AtoM
David Conde fonds
International Military Tribunal for the Far East
Prosecution documents and exhibits
Conde, David W.
Ex.1655A-1675A. Treatment of prisoners of war in North Borneo (21 items) Ex.1676-1702. Treatment of prisoners of war in the Dutch East Indies (26 items)
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Lvidontiaiy Document 5004-. Evidence cf GHANDGI KM, taken on 28 September, 194-5) at the Fr is oner-of-"War and Internee Camp, liorotai, before Lir. Justice Mansfield. Sapper Clerk JOGIftDAi SINGH is sworn as Interpreter. My full number, name, rank and unit are 8355 Naik Chandgi Ram, 2/15, funjab Kegiment. I was first captured by the Japanese on 27 December, 194-1, 13 miles from Kuching^ I was first confined in Kuching prison camp, where I remained for two monthsf While I was at Kuching I was put in a cell with 212 other_ Indians. We were In the cell for one month, after which time we were taken out to .work on the air strips and to fill bomb crater§_. For the first month we were prisoners in the cell night and day but for the second month we had to work from daylight to dark and sometimess.t night. We were kept in the cell ovrrnight, The Japanese gold us that we would be given food but for three days we were without food at all. On the first day we were captured the Japanese tied us up. After that we were not tied up but were slapped across the face many times. Some Australian and British prisoners were kept in the adjoining cell end we were beaten for giving , them fco£. I do not know the name of the Japanese responsible but an Australian officer was in the engineering office. The British officers were Lieut. Fallower and Lieut. Kodges. At Kuching we were told that we would be taken to Miri and that after 2 months we were to be taken back to Kuching. However, the Japanese put us on a ship in a cell. The space was adequate for 50 men but 213 of us were confined in this cell. We could not lie down or stand up but had to sit down. We were taken to Kuela B?lat first, where we landed, and then we were taken by truck to Seria, where we remained for one year. The Japanese threw us about 50 pieces of bread in the cell on the ship but many of us went without fcod. We were given water on the ship. We were on the ship for three days. When in Seria I was beaten many times with sticks and rifle butts and I was kicked also. A bone near my neck was br oken as a re suit and my teeth were knocked out. I had scars cn my body from the Meetings. I had to work in the mornings until 12 o'clock and then we rested for an hour, after which we had to work until 7 o'clock in the evening and sometimes until 8 o'clock. We were given bad rice mixed with lime in Seria. At that time we were not used to eating rice and became week. Those of us who were unable to work were beaten and those j who could not carry heavy loads were also beaten. I cannot Evidentiary Document No. 5^12. ' t Page 1. Jremember the nsme of the camp commander but L/Cpl. Vvada was one of (the Japanese there5 he was one of these who beat us. I suffered fror: bei i beri in the camp but received no medical tieatpjcnt, however, an Indian civilian doctor there smuggled us some iredicine, We lived in ooden houses with an iron roof. One of the huts was about 60 yards long by 10 yards wide. There were three huts; each contained about 74 soldiers. In Seria camp we were given just rice; for three days we were given a few vegetables but after that we did not get any for two weeks, and then we sometimes got our vegetables from, jungle bushes, A Jap would take two or three sick Indians into the jungle and make the two or three of them carry the jungle vegetables back. Two British officers, a Eritish sergeant and a -private were taken to Kuching from Seria camp, and later I and all the other Indians were taken to Kuala Eclat* I was at Kuala Ealat for the rest of my period. I was beecen with a leather bc-lt, end the Jep also took off a boot and beat me across the face with it. Lostly our soldiers were beaten as they were taken off to work, and when they said we were working alowly they beat us. Those who beat me were Oka, Lieut Yamaguchi (the camp, commander) and Atada, Atada was the man who gave me the beatings, broke my right collarbone, struck me on ^the left aim, and knocked out my front bottom' teeth» One day after Allied planes had gone over, and everybody had been hidingx one of the Indians went into the garden at the camp to get some sweet potatoes. Atada came out and saw him there, and 1-eat him with a shovel. He took me into the lines and tied me with hands in front, around the stomach, and around both legs; I was thus tied for 24 hours, and was given no food. This other Indian was Lai Gul; he is here in Morotai camp now. At Kuala Ealat we were asked by the Japanese to help in en attack on the Eritish. The Japs selected. 35 of cur men and took them to Miri. Two of the 35 were Santokh Singh and Neil: Lakhmir oingh. They are here in camp now. They refused to sign the papers the Japanese asked them to sign. At Kuala Balat, Indian officers were û.t in charge of Indian work r&rties6 I was beaten many times there with sticks and bits of steel pipe, I had malaria and beri beri there; but I got no treatment for them. At first we were given enough rice end vegetables, but when we refused to help them against the British the Japanese reduced our rations<, After that % Evidentiary Document 5004. -3- they brought two Indians into the crmp to lecture us to try to gel us tc help the Japs against the Allies, but this had no result and the two Indians went away again. The Japs reduced the rations more, and we just got a. handful of rice a day. We were forced, to try to learn the Jap language. We had to count, and when we forgot the numbers we were beaten. We used to plant gardens and sick men were supposed to work on them; somecimes it .happened that some of the Indians were unable to work; bat '•hey were taken to the gardens and made to wcrK, and beaten; and at night a sick man would die. In one month about 55 Indians died of starvation at Kuala Balat, About over 130 Indians died there whilst I was at the camp, including 65 killed by the Japanese. One night the Japanese ordered all of the Indians to fall in. However, I did not. fall in; I hid in the bushes nearby. I did not actually see the killings, but I heard the Indians crying; and in the morning I went in and saw that all of the Indians' heads had been cut off. Lieut. Yamaguchi was in charge at Kuala Brlat at the time of that happening. Gpl Hoira, and Oka and Atada, also were present. These four were all concerned in the killing of the Indians that night. This happened about 13__or_ 14 June, 19-̂ 5. I do not remember the e:-.:act date. Some Indians were beheaded and the rest were bayonetted; those who were bayonetted included some still alive at that time. Two of them are alive to this day --• Santokh Singh.-, who is in this camp now; and Mohd Sad?q, who is in Labi.ian, Also L/Naik Chulam Hussain, who has gone to Australia. Umed Ali also was there; he was one of those who did not fall in. Two days later the Japanese returned and set fire to the hut in which this massacre had been committed.. I saw the burnt Indians — the ashes and the bones . . • At night? îic Japanese made Indians guard themselves at most tir-co, u'rie day a Hsviidar was compelled to take a wooden rifle on guard, but he refused; he was beaten so much that he became unconscious; then they put me on guard and forced me to take the wooden rifle; however, I refused, anci I was beaten. I was beaten with the wooden rifle and a stick. The Japanese who beat the two of us were Atada and Moriaon.••--Â &da," Atada beat the Kevildar, the Havildar's name is Lai Eadshah; he is in camp here at Korotai now. Then an Indian officer came and asked the Japanese why they were beating the Indians, pointing out that this should not be done. Temporarily the beatings were stopped. Then Atada asked the Indians to light fires in the barracks to remove the mosquitoes * At night Atada asked why the fires had been lit; and Atada said he had not asked anybody to light any fires. He called five Indian officers and six ORs and beat them with a steel pipe; then the farty was taken to the military police and beaten again until they fell unconscious. They were badly injured. They were trying to make the Indians say that Atada had not told them; that they had been told to light the fires by an Indian Officer. The Japanese Atada said to therapy011 are no longer Indian soldiers - you are Japanese labour c o r p s T h e military police beat them with cane sticks. Cold water was poured over the men to restore them, when they again were beaten. After 13 days four ORs were brought back to the camp. From the military police area they were taken to another place; one Indian officer died because he was beaten too much* Nobody was allowed to bury him. The Indian's name was Subedar Mohd Anwar. In March, 1945? two Indians escaped from Kuala Ealat camp but after three days they returned; when asked why they had escaped they said that hunger had compelled them to go to look for food. They were beaten by Atada and then taken to the military police, who again beat them. These two Indians told me they were forced to say that Ravildar Sheo Ram ordered them to escape from the camp and to bring back informatior. of Allied landings. However, the two Indians refused to say this, despite the beatings. But the Japs went round the camp and said that Sheo Ram had ordered the Indians to escape, so Sheo Ram was beaten by the military police. For ten days they were all beaten, and had no food, Then they were brought back to the camp on stretchers; for a month they were very sick, and then the two Indians who had escaped died. Sheo Ram is here in Morotai camp now; he still has wound scars. Atada sometimes used to get an NCO and say "You are having some connection with Allied planes". He accused each in turn of this^ and men "brat "thS'ffi-——somebody was being beaten daily over this. Besides Atada, Oka beat us; and Yamaguchi ordered his NCOs tc beat all .f the Indians. I, JOGIIvDAR ' HIGH, being duly sworn, state as follows; I have read what urports to be a transcription and translation of evidence given by Chandgi B M before kr. Justice Mansfield, .with myself as interpreter on 28 September, 1945, and state that it is/true and accurate translation of the; evidence so given b̂r the said Chagdi RAM; ajfcr" Evidentiary Document 5004. -5- " I was present before His Honour Mr. Justice MansileldCoA- this date when Changdi RAM swore that the said evidence was true in substsnce and in fact and immediately before the said Changdi RAM so swore I read to him a true and accurate translation of the said evidence in the Indian language. (Signed) Jogindar Singh I/.Changdi RAM, do swear that the evidence read to me by JOGBDAR SINGH immediately prior to my taking this oath is to my knowledge true in substance and fact. (Signed) Changdi Ram Taken and sworn before me at Morotai ) ) this 28th day of September, 1945. ) (Signed) A. J. Mansfield Commissioner; Evidentiary Document No. 5^12. ' t Page 1. Evidence of MAHOMED taken on 27th September, 1945, at the Prisoner-of-War end Internee Reception Depot, Morotai, in the presence of Mr. Justice Mans field",. Sapper Clerk JOG IN DAN SINGH, 17 FieldCoy., is sworn as interpreter. My number is 13133 and my unit the 2/15 Punjab Regiment. I was captured by the Japanese on 25th December, 1941, at Kuching. I was at Inching £or two months and for the rest of the imprisonment was at Kuala Balat, At Kuching t was not given enough food, and was beaten whilst I was working on the air-strips.. I was beaten with sticks, on the head and fkee* Another Indian who was beaten at Kuching camp was Fazal Karietn. He has now gone to Australia,* From Kuching I went to Saria Camp, about seven miles from Kuala Balat. In Seria camp we were not given enough food and about 27 men die of diseases and starvation. I was beaten with sticks and leather belts. I was suffering from dysentery and beri-beri at the time and was unable to work but the Japanese forced me to work. I could not work properly so they beet me, I was not badly wounded. 1 A Japanese there who beat me was L/Cpl Wadav I have heard that Wada went back to his unit in Btirma, At about 7 o'clock one night I was ordered to go into the jungle to make a track but at the time I was suffering from beri-beri and unable to work, and I asked to be allowed to stay behind. The Japs tied me and put me in a cell. They also beat me. At about midnight I loosened the rope tied around my hands and at the saire time the Japs came in and sew I was loose. They again beat me. Next day they again took me to work, and they beat me again that night with sticks. Many times the Japs asked us to join them against the British, but we refused^ Indian officials were taken away from us to other camps. When we refused to join agains the British, the Japs reduced our rations and made us work harder, and we were be-.ten whilst we worked. VFte. Atadaywas one Jap soldier who beat me. He was still at Kuala Bala:t when I got away from there last June, Evidentiary Document No. 5^12. ' t Page 1. On 16 June, this year the Japs put on a midnight rollcall. At that time I and another man were hiding in a trench nerr the camp. It was dark. I heard cries when the Japanese were beheading the Indians in the camp.. In the morning I went back and saw the hands of all themen were, tied, and they had been beheaded.* There probably were 70 men there» The man who got away with me is Taj Mohd - he is now in Australia. , CpL -A Gep-i Hoira was there during that midnight rollcall and beheadings; I recognised his voice in the darkness. We neVor had enough food anywhere. Those who were sick, as I was, were given less than those able to work, Lt. Komimura-was commander of the camp. Three of the guards were L/Cpl vQke, Cpl. Hoira, L/Cpl, Guchi. There also was 2nd. Lieut Ida, since promoted, I believe to Lieutenant. He was a commander there. There also was a f>te Morizan; he beet the Indians many times. He also beat me. Once I was ordered to water plants in the gerden; when I had finished I went back to the lines; Morizan looked for me in the garden, and when he found I was missing he ordered me back and kicked me, and slapped me, and I 'was ordered to rim round the garden for an hour. I have read what purports to be a transcription and translation of evidence given by MAHOMED before Mr, Justice Mansfield with myself as interpreter on 27 September, 194-5? end state that it is a true and accurate translation of the evidence so given by the said MAHOMED. I was present before Mr. Justice Mansfield on this date when MAHOMED swore that the said evidence was true and correct in substance and in fact and immediately before the said MAHOMED so swore I read to him a true and accurate translation of the said evidence in the Indian language. (Signed) Jogindan Singh. I, MAHOMED, swear that the evidence read over to me by Jogindan Singh immediately prior to my taking this oath is to my knowledge true in substance and in fact. (Signed) MAHOMED Taken and sworn before me at ) M0H0TAI on this 27th day of ) September, 194-5. ) (Signed) A.J.Mansfield Commissioner. < ••• y<t>6 evidentiary Document 5^03* Evidence of Naik PAr.TAF SINGH, taken on 27th September, 1945* at the Prisoner-of-War and Internee i.eception Depot, Lorotai, in the rresence of Mr. Justice Mansfield, Sapper Clerk JOGlftPArt SINGh, 17 Field Coy., is sworn Vas interpreter. My full number, rank, name and unit are 40834 Naik Fartap Singh, 17 Field Company. I was captured on 15th February, 1942, at Singapore. I was in hospital when I was captured and from the hospital I went to Eiddadari Camp, where I remained until April, 1942. I was not ill-treated but the Japanese made us work. When we^were unloading a shir in the harbour at Singapore, I saV.thfi Japanese beating a few Indian soldiers who were w01 king v They were beating them with sticksv I do not know the names of the Japanese or the Indian soldiers. Rifle butts and boots were also used by the Japanese for beating. Some of the men were.bleeding but none were knocked unconscious. I was then transferred to Tayrsal Park camp. 1 was myself beaten by the Japanese with sticks but I do nojL.knnw.J&e names of the Japanese.. I received marks from the sticks on my body but I was not bleeding. I was at Tayrsal Park for about two weeks. I then went to Lu.tong camp, in Ecrneo, 1 was there from Lay 194-2, until May, 194-3. I saw the Japanese beating soldiers. The soldiers were not given sufficient rations to satisfy their hunger and we were not given any clothing . The soldiers were beaten with sticks, steel bars and wire pliers,. \ t used to work on the oil wellsr and the Japanese, used to beat- us with whatever instrument they had in their handSj The reason -4given for the beating was that the Indians had fought against^ the Japaneset. Nearly all of us were "eaten but I cannot remember "the names of all of them. Amongst these beaten were Lachman Singh, jwho was later killed by the Japanese by beating, Sedha Singh, Mehardali Shah, Dalip Singh, Ghulan Khan and Chai an Singh. I was not present when Lashmar Singh was beaten. Frivate Miyo was one of the Japanese concerned in the 1 eating, but I am unable to remember the names of the others. I remember going to Lutong Ferry with some Australians on 23 June, 1945j I saw five dead Indians there; the dead bodies were in the stream. Their hands were tied behind f their tacks and they had been beheadedThe names of these j soldiers were Sher Singh, Karen Singh, 'uraina, Malla and Mahomed jlgbal. I could identify these men by the clothes they were •f-Evidentiary Document 5003. -2- r-wê r.ing |pd ef tfcejr § kgSfie; I M tjiê g mg£ before "as theft had been with me the Lutong esmp. Ah Ihdian civilian named Narfen Singh knew the Japanese killed these soldiers * Their hands were tied and ahythlhe. thev had iti their _. possession_jwas_ taken "from them. Narian Singh escaped in the bush, 1/vhen I left the camp in June 'Parian Singh was at Hiri cemr. At first he was a driver for the Japanese. I last saw the five men alive a week,before I stew their dead bodies. I was told by an Indian civilian, Lahna Singh, that about 20 persons, including sortie Atlstrslians_ and Indians, were killed by the Japanese. At that time Lahna Singh was in Miri camp. I^was one of 70 Indians who were taken frnrr Lnt.nng camp to another camy aoouc nine '̂'• i.es aw^y in Mav^ 194-3. We were asked to join the Indian national army? we tcjjj_ 'the Japanese tnat we would work under them 'our w3 wouli not~loJn the Indian I\iat 1 onelarmy v We were being used a a coolie:-.-., loading and unloading tne ships. 1 The Japanese beat tie > L'-'h sticks a nc:. ~ rifle butts. I was tied up with ropes; sometimf-j i:j hands were tied and other times my legs were tied. I was !>;-<i-en 013 three different occasions, My legs were bleeding as a remit and 1 still have the scars, I was also beaten on the bact and on the face. I was never attacked with swords but the Japanese told us we were going__to__be killed. Of the 70 Indians, 41 were taken away -̂ond I -never saw them again. Some of the remainder came to Jflorctsi)snd the others are still with the Japanese, Those who came back included Fartaprao Sinde, Lamchandar Ga ichor, Dyanu T'awre and Pen.au Latnekcr. I cannot remember the nanes of the others. Those men named are ell atAiorotai^ I was beaten with sticks and rifle butts by a Japanese named Lieut, Okamura» I was beaten all over my body and was badly injured about" the ]egs and was unable to walk for a monuh. Some Indians were kept about 600 yards from the camp. I was going to see nr, friends when the Japanese saw that I was absent from my bed. Y»hen I came back they beet me. We were given rice and sw-et potatoes to eat and sometimes the roots cf bubble We receive; h:?lf a pound of rice per day. I was oick with, dysentery, malaria s.nd beri beri while I was in camp. The Japanese did not give me any treatment but a few pills We had to work for nine hours a day. Sometimes we had also to work ; t night to load and unload ships. On occasions I was given rest from work. V Lieut. 0chida)was the Commander of the prison camp at hiri. ^ -- — ^ A fair number cf Indians died in Lutong, some of them from diseese. : Evidentisry Document 5003. -3-' The Japanese allowed us to cairy out cur religious observances in the camp. The Japanese took 20 civilians, including Christians, Indians and Chinese, into the jungle because they were accused of giving false pronananda co other civiliansi. I never saw them again. They were taken from Miri Camp. I did not see again the Japanese who escorted these 20 prisoners. Amongst those taken away were Suba Singh, Sohn Singh, and FaUja Singh and_a Cnristian called Bill_. I cannot remember the nares of the others. I have read the purports to be a transcription and translation of evidence given by Na.ik Fartap Singh before Mr. Justice tyansfield . with myself as interpreter on 27 September, 194-5) and state that it is a tvac and accurate translation of the evidence so given by the sa".c. Va:tap Singh. I was present before Mr. Justice Mansfield on this date when Fartap Singh swore that the said evidence was true and correct in substance and in fact and immediately before the said Fartap Singh so swore I read to him a true and accurate translation of the said evidence in the Indian language. (Signed) Jogindan Singh. I, Fartap Singh, swear that the evidence read over to me by Jogindan Singh immediately prior to my taking this oath is to my knowledge true in substance and in fact. (Signed) Fartap Singh. Taken and sworn before me at Morotai on this 27th Day of September, 194-5. (Signed) A. J. Mansfield. Commissioner. Evidentiary Document No. 5218 A. ' EXHIBIT "A" IX- Sgt. Maj . SUGINO Tsuruo of ̂/Borneo PW Internment Unit stated s My name is Sjtr. Ma.j, S'JGINC Tsuruo and my unit is Borneo PW Internment IIn.it, I joined this unit in Aug-, 42* Qii 23 Jan 45 I took charge of .L'v7 Lu:::>>?an PVs at LAETJAN with orders from LtT Col". SUGA to take them from LABUAN to KUCHING, They were all fit but some had malaria. Between 23 Jan, and 7 Mar 4-5 of these died of malaria and beri beri in LABUAN. I left LABUAN on 7 Mar with rL2_PVks_and 15 FOLIOS AN Civ„ Guards, We reached BRUNEI on 8 Mar 4-5 and remained there until 2 or 3 May 4-5and during that time 30 PWs died of ml^.ria and beri beri 0 There was no doctor there but I issued medicine for malaria and beri beri to the medical orderlies who in turn issued it to the sic PWs„ One of the PWs tried to escape here and I know that the KEMPEI TAI took him and I j344-apt j>ee him agairia. On about 2 or j May with ~82 PWs 1 left / J J L , I F F or K U A L A B E L a I T and arrived next day. On arriving at il^SMISMAIT I reported to 1 A t - KAMIMULA and a WO in comd. otf&ELiPZ.: lApv While I was in KUALA EEL AIT the PWs were camped in the old ;ic sure '".he* rre- where we remained until 26 or 27 May 45 T fihll e T ^ T q I a L a BEL a IT V7 PW* d-,ed ';f malaria and beri beri , During this time I received 7 Indian Pws from Lt, K A M I I ULA of whom one was an officer but I do not remember his name. We left KUALA BELAI7 on 2? May 45 and arrived in Mil.I on the following dayc On arriving in MILI I reported to Lt, NISHIMULA who was OC of 20 ierial -Supply Coy, He ordered me to go to Cape LOBANG, As s_>on as I received my oiders I went to Cape LOEANG and the PWs were camped in a house inside a barbed wire compound. The PWs house was made of bush timber and roofed with coconut leaves a,: d was built remedy for us^when we arrived there., The FWs remained here until S Jan 4g> 8 jDuring this time they were employed growing vegetables in the vicinity of the PW compound except that for two days they worked in MIL I township unloading rice from boats and loading trucks- On arrival at Cape LOBANG I reported to Capt0 H/SEGAWA but after that I had nothing whatever to do with him* While the PWs were, ac Cape LOBAEG— of them died of malaria and beri beri. There were twQ_JEnglish > doctors., amongst the PWs and "hay examined the dead men'anc X. the death certificates stating the cause of the death to be 'malaria a*id beri beri«, Copies of these certificates were forwarded to jKJCHING^ The FWs were buried --n four graves near the compound. Most of the FWs were sick with malaria, beri beri, sores and ulcers, While at Caps LOB.-iNG tae Fuf's diet consisted of meat, rice, sugar, tea, vegetables .and tobacco. Those PWs who were not sick were fat and wella At 1500 hours on 8 Jen 45 the Sjt, Maj. of HASEGAWA TAI told me that an English Jleet was approaching B0LNEQ_. I became any inns for tie" safety of the r'lsanddecidecf to move to a safer, place.. I then ordered the FWs to make small bundles of their personal gfar to take with them, We left the compound at 2000 hours and went via a jungle track over the hill to LI AM Lde and reached the mile LIAM LD at midnight c The whole party remained here until 0400 hrs 9 Jun 45 when the 15 ft l PWs and five guards returned -,o Cape LOBANG to pick up stores Evidentiary Document No. 5^12. ' t Page 1. consisting of rice, salt, office stores and medicine. There were at this time 20 fit men hut only 15 went back and of the remaining 28 sick ones 5 were unable to walk and had to be carried by the fit men. Trie'carrying party of fit men returned about 1000 hours, At about this ti-m cna of the FWs died cf malaria and beri beri. In this move down the LI AM Ed, I__was responsible to no one and _ in complete charge of the FWs., At 0400 hours 9 -jun when the l5~fit PVvs returned to Cape L0£ Aw G I sent a written message by one of the guards to NIShlhUKA telling him that I was going down the KIAla Ed, At loOO hrs that night I received a written message from NISHIMUEA telling me jlsl take plenty of food and go to the mountains 0 At 1300 hes C9 Jun)15 PWs left X; mile and again returned to Cape L0EANG with'5 guardss They returned at 1800 hrs, carrying similar stores to the last trip All tho PWs had a meal at loOO hrs and then at 2000 hrs the whole party left and went to 5"2 mile E.IAM Kg arriving at 2200 hrs, The whole party made camp In a deserted house and went tc sleep, At 0600 hrs. 10 Jun 45 the PWs arose, breakfasted and then were allowed to rest throughout the mornings The FWs had a midday meal and at 1500 hrs the came 15 healthy PWs and ̂-f our guards returned to 3i mile KIAM Ed to bring back stores, ŝ t midday I burnt snmp old Pw documents—and l e t t — J The only documents l kept" were those relating to the living PWs and Pay matters. Documents concerning PWs who died at BLUNEI and XUALA BEL AIT had already been forwarded to KUCEING, While I was burning the documents about 100 metres from the house I saw Capte 'Chambers1 going into the house acting in what I thought was a suspicious manner as he was looking all sides as he walked CapJ4 " Chambers was amongst the party who went back and I told NAGOj. the civ\ guard in charge that he would probably try to escape in which cai>e he was to be killed • At 1900 hours 5 or 6 men lead by Sjt3 ACKLAkD jumped up from where_ they were sitting outside the "house and. star '..od to run away» I called~the guard tojops.' fire) on she esc-op fcing a- .•*§ • In the confusion some of trie bullets' went in the house and caused the PWs to come out. As they came out of the house they were shot and bayonetted by the guards2 The sick PWs tried to crawl away_ and they were shot or bayonetted coming out of the house or outside the house. I did not give any orders to cease fire in order to_ ave the sick because I was so excited that 1 did not know what was ! ia ppening Those PWs who were not killed outright were put out of their agony by shooting or bayonet ting,* Mien this was ove.r_ '.here were 32 bodies e I then ordered three or four of the guards : oihury ̂ therFWs-, I fhen^heard a-bur st "of firing coming from ibout 1000 metres back along the I.IA1I Ed. I called about 6 guards and ran in the direction of the firings When. I arrived there I_ /found that the FWs were then dead and were being carried to one /pTaee~f0r burial by the guards. In addition to the guards I saw 8 men belonging to NISHIKURA TAI, Several men were digging two graves that were about one foot deep when I arrived, When the graves were dug the PWs were buried and (the whole work was completed by about 2030 hrs 0 I asked NAGtf what had happened and he Evidentiary Document No. 5^12. ' t Page 1. 11old me that the FWs had been shot trying to escape and that _8 men of NISHIFUFA TAI had helped to kill them,. I did not ask any further questions because I understood that the PWs had not been trying to escape when they were killed,,. Although I gave orders before they left to kill the PWs if they attempted to escape I knew myself that they would be killed in any case,. After the Fv7s were buried at the rd. I returned to the house to supervise the burial of the others which finished at midnight * Some personal, belongings were buried with the PWs and the remainder were burnt. After saluting the dead all the guards went to sleep *f; We arose at 0400 hours 11 June 45 and departed for the mountains. I sent a civ. guard back t.o NI3HIMULA at the 1 mile to tell him that the FWs had beei. killed trying to escape, I reached the 7 mile on 11 Jun, the 10 mile on 12 Jun, on 13 June I returned to Cap LOBALG to pick up stores and burn down the compound^ Lt. NISKIFULA was with me and 'it was he who gave orders~for the compound to be burnt down, We threw oil all over the buil<JIng_ and set it on fire,. The Following men were guards with the party of PWs killed on the road - NAG0 Kiroshi. KAWAMUFA Toryuhoshi, NAKAYAMA Konishi, HAKAYAMA Koji. The following men were guarding the PWs killed at the house - OKELUFA Susumo, HILOTA Seiichi, KMASHIGE Maysayoshi, MATSUM0T0 Hideo. YAMADA Yoshimasa, iUJIKANA Telsuo, KUMADA Morihei, YOKOHAMA. Ncbuo, HIHAYAMA Hideo, — (Signature) ,.- (Sgo) L„ M, Turner Lt, (Witness 11 Oct, 45. (Sgd) P. A. PENKLIS Cpl, Interpreter. (Sgd) C, EP Grace Lt-Col, — F r e s i d e n t , SUGINQ Tsuruo of B0LNE0 BW INTEPKMEflT UNIT, stare5i I now admit that the statement I made on 11 Oct. 45 was not completely true, I will now tell the complete truth. The information I gave concerning the killing of the 32 PW at the house at the 5̂ - mile LI AM HD is all true. After the killing of the 32 FW, I together with six or seven Formosan guards, immediately went to the 5 mile and waited until the arrival of NANGO and three other Formosan guards escorting 15 PW, who rested on a small track leading off the road and opposite usc Shortly afterward, L/Cpl K A N E L O and eight members of the N T S H I M U R A TAI also arrived from the 5k mile. I thought at the time that as food was getting short, some of the PV« might try to escape and I decided Evidentiary Document No. 5^12. ' t Page 1. that it would be better that we kill them.- After the FW had been "resting about ten minutes, one of the European PW tried to escape by running into the grass, _I then gave the order to shoot the whole I'p rW J All the NISIiIkUhA TAI and five or six Formosan guards took part in the shooting. After the shooting, some of the PW were not dead, so I ordered that they be shot and bayonetted as they lay^ on the ground. The man who had previously"run into the grass was also shot, 'we then buried the bodies in two graves and I sent 'the members of the NISHILUEA TAI straight., back to 7 mile and together with my own men-, I returned to 5i mile to complete the burial of the PW killed there. I later went to 7 mile, where I spent the nightt I solemnly and sincerely affirm (Signdd) that the above evidence is 25 Oct. 45. the truth, the whole truth and nothing but the truth, Vitness (Sgd.) W0E.Letton I Interrogating Officer (Signed)(Matthew Liaw Eon Fatt) Interpreter. (Signed) C. Ii. Grace Lt. Col0 Fresident c I certify that this is a true copy of a document referred to as Exhibit "A11 contained in the proceedings of Australian Military Court relating to the trial of STJGINO, Tsuro on two charges of massacre. (Sgd) T. 1. ICENANE Lieut-Col. // Doc. ITo. 5334 Page 1 ATROCITIES COMMITTED AGADTST THE (SULUX PEOPLES OFyKORTH BORITEO HJPISTG JAPANESE OCCUPfcTIOSr. ^ 1. The Suluk peoples of IT. Borneo. A number of small islands off the West coast of F. Borneo are inhab- ited "by people of Suluk race whose original home was TAWI-TAWI and the archipelago HE of Borneo. CT'hey are Muslims^} About 60 or 70 years ago, a number of Suluks from this archipelago, finding the Spanish rule oppressive sought and obtained permission from the Sultanate of Brunei and later from the Government of N. Borneo to transfer themselves to MAHTAIUNI, MA27GALUM and other islands lying off the west coast of Borneo. They have lived there peacefully(fonder British rale ever since.^ The Suluks are a fishing community. The men spend a large part of their lives at sea in fast-sailing pra.us. Prom an early age the boys become expert in the water. Their villages are built on piles over the beach; usually there is amosque close by with a school attached. They are a poor people and possess no cattle. They cultivate the coconut palm, and tra.de their fish and coconut products for rice and cloth in the coststal villages of Borneo. On Mantanani are caves where the "edible swiftlets" are found whose nests they trade with the Chinese. They indulge very little in smuggling and have abandoned their former piratical habits. They gave no trouble to the British Government, and police a,nd other officials speak well of them. ** They are a vigorous, bold and independent people, holding themselves inferior to no man and generally liked by the British ana native peoples of Borneo. One branch of them are called BIUADUJTS. The Suluks have inter- mingled to some extent with BAJATJS and MOROS. It is not easy to estimate the. population of the islands before the war, as the numbers on each island varied from year to year and even from month to month according to the heeds of their fishing and the changes of the monsoon. Their total numbers are estimated at 938. A few years of 'co-prosperity' have reduced this number to approximately 288. 2. The Chinese Revolt of^October 1943. The Japanese a.re said to have found the Sulks too independent from the first, and unwilling to provide.a .labor—fo.Ece~.ar to-c^-e^rate^iitiv _thn_ Japane.se_fishing conroanies. But the real trouble did not begin until the Ofrinesc .revolt of October 1943. The Chinese community in the area of Jesselton (the administrative centre of the West Coa-st Residency), who had suffered especially under the Japanese occupation, planned a revolt in 1943. The leading citizens collected funds and sent one of their number, Albert Kwok, to Tawi-Tawi where he made contact with Lt. Col. STJAREZ, and his American-suo--orted guerrillas. Kwok made two visits and returned with some kind of commission granted by Suarez_ The revolt broke out on the "double- tenth" - i. e. the night of October 9th/l0th, 1943,ir." J.