed to buy . . . With the men of the Krem'ln there is clear evidence of a. careful, immutable master plan from the first. When it meant suave- cness they could be suave; they -could be cunning and thev could "be bloody- It was win, with no- lining barred. So they bought, and they took our experts to develop their own And they applied just as much —and as 1ittle—of .Karl Marx as suited; it meant incentive — to a point.—and regimentation and cheap labor- And they did make progress; they could hardly miss One after the other, belatedly, the nations gave them diplomatic recognition. We invited them into the league and they came. It was useful to them- But their plan rolled on. Thev exn'oited their access to the rest • of the world, but their own workings they kent behind an i«-on curtein j From behind it there came disturbing inklings tha-.* made the ladies' aid wonder wbe+her after all thev deserved a partnership in this modern moral world but tb» dinonv's were doing fine— their memoirs were written much later. And of course our open minded hospitality always provided plenty of enthusiasts for any new and revolutionary thesis by an underdog—thwarted bv reaction •vary prejudice; for lacking a .clear touchstone we can err on either side. The Kremlin plough ed on as inexorably as truth, but on a red, narrow-gauge track. But their plan was advancing and their hand began to show. It showed in a plague of boils throughout world economy. The-*- had planted their seeds and since their bait was for the pro- !"*ariat, and their main obsta- ''e its orthodox agent, they burrowed first into the trade unions with naid Barents, who took orders from Moscow- Now the Moscow brain trust RUSSIA 'twas much too shrewd to bray its formula as Hitler did with such audacity that nobody believed. But secret handbooks seized from their agents revealed as much as was necessary. And those we took seriously — Section 98 in Canada's criminal law and its various equivalents; drastic measures for a new and desperate threat. For those depression days were communism's opportunity. They were speeding up- almost going a bit too fast: their hand was shown. And very soon we saw their designs in the bolder pattern. They wanted parts of Finland to strengthen their northern defences- So they marched in and took them. This open aggression by a big power against a small nieghbor of course outraged a sentimental word. Russia ignored the League's order to withdraw from Finland and was expelled, to the accompaniment of a holy howl throughout the world. 9"wsS It was simply the dawn of a new era of national banditry. Tragic, of course, attuned to modern powers of destruction, but full§r foreshadowed in the theses of the new breed of power dictators- The democracies were soft and decadent. The primitive man would shape a worthy modern world. The big punch and the big lie- Morality was weakness- The real tragedy 'is' how the obvious success of this barbarous creed has tinted our own materalism- Ihe public mind is defective in the long view- We are mightily material, swayed by incidents, allergic to trends. We do not identify the snake. We wait for him to sting. We are expedient, ists. We think in terms of today, careless of the future ffig this must breed. Russia was simply keeping schedule, and schedule was reach ing the bolder stage of world domination, clear in interpretation as revealed in plan from the first. Communism needen a clear field and appropriate soil to arrange a strong core in an apt apple- This its -Russian sponsors found at home. Communism was not new and it was not Russian. Karl Marx formed his Communist party in Germany in 184S and it made its bid in "the German revolution of that year. It had no great influence in the fertile aftermath of the industrial revolution ' whence it sprang. Logic finds it full of fallacies. Mu'.'n soiindei was Adam Smith's theory, and much more immediate in its influence. It will also be proven much more enduring, for man must eventually realize that the best theory is the best practice. There are bits of Karl Marx that should go into the U-N. handbook for a sound society but his was by no means the first or the ultimate in political science-* Two thousand years ago Plato gave us something that has never been surpassed—or attempted. Marxism was simply a ready made bait that a clump of ignorant, ambitious men got hold of and none too truthfu'ly and even less sincerely exploited in favorable circumstances. Their stooge was the little man. They would reverse the natural order, instinctive in tribe and herd. The follower—the inept and the ignorant would lead. The sham was apparent. Can they? Do they in Russia, in the communist- dominated trade union? But the rugged independence of free, honest thought was the real enemy in the Kremlin's eye, for its good sense is most likely to prevai'. These became the hateful "bourgeois"—not the bloated nouveau riche- but the professional man and the professor, the solid citizen, who for all his faults and his errors, slowly shapes a world that will work— and leave no chance for communism—you You are their real enemy. Top and bottom they know how to handle- Now privilege has always sprouted intellectual asses who pampered by privilege, can in- dulge their distortion in its denunciation- These are the aristocratic Robin Hoods, the lordly leaders of the poor. Their enthusiasm would crumble on the business end of a shove\ for that is a great apprenticeship in free thought for the intellectual. The agitator becomes a sober minister in the respon- siblities of government. But any new idea is always attended by an orgy of "free thinking" that rushes to scrap the- slow and painful evolution of sound progress and enshrine a new and revolutionary idea simply because it is newl and unproven—surrealistic painting and the South Sea Bubble- And there, are always those of the same unscrupulous mind who say there is no room for sentiment in business- And so in places high and low fanaticism and unscrupulousncss hatched many who were ready to sell us out both to communism and fascism without thinking how they wou'd fare. • Fo< the inner ring of ruthlessness ' is tight and there is evidence of its ruthless purges- Both communism and fascism were now in world stride and Spain brought an eloquent example of their shapes. It was the first clash, and each was p'aying the same game. The barometer of _ public sentiment is not scientific, and in our wrath against the stronger, cruder fascist we veered to unsuspecting ■RUSSIA 5— sympathy with its rival. The pattern was now complete The communists had forged a strong core, shielded by an iron curtain. In the same ruthless design they had geared their eoonomy as their polity, with a huge potential of resources and manpower. They had strengthened their defences. They had consolidated at home and were ready for the second phase — world domination- The pattern was clear—it was avowed—and the procedure was consistent. But we are much too emotional to calculate—and too expedient. And the ground was being pre pared throughout the world, the seeds insidiously planted. Memory is careless, but the files of the world press, to the fol'ower of vital trends, show that the world pattern of communism was clear and well laid in 1937- Consistent, he has never mistaken its consistency. But the public mind is flushed with matters of the moment, prosperity makes it liberal and recession 'conservative and anx- ie*v thrusts out anger. We fluctuated eratically in our sentiments towards the new order, but the unscrupuWsness 'and ruthlessness to which 1939 gave opportunity to the inscrutable shadow men of the Krem- shook us to the roots- Here was the arch-perfidy of all time. Their own shores beleagurcd, Britons clamored to violate Swedish' sovereignty to fight, in Finland- some of the same who had fought with the communists for a "free" Spain- America even stopped selling to them in its. do'lar morality. Now official America had been consistently diffident- She ffi»s among the last to give diplomat, ic recognition and it only lasted, half-hearted, a few years. No country was more passive y wrathful against all the new and barbarous forces, and Am- erican opinion of Russia has never veered as much as that of Britain. There was a coldness in the liasion of .commands and friction from the first contact of the converging armies. There were sure signs before Yalta that we were not Allies, but simp'y, by his madness- fighting the same enemy- In the Balkans Russia clear'y showed she was no longer fighting defensivelv. but for world communism- All of which makes Yalta and Teheran even more surprising. They were pretty much the fo'ly of one man, a sick and misguided man. wno' was badly duped- Tt is doubtful if even in those optimistic days the home governments would have endorsed them- or a popular plebiscite. But the shock, the griinness of totar war turned our minds from creeping communism. Long before the Soviet orgy of 1939, , most mora'- nations had consider'!! the Soviet, unfit for ordinary diplomatic relations and most men in . their hearts■■ had on+l-wed her Kerensky in Paris 'ontinued *o orusade and think of what might have been had moral men been truly moral But Hitler made a common enemy a strange a'ly. and in the flush' of. victory we framed the mirage of a miracle. 