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Pedestal
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THE PEDESTAL id monthly by VANCOUVER WOMEN'S CAUCUS II \ Keep your eyes on the prize Hold on! WOMEN: If someone close to you needed an abortion, she'd get one. Rich women can get safe abortions. It's poor women who suffer. TRUDEAU: So?. .. Trudeau's homecoming press conference, in Vancouver May 29, was an opportunity for women here to confront the federal government which had refused to listen to women from across Canada in Ottawa May 9. The women dominated the press conference. The confrontation was an education in itself. Trudeau's arrogance was exposed, he continued to refuse to promise anything more than "yes, my ministers will look into it... But I have no feeling that the law will be changed." The only argument given for not changing the law was that the law was changed once already. The fact that the change had had no effect in practice was ignored. This "dialogue" should be fair warning to the government that the women of Canada are not prepared to be ignored. We will be heard. "FREE ABORTION ON DEMAND fl Parliament Forced To Listen By GWEN HAUSER After travelling for 11 days across Canada, picking up women from all across the country, we finally arrived in Ottawa. Meeting with our sisters in a shopping centre we proceeded to cavalcade through the town. The response we got was overwhelming. People lined up outside their houses andon the streets, giving us V's, fists and waves and shouting encouragement for our venture. Next day at 1:30, after an open rally outside parliament, we held an open meeting in the Railway Room of the Parliament Buildings to present a brief to Trudeau,^ Munro and Turner. None of the government officials were there. Trudeau was on the eve of his mid-Pacific tour, Munro was at a World Health, Conference in Geneva (where, however, he was met by 50 Austrian women reminding him of the health of women in Canada) and Turner was out playing tennis. The only MP's who were there were Grace Mclnnis, David Lewis and Lome Nystrom (all NDPers) plus the Conservative butterfly Gerald Baldwin complete in mustard jacket and flashy tie. Judy D'Arcy of Toronto Women's Liberation read a brief and Grace Mclnnis addressed the house. The best she could say was that she was "solidly behind" us but that she did not believe abortion would be removed from the Criminal Code unless we got petitions from all across Canada and presented them to the government. This, she said, would take two years. Women jumped up to their feet and immediate cries of "That's too late" and "We can't wait" greeted this last lukewarm proposal. Doris Powers capped off the afternoon, speaking of her experience as a welfare mother, who upon seeking an abortion was generously granted a sterilization. "We the poor of Canada are dirt shoved under the rug of a vicious economy—" and "I am not a young woman. I'm not one of the women who sang on the way up here, because I don't have a goddamned thing to sing about." This was the high point of the afternoon and after some morejtalking and more speeches we decided to march to Trudeau's house in order to present him with the coffin. Trudeau, of course, was not there and after pushing past the pigs at the gate and being stopped by the ones around the house, we decided to wait on the lawn and tried to get a government official from the house. None appeared (except for a gum-chewing. pink-cheeked Gordon Gibson, oozing with grease and phony concern). So after about an hour of arguing with the pigs and various exchanges back and forth, we decided to take the coffin to the house. This we did, with a heavy police escort, and placed the tools of a hack abortionist on top of the coffin. On Monday, we went into the last phase of our action — direct confrontation of the government in parliament. Thirty-six of us got into the galleries, and chaining ourselves to the chairs proceeded to disrupt parliament. At first we were not taken seriously, but, as more and more women got up to speak, and the guards were unable to stop us, the MP's became increasingly disturbed. Shouting cries of "Whores!" "Sluts!" and other goodies from a male chauvinist repertoire, some of them rushed up into the galleries and the speaker was finally forced to adjourn parliament. Outside a support demonstration was going on and when our sisters came out of parliament smiling and walking arm-in-arm we knew that the action had been successful and the first in-road on parliament was made. \:f|jjSB|l iSlislii'S However, we believe that despite Turner's prediction - two years of red tape without any action - our action in Ottawa was successful. Although the government officials weren't there, the women of Canada have finally been heard — at least by the people of the country - and the first declaration of war has been made with the first exposure of Parliament. The form that this declaration of war will take is actions in hospitals all across Canada to force the officials to be responsible to the women they supposedly serve. We will not be stopped by red tape or other measures of diversion. All power to the people! Women-power to the women-people! on the caravan: How We Differ one view By MARY TREW The Abortion Caravan was the first nation-wide action taken by Women's Liberation groups in Canada and marked a great step forward in the development of our struggle for human dignity. For those women directly involved, it was an action that was at once physically gruelling, emotionally exhausting, and politically educational. It is difficult to describe the enormous inspiration which sprung out of almost every one of the public meetings and rallies held across the country — tbe strength which came from the knowledge that so many Canadian women, from all sorts of backgrounds, identified with that action and with the women's liberation movement as a whole. continued on page 8 Rent-a-Car workers fight for contract, equal pay STRIKE ESCALATES On Monday, June 1, picketing at the Vancouver Airport was extended. The machinists announced they would respect the lines. As we go to press, the companies have obtained an injunction against the strikers. After four months of strike, with no indication that the companies are prepared to bargain in good faith, the fifty-five employees of Hertz, Tilden and Avis rent-a-car companies are escalating their strike These huge national and international corporations have been functioning under government protection at the Vancouver airport. The Department of Transport and the airport management have prevented the strikers from effectively picketing there. Thousands of women workers will find themselves in this situation as we try to organize to collectively defend our rights. These few workers are fighting for a union agreement, decent wages and equal pay for equal work for women. Their fight is our fight. If you can, join the picket lines, particularly at the downtown locations of Hertz, Tilden and Avis. page two/ ju ne 1970/the pedestal In 1935, Canada was still very much in the midst of the Depression. In B.C. there were several major strikes: The Corbin Mine Strike, the Relief Camp Worker's Strike, and the Longshoremen's Strike. The demands of the workers (one of which was only ' the recognition of their union) were received with intolerance and violent repression by the police. In all of these strikes, the workers were crushed in bloody battles. Women played a role ih all of these strikes, but their. militancy varied in each one. Generally, they did not break out of their traditional roles and take a leading part in the struggles. They were encouraged to form Ladies Auxiliaries in association with the unions to support the men. These auxiliaries often held socials, teas, and rummage sales to raise money since strike funds were grossly inadequate. The women did, however, support the men often by militant actions. They took part in many of the picket lines. In the Longshoremen's Strike the women were on the lines daily. In the Corbin Mine Strike many women and children were injured as a result. They had been put in the front of the picket ■ line strung on a bridge which was the only direct access to the mine because they would not be attacked, whereas the men would be. The injuries resulted when the scabs, with police alongside and behind, were led by a tractor with a snow plow shovel moving up and down, proceeded on the bridge to break through the line of women, children and strikers. Women were active throughout the depression in helping and supporting the unemployed. They occupied many. relief offices to support their demands for more relief. In the Relief Camp Strike of 1935 the men were fighting for better conditions in the camps, regular wages (they were being paid 20 cents a day), their vote (they had been Women in History Women in the Thirties disenfranchized), and recognition of their union. The women in Vancouver held an illegal tag day to raise funds for support of the strikers since the city refused to grant them relief. As well, they had a march of 2000 women calling for the abolition of the camps. This march led to the Arena where a support meeting of 16,000 people was held. On Mother's Day, the women decided not to celebrate it as such, but to have a weekend of support events for the strikers. A delegation of over a hundred women occupied Vancouver Mayor McGeer's office in demand of relief for the men and the abolition of the camps. As a result of this delegation the pressure on the authorities to do something about the situation was intense because the women 'represented the best citizenship in the country'. When this Mayor was asked to speak at a major church in Vancouver, his hypocrisy so angered the women that they planned a demonstration in the Church. They led a walk-out of hundreds out of the church and a demonstration of over a thousand was held outside. Although the above actions were strong and militant, one of the women's own causes was lost as a result. Shortly before the R.C.W. Strike, the women had planned a campaign for maternity insurance and birth control clinics where free birth control information and birth control would be given out. This campaign did not get off the ground except for some educationals on birth control. This is just another example of women's struggles which throughout history have been adjusted to the struggles of others around them. But the time has now come that women must realize the. importance of organizing around the issues which directly-affect their own lives. They can give their support to other issues but they must not let these take priority over their own. -BARBARA HICKS pbi Apologies for le-sidedly friendly. People never •ite us anything nasty — tbey just From now on, please write. . . Mothers: Spare your daughters this story: March now Pregnant - and unmarried. The race to the drugstore for quinine tablets (they don't help), the dreary round of talking to doctors who won't help, the search for an abortionist in a larger town, talking to taxi drivers, to female quacks who use knitting needles, and finally a doctor recommends a naturopath. The visit to his house, his fee of $350, and the set appointment: he offers to sleep with you first being no saint, you refuse!, the operation begins, the intolerable pain, his nurse helper, the packing, and finally flushing the fetus down the toilet. The doctor driving you home, but dropping you off a few blocks from your house, and then your silent vigil to make sure you are all right from the operation. Abortion, legalized abortion, is just 5000 years overdue. If it were men that had babies, it would have been recommended centuries ago. As war is their problem, so the unwanted pregnancy is woman's problem. March now, mothers, before this story becomes your daughter's story... Solange Cartier Please find enclosed a copy of letter we as a local have sent to the Prime Minister. We wish you j every success in your endeavors i and regret we won't be able to j participate in your demonstration May 10th, 1970. j With best wishes. Yours fraternally, j Frank B. Garden, Secretary S Powell River Local No. 76 j International Brotherhood of Pulp; Sulphite & Paper Mill Workers To Trudeau Dear sir: Our membership wish to convey to you that we heartily endorse the efforts of the Vancouver Women's Caucus to have the present Federal laws governing abortion repealed. Hoping you deal with this matter as soon as possible. I remain. Yours very truly, Frank B. Garden, Secretary A.BOVT -T-HISJSSIJE.:..:.