-rnrltorT --.?. :-r-igh- Doc. ITo. 5334 Page 3 bouring villages. About 40 Ja.r.E.nese were killed. The Japanese retaliated by sending over planes which bombed and machine-gunned the villages north of Jessertoi^i^zxTig t,o the ground every building in Kota Belua..̂ and causing" much" damage and loss of life in Tuaran, mengattal, Inanam and the surround- ing country. 'Then Japanese ground forces were brought into action, the guerrillas retired, fought r. small engagement at Inanam, 6 miles from Jessel- ton, and then withdrew into the jungle. Most of them were later tricked into surrender. To clear up the matter, a number of I^emoei Tai_were drafted from Kuching to Jesselton. Daring the folllwing months they established a reign of terror, arresting hundreds of men end women on suspicion and torturing them to.extract information about the guerrillas. Forced confessions were •-fallowed, by mass executions; on one occasion, admitted by the Japanese, 189 Chinese and others were executed. Several hundreds of others perished in prison from torture, starvation or disease. (These events are referr.©d-to"by the Japanese as the "API incident", ^pi-Apijbeing the local name ft^ JesseltoiO^) ** But an R. A. F. plan? was sent to inspect Mantanani about 15/yearg)ago after reports of a raid from the island. 3. Participation of Suluks in the Rising. The rising of October 1943 was a predominantly Chinese affair and the Suluk people seem to have taken part in it only on the first night, after which the guerrillas withdrew into the jungle where no Suluks followed them. One report states that a party of__30 Suluks from Sulug Island, near Jessel- ton, landed on the night of the rising near the" Malay kampong at Jesselton, armed with.parangs and spears, and burned down the Customs-shed and some supplies of rubber and rice. It is also said that a party of Suluks under their., oh inf. 0. jl." iRSATfrom Oudar Is land b attacked Menggattal and Telipok. I did not investigate either of these reports.) It was probably a Suluk prau which took Albert Kwok to Tawi-Tawi earlier that year. 4. Ja.-Qg.nese Knowledge of the Suluks1 Participation. The part played by the Suluks in the rising cannot have been very conspicuous, for it was not until four months later that any action was taken against them. In February.1944 an expedition was 3ent to the Suluk island of Mantanani. Although many arrests were made, it seems that the primary object of the expedition was to search for a Chinese Guerrilla, believed to be hiding in the island, and the Suluks were not thought to be otherwise imolicatcd in the revolt. 3ut_a little later a certain Chinese, Dr. Lou Lai_, who had been arrested by the kempei Tai_on suspicion, broke down"after prolonged torture and gave the names of people who, he said, had taken -part in the rising, or in more recent conspiracies aca.inst the Jauanesg. He named some of the Suluk leaders. Further pressure was applied and the Dr. eventually incrim- Doc. Fo. 5334 Page 3 inatedL the peoples of ̂ 11 the Suluk islands. The Japanese thereupon cook action against the Suluk peoples, as described "below. 5. M m m s i . This group of islands lies about twenty miles off the coast and is approximately 60 miles "by sea from Jesselton. It had a pre-war population of 430. Onjfobruary 13,th 1944 the Japanese despatched a force to Mantanani, consisting of about twelve Kempei Tg.i. twenty-four soldiers, six native police and two Chinese interpreters. Their primary object was to discover the whereabouts of a Chinese guerrilla named Lin Tin_Fatt_. The Suluks refused to agree that he was on the island. The Japanese then arrested 58 of their men (whom they may already have suspected) and took them back to Jesselton, hoping, no doubt, to force them by torture to reveal the where- abouts of the wanted man. All these 58 were killed by torture or starvation in Jesselton Prison and at the Z. T. office during the following weeks; there is no survivor of these 58. On February 15th the Japanese went back to the island. The events of this visit are described in detail by eight witnesses, Chinese, Malay and Suluk, and by four Japanese now held in Labuan. The two principal crimes committed on this visit were:(T5 The_jaachine-gunning of Suluks, including women, and subsequent killing of the wounded, after an encounter between a Japanese search-party and a group of Suluks; (?,) Immediately following this the massacre of about 25 women and 4 children. All witnesses stress the fact that the Suluks had no fire-arms arid such resistance as they offered with spears and parangs was undertaken either in reply to Japanese fire or in the protection of their women and children. The Japanese burned the village and destroyed the boats, thus showing their intention of making Mantanani uninhabitable. It. SKIMIZTJ, who was in charge of the Japanese, has made a statement admitting that he ordered the killing of the women. It is expected that he will be brought to trial at Singapore. The other Kempei Tai on this visit, who are now in our hands, will probably be charged for different offences in this area where the evidence of their complicity is stronger. The Japanese visited the island a third time and found it deserted. A month later, eight or nine Suluks were caught on the mainland opposite Mantanani and detained at Kota Belud. Two of them were men, the remainder women and children, the youngest a baby-in-arms. These were probably survivors from Mantanani who had escaped to the mainland. They were kept in prison for about six weeks, and then executed one evening. A hearsay report says that they were offered the choice between "shooting and beheading, and chose the former.. 9 Doc. I~o. 5334 4. 5. MAIEPAKAITI (Contd.) Two Kenrpei Tai, who are known to have "been in Xota Belud at this time and were probably connected with the killing, are now held in Latvian, "but the evidence of their responsibility may prove insufficient to convict them. The killing of these women and children at Kota Belud "by the Japanese seems to indicate a policy of extermination. The population of Mantanani has "been reduced "by Japanese action from 430 to the present figure of about 155. of whom not more than 30 or 25 are adult males. 6. DIMWAff. § This is a small island lying off Kinarut. It supported a population of 120 "before the war. The present population consists of _54, all of whom are women and children under IS years old. Of the original populat- ion not a single adult male survives. One ma.le ha.s come from Mangalum to settle in the island, (jndT one or two others visit the island at odd times for obvious purposes. In February or March 1944 all males on the island over 12 years of age, numbering 37, were arrested and taken to Jesselton Prison. The wopen of the island vigorously deny that their men took any part in the rising. Soon afterwards the Japanese removed the women and children to another island. What happened afterwards to the arrested men and youths cannot be known for certain. Kone of them survives. Many witnesses have stated that they saw about this time Suluks being tortured in jail and at the IC. T. office but they seldom knew which island the Suluks they sa.w came from. In July 1944, thirty-seven Suluk men and youths were taken to Dinawan Island, by then cleared of its inhabitants, and executed there. There is evidence to suggest that some, if not all, of these were the Suluks originally arrested on the island. There is no doubt that those shot included boys of 12 or 14 years. A statement has been given b3>- the officer in charge of the IC. T. at this execution and by two others present. There is no means of proving whether these men had been tried. But it is unlikely that a fair trial would have proved all the adult males of the island guilty of hostilities and deserving of death. The oldest male survivor is now about 14. The women and children, who had been removed to Oaya Island, were kept under conditions described in the statements of Alagur and Sujiang, as a result of which about thirty per cent died. It was thought that a charge might be made against the Japanese trading company which appeared to be responsible for these conditions* but when it was found that all_ members of the company had teen returned to Japan a few weeks earlier further evidence was not collected... Doc. JTo. 5334 Page 5. 7. STJuuG. This island lies off Tanjong Aru, near Jesselton. One report stated that a party from this island burned the Customs godovm on the night of October 9/10 1943. The chief of the island, Panglima (Leader) ALI, and all the males the Japanese could find - about 29 - were arrested and brought to Jesselton. A statement is attached, by a reliable witness named OH TDTG- MI1TG, who shared a cell with ALI and his sons, describing the torture of the youngest boy. The hanging of Ali was witnessed by another informant named IAJU17. All the 29 perished in unknown ways; none survives. , About 40 women and children from Sulug Island were removed to 3A5GAWA11 Estate in IT. Borneo, where they worked under conditions which they reported to the 3MA. authorities at Papar on their liberation. They state that 25 of their number died from hunger and disease during this period of forced labour. Of the original population of 114, about 59 survive in Sulug itself and the neighbouring island of Manukan. 8. UDAB. These two islands lie off Mengattal. A party from Udar is stated to ha»ve landed and assisted the guerrillas at Mengattal and Telipok at the. time of the October rising. All adult males were later arrested and done to death. One witness saw their chief ARSAT flogged in Jesselton. 45 women and children were removed to Ximanis Estate in F. Borneo, where eleven of them died. The population, which before the war was 64, is now reduced to 35, of whom only 2 are adult males. I have not personally investigated the affairs of this island. 9. MAifGALtM. This island (reported oil-bea.ring) lies about 35 miles off the main- land. I did not investigate the Japanese treatment of the inhabitants, but it appears to havebeen similar to their treatment of the other Suluks. A witness named Budin ha.s described the arrival in Jesselton of 15 men arrested on this island, and another witness, Bachee, accompanied the Japanese on a visit to the island, when they burned the kajnpong. 10. Suluks in Jesselton Gaol. I attach numerous statements describing the beatings, tortures, hangings and deaths of Suluks in Jesselton Gaol. I received from the BMA at Papar a report by Maarof bin Abdullah, translated and edited by Major 2. Z. Hardwick of the A. I. E. The writer, who was in Jesselton Jail in May and June 1944, states that the Suluks in jail then numbered 258 men and women. He states: "All died by beatings., from, disease, by beinr dried in the sun, and about 100 were removed at 1 a. m. on 17th June 1942p5y~tho Japs to Mile 5 and there shot. Three were killed by slashing at the jail door." I was not able to interview this witness. I have not met or heard of one ma,le Suluk who survived inprisonment. Doc. Fo. 53"4 Page 6. 11. Permanent ^fects on the P-ace. Th.ere._Jj3 probably at the present time a suffici.e.nt number, of Suluk children of both sexes to carry on the race and prevent its extinction. Their state of health is, however, poor, and it is the opinion of Colonel Combe, an experienced administrator who has known the Suluks well in peace and war, that "the loss of the..adult male.population will have a serious effect on the race." There will almost certainly be assimilated a larger Yelement of Baj'au blood. Some of'their hereditary skill in fishing and other occupations may be lost for lack of adult men to hand down the traditions of the race. 12. COFCIUSIOF. I do not think the evidonco justifies an accusation against the Japanese authorities o? deliberately planning the extermination of this race. They treated the Suluks in the same way that they treated other peoples in this area whom they suspected of disaffection, for example, the Chinese; yet it would not be held that they tried to exterminate the Chinese in ITorth Borneo. The killing of the women and children on Mantanani Island was, in my opinion, the result of anger, amounting to hysteria, at the resistance offered by the Suluks. The circumstances in which the women and children xirere killed at Kota Belud are too obscure for an explanation to be offered. The treatment of the women end children deported from Sulug to Bangawan, from Uda.r to ICimanis, and from Dinawan to G-aya Island was in keeping with the Japanese attitude to other native peoples, the Dusuns for example, whose crops were taken by the Japanese Army without the least regard for the needs of the people who grew them. The treatment of the Suluk men and boys in jail, the tortures and the executions, were similar to, or only a. little worsn than, the treatment of the Chinese. The Japanese appear to have been really alarmed by the rising of October 1D43. The subsequent arrests arid interrogations were in the hands of the ICempei Tai. The deaths of so many Suluk men are to be attributed to the meShoda employed by the Xempei Tai rather "fhahT to an_ official intention to extermi nnte the race. F. Y. Dickson, Caot Fo. 8 War Crimes Investigation Team Witness: /s/ Lt. Col £\BUAF o/c Fo.8 WOIT. Borneo ' t Evidentiary Document No. 5^12. Examination of Bacheo bin 0,X.K. Hcs- Bachee bin O.K.K. Hassan, aged 42, cf Inanam, duly sworn, stace^ "I was born in Sandakan 42 years ago, of Chinese patents. I adopted the Muslim religion 24 years ago. My homo is now at Inanam, I used tc bo r mo?chant cf f native tobaccos but shortly7 before the Japanese occupa- tion I began to trade in rice. At present I am without occupation. — At the time cf the rising on Oct. 9th, 1943, I was living at Inanam. I did not take part in the fighting but on the night of the- 9/10 October one of the leading guerrillas came to my house and told me to collect a band of Dusuns and Bajaus and join the guerrillas.*. I spoke to a number ef Dusuns and Bajaus and told them to assemble in Inanam on the- 13th. On that day about 60 of them came into the torn but when they saw Japanese soldiers there, they quickly dispersed. I myself then went away with my wife and child to Krambunai and stayed there a fortnight. On the 28th October, two Chinese detectives and some Bajaus, all armed with shot-guns, came to ray house during the night andarrested me and my wife. We were taken in a lorry to the Japanese Resident's house in Jesseltcn. The Resident asked me if it was true that I had become leader of a guerrilla band. I said, 'No'. He then struck me on the head with a knife. The next day my wife and I were taken to the K,T, office in Jesseltcn. Vfe were not given any trial there, but we were questioned, I was accused of killing a Japanese in Inanam. This was untrue and I said so. A.K.T. named Hassegawa then beat me. After beating me he went into the next room where my wife was and. I heard hin questioning and beating her. My wife was then released but I" was told by the Chief cf the K.T. that I would be kept in prison for two years. I was removed to the jail about Nov. 1st. During the following months, while I was in Jesselton prison, many Chinese and other local peoples were brought into the prison under arrest. About 7 or 8 were put in each cell. They had been arrested in Tuaran, Mengattal, Telipok, Inanam, Penampang, Jesseltcn and Kota Belud. They were arrested because the Japanese suspected them cf having taken part in the rising. I was able to talk to ther. in prison./ Many of them were people I knew quite well. I "cm give ycu the names of some cf them, for example, Jus Stephens, Charles Peters (C.P.O.), Wong Chu An, Tang Chin Tsu (Capt. China of Inanam) and many others * There was also there Ko Ming (who I think is now in the police), and Simon Page 1. Evidentiary Document No. 5209. ' i ' > t - ' ' -2- * Ho of Tuaran, a trader in rice - he had heen told he would to kept in prison for ten years,-/I am certain from talking to /these Chinese that none of them had heen given a trial or f allowed to defend himself. They were just questioned and heat en and then sometimes told they would he kept In prison for so long. One day, I think in January or February, 1944, early in the morning, I saw a great number of Chinese and other prisoners taken out of their cells and their hands were then tied. There were several K.T, in charge of these prisoners. - A;t__a parade held by the Australians I picked cut four of these men. They were Nukushtfia, Ihaba, Kukai and Nakao; I cculd recognise them again, I saw these K.T, and some ether Japanese march off the prisoners towards the railway line which ran outside the jail, I did not see what happened after that but I heard a locomotive and trucks move off, I saw the fcur K.T, whom I have named, and the other Japanese, return the 'same day without the civilians, whom I have not seen since, Later I heard that some of the prisoners had been executed that day and the rest shot. There were about 170 of them. As I can speak several dialects of Chinese as well as Malay, Dusun and Bajau, the Japanese began to use me as a interpreter, soon after I had been in prison, I do not speak Japanese but they also used a Japanese interpreter who spoke to me in Chinese. They used to take me cut with them sometimes, but I continued to live in the prison About this time the Japanese heard that the Suluk people who live in the islands off the West Ci..ast, had been concerned in the- rising, I don't know myself whether they had been concerned or not. In February, 1944, a party of Japanese went by boat from Jesselton to one of these islands celled Mantanani, and. took me with them an interpreter. The approximate numbers of the party weres K.T. - 13; Japanese soldiers - 24: native policemen -6. I know the names of six of the K.T. in this party* Inaba, Endo, Nukushina, Uchiyama, Kiuchi and Yamakata (who was later transferred to Sibu, I believe). We also took a Suluk, and a Chinese named Tong Ah Seong. We left Jesselton about 11 o'clock at night and arrived at Manatanani Island early the next morning.. When we landed, the K.T. and the native police went round the village, telling the people to assemble in two large houses. This was in the main village, Kg, Mantanani They also sent some men to a village on the other side of the island (the east side) to bring the people from there across to Kg. Mantanani. These came along later under their Evidentiary Document. No.'5209.-3-^- headman, Ha ji Salila0 At last about 200 people were collected together in the main village,, One of the KST. who could speak Malay then asked the people if there was a Chinese guerrilla named Lim Tin Fatt in hiding on the Island0 One cf the Suluks answered •NO', This Suluk was told to step forward and a Japanese interpreter named Masuda took him outside the house and killed him with a sword, I saw this happen® Then the interpreter came back to the house and more questions were asked. The Suluks would not answer because they were afraid» Masuda then seized one cf the Suluks and hit himc The Suluks shouted in anger and one of them threw a spear which wounded a native policeman. The people began to run away., The Japs pointed their machine-gun at the crowd and told me to shout to them that tnoy would be fired on, if they did not remain there quietly„ So they stayed still. Then one of the K0T3 read out a list cf names of Suluk men. The native policemen arrested these men and tied their hands, I think the Jap:- got this list from the headman of another Suluk island. In the evening of that day, about 6 p0m9 we all went back to Jesselton in the boat, taking with us the 58 Suluks who had been arrested« These Suluks were taken first to the K,T, office at Jesselton where they were each given a slip of paper with their name on, I was with them then« They were then taken to the prison. Every day after that, for a week or so, five or six K.T, came to the prison and took back a few Suluks to the office for questioning, I was sometimes used as an interpreter while the Suluks were being questicned0 The K.T0 used to ask them what they hod done in the risingy whether they had attacked the Custom House or burnt the rubber, If the Suluk said 'No1 he was beaten with a stick about 4 foot long, as thick as a police baton. They were beaten all over the body, Some of them during the beatings admitted having done what the Japanese said they had done, I cSnnot tell whether they were true confessions or whether they only admitted the things because they were beaten so cruelly, There were no trials. Ŝ feietimes I saw Suluks tied_and_ water poured rinwp, thpj-r throats till thelF stomacti_mi! fall - Then the T»?F7 jar-HT d .jufiip r.n thr man-g stnna^h r,-r> frjrV . J did not See any actually die during the torture but most of them were nearly dead when they were dragged away0 Many of then died each day in prison as a res-alt of these tortures e. I nsver saw or heard of any medical treatment being given them in prison. All the food they got was a little sago. I don't know what was done with the bodies I solemnly state that I personally witnessed Suluks being flogged end tortured by each one of the K,T0 whom I have named as going on the first trip to Kantanani, Other K„T, who had not been to the island also took part in these tortures; I donrt know all their names, I do not know the names cf any hit a few of the Suluks. I saw Panglina Ali amd 0C.T, Arsat flogged and tortured by Mukai. I saw Panglima Sibul flogged and tortured by Endo; I saw Tatung flogged and tortured by Sgt. Major Ilayashi, I saw Masuki flogged and tortured by Hassegawa. All these men died a Evidentiary Document No. 5209, ffew days after their beating in Jesselton prison„ I have no doubt Jthat their deaths were in each case due solely to the floggings jthey had received by the men named„ They all seemed fit men before they were tortured0 Inaba, Nukushina, Uchiyama, Kiuchi and Yamakata also beat severely in my presence Suluks who soon after- wards died, but I do not knew the names of the Suluks they flogged. The day after cur return from the visit to Mentanani that I have described, the Japanese went there again, taking me with theru The KeT0 who went this time included the following: Lt,. Shimizu, who was in commandf Yamakata, second commands Kiuchi; Nukushina; Inabai Mukai; Endo; Uchiyama; Kato; Fuma; and a Suluk, and some native police also accompanied us» We landed on the south side of the island in the later afternoon0 Leaving a small party with a machine gun to guard the boat, the rest of us proceeded, to Kg. Mentanani which was about 40 minutes walk up the west side of the island. Arriving there we established ourselves in a mosque a little outside the village. In the village we found only six men5 all of them old, and about a hundred women and children. The Japs sent for these six old men, one by one, and questioned them in the mosque. Masuda and T acted as interpreters, Yamakata did the interrogating9 He asked each of them where Lin Tin Fatt was, and a Suluk named Omar Chuki (who came from Tawi Tawi and had helped the guerrillas) , The old men said these two were not in Mentanani Island, Each of them was beaten when he said this, I will tell you what happened to these six men the next day. In the morning Yamakata and Masuda and two Japanese soldiers took these men to a smaller island a few miles away. I saw them go off in a Suluk prau, which the old men rowed» I was told they were going to look for Lim Tin Fatt and the Suluk guerrilla. That afternoon I saw the boat return without the six old men. I heard that the Japanese had killed them on the small island, We spent the first night in the mosque6 The next morning, while the old men were being taken away, the Japanese told the women that they must go out Into the Jungle and search for Lim Tin Fatt and Omar Chuki, and also try to bring back six young Suluks who we believed had run away, from the village the day before when the Japs arrived0 While the »omen were out searching the Japs remained by the mosque. They took eggs and fowl* from the village and stole some other things from the houses, In the evening the women, returned saying that they had found no one., The same evening the Japs caught a young Suluk who had come down from the hills in the north of the island to look for food in the village0 On being questioned he saic Evidentiary Document No. 5^12. ' t Page 1. (there were five ©tier Suluk men still hiding en the island. We tied this man's hands and, taking him with us, we all left the Kg. and went down to ? South Bay': where we spent the night. Our boat!was sent off towards Tuaran to give the islanders the impression that we had. gone away, The next morning the Japanese formed themselves into three parties to search through the island. Our party, under Kiuchi, was sent along the west side of the island, and was commanded by Shimizu, The third party v with Yamakata in charge, was ordered, to move up the eastern side of the island and converge on kg® Mentanani from the north5 Tong Ah Secng went with this party„ In my par-y were Lt„ Shimizu, Endo and two soldiers with a machine gun0 We had net been going long -about 15 or 20 minutes - when we heard sounds cf firing on the west side of the island, We thought this firing must come from the first party which had moved off in that direction0 All my party at once hurried towards the sound cf the firing® As we ran alcng, we could hear shots being fired. After about 15 minutes we reached the scene of the firing.; It was a stretch of ground with thick grass and bushes between the jungle and the shorec It was about 400 yards from the kg, and parts of the kg* were visible from it - I saw Inaba and Kiuchi and the rest of the Japanese party, and about 50 yards away I saw a number of Suluk women bunched together, not far from the edge of the jungle, There were two Japanese scldiers lying dead on the ground. One had a wound in his shoulder; it had been made by a spear. Inaba had a cut on his face end Kiuchi was wounded (in the groin I think)s These two K,T, and three uninjured. Japanese soldiers were firing with rifles and pistols into the jungle where I could see seme Suluk men, The Japanese were not firing at the women. I could see the bodies of some Suluk men on the ground; I couldn't say how many there were <> When my party arrived on the scene, Lt0 Shimizu gave an order in Japanese to the two men in our party who were bringing the machine guns They at once began firing into the edge of the jungle where the Suluk men appeared to be and into the group of women in the cpen near the jungle. Just as the firing ceased, I saw the third party arrive with Yrmakata, (They had further to come than my party, but they did not have a m/g to carry), I can't remember if Tong came too, After the firing I saw Yamakata andEndo, immediately followed by Shimizu, Nukushina, Mukai and Inaba go up to the wounded and shoot them with pistols. I did not see Kiuchi snoot the wounded; he had been wounded, himself. The dead numbered about 6 men and about 50 \ women and childrene { vv I These »omen were the women from the \ south kg. who had been summoned to Kg. Mentanani on the first day - Evidentiary Document No. 5209 ,$-6- rnd were now trying to get back to their own village; they nay have thought the Japs had gene, The men who were killed were Suluks who had hidden from the Jeps0 I do not know if the Suluk men or the Japanese attackcc first, I never saw any Suluk on the island carrying a firearm; they had only spears and parangs. The Japanese did not bury the Suluks they had killed I was told to stay with Nahar end watch the Jap dead? They sent someone to order the motor boat to come up so that their dead and wca^aed could, be taken aboard. The boat came up and lay off the shore a little south of where we were. A prau was used to take the two dead and the two wounded out to where the boat lay. The boat remained at anchor there. Ma jusa then told me to come with the Japs tc the kg. Vi/e went to the place where the women were. Tong and I were ordered to remove the gold rings and money from the women. The native police were sent away. The K„T. and the soldiers tied the women's hands and then strong them together with rope. The ends of the rope were made fast to pillars of the mosque The women were crying. Then they were shot with the machine guru I do not know who gave the crder to fire. Shiriizu was in charge of the party. After the gun had stopped firing, the K.I. shot with their pistols those of the wemen who were still alive. It was the K,T. not the soldiers, who did this: the job was done with pistolsB The dead were left there, They numbered about 20 or 30 and there were some children among them. Then the Japanese set fire tc the village and returned to the boat. We left that evening. The engine gave trouble on the way back. We spent the night in the boat and reached Jesselton about 9 a.m. the next day. The Japs never gave any reason that I heard for killing the women. Endo said to me as we were leaving; "Tidak boleh kasih hidup ini bangsa, Bunuh kasih habis"/ (We can't leave this people alive. We have killed them all). Of all the Suluks who were jmassacred on that day, I know the name of only one, Haji Salila, jthe priest whom I mentioned earlier as having brought the women, from the village in the south-east to the main kg. at the orders of the Japs. As he lay there wounded after the first machine-gunn- ing, I saw Shimizu, Mukai and Yamakata each fire their pistols jnto his body. Evidentiary Document No. 5^12. ' t Page 1. All the Japanese K,T. who came en this second visit were present at the killing at the mosque, except Kiuchi and Inaba. Four or five clays after this, the Japanese took me on a third visit to Mentanani Island, Tc-ng did not come with us this.time, I cannot remember the Japanese who came this times we only stayed 3 or 4 hours on the island. We did not see any living person on the island but the Japs took back a few ducks thc-y found in the village. We visited both the scenes of the shocking» The bodies at the mosque had not been removed. They were smelling * It locked as if some of the bodies near the beach had disappeared * They may have been taken away and buried cr they may have been washed away by the high tide. On the way back to Jesselton we called at the Suluk island, of Mangalam, and looked for Suluks. We cid not find any. The Japs burnt the hcuses and departed. (Signed) Eachee bin O.K.K. Hassan I certify that I duly translated the above summary to the witness in his own language rrior to his signature which appears above. (Signed) SWORN before me, M.G.Dickson, Captain, No. 8 W.C.I.T. this sixteenth day of March, 1946, detailed to examine the above by the C in C ALFSEA (Signed) M. G. Dickson, Capt. Certified true copy. (signed) M.G.Dickson. Capt. 9*5.4-6. / f t / K i Evidentiary Document No. 5214. ' Examination of Ton? All Seonp Tong Ah Seong, worker at saw mill in Mengattal, duly sworn, states I am 42 years of age, of Chinese nationality, and now living in Mengattal, where I am employed sawing timber. I was a member of the guerrillas end took part in the rising of October, 1943. '.hen I surrendered t"o the Japanese, they pardoned me on condition that I worked for ___ them. I was made to do all kinds of work for them at Tuaran and Jesselton. One day in February, 1944, the Japanese told me that I was to accompany them on an expedition they were making by boat. We left Jesselton in a motor-boat at night. There were about eight K.T. in the party, some soldiers, some native police, Eachee (an Interpreter), and a Suluk. The next morning we arrived at Mentaneni Island. We went ashore in a bay in the south of the Island. The motor-boat remained at anchor with a small party aboard. The rest of us proceeded up the coast on foot to Kg. Mantanani. When we reached the kg., the headman and the inhabitants were summoned to a large building. Over a hundred of them came together. The Japanese then spoke to them. One of the Japanese read out a list of names. He said these were names of Suluk people who had taken part in the rising, then the Japanese arrested all the men in the building and tied their hands behind their backs. Some of the Suluks managed to escape. While this was going on I saw one Suluk beheaded by Masuda, the interpreter. We then went back to the boat, taking with us the Suluks we had arrested. I think there were 58 of them. We returned to Jesselton. Soon after we had returned to Jesselton we set out again for Mantanani Island. On this second visit we reached the island late in the afternoon. We went on foot from the 'South Bay1 to the kg. where we spent the night by the mosque. The next day was spent in searching the island. The Japanese were anxious to find a guerrilla named Lin Tin Fatt. In the afternoon we returned to South Bay and spent the night on the beach. The motor-boat was sent out to sea. The next morning the Japanese divided their men into three parties to beat through the island. One party went up the west side of the island, another went up the Evidentiary Document No. 5^12. ' t Page 1. centre, and the third went up the eastern part of the island. I went with the eastern party. Yamakata was in command of it. Mesuda the interpreter came with us, and some soldiers and two native police. I saw Bacliee go with Shimizu1 s party. My party had been going for about half an hour and was moving from the north towards the village, along a track, when we heard firing in a south-westerly direction. We were then about 200 yards from the kg. We hurried forward towards the sound of the firing. On the edge of the village near the mosque we found the women together in a building. They had hung up a white flag. Masuda the interpreter told me to remain and guard the women, and not let them go. No one else was left with me. The rest of my party went towards the firing. I could see people moving about at a place near the shore where the firing seemed to be, but it was about 400 yards away and I could not distinguish what was happening. I cannot remember clearly if there was machine-gun firing or rifle-fire. I heard some shots fired, which might have been pistol shots, some minutes after my p a rty had gone, I stayed there guarding the women for a long "time. J think it must have been about four hours, but I did not have a watch and cannot recall how long it was. Afterwards I heard that during this time the Japanese had taken some dead and wounded on to their boat. At length the Japanese all arrived at the kg,, bringing some rations with them, Bachee accompanied them. The Japanese ordered Bachee to collect all the gold rings and the money from the women. lie handed them to me. Nine rings and about a hundred dollars in Japanese currency notes were collected. When I arrived back in Jesselton, Masuda the interpreter took these from me. Masuda then gave the order that all the women were to be tied with their hands behind their backs. This was done and then a rope was put throUga the back of their arms, so that the women were all strung together. The ends of the rope were made fast to two pillars in the mosque. There were about "twenty or thirty women thus tied up, and about four or five children with them. Masuda told the women that Shimizu had ordered them to be shot because the Suluk people had killed Japanese. Ke spoke in Malay, which I understand. The women cried Then the machine-gun was fired into the women. The firing lasted only a few seconds. When it stopped some of the women were still alive., I saw the K.T. go forward and shoot the wounded with their pistols. Everyone who came on this second visit to Mantanani Island was present at the killing by the mosque, except for the two dead soldiers, the two wounded K.E.