2. After 1939 The wisdom of War n—as our leaders saw it — was that the world was no longer safe from a dictator. Small states Icould not stand and the large must protect, them. World security and world balance would be preserved by a strong Union of Nations; but since its existence actually depended on the three big powers, they would have to take the lead and they would have to agree Now that is logical and in good faith there was nothing sinister about it—not even a benevolent despotism. It is simply founded on the arch fallacy that the Big Three could or would agree. Roosevelt dealt in good faith but unbelievably bad judgment. It was largely a matter of good faith. Roosevelt believed Stalin *was ready to play ba'l, that he could compromise with commun ism that democracy and- communism could co-exist if ea-h behaved. That in itself is floubt- ful in a modern world, especia'ly in' v'ew of their actual designs. Bnt the real tragedy was that it started off by assuming what i*. bad to ach'eve—that natural rivals would agree. Even tbe'r machinery of agreement was • forged in that One could make both wrong. Even marriage does not trust that blindly. Good faith was the mother- lode. Thev could always compromise But it soon be-aine ob- ious that Stalin, caring tuppence for good fa'th. had hamstrung and hosf-tied his gu'lible rivals as the overture to the second act of his world play- Cruder dictators cocked a snook at lega'ity, but everything he does bears its stamp: he has only to disagree to make his perfidy right and our morality wrong We were well duoed- Canada so.raoped Sect'on 98 and before VE Dav the Ottawa spy scandal was out Britain made a 25-year friendship pact .with the Soviet and within two years w*»,s seraa*- in<* together an Atlantic Union. But America was not as gul- liMe as its unorthodox and often unconstitutional presi- o>nt Rus«Ja was past the sneer stage, and Americans experts were no longer under-rating. To- ill "'.-''W-iwlWiP,. .-,.„-■,-„■..' RUSSIA 6— wards Russia her foreign policy was more alert than before the, unholy wedding match-made by Hitler and consummated by a dying Roosevet. Jittery America had swung from careless isolation to watchful intervention, in Washington's embryo theory that the best way to ensure peace was to be strong ior war. and her logistics experts kept careful score. But even they were too cautious, underrated at least Soviet cunning. They scheduled Russia to have the a- bomb in 1952, to have outstripped US- war potential by 1957- But on the spot they were meeting it as it came, however they misjudged- And it came quick and plenty—Austria, Berlin, Greece, the Italian elections, Dutch Indies. China- Korea. And with just as much toughness as it needs. And she has made herself responsible for keeping the democratic camp in line. It is in re- - ality Russia vs. U-S, the one with satellites, the other with voluntary support- YALTA °n the eve of the great fina offensive, ' Stalin and Roosevelt and Churchill met in the Russian Crimea town to give final endorsement to plans for the final ofiensives and to lay the broad lines of the occupation and the peace—including the United Nations. There was hard bargaining but utmost unity, as emphasized in the clockwork precision of the synchronized offensives. Though the agreement was secret, it was announced amid popular acclaim that the alliance would continue through the peace, and later a friendship pact was made between Britain and Russia. It was on the bass of the unity of the great powers, who must jointly be responsible for world order, that the UJf. veto was arranged. The same three had met on a British warship at sea to proclaim the Atlantic Charter of free peoples over the world. Russia's entry into the war against Japan was agreed on and the four* zones of Germanv with a central control organ With headquarters in Berlin. The motif of Yalta—complete faith of our leaders In the Soviet despite her record. FTRST TIOTTBT Forgiveness across the Atlantic was less spontaneous than in libeml Britain. From the first America, her own morality tempered to good business, and then aloof under a policy of isolation, had been the loudest critic — despite her refusal to co-operate in a moral wo:'Id—of the "immoral Bolshevists." Characteristically, though finding herself against a common enemy, she did not let her feelings stand in the way of hitting where it counted most, but made no bones that her a'd was strategic. The Bolsheviks were no respecters of American isolation either, and sowed surreptitious seed in American institution and economy. Russia was a strange ally, and America knew It. But Yalta hopes — the most hopeful event in history changed everything. But only for a brief fortnight. Yalta was 4th February, 1945. Crimea itself but recently delivered, Russian armies were storming through the Balkans. Two weeks later they had over run Poland and Rumania. Yalta had antic'pated and provideja for this. AU countries in the path of deliverance were to be a joint responsibility. Even the entire principle of spheres of influence was jettisoned. But Molotov followed the amny into Bucharest, gave King M'ch- ael "two hours and five minutes" to expel the government and ln- stal one to the Soviet's taste. Even as Roosevelt'was reporting on Yalta to Congress — his tragic last speech--—Molotov did the same in Warsaw, openly flaunting the Allies, for governments in exile had, from England been partners in combat. The aston'shed Roosevelt cabled his Yalta comrade. Stalin's reply—a charge that the Western Allies were scheming for a separate pearte. Within the hour Roosevelt died; and so did the hopes of Yalta. • * • POTSDAM Wherever the Russians got first the factual pattern was the same—they went as self respon- sib'e conquerors, and from behind the curtain came shocking accounts of the conqueror's ruthlessness. Where they d'd not conauer alone, there were ugly ine'dents. So the Potsdam meeting, 2nd August to lay out the concrete tiaWnpation pattern, was in a very different spirit from Yalta. For one thing, the Russian seizures were a fait accompli, and the best possible was to do nothing to upset the job in hand. For another, two of the old comrades were miss'ng. For Roosevelt was dead and Churchill deposed and so imperious had they been ihat their successors did not even know to what they had been committed. ,, Nonetheless, in the same spirit of utter unity, Potsdam made a blueprint "for the reconstruc tion of Germany ona democratic and peaceful basis." A year later their foreign ministers met to discuss a most unsatisfactory working out of the ocdupation. The Western Powers, claimed that Russia ran their RUSSIA 7— zone as a unit, and failure to co-ordmate the zones put a huge burden on their victorious taxpayers*. Russia replied with demands for huge reparations — though no peace treaty has even yet been made—which in an impoverished Germany, increased the burden of western support. The whole conception of the post-war plan was based on entire un-ty of the great powers as the stabilizing basis. AU events had shown Russia at outs with all the rest, and America by this time had clearly formed the opinion that Russia was using "unity" as a subtle lever to blocit every action, and so get her own way—in short, that Yalta and the whole concept.on was in bad faith. And America was ready to get tough with a tough customer. At her instigation, on the thesis that Potsdam meant the four powers co-operating to administer Germany as an economic whole, the Western Powers merged their three zones. Russia resourcefuUy retorted that it violated the agreement of four- power control. At the same time America stopped Russian reparations from the western zone, arguing that the spirit of the agreement — and the provision—was that reparations were linked with a self-supporting German^, that ' Russia's impoverishing demands, plus her refusal to pool the resources of her zone, postponed Reparations, especially while her pol'cy forced the Western Powers to foot a heavy support bill- Russ'a then pulled from the hat a secret Yalta clause giving her reparations from current production in the western zones. This was at variance with Potsdam but' had not been revoked: the' Western delegates did not know it existed. BLOCKADE—A" this time iclatons generally- were deteriorating. The Council of Foreign Ministers (of the four powers) after a series of disagreements, broke up. It was always the same—three to one. In the United Nations the Soviet bloc was similarly opposed to the rest of tbe world and Russia monotonously plied her Big Four veto, given in trust of unan'mHy There were various