--..^.- ,. .;>c., THE' ABORTION CARAVAN to Ottawa was the first really Canada-wide action of the women's liberation movement. See the centre-spread (page 6 & 7) for a _ report back from Vancouver Women's Caucus.members who were there. JOIN US' .. Th*is'issue begins a numbei of new, .b^iefujly.r.eguiar'.'featares: Letters to the editor (page 2), Women at work (page 8), Reviews, f^ftetry, and "a;-column of news, views-and personal experiences (Grovellings, page 4) We are continuing Women in history (page 2). Allof these features depend on your support and participation — please write) And, of course, please add to the list of contacts across Canada and the literature list. MEANWHILE... This issue was produced in the usual slap-dash fashion by approximately the following Vancouver sisters: Anna Ingre, Ellen Woodsworth, Jean Rands, Dodie Weppler,Maggie Benston , Diane Schrenk, Mary Trew, Gwen Hauser, Pat Hoffer, Cynthia Flood, Donna Ltfaerson, Nikki Bergseth, Catherine Stone, Bonita Beckman, Barb Hicks, Jean McLaren, Bouk Elzinga, Marsha Enomoto Melody Rudd, and Anne Roberts in Edmonton. m Dear Mr. Prime Minister, On behalf of this Local Union, membership of five thousand, kindly accept this letter as expressing full support to the Women's Caucus in their effort to have the Federal abortion laws repealed. Yours very truly. International Woodworkers Local 1-85 (Port Alberni) M.J. Corbeil, Financial Secretary Two groups are forming in Vancouver who are Interested in setting up day'care centres. One group, working out of UBC, is attempting to. ovide an environment more adequate to the needs of children than is usually found. Co-operative care in which both parents, the man and the woman, are actively involved, an attempt to break down the traditional sexual and social roles, to provide a learning experience rather than a competitive experience etc. are some of the ideas which will be incorporated in the day A second group hopes to involve various civic and political groups in pressuring government and industry to provide adequate day care facilities for all children. For further information: on the first group, phone Monica at 224-3014 or Anna at 733-6507; on the second group, phone Anna at 733-6507. June 20-21 - remember these dates. They are the dates of the Women's Caucus Conference on Strategy. The place and final agenda will be agreed, on at the next general meeting on June 11. Why the conference? Women's Caucus has been active in a wide variety of areas over the past year. We've talked: to students in high schools and universities, to women's groups, to NDP groups, to unions, over the radio and on T.V. Women have begun work on day care. Three demonstrations (at the B.C. Civil Service Commission, at the Engineers' Club and Canada Manpower, and at the Post Office) to protest job inequalities were organized, and a working women's group has begun. We protested the lack of protection given women by the B.C. Human Rights Bill and Janiel Jolley was a Women's Caucus protest candidate to challenge the objectification of women in the Miss Canadian University. Contest. The Western Regional Conference, organized by Women's Caucus last fall, brought together women from Western Canada and the US. Publication of the Pedestal began last fall, right after we picketed Trudeau. And of course the Abortion Information Service and the campaign to abolish abortion laws have been our biggest efforts so far. Women who have been active in all of these have felt that a conference for summing up and evaluation of this work was necessary. The conference will serve both for the exchange of ideas and experiences in Women's Liberation as a whole and as a means of setting forth a strategy on how to pursue the various issues on a practical level. We need to decide how best to coordinate the various campaigns — such as abortion, day care and job issues — and how best to organize women around these central issues. All women involved in women's liberation in B.C. and elsewhere are invited to come, write papers — participate in the conference, and in pre-conference discussions. (We don't know the details yet, but facilities for children will be available.) C9©K)Sg) » (Sofe.t§. the pedestal/june 1970/page three "We make fine statements on the issue every few years, but we are not dealing with the needs of women workers on a day-to-day basis," said one delegate to the Canadian Labor Congress in Edmonton. And that sums up the impressions of Edmonton Women's Liberation members who attempted to bring women's rights to the attention of the 1500 delegates, which included only 70 women, who attended. The Canadian Labor Congress represents 1,650,000 workers from 123 unions affiliated to the CLC. (However, it can hardly be considered a cross-section of Canadian working people, as about one-third of the delegates are paid functionaries of the trade unions themselves, rather than working a regular job.) Of the 461 resolutions submitted by union locals, five (incidentally, the last five) dealt with discrimination against women. In 1968, the CLC advocated abortion on request and this was re-affirmed. The convention also passed a resolution urging that equal pay for equal work and maternity leave and, where necessary, day care centres should be included in contract demands. Lip service only However, while we were leafleting around equal pay for equal work, we realized that the resolution was essentially lip-service. The main, arguments we were encountering made us see that the men did not understand the discrimination women face which allows employers to easily pay them low wages or channel them into certain occupations. Many seemed to assume that women had certain characteristics which made them difficult to organize or not willing to fight for their rights. Instead of understanding the social situation which keeps "women in their place", they saw only individual reactions they had experienced. "Our girls never come out to meetings," or "our girls don't want equal pay because they are afraid of losing their jobs," or "I never hear any complaints from our girls." Therefore they could agree with our position on equal pay for equal work or day care centres and not see the implications it meant for them as members of the trade union movement. If they understood the total oppression of women, they would have understood the necessity of actively organizing women and making that a priority. And to conclude the initial attack: "Labor has been guilty of allowing management to use women workers against men workers and it cannot be allowed to continue." Women's second class position in society enables management to use women as cheap labor. Besides being taught that her proper role is as wife and mother, she is almost forced into that role for in order to have a decent standard of living it is necessary to "catch" a man to support her. Denied access to most jobs, women are forced to take any job they can get. They may become scabs. They take wages that undercut the wages of men. They are willing to accept work conditions men would reject. Because of day care costs, women are anxious for part-time employment — and often 3 part-time workers are hired instead of one full-time worker because it is cheaper for the bosses (no health & welfare, no pension, etc.). In the leaflet we stressed that we did not want to compete with men for the few jobs that now exist because the government is now deliberately creating unemployment. But the answer was not to hire men Ramblings of a Working Granny Say! Did you know how marvellous it is to shut away the world in the bath? Amazing thoughts come to light when you get to thinkin' and soakin'! i splitt Speaking of th —our two grandchildren, 5 months old, —gurgling and laughing (they go' back to Mummy when they howl!) —the pidgeons cooing in the morning outside our bedroom window -Grade one children singing a happy song -Beethoven turned up full! -24,000 pages of the new pamphlet "Abortion" price 25 cents thumping out on our basement press (that was a plug!) Just, exploded a myth held in lion about the clerical staff I jckward! Seems the school board ncging on a point already in agreement and was trying already ours) but we may take away time from some other steno and demote them." Our president and shop steward were being wishy-washy to say the least but our women held firm. As one steno put it "If we back down, who's to say anyway." It was beautiful! And we won The president and vice and the steward all resigned because of this grievance and a few others and at our last general meeting we elected a much stronger committee. Shows what can be done when we stick together and how exciting it is when workers first realize their real power. I have just been reading Evelyn Reed's pamphlet "Problems of Women's Liberation - A Marxist Approach" - Get it if you can. By JEANMcLAREN wearing my daughter's coat. At my quizzical look he pointed to my Green-Peace button. I politely told him "No, it is mine." (Impolitely, I thought: "Sorry I was in the peace movement before you were born when people spit on me for collecting 'Ban-The-Bomb' signatures".) It is quite amusing when young people . are surprised to see us older folks in peace parades — as if they invented them — but it certainly grieves me to see so few older people and especially so few trade unionists out working for peace. It is shameful to stop marching just because we don't like what the fellow next to us says or looks like. And finally — "Straight" is a state of mind, not a length of hair, type of dress or age. We are ourselves and no one else and we are all sisters. It works both ways! And happiness is doing my ir md finding I came out in the he only time I don't mind l first anymore than whites should have jobs before blacks or Indians. We must demand full employment with work to benefit people and not to create a profit for the bosses. History forgotten The major argument of men delegates was that