^-a—small party of soldiers who were on board the ship, and Evidentiary Document No. 5^12. ' t Page 1. the native police who had been sent away just before the firing took place. After the killing, Shimizu gave orders that the Kg. was to be burnt. When that was done we all went lack to the boct which we reached just as it was getting drrk. We then returned to Jesselton, I never saw or heard of any Suluk in the island having fire arms. I never saw any attack on the Japanese by the Suluks. I do not know the names of any Suluk people who were killed on this occasion. About three days after we had returned the Japs went again to Mantanani Island, taking Bachee with them. I did not go this time. Bachee told me when he got back that he had seen the dead bodies of the women, and that they were smelling. These are the names of the Japanese K,T, who came on the second trip, and whose names I can remember and can write. There are others I do not remember clearly. There was also Inaba, who was wounded, I cannot write his name in characters. (Sino-Japanesc characters) These were all present at the killing at the mosque, except the second one (reading from the right) who had been wounded, I saw each of these men, except the second one, kill wounded women and children with pistols, after the machine-gunning at the mo sque . (Signed) I certify that I duly translated the above surr.ary to the witness in his own language, prior to his signature which appears above. (Signed) Interpreter. SWORN before me, M.G. Dickson, Captain No. 8. W.C.I .T. this fifteenth day of March, 194-6, detailed to examine the above by the C-in-C ALFSEA. The above characters represent ^ Japanese names which may be anglicised as Shimizu, Kiuchi, Yamakata, Kato, Kakimoto, Masuda. (Signed) R. Snelling, B/9. SEATIC. + reading the characters from the right. CERTIFIED TRUE CQPX (Signed) L.G.Dickson ,9.5.46 Evidentiary Document No. 5^12. ' t Page 1. Examination of Ea.ii. . Eaji bin Lindcman, occupation rice grower, permanent address Kg. I Piasan, near Kota Belud, duly sworn, states I am about 30 years of age, cf Busun race, born in N„ Eorneo and now living in Kanpong Piason. My occupation Is a rice grower. I was arrested by the Japanese at some time ab.ut two years ago and committed to nail for theft for one year. While I was in jail in Kota Belud, 8 Binadans were put in jail. There were two men, five women and one male child8 Their hands were tied when they came in but after a while the hands of the women were undone. The men were never loosed and their wrists were cut by their bonds. I was not able to speak to them and they did not speak among themselves. I don't know where they came from or why they were in jail. They were in jail with me for about four weeks„ The men were taken out abcut six times and returned with head and bodies swollen. The women were beaten several tines in the jail in front of me, I could recognise some of the Japs who hit them, but I don't know their namese One day at about 5 p.m. I was eating with Angillan, an up-country Dusun, when he said "The Binadans are going to be shot this evening." I said "How do you know?" He -replied "Because today we have been digging their graves on the ether side of tho race-course. We wore told it was to be the! graves by Kolod (the sergeant,) The hele was about one fathom square e". At about 7 p.m, the Japanese fetched the Binadans from the jail. One of the women carried the child, on her back. Their hands were tied and they were marched away. About an hour later I heard one burst of machine-gun fire* The Binadans did not come back to the jail and I have never seen them since. The Japanese who took the Binadans were ell Kempei Tai. They had red arm bands and w^re swords. Tnis is all I know. I CEETIFY that I duly translated the above summary to the witness in his own language, prior to his signature which appears above. Eight Thumb print of Eaji b. Lindaman. / Sworn before mo J. Macartney, Magistrate, this 13th day cf April, 1^1946. CERTIFIED TRUE COPY M. G, Dickson, Capt. 9.5.46, H 6 3 R - Evidentiary Document No. 5211. Page 1. __ Examination of Su.iiang . Sujiang, a Suluk woman, of Dinawan Island, duly sworn, states: My name is Sujiang. I was born in Gaya Island. I am a Suluk. My age is 21. My home is in Dinawan Island. I live there now. My husband's name was Keraro. He was 31 at the time of his death. On the night of the double-tenth (10.10.43) my husband and the other men of this Island were not at sea. They were at home and we all saw the fire in Jesselton across the water abort 12 miles away. My husband and the other men of this Island did not take part in the fighting against the Japs. We continued to earn cur living by fishing and growing food. At that time there were about 130 people on Dinawan Island.. One day after the rising, the Japanese came to the Island and arrested all the men. The Japanese said our men had burnt the custom house and killed Japanese, There were 37 men arrested. My husband Keraro was among them, I have never seen him or any of the men again, A month or two afterwards, the Japanese came again and tock all of us women, and the children, to Gaya Island and told us we were not to leave the Island*- Ninety one women and children were taken to. Gaya., There was not enough to eat in the Islands Abeut 27 of us died during the 15 months we were there, from starvation._ When the war ended, we went to P?par, and thence we returned to Dinawan. When we arrived at Dinawan, we found what looked like two long graves, at a place about 200 yards away from the kampong. These are the graves that I showed Capt, Dickson on 27,3.46. We dug in the two graves and found many bodies, There was no flesh left on the bones. The bodies were laid together loosely and we did not dig out separately each skeleton. We collected the heads and found there were 37. I found one that I recognised as my husband's. The shape of the skullwas similar to that of my husband's: he had a broader forehead than most of our men. But I recognised it chiefly by the teeth which were still in good order in the jaws. (1) The teeth of this head were black like my husband's. It is true that many Suluk men have blackened teeth. (2) The teeth of this head were filed flat. Most Suluk men file their teeth but usually only three in front. My Evidentiary Document No. 5^12. ' t Page 1. husband had all his lower teeth filed and n^ne. on the upper jaw'. This corresponded with the teeth in the skill le (3) My husband had some back teeth missing, as there were in tms skull« (4) My husband had three gold teeth together in the centre of the upper jaw, as the skull had. All these things together convinced me that I had found the skull of my husband. After I had found my husband's skull, none of the other women contlniiod to search for their husbands1 ̂ We were too unhapi-1/ to continue gazing at these skulls. We were satisfied that these were our own men and we did not wish to seek out our husbands af"'"-er I had found mine. So we buried the bones and skulls in the grave where we had found them. I did not see any wound on my husband' skull. From the way the heads and bodies lay in the grave, I do not think the men had been beheaded. The names of some of the other men were; O.T. Ibrahim, Mojun, Sapalu, Kouyuk, Sewali (two men of this name), Kammum, Itturn, Situngai, Melud, Ancu, Sikou, Sinter, Utup, Pangayam, Tamahok, Sabi, Dugang, Ha.lun, Amir Hassan, Fenet, Buikia, Buhangsi, Seruda, Berara. Thumbprint and mark of Sujiang. I CERTIFY that I translated into Bajau the Malay that Ce.pt. Dickson has read to me, to the above witness prior to her thumbprint and mark which appear above. (Signed) Diasin I translated the above summary from English to Malay to. Diasin who acted as interpreter. (Signed) M. G. Dicfcson Sworn before me, M.Ge Dickson, No, 8 W.C.I.Tv, this 27th day of March, 1946, detailed to examine tne above by C in C ALFSEA CERTIFIED TRUE COtY (Signed) M. G. DICKSOU Capt, Doc. Noo 5208 Statement by NAKATA, S^inicM, who, having been cautioned, states as follows: "My name is ̂ AKATA SMnichi. aged 35= I cane tc Borneo in November 1943 as a lieutenant in the .Konpei TajU I wont to JESSELTON on Dec0 1st :43 and took charge of the branch Kcnpci Tai there. Aleut .Tuly 1944 I remember accompanying about 40 Suluk males from Jesselton tc DINAWAN Island where they wejre executed by shooting3 I do not knew which island or islands those Suluks erne from I took about 6 or 7 Kenpei Tai= The Konpei Tai had the duty of guarding t*>c prisoners and taking them to the execution ground.. The shooting was done by soldiers<, The KcT6 who came included MUKAI, INABA (who I think stayed in one of the boats), MINAMIDATE and NAKAMAE* Col. MACFIGUCFI, who was at that tine at Army HQ, in Police Affairs control, came as a spectatora The execution was in the hands of ifejor NISFIKf.BA who had been president cf the Court Martial wMch sentenced these Sulukso I witnessed the scooting.- T^ere were about 20 soldiers under the command of a 2/Licuti I received my orders to attend from trc FQ of General YAMAWAKI's amy in the form of a general order; I hereby acknowledge that the above statement was made by me at Labaan on the 22nd day of April 1946 and that I have appended my signature to the statement which I have had read out tc me and I fully understand the contents. I further state that no threats or undue pressure were used tc obtain the statement and I have signed it voluntarily and understand that it may be used in evidence." Signed in Japanese characters. I certify t̂ a.t I duly translated the above summary to the witness in his own language prior to his signing his name which appears above. Signed John G. Bridger. Taken down by me, M.G. Dickson, Cept., No. 8 WCIT this 22nd day of A-oril 1946 detailed tc examine the above by C in C ALFSEA", Certified True Ccpy, /s/ M. J, Dickson Ca.pt 3 9-5-46 Evidentiary Document No. 5213. Examination of L; ,1un, Lajun, a farmer, at present withcut occupation, of Inanam, duly sworn, states: I am a Duson, of Inanam, which is my permanent home and where I am living now, I am aged 45. I am an agricultural worker, now not employed. I was born in Inanan. At the beginning cf the Japanese occupation I was living In Inanam, working as a paddy planter. After the rising, the Japanese arrested me, saying that I had killed Japanese. I was taken to the IU3U office.̂ afĉ Jessel ton and kept there for three weeks, I was beaten once during this time, While I was detained there, I saw a great many people being beaten and tortured> I cannot rerember the nares of any new but I would recognise the KrT. who did the beating. After I was released I went back to work but soon after I was sent for and told I was to work as a warder in Jesselton Prison, I cannot remember when this was. It was ab^ut a month after my release. I worked as a warder fcr about a year until the time when Jesselton was bombed. The prisoners I looked after were native peoples and Chinese who had been sentenced for Civil offenses like stealing. I did net work in the blocks where the Japanese kept men they suspected of opposing the Japanese government. On many occasions I saw prisoners being tortured by the K.T, who came to the jail for this. The torturing took place in a building in the prison compound. It had an atap roof and low walls, only two or three feet high, so it was easy to see what was happening Inside. During the time I was a warder, many Suluks were brought into the prison, I never saw any actually arrive. I saw them in jail after they arrived. They were not kept in my block with the civi] prisoners, I saw Suluks being questioned in the building I have described, and being tortured by the K.T. They were nearly always beaten with heavy sticks all over the body. Often I_saw the water torture used on Suluk When the_ stomach was filled with water," the K3T. put a wooden beard on the stomach and then pressed or jumped on this. When theTlgnr-bec ame unconscious, which~~he usually did, the K.T. dragged cut the body Into the sun. I also saw the KCT. apply burning faggots to the bodies of Suluks and ether prisoners, especially to tne tnighsj I did not witness any priscner dying during the torture, I knew from other warders that many Suluks died soon after their torture. Evidentiary Document No. 5^12. ' t Page 1 . I never saw any trial at the jail:. nor at the K-TJUQc when I was there, I never heard of anyone having a trial in Jesselton by the Japs, Arrested men were just questioned and beaten0 I could recognise many cf the who tock part in the tortures at the jail. I can Suluk I saw in jf 11» I knew him pi used to visit Jesselton, His name one cf seme Suluks who were air duties. I think he was beaten ! beating, Bpt...X-SdlJain hanged at the sane time. After the hangir coffins and carried aw.iy for burial recognise the K ,'j?* who were pre sen-; prisoners afterwards toie me where ead/v In ;l He remember the name of one eviously because he often was Fanglima All, He was in jail when I took up my ail but I did not see "he was one of four Suluks hanged, g the bodies were put in two by eight prisoners- I could at 'the hanging,-. One of the body was buried. the (Signed) Lajun I CERTIFY that I dialy translated the above summary to the witness in his own language prior to his signature which appears above. (Signed) M. G. Dickson Capt, SWORN before mc, M.G. DICKSON, Capt. No. 8, W.C.I.T., this 25th day of March, 1946, detailed to examine the above by the C in C ALFSEA (Signed) M.G.Dickson Capt, EVIDENTIARY DOCUMENT NO. 5420, Paee 1. In the International Hil 1 tary Tr ibuna 1 for the Far East. The Ilnitec1 States cf America and others v. AEAKI. Sadac AFFIDAVIT. T? Roderick Graham Wells of Tatura, in the State of Victoria, formerly VX14024 Lieutenant R„ G. Wells of 8 Division Signals make cath and say:- 1. I became a prisoner of war at Singapore on l5tli February, 1942. I left there on 8 July, 1942, with "B" Force and arrived at Sandakan on 18 July, 1942, and went to Sandakan Camp. 2. There were 1490 men from "B" Force at this camp. Early the following year 500 Englishmen arrived and in April, 1943, "E" Force consisting of 500 Australians arrived at the Camp, 3. I remained at this camp until July, 1943, and during that time 32 or 33 prisoners died from malnutrition diseases and dysentery. 4. We were accomodated in weather board huts built by the British for accommodation of native prisoners. These huts were divided into throe cubicles each 15 feet by 20 feet and ten officers lived in each cubicle. The men were accommodated in smaller attap huts and lived fifty to a hut. The officers' and men's huts wore alive with lice and bugs. The Japanese gave us nothing to eradicate the vermin, 5. The same water supply which the English Administration had provided for 250 to 300 natives was all that the Japanese allowed for about 1500 nenc The water had to be rationed and was not safe to drink unless boiled, 6. We had only one small cook-house to prepare meals for 1500 men. The cooking of the rice for the morning meal commenced at midnight and the cooks kept turning it out throughout the night with the result that it was not fresh in the morning. Cur reals consisted of rice and a soup made from a native green boiled in water. The Japanese food was much better in quantity and quality than that given the prisoners. In addition to rice, they got fish, vegetables and other delicacies Evidentiary Document No. 5^12. ' t Page 1. 7. The rations of the sick were reduced. The prisoners of war working at the drone would then divide their rations so the sick got an equal share, hut Captain Hoshiiirii stopped this hy compelling these prisoners to cook and eat their midday and evening meal at the drone. The Japanese did not provide us with any medical supplies other than a snail quantity of quinine. 8. The prisoners of war were engaged on the construction of an aerodrome. Whilst I was at Sandakan this aerodrome was used entirely for military planes. The hours of work were from 8.30 a.m. to 5 p.m. at night with an hour for dinner and some- times a ten minute spell each morning and evening . After the first wet season, November 1942, the water and mud rotted the hoots off the men and nc replacements were made. About 25 to 30 per cent had to work bare-footed whilst others had clogs which they made for themselves. The Japanese did not issue any footwear to the prisoners. 9. The Japanese enforced discipline against prisoners of war by corporal punishment of individuals and mass punishment of the prisoners as a whole. 'The corporal punishment consisted of beating with sticks, kicking and face slapping. Almost every guard on the aerodrome carried a wooden stick about 4 feet 6 inches long and one to one and a half inches in diameter for that purpose. Beatings were a daily occurrence. Fte. Darlington was so badly beaten that his arms were broken, he was blooding from head, face, arms and legs, and he was uncon- scious. He was then tied up and put in a cage 5 feet by 4 feet and 2^ feet from the ground. Sergeant-He.ticr Asgocd was with me on a wood party when he was struck across the ear with a stick and his eardrum broken. Mass punishment consisted of an all 1ound decrease in the, rations. I nadc complaints to Captain Hoshijimi about the use of the cage, the work required fron the men, the low rations they were receiving, the lackcf footwear and clcthcs and referred him to the International Conventions. He said he was not interested in the International Conventions. 10. Thirteen prisoners of war escaped and wore recaptured. These were tried and sentenced to terns of imprisonment up to six years. Eight others were charged with planning to escape and were sentenced to imprisonment for up to four years. 11. I was arrested on 24 July 1943 and then taken to Sandakan Military Police Headquarters. Hero I was confined for three months, the first throe weeks in solitary confinement in a cell and the remainder of the tine with other prisoners in a room in which we were continuously under observation and which was lighted all night. All my footwear and clothing were taken from me with the exception of a. pair of shorts. I was Evidentiary Document No. 5^12. ' t Page 1. frequently interrogated. Corporal punishrent and torture were used by the Kenpei Tai during these interrogations to extract information. I was flogged with a whip and beaten up with a wooden sword on two or three occasions. I was also racked on an improvised rack. I was handcuffed and tied to a verandah rafter by a rope passing through the handcuff chain, and around the rafter at such a height that on kneeling I was sus- pended with my knees about six inches above the ground. A beam of wood about 4 inches square and 6 feet long was placed behind my knees, and by means of two interrogating officers, standing on either end of the rafter enabled my body from the knees upwards to be stretched. Another beam of wood similar to that above was laid across my ankles and similar pressure applied. Tho effect was to stretch my arms and logs and almost broak the ankle bones by making me kneel with the fore part of my foot on the ground, with the rafter across my ankle on each o-'ge. It pulled all the flesh away from the ankle. After two minutes cf this treatment I became unconscious. I was revived by water being thrown over my head. The interrogation was resumed to the accompaniment of a different type of torture which consisted cf my head being repeatedly struck in the same place with a small hammer. I was also beaten across the head with a rafter of wood and as a result my middle car was broken and I have permanently lost my hearing in the one ear. On l6th August 1943 I was made to consume a quantity of raw rice. Thoy then introduced a hose into my throat and filled me up with water. The result was that after about four hours the rice, as it absorbed the water swelled, and stretched the stomach muscles to an extraordinary degree. The rice pulled a largo portion of my bowel out through the anus. I askod for nodical attention. This was refused. All prisoners when not being interrogated wore compelled to sit up with crossed logs from 7.30 a.m. until 10.30 p.m. During this period of throe months our only food was 5 ounces of rice and. a small piecc cf rock salt or a dried fish head each per day, 12. On 25th October 1943 Capt. Matthews, who had boon arrested on 22nd July, 1943j a number cf other prisoners and I were shipped to Kuching. The voyage lasted eight days. We were tied on dock throughout the whole voyage and Lac no cover, being expesed to tho sun, rain and waves which wr.shc-d on to the deck. Our ration was the same as at Sanclakan Military Felice Headquarters. 13. I remained at Kuching for five months until I was tried on 29th February 19^4 by court-martial consisting of Lieutenant- Evidentiary Document No. 5^12. ' t Page 1. General LABA. Capt. Matthews and a number of others were tried with me. Wo were not given a defending officer nor told what charge was laid against us. Captain Matthews asked what the charge was but was not told; he also asked for a defending officer but his request was refused. Wo had previously been corpelled to sign or thumbprint statements in Japanese. These had not been translated before we signed them and we did not know what was in their. No evidence was given, we were merely questioned on these statements and within half an hour everyone with the exception of Matthews, myself and three other-ranks was sentenced. We were sentenced two days later, I was sentenced to 12 years' penal servitude with hard labour. Matthews was sentenced to death, A firing squad was waiting for hir as I left the court and about ten minutes later I heard the sound of firing coming fror the direction of the Roman Catholic Cathedral about 100 yards away from the Court. Eight natives were also executed that morning but the Japanese said they were killed with the sword. On 8th March I loft Kuching for Outran Road Gaol, Sworn at Essendon in the State ) of Victoria this the 18th day ) (Signed) E.G. WELLS. of October 1946 Before mê - Licut. R.of 0. (Signed) JOHN RUSH, J.F. Evidentiary Document No. 5^12. ' t Page 1. INTERNATIONAL V. ILITARY TRIEUNAL 01 THE FAR EAST NO. 1. UN I TIP STATES OF AMERICA AND OTHERS against ARAKI, Sadao and others . I, Alexander Gordon WEYNTON of Castlemaine in the State of Victoria, Commonwealth of Australia, Lieutenant in the Australian Military Forces, make oath and say as follows 1. I was a Lieutenant in the 8th Australian Division Signals and was taken prisoner by the Japanese in Singapore on 15th February, 1942. 2. On the 8th July, 1942, I left Singapore for Sandakan, Borneo, with "B" Force which consisted of 1492 Australian prisoners under command of Lt-Col Walsh. This force disembarked at Sandakan on 18th and 19th July, 1942, and marched 9 miles' to Sandakan Frisoner of War Camp. 3. In the first week in September, 1942, all prisoners able to walk were lined up on the parade ground in front of Japanese guard house. They were surrounded by Japanese soldiers and machine guns were trained on them. Captain Hoshijima addressed the prisoners through an interpreter. He told us that we were to sign what he called a "non-escape" agreement. The document was read out. As far as I can recall it read, "I give my word not to attempt to escape.I agree to carry out all orders of the I.J.A. and to inform the I.J.A. if I hear of anyone planning to escape and I agree that any punishment inflicted upon a prisoner of war shall be just and I agree that the I.J.A. will be entitled to shoot anyone who attempts to escape." Lt. Col. Walsh said he wouldn't sign it and told us not to sign it. He was seized by the Japs, his arms were bound and he was slapped across the face and beaten with swords and scabbards. A squad of soldiers marched him to a position behind the guard house. Captain Hoshijima told us that if we didn't sign the agreement Lt". Col. Walsh would be shot. Some of the troops shouted out "We'll sign it. We don't want the Colonel to be shot." A consultation was held among the officers, it was decided that the agreement could not be binding and that we would, sign it if the Colonel was released. He was released and we signed it. 4. About the middle of August, 1942, the Japs demanded working parties for construction of road from camp to site of proposed aerodrome. Three hundred, prisoners were supplied daily under protest. The road reached the aerodrome at the start of September, 1942. The Japs then demanded that the working parties be increased to 700 men per day as they were required for the construction of the aerodrome, A protest was made to Major Suga, the Commanding Officer of all Prisoners of War in Eorneo Page 2. that the use of men for this purpose was contrary to the Conventions, He replied that the aerodrome was to be used for civilian aircraft and that as prisoner® of the Japanese Army we had to obey the orders of the Japanese Army and that we would work for the Japanese until wo died. From the start of September until first week in November, 1942, I worked regularly on a working party. Hours of work were 8 a.m. until 5 p.m. with an hour for lunch, with one day's holiday per fortnight. Other work parties were used for road work, tree felling, wood-cutting and grass-cutting. 5, The rations supplied to prisoners in the camp consiste of 11 ounces of rice daily and about a spoonful of vegetables at midday and evening meals. For the sick the ration was half of th ordinary ration - 5i ounces of rice. The working parties at the drome received the normal rice ration and in addition for their midday meal got fish and as much tapioca and sweet potatoes as they could eat. 6, Prisoners in tne various working parties who were alleged to have broken regulations or not to be working sufficiently hard were beaten with rifle butts, swords, scabbards and pieces of 3 inch by 3 inch wood by the guards. In October, 1942, a special squad of 6 or / J a panese armed with wooden swords and riding crops were given a roving commission to visit the various working parties to speed up the work. This squad would come up to a party which was alleged not to be working hard enough, line them up, order them to hold their hands over their heads and then beat them about the head, back and pelvic bones. Everyone in the party would be beaten, At times men were so severel}'- beaten that they became unconscious. All were badly bruised and many received open wounds which would turn to ulcers. I was myself so beaten on three occasions. In March, 194-3, a member of one of the working parties named Constable was tied up by his wrists to a tree at the aerodrome at about 8,30 a.m. He was then beaten about the head and body with wooden swords, swords in scabbards, rifle butts and pieces of wood. This beating was continued throughout the day by relays of Japs, At 5*30 p.m. when we left the drome it was still continuing. On the following day he was returned to camp on a stretcher and was then sent to hospital. I saw him two days later, He was dying. He told me that he had been beaten for 16 hours. Both his arms had been broken. He died four days later as a result of the beating. In October, 1942, the Japs caused a wooden cage to be constructed in front of the guard house. It was erected on wooden stilts about 2 feet 6 inches from the ground. It was 6 feet long by 3 feet 6 inches high by 4 feet wide. It had a hardwood floor. Its sides and ends consisted of 1 inch by 1 inch Evidentiary Document No. 5^12. ' t Page 1. hardwood slats each slat separated from its adjacent slat by the space of an inch. The top was made of planking covered by an attap roof. The door was a small opening at the front of the cage about feet by 2 feet. It was used by the Japanese to confine prisoners of war who were alleged to have broken regulations. The Japs called this cage Esau, 8. As a result of a conference between our intelligence officer Captain Matthews and other officers in October, 194-2, I secured materials from natives and from the camp and constructed a wireless set. From November, 1942, onwards, I listened to BBC news on the wireless and disseminated it through the camp. When not in use the set was hidden. I was assisted in the working of the set by Corporals Small, Mills and Richards. Captain Matthews and Lieutenant Wells wore engaged in getting medical supplies into the camp surreptitiously. On 2nd. May, 1943, I had sent a letter to a camp containing 500 British prisoners of war stating that we were going to send them some medical supplies. This was intercepted by the Japanese. I was arrested by Japanese guards on the evening of 3 May, 194-3. I was assaulted by Captain Hoshijima and then made to stand at attention outside the guard house from 7.30 p.m.. until 10 a.m. the next morning. I was then sentenced to 14 days Imprisonment in the cage. At the same time five others were sentenced to imprisonment in the cage on other charges. We were all put in the cage. It was not possible for all of us to lie down in this cage together, therefore we had to take it in turns throughout the 24 hours. We were given normal camp rations. Throughout the period we were not allowed to wash or shave or to leave the cage except for the purpose of going to the latrines. We had no bedclothes. It rained very heavily whilst I was in the cage and for two of the fourteen days I was in the cage I was wet through. At the conclusion of my confinement I was sent to Hospital by the medical officer. I remained in hospital until I was arrested by Camp Commandant on 29th July, 1943, and confined in the cage until the morning of 12th August, 1943. I was then called before the Camp Commandant. He said that I had a wireless set and that I must tell him where it was. I denied all knowledge of the ra&io set. He then told me in very good English that he would send me to some place where I would be made to talk. I was then sent back to the cage where I remained without food or water and not allowed to go to the latrines. On the 14th August, I was bound hand and foot and thrown into a lorry and taken to the Kernpei Tai Headquarters at Sandakan. 9. At Kempei Tai Headquarters I was put into a room and made to sit cross-legged at attention. There were about 25 others in the room sitting in the same way, Australian soldiers, English internees and natives. We were compelled to sit in this ! position from 7 a.m . until 9.30 p.m. and we were not allowed to 1 speak to each other. We were allowed to lie down and sleep in 1 this same room from 9»30 p.m. to 7 a.m. but the lights were kept W - Evidentiary Document No. 5^12. ' t Page 1. alight all the time. For five minutes every morning and afternoon we were made to do physical jerks. If these physical jerks were not carried out to the satisfaction of the guards the person offending was beaten or was forced to remain in one of the physical jerk, positions throughout five or ten minutes. We were permitted to leave the'room for the purpose of going to the latrine. From 14th August, 1943) until 26th October, 1943, I received this treatment except on those occasions when I was taken out for interrogation. 