incidents in the occupied zones backed by official maneuvers and pinpricks. The EasteHn zone was behind an iron curtain, and Germany split into separate, verily antagonsitic parts. Russ'a refused to g've a taUy of the reparations she had taken; it was charged she was bleeding her zone. Berlin, of course, is the Ger man focal point. A fact unap preciated, however, is Berlin's geography. It is far to the east, nearer the Polish front er than to any Allied zone, surrounded and deeply backed by Russian territory—an added natural difficulty for the Allies. On the the ss of unity, eastern awards to Russia was logical. But though Berlin fell far within the Russian zone, spec'al provision was made for four power administration— zonal partition on the same pattern as Germany at large- In pressure politics the Russians had obvious advantages and soon made no secret of the'r intent to drive the Western Pow ers from the capital keypoint. Agreements, based on unity of aims, were soon an obvious sham and an embarassment. The Al lies, convinced that Russia was making them a shield for a vigorous drive for world domina ton, were clearly faced with a ' double task—to stop Russian expansion, ■ exploiting every treaty advantage, and to proceed, oyer Russian opposition, w'th the world plan in which Russia had been counted on as a partner but now loomed - as the chief antagonist. In short, a stabilizing association became a cold war w'th Germany and BerUn the test-ground- Not only was there the strategic principle of stopping Russia at these focal points; it was a factor that instead of letting Russia make thfcm costly liabilities, we should convert them to assets, at the same time with out risking the rise of another mutant Germany — a delicate problem* But the logic was still within the spirit of Yalta and Potsdam — an efficient but not militant Gemahy, as a vital con- tibufng factor in European and world stabil'ty—strong but supervised. Russia, with her own world aims, clearly wanted Germany her economic and political satellite. This pattern was weU laid from Baltic to Balkans fattening her economic core and widening her pol'tical aura. ■ Di short, the resolution of the last war had devolved into a new war between two camps of the victors, BERLIN CRISIS-Jt was a cold war over a world front, only with added delicacies, and once again well considered Western strategy gave priority to the European front. Berlin became the hot spot with the Russians clearly regarding it as the'r greatest advantage the Allies as determined on no surrender. Every moveNhad a dual significance—in world and local issues. The on-the-spot co-ordinating organ was the Four Power Coun. cil of military commanders, logical under military ' occupation, but intended to implement pol icies decided at the highest political level. It soon became clear that Russia was exploiting this position to present a diplomatic mask, cover for her Berlin com- RUSSIA 8— manner to act arwtraruy ana opposite in application, with the commander only respons ble to his own government. The foreign ?a.miS.te5 m<*lium already wobbly the Allies went direct to StaUa\ Ihe inscrutable one, in quite the same pattern, gave Up service of sincerity and co-operation, as always, with enough of realism and hard bargaining to nSS' atne PerepiriiiS western negotiators that a difficult Job was a completed one. and the old convenient prima donna touchiness, the thin technique SLa,£nff/oncessions b7 °eln«. diftoiult and making your opposite anxious. And this time the insctntable one gave m with surprising ease. He said the blockade would end. Of course it didn't, and by this time toe Western AUies were alert, had their alternative ready It was bi-zonal BerUn, the three democracies going ahead with their own union of zones, the Russians remaining aloof , w th theirs! And to give it teeth the federates had the airlift and' a sort of passive counter-blockade—and the currency weapon. It was the old story. The Russian military commander in Berlin found a pretext to nullify the decision of his generalissimo, without appearing to discount his authority. The AUies clearly had decided they had had enough and were determined on a showdown. The appeal to Stalin was cither the last caad in the diplomatic game, or the leading one in a new and daring game of realism, as the Russ'ans cared to make it. The aUiance of World War n had ended without making a peace, and the enemy capital of that war had become the neutral battleground for World War HI, no longer a diplomatic struggle, but a real war of action, though without shooting—a cold war between the old. if odd, allies. The vehemence with which the Russians greeted this change of front was proof, In the obviousness of their subtle policy, of their* alarm. They knew very weU what it meant. The gauntlet was down, the line was drawn. And toe Kremlin, with very different tactics, wanted that no more than Hitler had. Of its seriousness the Allies were equally aware. They had chosen thin ice in preference to fog, and were determined not to break it. But could they avoid retreat? The odds on holding in the delicate situation seemed all on the Russians and if the "Danzig garrison" could not be maintained, it would be a serious backf&e. both in tactics and in actual power. To balance Europe by diplomatic means was gone. Loss of Germany to Communism meant loss of Europe, without the opportunity to fight a blow—unless Berlin brought it to blows. That was the clear picture, and our risk seemed pretty big. But history will show it to have been as wise as it was inevitable — and effective. The Russians put up a righteous yell that it violated Vatla and Potsdam. The Alllies tersely replied that it could be Potsdam — the-real Potsdam — any time the Russians cared to come In and make it the four-power rule that Potsdam prescribed. The door was open, but the travesty of Potsdam was over. They were sticking to their rights under Potsdam. It was simply the choree of a new'kind of chaos, with the opportunity to meet it by our own decisions. Fraught with dangers, with incidents inevitable, we accepted them, barga'ned for them in the necessity to make it stick- BerUn is one dity, and it is an island in the red sea. Rail and road approaches were all Rus-. sian, barred t'ght. The narrow ajr corridor by which we amazingly gambled to jj maintain a great, shattered city and our own toehold of strength was, though provided by treaty, at the mercy of Russia's anguished respect for treaty. The physical diff'culties themselves formidable, Russia used every trick,-,' from air maneuvers to dive bombing. We made formal but futile protests, and kept right on That was the nub; we had to keep on, and it is now established that we have won a major victory, the craziest victory ever, flying our coal to the conquered, but it may also prove the best bargain ever. A cold war won with coal. And inside it was the same. One city, this meant chaos, often ludicrous, and often backfiring against the Russ'ans themselves, for municipal services were clear Iy inter-zonal, and even offices of one side were in the other's zone. It was a stage set for ln- cidenlts. and there have been many, but restraint has been a remarkable feature. The anger is too deep, the stakes too b'g for: petty temper. It was, however, in its larger aspect a petty play in a. showdown. W'th all the advantages, Russia meant to push the AUies from Berlin; that could mean . from Germany. The Allies were determined to stav, and by stay- inc. to win a vital round. The Russians closed the communications corridor/ provided bv the agreement, through the Russian zone of Germany to Re-lin. The Aires replied with the astounding resource of the air lift, and despite both the tremendous natural difficulties and Russian wiles, made It stick. The Three charged Russia before the League with disturbing the peace; the Russians simp'y RUSSIA 9— blocked it by veto. The Germars sniggered. Hue Allies went briskly about restoring Germany's ecomomy. That currency reform was a fundamental factor is evident in the results. This is a decisive victory, assuming that Russia's real aim was the opposite of her agreements. The new currency was a double blow to Russia, lor it affected the currency and the economy of her own zone in just the opposite way. A single currency was a Potsdam provision. Rus. sa said the old one—its choas clearly suited their obstructionism—was it- It was indeed a body blow, and Russia countered with her worst — the Berlin blockade. Eacih, the one through) the other, has boomeranged against the Russians. Three custodians of peace have charged the fourth partner with menacing peace. The Soviet, ex- peUed from the old League under paraUel circumstances, blocks her expulsion now — at least in the moral sense—by the sacred trust of unanimity, against the accusation of her partners that she has broken the trust she uses to balk their accusations; no wonder such confusion sounds confusing The Russian Commander