women are not interested in unions. Besides outlining the socialization and isolated conditions which make this all too often true, we quoted some of our forgotten history. "In 1845 in the cotton mills of Pittsburg and Alleghany City, 5000 young women went on strike, broke down the factory gates and hauled out the scabs. Not until 1872, however, did any international union establishment admit women." (Labor's Untold Story — Bayer and Moras). We tried to argue that the way women are treated throughout their lives creates differences between men and women that cannot be eliminated without a change in women's situations and which cannot be ignored or passed over with the statement that women ought to go out and fight for those things. Often a union does not attract women because it doesn't actively fight for day care or an end to "men's jobs" and "women's jobs". Unions don't guarantee women they will fight for them if women are phased out once equal pay for equal work is instituted. And even when a woman does argue for these programs at a meeting she is generally ignored. More importantly, weargued that it is in both men's and women's interests to actively organize women. The next day we sold The Pedestal, hoping it would give the delegates a more total picture of women and also providing more of an opportunity to talk to the men. Reform Caucus At the Reform Caucus, a small group within the CLC which, proposed a more progressive program for the trade union movement, almost everyone bought one or two issues. The Caucus advocated a special women's committee but the convention defeated the resolution with the rationale that the problems of all workers are inseparable. It was not clear exactly the purpose of a special committee and even if the proposal had passed, the danger that it would be lost in the bureaucracy was great. $&&?• By the third day we had produced a three-page article covering more of the total situation of women in the work force which we hoped would break - through some of the "glib" acceptance we had heard before.' We criticized labor for the little it has done to implement its avowed purpose. Only 16.4% of women in the work force were organized in 1966. I don't know if we influenced anyone — though some strong emotions were aroused in debate outside the convention room — but we learned more about the tough struggle ahead for all of us on the job. Working Women's Workshop The working women's workshop meets every ' second Tuesday night to hear reports from members of the problems in their union and/or their Workplace,-and to discuss the problems that affect all of us. On June 9, we will discuss the current crisis in the hospital system. (See page 5 of this issue). On June 23, we hope to have a discussion of the situation of women as teachers, and the common problems of teachers and other women workers, particularly those who work in public service industries. On July 7, legal secretaries will lead a discussion of the issues facing them and possible strategies for organization. As well, we are planning to start a series of noon-hour discussions aimed mostly at office workers in the down town area. If you would like to participate in any of these activities, or see other areas where working women should be organizing, please contact the women's caucus office at 879-9722 or Jean Rands (298-8430), Jean McLaren (327-2524) or Brenda Huxley (684-9087). r ■ -=^ BWBP-wwMfflg page four/june 1970/the pedestal —1 QHWS FREE! Woman's Bureau publications, mostly pertaining to working women, are FREE from Ottawa (all cost money at local Queen's Printer). List of current publications is just being revised but will be available soon from Women's Bureau, Canada Dept. of Labor, Ottawa 4. Also - don't forget all the other liberation papers and booklets (some free, some not) available at our own office, and the women's lib buttons (50 cents) and PEDESTAL SUBS. WECAREABOUTTHESHAPEYOU'REINWE CAREABOUTTHESHAPEYOU'REINWECA DON'T buy Freda Bradley's "How to be Sensual and Drive Him Wild." Her idea is that men cherish and protect possessions somewhat more than they value people. Therefore a woman's best bet is to be a valuable possession. If you must read it, beg, borrow, or steal it. We NEED your money. The calls of approval to CKVN's open line show last week were great but we need ACTIVE support. Men are sitting in judgement of you and rapping on the phone won't stop this. Write Trudeau. Write your M.P. Come down to the office. Join the abortion campaign. The local Family Planning Clinic passed a resolution in May to include legal abortion as a one hundred percent effective method of birth control. Canada Council's latest addition, Mrs. Betsey Lane, feels women's rights groups are often just looking for causes, according to an interview in the local press. "If a woman really wants to work she will not be discriminated against." Dear Betsy: Woman is not innately man's intellectual inferior, yet she is routinely employed in the dullest and poorest paid jobs. Why? She is TAUGHT not to want to work. In a society in which one whole segment of its populace is raised as a reserve labor force shuttled back and forth from home to office at the convenience of business one does not have to 'look for causes'. While the Canada Careers Directory for university graduates 1970 openly discriminates (2,024 jobs out of 3,268 FOR MEN ONLY), women's lib groups in the U.S. have charged 43 colleges and universities with discriminatory employment practices. It's illegal" there and can lead to cancellation of all government contracts. Also in the U.S. Nixon's task force on women's rights has warned him of the radical liberation movement preaching revolution and has recommended immediate positive action as the only deterrent. (Was the appointment of the first women Generals ever in the U.S. armed forces the first attempt to buy off women's liberation? Wow!) The Canada Press Club is now bisexual. SON OF EARTH MOTHER Dr. Spock is at it again. He has just discovered another instinct peculiar to the female. It seems we are all endowed with an instinctive drive, aside from the nesting one, to cut the apron strings and guarantee our offsprings' independence — like, maybe day care centres are more than just a practical matter, they're an instinctive need. ABORTION AGAIN. While every conservative force right from the federal government level down to the local establishment press claims the cavalcade set our cause back hundreds of years, abortion has become a household word. It is nothing to fear. It is nothing to be ashamed of. It is our RIGHT, (putting down the tactics of the cavalcade is no basis for an argument against getting involved. Meetings are frequent, open, and NON-BUREAUCRATIC.) As women we have all been discriminated against in one way or another, whether it be suddenly losing your credit rating the day you get married (the Bay will not change the last name on your charge card without a detailed record of your husband's financial situation) or being refused a bank loan because you are a widow with children (it seems the public is more sympathetic to widows with children than it is to bank managers trying to repossess your belongings). So let us know what's happened or is happening with you. WE NEED COPY. MEN'S CORNER Swashing Into Summer One major Canadian department store * sees a swashbuckling air to fashion this spring. A black velvet vest and trousers with white lace shirt and great ballooning sleeves was a featured outfit in a recent fashion show in Toronto. The emphasis was on blatant sexiness, with one cleavage well south of the navel. This deep plunge was on a black jumpsuit criss-crossed with laces. A suede safari suit was worn over nothing but a hunting whistle, thus showing off the model's luscious tan. Mr. Tom Kindle, vivacious co-ordinator of events for the store, explained that after the color explosion and the peacock revolution, men's clothing was now "peacefully ing Tnagir fashio Men proud of their manly chest can drape it in beads and shelter it slightly under a suede vest that's mostly fringe, and add Navajo-print pants. To AUXILARY PROPOSED Women writers have thrown caution to the wind and initiated a radical step forward toward the integration of the sexes. The Canadian Women's Press Club" will propose to their membership in June that the club open its doors to men. Although one may admire . their courage, surely a more moderate proposal such as suggested by their Saskatoon branch might allow more careful consideration of the effect a masculine presence would have on journalistic standards. Saskatoon women suggested fo of :iliaries to local branches with mbership listed to husbands complete this look. ather ong forehead, another around the left knee, and a red silk scarf, tight and high on the right arm. For simple relaxation the 40's tradition of an open sports shirt collar worn on the outside of the jacket should be a big hit with the woman in his life. [Honest, it's all true, except for the names. See the April 18 Vancouver Express.] and/or consorts of qualified women journalists. The men's greatest contribution might well be in the social field — they would add to the general jollity during lighter moments at meetings, for example. "We grant that they might be bored by sessions devoted to business or constitutional amendments, and since they would not, of course, have a vote, we suggest an alternate men's program." The men could be entertained by an illustrated talk by Abdul Hashish, the Cantering Cook and foremost authority on backyard barbecuing for husbands; a demonstration of slight of hand and card cheating by Jacksar Wild and an automobile show featuring the latest blonde models in Wildcats, Mustangs, Ma ricks Fireb and Thunderbirds. Men would be handy to call upon for help with the annual book sale in May. Perhaps the most irrefutable argument presented for the acceptance of this proposal was that if God had wanted men to be journalists He would have made them better spellers. "#* iS *u Mr ^ GOOD UFPC:P . the pedestal/june 1970/page five HOSPITALS FOR WHOM? The provincial Health Department has declared that they (under the name of B.C. Hospital Insurance Service) will only be able to pay 70% of hospital costs because of the recent increase in wages of hospital employees. An example of the still-low wages of hospital workers is: Nurses' aides earn $399.00 per month, kitchen maids $383.00 per month, orderlies $591.25 per month. The Hospital Boards have met this 30% cut back by: 1. laying off 350 to 400 hospital workers in B.C. Most hospital workers are not covered by uemployment insurance because the B.C. Hospital Insurance Service (the government) refuses to pay the employer's share of the contribution. People with 10 or 11 years service are laid-off, and because of the lack^dtjjobs in B.C., and no unemployment insurance coverage these people will become part of Gaglardi's "hard core unemployed". i .about this page 2. leaving vacant the positions of people who have quite working at the hospital. This will mean the work of the hospital employees will double. 