10. I was first taken out for interrogation at about 9 a.m. on l6th August, 194-3. I was taken into another room where I was compelled to sit cross-legged at attention on the floor. An interpreter and six or seven members of the Kempei Tai were in this room. I was asked what I know of a radio set in the camp and of the activities of Captain L. C. Matthews and Lieutenant R. G. Wells. I denied all knowledge of these matters. I was immediately beaten about the head and shoulders with a riding whip. I was again asked the same questions and again denied all knowledge. The Kempei Tai then held me down, took my shirt off and burnt mo underneath the arms with lighted cigarettes. I was then sent back to the main room to sit at attention again. Three days later I was again taken out for interrogation. I was asked the same questions but still denied all knowledge of the radio set or the activities of the other officers. I was again beaten and burnt as previously. In addition they applied jujitsu holds to me, throwing me around the room and causing mo great pain by twisting my arms, head, legs and feet. I was again taken back to the main room. On 28th August, 1943? I was taken by the Kempei Tai to another building for interrogation and was again treated in the same manner as I had been at the previous interrogation. After this treatment they placed before me statements which they had obtained from natives. These showed that I had been outside the camp compound at night securing radio parts. They also showed me a diary which had been kept by an officer at our camp. This contained information as to the activities of myself and my two assistants Corporals Mills and Small in connection with the radio set. They then brought Mills and Small into the room. We all then admitted that we had the radio set in the camp but denied all knowledge of the activities of the other officers. The Japanese continued to interrogate us until 3 a.m. next day when we returned to the main room. Later the same day Mills and Small were interrogated separately. When their evidence differed in any detail from the evidence that I had given the previous day, we were all beaten up together and made to agree on the point that the Japanese considered we differed. This then wont on until thd interrogation was completed, a period of approximately days. Having completed the interrogation with regard to the radio set, I was then subjected to further interroga- tion with regard to my association with Matthews and Wells, and because of the denials that I made, I was further tortured with cigarette butts, tacks were put down my finger nails and hammered so ffi^t eA-^ • • • 7 M?' - ,/f /"Try: •',*. /• _ \ir\ O 1/ y - r Evidentiary Document No. 5^12. ' t Page 1. Fthat they went into the quick of the nail and I was tied by the wrists to a beam and forced to kneel on the ground with my legs out behind me, A beam was placcd over my ankles and two Konpei Tai officers see-sawed on that beam in such a way that the arch caused Dy the natural bending of the foot was subject to extreme pressure 0 11, After about 2§ minutes of that torture I became unconscious and awoke after a bucket of water had been tnrown over Be, I was unable to walk for approximately four days after that treatment,, I saw Captain Matthews, Doctor Taylor, Lta Wells, Mr. Mavor subjected to the same type cx treatment, bu!:• in addition Lt. Wells was subjected to the rice torture and althougn I did not see this administered I saw Wells within three hours after it had been administered» I was not further interrogated at Sandakan, 12, On 29th October, together with a number of other suspects, I was removed from Sanaakun to Kuching by sea, on a 300 ton freighter 1 which we reached on 2nd, November« On arrival at Kuohing we were immediately transferred to Kuching Grol, From 2nd. November, 1943<, until the morning of the 8th March, 1944, I was confined with the ocher prisoners in the Kuching Gaol, During this period, we hid to sit to attention from 7 aatn, to 9*30 p.m. We were not allowed to talk to one another„ On six to eight occasions during this period I was taken out and interrogated, but no violence was used in the course of these interrogations. The food consisted of 8 oz of rice a day, plus two spoonfulls of vegetables. The colls were crawling alive with bedDags and lice and nothing was ever done to eradicate them, although we complained very bitterly. 13, From the last week in December onwards, batches of prisoners were taken out and tried. On 29th February, 1944, myself, Rickards, Small, Mills and McDonough were all tried together. The Court consisted of a Lt, Colonel as the President, a Captain and a Major on the bench. The prosecuting Officer was a Captain, There was an interpreter sitting just below the president and there was a court writer, a Japanese Warrant Officer, and a Guard» After the interpreter announced to us that our trial was about to commence, I asked where the Defending Officer was<. He communicated that to the President of the Court - the Lt, Colonel - and the request was treated in a rather jocular manner, in as much as thev taought it was amusing. They said 1 was not entitled to a Defending Officer, It was the Japanese law that I should not have one. Wo were not told what the charges against us were, 14, The trial then commenced by each of the members of the Bench asking each one of the defendants two questions. They then checked the answers with the dossier which they had in front of them. Then the President of the Court made some remark and the / v J^nr ( ' f Q̂ s-w S T L 1 . uJ-^ • ">V5V yj vA . ^ • ' . . J) p A ^ \ X 4 A u- - crv /f . If< f 0 •ro * * 6 7 • • / W ~ r . • /7' •• / ŝ-iitv-y /nax — J t Evidentiary Document No. 5^12. ' t Page 1. Prosecuting Officcr got up and he addressed tho Court at some length. He asked that I be sentenced to eight years penal servitude. We were at that time, fairly conversant with certain phraseology that the Japanese used and I was able to understand that he asked that I be sentenced to eight years imprisonment. After the address of the prosecuting officer and before the Court adjourned, I was asked if I had anything to say before sentence wa passed upon me. I then told tho Court that the only reason that we operated the radio set was because the news that they were supplying the camp with was incorrect; that it was necessary that the morale of the camp be kept up, particularly those prisoners wh were in hospital and that I had only done what I considered was my duty and what they would have done in similar circumstances. I also asked that in view of the fact that I was the senior officer present of the five being tried, and that the others concerned wer< not commissioned officers, and that they were only doing what I had told them to do, therefore, as such, they should receive the clemency of the Court. After that, the Court adjourned for a period of about five to ten minutes and then re-assembled. We were again inarched in and a sentence of ten years was passed upon me - the additional two years, I was informed by the interpreter, was because I was insolent, W/0 hickards was sentenced to five yeai imprisonment, Cpl, Mills two years, Cpl,Small 18 months and S/Sgt. McDonough to 6 months. 15. After the sentence I was returned to Kuching Gaol and put back in the same cell. On the morning of 8th March, 1944, we were taken down to the wharf at Kuching and put on board a vessel of approximately 1000 tons. There were nineteen of us, who had all been tried by Court Martial at some time or other. We were then put down into the aft hatch in a cage built into the side of the vessel. This cage was just big enough to hold us all lying down - it was not more than about 3 ft. 6 inches high, just long enough for us to lie down and that included the space occupiec by a big latrine right in the middle of us. We were tied up for a couple of hours, and then they loosed us. We were never allowed uj on the deck, except for the purpose of one man being allowed to go up to the latrine. We arrived at Singapore in the evening of Marcl 10th and disembarked on the morning of March 11th, We were taken direct by truck to the Outtrem Road Gaol. SWORN AT TOKYO THIS ) ThE 21st. DAY OF ) NOVEMBER, 1946, ) BEFORE ME ) (Sgd).A,.G..Weyntoa..,. . CSgd) .Thoiaas .1'. .Momaae. Lieutenant-Colonel Australian Military Forces UnM-yJ* . f ^ H tf^ i J ^ -w^^m. '' (/ / /v A- r r ^ v z /CG^rv^u (£ ^ bicm A r+Wy t y ^ I f ? ^ c ^ ' ^ p j f s . ^ j u / / A ' ^ f * 1 ~ • - v J L / - v *<> - - - / I O J O ^ Y UC* C M ®ov< ° ^f-o « ' v f ^ y r t ) . ( ' f ^ ^ - ^ ^ ^ j ^ / /-fey, Qj^i^ co jf J-OVŜ J/ ^ <3 ^ i^f ̂ j (Â w- —J^M /JVt - -Vro*̂ f-o - - ' i U ^ d Evidentiary Document Fo. 5341. Page 2 „ In the International Military Tribunal for the Far -ast, 11-IL HI, I T E D " S T A T E S O F J - ^ E F I C A AND GTxLl S V A Ar.xihl > Sadao and PIx-iS AFFIDAVIT • I, Keith B0TTEU.LL of C-oyder Avenue, Katoomba, in the State of New South 'ales, Commonwealth of Australia, Euilder, make oath and say as follows:- 1. On 15th February, 1942, I was a soldier in 2/19 Australian Infantry Battalion and was taken prisoner at Singapore by the Japaneser On 8th July, 1942, I was shipped in the Ubi i.aru to Sandakan., Borneo> as a member of "E" Force, This Force disembarked at Sandakan on lOth and 19th July, 1942. 2. I have read paragraphs 3? 4, 5? 6 and 7 of Affidavit of Alexander Gordon Weynton dated 21st. November, 1946 (Evidentiary Document Fo, 5396) and I corroborate the truth of the contents thereof with the exception of tbs reference to Constable as I did not see the manner in whzi.oh he was treated> 3. At the beginning of 1944 food ration was reduced to five ounces of weevily rice and a small quantity of tapioca daily. Tropical ulcers, beri beri and dysentery became prevalent and from the end of 1944 until I left Sandakan in February, 1945, men were dying at the rate of seven per day. A total of 400 had died when I left, 4. Between August, 1944, and December, 1944, I spent two periods in a cage 9 feet x 18 feet x 5 feet. This was the second cage built at Sandakan- The first period was for twelve days and the second for forty days ̂ For the first seven days of each period, I was given no food at all and the only sustenance I had was banana peels which I picked up on the way to the latrine- Every third day I received a drink of water. For the. remainder of the time I was in the cage I received half of the rations given to ordinary prisoners of war. Every time we left the cage to go to the latrines, we were beaten by the guards, Each morning we were taken out of the cage for about an hour and made to do physical jerks. Whilst these were in progress we were all severely bashed by the guards, hen had to be carried back to the cage some crying others unconscious. We were also taken out of the cage and beaten if we did not sit to attention throughout the day. We were deprived of our clothes except a "G" string and no blankets Evidentiary Document Fo. 5341. Page 2 „ were provided, During my last period of confinement in the cage there were 17 others with me and there was not enough room to lie down at night, On each occasion that I was in the cage, I was placed there on the orders of Captain Hoshijima, Camp Commandant, Everyone who was placed in the cage was treated in a similar manner, 5, Early in December, 1944, Pte. Earber was placed in the cage, After two weeks he died whilst in the cage from ill-treatment and exposures Our doctor requested that a blanket be supplied to prisoners in the cage and from then onwards this was done,, Pte Tyrell and four other prisoners were sentenced to the cage in December, 1944, for the duration of the war. Tyrell had died at the time that I left Sandakan, but the others were still in the cage. They subsequently died, The prisoners I have mentioned as being placed in the cage were so treated because they had gone into the bush to obtain tapioca roots or had taken food from the Quartermaster's Storer Much of this food was stolen for the sick who were always kept on half rations. 6, Throughout my stay at Sandakan men were continually belted with sticks and rifles. If they fell to the ground they were kicked until they got up or lost consciousness, On occasions men were made to stand at attention and the Japs would drive their knees into the men's testicles. If they fainted under this treatment they were revived with water and the treatment continued, Even the sick were subjected to this treatment. The Japs hated the sick because they considered them to be nuisances, 7, Lieutenant Okahara was in charge of "B" Force when it first cane to Sandakan, Complaints were made to him by our officers that the prisoners on working parties were being ill treated. He said, "I have instructed the guards to beat the prisoners to make them work harder as the aerodrome must be completed by October J' Captain Hoshijima took over control from Okahara, He was personally responsible for the confinement of prisoners in the cage without food. After two Australians, xoung and another had been bashed under his instructions, he p^ked his fingers into their eyes, They both died. He was himself sentenced to death by hanging by an Australian Military Court. He is the hoshijima referred to on page 9 of Evidentiary Document ho. 5219, 8, In February, 1945, 350 Australian and 12.0 English prisoners were sent from Sandakan to march to Ranau. They left daily in parties of 40 or 50. I was in the third party. We were accompanied by an officer, three K.C.O's and 15 privates Evidentiary Document Fo. 5341. Page 2 „ as a guard, We had to carry their ammunition and food as well as our own food and equipment, hen dropped out from the march es they became too weak to carry on. They were immediately shot, I saw four men shot by the Japanese Sergeant Major when they fell out from the march. At one time the only food that forty of us had between us for three days was six cucumbers. When we were about a week out of Ranau we crossed a large mountain and while we were making the crossing two Australians,'Pte , Humphries and a corporal whose name I cannot remember, fell out. They were suffering from beri beri, malaria and dj-sentery and became too sick to travel on. A Japanese private shot the c or pora 1 and a Japanese sergeant shot Humphries, Altogether we lost five men on that hill. As we were going along men would fall out as they became too weak to carry on, be would go on and then shortly after hear shots and men squealing out; when this occurred there were always Japanese behind us, and it was they who did the shooting. Although I did not see the bodies of any men who had been shot in the parties that had gone before us, often I could smell them. Of the 50 who started out from Sandakan in my party, 37 reached Ranau. The trip took us 17 days, as we went straight through, marching every day, The Japanese who came with us were in very good physical condition and had more rations than we did on the march. A couple had malaria but they were left behind at the outposts and came along later when they felt fit enough. I saw these men coming through about six weeks later , 9, After we had reached Ranau I was one of a party of Australians sent back 26 miles towards Sandakan to carry rice for the troops coming on and for the Japanese. The journey would take us five days - three days out and two days back. Three parties who were making the journey to Ranau. stayed at this place and it was for them that we canied out the rice and also for the Japanese guards. Each of us had to carry one 45-lb bag of rice on his back over hills and swampy ground. As a result of the hard conditions, several men died while thus carrying rice. We used to help those who were too weak and practically carried many of them back to camp. While carrying rice on one occasion, Pte, Shear was shot nine miles from Ranau and Fte Alberts and a corporal were bayonetted by the Japanese 20 miles from Ranau, They were too weak to carry on and fell out, I saw the bayonetting myself; the men were on the ground at the time. The corporal and myself used to go into the gardens for tapioca which we would cook up and make a decent meal of, so I was one of the fittest men in Evidentiary Locurient J \ O . 5 3 4 1 » Fas.e 4. the camp. On this occasion of the bayonetting and shooting, Shear was on the ground calling out, "Don't shoot me," and putting his hands up, hut nevertheless he was shot and left lying on the ground, 10, In Iiarch. 19^5? 2 Australians, Crease and Cleary, attempted to escape from hanau but were recaptured and tortured. They were screaming with pain. They were tied up in the open in full view of the natives for two weeks. Cleary had no clothes and had a chain around his neck. He died within ten minutes of being released, 11, Eashings were an every day occurrence at Hanau, A Private I urray took some food from a food dump, ..e was tied up outside the guard house and on the same afternoon taken by a medical orderly and another guard to the cemeter7 and bayonetted to death. Our food at this stage consisted of 100 grami es rice, 100 grammes sweet potatoes and 100 grammes tapioca daily, ..e were given no medical supplies. Deaths were occurring from starvation, dysentery, malaria and beri beri. In recording deaths Japs only allowed us to show them as being caused by malaria or dysentery. Of the 470 prisoners that had left Sandakan in February, 1945? s i x only were alive in June, 1945? the remainder had died or been killed. On the other hand the Japs were all in good condition except for a few "who had contracted malaria. The Japanese lie.d plenty of food and none were suffering from malnutrition. 12, In June, 1945, a further party of 140 arrived at r.anau from Sandakan, Short was one of those in this arty, hen they had left Sandakan, there were 600 of them, but the remainder had rerished on the march. When I made my escape in July about 100 of these men were still alive; they were then dying at the rate of about seven a day, mainly from starvation. They were given a small cup of rice water a day with about an inch of rice in the bottom, Flenty of rice was available and the Japanese used to get 600 grams a day themselves; they also used to get tapioca, meat, eggs and sweet potatoes and showed no signs of malnutrition, The clothes of the men who died would be taken from them and the Japanese would trade them with the natives for food/themselves * Blankets were also taken and traded with the natives, 13, * A Korean guard named hemora had told Fte, Loxom who had made the march from Sandakan with me, that we would all be shot by the Japs if the Australians landed. On 7 July, 1945, Fox on, Short, Anderson and I escaped. On the first night V V ^ ^JU.^JJ^ f / J ^ * ' f J P L / T A JSC-**** ^ • (p^A, /7 sC^A I 3 N-r >S—0 ^ ^ • •« X,./ J ^ R / W W /Tr-X-J"^ VnnrJ yJU J W . r m J / O ^ W I 7 A, . ^JJ?^ c k ^ t j Evidentiary Document No. 53A1• Page 5 we weie out we broke into a Japanese dump and secured food0 Anderson died on 28th July, 194-5. '.e were in the jungle for six weeks before we were rescued, Ly weight fell from 132 pounds to 84 pounds whilst in captivity. SWORN at TORYC this the 6th day of December, 1946. EEFORE IE (Sgd) .KEXTH.EOIIEl.ILL. . • . - V̂ v**-' •f yr) Evidentiary Document No. 5424. / f (X^y// Page 1,. { STATEMENT Fx I SKI I. Fu.iio, Formosan. SUGA EUTAI. ' I, ISKII, Pujio, Formosan, former member of SUGA EUTAI, testify as follows:- I left Labuan 9 February 194-5 and with Capt. NAG A1, 2/Lt. SUZUKI and Sgts. EEPFU and OKADA went to Ranau an iving 23rd of the same month. There were PWs left on Labuan on our departure and there were about 100 PWs at Ranau when we arrived. There were also PWs at Pugnitan at that time. I remember the rice carrying parties that used to bring rice from Ranau to Pugnitan,each journey taking about 5 days. If a man became sick on the way tc Pugnitan he was left there to recover and sent back with a later party. I do not know wha happened to the sick PWs that were left behind at Pugnitan when W/0 Kinder brought in the last of the PWs from there. I remember HANETA Liyoshi taking the 10 PWs to the 110 mile camp. On 28 April 194 5, Capt. FlAGAl, Sgts. BEPFU, OFADA, TAKAHAhA Fizuo and myself and half the men went to the 110 mile camp to build a new camp. It was sometime in May when HANEDA brought over the 10 men from the old camp. When NAGAI arrived at the 110 mile camp he received orders from Army HQ to move to Tenom and he left about the middle of Lay. 2 Lt'. SUZUKI was left behind in charge on his departure. On the same day that HANEDA took the 10 PWs to the 110 mile camp, the 8 PWs that were left behind in the No. 1 Camp were killed. I was present and this is what happened. 2/Lt. SUZUKI and Sgt. IWAEE ordered us USHII, Fujio; KAWAKAMI, Kiyoshi; TAKATA, YANAI, Kenji; SUZUKI, Safcuro; SUZUKI Taiichi; to take the PWs to the hospital. This proved to be a lie for the FWs were actually carried out- and shot outside the building We had carried two FWs out of the building on the way to the hospital and had gone about 100 yards from the hut when 2/Lt. SUZUKI said to let those two men walk and go back with the stretchers and get two more. We only had two stretchers so had to bring them up two at a time. ' As we went back for the other PWs I heard shots and thought that the FWs must have attempted to escape. I found out later that they had been killed in cold blood. The only ones present with the first two PWs when they were killed were 2/Lt. SUZUKI, Sgt. IWAEE and SUZUKI, Taiichi. 2/Lt. SUZUivI had a pistol, the remainder had rifles. When the second two had been brought up there was present in addition to the officer and NCO, KAWAKALI, TAKATA, ISHII, YANAI, SUZUKI Saburo and SUZUKI Taiichi. We were then ordered to fire on the two PWs. Everyone fired at least one shot and most of us two. I personally did, as my first shot entered below the breastbone and did not kill the man. At the time the PWs were killed they were lying on the ground too sick to move and so did not have their hands tied behind their backs Evidentiary Document No. 5424. / f (X^y// Page 1,. They had no chance to escape and did not make any effort to do so. The sane procedure was followed as the rest of them I were brought up and all the bodies were buried in the one hole• IWAEE was wearing a sword but did not to ny knowledge draw it at any time. I did not have a rifle at the time but when SUZUKI Taiichi had fired he gave mo his to use. Every man that I have detailed above fired at the PWs. Apart from this instance I have never at any time received orders to kill PWs nor have I done so. The day that the rest of the PWs were killed in the 110 mile camp I was out of camp looking for S/M STICPEWICH. Present in the party were Sgt. IWAEE, ISKII Fujio, SUGITA Shoiichi and SAITO Hideo (deceased). Sgt. IWAEE was with us the whole time and did not return to camp. He could not have been present at the killings. When I returned to camp about 2 August all the FWs were dead. It is impossible that natives could have seen PWs about the middle of August as they were all dead by this time. Our orders were to shoot S/M STICPE- WICH on sight. Although I have heard nothing I should say that from my knowledge of the Japanese the probability is that the balance of the PWs were shot at Sandakan the same as they were elsewhere. I, ISHII Fujio, solemnly affirm and declare that the above statement is the truth, the whole truth and nothing but the truth. (Signed in Japanese characters) Certified true copy. (Signed) T. I .OHWAKE. Lt .Col. (Reverse- side.) The statement on the face hereof has been read over to me by .................... and I clearly understand the meaning and contents thereof. Further I make this statement voluntarily and without any undue pressure or duress being brought to tear. I, (Sgd.) Allan Reg inald Townsend, certify that I have this day read the statement on the face hereof to the declarant in Japanese and I solemnly declare that I have truthfully and faithfully conveyed the meaning of the English to the declarant to the best of my ability. (Sgd.) A.R. TOWNSEND, Cpl. Declared before me at Labuan 10 Dec 194-5. (Sgd.) J.E. ORAM, Lt. Evidentiary Document No. 5424. / f (X^y// Page 1,. COKLENT EY S/M STICPEWICh. I hrd no dealings with this nan. Ke cane fron Latuan to Ranau and was never in Sandakan. While at Ranau I did net cone in contact with hin. I certify that I compared the above with the original statement of ISEII Fujio, and that it is a true copy thereof. (Sgd.) R.G. Reynolds, Lt.Ccl. PRESIDENT, // 10 fl Evidentiary Document No. 5423. Page 1. ^ JOINT STATEMENT MADE BY CKENKAY, CHIN KIN and LO TONG M O RESIDE NEAR THE MILE POST, SANDAKAN. EXECUTION OF ALLIED SERVICEMEN We all live in the region of mile post, SANDAKAN. About the end of May or it may have been early in June, 1945} a large number of Australian and other Allied Servicemen were being marched along the LABUK ROAD from the PW camp SANDAKAN. The soldiers arrived at about the I5i mile post at approximately 11 o'clock in the morning. They stopped there and cooked a meal. At about 2 o'clock in the afternoon, while some of the soldiers were still eating others still cooking, four airplanes came over. They were allied planes. As the airplanes swooped over the. men scattered off the road in different directions thinking that the airplanes might strafe them. The airplanes passed over without shooting and the men then continued to cook and eat their meals - others were resting. As many were very sick all the party continued to rest until about 5*30 pm. when the Japanese Guards ordered the men to march. All the men got up with the exception of seven (7) who were too ill to walk and had been using sticks. Two Japanese guards and one Malay soldier remained behind with the seven allied servicemen. The guards then started to urge the seven men along, kicking them and hitting them with the sticks which the allied servicemen had carried. Although the men were very weak the Japanese guards managed to urge the soldiers about 30 yards along the road. • The two Japanese guards then took the rifle from the Bialay soldier and urging the men off the road then commenced to shoot the allied servicemen in the back. The men were then in the rear of CHIN KIN's house. Four of the men were killed instantly and two were wounded. One man escaped for the time being and hid himself a little further along the road. After the shooting, which took place about 6 pm the two Japanese guards and the Malay soldier continued their march without examining the soldiers, possibly believing them all to have been killed. The soldier who managed to hide himself and who we believe was an Australian was found by a KEMPETI soldier the next day at about 2 pm. This KEMPETI soldier went into his house next door and brought his rifle and then shot the two men who were still alive through the head. The shooting of the two men took place as the three of us were digging a grave for the four men who had been shot the previous evening and we all saw the shooting take place. The KEMPETI soldier then left the spot where we buried the six soldiers and started looking around. We then heard a shot fired. We were too afraid to go and look in the direction from where the shot came and continued to dig in the garden. Evidentiary Document Wo. 5423. After we had completed the burial of the six soldiers we then went to look for" the other soldier in the direction where the last shot had been heard. We found the soldier who had been shot through the stomach and was lying dead. We then buried him immediately. We solemnly declare that the statement we have made is the truth. This statement is made on the twenty-fourth of October 1944 before Squadron Leader E.G. BIRCHALL (252031) RAAF. Witness (Signed) F.G. EIRCRALL. Squadron Leader . Certified true copy. (Signed) T. H0RNA1.E. Lt .Col. 'D) Ft Evidentiary Document No. 5424. / f (X^y// Page 1,. V 4VL CITIES - SANDAKAN ALEA. Statement taken down by and during interrogation by Squadron Leader F.G. BILCLALL (252031) RAAF. Gn a joint statement made by CHEL KAY, CHIN KIN and LO TONG who reside near the 15"§ mile post, SANDAKAN, the accused is - Seareeant K03QTANT Nao.ji - KEHEI TAI. Attached statement was read to the accused being translated by the Interpreter T/4 M. TAKANISHI, United States Army. STATELENT - I am Sergeant EOSOTANI Naoji of the Japanese Imperial Army. I admit to having shot two soldiers at the rear of the house of CHIN KIN at the 15i mile post or thereabouts. The men were wearing Australian hats but their clothes were torn and I could not recognise them either as English or Australian soldiers. The Allied soldiers were being marched to API (JESSELTON). They were being marched in groups of thirty. I do not know how many there were altogether. The men who I shot had apparently been in the roar party who were sick. I think that was because they were In the rear party. Corporal KAYAYAMA of OKIKULA Unit was in charge of the last group which was composed of sick prisoners. At the time of the march I was living at I5t mile post because I was sick with malaria. I think the march took place about the middle of June. As Corporal KAYAYAMA came past the 15£ mile post I spoke to him. Corporal LATAYA1A said to me that if there were any stragglers I was to shoô ; then. I was sleeping at the time the Japanese soldiers cane by with the Allied soldiers. I heard shots hut did not get up because I was sick from malaria. CHEN TEN CHOI and another man came to my house the next day and reported that some Allied soldiers had been shot. I cane out of the house and saw Corporal MATAYAMA who told ne that if there were any Allied soldiers remaining te'nind that I was to kill them as he was going on. I then made an investigation and found seven (7) war prisoners dead. They had apparently been killed by KATAYAx,A; s men. I ordered the natives to bury the bodies of the prisoners which thoy did. After I went back to my hut, on the way I saw two prisoners a Thoy were sitting down because they had beri beri, I than went into the house and borrowed YATEN1s gun, YATEN is a Malay police boy who was living with me, I then went and shot the two soldiers in the head. I only shot the prisoners because Corporal KATAYALA told me to. I was too sick to bury the bodies so I asked CHEN KAY to bury the bodies. Evidentiary Document No. 5424. / f (X^y// Page 1,. I did not know about another prisoner being shot until NAKAO, civilian employee interpreter of the KEMPEI TAI unit, told me shortly afterwards that he had shot a prisoner at 17 mile post. The shooting by NAKAO took place the same day as I shot the two prisoners. Question by S/Ldr. BIRCHALL - HOSOTAKI, are you sure that you saw seven prisoners who were shot at the roar of CHIN KIN's house. Answer by HOSOTANI - Yes, there were seven. Question by S/Ldr. BIRCHALL - HOSOTANI, have you ever seen any Japanese guards shooting other prisoners. Answer by HOSOTANI - I did not shoot any other prisoners but I was told that on one occasion when Allied soldiers were beirif taken in a truck they were pushed off the truck at 15 mile post and shot as they lay on the ground, The guards who shot them were from OKUMURA Unit. They shot them because they could not walk to RANAU .and therefore they eliminated them. Question by S/Ldr. BIRCHALL - HOSOTANI, who was the soldier who told you of the shooting. Answer by HOSOTANI I cannot recall the soldier who told me as I only came to SAi\DAKAN in March 1945? and I was new to the area. I only heard the conversation in a general way. I think the soldiers who were discussing it were from OTSUKI unit. Question by S/Ldr. BIRCEALL - HOSOTANI, apart from Allied prisoners have , you ever shot any Chinese or Malays in this area. Answer by HOSOTANI - Yes, I have. I killed five Chinese only; they inoluded I SUI CHONG and TAN FAK AN. I do not know the names o.f the other three because Sergeant Major KONO and Sergeant Major TAKAZAWA had investigated the cases of the three whose names I do not know. Capt, NAKATA,0C SANDAKAN KEMPEI TAI,ordered me to shoot the five Chinese because he said they had been collaborating with TERENES GUERILLA GROUP who were operating between the islands around SANDAKAN HARBOHR. The-:- given the Guerillas money to buy food and supplies ant.' Chvnese were getting information from them concerning Jap--.ro-to. dispositions. I shot I CHONG and TAN PAK AN on 27t.i:> May 1945 * The other three that wore investigated by KGNO and TiXj-ZAWA were handed over to me and I shot them about the middle of June 1 9 4 5 I shot the first two Chinese near the I2 mile post in the rubber plantation. Evidentiary Document No. 5424. / f (X^y// Page 1,. Question by S/Ldr. PlhCHALL - HOSOTANI, do you wish to ask any questions from any of the witnesses. Answer by accused - No, (Sgd .) HOSOTANI Naoji . (Sgd.) E.G. EINCHALL Squadron Leader (L.AAP) (Sgd.) K. TAKENASHI. T/4 United States Army. SANDAKAN. October 26th 1945. Certified true copy. (Sgd.) T. MOhNANE. Lt .Col. Evidentiary Document No. 5422. Page 1. STATEMENT BY 1 LT. WATANAEE Gen.io. }> t k * ^ ^ Made in the presence of Lt, J.T. Oram, 30 November 1945. I, Lt. WATANAEE, Genjo, of SUGA BUTAI and TAKAKUA TAI landed at Kuching about 8 September 1942 and stayed there until May 19447 I then went to Sandakan arriving on 2 June 1944.. I was adj. to Col. SUGA and later performed Adj. duties at the PW eamp. Documents for movement from one camp to another passed through my hands. On arriving at Sandakan I carried out the same duties as at Kuching under Capt. HOSKIJIMA. iiOSRIJIMA was Condi'« until May when TAKAKUA took over. When I arrived NAGAI was there but he left 10 days later with the PW (100) for Labuan. I heard that later some of these PW went to BRUNEI under S/M STJGINO. On May 29 1945 I moved to Ranau with PW on orders from Army HQ. We were informed that an Australian landing at Sandakan was imminent and other reasons for movement being the severity of air-raids at Sandakan. Capt. TAKAKUA was i/c and I was 2 i/c for the movement. Lt. SUZUKI from OKAYAMA BUTAI was also present and in addition were S/Maj. TSUJI, S/Maj. ICKIKAWA (QM), S/Maj. FUJITA (MED.), CZAWA (Civ. Interp.), the last named for 4 days onlys I remember S/Maj. STICFEWICH. There were 536 PW in the party on leaving camp. There were 91 English and 439 Australiar PW. At 2100 hrs. on 1st day of March 4 PW returned to Sandakan by truck from 11 mile. WO STICFEWICH assumed charge of No. 2 group. There were then 6 short. Total 530. On leaving Sandakan I had no nominal roll of FW for move- ment. , At the end of the asphalt road at the end of the first day I called for nominal rolls of all PW then present. These were supplied by squad leaders. The first check from nominal r®lls revealed discrepancy in numbers of about 6. I gave orders for FUKUSHI1JI and YSUJI (S/Maj.) to come along at the rear to make out list of dead and put such PW in the jungle» These men wore assisted by other guards who wore changed round from tine to time. The last 2 soldiers to join the force at Sandakan were SUZUKI, Mitsuo,and KCBAYASHI, Titsuo, 3 parties of MG came to Tambinan in charge of YANO Shoji and another. They were also OC of 3 party and I do not know the names of the OC of the other one party. I did not know who they are now. Throughout the narch fron Sandakan men dropped out along the track and others could not move in the mornings and were left at the previous night's camp. > 0 Evidentiary Document No. 54-22. Fage 2. y I remember the total destruction of Sandakan camp on 29 May 194-5. The PW were allowed to take some documents or medi- cal supplies from the camp, They were burnt by us, A PW was only allowed to take what he could actually carry, the rest was left behind and destroyed. This was all done on TAKAKUA's orders and I was present while the destruction was carried out. I do not think that the destruction of the medical supplies was humane or lawful. About I83 English and Australian PW arrived at Raneu our of the 536 that left Sandakan; of these ±4-2. were Australians, and also 1 Australian who died on the last day m.s carried in dead. Of the 353 unaccounted for, 54 escaped' and about 90 were ill and were put out of their misery bybeing shot., 'They asked, for death rather than bo left behind. I do not know exactly nor did reports show accurately how death occurred. FUKUSHIMA and TSUJI dragged bodies into the jungle. At TAKAKUA's orders soldiers were told to dispose of sick PW and to see that none were left behind. I was i/c of the disposal of sick PW but was not present at the killings. I moved with the roar group with the exception of FUKU- SHIMA ' s party. Each morning all those PV. who were unable to travel were placed in groups for FUKUSHIMA and TSUJI» The disposal of these was done behind me and I never knew who killed them, I arrived at Ranau on the 25 June, 1945, and camped at Hie foot of the mountain 2 miles from Ranau, ^Next day everyone moved to Tambunan working camp at the lioj mile (I dearly understand the sketch you have shown neV/ When I reached this camp there were already 9 PW under comd, of 2nd, Lt, SUZUKI, this made a total of 192 FW in the camp under the comd. of TAKAKUA. The figure of 54 escapees was arrived at as the number unaccounted for on my lists, Shis was the only way I could account for them. I did not make, -out any death certificates and I cannot remember any being made out". When S/M STICPEWICH escaped the orders were to recapture him and find out the plans made by others to escape. There was no order to shoot him. The investigation into JOHN HORE's escape was conducted by MOLITAKE and HOSHIJIMA, HGRE was killed and his body placed on the PW camp sign, HOSHIJILIA and I viewed the body there, I think HORE was shot in the chest by HINATA Genzo. Prior to that escape PWs were caught going under the wire at the end of the camp to got food through a drain pipe. These men were taken back to HQs and placed in the guard house and wore later put in the cage, as we viewed this as a serious offenco. The KEMPEI TAI were not concerned with this. I saw Evidentiary Document No, 5422. Pago the men in the cage tut had nothing to do with, their treatment I know that one who was vory sick, died in tho cage. HOSHIJIMA was in charge and gave orders to MORITAKE as to the treatment of these Pws0 Three days after S/M STICPEWICH escaped at RANAU sick PWs were taken on stretchers up the hill to the cemetery. This was tho 1st, August, 19^5® Since I arrived at LABUAN I have made further enquiries and as far as I can determine the date the PWs were taken up to tho cemetery and killed wa(s the 1st. August, 1945, There wore 17 of these sick men. I was in charge and Sgt. OKADA and approximately ten Formosan guards were also present at the killing. All tho Formosan guards that were actually posted to the camp were in the camp area on that day. I may bo able to recognise some of these guards if I saw them. After these 17 wore killed there were about 16 left in the camp and these wore also shot on 1st. August, 194-5, 11 of these were taken about 100 metres along the road towards TAMEUNAN and shot, S/M TSUJI with a fresh lot of about 15 or l6 Formosan guards shot the second batch. These two killings were at the same time 1000 hours on 1st. August, 1945 I do not know tho names of the PWs killed, PIC0NE, COOK, CE0PFIKC-, 0ATSH0T, DANIELS (English Doctor), MASKEY, and EVANS may havo been among them. I only knew a few at SANDAKAN and only knew a few of the section loaders on the march. Civilian FUJITA (interpreter) was present in camp but had nothing to do with the killings. Sgt, BEPPU took five PW officers about 100 metres towards RANAU he had ten Formosan guards with him. Also at 1000 hours on 1st, August, 1945? at the 111? mile at junction of two roads and behind rice store Sgt. BEPPU1s party shot the five PW officers, Sgt. IWABE was out searching for STICPEWICH and had nothing to do with the killings, S/M M0RIZUMI had not yet arrived from SANDAKAN, I did not know that it was a general order from Army HQs to kill FWs. I do not know what M0RITAKE' orders were. They wore given direct from TAKAKUAU My orders came from my commander TAKAKUA, FUJITA (medical Sergeant) had been wounded and was in bed in the camp area at the time of the killings, I dc not know what the reason was for the killings, but I think it possible that the commanders feared that the PWs would cscape, Sgt. BEPPU's party killed 5 PWs » OKADA's party killed 17 PWs " TSUJI's party killed. 