walk ed out of the Berlin.council and strangled it. In the same expediency, oppositely appUed, Russia continues in the U-N. Of course the Soviet Howled that the Atlantic Alliance is an aggressive pact* a threat to peace—that America Is the. aggressor in Korea, that the Marshal Plan is a subtle attempt to buy out by bribery its hungry beneficaries, to run their governments—she of the satellites. She wants no European recovery* A weak, disunited Europe suits her well. She sabotages, then steps in- And when Tito wants to be communist and still a nation- Russia conspires to be be rid of him—and we woo him shamefully- She is pledged in the U-N. to oppose aggression. When the 58 nations of the U-N. do oppose ag gression she says the UN. is the puppet of .the US- She. boycotts the U.N. because she wants Communist China to replatce Nationalist China, not in the constitutional process but summarily, at her demand. The UN. wisely carries on, and she loses her power to block and veto when it wou'd come in very handy to her. We have both sides shamelessly wooing Germans we have to correct They are armed, they strut in parades that arc Hitler all over except that the shirts are a deceitful b'ue, the auspices red. In Berlin and the Balkans we never know When enemies we have already whipped are going to be our 'ally's' stooges to start something. And we called 1939 the phoney war! We hanged as traitois Britons of the Free Korps who dared to fight against the same Cormnun ism it would be treachery to refuse to fight in Korea- At the same time we imprisoned as trai tors men who dared to beljeve that our 'ally' had a ritfht to atomic weapons- If government was moral we would have far fewer traitors. She devastated countries by reparations, carted things off at her own sweet will, screamed for her pound of flesh; haggled about her war debts and hun"- on to least-lend armaments that saved her in her peril. And the warships we loaned our ally are heM by our enemy. Somebody blundered? We spend mil ions on propaganda and they millions to jam it. The wicked Americans, they scream, are dropping potato bugs—an inkling of bacteriological war to come? We became inured to countless incidents that mean a s'ate of undeclared war, without the honor of war- A US. plane is shot down; Russia counter charges spying and violation of her territory. When war-torn Greece, in free choice set about recovery, she sent foreign armies to upset that choice. She exploited the poUti- cal divisions of Italy and France She blocked peace treaties; there is still no formal end to the war and no small aUy has had a ' chance for any say in the peace. With the Balkan belligerents, in the closing the Danube, in Manchuria and Korea and Poland, she has virtually precluded any peace tribunal award. In every part of the world, by aggression or by boring from within, she has reared the Bolshevist front as her Atlantic Charter trusteeship. She has grabbed in lease-lend and in reparations, in slave labor by the leverage of occupation, to bolster her strength, by broken pledges sinisterly contracted, by obstructionism* by spying and - botage and theft to strengthen herself and weaken those who stand in her way. That is her sacred plan, the only thing she holds sacred. Hi Burma and Java, freed from the imperialism she railed at she planted her own. In Malaya she turned our arms against us She took over, far more sinisterly, the czarist program of imperialism in east Asia. Edging into the Pacific War when it was already won. she stalled the settlement in Japan * drove a wedge into Korea, held on in Manchuria until her dupes we-e ready for the rout of China The collapse of China, whatever it means to the Russians— and China is a special case—is RUSSIA 10— at least a blow to our cause. For a century there has been obscure but Intense rivarlry for Asiatic dorninance between Japan and Russia World War II deposed Japan: but the folly of Yalta let Russia in by the back door. Now the occupying power* — chiefly America—have fallen heir to an old role of holdin* the bear In Asia. It ties in with their world task. v In 1939 Stalin controlled 300- million people; to.day eight — more than half the world, if the poorer half. It Is later than Munich. This Is a war for power, for world power, betweep the rival ambitions of American capital- Ism and Russian Communism. It is a war to hold or to break the American $- And because it Is stark realism th^t the $ is the symbol the material core, round which our ideals are crys- teuized, the idealist, the Utile man. can and must rally In stout heart and good conscience, in the sheer necessity to save an admittedly faulty vehicle as the means to perfect it. In 1939 there were three camps — Fascism, Communism and Democracy. Democracy Is p.erhaps a misnomer, distorted into free enterprise-, with perhaps capitalism its real forfce- Equally is Communism distorted- But democracy and communism are their ideals. Fascism me-j power bj regimentation* dictated from the top; Communism frojr the bottom; /democra.|y free Jhoice of free people. As ideals the three are fundamentally irreconcilable. In reality a loose pattern, sufficiently followed for popular consent, by which personal interests seek power, they are equal'y- in sheer rivalry, in. compatible. World Wars II and III are conflicts both in social ideologies and private rivalries. Dem^crac" cannot perfect itself within while it is threatened from without. Nor Communism. As a social ideal or a private lust either of the three needs, eventually, a clear field. Con munism cannot share, nor free enterprise develop, w.hat it does not possess, or whut a rival covets. It is a world issue. The Soviet- like the Nazis •imply aggravatingly consistent, bases its prospect q4j a world Comintern and its record, in peace and war, covert and overt, is in that dear course, .in the fallacious creed that, the end jus tifies the means. Which is the exposure of any masquerading Meology—balanced right "unnoc be built of component wroncs as our own history and the logic of *wo world wars hiis shown . Democracy too is imperfect, inconsistent; witness the {blissful American paradoxes of tbe Monroe Dootrine and the Open . Door, Marshall Aid and high tarif.fs No Interference in anv of the Americias, yej. America's frontiers are on the Rhine and In Formosa, am} America's right to trade anywhere; gift dollars to sour sick economies to earn buying dollars "by exports; vet prohibition of balanced recovery by selfish national tines. The dramatic change In Am- erVan policy from isolationism to internationalism Is the confused reaUzation of the need for balance; with the unwillingness to give it still dragging. An unbalanced world will not work, nor can balance be achieved in any nation- any ideology without it. Moral laws are natural axioms, a? inexorable and one with mechanical laws—, the way the world was designed to work. History la trie record of selfish effort* to #»fy natural laws in selfish illusion—a*, continuous shifting of false balance forced by selfish -tresses. But this simple logic, this one solution, in selfishness no man and no system will accept. Idemogies are selfish shams o< an inexorable principle. Democracy—mass free choice — is «s dangerous as any qji<ess predi. cated on right choice In precept it is the .best formula m»u can devise; in practice It h»s toft. Itself vulnerable to, nay inspired crudities Uke coiynunlsm and fascism. The real enemies art selfishness and Isnorancea-wh<*r« ever they are found. And th* worst ignoranoe is the selfish defiance of or blindness to inexor- ah'e moral laws It is alljiboul us, tfie kevstqrie of the materialist world we struggle to shape nnd to hod. It is the ignorance sit sophisti- ■ atinjn* tragic in all our values— of success, of happiness. It. is on our radios and in our $$ — the freedom to be slaves to our baser selves. But it doe* not satisfy, it does not balance and there are wars — civil warj of social and economic rivalry, and wars of world unbalance. Because democracy, if it is to sueceed anywhere, must succeed everywhere —it cannot conquer the world pecans*, it cannot defy inexorable universal axiom; it must convert to. anil by- .compliance. And it does no'—at home or abroad, because it is faulty »r.- often insincere It is galling, but revealing, to hear stock markets bracketed' with war bulletins. In no nation—and few men- la there true democracy; or, what is enough, the win or the sincerity tor it. From the private citizen to the "League of Nations It is the thin hypocrisy —only more tragic because j often, unsuspected and sincere— of selfishness: the polities of principle. That is the background and the core of the present crisi* If there is sense or sincerity in our rallying at all w« most face 77"~ a ~~3. 1 : ' ' j «ssp<ipw.