3. keeping older patients who are waiting to go to nursing homes in acute care beds. Some of these geriatric patients occupy acute care beds for several months because the provincial health department will not put money into developing extended care hospitals for them. The hospital boards save money by this situation because they receive the same amount of money from the government for any patient in an acute care bed — yet these patients require only minimum medical treatment. 4. getting volunteer labor to displace paid workers. In some hospitals the women's auxiliary groups work at the information desks, transport patients, etc. These used to be paid positions. The Women's Auxiliary at the Vancouver General Hospital were granted $25,000 by the Hospital Board to expand their shop and activities. 5. increasing the price of food in the employees' cafeteria. They do this to gain back part of the workers' wage increase. 6. contracting out some of the work such as maintenance work. If the Health Department used its whole budget there would be enough money to increase hospital employees' wages, increase the number of jobs, and increase services to patients, and also to develop more hospitals and clinics. Over the last 10 years over $100 million of revenue from 2% of the 5% Provincial Sales Tax which should have been used to hospital ; care has been diverted into other government departments. *B.C. has the lowest government expenditure on hospital care of any province in Canada, *Most hospitals in B.C. are already operating with large deficits. *B.C. has the lowest ratio of nursing staff to patients of any province in Canada. 'Waiting lists for surgery and hospitalization are growing because of shortage of hospital beds. The hospital employees have started a Work-to-Rule campaign to protest the layoffs. They are boycotting the higher priced food in the cafeterias. The Hospital Employees Union, Local 180, is having information pickets at various hospitals in B.C. to let the public know what a critical situation the patients and the hospital employees are in. Mmffhe hospital system in HR&ia plays a major role in f|f|||§ oppression of women, j, ||||||bspital regulations force women into begging and pleading in order to obtain legal abortions. Hospitals use women as cheap labor, pay nurses aides (female) less than ^Hpsfffes (male) for essentially the same work, and provide the theatre for ^^^^Botoriously mystified ^^^^^hurse, male-female ^^^^^fe continue, through the Abortion Informatics!? Service, to demand Yj|herapeutic abortions, we will. Y^ftrffr.bri't ;• i|ievY.hospital? ^^^5||||trations again wjfifeK* ^^^^fe'.- individually „ dn@jk. |jj||||ectively. i's^^hig issuejgjlShe P^aestapS. 'c'jMWy "an. introduction,;io.«tfte.^' ^jrtory: ' The article by a hospil£|..j.< worker on the current struggle against lay-offs in BC yfwill be relevant to more and more women as the so-called "war on inflation" hits>a^t||||| public service industries first and hardest (education; heajife& : & welfare, etc.) where worriejfjp! workers are concentrated. The case history of. one; woman who did get a therapeutic abortion is another example of the discrimination and class bias that permeates the svsterojMB |9BHKara$ourse, ali of us read tt«^^^a^fiap^>:^ii?? fe^Ef Fr*r»i THAT JTi,«Y ""ti-Jl4/1 " F£euV<,. fpij Rex Morgan stands for the medical profession's abuse of power and expert knowledge. Rex is in it for the money, yes, but he's also interested in his establishment prestige, his dried-up morals and his fatherly Authority. His front is that of the martyr or good Samaritan. And after all, who else knows how to do an appendectomy or a safe abortion? Rex Morgan is sick! And so is the type of medical schooling that turns ordinary folks into a professional elite. As we get ourselves together in the coming year or so, para-medical groups will emerge. Doctors and nurses who are not "sick" will teach medical skills starting with first aid and continuing to simple operations and diagnosis. Remember Norman Bethune — the Canadian doctor who went on the Long March in China and taught fundamental medical skills to villagers so they could care for their own people. -C. STONEY CAOTicW: Tt4E ^.oucEcrE of PrtYjU-MMj A.VD .-RrE&M., \\\ r.£ \^«ikD'-JJ T< <oj< HEALTH (jtlMZc^eJL Case One of the more irrational arguments given against abortion is that giving a woman an abortion only allows her to become pregnant again — it doesn't solve the problem. Therefore, more severe measures are recommended such as sterilization. Such arguments, however, seem to apply only to poor women who can't afford either a safe illegal abortion or the maintenance of a child — women who are on welfare, who are a "social problem and a financial burden to the state." There is, for example, the case of a young Vancouver woman on welfare with two children born out of wedlock. Because she is slightly epileptic, she is unable to take oral contraceptives. She had an IUD fitted at the Vancouver General Hospital clinic. When she lost the coil she returned to the clinic. However, they did not take the precaution of waiting until immediately after menstruation, and consequently, the IUD was inserted after she was pregnant. After much red-tape, Caroline received a therapeutic abortion. (It was necessary for the Vancouver General Hospital to save face after their blunder). But the abortion was performed only after Caroline signed a contract that she would submit to a "temporary" sterilization (i.e., tying of the fallopian tubes). This is a major and painful operation which requires a lengthy recuperation. Successful reversal is limited, and according to reports, this operation is more painful and requires an even longer period of recuperation. e six/june 1970/the pedestal ~~ These Women Democratic I^RIMINIAL CODE " „3°4|^^%^^ ^fendictable F^^»S,^lw5^oniS^pgfny „3°^|»#n^^r^^^Sble offense ^^Mj^^^MjKars imprisonment ^l^^^T^iid or not, un'aw.fufl^i|^^g herse|f any ^drug or °^^^^^^^mr unlawfullxjl KS °n ^^&?^^3#:&used onjfli The only thing we ever did right was the day we decided to go on and fight E:Y B: The only thing we ever did right was the day we decided to go on and fight with our ¥ sisters across Canada who are beginning to put their lives together as whole women. This meant that while we travelled across Canada building publicity, we stopped off in each major city with a women's liberation group and had a car cavalcade, loudspeaker spreading word of our demands and of the open meeting to be held that night in the city. In some cities we also did guerrilla theatre and leafleting. At the open meetings we tried very carefully to show why the caravan came out of an understanding of women's liberation in all forms — from the right to have free abortion on demand, to control of our bodies, the first essential step to control our own lives and therefore tearing down capitalism and building a movement and a society in which women and men participate in the decisions which control their own lives, which means not only can we speak on those matters such as birth control but can make the laws which govern the use of such. We tried to meet after the meeting like in Winnipeg, with the Women's Liberation group and discuss how we could have made more of a learning experience of the open meeting. This means dealing with the question of new women, men, the press, how to exchange ideas. 'i^bwu* dtifcria "■ We began the caravan by practising in all actions having at least two sisterffrtanfriling'^he press, speaking, writing, so that we learned how to work collectively. This meant one woman with experience sharing her experience with one or more inexperienced women who then shares the ideas. This sharing and learning from each other was very difficult for the first few days but when actually practiced was the most exciting learning process for each of us. Women in the caravan, and.the women's groups in each city, saw in practise the strength of each action and were really excited by the new practice. We were usually physically exhausted by the end of the day but always got together with the caravan women tb try to talk about the past day's action, sometimes, half an hour leafleting in a small town if there was time, talking with individual men and women; talking over the reaction to the open meeting, discussing the women's liberation group in the particular city, talking over who wanted to volunteer, and who hadn't had the chance yet to acquire the skill of speaking or dealing with the press.usually two to three women for each. Usually we never had enough time or energy left by 12pm to do enough constructive criticism of the past day, so we would suggest ideas such as better ways of handling doctors in an open meeting, how the guerrilla theatre could have been more effective in a more open square, what should be said over the loudspeaker, how a woman hadn't been answered at a meeting, where the members of the caravan were not respecting each other, that could be discussed in the cars each day as we drove between cities. In each city we tried to discuss what action would be taken on May 9th, 10th & 11th. For example, in Winnipeg ideas came forth about leafleting the Saturday night movie line-ups, and on Monday having guerrilla theatre, which they did do inside the legislative buildings. The importance of the caravan for building up a strong together movement of women came because we not only picked up representatives of each group across Canada, but also that women stayed in their towns and cities and did support actions that not only hit the government and medical profession at the provincial level but which could explain and talk to women about what was happening and why in Ottawa. WHEN THE MOVEMENTS INSPIRATION THROUGH THE WOMEN'S BLOOD SHALL RUN THERE SHALL BE NO POWER GREATER ANYWHERE BENEATH THE SUN Arrest of Dora Marsder Octobear 4th, 1909. the pedestal/june 1970/page seven Understand Procedure We stand for active ideological struggle because it is the weapon for ensuring unity within the Party and the revolutionary organizations in the interest of our fight. Every Communist and revolutionary should take up this weapon. But liberalism rejects ideological struggle and stands for unprincipled peace, thus giving rise to a decadent, philistine attitude and bringing about political degeneration in certain units and individuals in the Party and the revolutionary organizations. Liberalism manifests itself in various ways. To let things slide for the sake of peace and friendship when a person has clearly gone wrong, and refrain from principled argument because he is an old acquaintance, a fellow townsman, a schoolmate, a close friend, a loved one, an old colleague or old subordinate. Or to touch on the matter lightly instead of going into it thoroughly, so as to keep on good terms. The result is that both the organization and the individual are harmed. This is one type of liberalism. To indulge in irresponsible criticism in private instead of actively putting forward one's suggestions to the organization. To say nothing to people to their faces but to gossip behind their backs, or to say nothing at a meeting but to gossip afterwards. To show no regard at all for the principles of collective life but to follow one's own inclination. This is a second type. To let things drift if they do not affect one personally; to say as little as possible while knowing perfectly