11 PWs 33 Evidentiary Document No. 5422, Pago 4. / The order for the killing was secret. I have carefully checkc the date and am sure that the killings took placc on 1st, August, 1945o Information other than this must ho a mistake I first knew that the war was over on the 2nd e September, 194 J. Documents from HQs gave this information. I heard some surrender bills were dropped from aircraft about 20th August, 1945, but did not believe them, and thought the t they wore just propaganda. On the 28th July, 1945, I remember Captain Cock bringing documents to me from deceased PWs for despatch to allied commando These were all burnt with my personal gear at hANATJc After tho 1st, August, 1945, the camp moved first to TAMTUNAN arriving there 26th August, 1945, and later moved to SAPONG. I, L/Lt. WATAN ABE Genso, do solemnly affirm the above statement to bo the truth, the whole truth and nothing but the truth, (Sgd) WATANATE Genzo Affirmed before re at LAEUAN on 8-12-45. (Sgd) J. T. ORAM, Lt, Certified true copy, (sgd) T. MOhNANE Lt. Col, r r ; / 227042, Lt. Stephen let or Burt. DAY, General List.. Zni.tish Arsy-? being duly sworn, gives the following evidences Ly home address is c/- V. R. Day, Dalgetty and Coy, Albury, N.S.W. (telephone no Albury 168). hy number, rank, name and unit is 227042, Lt. Stephen Victor Buit DAY, General List, British Army. I was attached to KQ South-West Pacific area at Bandeong, I saw no war crimes or atrocities prior to the cessation of hostilities and I became a prisoner-of-war at Tandiong Priok and was there from 15 liar 42 until Nov 42. Then I went to Changi where we were for a fortnight and then moved to Kuching. I arrived at Kuching in November. It was only a matter of three weeks from the time we left TanaJong Priok until we arrived at Kuching. From Singapore to Kuching I was a member of a force of 500 under Col. Russell. That force was composed of English other ranks and officers. I was in the English camp at Kuching and spent the rest of the war there. At Tandjong Priok we were given a surrender form to sign. It v„as to the effect that we would make no attempt to escape, vie refused to sign this form but were eventually given an order by a staff officer under pressure to sign the form. One officer refused to sign the form and he got a rather bad beating up from the sword chain of the Japanese Camp Comdt. Unfortunately I do not remember the name of either the officer concerned nor of the Japanse Camp Comdt. I had to take part in working parties for the organized looting of businesses for the Japanese<• The Japanese used the British as working parties to scrip offices in the town of everything ol value. The British would be given a whole block of offices to force the safes and collect anything of value They then took the things in trucks to the docks for shipment overseas. They were civilian offices that were looted. In the particular office where 1 was the safes had already been drilled open. There was nothing left of any value except papers cf interest to the particular firm itself. There was no actual cash or anything like that left in the safe. It was regular feature at Bandoeng at one stage for a working party to go into town and get everything they could from the offices and send it down to the docks. They took furniture, fittihgs, electric light bulbs. What actually became of them I do not know, but presumably they were loaded on to the ships. That was about Lay or June, 42„ ~ s. Evidentiary Document No. 5179. U 73 ft Evidentiary Document No. 5424. / f (X^y// Page 1,. There would be no more than 300 Australian troops in our camp at Tandjong Priok, They were scattered around in other camps in the town of' Batavia itself. At the time opera- tions ceased Gen. Sitwell was our direct commander and then we eventually split into smaller parties. Lt. Col. Eussell was in charge of the party that went over to Kuching 0 He subsequently died there and Lt. Col. Whims ter took over command, I do not know the name of the Japanese CO at Tandjong Friok nor the names of any units there. We were under the camp guards and the working parties were under their supervision and control, lather than that we saw -very little of Japanese soldiers at that time, I can give you no help as to identification but I know our Intelligence kept records, we had very little opportunity of keeping records. I cannot remember the name of the ship on which we were taken from Java to Singapore. It was a comparatively modern freighter . We were packed in the hold but had sufficient to eat and there was sufficient water to have a drink when we wanted to do so. The officers were permitted to lie on the deck and in the hatches and there was sufficient room in the holds for the men to lie down., The conditions on the trip from Singapore to Kuching were very bad indeed. It was a very small freighter of approximately 600 tons. There were a lot of troops on beard. Conditions were foul. They were all English troops on board and the trip lasted approximately four days. The trip resulted directly in the death of three or four men although there were nc deaths on board. Dysentery broke out on board and facilities for catering with it were nil. They were lying on the hatches. As soon as we got to Kuching there was a very bad outbreak of dysentery and quite a few deaths. On the last one and a half days of the trip there was no drinking water whatevero There was room to lie down and the troops were allowed on deck for certain hours at the beginning of t. e voyage to w-sh and collect food. There were wooden boxes on both starboard and port side for latrines. They were quite inadequate« They were hosed out twice a day, Yihen we were on a lighter going off at Kucning they hosed the latrine out on top of us, I do not know the names of any of the Japanese in charge on that trip0 At Kuching I had far more contact with the Japanese than in Java. Col Saga (since deceased) was in charge of the camp. His LD was Yamamoto, There was a civilian interpreter named Kubu. He did not have Army status. Lt. Ojima, formerly of Sandakan, was there. Interpreter Inigaki was there - he was probably the worst of the whole bunch. Sgt Evidentiary Document No. 5424. / f (X^y// Page 1,. Kobo was an NCO and Pte Hidata was one of the guards. he were not allowed to communicate between camps. It was one big area with special camps, I must admit that I did say "Salim" to one of the Indians going past. I was seen and taken out, beaten, knocked d~>wn, quite a number of times with a Chunkel (sort of hoe) handle. The beating was by an ordinary Japanese soldier, Unfortunately I cannot remember his name, I was asked what I said and I ssid that I merely said "Salim" when taken before Lt. Olima and Inigaki, I was told that I was a liar and I was continually beaten and interrogated as to what information I had passed on. I repeated all the time that I had only said "Salim".- I Was continually beaten about the face and ended being kicked in the stomach and lower regions. I was not kicked in the testicles although he tried hard enough. That went on for about 20 minutes and then I was taken to the cells and placed in the cells for the night. I was then taken before Col. Suga and told that I had been sentenced to five days imprisonment in the cellc with severe punishment but that cwing to it being the Emperor's birthday he gave ne five days rice and water. I spent the five days in the cell, The worst feature of that was that you were only allowed to go to the urinal three times in 24 hours. Eeing on a rice and water diet, the rice turning to water, you would want to go to the urinal 6 or 8 times in a night. Consequently I was unable to eat fully. I was released at about the end of six days. Sgt, Kobo was the sergeant in charge of the guard and I think he was responsible largely for discipline as far as the Jarances troops were concerned. He occasionally broke out and beat up various people. I have seen him quite frequently at it. He was more or less fair and he did not do it unless ycu gave him some cause for annoyance as far as they were concerned. Hi da1; a was an entirely different type. He was purely sadistic and he delighted in being as cruel a« hs cHild t?J anyone he t~ok a dislike to. He took a dislike to Capt. Vihiteman and every time he caw that officer outside he made him stand before the ranks and ha would beat him up or knocked him down, and jump and stand on hi-, l-. jk. He did that to at least half a dozen peo-J.a who he cisliktd intensely fur any reason whatsoever. He was a very bad and vicious type. It is very difficult to say whether any deaths were caused by Hidata, It did necessitate their going off duty for two or tnree days and eventually going to hospital with something else and dying,., After a week in the cells you came out with dysentery, scabies and beri beri and once you were in a very bad condition you could not afford to let any of these I Evidentiary Document No. 5179. j age,,4. •r- - f— I things get the better of you. I cannot say I saw anyone die i as a direct result of an attack by these people. They have I been directly responsible for the death of quite a numbe? 4 ' The fact that a man was sick or under-nourished did not stay them or prevent them in the least. Originally the officers were going down with working parties to the aerodrome. We did not want the men to work as hard as the Japanese wanted and we got it both ways. After Warch-April5 194.3, we were taken from the men into a special camp. We did not have to do any work for the Japanese after that- Ws were given a strip of jungle to clear and '/e'td we would have to grow cur own food, That was quite impossible, The prisoners of war were employed on the construction of aerodromes and airstrips,; I saw those airstrips in Use afterwards by military fighter planes. I did not see men working in the shipyard itself but they wore working on the preparation of the ground prior to the building of the yards. They were also employed handling ammunition and bombs. Kuching was bombed practically every day from April 45 onwards. To my knowledge the camp was definitely hot marked as a prisoner--of-wax oamp0 To my knowledge there were no Prisoner-of-war casualties from the bombing. The food position was very bad 0 Per man per day the food ration wass Bice 6,73 oss® Sa g o f 1 cur 0 02 s . Tapioca root 4tQ ozs Cucumber 3«0 ozs They were Japanese rations, to which we supplemented from ourselves potato leaves and the stems, equivalent to 12 oss, and artichokes, which inolu.des the whole plant, root and stajk, 15 ozs. On top of that we had about half a teaspoonful of sugar and a very small tea ration. We had a lower ration scale than the men because we were not working for the Japanese, Tho camp being as it was in the latter part of 1945 to keep the gardens going and looping wood going, and with 50 and some times 75 percent of the camp ill and unfit to do these jobs, it meant that a lot of people in the camp had to work very hard indeed, The health of the men was far worse than the ^ health of the officers., The health of the officers was very bad«. In the Eritish officers' cjimp we had about 15 percent death roll and in the men it was 60 percent. In our camp we had about 120 officers. i>i.-entiary Document IioB 5179 o Page. 5, / > v» The Japanese guards were definitely getting a better ration than we were, When I was in the guard house I could see all the guards food and what they got,, Although their ration wad not what a European would consider a good diet it was very good food indeed. They had ample fish, pork, fruit, and rice Originally we had a pork issue, in the early stages, once a week and in the final stages it was once a month or,once every two months» It represented a piece ex meat x i". Y.e did occasionally get fish and when we did get it it wa dried shark and it was alive with maggots. You got it once a month if you did not get pork , Kedical supplies for practically the whole time were non-existent. In the British officers' camp there was no doctor until the last month. There were 5 or 6 doctors in the Au.sbralian camp doing nothing. We applied repeatedly for a doctor from the Australian camp* We had no medicines. People with scabies, etc, were treated with hot water when we could afford it from our meagre wood ration.- It was a matter of using a rag which you could wash out and put back again, I knew Yamamoto well and I have seen him quite frequently, He never maltreated me but I have seen him maltreat other peoplec I did not actually trade with Yamamoto but a person who was very friendly with me did trade a watch for medical supplies n I can assure you that Yamamoto was trading Red Cross medico! supplies for watches. He traded with at least two British officers in our camp, The medical supplies were handed over to our camp medical orderlies and used for the benefit of the whole, Tnere was also a market as far as watches were concerned with the Japanese QL> for food.. Just prior to the capitulation for the two or three days when Japan was hesitating as to whether to accept or not a lot of medical supplies were issued by Yamamoto consisting of bandages, disinfectants, iodine, quinine pills, sulphur, which had undoubtedly been stored by him* His excuse was that he did not know how long the war was going to last and he had to make provision for anocher 12 to 18 months0 Twice while in Kuching we were lined on the road while a senior Japanese officer drove past in a car. What his name was or what he was like I have no idea, I think it may have been Bab a but I cou.l.i rot swear to that. There were no such thing as regular inotec. vion;; by senior officers. In the early days col* Suga visited tne camp feaqiieiu-ly. For the last 18 months be did not come near the camp it. all. He did not go near tr.e hospital at alij his excuse being that he considered the conditions in the hospital so appalling that he Page 6. could not bear to go down. He went to the "omen's Camp and he treated the women quite well. He used to take the children out in his car and I think he did try to help them. Some people seem to think he did his best to help us and others have the opposite opinion. He did allow men to be starved and work without shoes. He had women working in the sun and he did see his men beating up prisoners. I know that women have been beaten up but I have never actually seen it. He must have been aware of it. Collective punishment was the Japanese method of maintaining discipline or frightening. That consisted of standing to attention in the centre, standing with your hands above your head. The whole camp was brought out on a parade and men made to stand for two or three hours in the sun. Anyone who moved a muscle or blinked an eye was taken out and beaten down and told to get back again, Lt. Ojima I would say would be responsible. Sgt „ Hubu was in ciierge of one.> Hadata was given charge of another and he perpetrated beatings for any reason at all. I am unable to say whether they reduced the basic ration at all. What they did do was to reduce us in the canteen. The canteen system in the later stages was non-existent. Earlier you could purchase from a Japanese fruiterer fruit and things like that. They did threaten and they did at times say ;'You :ave done this and there will be no canteen for one month I have seen bananas brought in and photographed but no-one ever knew where they went to. I never got a taste of any. As far as I know among the British officers ^here were no trials or executions. We did receive pay0 We originally received 80 dollars a month and 60 were deducted for board and lodging and 10 were credited in the Yokahama Bank. From the remainder we contributed 5 dollars a month to the men's mees or the hospital. It was increased later on but the increase in pay was not proportionate to the cost of anything you could purchase. In the latter stages it was no use because you could not buy anything with it. We receive two issues of Led Cross supplies, one at Changi and one about a year after we had been at Kuching. They were from the American Led Cross and one parcel which was meant for one man was divided between 4 and 5 men. I may say regarding the initial issue which we received at Changi, far from supplementing our rations it was mainly responsible for keeping us alive for the first two or three days after we arrived at Kuching. No arrangements had been made for any cooking, rice, or anything. There was no water laid on. It Page 7 3 was entirely due to having these Led Cross rations that kept us going . It was no1- for t.iree or four days that we got an issue. I know the Japanese opened Led Cross medical supplies9 I cannot say that "they opened them anywhere at the camp at Kuching bat I have definitely seen Japanese guards eating Led Cross rationsolhethes? they came from the particular camp or whether the;/ had been opened somewhere else I do not know. I have not seen them smoking American cigarettes. I have seen them eating preserved dates and figs and these packages of fruit you get in Led Cross supplies. The men at Kuching were literally worked and starved to death. There was no proper issue of clothing and footwear. Tropical ulcers were very bad at one stage. I know of one amputation due to tropical ulcers and I know chaps who have lost fingers and toes® To my knowledge there was only one actual amputations I was in hospital for about three days in 194-5 with dysentery. Conditions at that stage were quite inadequate. There were no medical supplies. The cure for dysentery wa3 a dose of salts and starvation. I subsequently saw the men's quarters on the capitulation and the conditions in the men*s hit in their sick bay with dysentery were absolutely appalling. The men were lying on the ground too weak to movec There was no one there to clean up the mess or to lock after them- The whole atmosphere of the place was frightful. The Roman Catholic sisters from the Convent did a very fine piece of work cleaning it up after the capitulation. I CERTIFY that the above evidence is true and corrects • (Signed) S*V„B- DAY Taken and sworn before me at Lt. SYDNEY on this 22nd. day of November, 1945. (Signed) A. J. LAwSIIELD Comml sooner u "f Evidentiary DocumertNo. 5177. Evidence taken before Mr. Justice M̂ lSF'IELE at Sydney, on Wednesday 15 November, 194-5. Lt-Col. Edmund KacArthur Sheppard being duly sworn gives the following evidence: My Army No. is KX34665, I am a Lt.-Col. Edmund MacArthur Sheppard 2/10 Ed, Amb. I became a prisoner of war at Singapore on 15 February, 1942, I subsequently proceeded under Lt.«Col, Walsh as Senior Medical Officer of F Force to Sandakan on 17 July, 1942, and remained there until 27 October, 1942., The Ubi Marl was in a very cramped condition, and the Japanese would not allow us to get to our baggage, which in the first place was thrown into one of the forward holdso The Japanese gave us no medical supplies and we were 'atiable to get at our own supplies> In the beginning the Japanese told us it was not to be a working party and not to take any equipment because we would be supplied and not to take any cooking utensils and that we were going to a malaria free district • I was told by the ADMS who had heard from Divisional HQ that the Japanese asked for 1500 troops in the beginning and when told that we did not have 1500 fit men, they said it did not matter as it was not going to be a working party, I ir.c3.uded 148 medical persoinel, 118 being of my own unit — the 2/10 Fd. Amb. Attached we had two surgeons, two dental officers, an officer dispenser and a sergeant dispenser-, We took our own surgical and dental equipment plus about three months supply of drugs, not believing the Jap, The name of the Japanese Commandant on the ship was Okahara. He was the first Camp Commandant at Sandakan, and was a Lieutenant by rank. Later his place was taken by Hcshijima0 Sandakan, originally built by the Eritish to accommodate 750, had 1500 crowded into itc The sanitation was shocking; in fact, there were no sanitary arrangements made for u.s on arrival, and for at least 48 hours we had no buckets for the latrines. I got into trouble over that, then I got into more trouble, when, being unable to obtain permission to the place where the Australian working parties were, I just went anyhow. I had heard that the sanitation out there was frightful and that they had no latrines at all. We had a fair amount of dysentery and I was afraid of it spreading. When they would not give me permission I went up to the guard and just told him where I was going, then marched off, the guard coming also for awhile. When I got out there I was immediately put under arrest and asked why I had come away and I explained my reasons. When asked who gave me permission, I said "The guard". Evidentiary Document No. 5177 • Page 2. * I I was threatened with death if I ever went outside again and * all that business. Nothing was done out there at all in the way of latrine accommodation. Frequent requests were made for better sanitation in the camp for more buckets and buckets that fitted, but Ikahara and Hoshijima would not listen. The next incident of definite neglect was when we were running out of mag. sulph. I went to Hoshijima and he said there was none. The Japs did not have anyP 1 suggested perhaps that Dr. Taylor, the MO in Sandakan, might have some, but Hoshijima said he didn't have any either, I also suggested that some be obtained from Kuching but he would not agree to that. They had mag. sulph. because I included myself in a party to Sandakan and saw Dr. Taylor. I asked him for many things and he told me he could supply me with 80 percent of the things I wanted V^andMag. Sulph. was definitely amongst them, /wlen I got back ~~to the camp I thanked Okahara for giving me the opportunity of seeing Dr. Taylor, which, of course he hadn't.* Dr. Taylor's exact words were that he could supply me with at least 50 per cent probably 80 percent. The accommodation in the hospital was overcrowded. Eventually we had to take over huts from the ASC and other Fattalions in order to make room for the sick, as they were increasing, and this made the healthy men very much more overcrowded still, but there with our equipment we were able to establish quite a decent little hospital centre, but it was still unsatisfactory as we had imagined something far better than at Kuching, L R The Japanese insisted on sending out working parties daily, and one occasion a Japanese NCO came down and had a look himself and bundled three or four out, so that our contention as to fitness and unfitness was in no way considered at all. Before I left the cage was erected just near the gate and I saw one man in there. The cage Was off the ground and you could sit in it comfortably, I think, but could not stand up and stretch out. The water supply was most unsatisfactory, It was pumped when the pump worked, and I am quite sure it was infected. We had to get rain water from the roofs and build gutters to catch it. Deaths were on the increase but in the early stages not as numerous as I thought they were going to be, were due to dysentery; malaria and malnutrition, they were Deaths The diet on the Ubi Mari was limed rice and grissly stew which the men could not eat. Only 50 percent could get up on the deck at a time. They were fed barrel near a latrine, which were just boxes e^er t the ship. There were no ablutions until we complaj and then they gave us one or two splashes with a sa -looking of the men from a big he sides of ned about it lt-water hose Evidentiary Document No. 5177 • Page 2. * When we disembarked they just sprayed us with a carbolic spray, which they thought, made us perfectly fit. /On 2 September 1942 at Sandakan we were all lined up in the small / square for what we thought was "tenko^ — morning roll call — and there were two machine guns on the guard house, Lieut. Hoshijima said that we all had to swear and sign our name to a declaration that we would not escape and that if any cf our personnel escaped the rp.:nainder requested they be shot to death. Of course there were murmurs at once, Lt. Colonel Walsh went up and made a statement to the rest that he personally would not sign it. He was taken off by four guards with his hands tied0 I went up then with Major J. S, Workman, who was EM. We had a word with Oseka, Japanese interpreter and decided we would sign under duress that we would not escape but we would not sign that we requested that escapees be shot. We had it altered to the effect that we knew they would be shot, not requested that they be shot. At this time the guards began to crowd in and the boys began to move up. They thought it was going to be a rush for the gate. For a moment things were very tense but fortunately nothing happened, arrived at Kuching on 3 November/after a 6-day trip on the Hiangor, a very small ship, diesel, which took about 150 Jap, soldiers and I think seven or eight of us officers down on the lower hatch. We were sprayed with sea water every night. On the boat we had no food whatsoever for about three days, apart from raw cucumber which we managed to coax from a little Chinese cabin boy, We understood that food would be supplied and did not worry for the time being. On complaining we were told that the kitchen right near us was being used for cooking food for the Japanese and we may use it when they were not using it. About the third day they supplied us with rice and some greens, It was not until welreac'ned Labuan that we were able to buy some meat ourselves. On arrival at Kuching Colonel Suga who was the senior officer in Borneo in command of all prisoner of war camps there assured us that we would be supplied with cooking utensils the following morning. These did not eventuate for about a week, In the meantime we were very kindly fed on tobacco supplied by the Indonesians - they were very good to us - through the wire. Col. Suga also stated that officers - British, Australian and Dutch - would soon be able to meet on an equal social level. For approximately two months Col. Suga made frequent visits to the Australian officers huts after which he apparently decided that this meeting on an equal social level was out of the questioi as we did not encourage any fraternisingc ^ ̂ j At Kuching we were joined by Major G. N. S. Campbell and Capt. Scrivener who had been in jail in Kuching charged with having | encouraged men to escape at Sandakan camp - anyhow, it was in L Evidentiary Document No. 5177- Page 4. connection with 11 men who attempted to escape from Sandakan. The treatment of these officers while in jail was not of the same standard as our officers would have got under our discipline Llajor Campbell who was formerly 22 stone, having gone down to 8-| stone „ He lived at v^ stone for 6 months and died on 2 September, 1942. He lost 8 stone in a period of two to three months. On 13th June. 1942. I was transferred from the Australian officers'' hut to the camp hospital which commenced on that date. Included on the staff we :ad, beside myself, two British medical officers, 4 Dutch medical officers, two German-Jew refugees, an American dentist and one other civilian doctor. At the hospital we treated the sick at sick parades from all the camps with the exception of the women. For a population of approximately two thousand we had accommodation which consisted of two huts about 90 feet long and 15 feet wide, and weie always overcrowded,. To give an example of their neglect one hut - the dysentery hut, which was 54 feet long and 15 feet wide with a verandah of 3 feet contained 74 dysentery patients lying on the ground covered only with a piece of sacking as most of the men nad sold their blankets for food by this time. Fifty-four patients were on the floor and 20 more outside? on the verandah» We had three bucket latrines at the end of the verandah and one bed pan for all the patients, we had no lights at night and medical orderlies if moving or when leaving the hut to report the condition of a patient were frequently attacked by the guards who unfortunately changed right outside our hut every hour, The 1500 British troops that had arrived at Changi from Kuching about 6 weeks before we did were also told by the Japanese it was to be a working party and were nob to take medical equipment. Unfortunately this force did not take equipment and the only instrument the Japanese supplied us with in the beginning was one pair of scissors and the civilian doctors had a few odd articles with them but they were not of much use and actually the only sharp surgical instrument we had was a stainless penknife, which iarst of the minor surgery was done with. The only accommodation for TB patients which only amounted to 5 at the commencement but increased enormously later, was a small room at the end of one hut. I frequently made requests for extra food for these patients? all I asked for was two eggs per day for the patients, Col. Suga on the fallowing Saturday himself brought dewn 8 eggs as a present from the Japanese and that was the end of the session as far as the eggs were concerned 0 No moie were supplied to them although I explained we had the money anz were prepared to buy them at any cost. In June, 1943, approximately 19 more Australian officers were transferred from Sandakan to Kuching. In October, 1943, the Evidentiary Document No, 5177» Page 5e remaining officers were alsc transferred to Kuching with the exception of three medical officers, two padres and two other officers who were acting as canteen officers and liaison, It was about Lay 19^3 that serious bashings took place. Eashings were frequent, comprising anything from clapping of the face to punching, kicking., ju-jitsu throws, making people climb trees and make noises like birds, kicking in the testicles, hitting v/ith sticks and on one occasion a man was treated for deep wounds in the back of a result with a slash with a paran Although I did not actually see it, there were cases of burning with cigarettes; I:ve seen them put cigarettes into the ears ..o£_monkeys just for fun;/one Japanese sentry told me our punishment was not as severe as theirs. He was AWL at one time and when he came back he was bashed unconscious and when he regained consciousness found they were burning him with cigarettes to bring him round. They then bashed him into unconsciousness again- This happened several times0 Japanese treatment of their own soldiers was just as bad, or worse as the treatment of the prisoners of war, OrQy on one occasion did I see a woman hit. That was Mrs* Adams, the barrackmastcr of the women3 compound, I saw her being hit over the faoe three times, while I was there, I also heard of the bashing given to Dr, Gibson, a woman doctor, by Dr. Yamamoto in the women's compound, Dr:, Gibson, wanted one certain person to be a blood donor in a transfusion and Dr. Yamamoto wanted someone else5 He hit her many times over the face and kicked her in the shins. She passed our quarters for many months with bandaged legs, Dr, Yamamoto was about the worst offender in the bashings<> Every medical officer at the hospital had