^- >?wjm!m wim DATE VAYLOR RUSSIA 11- it at the outset and realize what tne real aim of victory is. Fir the starkness of war rears opportunity for the ruthless to sab otage the victory from within . by selfishness that Is the same, enemy in Main Street as Moscow and recks as much for a brother as a Hun; and imputation, by the more immediate crisis, in the cruder passions of sheer survival, to sow in our own hearts what we crusade to supplant In the ignorant of the enemy. It is aU war. no longer the honest anger of Ug, but the suaveness of the modern Smug who goes to church on Sunday and gives handsomely to the patriotic fund and never dreams that he is driving some Oriental Ug. by primitive but persistent human instinct, to play Thug, in the slick hands of some equally moral and successful sinner on the other side, whose morality has been distorted by . the same selfish materialism under another flag, even another bible. There were no more sincere and patriotic than the Nazis or the Japs; nor than the Japs any more religious. Some strange Christianity has been crusaded in our own holy wars. We cherish a romantic reverence for the pirates of Elizabeth. The moraUty of our own empire is that it is a fait accompli; we have no wish—and no need—to disturb the status quo And the . tota'itarians with swifter cut- lasses, use the same technique of the fait accompli- and we satisfy morality with de jure an*-" de facto and cold and hot war. and make the puppe's fire the guns and step in ourselves when they fall down. Ug was cruder, but simple honesty is more successful because more natural. It is war wnefher you kill a • man with an atom bomb or a high tariff or a cartel grab; or if you only incite him to retaliation that builds up to war It is war when an ally stea's secrets far more devastating in actual effect than any day of battle; when he sabotages your economy directly or by infiltration it is a straight, tactic of modern war. First strip away hypocritical ideologies which however they motivate the 'ift*e man who fights the wars and pavs for them, are not the sacred urge in tbe powers *hat make them. Profit and politics drive principle out—everywhere. And from every dictator they inevitably rear against themselves and send us to put down, they take new totalitarian tricks. We are too moral, too civilized to-day to grab a club- to take a loaf when we are hungry, to save the strength to pay it back- We* are a legal people. We have codes of ethics. And we are sincere in them, never suspecting that unnatural ways make them snares to trap ourselves We can always vote on it; we can even make four o'clock five. Somebody voted on Pearl Harbor and there are no more moral nor religious people than the Japanese We vote for Pearl Harbor every time we vote for the fellow who does most for us, because by corollary he will do most for himself; every time we invest in a shrewd stock. Every time we buy an unethical bargain. Every time we make our trade union an Instrument for getting all w» can, as our moral defence against the same tyranny. Every time anyone thinks in terms of profit over real or social value. We un- de- mine just as the communists do, but, things are complex. In a moral world—even our democratic slice of it—tbe dictators woud never dare. But we are too inured to lust these tilings in ourselves We are aU selfish dictators little to big—and we forget the simple axioms of fulcrum and leverage. Ihe chain reaction of cause and effect. It starts far back and bui'ds up and when it bolls It has not produced tiie rWh.t leadership or the right morality to handle It. We had a. long time to take mn~ality to the Orient. Even our most moral papers, which would never report a wrestling match or even a st.y'- ish horse race give the stock markets full play—tied up with war bulletins. These a-e sincere moralists- the cream at the top. It is (Tannic in Korea- Roosevelt and ChurchBP were politicians, not statesmen- It was politics—the commercial interest— that even now made Britain iwognize the Chinese communists, nistorv in the history of what man knows to be axiom, bu*- refuses to accept. We learn in history what we will not. learn f"om history. We understand all about chain reaction. It is behind U S. internationalism and Marshall aid. But it is the morality and charity of Wall Street, which goes to church on Sunday and subscribes handsomely to the patriotic fund- Nor ever suspect that they are Pharisees and Philistines. The propaganda of "American imperialism" is truer than they know—only more complex. Dollars can take as much as guns. The men who ban margarine and spend your taxes io persuade you to buy butler so they get the farmers' vote are the same men who decide about the gups and the ideologies There are Smugs and well as Vgs among the McCarthy's and no lack of Mugs among us in this Tug of war, be it hot or cold but constant. So the Hiss's get into politics and politics is the handmaiden RUSSIA 13— of power profits which we fondly fancy is democracy, and to want natural balance and good government makes you worse than Hiss—with the "patriots/." Of course it is war. When American planes fight Russian planes andAmerican guns Russian guns- what is it but war. no matter who fires them and who masquerades behind a technical smokescreen, which tragica iy fancies itelf moral. It is war, 195D pattern—blood, sweat and tears; mud, threa's and jeers- Progress is not a batt'e. War is simply an obstruction in the march. Ncne of us cou'd want wars in that jjood logic but if this has >o but orie, this time let us face it with true vision and determination that in win. ninr'it'fforn the enemy we shall not lose if to ourselves, but make it a milestone in th- march. This is a challenge to patriotism. The true patriot is he who knows that ri"ht is not a selfish arrogatior. of right; that "righ* or wrong" Is «o pariotism at all; that the only victory* he only »ood sense is the inexorable balance of one right for aU* To have it. we must comne it everywhere and start with it in ourse'ves. Or this test Is vain hypocrisy and we cannot win. To-day is it not loyalty that wins wars. It is not good soldiers It is supply. It is total war, with one powerful punch winning. It is blitzkreig. In potential- the west still has the power. But it is not geared for war. To so convert it takes time. The totalitarian works on the simple strategy of regimenting his lesser potential behind an iron curtain and the big Ue, utter ruthlessness,, to the point where he feels powerful enoueh to deUver a punch strong en. ough to cripple an over-all stronger enemy before it can .organize. Ini'iative is everything gained by surprise, however unscrupulous. Hitler had it, and messed it up But it took us four years to organize our power to the point where we could regain the initiative Then it was al over in a few months. The big punch. And as science progresses it is more and more one big punch. Stalin does not figure to make Hitter's mistake. If he had had the power this would have been all over long ago—perhaps even the atom bomb. But he has not a well-integral ed industrial core and a natural manpower of war Uke Hitler had. And his organization was somewhat, riddled by- Hitler, his task complicated by the spur of the last war upon scientific weapons. He got right down to it, but he will not strike till he has the big punch. And his intentions were somewhat signalled. There was precedent. Stalin's plan is world mastery. He proceeds piecemeal in the soft spots, with his big final punch against the English- speaking world when he is ieady For the little man here the out look is bleak. Everyone knows now what fo lows Munich. It will be a desperate arms race, costlier than ever. We pay — more guns, less butter. In the larger and smaller s;r- nificance this is the battle of the American dollar, in a world pattern where the dolar is th' material symbol of the demo- * cratic ideal, and .America its dominant power: Our democra.