well what is wrong, to be worldly wise and play safe and seek only to avoid blame. This is a third type. Not to obey orders but to give pride of place.to one's own opinions. To demand special consideration from the organization but to reject its discipline. This is a fourth type. To indulge in personal attacks, pick quarrels, vent personal spite or seek revenge instead of entering into an argument and struggling against incorrect views for the sake of unity or progress or getting_the work done properly. This is a fifth type. To hear incorrect views without rebutting them and even to hear counter-revolutionary remarks without reporting them, but instead to take them calmly as if nothing had happened. This is a sixth type. To be among the masses and fail to conduct propaganda and agitation or speak at meetings or conduct investigations and inquiries among them, and instead to be indifferent to them and show no concern for their well-being, forgetting that one is a Communist and behaving as if one were an ordinary non-Communist. This is a seventh type. To see s dissuade him eighth type. To work half-heartedly without a definite plan or direction; to work perfunctorily and muddle along — "So long as one remains a monk, one goes on tolling the bell." This is a ninth type. To regard oneself as having rendered great service to the revolution, to pride oneself on being a veteran, to disdain minor assignments while being quite unequal to major tasks, to be slipshod in work and slack in study. This is a tenth type. To be aware of one's own mistakes and yet make no attempt to correct them, taking a liberal attitude towards oneself. This is an eleventh type. .. from Combat Liberalism by Mao TseTung Here comes the sun Sun, sun, sun Here it comes the harming the interests of the masses and yet not feel indignant, or stop him or reason with him, but to allow him to continue. This is an As we come marching, marching In the beauty of the day WOMEN'S SOCIAL AND POLITICAL UNION, 4, CLEMENTS INN. VOTES "WOMEN MEN & WOMEN HELP the SUFFRAGETTES TO BUSH THE HOUSE OF COMMONS ON TUESDAY Evening, 13th October, At 7.30. /T\ Hold the fort for we are coming Sisters all be strong! page eight/june 1970/the pedestal Social work is supposed to be a helping profession and in some situations material aid and emotional •support are offered in a way which does help an individual in a positive and lasting manner. However much human misery is ignored or even caused by these professionals, and they are not about to> challenge the existing social order. One reason they I are not revolutionaries is because they are afraid of | losing their jobs. The hierarchy Within the social work profession, a statusl hierarchy exists as follows: The most highly! professional people work for specialized counselling! and treatment agencies (such as UBC's Mental Health! Centre). At the other end of the scale are the workers! in public welfare or Riverview Hospital. Social! workers at UBC may have caseloads of under ter people and a full range of service personnel to help in rehabilitation. A social worker at Riverview would be lucky to have thirty cases, and there might be no service personnel available for long periods of time. The UBC patients are students, or people referred by their psychiatrist. Think of luxurious carpets, $7 ashtrays, and pleasant private rooms at UBC; then think of long drafty corridors, crowded dormitories, locked doors and shock treatment at Riverview. This comparison gives you an idea of the different settings a social worker may find herself working in. The double bind In Vancouver's welfare department, the social worker is expected to function as an extension of the machine. The worker is not to question policy, to alter services, but rather to process forms in a predetermined, ritualistic manner. This work could as well be done by a computer. But the social worker has another role. He or she is the contact man between the system and the victim. The worker sees the welfare mother and knows she cannot possibly care for each of her children on $33 a month. He knows she is suffering from malnutrition and fatigue. She is depressed and cannot even go to a show since she can't afford a baby-sitter.^The worker knows these things but he is trapped. He needs his own job. He has more cases and paperwork than he can handle. He might not even want to waste time talking with this woman. But, let's say he is a feeling person, honestly wishing to help. There is no day care centre to care for the woman's children. There is no extra money doming down from the good-life government of Gagliardi. If the woman goes to a doctor he may put her on speed to cure her depression and she would end up in Riverview all the sooner. What the woman needs is money. If the worker gives yer money, extra money for food, clothes, recreation or relaxation, then the supervisor will crack down on the worker and the worker may be forced to resign. The bureaucracy is such at the city welfare, that it costs about $17 to process a $3 food voucher. A friend of mine gave a food voucher to a destitute woman who had not eaten for several days. This woman, ashamed to ask - for welfare, was starving. When the supervisor found out he told my friend she was misusing funds and she was not to hand out any more food vouchers. She quit her.job at that point and the welfare administrator phoned to women work By MARSHA ENOMOTO other agencies complaining that this social worker was irresponsible. It is irresponsible to think of people rather than bureaucracy. Many trained social workers refuse to work for government agencies since they feel they cannot work in a professional way in an agency where the client-victims are denied the basic right of self-determination and where the social worker is not allowed the time to develop a relationship with his Client, or the resources to help in a truly positive way. Other social workers refuse to do welfare work because they feel it is not worthy of themselves. They can get better pay, higher status, more personally rewarding work with middle-class agencies such as Family Service Association, YMCA and YWCA. The Family Service Agency counsels poor people, but not welfare people. The Y's serve people who can pay to Workers' compensations So what happens to social workers who do work at low prestige jobs in welfare agencies? They appear to cope with their situation in a way that causes them to discriminate against welfare victims. A new social worker soon learns to joke and make fun of people's dilemmas if he wishes to be accepted by his fellow workers. The common form of office humor is centred around gossip about the clients. Some social welfare personnel are ex-army officer types, and they take a punitive attitude towards the welfare victims. This type of unethical posture and behavior is fairly prevalent in welfare agencies, and much less common in agencies serving middle-class clientele. In Vancouver, the City Social Service workers are often so caught up in the bureaucratic machinery that they spend their coffee periods discussing the new pink and blue forms. Other workers exhibit total disinterest in the clients, do not allow themselves to get personally involved, and rationalize that they are serving the people's needs. Some workers hate single men, but are humane to women with children. A father may be refused welfare if he needs to stay home and care for his children; a single mother will usually receive welfare, although the worker may pry into her private life to see if she is cohabiting with a man. If such is the case, the woman may be cut off welfare if the welfare department decides that the man should support the woman and her family. Women and social work As for women social workers,, their position is similar to that of teachers or nurses. Women founded social work and manned all the early agencies and schools. Then as social work became professionalized and social workers' salaries rose, men moved in to fill the top positions as supervisors and administrators. Now, proportionately more and more men are entering the profession and they may soon predominate in numbers as well as power. As in other professions, male salaries are higher and men advance more quickly than women. In the report of the Social Welfare department 1967/67, personnel officer Miss Margaret Jamieson writes: "out of 60 social worker resignations this fiscal year, 21 of these (or 35%) were for domestic reasons (marriage, pregnancy, husband transferred, etc.). It may be interesting to note here that in 1958 approximately 67 percent of the social work staff were women; at the end of March, 1968, 52% of the staff were women. If the trend continues, we may see in the future a marked decrease in the number of resignations." Many women enter social work because it is considered a good occupation for women; i.e. women are. kind, understanding, liJteL.dwdjimi."jJfltiL,,tbfi 1960s the social work scho6it^f^^t^ilirj(y"^rj[ieQr faculty members also included many women. However, most heads of social work schools, chief welfare administrators, etc. are men. A friend of mine, a graduate social worker, applied for a job at a local agency. During her interview the director repeatedly asked her if she were involved in politics, what she thought of campus unrest, what was her religious involvement. At the end of the interview he told her she was very well qualified for the job, but that he was looking for a man to fill the position. With all of these barricades to overcome, the social worker can barely function and, of course, it is the "client" who' suffers. Much of the responsibility for improvement can only be taken by the social workers themselves. The path will be long and arduous. Start today. Caravan from page 1 This s the context in which we must examine the problems which we in the Caravan faced as a group — problems which centred mainly around decision-making within the group, and political differences over how to build a mass movement. In many ways, it was inevitable that these political differences come up in the caravan, as they are questions facing a number of women's liberation groups across the country, including Vancouver Women's Caucus. Also, it is not surprising that we did not settle our differences within the two-week period of the caravan. We can, however., critically examine these questions now and hopefully learn .in the process. For Vancouver Women's Caucus, this discussion is a preamble to the upcoming conference on organization and strategy in Vancouver. In any political group, there will inevitably be some form of leadership, and some method by which decisions are made. Within the caravan, we attempted to create a collective leadership, that is, to draw everyone into the decision-making process and to get direction for our actions from the group as a whole. Our attempts, however, did fail to some extent. Some people expressed frustration when decisions which were thought to have been made were not carried out, or when actions were taken without the group's consent. The 'To Vote or Not to Vote' debate often came up, but throughout almost the entire period, we took no votes, and worked strictly on a consensus • basis. In other words, we talked issues through