on some occasion been bashed0 The worst probably was a Dutch medical officer named Borgmeyer, a man of about 6 ft 3:I or 6 ft, 4'10 He was taken to by Dr 0 Yamamoto with a schoolmasters came or walking stick and given several cuts across the facey neck and shoulders in our presence, One hit produced a cut skindeep and the others all produced wheals; after this he was taken to Dr„ Yamamoto's office and the treatment was repeated up there, Dr„ Yamamoto appeared on one occasion with an injured finger, He was obviously in a very bad mood. Just prior to my going in he told me that if any Australian officer was too sick to be out of bed a red badge would be supplied ., Later I heard Dr „ Yamamoto's finger was injured rushing through a 1?ire fence and I heard that Major Lay son had been attacked oy him that morning, early for not being on "tanko" (morni'03 parade) ~ examined Major hay son and found he had a mark 0.1 the forehead which he said was due to being hit by a clog.. He also had bruises on the cheek and had been kicked in the shin i_i several places. I have heard later that his left ma-fill a was frac tared , Dr, Yamamoto appeared at tne door and I explained to him that this Evidentiary Document No. 5177 • Page 2. * | man was 52 years of age and that he had been brutally assaulter ' and that he had been ordered by me to remain in bed and that I could not see any just cause for the assault at all. However, Dr. Yamamoto walked away quietly. One day in the ward while examining a case with Dr. Yamamoto, without any warning he forced his elbow into my stomach and then stood back and amidst screams - he was working himself up - punched me about 8 or 9 times and kicked me in the privates and bashed me about the roor after which he retired to his own quarters still screaming, and explained that to his own staff, that either he or I were off his head. Then he sent for our liaison officer and said that if Col. Shepperd wanted to know why he had been bashed it was because I had called him yellow and inferior. He had obviously been saving that up for a long period since the days up at Sandakan when I told him his ideas of sanitation were primitive and his knowledge of medicine was obsolete and that every time he touched a red senna nothing happened but every time he touche a yellow senna Col. Sheppard laughed. The bashings witnessed by us went on I suprose on an average of 10 a day; they weie all for very minor offences or cases in which there was a definite misunderstanding. I saw 4 or 5 medical orderlies knocked about, bashed, kicked and thrown to the ground and one man put up a tree all because one mecical orderly had been punished for some definite crime - some definit purpose. One day two of the Australian privates who were living in Camp 5 with the British 01s spoke to me during sick parade, stating they had that afternoon been to a funeral of one of our Australian officers. Their job had been to dig the grave and to remove the coffin from the lorry to the ground and to the grave. They saw congealed blood in great quantities running out of the bottom of the coffin. They did not know who the officer was, as the officiating Chaplain was not allowed to give the name. The next day a Japanese NCO s.aid the Australian officer had been ijcut off", meaning he had be en ex ecuted. We heard nothing official, but I understand Colonel Walsh was told officially by Col. Suga that the officer at whose funeral ,they had been previously was Capt. Lionel Latthews. I Until the end of December 1944, I think the total deaths during I our stay did not amount to more than one hundred out of a camp strength of approximately two,thousand. Between January 1 and August 31, 194*5, the de a thi/'i fpr oxirn a t e ly 580 . We expected the deaths in August, which were greatly rising each month, to be 150. -On the 15th August, the third anniversary of the Kuching camp. We went along, knowing the war was over, The commandant of the camp did not know we knew it was over; he told us, however, of the atomic bomb and of how the Americans sank food ; ships coming to us, etcetera, and he said, "I will give you Evidentiary Document No. 5177 • Page 2. * more food;" "I will give you more clothing" and that the food was to he a rice issue, a few more greens, eggs, and after a fortnight it was a little bit more fatty pork, and the death rate suddenly dropped from 5 a day to three a day in August, which goes to prove that if we had had a little more food and a little less work, this would have been prevented. The deaths were caused through deficiency diseases due to low resistance. TEs were increasing terrifically. Up to 50 percent, I should say, had TB; they were living skeletons. We had one pair of scissors given to us by the Japanese and later on were allowed to use the ear, nose and throat apparatu. Each month we were given a few drugs for which we signed, but the total was inadequate. The quinine which was wanted so much was given in small quantities. Vie were given, occasionally, some Iodoform, spirits and tincture of iodine. At one period a tremendous number of men had huge ulcers exposing bones, muscles and nerves, and there was only one pair of scissors. Later a huge roll of silk was brought in by the Japanese, to be used as bandages. At one time Japanese personnel came for the purposes of photo- graphing things in the camp. Tho doctor got Col. King and Mr. Becking and a sergeant to examine the patients. He said they also stopped a man in the street, for photographic purposes, who was perfectly well, and put clean bandages around near his elbows, and a photograph was taken. A load of bananas was taken to the camp and photographed at the canteen, the bananas being returned after the photograph was taken. Three or four Australian officers of good physique and two or three women were taken down to the swimming pool in Kuching, photographed on the side of the baths and returned immediately by truck to the camp. I understand one Australian officer dived in, and did manage to at least get himself wet. Dr. Yamamoto was responsible for the supply of drugs to the hospital and of medical supplies. I think the Japanese release a lot of the stuff they had stored away for their own forces in the jungle, and when this stuff was not wanted they did a lot for us, They brought in blankets and boots from the Kuching hospital, mosquito nets and pyjamas. At the hospital were supplies of quinine, mrgsulf, sodisulf, spirits and lots of proprietary things, such as anti-diphtheric serum, vaccines, morphia, plenty of bandages and iodine; supplies I had not seen for years. If that material had been made available earlier and if we had had proper surgical equipment we could have done a treat deal for the men, but as it was, we were absolutely helpless. * Jcntiar} Document No. 517?. Fa go We got rice polishings on occasions tut later on ct n±6h+' I saw them taken down to the pigs. This was the time when we had patients suffering from vitamin ^ficiuncics which the rice polishings would have helped. Our onco-a-week ration of pork could just he tasted with the rice with which it was mixed. The calory content would be about 900 to 1000, which was the minimum a man could live on, doing no work. hr. Wilson, our Bed Cross representative was able to deal with someone from whom he was able to get a few eggs, some milk, cocoanuts and occasionally a chicken or two. When we moved to Kuching, thinking Kuching was the headquarters with proper medical arrangements, I asked the Japanese themselves if Lr. Wilson could accompany us. We were told, when we arrived, he was an officer with us and could not be recognised. He made several requests in writing for interviews and had seen someone on two or three occasions but was not allowed to do anything and on the last occasion I saw him he was threatened with jail. We got one-sixth of a parcel of Bed Cross overseas parcels, per man, about September, 1944. Just at the- end one or two Red Cross packages were thrown in to us at the hospital, most of which were rotten. They had been stored, in a store and mis- laid, apparently. Coming tack from the funeral one day, early in the piece, I saw piles of boxes with the Red Cross on the side. I heard no more of them. I c rtify that the above statement is true and correct. Taken and sworn before me at ) (Sgd.) Sydncv on Wednesday 14 November) E.L. SKEFf-ARD, It .Col. 1945." ) (Sgd.) A.J. LANSFIELD. Commissioner. 7 JCff Evidentiary Document No. 54-51 • Lt-Col. Neville Howard MOEGAN QX6439. C.O. 2/12 Aust. Fd. Amb being duly sworn is examined by prosecutors I was in charge of the medical team that went to Kuching in September to attend to the FWs and internees. I first visited the camp on tht, morning of the 8th. In the Australian camp all the officers and other ranks therein were suffering from general malnutrition. In the Eritish other ranks camp about 250 cases were stretcher cases of whom 100 were suffering from a degree of malnutrition which we refer to in future as famine OEDELA which was likely to bring about their death within a fortnight. In the Male internees camp a severe degree of malnutrition was also found. Ihe Dutch the Indians the Priests the British officers were all suffering from a degree of malnu- trition - the women and children were in fairly good condition. Approximately four personnel in the camp were dying each day when I came in. After Major HUDSON and I commenced the resucitation which was used on these people a total of not more than 14 further deaths occurred. Of those who did die, several had cancer and several tuberculosis. That is to say we were able to save all but four cases of famine OEDEMA. I observed Japanese guards on point duty. All the Japanese I saw were well nourished. The camp was still being run as a PW camp, camp commandant Col. SUGA still exercised his command over all the FWs, When I came in there the Japanese Civilian Hospital in Kuching was functioning for some PWs and Internees. A total of 39 only patients were housed therein. Two Australian medical officers and a polyglot lot of medical orderlies were working there. In the PW camp two or three buildings were used as camp hospital. This housed 30 to 40 patients of all nationalities. In the Eritish camp about 250 patients were lying in the ordinary compound huts with only one medical officer, Col. King, 100 or so of them expected to die within the fortnight. Very few of them were on mattresses, a sort of floor boards with a blanket or something underneath being the stock hospital bed. Their main article of bedclothes appeared to be parachutes. Of the dressing on their ulcers a number had new Japanese dressings and a great number old rags. Medical stores there were in very short supply - surgical instruments almost none. Several demands for instruments were made on me immediately by the 0.C, of the camp hospital. The men's clothings, patients and otherwise was in a very poor condition but they saved it by wearing loin cloths as much as possible. No member of the FW camp would be classified as fit for any kind of work by ordinary Australian medical standards. We evacuated sick two thirds of the camp. Famine OEDEMA is a diseas which is caused by conditions of semi starvation operating over a period of months. I will draw the inference that had those conditions continued to operate for a sufficiently long period unstated that nobody would have survived in the whole camp. I expect at least 50 would have died within the next fortnight. And a greater number say about 70 or 100 within the next six weeks under their then present conditions. >' " \ ntiary Document No, . Page 2, Cross-examined by Defending Council (Sir,) Q. Were those people ordered to work outside the camp while you were there? h.. The only people who worked outside the camp were Indonesian while I was there. Questioned by the Court. Q. Colonel Morgan you stated that deaths were due to cancer and T.E. Would you infer that the cancer and T.B. was duo to malnutrition? r., It was not my intention to infer that. The malnutrition woulc aggravate both disorders. The reason that I stated that these cases of cancer and T.B. died was to show that only two or three cases of Famine Oedema died after we got there. Thus they should have been saved. It was the responsibility of the Doctors down there to stop that. Q. Do you know if the Japanese had medical supplies at Kuching and have you any idea, as to the quantity? A. The Imperial Japanese Army presented me with 50 cases of medical stores the same day I came in. Q. Were the medical stores available useful for the treatment of those medical cases? A. In the case of famine Oedema - no. For Beri Beri and the general lack of vitamin there were vitamin tablets there but nothing else. There were practically no surgical instruments Q. Did you see any cases of Feri Beri among tho prisoners of war? A. A large number of the cases famine Oedema were complicated by beri bori. Q. Did you seo any medical records that were kept by the Ja.pe.nes A. I did not see any. Q. At the time you went there did you see Lieutenant Yamamoto? A. Ye s . Q. Do you know what duties he was performing? A. He was introduced to me by Colonel Suga as a Japanese Medical Officer in charge, some of them referred to him as Dr. Yamamoto. Furth r cross-examined by the defending officer by leave of the Cou: Q. After the war was orcr Kuching Hospital received 50 cases from. Supply Depot - were there any bandages among those supplies? A. Yes. Evidentiary Document No. 5177 • Page 2. * 7Q. When the Cclonel went to Kuching the Japanese soldiers were not • using matresses? A, No. Re-examined by prosecutor, by leave cf Court- Q, Do you know of your own knowledge where these mattresses came from? A. The Internee Nuns manufactured them. They were still making them while we were there, Q, Have you any idea of the actual quantity when you arrived? A, I suppose there were up to 90 in the camp most of which went to the general hospital-, Q, What is the treatment for Famine Oedema, A, A correctly balanced diet plus general nursing treatment, complete rest and for the severe cases, blood and serum transfusions, Q. Was there any food available for these people in the Kuching area? A. I cannot answer that question, R.P. 83 (b) is complied with, I certify that this is a true copy of the record of evidence of QX64-39 Lt-Col N. Morgan contained in the proceedings of Military Court at the trial of Captain NAKATA, Take'o and Lieutenant Y AMMO TO, Katsuji on 15th to 22nd, December, 1945, and that the original proceedings are held at Headquarters Australian Military Forces, Melbourne, Australia, (Signed) T, MOLNANE Vi" Lieutenant-Colone ,Doc. No. 5680 Do Page 1 I^CA Class B and C Offenses3 NFTPERLANDS INDIES GENERAL SYNOPSIS Areas: JAVA SOI .ATBA IA CELEBES and surrounding Islands TIMOR and LESSEE SUNDA ISLANDS i t VL") IU DUTCH BORNEO N0B. Areas AMBON and NEW GUINEA, will be presented "by tbe Australian Division J -J — £ ; x ^ > Netherlands Division I.P.S. December 194-6 Lt. Col. J„ S. Sinningbe Dairste, RoN.I.A., Assistant Prosecutor. s I ^ w s y ' o Doc. No. 5680 Page 2 Introductory Re-markse In any case where there is only a certified copy of a document introduced, this is due to the fact that the original document is not available in Tokyo, because it is wanted by the Netherlands, Netherlands Indies or other Government, of whose official records it is a pert, for reasons of prosecution in the home country, or for other official purpose* Before giving individual synopses of eac>̂ of the seven areas into which the Netherlands Indies has been roughly divided for reasons of convenience for this trial, the Prosecution desires to draw the Court's attention to some facts and circumstances of a more general character, most of which these areas have in commons This is in order to prevent repetition,, lo The Royal Netherlands Indies Army? mainly concentrated on the island Java, surrendered, on March ^th^ 1942. This surrender was followedHoy-that of the other 'Allied Forces then present in this theater, comprising some eight t.hryflsyririj mngf nf ^&m-Xuatr£_li.an and-British, some American, New-Zealand and Canadian^ As has been .stated by Brigadier BLACKBURN, V.C„, wTen giving testimony on 29 November and 2 December 194-6, 'all these troops were made Prisoners of War0 The Netherlands Indies Army consisted only partly of Dutch troops, most of whom were civilians^ members of militia and ''landstorm" (territorial army; , including homeguardsc These Dutch troops, amounting to about 37,000, were confined in "-amps over almost the whole territory and afterwards mos" them were sent to other countries, e.gc about 14,000 u o.rma and Sism, 7,800 to Japan proper. In the course of the war 8,500, or 23$, of these 37?000 P.O.Wo died„ These facts appear in Prosecution Document 5737, which is an approximative calculation by the Head of tre Netherlands Indies Government Office for Displaced "Perso'ns* • The Prosecution enters this document No, 5222 Qs a n exhibit. (From the statement of the witness Major DE WE2RD, as given on 6 December 1946 (pgl 3), t^e official Japanese returns give a higher number!) The other Allied P,O.W0 were mostly confined in the .same camps together with the Dutch and were nlso scattered all over the Japanese controlled areaso 2. The Japanese treated the'P.O.Wo in the Netherlands Indies in the same way as has already been shown in the case of the areas Singapore/, Malaya, Burma, Thailand, Hongkong, Andamans and Nicc/bars, Formosa, and Hainan. In the meantime they made ithe world believe that being Doe. No, 5680 Pp ?r A C. c _J a P.O.W. in their hands was a privilege, as appears iror Prosecution Document 5771, which is a letter (3d, Toxyov September 8th, 194-2, of the Gaimusho to the Swedish Minister in Tokyo who was in charge of Dutch interests. In tvis letter the Japanese Government point out that the Governor General of the Netherlands Indies was given the benefit of being treated as a P.O.W. and not rs a mere civilian. The Prosecution enters this document No. 5771 as an exhibit. 3. The reason for this discrimination between P.O.?/. ~nd civilians is not clear, as the Japanese Government had promised to apply the rules of the Geneva Convention 1929 re P.O.W. to the Dutch civilian internees, as is shown in the cable from the International Red Cross, to the Netherlands Government, dd* 20-11-1942, Prosecution Document 5736. This cable gives even a most reassuring picture of the treatment of the Dutch civilian internees in Japan proper. The Prosecution enters this document No. 5736 as an exhibit. Not before March 194-4 did the Japanese treat the Dutch civilian internees on an equal footing with the P.O.?/. (according to Japanese standards) by bringing them under the administration of the P.O.W. Command, as appears from the affidavits of Major General SAITO and Colonel NAKATA, successive Commanders of the P.O.W. Camps in Java. This, however, proved a change for the worse in its results. The Prosecution enters for identification document No. 5739? the affidavit of SAITO, and the excerpts thereof as an exhibit. The Prosecution enters for identification document No. 5738, the affidavit of NAKATA, and the excerpts thereof as an exhibit, 4. As has been mentioned elaborately in the phase dealing with the Japanese aggression against the Netherlands, almost all Dutch civilians who had not been born in the Netherlands Indies were interned, together with the higher officials born in this country. The total number is estimated by the Netherlands Indies Government, in the already mentioned document 5737> to be about 50,000, women and children included. Of these about 10,500 died or approximately 13%, The remainder, almost 70,000 survivors, is higher than the Japanese figure of 62,500 odd, mentioned by Major DE WEERD. Doc. No. 5680 Page 4 Tlhc appalling conditions under which the P.O.W. and civilian internees had to live, of which incidentally some details had leaked out to the outer world, na.de the Netherlands Government propose to the Japanese Government to arrange an exchange of sick P.O.W. and civilian internees, against Japanese P.0.W6 and civilians interned in Allied territory. In the Netherlands Indies the Japanese, as will appear from many documents, put the blame for "bad conditions mostly upon the fact that they could not provide sufficient food, etc. because of the limited supplies in the country. The Swedish Minister in Tokyo, representing the Netherlands Govern- ment, handed to the Japanese Government a concrete proposal for exchange which appears in Prosecution Document 5757, which is a copy of the memorandum of the said Minister to the Japanese Foreign Ministry, dd. January 24th, 1944. This humanitarian proposal intended to save the lives of several thousands was met by the bland refusal of the Japanese Government "for military reasons", as appears from the annotation on the said copy, dd. February 8th, 194-4. The Prosecution enters this document No. 5757 as an exhibit. 5. The Netherlands Government had protested against the location of P.O.W. in dangerous zones because of the possibility of attacks etc., as appears from Prosecution Document 5772, which is a. copy of a letter of the Swedish Charge d'Affaires in Tokyo to the Japanese Foreign Ministry, dd0 December 30th, 1943. The Prosecution enters this document No. 5772 as an exhibit. In this letter the coast of Burma was mentioned as an example thereof. The Japanese Foreign Minister answered that Burma was not a theater that might be dangerous and it was not exposed to attacks: Prosecution Document 5773, being his letter to the Swedish Minister dd. May 5th, 1944. The Prosecution enters this document No. 5773 as an exhibit. 6, The Japrnese have forced about 270,000 Indonesians to perform coolie-labour in other islands and other countries, of whom only 70,000 have been recovered, as Doc. No. 5630 Page 5 stated by Majcr DE WEERD (pg. 33). As the major part of these so-called "Roriusha 1 s", labourers, were conscripted from the population rf Java, this attack nn the ilgbts of the native population will be dealt with uii evidence is given regarding the cnrx.itting of E and C Class Offenses in the area Java, Evidentiary Document No. 5294. Document I, Page 1 I, Lieutenant-Colone! John Linton TRELOAR of 5 2 Queens Head, Albert Part in the State of Victoria, make oath and say: 1. That I am an officer of the Australian Military Forces and am in charge of all records at the Military History Section of the Headquarters of the Australian Military Forces. 2. That in the course of my duties, I have custody of official photographs of prisoners of war and official records relating thereto. 3. Now produced and shown to me at the time of my swearing this affidavit and marked with the letters "A" "B", "C1', »D", »E", "F", "G", »H", "I", "J", "K", "L", "M" and "N" are fourteen (14) of such official photographs in my custody as aforesaid. Hereunder appearing are the respective particulars of each such photograph. The said particulars are in my custody as officer in charge of the said Military History Section. Exhibit Date of Photograph "A" "B" "C" "D" "E" IITj.|! "G" 10 Jul 3-5 10 Jul 45 12 Sep 45 12 Sep 45 13 Sep 45 13 Sep 45 13 Sep 45 Official Nurber 110999 111000 1 1 5 7 6 2 1 1 5 7 7 5 1 1 6 2 5 8 1 1 6 2 5 9 116260 Short particulars of contents. Place of photograph Malayan suffering Balikpapan from starvation and Borneo dysentery Malayan suffering from starvation and dysentery R e c c ve r e d Amb on POWs. Recovered Ambon POWs Recovered Ambon POWs - as above NX56678 S/Sgt. Storer D.S. Recovered Ambon POWs - as above NX56678 S/Sgt. Storer D.S. Recovered Ar. bon POWs - as above VX26300 Pte Cocke R.T. Balikpapan Borneo Morotai Morotai Morotai Morotai Morotai Evidentiary Document No. 5294 ExMbit "H" I I T " lljtl "K" I tT.t t I'M" "N" Date of Photograph 13 Sep 45 13 Sep 45 16 Sep 45 16 Sep 45 16 Sep 45. 16 Sep 45 16 Sep 45 Official li^iUrr 116261 116262 120400 120401 120402 120403 120404 Page 2. Short particulars Place of of contents. photograph 1 Recovered Ambon Morotai POWs - as above VX26300 Pte Ccoke R.T. Recovered Ambon Morotai POWs - as above VX31271 Pte Wright H.Q • • 2318643 Sgt. Hickson Kuching E, Suffering from emacipation after famine and Oedema T/1064724 Sgt. Kuching Edgerton J. - gangerine of scrotum and both jaws broken. 11052538 Gnr. Kuching Milburne R. suffering from famine, Oedema, dysentery, emacipation, sores and swollen stomach. 2879289 Pte Johnson Kuching J. and Major Workman Major Hutson with Kuching Capt. Anderson - a case of severe emacipation. Now produced and shown to me at the time of 4. - my swearing this affidavit and marked with the letters "0", "P" "Q", ,lR", "S M o l t l l r p l t "U" and "V" are eight (8) official photographs in my custody as aforesaid. I am unable to give particulars of these photographs as the official records in relation thereto have been lost. SWORN AT MELBOURNE. ) THIS 27TH DAY OF ) MAY, 1946. ) .Illegible. .Lt t .GQI Before me: (Indeciperable) Chappie Capt. An Officc-r of the Australian Military Forces, Evidentiary Document No. 5294. Pare 3 I, VX17979, Captrin William Campbell McLachlan of Upwey in the State of Victoria make oath and say: 1. That I am an officer of the Australian Military Forces and am a Staff Captain at the Directorate of Prisoners of War and Internees, Army Headquarters, Melbourne. 2e That in the month of September, 19''5? I was at Morotai Island where part of ry duty consisted of the interroga- tion of recovered Allied Prisoners of War 3, Now produced and shown to me at the time of my swearing this affidavit and -marked with the letters "D", "E", "F", "G", "H", "I", "0", ,!PU "QI! 5 "R", »S", "T", "U" and "V" are fourteen (14) photographs. These exhibits are photographs of Australian Prisoners of War who were seen by me at Morotai in September, 1945) and known by me to have been recovered from Amboina Island and Borneo, Sworn at MELBOURNE this ) 27th day of May, 194-6. ) W. C. McLachlan Before me: (Indc c iphcr able) Cha pple (Cap t) An officer of the Australian Military Force. Doc. 5737 i'agi: ' . KINGDOU CF TIES If , ) / o / / > ^ N31EH3HLAMD3 INDI3S, ) ' CITY CF BATAVIA, ) SS t CONSULATE CEHSRAL CF TK3 ) UNITED 3T,.TE3 CF aHIRICA. ) I, John B. Ketchabi, Consul of the United States of America at Batavia, Java, Netherlands Indies, duly co-missioned and qualified, do hereby certify that Ir. van Cordt, by whom the annexed instrument was legalized, was, at the tine of the date thereof, Acting Secretary of the Department of Justice of the Government of the Netherlands Indies at Batavia, Java. II-T ITN33 j .:?IErL3CF I have hereunto set my hand end affixed the seal of the Consulate General of the United States of America at Batavia, Java, Netherlands Indies, this 25th day of June, 1946. /s/ John B. Ketcham John B. Ketcham, Consul of the United States of America at Batavia, Java. (3 SAL) lUsc. Ser. No. 182. Tariff Item No. 38. NC F IS -RISCRIEZD. Doc. No. 5737 Pago JSc.^ir-ST or JUSTICE 0 ? TE J IT3THZRL....PS HOLES G O T P ^ T ? Official rough statement made out by the "KiiNTCOR DISPLACED PaKSONS", Department "Opspcringsdienst Overledenen" (Service for the Tracing of Deceasod). The Records of the above mentioned department of the "Kantoor Displaced Persons" show the following data concerning the number of European Prisoners of '!ar and European Civil Internees in the Nether- lands Indies during the Japanese occupation period and concerning the number of deaths occurred among these Prisoners of ar and Civil Internees during that period: TC-J..L WSlZZR CP C~ \US. (roughly) Europeans . aonrcx. 37.000 of whom deceased. . ... . . approx. 8,500 or approx. 23% Transported to J . . . . . . . . approx. 7.800 __ of whom deceased approx. 860 or approx. 11% Transported to SLiI and BTEHA . . . approx. 14,000 of whom deceased. . .. . « approx. 3»100 or approx. 22% Transported to AlBON j ' 1^012 of whom deceased . . . . . 282 or 28% Number of Prisoners of "ar on 5 "torpedoed ships . approx. 2,700 of T7hom perished approx. 1,900 or approx. 71% Total NuI3.I?- OP CIVIL BflERNJES (roughly) (Civilians, women, children) Europeans . . approx. 80,000 of whom deceased* . . . . . approx. 10,500 or approx. 13% EATLVL'i, May 11, 1946 Head K.D.P. - O.D.O. (Service for the Tracing of Deceased) KELT - 0D0 •;TT,]̂ .I3LAAIM 2 /s/ Km Baue BATAVI& _ C. (Handwritten indorsement:) SZiiL Seen for legalisation of the signature of K. Baue, Doctor of Law, Head K.D.P.- O.D.O., Batavia. The Acting Secretary to the Department of Justice, /s/ I.I. van Oordt. (IT." van Cordt) /b i f Doc. So. 5771 IP r £ ) p a g e i* J / THE GAIMUSEO I B Ink 15/9 42 F / TOKYO / F 19 36 J /C The Japanese Government hold the view that persons who can "be Ba.de prisoners of war are not limited to military men engaged in actual fighting, "but that the head of an enemy States as well ps male members of its royal family and 'both, civil and military officers occupying an important position of the State may also for military necessity be detained and treated as prisoners of war. The Governor-General of the former Netherlands East Indies, is in the highest position in the sa.id territory; besides he was appointed to be the commander- in-chief of the fighting forces of the territory by a royal decree in March, 1S42. Whether or not he was so aopointed by virtue of the provisions of the Netherlands Constitution or otherwise, and he was made a prisoner of war in view of his position, his function the import part which he, as the Governor-General of the Netherlands East Indies, played in the Netherlands' prosecution of war against Japan. It__is an act of grace to accord the treatment of a prisoner of \ a.r to a subject or a citizen of an enemy country- The Japanese Government now note that the Netherlands authorities in London have expressed their intention that they do not- require for Mr- Starkenborgh the treatment as a. prisoner of war. The Japanese C-overnment, therefore, consider themselves to be at liberty to cease at any time to treat him as a prisoner of war, but deal with him as an ordinary internee together with other nationals of enemy countries whose liberation is deemed to be detrimental to this country. No. 5771 Page 2 Svenska Beskickningen i Tckio The undersigned, Ripa, Olof, Swedish Diplomatic Lep";^ °nfcat.ive in Japan, declares and certifies that the annexed document is a complete and true (photo)copy of a letter in Jap. language with translation in English, dated Tokyo 8 Sept. 194-2, received by the Swedish Minister in Japan, sent by the Jap. Foreign Ministry, which original document is part of the official records of the Swedish Mission in Tokyo, SEAL L.S. Tokyo, October 31st, 194-6 /s/ Ripa (Signature; 0. Ripa) DOCUMENT 5736 1st Dent.: A So. 9/278 2 Enclosures. age MINISTRY FOR THE OVERSEAS TERRITORIES The Hague, 20 April 1C4S. To the Netherlands Indies Government. With reference to -our telegram of the 5th inst., letter 50, concerning obligations of Japan in connection with the Geneva Convention of 1929, I have the honour to forward to you annexed co-jy of the letter on this subject sent "by the Minister of Foreign Affairs, dated the 17th inst., Dept. Political Affairs No. 29648. The Minister for the Overseas Territories on "behalf of the Minister, the Under-Secretary. /si O.E.W. Six. Certified a true copy, The Acting 1st Secretary of the Government, /s/ E. 0. Baron van Boetzelaer DOCUMENT 5736 Page 2 Ministry of Foreign Affairs Dept.: Political Affairs No. 29648 Tiie Hague, 17 April 1246. In reply to your letter, dated 8th inst., 1st Dept. A No. 28, I have the honour to inform you that J aoan i'xs-s siecnsci 9.n d ratified the Geneva Convention of 27 July 192S for the amelioration of the conditions of the wounded and sick of armies in the field on the 18th December 1934. Japan did also sigr the Convention of 27 April 1925 relative to the treatment of prisoners of war but has not ratified it. Japan however has declared that she '- ill apply this Convention on a footing of reciprocity, according to a. telegram of 20 February 1942 of the International Hed Cross at Geneva, copy of which I enclose herewith. The text of both Conventions can be found in the Official Gazette 1932, No. 51%. The Minister for Foreign Affairs for the Minister. The Chief of Dept6> /s/ V. van Boetzelaer. Certified a true copy. The Under-Secretary of the Ministry for Overseas Territories, /s/ O.E.W. Six. For certification of cprtified copy. The Acting 1st Secretary of the Government. To His Excellency the Minister for the Overseas /s/ S. 0. van Boetzelaer Territories. DOCUI'ZEMT 5736 Page 3 v C-eneva 127/126 19 1625 20 February 1942 Japanese Government requests us inform you quote during whole present war Japanese Government will apply Mutatis Mutandis Artie :J3S - 9 2 S ^ g r i s o n e r s of var_-lo—aear-ccm'oat-an t- intern'es of enemy countries provided belligerent countries do not melee them manual labour against free will unquote furthermore Japanese Legation Berne assures us enemy internees in Japa-i ĝ.jr.y.jCLgn̂ itionq more favoi?.r̂ &Ie than tnoee abovemnationed Convention .tor besides, food from authorities bread butter elgs meat, oil coal internees may equally receive provisions clothing •fran third persons ft on visits families possible owing near places internment stop medical examinations and hospitalization for sick stop possibility reading Japanese^books nê .'SMaoexig usJ radio aao. entertainment outside camps if required conditions fulfilled stop plea3e inform, -'•ethorTAnis Indies authorities ana E~3d Ci-oss. Intcrreacrosa 6581. Doc, 573o Statement of Official Procurement. K.A. de Wserd, LL.D., Major Artillery R.N.I.A., Senior Official attached to the Office of the Attorney- General N.E.I., hereby certify that the annexed certified copies of the original documents entitled: 1. Letter, dated 20 April 1946, from the Minister for Overseas Territories to the Government of the Netherlands Indies, 2. Letter, dated 17 April 1946, from the Minister for Foreign Affairs to the Minister for Oversea Territories, and 3. Telegram in the French language, dated 20 February 1942, from the International Red Gross at Geneva to the Netherlands Government, which telegram is certified in abovementioned letter No. 2, were obtained by me from the acting First Secretary of the Netherlands Indies Government in the conduct of my official business. Signed at Tokyo on this Iwt.