- y is faulty but fundamentally right and inevitable and the ctemo- cratic world ra'lieg to protect i'. It was challenged bv fascism and (h« challenge was beaten off But print;pie and logic ben? obscured ^>y the urgency of OS moment, this involved a s' range alliance with what we aga» realije to. be »n incompatible ideology ajid a challenge to the democratic way; in tru'h a challenge to the death. Only one creed could survive and it had to have the whole world. All three knew and pro. claimed it—and we forgot it Each had to eliminate the other two., eventually; and eventual^ we were a* war with fascism. We grovelled for an alliance with Communism to mee' the more urgent threat. But the others cou d bargain with even less principle and Rus sia signed a non-aggression pact with Germany that made our war with Germany inevitable, and used It to *rrab cheaply (he Bal'-in states and large chunks of Finland and' Poland, thumbing her nose at the howling but helpless democracies, who h'<t already kicked her from *he League of Nations and thwarted and sneered at the Bolshevists— and indeed set them up by opposing the idealistic original Kerensky revolution from tbe tyrann-v of 'he czars. To keep the Russians fighting our enemy, we sent punitive expeditions in answer to the petitions for help in promoting de. mocratU naftonbood In their trying hour our nations grabbed at their territory. In making the Kerensky .crusade fail, we installed the communists- Communism was fascism's first foe. Itiallied three dicfator nations — Germany, I'aly and Japan — in an anti-comintem pact. They tried to enlist the Jemocrncies in an alliance. The democracies preferred the bo'- shevists—and were well paid. But' in due course it suited Hitler to play Stalin at his own game. He tore £p a thieves' pact and at'acked Russia. Russia had schemed to fatten herself while her rivals weakened eachother. The inexorableness of right now presented us* in **3pS RUSSIA 13— full mora'ily, with what our rivals had schemed for. But—not because Russia attacked fascism but because they were at'acked—the Communists became our allies and comrades, whom left to their own devices we had seen as savages. To make them fight our enemy we poured in desperately short supplies—the supplies that eventuaUy won the war, in our hands as theirs. But when V was won it was apparent that the Communis!? had used them not to fight oui war but theirs. But it was treason to suggest so- then, what clear logic compelled; witness Ladv Aster. And (he lesser among us. But we humored the temperamental Russians at every turn* We waited for them to get into Berlin; we let them into the long Pacific war—in the same morality they too had a non-aggression pact with J.apan. their I ancient Asiatic rival—in its last iveek. We fed them and. fought for them whi'e 'hey sowed iheir seeds in conquered lands and our own, and spied from their embassies. McKenzie King would not proceed in the Ottawa spy ease before consulting Washington—for fear of offendins the spying Communisms. And we left them straddled across 'the world- from sub- tropic to Arctic, from BerUn to Korea, a conquest never before approached, by an essential arch enemy whom we embraced reeling on its feet, by its own perfidy This was the suc-ess of Teh- aran and Yalta, hailed as a new epoch in international ami'y. Roosevelt was duped. Hailed as a martyr te democracy, his- ory will show him, in fuU sin. cerity one of its most (rap-ic and most costly figures.' But, who would listen then? But there were others more op'oahle. because they knew. Churchill was morally bound to speak at Yalta and Teheran and not at Fulton, Missouri. Our leaders, not true leaders, but politicians, threw our victory away, and many bra.ye lives and grand sacrifices, just as. because politics is expedience, they jet- isoned our idea's- It is us v.bo wil) pay again; and fight again and again, if reed be. But will we never consolidate as soldiers -■houM? So Roosevelt and Churchill were politicians and their morality was that, of WaU Street and Stahn, with an assist from Hiss duped Roosevelt—and Wail Street—and Churchill spoke at Fulton. \ Missouri and not at Yalta And so Korea. The foiy of Yalta was equally the folly of the Far Eas\ and its srivest mistake was M-nchuri- . Korea is but a natural aftermath -md a token of things to come— unless we make it Munich or Danzig. To-day Korea is not merely a psychological pawn in a game of world power — the line beyond which we trust no further—it is the key to the huge territory and the 800 million people of the Orient that might hold the ba'ance of the rival camps- For Russia has China and Manchuria and all else nor'h: without Korea Japan is unten. able; and once uprooted here we have no base from which to hold already troubled southeast Asia. The master-plan of the Axis was an East-West pin- cer from Siberia to Suez. Russia, sitting on the Asiatic bel y from the Bla.ck Sea to the Pacific, is in a much more favored position to manage it. And it is not. a hew Russian design. While the western argosies had been staking huge colonial empires and reaching out to the Orient the long way round the great bear had been asleep. Russia was the most backward of nations! Behind a gUlter of splendor in St. Petersburg sprawl ed a great dark continent under the tyranny of the czars. It was much like China, governed by military barons- Siberia was where convicts and political pris oners were lost. To the south and to the Pacific coast were primitive tribes, Turk or Mongol or Tartar. This in the 17th Century. But Peter the Great hajl ambitions to match his rival prince? Quite ignored, the Orient was open to Russia by the back door. Peter sent out explorers and organizing agents, and Catharine continued the plan- In 1630 the Russians first reached the Pacific coast. Soon after, 'they founded their first Pacific town, Okhotsk. A per- . usal of place names identifies their origin to this period or later. And they were soon prodding Manchuria. Now north-west Asia was vague.ajlm nobody bothered to challenge the Russians, even when they reached round to Al. aska- But when you bumped into a Chinese you nettled him, Politically careless, he became very much Chinese when you wanted anything. And one of Russia's pet ^devices was to. see the buffer tribesmen — always willing—slip off an another raid Nettlesome border incidents have been an almost, daily misfortune ever since. The Russians and the Chinese by the treaty of Nertchinsk. fixed a line—1689. The Russians kept prodding and a new treaty, Aigun- in 1858 gave them considerably more ground- Now, in they were into Manchuria. The west suddenly became aware of the potentialities of this vast preserve, strategically the Balkans, economica'ly the RUSSIA 14— Canada of Asia. Britain buUt. with Chinese partnership, the first raUway — before any in China. America negotiated for a much bigger one. But Russia already had a big boot in the door. Ambitious vehicle for her Pacific thrust was the huge Trans-Siberian railway —6,000 miles — started in 187" It reached V'adivostek in 1881- But this synthetic port terminal v/as found to be frozen in winter Russia had crept down tv coast, as far as she could. Now she had to maneuver. Much of the dismay of the western powers she came up with a pact with China to build the Chinese Eastern Railway, thro' Manchuria, connecting the big Eurasian Une with ice.free Dairen at the southern tip Shp ■leased the Laiotung Peninsula and alongside Dairen built th- naval base of Port Arthur- dominating the North China Sea t'nd pointing at Japan. The Japanese had wrested this as a prize of the war of '95 but four powers America, France, Germany and —Russia had intervened—status quo.' wheie was the balance of pov/er now? But it was all perfectly legal. The west growled. And Russia aimed at the heart with a Sino-Russian Bank- Japan was only m-Ke alarmed than annoyed, but the iibTs were well nettled too, and the quaking sympathies of most of the world were with the litt e . fellow when he toed up to the big. treacherous bear in 1904— and brought off an epic victory. Her prize was to take over the Russian lease on the tip of Laio. tung, which she had twice won. She also took over the railway as far as Chanchung- Russia still had the northern half, but sold out to the Japs after the Man- churian incident of 1932. Nor, thus disposed, did anyone - object much when she used the pretext of a local revolt to annex Korea in 1910. The door was well sealed against Russia. Manchuria has always been the cockpit and the battleground for all East Asia wars, and the pot was bubbttng-Chang Tso-Lin a northern war lord, was cutting suspicious capers until he was dramatically killed (whodunit?) when his train was bombed near Mukden. His son Chang Hsieuh.Liang took over clearly a more wily gamester yet. and (hough nominally rooting out the Communists was widely suspected of flirting with them —or anyone to his advantage. The Russian revolution na'- uraly brought problems to East Asia. Czarist troops- pushed back eventually to the Pacific set un a Far Eastern Republic at Y ad ivostok but it lasted only un i the- Bolshevists got round to it. Czarist remnants retreated over the Manchu border—with regal fortunes which they exchanged for sanctuary. Nor did the Chinese open aims to tiie new Bolshevist tenant, and the buffer tribes caught the spirit, ever ready fur a raid. There were many clashes and general anxiety that the new neighbor boy would be uncouth and rough. Soviet smoothness was not yet notorious. Three dictators, Germany, Italy and Japan, outlawed by the rest of the world, formed an a- liance among'themselves in 1940 That they were outlawed was all they had in common. It was . factual that the Far Eastern German was contemptuous of the Jap, moreso when the busy little fellows tried to do the goose step, but the way the ' German agents — with which Japasia was soon soused—woikeo on them was rich to behold; and the siow-minded toil to -unnatural conversion. The Japs-. though more polite, had an equal scorn of the Italians, of whom ' very little was seen. One thing in common—but no. Far bigger thev all had a di"- distrust, a bitter hatred