until people seemed to agree. This method of decision-making has a dynamic of its own: often there would be varying opinions the next day as to . just what the 'consensus' had been; sometimes people would stop raising opposition simply because they were too tired to continue; the most articulate, forceful women tended to do most of the talking and thus dominate the decision-making; and finally, silence was taken to be support for, or understanding of, the 'consensus'. All these factors add up to a thoroughly unhealthy decision-making process — one which, in such a large group, is extremely undemocratic and unable to meet the task of providing a basis for discussion that is rounded and conclusive, so that everyone in the group knows what the decision is, why it is the best decision, and how it is to be carried out. Only through this kind of full discussion, can we arm and educate ourselves, and particularly new women, to explain and defend the policies of women's liberation. A simple vote at the end would give every woman, whether or not she had contributed to the discussion, an equal voice in the final decision, and a chance to take a political stand. These organizational problems are important, and we should continually fight to establish democracy within our ranks, but they are questions which tend to flow from political differences, and within the caravan, differences over how to build a mass movement for women's liberation. To take this up we must go into the question of excluding women from the movement. This operates, seemingly, on two levels. The first consists of excluding women from the group, or from actions the group carries. An example of this occurred in Toronto during the caravan. There, a broad steering committee had been set up with a number of groups participating — the Women's Liberation Movement, the New Feminists, the NDP Women's Caucus and the Young Socialists. The latter three groups were, in effect, excluded from decision-making meetings by the Toronto Women's Liberation group with, the acquiescence of some of the women on the caravan. The caravan as a whole was never consulted about that decision; it was never fully debated. Some women on the caravan did, in fact, oppose the exclusion — but it was not dealt with .and when continued on page 9 Wednesday, April 15, was the day of the Moratorium against the war, the day we all had to pay income taxes to capitalist America. That night. Playboy Czar Hugh Hefner opened his infamous bunny mansion to well-heeled liberals who paid $50 a head to attend a benefit for the moratorium. Women's Liberation chose that night to protest Hefner and his Playboy Empire — built on the concept that a woman is a mindless, big-boobed cunt, another accessory to a playboy's total wardrobe. We, and those people who decided not to cross our picket lines, saw the war in Vietnam and the Playboy Empire's exploitation and degradation of women as- part of the same system, tied inevitably together — and therefore saw total contradiction in being against the war and going into the mansion. Several sisters had negotiated with the Moratorium pleading with them to change the location of their fund-raiser. The Moratorium told us that, yes, the reception would be held at "Hef's manse." They asked us to forget our cause for just one night and not ruin their party. We couldn't forget our "cause". We couldn't forget that Hefner's money and bunnies and TV shows and airplanes and magazines and mansions are the profits of women's bodies and the psychology to which their bodies and the hideous line of Playboy accessories appeal. We couldn't miss the opportunity to rap to the invited guests about their dream world — a world in whic occasional rallies end messy wars and in which messy wars are segregated not only from American imperialism and Asian liberation but also from the liberation of all persons, including the liberal dreamers themselves. The guests are arriving. All of us feel together; we read our strength on the faces of the party people. Everyone is shouting^"Don't go in!" One couple signs their check-but doesn't go in. Another fifteen couples want to play with the Beautiful People, know exactly why they shouldn't, and join us. A few apologize as they enter. Some talk through their teeth as they pass by, asking why of all 365 days in the year we had to pick the one on which Hef was doing something good. But most of them don't want to hear about it and don't want leaflets. I look around, still between the gateposts, trying to figure out yinty these people are all so frantic and terrified./lrPr}ecause the scene is so IMPOLITE! So UNLADYLIKE! So generally UNCIVIL! excerpted from a much longer article in the Yellow Journal reprinted from The Seed It was so impolite that over half the paying guests didn't show up. So impolite that the people inside had to spend a whole night talking about what was going on outside. So impolite that Playboy PR men had to dispatch two bunnies with "We Love Hugh Hefner" signs to stand around on the sidewalk and pretend that they were happy to be there. I caught the end of Sen. Charles Goodaell's speech, then a woman who was never identified got the the pedestal/june 1970/page nine' microphone. The microphone, which had worked splendidly during Goodell's speech, suddenly went dead and the lights went out momentarily. Finally, she was given a chance to speak, told about the busts, asked for bail money, and tried to explain, amid boos and cat-calls, why the women were outside. She also said two Playboy isecretaries; had been fired after refusing to type the attack on women's lib that appears in the current issue of Playboy, remarks which were later attributed to me by the press. (Playboy later denied the firings.) I was on my way out (the band had started playing and it was impossible to talk),.when an older couple stopped me and gave me $20 for the people who had been busted. Not knowing what to do with the bail money, I started looking for a phone and ended up in the bedroom of two upcoming Playmates, the first Playmate twins, and asked to use their phone. Talking to them was a trip. I discovered that they were in sympathy with the women outside, that they realized that being a Playmate was degrading and harmful to them and other women, but that they needed the bread for an operation for their mother. Their views and mine were surprisingly close. I left them feeling sorrow for my exploited sisters, more anger at.Playboy's effect on.individual women as well as women as a whole, and with another $20 that they gave me for bail. I understand why the people inside the n were there that night, and why they crossed the picket line. To them, the war is the most important issue. The only issue. They can't see beyond it, can't see that the war is only a manifestation of the intentional evils of America, can't see that the war, women's liberation (and Playboy's role in preventing that liberation) and the other evils of this society are inevitably intertwined. They think the war is simply a case of temporary insanity. They are wrong. The total American society is insane — and a very important part of this total insanity is the role a woman is taught and forced into from birth, a role that limits her development as a human being and alienates her from herself and other people of both sexes. We demonstrated outside the mansion to point out the contradiction -between being against the war and going into Hef's pad, to shake people up and make them think a little harder about our society, and the place of women in it. More Caravan continued from page 8 raised, those who supported it treated even the limited discussion as a diversion from the task of organizing for Ottawa. We should see this not as a diversion, but as a very important question which could well have undermined our numbers, and therefore, our effectiveness in Ottawa. Had these three groups as a result withdrawn from the abortion action, we would have mobilized considerably fewer women, drawn fewer into the struggle that was destined to radicalize every woman involved. Those who supported the exclusion put forth the argument that including groups with which the leadership of the WLM has 'political disagreements' will somehow dilute or weaken our actions. These differences have to be demystified and spelled out more clearly. Why are we excluding anyone who is willing to fight for free abortions on demand? We've got a lot against us — a whole organized state, as a matter of fact, and a lot of people who believe in anything that state peddles, including the abortion laws as they now exist. We want to mobilize every woman, every group of women, who opposes the abortion law, who wants to see it repealed. Only in this way can we have the kind of impact that we need. And what an opportunity to have large numbers of women in direct contact with women's liberation — we can move out and bring them directly into the movement. We should ask ourselves who will enter this : if only so-called Marxists are included? Certainly not the majority of Canadian working women, and probably not even a small segment of them. How strong will our movement be if only revolutionaries are included? Perhaps only a small number from the universities. This is not the way to mobilize the women of Canada for women's liberation. What this revolutionary 'purity' line reveals is a' feeling of non-confidence in the movement, and in our ability to lead it. What are leaders anyway? They will be women who, by the clarity and correctness of their positions, win the support of other women, are able to articulate the positions of women, to formulate them into the kind of actions all the women feel are right. Another attempt at this kind of 'external' exclusion came in Sudbury, where the Young Socialists had set up a meeting for the caravan. There were women on the caravan who wanted to boycott this meeting. And yet the YS had quite explicitly stated that they agreed to the demands of the caravan, had worked to build it in various parts of the country, and, in seating up the meeting, were only attempting to publicize the abortion campaign, reach wider layers of women. The meeting itself was one of the most successful ones held across Canada — drawing over 100 people in a mining town, and being the first impetus for the creation of a women's liberation group there. All this would have been lost had the sectarian attitudes led to the proposed boycott. liPIPlpi We should now turn to the second type of exclusion, the more prevalent type, which amounts to exclusion within the group — that is, the attempt to exclude women who weren't 'pure' in their politics from in fact playing any kind of leadership role, to exclude them from major decision-making, to isolate them from the group by a sort of witch-hunting in reverse. This is, unfortunately, a problem with the Caucus as well, but it was indeed seen in all its ugliness in Ottawa, when an attempt was made — successfully — to prevent one of the Vancouver women from entering the House of Commons for the final action — this a woman who has consistently, and for a long period, worked to build Vancouver Women's Caucus and the caravan. This sort of action will only alienate women, and unless they are remarkably