-.Tyf.J day of November,1946 / V K.A. de WEERD Name Major Artillery R.N. I. A. Senior Official attached to the Office of the Attorney- General, N.E.I. Official Capacity Doc. No. 5739 Page 1 A F F I D A V I T This day, the first Hay 1946, appeared before me, Lieutenant (5m,) Colonel Dr. B. Damen, Liaison Officer with the Netherlands 'far Qrimes Liaison Section, Singapore, the person of Ilajor General Saito Masatoshi alias Saito Ssei-ei Major General in the Imperial Japanese Army, born at Tokyo the 6th October 1890, who after having taken the oath according to his religious convictior declared to tell the whole truth and nothing but the truth and answered the Questions put to him as follows: A.... In June 1942 I was appointed Head of all Prisoners of ar Camps in Java. I arrived in Java in July \cil\2 and took up residence in Batavia. ! ̂ Before that I have never been in the N.T3.1. Before my departure for Java ^ , I tqs in Manchuria from October 19^0 tc June 1$42. '.Jith what instructions did you come to Java"? A. T.hen I was in Manchuria in June 194-2, I received IDS'- appointment for Java by cable~ 1 was tliefl ili MlT Tan Tchang. In the same cable were iry appointment for Java as well as the order to attend a meeting in Tokyo. This meeting took place on the 7th and 8th July 194-2 in the '/ar Ministry at Tokyo. n„. ere ti,ere any decisions taken during that meeting regarding punishment of I'O'iS for infringement aid escapes? A. This was not discussed, but was laid down in typed instruct ions handed^ to each of those present at the meeting. "Jvery one read out that parti- cular portion of the instructions which concerned him, asked questions and received answers thereto- Did you yourselves put any questions with reference to these instruction A. I can not remember having made any questions as I knew nothing of the_ .international regulations regarding prisoners ofwar, coming just from the war theatre. Q,. How long have you been working in this capacity in Java? A. Up till Inarch 1944» when I was appointed Commandant of all P0r' and civil internees camps d>n Singapore island and at Fort Dixon. './ho was your successor in Java? A. vc!O:ID1 c :a_1r . 'as Col. Nakada responsible for civil internee camps Yes, since March 1944 he was also responsible for those. The Interrog. tor: The Witness: sd. Dr. B. Damen /sd/ Saito llasatoshi /and/ in Japanese characters. I, undersigned, sworn interpreter, Kim II Sun, declare herewith, the follow- ing: That I have the questions put to the witness by the interrogator in the English language transmitted to the witness in his native language, viz. Japanese and that I have truly translated the answers of the witness (in his above-mentioned native language) into the Snglisli language. sd„ Kim II Sun. Doc. No. 5738 _ Page 1 A F F I D A V I T . This day, the third Pay 1946 appeared before me, Li Colonel Dr. B. Damon, Liaison Officer with the Netherlands War Crimes Liaison Section Singapore at Changi Jail, Singapore the person of Colonel Nakata Kasayuki Colonel in the Imperial Japanese Army, born at Hirakata Fachi, Kita-Kawacki-Gun, Osaka-Fu, Japan on the 8th October 1890 who, en having taken the oath according to his religious conviction to tell the whole truth and nothing but the truth declared as follows: / 6 S / / 7 eutenant Q. When did you arrive in Java? A. I arrived at Batavia on the 13th March 1944 as successor to General Saitp. Q. Were ycu charged with the Control over POW camps? A. Yes. Q. How long have you been in charge of the POW camps exclusively? A. Up to early April, thereafter I was also in charge of the civil internees camps. Q. Who gave you instructions regarding your work in respect of POW and civil internees camps? A. My immediate Chief was Fieldmnrshsl Count Terauchi. The instructions he gave mt were not directly sent to me by wire, but through Headquarters of the Army Commandant Batavia Lt. Gen. Harada Kumakichi,. The other way round my cables went similarly via" these Headquarters. Q. What was the nature of these instructions from ^ m t , Terauchi? A. " In my opinion the instructions were not harsh, but not quite benevolent, a sort of middle course was followed. Q. Were you bound to act according to these instructions or could ycu also act on your own responsibility? A. I have always executed the orders according to instructions and never did I do anything on~my~own authority. Q. You therefore ordered the treatment of the POWs and civil-internees and you also were the person who gave orders for their transfers? A. Yes, this I did entirely upon orders from Terauchi " and I can inform you especially that the deportation cf POWs was in close relation to the active operations of the Army. Here I can add that I was entirely free in fixing the degree of severity, with which the POWs and internees should be treated. Q. You therefore accept .responsibility for the manner in which the POWs and internees during your regime were treated? A. only acknowledge responsibility as far as these can \ be "deducted fi-em fclia cyders fruju Toi'aucstil. Doc. No * 5738 Fago 2 Q. Did you yourself inspect the '"'amps now and again, the accommodation of the internees, the kitchen and the food etc.? A. I have in all the camps under my command inspected the Officers quarters, the quarters of the men and the kitchen, whereby I found everything as directed _by Terauchi, and as far as the internees are concerned, by the Army Commandant. Q. Then you didn't see how the camps were overcrowded. Particularly in the Tjideng camp where interned women and children had to sleep in turns? A. Yes. But we concentrated the interned in the smallest possible camps, to be ahl p. t.n J]j2ii[!; pq possible against the Indonesians, in case an Allied landing should take place, which ^e expected in October 1945. Of sleeping in turns in T.jideng camp 1 knew nothing. The Interrogator The Witness, w.g. B. Damen w.g. Nakata BTasayUki /and./ in Japanese characters, I, undersigned, sworn interpreter, Kim II Sun, declare herewith as follows: that I have truly transmitted the questions asked the witness in the English language into the latter's own language, viz. Japanese and have truly translated his answers into the English language. w.g. Kim II Sun i/oc. No. 5757 Svenska Beskicknin^en i Tokio The undersigned, Ripa, Olof, Swedish lipiomatic Representative in Japan, declares and certifies that the annexed document is a complete and true (photo) copy of a memorandum_ __ , dated Tokyo _2k January _ 1.9Jt4 • sent by the Swedish Minister in Japan, addr ssed to the Ja£._F£r^ign_Kin_is_trv. copy of which original document is part of the official records of the Swedish Mission in Tokyo, j (SEAI) Tokyo, October _Jlst _ , 19i|.6. L.S /s/ Ripa page 1 (Signature: 0. Pipa) Loc. No. 5757 page 2 No. B-S/44. • B Exp. 24/1/44 P 19 19/C:I Memorandum. The Royal Swedish legation, in charge of Netherlands interests, have the honour, in accordance with instructions received, to approach the Imperial Ministry of Foreign Affairs in the following matter. The Netherlands Government are desirous to be informed whether the Imperial Government would be disposed to agree in principle to a proposal for the evecuetion of a portion of the civilian population of the East Indies after the second exchange of British and Allied nationals has tehen place. The details of the proposed evacuation plan are as follows; 1. The Netherlands Government dec ire, for humanitarian reasons, to evacuate civilians ia the last Indies, who at present are interned in internment camps or confined to special quarters of certain cities, as is the case with some women and children of European extraction. 2. Only persons belonging to either nf the following two categories should be included in the proposed evacua- tion. A. Women and their minor children who ere not in complete liberty. Every precaution should be taken not to separate mothers from their child- ren. 3. Sick persons, who are interned. Irrespective of the place withia the East Indies where they may be, persons mentioned under "A" and 'Bff shall be eligible for evacuation. If necessary, however, regional restrictions could be cicceptable. The eva- cuation of persons embraced by the above-mentioned tvro categories would relieve tlvc Imperial Government of providing for a part of the civilian population. Moreover the persons belonging *to these two categories can be of no value for the prosecution of the war. 5- Five percent of the total number* of persons to be evacuated should consist of othejr Allied nationals than Netherlanders. 4. The Netherlands Government on tehttir side are prepared to approve of the evacuation fronj Allied territories of Japanese nationals belonging to categories "A" and "3", the number to be determined by zmutual consent. 5. Should the Imperial Government declare themselves in principle agreeable to this eva.cuetiion proposition, lists of persons intended to be evacuated should be prepared and arrangements with "regard to evacuation ships and sea r^ute made. The ships intended for the proposed evacuation could possibly also be utilized for dispatching regular relief provisions to the Fast Indies. Tokyo, January 24th, 1944. The Inx. erial Ministry of Foreign Affairs, Doc. No. 5757 I { Page 1. Certifies to. I, Olof RIPA, hereby certifyi- 1. that the annotation /in oencil/ on the second pafe of tho official copy of the Memoranda1 of the Swedish Minister to the Japanese Foreign Ministry, dated Tokyo, 24th Janucry, 19-44, /i.P.S. D cuncnt No.5757/, reading:- "24.1.44. Overlomnr.t av von SYDOW till SUZUKIc- 8.2.44. SUZUKI neddelar "at present regrettably impossible for military reasons" - \ is the handwriting of Hr Nils E. ERICFON, who -as, at the pertinent time Chief of the Protecting Power Section of the Swedish Legation in Tokyo, 2. that the English translation of the Swedish words is as follows:- "24th January, 1944: Delivered by von SIDO'7 to SUZUKI.- 8th February, 1944: SUZUKI informs "at present regrettably impossible for military reasons", 3. that Mr. Erik von SYDOW was, at the pertinent time, Secretary of tho Swedish Legation in Tokyo, 4. that Mr. Tadakatsu SUZUKI -as, at the pertinent time, Chief of the Department of the Japanese Foreign Ministry ch ain nr ith Protecting Power matters. Tokyo, 12th December, 1946. /s/ 0. RIPA /Olnf RIPfi/ (Seal) Swedish Diplomatic Representative Svonska Beskicknincen i Tokic Tvc under signed, Riio.- ? Olcf, Swedish Dialer.?'tic Rcpresentr- < tivc in Jrprn, declares end certifies tvrt t>o annexed Crcva .cnt is - cc; plctc rnd true (pvrtc) crpy of r. letter, dated Tokyo 30 Decerbcr 194-2, sent by tvc Swedish Charge d'affaires in Japan, addressed tc the Jap Foreign Minister, copy cf whicv crifinrl decurxnt is part r.t the official records of the Swedish Mission in Tokyo, L.S. (Seal) T ±yc , October 31st. 194-6 /s/ Ripe (Signatures 0. Ripe) D-c. No. 5772 P?.go 2 Tokyo 5 DoGcr.be r 30tv, 1943 Monsieur It Ministrc, The Netherlands Govornncnt having approached the E' yrl Swedish Govornncnt in p. natter relating to the trer.tnent of Netherlands subjects, riade prisoners cf war by the Inperirl amed forces or interned by the Japanese puth-ritics, I b°ve the honour, in accordance with instructions received, to bring the following to the knowledge of Your Excellency. The Netherlands Govcrnricnt have received info mat ion that a. nunber of Netherlands prisoners of war and civilipn internees sho-uld have been transferred by the Japanese autho- rities, to interment c-.nps, TTT-T̂ v pre r.-x—-•<=:.-••' t,~ T pttr̂ irc cue to their close vicinity to nilitary cstablishncnts, and consequently r.ust be considered, to be situated in zones of danger. It is reported that sone of the canps arc located in the cities on the Burria coast. In tvis connection the Netherlands Governnent point to the stipulations contained in articles 7 and 9 of the Geneva Convention of July_27th, 1929,—;regarding the trea.t- ncnt of prisoners of war, the principles of which the Japanese Goverment hitherto generally seen to have been disposed to apply. According to the aforesaid articles prisoners of war ore to be interned in canps, established so far fror: the war zone, that their safety is not endangered. The Nether- lands Goverment further eryphasizc that they, <->n their side, strictly adhere to the. regulations of the said Convention in regard to the treatment r.f Japanese prisoners of war and civilian internees. The Netherlands Goverment, therefore, should appre- ciate to receive an assurance f m n the Inperial Goverment to the effect that thcy are prepared to observe t>e above nenticned stipulations of tve Geneva. Convention of 192$, and that, if in sore instances this should not have been the case, the Inperial Goverment have already taken steps to renove Netherlands prisoners of war and civilian internees fron zones ~f danger, I avail nyself of this opportunity, Monsieur le Ministre, to renew to Your Excellency the assurancc-s of r.y highest consideration. His Excellency /s/ Enk von Lu"-w Monsieur Han. ru Shipcnitsu Minister of Foreign affairs, etc. etc. c tc. T 0 K Y 0 Doco No. 5773 Page — N \ I r- .L. u. • THE GADIUSHO ) 5 en Lay. j.ô'i-i I 22 ->A.:± 1 TOKYO ' Translation. No„ 27/C.R. Monsieur le Ministre, I have the honour to acknowledge the receipt of vour- Excellency's Mote of the 30th December, 194-3, in which Your Excellency requested under instructions from the Netherlands Government that Netherlands prisoners of war and civilian internees be removed to a safe area. Independently of the 1929 Convention relating to the Treatment of Prisoners of i:'o.r, the Japanese Government see t.n i,f. that nri .qnnerR of war and civilian Internees are~ detained in an area which is as feefrom any danger as possiDle? and in fact a large number or them~have already been transferred to Japan Pro'oarT xne coast oi Burma, however, is not considered to be exposed to any special danger, I avail mayself of this opportunity to renew to Your Excellency, Monsieur le Ministre, the assurance of my high consideration. Minister for Foreign Affairs. His Excellency The Swedish Minister, 4 7 Tokyo. No. 5773 Pago 2 Svenska Beskickningen i Tokio The undersigned, Ripa? Olof, Swedish Diplomatic Representative in Japan, declares and certifies that the annex document is a complete and true (photo)copy of a letter in Jan. language with translationito English, dated Tokyo 5 May 1944, received by the Swedish Minister in Japan, sent by the Jap. Foreign Minister which original document is part of the official records of the Swedish Mission in Tokyo, Tokyo, October 31st, 1946. SEAL L.S. /s/ Ripa (Signature; 0. Ripa) Document No. 595? Page 1 CERTIFICATE. The undersigned CHARLES JONGENEEL, Captain R.N.I.A., Head of "'ar Crimes Section of NETHERLANDS FORCES INTELLIGENCE SERVICE (NEFIS), being first duly sworn on oath deposes and states that the annexed Dutch affidavit (with English translation) is a full, true, complete .and accurate c.0py of the original document, entitled: Sworn statement of J.T\J. "TELLER, dated Bslikpapan July 27, 194-6, concerning mass-murder at Tarakan in January, 1942, which document is a part of the official records of NEFIS. Batavia, August 20, 1?46. (signed) Ch Jongeneel Subscribed and sworn to before me, K.A.. de WEERD, LL.D., first lieutenant R.N.IA,, Senior Official attached to the Office of the Attorney-General N.E,"i. (signed) K. A. da Weerd (-EAL) T 1 Document No. 5951 PRO JUSTITIA. Page 2. REPORT ON INTERPOSITION Today I'irday the twenty seventh day of Julv 1Q4.6 appeared before me «!0. STF "TENSZ", B.,L., Judge advocate attached io the Temporary Court, ''artisl at BALIKPA.PAff answered to tae questions put to him as follows: IT If T CJ c. s u e '•lULLERi!, who QUEST IONS 1. What is 3rou.r full name, where and when were you born, What is your present & your future address? 2. where and when were you made a P.0/7.? 3. How long were yo-: ken.: at TABAKAN hs a P.O.W.?* JAN '/ART U N ANSrrER5 My full name is; JOZEF T'TILLER'', torn at 'IAKASS AP., November 20, 1906. "Ty profession is 8sn-N.C.O.Inf, K,1.1,L.,No•84105, a t pre s ent serving with the Depot-Company of me Troop-comma rid BALIKPAPAN, and living in A ND k NS AR IE - e nca mpment in this piace., I was made a P.O.W. on January 16th 1942v after the capitula-tion of TARAKAN on January 12, 1942. From January 16th 1°42 until and including June 3? 1942, when I was transferred to BALIKPAPAN, Can you give information, if possible fully detailed, of atrocities, terrorism, executions, etc. comnitted by Japs, of which you were informed by others? Yes, I know 2 (two) cases of a beastly massacre of P.W's. 1. During activities in the surroundings of TARAKAN (terrain near the military post Tg. Batoe), a squad of about ^2 man of infantry troops, amongst whom Was Capt. "BENDELEE", lst.Lt. "de V09" and myself, were made prisoners on January 11th 1942. Af-cer we had been asked for the direction to TARAKAN and an answer to this question was flatly refused by the Europeans as well as by the natives, we T,rere in- formed b3r a Jap interpreter (each squad had a Jap interpretir at their disposal) that we should be killed if we did not give information concerning the road leading to Tarakan. The Jap infantry like- wise threatened us .by gestures. T"hen even this had no success we were handcuffed and with 5 or 6 men tied together, led away right across the swampy terrain. At 2000 hrs we had to bivouac in the open after a day of all possible hardships (neither food nor drink had been supplied). On the follow- ing day, January 12, 1942, when TARAKAN capitulated, we were tied_to^ether in groups of 10 and led away ) at a distance ofaBout 20^to 25 metres from the / bivouac* A Jap interpreter asked our names and ages. fThen we w^ro blindfolded and, with our hands \ fcied behind our backs, we were slaughtered with \ frayonet"thrusts by a bout VS Japanese soldiers (so- 1 called Star-troops). v'e ̂ ere bayonatted until" wê ) Monument No. 5951 Page 3. 1 7 _no more sign of life. (These beasts in human snaae practised in this manner in man-to- man fighting)* T belonged to the first group of 10 men and axneri ancert this s 1 r'-n.-hftflT. if t5r~Tlie I noilr:sod., but. fortunately I was sci_ous. In total T received 7 stabs hit ~> ul l. c; h ab onjjr ur.rion- which two of my lungs on both sides. After having been un- conscious for about four hou£s. I came to, suffer- ing fierce Da ins all over my body and at the back of my head* Iwaited for half an hour (l was not aware of the fact that the Star-troops had left), tjian after nany efforts I untied ny hands and cr A us awlad. ves, away from the grave of brari.ch.es_, g r a a s, etc with which our murderers had covered Thsreoi-: I went victims, noiie of wli sT3n of li£sLt. They layer oi to have a look at my fellow- L^ JiIiirtv in a 11̂ -gave... any too, had been covered by a about 40 c.m,. of grass, leaves, etc. Being dangerously bounded I decided to go to T.iMK.lN to have myself admitted in the military hoapital, as this was ny only chance to save my life. Because my lungs ware h"'t, T continually expectorated blood. This, combined with the fact that my other wounds were serious too, only per- mitted me to advance slowly. The distance of 11 kilometres took me 5 days - during which period the only food i could lay hands on and ate was 1 ain:apple and one banana - to walk and crawl right Across the drilling-plant (of the B.P.'l. Oil-plant! which was still ablaze and guarded by Japanese sentinels, Here I arrived on the fourth day. Only then did I learn that ToMK&N had surrendered, V'hen I arrived at T ABAKAN, the Japanese guard- commandant refused me admittance; only after Dr., ''van der PERK" Oled.Off .2nd, 01.) came to explain to the Jap that I was dangerously wounded and needed hospital treatment andjrfter I had__ ^nvia-ny wn.ii^R, T was adritted, For 10 days I was hovering between ..life and death (as I was in- formed afterwards by the doctor). On February 25th 1942, the patients, doctors, personnel, nurses, lotta•s, etc, were transferred to theT.W, carp, :'ost of the patients were still seriously ill. Second *Tassacra.s The occupation forces of .the. second ao'sit'ion Karoonga.ii-P.ening.ki., consisting about 2I5 " similar beastly manner, the Japanese, would have orders. Notwithstanding of n L werej muî leired by the Jans in a These forces, according to disobeyed the capitulatier- Tar a kan. the capitulation of namely. the position KAROENG/LN, , had fired with coastal guns at some warships which were sail- ing into the harbour of L I N G K A S on January 12th 1942, with the result that 2 destroyers imme- diate ly sank. -s follows; Tha s ituation at that moment"' wa s Document No, 5951 Page 40 Communication with TIRAKAN was cut off, presumably by the Japanese Infantry squads, already" operat- ing in the vicinity of the positions, Tg. Batoe, Anal, -varoengan and Peningki. .s retaliatory measures the entire occupation of Karoengan- Tarnnese. w^s killed. - by tile Peningki _ I was personally Informed of these"facts by a Japanese guard, about July 1^42 (I~was aTTT57Tdv~~ai BALIKPAPAN aT that time). This guard had personally witnessed the execution -on board a__ light cruiser, Tvhere "bovementioned 215 military were machine-gunned and "buried" at sea. 8„ Can you men- tion names of Japanese who must be held responsible for the murder of this occupation? No, our then Jap C„0„ at BALIKPAPAN, Capt. "YOSHrTPA", who is presumably detained ' "R' JIICP PAN as a r/ar criminal, hint 3d at at this massacre in his num3rous unintelligible speeches,, which he delivered to the P.vJ.'s. so I am sure he knows more of This" slaughter. 9. Can you give Yes, the following persons: names of persons Med, Off .2nd. CI. "TO". able to .-rive in- "JOOSTEN" (gunner). formation regard- All the officers, N.C.O's and O/R's of the Troop ing this inci- command TARAKAN, who were made P.W's after the dent? proclamation of the surrender of TARAKAN. After informant read these questions and answers and after I had read them to him, he declares to persist in what he has stated and does not wish any additions or altarations. The informant, The Judge Advocate, w.s. «J.-\J. "TTLLER" w.s. "C. STEEV3NSZ", B.L. Hereon informant swears on oath, according to his religion, to have told the truth and nothing but the truth. For confirmation on oath The Judge Advocate w.s. »J.:-T.J. "TOLLER". w.s. "C. ^TEEVENSZ", B.L. For true copy The Judge Advocate w.s. "C. STE^VENSZ". Doc. 5952. C E R T I F I C A T E The undersigned CHARLES JONGENEEL, Caotain R.N.I.A., Head of War Crincs Section of NETHERLANDS FORCES INTELLIGENCE SERVICE (NEFIS) being first duly sworn on oath, deposes and states that the annexed report is a fall, true, complete and accurate copy of the original Dutch document, entitled: "Report of doctor TAN (TAN ENG DHONG) at TARAKANn, marked "T", which original document is a part of the official records of NEFIS, furthermore that the annexed original Dutch statement, entitled Sworn statement of TAN ENG DUONG, drawn up by E.BONN, LL.D. Captain R.N.I.A. (reserve), judge-advocate at BAND JERI- IAS IN, dated Bandjer- masin, 17th August 1946^ has boon token from the official records of the NEFIS. Batavia, 26th August 1946. /s/ Ch.JONGENEEL Seal. Subscribed and sworn to before mc, K.A. de WEERD, LL.D., Major Artillery R.N.I.A., Senior Official attached tc the office of the Attorney-General N.E.I. /s/ K.A. de WEERD. Seal. Doc. No. 5952 AFFIDAVIT nnSHHOGATION OF WHN33S This seventeenth day of August 1946, appea-ed before me, E. BONN, LL.D., Captain Inf. (Res.), R.N.I.A., Judge-advocate at BANDJERMASIN, in charge of the investigation of the case ofs the person of: TAN ENG DHDNG •That is your full name, what is your age, occupation, and your present residence? TANG ENG DKONG, Med.Off.2nd 01., 35 years of age, BAND JERMASIN. Shown to witness and read out to him report marked "T", whereupon witness states: This report was drawn up by me in June 1945 at TARAKAN, after the liberation by the Allied Forces. I entirely adhere to this statement; I do not wish anything to be added nor do I wish that anything be changed therein. After having read clearly and loudly these questions and replies to witness, (under the interpretation of the sworn interpreter), he ad- heres to his statement and does not wish that anything be added to it, nor does he wish that anything be changed therein. The Witness, w.s. TAN ENG DHONG. Drawn up in my presence, The judge-advocate, w.a. E. BONN. Thereon witness takes the oath according to his religion to have spoken the truth and nothing but the truth. The Judge-advocate, w.s., E. BONN. Duly sworn: w.s. TAN ENG DHONG. Translated by Nefis V 30/8/46 (Signature illegible.) Doc. 5952= T Report of Dr. TAN at TAR4ICAN. Monday, .12 January 1942. We had scarcely covered 200 meters of the oil fields when we found ourselves suddenly surrounded by hundreds of Japs; it was impossible for our small group to fight against such odds. H&ndcuffod, wo ware brought back to Pcni.rigid . I was interrogated by the Commandant who asked me how much and what kind of_artill cry Karoenaan had. I answered that I did not know. Threatening "to iclll me if I did not answer their questions properly, at dawn I was finally sent to Tarakan with all the wounded and sick who were then there. When wo passed the B.P.K. office building (Tr.notc: Bataalsells Petroleum MaatGcha-oui.i. name oi principal oil concern in N.F.I.) Captain Colijn accompanied by a Japanese officer met me and congratulated me upon the safe transportation of the wounded. After we had all been searched and had to give up everything that was of any value, wc were directed to Infantry camp VII. It appeared that this Ini&ntry camp VII accommodated about 1250 prisoners of war, in 5 rooms; besides service personnel there were also civilians: Red Gross stretcher bearers, personnel of the L.B.D. (Tr.notc: Air Raid Precaution Service) being: amongst the internees. I hoard from, the- otner officers that, our commander, Col.de Waal, liad appointed Lt. Lammers as commandant of all the prisoners of war. In the beginning, Lt0 Lammers, Lt. Nijenhuis and It. Lekker acted as representatives for the prisoners of war. Tho accommodation was bad; each room was 25 moteis long and 4 meters wide and had to shelter 200 to 250 people; only officers and some subordinates got boards to sleep on; the remainder slept on the cold floor. The ventilation was insufficient; boards had been nailed half way up all the windows, The first few months there was no electric light; now end then each ward got a candle. Particularly during the evening it was especially difficult for the undersigned to tend the sick, On Sunday 1'8 January 1942 the entire groups from Penongki and Karoen&an had to report at roll-call; a note was made of every man and the total number. The number oi off ic sis was L, namely Lt. Storm van Leeuwen, Lt. 7. Adrichem, Sub-It. S^idt and the undersigned. The next day about 11 a.m. this was repeated; we all had to appear in uniform, 'even the wounded had to attend the roll-call. The Japanese camp commandant, accompanied by an inter- preter who spoke tile Malay language fairly well, inspected the troup whereafter I was ordered to fall out. Vsx&n I asked what this meant, the interpreter replied that I was a doctor. My request to keep the male nurses, wounded and sic:: with me, or to be allowed to join the whole group, as I formed part of the rncjman-Ponlngki camp, was bluntly refused. The waole party of 215 stron marched /off, - 2 ~ off, and I was left behind alone. Ten minutes later we were ordered to evacuate the ward of the Peningki-Karoengan camp and I was added to the Enropr.nns as T was an officer. After the departure of the abovernentionod group which, according to some Japs, had been killed on the spot from, which tho two light cruisers ha"d~~been. .sunk, the., hostile mood of the Japs was somewhat abated. We had no contact whatever with the outer world. The wildest rumours were in circulation; the personnel of the medical service and of the B.P.M.hospital had been killed by tho Japs, not one European had been left alive outside the P.O.W.camp. 17 February 1942. Transfer from the Infantry camp to the Artillery camp. The Japanese Navy desired to take over tho Infantry camp for its own use. Accommodation already so far from satisfactory in the infantry camp, became still worse in the artillery camp; we were packed like herrings in a barrel into buildings that were, admittedly, fairly new. Immediately I drew attention to tho bad, unhygienic conditions; but for the present they took no interest in any improvement. The consequences scon followed: the number of sick, especially dysontorypatients. increased daily. The officers got 2 small rooms for 20 men (each room was about 5 meters long and approx- imately 4 meters wide) and had to lie on the cold floor; neither boards to sleep on nor camp-cots wore supplied. The large majority however did coolie-work: in the beginning < they were assigned to 101 (Japanese Oil Company): tho work was heavy but there was net much beating nor were the people driven. Suddenly there came an end to this; from 1 September 1942 work was ̂ commenced _on tJie-nJĵ LLfild. This meant hell for many prisoners^ ofwar and I surmise that the prisoners of war here on this devil's island of Tarakan had to do the heaviest work in whole Borneo. Reports from other places, such as Samarinda and Balik- papan,ma.de mention of lighter work and less rough and bestial treatment. Work on the airfield: not only was digging too heavy for people en tik, verge of avltamincsis and starvation, but the punishments imposed by the Japs ana their"disciples including LEXAT0LPE3SY drove many to despair. Work started at about £^00 a.m..Lunch was from J 1 . "30 a .p. t-.m i . ̂ o p, n., whereafter work was continued- till 5.30 - 6.00 p.m.. The heat in the field was often unbearable, most people scarcely had any shoes left; the way the Japs and Loka drove on the men made physical and mental wrecks of them. I often tried to get the weak off from work, but tho Japs insisted on having a fixed number of men every day, and if that number was not completed one of tho sick would anyhow have to fall in to make it up. Often the Jap. Corporal (Netennek) released someone with a small wound, which, however, bled profusely, so that someone else with a weak heart caused by beri-beri which the /Japs Japs could not sec because it was externally invisible, would have to.fall in to mahe up the number of the working party. In this way I was continually working under pressure. If I had been'free to dccide, I as a doctor would have declared more than 50 % to approximately 75 of the men physically unfit for work on the airfield. Suddenly at the end of January 1943 the Japanese Naval Police held an inspection in our camp. Several Ambonoso were found to possess knuckle-due tors, besides several weapons including klowangs (TrTnoteT sort of native sabres) and bayonets were found in the lofts of some wards. As I could give no explanation about how these weapons came to be there, I wis sent_cnced_to solitary confinement in the building of the Japanese Naval PoIT̂ re~artr LlnftlcasTron 2 February 1QA3. Furthermore, I was accused of having knowledge and being an accomplice in a conspiracy between Europeans and Ambonoso to escape and then murder all the Japanese authorities and the entire personnel of the Japanese occupation. Van Heelsbergon was considered the leader. I was ill-treated tkere like a dog; the feeling of being not guilty and tlie injustice of the punishment often revolted me against this barbarous treatment by the Japs; but the situation was desperate. I suffered the grossest insult, humiliation and inhumanest maltreatment. The interrogation took place in a barbarous way. With medieval implements of torture they tried to extract any confession they wanted; but I persisted in stating that I know nothing whatever. As the number of sick amongst the prisoners of war increased alarmingly (bori-bori patients from 20 to 100} and after one had died from heart bori-bori, after 10 days' punishment I was finally allowed to return to the prisoners camp. 24 February 1943. Arrival of prisoners from Saiinrinda consisting of 247 men: 88 Europeans amongst whom there were 13 officers and 50 other ranks; 159 Indonesians. After one day oi rest this group was immediately set to work on the airfield. All officers, except Major Dury van Boost Hollo Irom whom I managed to got exemption from this forced labour, had to work. My request to exempt all officers was refused; in the beginning olficcrs wore only assigned as Comman- "dSTTt of special groups, but gradually they had to take an active part in the coolie-work which proved mere difficult than was expected. -4- £oc . bri bl. { In June 1943 I received from the Commandant of the Japanese Naval Police the following information: If the Allied should lam here on Tarakan, I was to be the first to be beheaded because I as an officer knew too much. This threat was often repeated "by the Japanese Naval Police. On 9 February 1944 at 8.30 p.m. H. Wielart, European Sergeant in the Artillery and instructor of the Europeans (Tarakan} came to me and reported that 4 men intended to escape from the camp; these were Jansen, v. Hcerde, "Viegen, who were involved in the abovementioned theft and G. Essers, Employee of the Coal Company Parapatan, at Beraoe. He stated as motive the abovementioned theftc At that time the Japanese Naval Police was still engaged in interrogating civilians and the only solution for those four men was to escape in order to evade maltreatment by the Japanese Naval Police. All preparations like food, clothes, conpass etc. had been completed. For several days Wielart and many others from the ward had tried to make then change their mind, but they had not succeeded and the same evening they were to carry out their plan. I tried to reassure Wielart and to make him wait a little and to point out to the men the dangers and consequences of their act; but he thought no good would come of it. He urged reporting tho matter to the duty officer because otherwise the whole ward and all the other prisoners of war would be severely punished. He no longer dared to bear the responsibility. The arrangement in the camp was that the instructor officer, who was either an officer or sergeant was held responsible for the acts of the m^n in his ward, for instance, for an escape the ward- officer would be the most severely punished. Wielart already had also conferred with the older men in the ward and for the benefit of all it was bettor that the escape should not take place. To cut the story short I reported the matter to the officer who took the roll. The latter doomed it best to have the four temporarily confined in the Infantry camp. That same night about 1.00 a.m. 3 of the 4 men namely Essors, van Heorde and Viegen managed to escape from their cell; but because they could not force the door of Jansen's cell, the latter was left behind. At first the Japs said nothing about the escape, but some days later when the men were recaptured, it leaked out. About lO^j&ys- later, we heard from the _e£xac-or taking the roll and the pn-r^R th.