for the prime enemy of each. Thy got together to sign the anti-com- intern pact—common defence against Russia. It broadened logically into positive alliance, the Rome - Beriin - Tokyo Axis. And with strange friends Japan kept faith. Punth carried twin cartoons of barbarians Russia and Japan pilloried by the civilized League. When Hitler amazingly then signed a non-aggression pact with Russia there was consternation in Japan. The government resigned. But the Mikado had only to issue a rescript on the duty and destiny of Dai Nippon, a new government lined up from the same gang to take over and make a non-aggression pact w,th Russia too. A mikado is a handy guy to have around- The Yanks weren't bopping him off as a mere war criminal. Besides- this let Hit'er get on . with keeping the boys tied up in Europe- and Japan fiee at the back door. But. it was pretty hard to reconcile, and the Jap is a serious little chap who must reconcile even his sins and mistakes. . For Japan had made a ereat crusade against the iniquities end intrigues of the cominfocni, and given out a library of proof at the cost of a great manv yen and not a few brave Nippon lives always self-convincing. And indeed, the communist was a considerable defence of her intervention in Manchuria and China Indeed, too, red, white or green Russia has a;wav,s been a bad neighbor everywhere. The nor. them border was always vexed. After the Japs were in it was much worse. For one thing they engaged in a tug of war for RUSSIA 15— Mongolia. The Japs formed the Inner Repub'ic, the Soviet the Outer and it was either outside in or inside out thereafter, for the Kin still loves a scrap, even with his own kin. And aU the summer <.f J 959 the Japs and Ri-ssians wei2 at it hammer uni toiies In a carbon copy of Korea. The Nomon- han war was bitter. Incidentally- don't take Asiatic front bulletins too seiously. Tim kept a taly and after a week each side I"-* shot down more planes than the world coud build for some years to come. When Hitler tore »o his pact and went anti-comin'ern aeain at convenience Japan did not. It was convenient, to keen her back door safe. And Japan har; a pretty pood treaty record. Three months before Hiroshima, at great, risk, secret ap- nroach was made for surrender. It was made through Russia, the only avenue. Russia, had an anti-war pact, with Japan — no 'egitimate interest in the Paci- - fie war at all. She was asked to do two sets of her friends a norma' diplomatic courtesy- was under' moral compulsion bv international acceptance.-The JaPs enquired more than once: Russia staled We knew nothing about it till after the surrender We did not need to use the atom bomb; or to let Russia know that in fact we had it. When the end drew near the militarists would still not cive in. And they sti I were Japan s dictators — and the emperor's At last, in a quaking voice, he stood up and defied them. His and other lives were attempted When the Americans came in they expected the wooden horse, —trUkery, boobyi traps. Thiere were none. Will it be so at Moscow? In the last week Russia tore up her treaty and went, to war We agreed, France who had called Italy's a stab in the back- And in the Far East, Russia, as elsewhere, took up where she, had 'eft off—only more favored. For if Russian designs date back three centuries Soviet intrigues are not new. The Communists have been in China for nearly 20 years They were fighting the Nationalists when the Japs in- vafled. We instructed them both ( to give up and fight the Japs- We poured in armaments, money Most of it has gone to help the Reds run China. The Reds got their share direct They fought the Japs hardly at al'. The rest thev got by conquest or treachery. We realized at last and gave up. We should have taken charge from the first. Any old China | hand knew. Yalta gave Manchuria to China but handed it to Russia to hand to her- We knew China's record gave her no claim; and there was no peace conference decision on it. And Russsia had schemed to get in for 300 years. We knew' the' Soviet's aims, her tatctics- her record. The great armament Japan had stored in Manchuria- largely against communism, went to give China to Communism after we- not Russia, had won it- Went to make Korea- Our weapons are fighting us in Korea We had Communist riots In Malaya—which we have allowed to be 90 per cent. Chinese—before the war. And despite Japanese vigilance the seeds were .veil sown in Japan. There were pre-war Communist machinations in India and South Asia—and in London, Ottawa and Washington. Their formula was Lenin's—the world, by any means- Toadying to an 'ally' forced on I us by perfidy, not desire, whom, we found on'y awkward, because * she was awkward we let her hog tie the U-N We gave them half Korea, let them thwart, a peace pact in a war they did not fight. Was it moral to divide one people into parts- and bring them to civil war- the miseries of wai? WiU it impress them; or make them regret. Ferry's arrival with freedom by force? Was it wise? If we were Allies, ■ why not one Allied occupation force, with "a swift peace conference where majority ruled? BerUn was bad enough, but in the east Russia had no claim. But this had to be a super democracy, run by five nations— including China. Or rather b- three men, who with much mysticism eave the people the At. antic Charter (what became of it?) — and secret. Yalta, whose terms.not merely the people but their governments could not know. Nor was it observed that three other men had met short time before. Thev were dictators And the politicians are too busy promoting themselves to- correct their mistakes in it- Because "we found our new^ ally' awkward we fixed it fSigfV them to be awkward. These Five* —one of them expelled from the League—were to boss the U.N-— vehicle of democracy, which is founded on majority rule; and any one—the expelled one—could boss it—by vetoing everyone else This was the new democracy.' Why didn't they just veto the U-N-'s war against them? So we get tough with our ally. We are trying to convert our ex-enemies. They were first, suspects of Russia. What confidence | can they have? And the lowly coo ie thinks us soft. . . ■ But we simply paid—you did— to make Korea inevitable. For Chiang doesn'tf want ths China we want or the Chinese want. Nor do the masses want the Reds. 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SERVING AbLENBY'S NEEDS ALLENBY STORE JOHN KASSA, Brio|pri.eitar Groceries, Provision's, Dry Good's Hardware Fresh Vegetables, Ices • STAR ADS PAY Upholstering and Leatherwork Expert service . . AH work guaranteed We pick up and deliver anywhere in the Valley. — ESTIMATES FREE — Moore's Upholstery Leave orders at ALLENBY STORE From Page Three ' »vvvvvvvvvvvvvvvvvvvvvvvvvvvvvvvvvvvvvvv and precedent. We will not change it in a J3ay a4nd we have made a bad beginning by bolster ing Oriental cummin? with what they see. as Western perfidy- A trader impresses their realism more than a missionary. We must start with the un. derstanding that there is no fee) ing of inferiority in the Oriental, no great reverence for the west; only some covetousness* They see us as foreigners, intruders, exploiters. The Oriental in his own bailiwick is a very different animal than the punctilious immigrant. And they sec America as the Marine or Hollywood. We must understand too the haiMiness of the Oriental, his ■struggle to survive. Christian I orincinles, law and justice and other of our fundamentals are I not theirs. The spread between top and bottom, the general, harshness and inhumanity, the! cheerful persisfence of the poor, I are hard to conceive here. There is no democracy, and no relish, for it. Most survive and thrive | by power. He gets it as he can; ! and by it society acclaims his success—fertile ground for communism, this hypocrisy of equality that wrests the power to the long oppressed. Just as Rus sia was Meal ground, so it the Orient. The west demanded areess to the Orient for trade. They went to make money and too often in a virtual conspiracy with the established oppressors to further oppress The opium war . . • The Oriental Is no fool. In due course the native taipan had learned the tricks of his western counterpart and wanted rid of him, to use them himself — the inspiration of Japan's bid. The peasant had no great love for 'he inspiration of a new oppression; too offen no great respect for his personal example of affluent, arrogant libertinism; ai*d his colossal carelessness, so un- orlental, was open invitation— the Boxer Rebellion. This is the man whose hand two world camps, both fore'gn. are playing for. « if * Of course it is war. When American planes fight Russian planes andAmerican guns Russian guns- what is it but war. rtr matter who fires them and who masquerades behind a technical .smokescreen, which tragically fancies itelf mora!. It is aU war. no longer the honest anger of Ug, but the suaveness of the modern Smu; who goes to church on Sunday and gives handsomely to the