strong, drive them from a movement that is as much theirs as anyone's. We can't dupe women - we can't say they are part of the group and then turn around and exclude them whenever they think or say something which the present leadership doesn't endorse. These women are the movement for women's liberation! If they are not following the present leadership now offered, then let's assess that leadership. We can't contain, the movement, purify it, keep it under our hats, within our own halls. It's bigger than that, more powerful, more angry. Let's really join with these women, go out to all of them, prove, test our leadership in action, in motion. The revolutionary potential of women's liberation will be determined by the thrust of our movement — by whether or not we can mobilize massive numbers of women to struggle for the rights which this society denies — those rights which, in their totality, this society, by its nature, must deny... That's the task which we faced in the caravan and which we still face. A democratic, effective movement knows how to make its mistakes valuable as well as its victories — we have a chance now to draw on both types of experiences from the caravan. Only by seriously discussing where we succeeded and where we failed, can we learn those essential lessons, so we may then move forward with the effectiveness and strength we need. page ten/june 1970/the pedestal poems by Melody Riidd I've decided to stop sacrificing my legs to my razor and my shaving cream and my body lotion I've decided to let them grow hair (if they want to) I've become a little religious about them declaring them intrinsically beautiful (even without nylons) And just the other day I decided to use them for walking instead of advertisements for my cunt (Yessir Folks Just 100k at those legs And The Best is yet to come Just follow those (Wow) Legs Up) I might even keep them warm in cold weather by wearing jeans or long coats And I've been actually thinking about exercise regularly and strenuously to make them healthy and strong but that is a little wild (even for me) Maybe it is too late Every nite I prove myself to be a woman by cooking supper And every morning I prove myself to be a woman by cleaning house And I make myself entirely indespensible by straightening beds (please, please don't ever (nag) forget it!) In the afternoon I join the Great Fight And slyly get all the best foods at the lowest prices Travel miles to hit The Sales My accumulated knowledge and wisdom of buying Is truly valuable (even if i have to tell you again (nag) i!) As a woman I know the beauty and mystic That come from wearing the right clothes and make-up When I wear my red dress I am sexy and elusive In my pink one I am young and innocent Oh yes, I know that my face is beautiful only after I put something on it And my hair is only naturally mine after dying and hairdressers (and although you may scream vanity and debts i will persist for both our sakes) Maybe it is too late I do not understand what it is to be a person If you take away my husband and my children; my shopping and my clothes I fear silently, and deep within me that there would be nothing left (pass the pills dear i can't seem to sleep tonite) N.B. 90% of all tranquillizers, barbituates & sleeping pills are sold to women R0CK There's something that, deep down, Rock doesn't like and the something is woman. True enough most of the song lyrics in rock 'n roll deal with a relationship between the two sexes that can vaguely be called love. . . rock is a notably male dominated enterprize, and many of its men, in their attitudes and in their mus'rc1,G4,eflect an anti-femaleness that is downright nasty. . . Song lyrics are a revealing place to start. You can make the case that, roughly speaking, rock's song writers fit women into their lyrics in two frequently, overlapping styles. In the first, the idealized approach, women become the projected partners in a mystical, perfect relationship, something romantic in an impossible Eighteenth Century mood. . . But the trouble with most idealized love lyrics, crafted by musicians less skillful than Dylan or Hardin, is that: 1) their sheer unreality places women in a position of passive objectivity they can't particularly care for and 2) they are, in any event, often a cover for the writer's own plastic emotions. The songs in the second style of lyric writing take a much more basic approach to women: They lay it on the line. What does a woman need? A man's loving. And what is a woman? A sexual object. -£>!Y\ This girl tasted love as tender as the gentle dawn. . . And on that sweet and velvet night A child had died, a woman had been born. The view of the bed as the instant source of maturity for women gives way in literally thousands of songs to a more brutalizing approach to the sex act. Both lyric styles — idealized romance and nitty gritty sex — confine women to a sexual role. No rock writer, in fact, sees women in any other context, as mothers or as friends (of men or of other women) or as workers or simply as people. Women ih rock are objects per se, non-human, gratification sources that are in a real sense interchangeable with fast cars, faster drugs and musical highs. Curiously, none of the successful women inside the rock world bothers to speak out against this dreary state of song writing. Grace Slick, for instance, joins her fellow members of the Jefferson Airplane, all male, in calling for a revolution in the streets, but she is utterly silent on the subject of Women's Liberation, which is surely an essential, to her, cause to bear arms. But then isn't it all predictable? Isn't the entire rock movement fiercely middle class? And it's there, among the middle class housewives, that women, so the feminists tell us, are most in chains. It ali fits together. Kx rplsfrc tie in the Tor r> Globe & Mail by Jack Balle the pedestal/june 1970/page eleven Women are inferior to men. They are stupid. They are over-emotional. They are not capable of any interest in ideas. They have no real opinions. They are meant for domestic labor and the rearing of children alone. They have to be led and told what to do by men. They have to dress themselves up to attract men. The most important thing for any woman is to get and keep a man. In turn she becomes his possession, an expression of his success as a male. She acquires her identity from him, and that is as it should be, because she is inferior. This view of woman is battered into our heads as children, through family relationships and the school system. It's reinforced, then and later, through television, movies, advertisements, popular fiction, and other forms of propaganda. We experience its crippling effects in our jobs, our marriages, our relationships with men and with other women, and in our own lack of confidence. This view of women serves the capitalist system well. It keeps half the population in a semi-servile state, convinced of its own inferiority, and willing to accept discriminatory treatment and exploitation — economic, psychological, sexual. People who are convinced that they are of little worth will not question their own enslavement. One of the many forms of propaganda used to maintain women's belief in their inferiority is the "women's magazine". These periodicals are read by millions upon millions of women; the combined monthly paid circulation of Chatelaine, Redbook, Ladies' Home Journal, McCall's and Woman's Day alone is close to 30 million, and these are only five out of dozens. All these magazines are controlled by men, and to a large extent are designed, edited, written and produced by men. Some women are ^-^iliHT^jto. believe that they are friends, counsellors, ~rhelpjpg hands — that there is a personal relationship between the reader and the magazine. The relationship is not friend/friend but female consumer/male producer. The magazines are commodities produced to make profits for their owners, through the profits of the manufacturers who advertize in their pages. The image of women presented in them is that which accords with the needs of the capitalist system. "Desirable Women" There is no room in these magazines for women who must work, women on low incomes, or women whose main interests lie outside the home. The woman presented as the ideal is married; has at least one child and preferably several; does not work outside the home; and has a husband who, whatever he does, is well above the poverty line. All others are sytematicf'ly excluded, or presented as deviates and failures. As McCall's ad in April 70's Standard Rate & Data Service publication puts it, "More desirable women read McCall's . .. more desirable because they have more money." More desirable because they alone can do what the magazines exist to make them do — buy, consume, and buy again. The magazines create the desire to buy through a program designed to convince the woman that in every possible way she is inadequate. She is ugly, smelly, the wrong shape or size, and should dye her hair. Her furniture, appliances and other possessions are out of date and shabby and unattractive. Her home is too small, or inefficiently planned, or old-fashioned. In order to be attractive, to have a satisfactory home, she herself and all her goods and chattels must be painted, covered, dyed, remodelled, altered, up-dated, enlarged, improved, etc. Whatever she has or is, is not good enough. In order to be good, she must buy. ^If^ili "Susan's Chili" The argument for women's inferiority and inadequacy is heavily buttressed by the pseudo-psycholgoical-cultural-human interest articles featured in these magazines. Women must adapt, must adjust themselves to male standards, must deny themselves in order to please their men. Woman's Day for May features an article about a young bride who is an excellent and creative cook, and is married to a man who will eat no fresh vegetables, only canned corn, canned peas,-and canned spinach. Susan knows that fresh vegetables taste better, are more nutritional, and are generally cheaper. But, "with a wisdom far beyond her age, she realized that peace in the family depends on the wife. In her case, this meant indulging Joe, since she could not change his ways... 