patriotic fund and never dreams that he is driving some Oriental Ug- by primitive but persistent human instinct, to play Thug, in the slick hands of some equally moral and surcessful sinner on the other side, whose morality has been distorted by the same selfish materialism under another flag, even another bible.,There were no more sincere and patriotic than the Nazis or the Japs; nor than the Japs any more religious. Some strange Christianity has been crusaded in our own holy wars. We cherish a romantic reverence for the pirates of Elizabeth. The morality of our own empire I? that it is a fait accompli; we have no wish—and no need—to disturb the status quo And the tota'iarians. with swifter cut. lasses, use the same technique of the fail- accompli* and we satisfy moralifv with de jure ar"" de facto and cold and hot war. and make the puppets fire the nuns and step in ourselves when they fall. down. Ug was cruder, hnt-simtale honestv is more successful because more natural. It is war whether vou kill a. man with an atom bomb or a high tariff or a cartel grab; or if you only incite him to retaliation that builds un to war It is war when an ally stea's secrets far more iflevasta'ing in actual effect than any day of battle; when he sabotages your economy directlv or by infiltration it is a straight, tactic of modem war. In Korea more devastation has already been wrought th"*n in all the campaigns of Alexander and Genghis Khan. But it not war—nobodv has signed a paper—there is none to tear up. There was no war in China, hut it has been going on since Chiang Kai Shek started it in 1927- and the fate of 450,900,000 lsou*s. most of whom have had nothing to say about it. has changed hands three times. We are too moral, too civilized Something fiSrti This advertisement is not published or displayed by the Liquor Control Board or by the Government of British Columbia H to-day to grab a c'ub- to take a loaf-when we are hungry, to save the strength to pay it back. We are a legal people. We have codes of ethics. Anld we are sincere in them, never suspecting that unnatural ways make them snares to trap ourselves We can always vote on it; we can even make four o'clock five. Somebody voted on Pearl Haibor and there are no more moral nor religious people than the Japanese We vote for Pearl Harbor every time we vote for the fellow who does : most for us, because by i corollary he will do most for himself; every time wc invest in a shrewd stock. Every t.'me we buy an unethical bargain. Every time we make our trade union an- instrument for getting all w*» can, as our moral defence against the same tyranny. Every time anyone thinks in terms of profit over real or social value. We undermine .iust as the communists do, but. things are complex. In a moral world—even our democratic slice of it—the dictators wohVI never dare. But we are loo inured to iust these things in ourseIves We are ail selfish dictators little to big—and we forget the simple axioms of fu«t-um and leverage, the chain reaction of cause and effect. It starts far back and bui'd? im and when it boils it has nol produced *he risJbit lleadershin or *he right moralitv to ha-'dlp it. We had a. long time to take mo.-a.lity to the Orient. * if it Even our m«st moral papers, which i wjould never report wrestling match or even a s(.yT- ish horse race give the stock markets full play—*ied up with war bulletins- These a-e sincere moralists- the cream at the top It. is PTanhic in Korea. Roosevelt, and Churchff- were politic- la_ns. not statesmen. It was Politics—the commercial interest— that even now made Britain recognize the Chinese communists. History is the history of what man knows to be axiom, but refuse to aocep* We learn in history what we will not. learn f'-nm his*ory. We understand all about chain reaction. It is behind U(5. internationalism and Marshall aid. But it is the morality and charity of Wall Street, which goes to church on Sunday and subscribes hand somely to the patriotic fun|S. Nor ever suspect that they are Pharisees and Philistines. The propaganda of "American imperialism" is truer than *'" know—only more complex. Dol- 'ari car> take as much as guns- The men who ttan margarine and spend your taxes to persuade you to buy butler so they get' the .farmers' vote are the same men who decide about the guns and the ideologies. There are Smugs and well as Ugs among the McCarfhy's and no lack of Mugs among us ir this Tug of war, be it hot or cold but constant. So the Hiss's get into politics and politics is the handmaiden of power profits which we fondly fancy is democracy- and to want natural balance and good gov ernment makes you worse than ( Hiss—with the "patriots." So Roosevelt and Churchill were politicians and their morality was that of Wall Street and Stalin, with an assist from I Hiss duped Roosevelt—and Wall Streets—and Churchill spoke at , Fulton. \ Missouri and not at Yalta. And so Korea. To keep the Russians fighting our enemy, we sent punitive expeditions in answer to the petitions for help in promoting de. mocrati-. nationhood \n their trying hour our nations grabbed at their territory. In making, the Kerensky crusade fail, we installed the communists. The Korean still fishes with trained cormorant- hunts with trained hawk- Throughout ihe Orient the old Hides happily with what profits of the new; it ' ould with things moral. The Orient holds human life more cheaply; there is less regard for human rights, more crudeness to human suffering. Fear and face compel compliance rather than respect for right, desire- Honor does not rate. In short, the rue of force. To the Chinese the tiger (wan) is the king of beasts From afar, at great cost its, powdered claws are brough|t« to Tie eaten for power. The phoenix is the king of birds, the lotus the queen of beauty. We did little to understand!, less to correct. Much we exploited at home as there. We had power. The Jap wars, the Boxer atrocities, the Tientsin strippings showed what he could dare. In dark aleys he has always dared. *•* Huge Individual fortunes have been maKle on both sides by East -West relations, but on neither side have the nations at large shared the benefits the wrong people pay in the resultant wars Both China and Japan have been led into error by their classic creeds; at other times by carelessness in them; and there as here materialism is breeding a recklessness of moral revolt. There is much that is good in the c1assic ideologies of the east; hu* for international harmony as for enduring nationalism, all men must eager 'y subscribe to inexorable universal axioms and all creeds need revising. Laws of conduct must be reconciled with religious faiths — Confucius and Goethe with Shintoism as with Christianty, the mathematics of morality and economy. The United Nations must start over by formulating such a universal code, drawn from the experience anld insight of a1! men of all lands and all times—the true in. ternational law for every test. Materialism has bred careless ness in Oriental creeds as with ours in the west; and there must be no east and west Co-operation is feasib'e in true natural segregation. We are a1! humans .but not of one race. We must know each other— all peoples, in truth not prejudice or sdfishness; our litnraS not appeasement but right There lie aU our mistakes and their consequences. IT'S THE TRUTH! Yes- it's the truth! After 85 yetfte of service, we are in a stronger position than ever to say, "Western Mutual' assessment plans of Ijf e iprotectionjarel unbel&eviably low in cost. Plans ranging from $1»00 to $100 for the loss of life from any cause, averaging from $1-00 to $2-00 monthly in cost. Open to persons of 75 years ot age with a good health record without medical examination or red tape. Write for particulars and special membership drive to WESTERN MUTUAL BENEFIT ASSOCIATION 515 Granville St.. 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Under New "tfinaneinent • * CHRYSLER Sales and Service *TEXACO Gas and Oils * BATTERIES ir TIRES * WELDING, Etc. rose then eai carf mot' doll do day vest lives "vu wouldn't plant rare tushes and just forget You wouldn't let a acid bottle drip on the t. You wouldn't let the ^ eat at a thousand •? bill. Yet perhaps yon 11 these things every \> your-car, risking indent, your life, other -Let us keep it tuned. RIVERSIDE MOTORS GIBSON BROTHERS TELEPHONE 9»~ PRINCETON A/V1/VVVVVVVVVWVV*/\A*VV\/V\A/VVVVVVVVVVVVVV "" From Radiator to Rear Bumper
Title changes in chronological order: Similkameen Star (1900-03-31 to 1900-07-28), The Similkameen Star (1900-08-04 to 1900-10-20), Similkameen Star (1900-10-27 to 1918-05-10), The Princeton Star (1918-05-17 to 1935-08-29), The Similkameen Star (1935-09-05 to 1939-12-28). Pages may be missing and/or misnumbered. Some pages cut off due to printing error.
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Original Format: Princeton and District Museum and Archives
The Similkameen Star
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