'Ah well,' says Susan. Her own favorite meal would be vichyssoise, chicken breasts ■ in a wine-mushroom sauce, rice, peas and a piece of torte. However, she now quite often serves 'Susan's Chili', which is made of hamburger plus one can each of soup and beans. She has been a good girl, and Woman's Day heartily approves. She has adjusted. Woman's Day also has an article called "Your Husband's Success — And You" based on interviews with Mrs. Dick Nixon, Mrs. Bing Crosby, Mrs. Yehudi Menuhin, etc. The message once again is that women must sacrifice themselves, have as few interests outside the home as possible, and that Love is Service. Mrs. Morris Fishbein is cited as a glorious example of the ego-building which good Wives do for their husbands: "After working long hours writing an invocation she was to give at a luncheon — and finally satisfied with the results — she discarded it when her husband presented her with one he'd written. Delivering his at the luncheon, she gave him all the credit and took as much pride in the compliments that followed as if they'd been for her work." She feels that, "No interest is more pleasurable than being part of a successful man's life." And what is the reward for such behavior? Here is Governor Reagan's "appreciation" of his wife: "How do you rate something as much a part of you as breath and heartbeat?" Housebound & Happy The fiction in these magazines also serves to uphold the concept of women as housebound creatures whose only real satisfaction and fulfilment comes in marriage, in the traditional domestic role of the good housekeeper and consumer. In a Chatelaine story called "Edge of Innocence," a girl who is living in sin with a man in the big city returns to her small home town for the wedding of a girl cousin. Liz's wedding follows the beautiful heart-warming pattern of white lace, reception among the June roses, family going broke to pay for it all, etc. Shelagh is strangely moved by all this; her own way of life seems tawdry A WORK OF ARTIFICE The bonzai tree in the attractive pot could have grown eighty feet tall on the side of a mountain till split by lightning. But a gardener carefully pruned it. It is nine inches high. Every day as he whittles back the branches, the gardener croons, It is your nature to be small and cosy, domestic and how lucky, little tree^- to have a pot to grow in. With living creatures one must begin very early to dwarf their growth: the bound feet, the crippled brain, the hair in curlers, the hands you love to touch. -MARGE PIERCY reprinted from Leviathan and sordid in comparison, and she feels*guilty and sinful. The point is driven home with a sledge-hammer blow at the end of the story, when Shelagh finds that her young man has developed an interest in Liz's pure .unspotted younger sister. Shelagh is obviously going to be dumped on the Used Goods counter while her Doug reverts to high standards and goes after a shipment fresh from the factory. Crime — deviation from the norm — doesn't pay. Chatelaine's other May story concerns a middle-aged married woman with several children in suburbia (good) who receives a visit from an old acquaintance, a divorced career woman who lives in New York (very bad). Eve, the divorcee, is a stupid, selfish, phony bitch — of course what else could she be, since her marriage "failed", she's not a real woman, she competes with men. As the visit continues, Florence gets more and more demoralized, thinking that her children prefer modern well-dressed Eve to herself, that her husband does too, that she herself is an unattractive, dull frump etc. She is eventually reduced to spying on her husband; she finds to her vast relief that he does love her and not Eve, and therefore she can stop feeling that she is an unattractive dull frump. The story ends so happily with the two of them climbing into one twin bed. No Questions Asked Articles, advertisements, fiction - all are designed and produced with the same purpose: to maintain the dogma that women are semi-human, and to train them in the willing acceptance of a role which demands utter submission to the dictates of their male superiors and of the capitalist system under which they live. The last thing these magazines want is for any woman to start asking questions; that's why they relegate book reviews to two column-inches, and get men like Dr. Spock whom women can "trust" to tell them how to raise their kids, and print pictures of their women editors so that readers will be conned into thinking they are truly women's magazines, and have authority-figures like priests and psychiatrists and anthropologists justifying women's traditional role. It is not the role of woman to enquire or search or decide; it is her role to do what she is told, obey her man and buy as much as possible. Remember, love is service. page twelve/june 1970/the pedestal NDP WOMEN ORGANIZE This is a statement prepared by women in the NDP to be presented at the Provincial NDP Convention in Chilliwack on June 5, 6 & 7. At this convention, delegates will notice several resolutions dealing with many of the problems faced by Canadian women. These issues, ranging from questions of birth control and abortion to discriminatory wage, hiring and educational practices to the problems of the raising and caring of children, were formulated by a group of NDP women and passed through several constituencies. Not surprisingly, perhaps, the resolutions committee has dealt with these issues by suggesting non-concurrence on some and composite resolutions on others - composites that maintain a pious rhetoric (e.g. "dedication to the principles of equality") while ignoring the real. force and reasons behind the resolutions. Behind these resolutions lies an analysis of the social position of women that cannot be.avoided by platitudinous composites or by ignoring the question altogether. Taken as a whole, these resolutions in their original form bring to the forefront the very real fact that the problems of women in whatever form they may appear are part of a systematic discrimination against women as a sex that pervades every aspect of our lives and determines every role we are obliged to play. We believe that each of these problems is integrally linked and that all of them are in the last analysis the product of the society in which we live and of the competition, exploitation, and disregard for human well-being that are the hallmarks of that system. We further believe that we cannot fight against o eliminate any of these problems unless we can clear!' see what these problems are and how they affect u: and unless we as women are prepared to mak concerted and collective efforts to solve them. As a movement, women's liberation was born orr~ the recognition that in our society women as a sex suffer open discrimination such that were it applied wholesale to any race or religion would not be tolerated for an instant. It is a spontaneous expression of a grass roots attempt by women to protest their inferior social position. In general this movement has concentrated on raising issues that directly affect women — issues that may superficially appear unconnected but which, in fact, are part and parcel of the situation in which women find themselves. Whether in the labor force, the home or the schools, we are socialized to believe that the fact of our sex is justification for inferior wages (or, as with the housewife, no wage at all), for an imposed restriction on the type of work we will do and for a narrow intellectual and social horizon that makes us dependent on others to survive..We are taught to compete with one another as enemies, to stifle our intelligence and cripple ourselves as social beings, and those among us who best learn this role are those who become most condemned as mindless and inferior, incapable of rational thought or action. Our natural capacities for bearing children are distorted, for some. WE'RE tloviHQ! :r Women ntherr On July 1st we will be officially installed in more spacious quarters at 511 Carrall St. (at Pender). Our new offices have many advantages, not the least of which is space (our last workshop meeting resembled the innei rumblings of a sardine tin). For the first time, we will have a store front (bookstore?) and several small rooms for office, library, lounge and silk-screen facilities, as well as a meeting room which holds one hundred people. For the new premises, we will be needing more furniture - chairs, tables, desks, comfortab e seats for the lounge, 1 amber for shelv s, etc. and paint for a general clean-up. Furthermore, v k will need volu to help move the office supplies papers,- furniture and assorted paraphen alia to the new locatic n. We will need painters ler-uppers, carp plumbers s" to get ourselves established an If you have old furni ure in basement or att c, or if you would like to help s pull up our ro ots, w tch for ments of work , and call *. office (879-9722). CALENDAR THURSDAY, JUNE 4 SFU Meeting MAKAROFF TRIAL ABORTION WORKSHOP, 8pm, office into long sentences of bearing children they do not— want or cannot afford. Those of us who want to have children are forced to bear full responsibility for raising children in a society that does not care how children are raised. And throughout our lives'we are taught to view ourselves simply as objects, commodities with a limited use value, and to regard getting older as a form of disease. Whatever the individual issue that stems from this situation, whether job discrimiantion, inadequate child care facilities, or any other matter, the problems . women face cannot be divorced from the central problem of general social inferiority creating the glaring fact that women's problems in society are considered to be of little or no importance. Those of us who have formulated these resolutions and prepared this statement believe that the basic principle of women's liberation — that women must be allowed to control their own lives and destinies — is an important aspect of a general socialist belief — that all people everywhere must have the right to make and control the social decisions that affect them. As women and as socialists, we endorse women's liberation as integral to creating a socialist society. We believe that the women of the NDP must organize themselves into a social movement that can both motivate the party to embrace the cause of women and work directly in the community on issues affecting women. Although we recognize that those most victimized by forced inferiority are working women' and the wives of working men. The NDP women's liberation intends to work with these women in particular in projects to organize unorganized working women, to fight for free and extensive day care and to educate women to join together to change the system that affects all of us. The liberation of women must be the work of women themselves. Join us. TUESDAY, Mt>- 9 WORKING WOMEN'S WORKSHOP, 8pm, CERC (434 W. Pender) - report & discussio of hospital workers' convention & hospital WEDNESDAY, JUNE 10 College of Physicians & Surgeons meets Abortion Information Service 7:30, offic. MONDAY, JUNE 15 Trudeau may be in town again! ,..i5'ijg*'=! WEDNESDAY. JUNE 17 ABORTION INFORMATION SERVICE, 7:30 TUESDAY, JUNE 23 Working women's workshop, CERC (434 W. Pender) - discussipn of women as teachers itvKUdd \iiinnun OTTAWA Heather Prittie, 35 Woodlawn, 237-5133 TORONTO Peggy Morton, 52 Elgin St., 922-8121 LAKEHEAD Laurie Wendt, 119 College St. WINNIPEG Sue Wood, 55 Queenston, 489-2890 REGINA Sally Mahood, 2218 Angus, 522-0207 SASKATOON Marg Mahood, 327 Lake Cres, 374-4188 EDMONTON Lynn Curry, U114-82nd Ave., 433-6625 CALGARY Mary Jo Major, 720 Wist St NW, 277-8813 VANCOUVER Women's Caucus, 307 W. Broadway 879-9722 (till we move!) THE PEDESTAL is now publishing MONTHLY! We're looking forward to articles, letters etc. from all across Canada. And subscriptions. We need your help! (bulk orders of 100 or more 7, cents/copy) please send . . subscription(s) of THE PEDESTAL at $1.50 each 3 -^ 3 ° < | Z c n > s 3 m O . *l if (name) (address) (city) (province)
Vol. 2, no. 5; June 1970
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Vancouver : Vancouver Women's Caucus
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Women's rights--Periodicals
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