-at Ess. rs, v^n Hnr.r.d Viegen'and Jansen had bccn_belfeded along with the Indonesian culprit. All unnecessary clothes were confiscated. Every prisoner of war was only allowed 2 pairs of pants, no shirts and no coats. Heads had to be shaved, pref erably/6ntirely bald.All sorts of books, notes, etc., were taken away and burnt. Nobody was allowed to possess money or other valuafel^s„ The latter was fatal for us; until now we had always been able to smuggle in s.. mo thing like: Katjang idjee (Tr.note: sort of native beans), cake, fruits, etc. in order to appease our ungcr or to make up for our vitamin deficiency. No money meant no extra food. Working with the /upper upper part cf the body naked., and bald shaved head caused the numo^r of sick to increase. The high death-rate during the months of May, June and July 1944 was due to these measures which broke us both physically and mentally. (17 First bombardments on tho oil fields. The Japs lost their head; pale with fear they emerged from their shelters (this must have been on IS November 1944). The following days and woeks they became still harder on the prisoners of war, and especially on the Europeans. For the least' or slightest offence they beat one. Our morale on the contrary rose daily. Like madmen the Japanese drove us to work. Fortifications were built in a great hurry all over the place, We had to work at a stretch from early in the morning till late in the evening, not one day being allowed for rest. The whole party that was to leave consisted of 85 men. Herein wore also included 2 Philippines who had been taken prisoners of war. In the beginning they had been regarded as Indonesians, but later they were considered to form part of the European group. Those two Philippines FRED TOMULAK and JULIAN FLORES arrived at our camp on 11 May 1943. They had come from Manila and wore proceeding southwards. On 9 February 1944, along with two white companions (Americans) named ARMSTRONG and pOWELL, they were arrested on the island of P.Scbatik whereafter they were confined in cells in tho Infantry camp. POWELL died in his cell from dysentery while ARMSTRONG was killed by the Japanese. It was probably the intention of the Japanese to starve them to death gradually, but I opposed this. Tho quantity of food we received was so negligible that one could not kjoep alive on that, namely 75 grammes of rice p>lus 2 - 3 spoonfuls of sajour (Tr.note native vegetable soup) with ketinoen (Tr.note: Malay fcr cucumber in 24 hours. For about four months I managed to keep them alive, except for one who died from dysentery, thanks to the extra food which I had sent to them clandestinely during the night. In this I was supported by the kitchen ..M nursing personnel. ^March 1945. Our_prison campwas_battired with incendiary bombs; majTjr̂ wards wero~burnt aown put~there were lie deaths, only 6 woun- ded who soon recovered. 4 April 1945. 6 Prisoners of war met their death during; an attack by 6 Lightnings (p 38). and there was one seriously wounded who also died later. 27 April 1945. All prisoners of war except two seriously wounded were directed to the Japanese bivouac in the woods of Goenoeng Api For my attempt to take along the abov©mentioned wounded also, I was nearly killed, since the officer t'icing. t&L..ycll would attack rae. with his sword whenever I made the request^. There a life of mis ry started for us. Fortunately, some managed te hide themselves in town while others escaped from the camp without arousing the sus- picion of the Japs. In the beginning the number of Indonesian prisoners of war was 395 but after one week at Goenoeng Api I discovered that there were only 245 left. Here we learned to know the Japanese better. They forced us to wcrk hard in return for which we received bad food: often rice that had turned sour and then in very small quantities, no vegetables, occasionally some tins containing rubbish. The work consisted of transporting ammunition and food, and building fcrtif ications. Fortunately, many of us managed to steal from their stoc of rice and to cook something extra in the evening. Daily we were exposed to air bombardment, artillery, mortar, and machine gun fir etc. /s/ TAN ENG DHONG / / DOGOtJETT -5683 Prosecution jiocuaent 5683 A £ " document Class 3 rr... C Offenses 'LL:DS I1DIBS D71CZ -Q7ZH10 Synopsis Netherlands Division I.P.S. December 1243, lit. Col. J. S. Sinningl.e Damste E.N.1.4 Assistant Prosecutor. DOCTxSIS 5683 Page 1 DUTCH '-OF LP Synopsis. Occupation "by the Japanese I'avy. I. PBISPIFFS 01 w.j?. 1. Murder. а. lEHiet.ip.tely after the rrrrender ~f Ta.ralcc.il, Forth Fast Borneo January 1942, about 30 Butch P.O.W. were killed by bayonetting, as appears from the affidavit of Sgt. Maj. J.ii.J. MULISH, E.I".I.A.; Prosecution Document 5951 (sub I) . The Prosecution enters this document 5951 for identification and the excerpts as an exhibit. б. At the surrender of Tarakr.n. the Dutch Commander of the island cispatcheo. an officer to instruct one of the coastal batteries to cease fire, as apparently the Japanese had out the telephone-ccmmunicatiin between Dutch Headquarters and that ba.ttery. However, the Japanese intercepted this officer and prevented the carrying out of his ta.sk. Consequently the coastal ba/fctery was not informed of the surrender and sank two Japanese destroyers. Some weeks after the surrender the Japanese selected all the DutchF.O.'f. who had belonged to that ba.ttery, about 215 men, and dro'-rned then at sea, by wry of revenge. Ihis appears fr^m the second part of MILLER1s affidavit, and from the sworn report of the Chinese Medical officer T.dT FI'G- D/'OFC-. E . I 7 , , Pr-secution document 5952. The Prosecution enters this document 5952 for identification and the excerpts as an exhibit. c. „t Longnawan, in the centre of the island, only attainable by a trip through the jungle for many weeks, the Japanese, who arrived there in August 1942, murdered the 35 Dutch troops who had surrender, after resisting for some time, because they were unaware of the general surrender. This appears from the statement of the Australian It. P. CLD-L'2: £ DOCUSITT 568-3 Pag© 2 GLLEAk: Prosecution document 5255. The Prosecution enters this document £255 for identification and the fcxeerpts as an exhibit. The killing of these people at Longnawan was done under special orders from the higher command at Tprahan, as a punitive measure; statement "by the Japaneste It. M. SHOJI: Prosecution document 5244. The Prosecution enters this d oument 5244 for identification and the excerpts as an exhibit. d, At Srmerinda. - ast Borneo, in :-.ebruary 1945 three American airmen were beheaded; statement by the Japanese W/o TS"~JDA: Prosecution document 5321. The rosecuti n • nters this ..ocument 5221 for identification and the excerpts as an exhibit. 2. Crmjs. Only a iev camps existed, mainly at Tarahan, Balikpapan, Ba.nd.jermr.sin and ..-'ontianpk. Conditions were extremely "bed; food was insufficient in quality and quantity; medical supplies were insufficient; exhausting labor, of course on military objects; exposure to Allied attache; ill-treatment and many severe beatings, wero other features. a. The Prosecution refers to the report f Dr. TiAT ZL C- DEO- G, already introduced, exhibit , "hich gives a vivid description of conditions at Tarakan-P .0 .W. camp. b. Regarding Balilcpanan-P.0.W. camp, East Borneo, particulars fie given in F.3.P.I.S. report, C-.S.. Int. 7 Div., ?r secution document 5267. fhe Prosecution enters this document 5267 as an exhibit. 3. Executions. a. At the P.O.W. camp 3and.jcrmr.sin, Southeast Borneo, in July 1942, three Dutch (Monadonese) P.O.W., escapees, were executed after recapture, without trial, as appears from the affidavit of Sgt. P. P.. OUDlIiALS, B...I.A. ; Prosecution Document 5269. DoOUiMJlZL1 5685 Page j -Li e Prosecution enters this document 525S for -.identification and the e:£<.e:rpts as an exhibit. "o. ^t the P.O.W. camo, Balikaaoan. in March 1945 three Dutch and one Indian P.O.W. were murdered for unknown reasons, without trial; as appears from the already introduced I'.Zj.r. I. S. report, Prosecution document 5257, exhibit c. Dr. TAL 5!.'C- DHCI"C-. in his report already introduced, exhibit . . states tliat in inarch 1944 three Dutch ?.0.;r. were beheaded, without trial: this is affirmed by the information of I-I. LOHP^TTY. comprised in I'.S.l .1.5. report.E.I.U. 56/2; Prosecution document 5275. The Prosecution enters this d-cument 5275 for identification and the excerpts as an exhibit. d. At Pontianak. West Borneo, in Juno 1942, three Dutch. P.O."., escapees, were beheaded after recapture, without trial, as appears from the affidavit of Sgt. A.M.L. hOHR, E.I.I.A.; Prosecution Document 5271. The Prosecution enters this document 5271 for identification and the excerpts as an exhibit. II. CIVILL-:. 5. 1. Internees. In this area, also the Dutch civilians in general, women and children included, not b^rn in the Netherlands East Indies, and the higher officials regardless of their birthplace were interned At 3and,iermasin. in October 1945, the Governor of Dutch Borneo, Dr. EAGA, and some 10 officials were executed as well as four women, after a so-called trial. Among them was the Swiss missionary Dr. C. M. VISOBER, the official delegate of the International Bed 'Jross. Other civilian internees were taken away and disappeared; as appears from the affidavit of Mrs. AOIPT who also mentions the conditions of the internment. Prosecution Document £955. A e rrosecution enters this document 5955 for identification and the excerpts as an exhfbit. 2. 1 internee.. a. At Pontianak, between October 1943 and June 1944, murder occurred systematically -n a huge scale. The Japanese Kilitarj- Police of the i"avy, Tokeitai, -pretended that a plot existed. Confessions were extorter after torture. About 65 persons wore tried in this wry, and executed, "but this wovld-be legal procedure was an exception. In toto 1000 persons were executed at Iiand~r; 2^0 at Sunggei Durian; 100 at Eetapang; some at Pontianak. Among the victims were several of the native rulers of West Borneo, first of all the Sultan of Pontianak, along ^ith tvo sons, furthermore many well-to-do Chinese and Indonesians, and some Dutch officials. Shis case was directed on orders of iTavy headquarters at Sourabaya. The interrogation-reports of the Japanese It. 3. XAIMOTO give a description of the Tokeitai activities in this matter; Prosecution Document 5325. he Prosecution onters this document 5325 for identification and the excerpts -s an exhibit. ^n official Japanese summary was published in the Japanese edited newspaper "Borneo Shiribun". edition of 1 July, 1044, giving the names of the most prominent victims; Prosecution document 5"22. he Prosecution enters this document 5922 for identification and the excerpts s an exhibit. "D. In August 1S44 the Tokeitai continued its murdering "by killing about 120 Chinese at Singkawang, West Borneo, of whom only about 17 were tried, ot course after the usual torture. Greed was the main motive. This appears from the interrogation of the Japanese, S. H1YAS3I; Prosecution document 5921. The Prosecution enters this document 5921 as an exhibit. c. At Kota 3r.ru. South East Borneo in June 1944 seven citizens were "bayonetted to death, without trial; as appears from U.S.P.I.S. * DOCTJKSHT 5583 Page 5 report iTo. 817 regarding the interrogation of SAIKAT: Prosecution doojj 'v.rr J'^63 . The Prosecution enters this document 5358 for identificrtion and the excerpts as an exhibit. e. At Loiigna:van not only P.0.17. were murdered hut also all civilians who lived there, even "babies; as appears from the statements of OIBIIAM and 51-10 JI, ea.reac'y introduced, exhibits . . . . and . . . . f. The Prosecution refers to the murder of the white population of Balikpa-an. after tho ultimatum to refrain from destruction of the oil installations had teen rejected, as described in the affidavit of VAIT iu-'ISTEL, exhibit introduced at an earlier stage in this trial. g. At Pontianak, women were arrested and imprisoned without any suspicion but only to force them to submit to sexual intercourse with Japanese. Statement of S. T-TAYASTI: Prosecution document 5325. The Prosecution enters this document 5325 for identification and the excerpts as an exhib it. The terrible measures regarding enforced prostitution are described in the report of the investigator Captain J. IT. E1TBE0EE, P.LT.I.A.; Prosecution document 5330. The Prosecution enters this document 5330, as an exhibit. This completes the synopsis of the Japanese conventional war crimes and crimes against humanity committed in Borneo. Doc. Wo. 5265 Fage 1 C E R T I F I C A T E The undersigned CIJARLES JONGEHEEL, first Lieutenant R.N.I.A., head of the Jar Crimes Seccion of NETHERLANDS FORCES INTELLIGENCE SERVICE (NEFIS) being first duly sworn on oath deposes and states that the annexed reports are full, true, complete and accurate copies of the original docu- j ments, entitled: 1. "Statement of F. R, OLDHAM Lt S.R.D., Korpl TAHBURIANG and Inf. 1 cl*. T. ORKaS (native police Longnawan), concerningQiiassacre at Longnawan,jyith appendix, 2 vfhich documents are part of the official records of the NEFIS. SIGNATURE Ch. Jongeneel /s/ S E A L BATAVIA 7 June 194-6 Subscribed and sworn to before me K. A. de WEERD, first Lieutenant R.N.I.A. Higher Official attached to the office of the attorney General N.E.I. /s/ K. A. de WEERD Doc. No. 52 6 5 Page 2 RO BS: MK COPTE OH/1356/R. jSUMiARY OF EVENTS PRIOR TO 20 AUG'JPT 1942. On 22 January 1942, a party of British men and women and children arrived at LONGKAWAN from EELAGA in SARAWAK. Three days later four members of this party decided to push on to 3ALARINDA, in the hope of getting*out of the country. They were a LIr* H, P. K. Jacks, Mr. T. A. Schiotling and two other me)?. (Names unknown). In this I believe they were successful. On 3 February 1942, another party arrived consisting of two British civilians, and four Dutch airmen. They came from MIRI SARAWAK« " The British were: Mr. Huddon, District Officer, Marudi. Mr. B4 B, Perry, General Manager, The Dutch were: Lt. J. H. Groenveld Sgt. van Hslm J. A/C Reen X, A. A/C Baarschers A. The airmen were shot down over Miri (date unknown) on a flight from Sourabaya. They landed safely and later joined forces with Huddon and Perry, and proceeded to / Longnawan^ Huddon left four days later. He stated that he was going to contact a good friend of his, Pengalu Taman Koleh Arank, whom he hoped would hide him. (I am unable to discover any reason governing this action.) This Pengulu lived on the S BARAM in RARAWAK, and Hudden headed north to LONGBANGAN on the S BAHAU, which is only two days travel on the BARAM, across the border. But at LONGBANGAN he was murdered by Ibans from SARAWAK. No details are known of this killing, but Penghuiu Apiu Injau, who lives there, has stated that he has a list of murderers to give to the authorities when they return. I have been unable to contact him to date. N (During April '42, a party of Dutch marines including native troops arrived from TARAKAN under the command of a Lt. Westerhuls. They withdrew from TAPAKAN when the Japanese landed. They were armed with rifles. Doc. No. 5265 Page 3 Cpl. Tamburiang and Ptes Markus and Lumentut were living in LONGNAWAN at the time. They had previously resigned from the local police force, a.ixi Westerhuis ordered them to .join up with them, During August l42, shortly before the Japanese came, a small party of American missionaries arrived from FTTJUMAN* four days paddle away, where they had a parish. Their names were: Rev. Jackson. Rev, Sandy. Mrs. Sandy and her baby. With the exception of Mr, MacFherson and his wife and child, who were living on the East bank of the river (S KAYAN) all of the remainder were quartered on the Western side. See APPX. for list of names. On 19 August '42, two Kenyahs arrived from BAKON, three hours march away, to inform their relatives in LONGNAWAN of the presence of some 70 Japanese troops who had arrived there from SAHABINDA. Word, of this reached Westerhuis, who sent Pte. Markus to fetch them for questioning. The Kenyahs told him about the Japanese and their intention to move on to LONGNAWAN the following morning. They said the Japanese had forbidden anyone to carry news to LONGNAWAN, but they had slipped away. "Westerhuis refused to believe their story, and stated that it was probably some more Dutch troops arriving. Cpl, Tamburiang states that no patrols were sent out to verify this. The same day Tamburiang and other native troops asked Westerhuis for ammunition for their rifles, as they were worried and suspicious, Westerhuis refused all requests. It appears that all ammunition was locked away, Westerhuis having the key. Tamburiang was ignorant of any order of battle. Westerhuis has never stated what policy would be adopted in the event of Japanese attacking. He was confident that they would never reach LONGNAWAN. SUMMARY OF EVENTS FROM 20 AUGUST TO 20 SEPTEMBER '42. j On <£G Aug. at approximately 06 jC toou?sf the i Japanese opened fire from positions on the East bank of the River KAYAN. They were armed with rifles, L.M.G.'s and "Knee" mortars. Doc, No. 52 6 5 Page 4 At the time, all the soldiers were on parade, the native troops in front of the barracks, and the regulars further back. A general panic ensued, It appears that the initial bursts were fired very low. Corporal Tamburiang states that they were struck the water. Fire was also directed at MacPherson!s house. The only casualties at this period were four British men killed in one of the houses by a grenade from a "knee" mortar, and Mrs. MacPherson who was wounded through both thighs. With the exception of Lt. Westerhuis, everyone run off into the jungle. He remained behind, waving a white flag. The L.M.G.'s raised their fire and swepi_±hg_ houses killing him. The Japanese troops, totalling 72 men, then crossed the suspension bridge and occupied the area. Later in the day portion of the defenders returned and surrendered. The remainder surrendered the following day, being without food and other essentials. Two British men and one Dutch were away shooting at the time. On hearing of the attack and surrender they also returned. Three days later all native troops were released with the exception of one, Kailola. He had been originally captured at TARAKAN and later released with other natives as "ASIATICS". He immediately set off for LONGNAWAN and joined up with Westerhuis. He was recognized by the Japanese. The majority of the natives returned to TARAKAN, to their homes. Only Tamburiang, Markus and Lumentut remaining in LONGNAWAN. The dead were buried in a common grave behind the hill. (See Appendix). Mrs. MacPherson was left in charge of some Kenyah women, one of whom cared for her baby, which was born in LONGNAWAN. All natives in the area were to keep to the Eastern side of the river, and a sentry was posted on the bridge. On, 26 August 142 aAl_thejnen w.ere _mas_sacre^, including the native Kailola. Previous to this, everyone had been ordered away from the area on that day. Tamburiang was told of the shooting by one of the coolies who accompanied the Japanese from SAMARINDA. The Japanese buried all the bodies in two graves. (See Appendix.) Doc. No. 5265 Page 5 » y*. iA The following day the Commanding Officer of the Japanese troops, Capt, Shima Mora? left for SAMARINDA with 45 of his men, leaving a Lt£0KINO in charge of the remaining 25 one of these men was a Sgta SUJI. All their women and their children were kept in one house (see Appends) under guard, being allowed out each day for exercise. They were compelled to run arnund the Jiouses led by a Japanese. They were held this for two weeks5 the Japanese soldiers often pay them visits. Okino'was also seen going there, After this period Okino had them imprisoned in two cells, (see Appendix). They remained there for another two weeks* On 23 September '42 all the 'women and children were massacred^ Mrs. MacPherson and her baby were brought 'oss the river on a si] and shared the same fate, Earlier in the day four coolies had been ordered to dig a hole, near the other graves (see Appendix)e The Japanese announced that they would dynamite some fish up river, and ordered every one to attend. During this period it is surmised that the killing took place. No shots were heard from across the river, indicating that they were probably bayoneted. They were all buried together. The next day Tamburiang inspected the area, and found four graves, one newly filled in,. REMARKS In discovered the names of Lt. Okino and Pte* Higasi Kumobun scribbled 011 the wall of one of the houses. Also the name of their Division "Raroun:i and the information that they left SAMARINDA on food 25 July '42, and arrived at LONGNAWAN 20 August. All of these Japanese were marines, not army personnel* I had all the graves put in order, and erected four crosses, constructed by a local carpenter, On the 10 September 45 a service was held conducted by a Methodist native priest. This summary is based mainly on the evidence given by Cpl. TamDuriang and Pte. Markus whose signatures are T\oc. No. 5^6 5 Page 6. appended. It has been fully checked by them, and they vouch for its authenticity. (Sgd) I. R. Oldham It. •SRD. (sgd) Korol Tamburiang Inf. L.Kir. T. TTarkus (Native Slice LONGNAWAN) COPIE. Amend Ix NATIVE SOLDIERS IRQ"" T ABAKAN RELEASED. S ADULETTE Cpl. PAIDJO BOEANG KA3TANJA Pte 1st Class© MAJUNTA OLEY HTJKA Pte . SAIJA BAR A EFRANDUS TANOS K0TAT BTJNAN ANDRIES SOIKIR?IAN LATIlRETTE '7 ANT ART (RAP) •SIT AMI APES 8EY J. NATIVE POLICE IT0'lV: LONCrNArTAN ALSO RELEASED. TAWTRIANG Cpl. WtKUS Pte. LTFUNTFT ?TE.. — - _ FRXUU^C. UY DUTCH P ^ O * ~L ;Y/Y T . . . . Q M * m s TFRHFT^ D.J.A. Lt. WESTEBHUIS (his wife) GUESKENS JI. Lt. 2e kl. ITALIAANDEF J. Sgt-'Ta 3 . DEN HAVE Do Co BIOL10 A.F. LOK J. Sgt. HUEL T. DE "TILDE J. it 11 i t Doc. No0 526? Page 7 DUTCH. PERSONNEL FROM.TARAKAN MASSACRED AT LONGNAWAN - Contd, VAN DER WOODS K. Sgt» BURCHARDT J. Col. i DRIES H. Brig, ' DAUPHIN F. Gnr. VAN DER ELST N. C. Sigmn. TEUNI3SEN B.J.H. Carp. | LEDEBOER S. W. C. Pte. ! GEEVE A. J. ! DONK T. I JOSEPH J. I TH VALK J. ; BARNSTYN L. VAN DER WULP ' VAN AMERSFOORT G-A.A. I KOULLEN Ho J. | WESTERBEEK C. W. J HAULER W. F„ G. i SCIPIO T. L. ! HORNBORSTEL A. j SARTON A, H. ' SCHEERS T. I FELDBRUGGE Chaplain , DUTCH AIRMEN I IAS SACRED i ~ ~ | GROENVELD J. H. It* VAN HALM J. Sgb, REEN K. A. A/C BAARSCHERS A. A/ n BRITISH PERSONNEL FROM BELAGA MASSACRED AT LONGNAWAN Mr, MACPHERSON Mrs. MACPHERSON and her baby Mr. HANSON S, G. GRIFFIN ArF.R. BARON R. N. SINCLAIR R. F. RE ID T. A. HANSEL F. L. SPENCER H, T. MURPHY D. V. WALTER T. E. COX Sc H. K. CORBOLD P. C. V. MCKERiACHER W. ANCERSON A. W. Doc. Ko. 526 5 ¥ Page 8 BRITISH PERSONNEL FPOII BELAGA MASSACRED AT LONGNAWAN -contd BACH T„ E. E'jE L 0 G» I Irs L''"IF MrsIBOLIPHREY and two babies M r . P E R R Y B . B J Hr. ADAMS of SI BIT states that these two men are alive and well, They left LONGNAWAN and gave themself up at KJCHING. Escaped with JACKS AMERICAN MISSIONARIES FROM PITJUMAN ALSO MASSACRED. Rev. JACKSON Rev. SANDY Mrs 0 SANDY and her child, ESCAPED TO AUSTRALIA. Mr, JACKS IM P. K. SCHIOTLING T. A. WALTER MCKERRACEER These four men came to LONGNAWAN with the British party but left for SAIAR1NDA four days later where they managed to get a plane for AUSTRALIA. N. B. WALTER and SCHIOTLING taken POW in JAVA, only JACKS and McKERRACHER reaching AUSTRALIA. INFORMATION CONCERNING TOTE HEN IN PBNGKALAN BUT:AN 1942. The men concerned are: HARNACK SERGEL EDWARDS STEWARD This information is based on the evidence of one Lawrence KUNNUM, a native official, at present living in LONGNAWAN. He was previously employed in 3ANJSRMASIN. This man's cousin Leonard BABU, was employed in SUMPIT in 1942 and is still there. He related these facts to KUNNUM in Nov, 1942, Doc. No. 5265 cage 9 In 1942 a large party of troops arrived in PANGKALAN SUUAN from KUCHIN. It was comprised of several white officers and some 60 Punjabs. HARNACK, SERGEL, EDWARDS and STEWARD were with them. Their intention was to push on to BANJERIIASIN and endeavour to escape from there by plane. But, at SUMPIT, they were captured by Japanese. There is no report of any atrocities. They were all taken prisoner, and put to work doing repairs, I have checked this report with KUNNUI1 whose signature is appended, and he states that, to the best of his knowledge, all the facts are correct. (sgd) Lt. Oldham LONGNAWAN, 18 Sept. '45 Sgd. P. KUNNUI1 ^ Doc. Ho. 5244 Pe.ge 1 I, VX 114230, Cs.pt. Basil James Whitby, of Army headquarters, make oath and say: 1. I an an officer of the Australian Military Forces. 2. Annexed hereto and marked "MI" is a true copy of a statement by SECJI Motoyoshi on 26 llovember 1945 which I have in my custody in the course of my duties. 3. The original statement cannot be made available immediately as it is required for trials of minor war criminals. Sworn before me at Melbourne ) ) /&/ x.J.whitby, Ca.pt. this twenty-seventh day of May, 1946. ) B. D. Crompton, Caret, /s/ An officer of the Australian Military Forces . . j -r"''^ / Doc. So. 5244 I / Page 2. ' | Case Against : SHOJI, kotcyoshi Crse So: Su.~b.iect: ii.il Ti.A2r ivAS&ACBE I, S1-O.TT, Motoyoshi, It (JG) of 2 Guard Unit lAR&ZAS, make the following statame.it 2-- "In Jar. 42 T wac.; a member of the Japanese Forces which landed on Tarakan, during the operation I was wj'ocded pnd subsequently remained there until Jul 4-2^ Cond kttEIL'CIil we.» in comd of the forces on Sarakan subseouent — tc the lending. When the Dutch Forces surrendered in April 42 it was decided • to s. nd from Lara k?.rv gome native delegates to the enemy force Ft Long llevari with a document informing thorn of the surrender. After receiving no reply or any ino.icption of nurrenc.er an Operational Order kiKIliCr.I Force was issued to the effect that a punitive~deta.chmfcEt would be sent to Long Hawan. A party of approximately 20 lender the comd of Lt (JG-) OKILQ--. proceeded to Samarinde. and joined a party of approximately 40 under comd UO TAKU. She detachment then proceeds! to Long Ha.van arriving there in August. I was a me ber of the detachment by virtue of the fact that a PI Comd had become ill and I was ordered to talce his place as an attached officer. we arrived at Long La wan on approximately 20/21 Aug- 42 and on the da.y of arrival there was a. pitched bsttDe. In the battle 2 Japanese ••ere wounded and to the best of my knowledge 12 casualties _werg.Ji.irH int.̂ .d on the enemy; the others escaped and a search patrol was despatched and thin three days they were roundedjup, one man to the best of my knowledge had been murderfed by DTAKS. The original total strength of the enemy was approximately 30. The party rounded uo including approximately 4 women and 3 children were then executed for failing to comply with the surrender order. I heard later that some had been beheaded arid, others shot. The majority of those executed were whites. At the time of the execution I, with some of my platoon, were repairing our arms and I did not take part in the execution. Hoc. Eo* 5244 Page 3.' We were in radio communication with. Tarakan. after the rounding up of the enemy ar.d Lt OKI. 0 received instructions from Comd MAEILCHI that the enemy were to he all executed. I actually saw this order._ le remained at Long Eawan for approximately a month and then the respective parties returned to Sam--rinda-and Tarakan. I "believe that in Jul. or -aug 43 Lt OKIHO returned to JAPAK. I also believe that Coma MAKIUCHI returned to JAPAIII in approximately October 42." The above statement has been read over to me in the Japanese language and is a true account of what I have said. SH 0 JI, Mo t o y o shi Signed at LALIEPAPAL. 23 ilov 45 Witness: I.'". P.. Chiswiek, Cant. Exhibit "MI" This is the document marked Exhibit "MI" referred to in the affidavit of VXL14230, Captain £.J. -hlTLY, sworn before me this 27th day of fey 1546 as being produced ana sworn to him at the time of his swearing the said affidavit. js/ R« J. Cromnton, Cant. An Officer of the Australian Military Porces Doco No. 5221 CASE AGAIM3T 3A1IAHINDA KEIDITAI CASS ijl 1 SUBJECTs ggECUTION 0? THREE U.3. AlHvlEN - VkY 1 VkS. I, '.'/.O. TSUDA make the following statement in regard to the exect- ion of three US Airmen at SAiaARINDA. I was a member of the TQEgEI TAI of the KITBITAI at SAL1ARINDA„ In January 45 three US Airmen whose plane had crashed near SANGA SANGA were brought to SAl.lARINDA and kept at the gEIBITAl..HQc I am shown photographs which I recognize as the three airmen who were executed. During Februaryij.5 whilst one of the airmen was being taken to the 1 atrine~he"~attempted to escape. .Yhen he made his attempt the other two US Aiimen also tried To escape but all were captured just outsiffg^ The following day I was a member of a party assigned by Lt YAMAGUCHl GO execute the three Us Airmen^ The party was in j^hgrgp STVQifln TASUKl.. The, three aiimen were blindfolded_at_ the KBEBITAI Hft and taken to a position about three hundredTyards distant at about eight thirty in the evening. When we reached this place the airmen were made to kneel by graves which had been dug earlier that day. TASUKl and I then each bedeaded one of the Airmen. The third airman was beheaded by one of the other members of the party - Iĵ nryfr know Tfrh'''- The bodies were then buried and we returned to the KEI3ITAI HQ. I have heard this statement read to me in the Japanese language and it is a true account of what I have said. Signed this 25th day of OCTOBER 1945 At BALIKPAPAN. 000 ooeo ©000 00 0000 00000 oooooooooo W. 0C TSUDA "WITNESS ( Signed ) »• 0. X i l x ^ f C O O O O O- Vo O £> O 0-&000 O OOOO . . O .< Doc« No, 5267 Page 1 CERTIFICATE The undersigned CHARLES JONGENEEL, Captain RNIA, head of War Crimes Section of NETHERLANDS FORCES INTELLIGENCE SERVICE (NEFIS), being first duly sworn on oath deposes and states that the annexed reports of investigation of war crimes, drawn up and compiled by G.S0(Jnt„) 7 Div., are full true, complete and accurate copies of the original Dutch d o cum ent s entitled: Maltreatment and murder of Allied prisoners of war and natives at Balikpapan^ bv the Japanese YQSHII1URA, Capt , chief of the Secret Viice at. Balikpapan, by i '.EHARA C. 0_. PW-camp Balikpapan (Hosakan), Nakatani, non-commissioned officer In charge of pw_. camp Balikpapan, L U R A T A n;COofficer in charge of pw8 camp Balikpapan (Senningoche), Nos,011/1000/23 (165/R), Ciyi00l/RB (I66R, 0LI/U66/R), Oi:/1003/RB (168/R, C1I/1168/R), OII/1002/RB (I67/R, 0n/ll67/R), which original documents are art of the official records of ItSFIS. signature; /s/ Ch„ Jongeneel S E A L Batavia, September 3rd, Subscribed and sworn to before me KcAr. de WEERD . LL.D., Ilajor Artillery RNIA, Senior Official attached to the Office .. f the Attorney-General N.Ed® signature: /s/ X. Ac de Weerd S JCI A JJ ^OC. Wo. 5267 Y O S H I t i P H A Captain. Chief of Secret Dolice BALIKPAPAN. Being Chief of Secret Police, he is responsible for: 1. Deliberate maltreatment and final execution of American 1 (Australian) airmen who had been shot down over BALIKPAPAN and surrounding area. ' 2. The death of tens of natives, who, when they were picked up by the police, \vere so badly maltreated, fed and housed, that infection with dysentry was inevitable; there also was much beri-beri. 3. As head-supervisor over the P.O.Ws he is directly responsible for: the inadequate food, clothing, medical supplies and for the deliberate maltreatment of the P.O.W.'s* The transportation and murdering of P.O.W.1si 'HUIZINGA (Mil. Contr. B.B.) civil servant; 'de KIEVIET1 (Sgt.)j 1TANAHSALE' (fuselier) and a Br. Indian, 'SEPOY' on acc. of being mentally deranged, t.b.-tumour in the neck, t.b, in the lungs; this was in March 194-3. It was said that these people were going to be taken to the civil-hospital so that they could have separate accommo- dation. It was reported, however, that these people never arrived in the hospital., whilst their names had to be scratched from the camp-list."t Doc. No. 5267 Page 3 CH/1001/RB 166/R H E H A H A. 1st Lt0 Officer in charge of the order and discipline in the P.O.Wo-camp at BALIKPAPAN (HOSAKAN). In this function in the year 1944 he personally conducted some maltreatments and took part in some, namely; 1. The maltreatment of 1st Lt., 'van der BULL' by beating with a stick and by lashing him across the face with his "'Sam Brown'-belt, next cried to kick him down the stairs and flrta±i.y nsd~~him in the :press-ground' attitude for about half an hour and beat him qgain on the back with his '•'Sam Browne' and a stick. Reason: Lt„ 'van der BULL' had been ordered to mend the shoes of the Japanese and out of necessity he was compelled to ask every Japanese who came to him for nails which they had to obtain from the KOSAKA_(techt Dept.) because no nails were given to him,, One day MEHARA witnessed such a conversation, which was conducted with a great many gestures 5 this infuriated him and he maltreated *van der BIJLL' as described above. 2, The maltreatment and locking up of a group cf 'fatigue- duty' men, who had bought food to satisfy their hunger. Each man received at least 30 strokes with a stick (5 Dec. 1944). 3,. In addition to this, all the ?»o.W's were maltreated regardless of their physical condition* 4, On Jan. 8th, 1945, MEHARA personally maltreated the Eur. Sgt, Armourer, -SAMIER' by giving him 70 strokes with a stick, in series from 10 to 15. Reason: When 'SHAMTER^S" house was searched once, a tin of 'nasi-goreng1, supplied by D.v*0„ (War Dept.) was foundt He had taken it with him already in 1942 from SAMARINDA. That day, however, a group of ^.o.W's from SAMARINDA had just arrived in the camp and MEHARA now thought that 'SEAMIER' had obtained this tin from a PoOiiif. from SAMARINDA and wanted him to report the man's name Doc. No. 5267 Page 4 F 0 M / 1 0 0 2 / R B A 167/R : M U R A T A . Sub-Lt. I i in charge of the Policing of the P.o.W,-camp at BALIKPAPAN 1 (senningocho), as ndjudant* 1 1. In this function he has had 2nd Lt. APPEL maltreated thrice for the smuggling^of_food (3 kilos peanut ?) > about ; strokes wiEITa" sTisTcjT after which this Lt. had to go to hospotal for 3 weeks_. j i 2. In addition to this, the whole group to which the Lt. ; belonged was given 5 strokes with a stick each. I 3. Four native cooks were very badly maltreated for having ! prepared their own food, which they had been permitted to 1 do in an agreement with the former Japanese C.O. ISIYAliA. 1 ' This maltreatment consisted of: i 1 the four of them had to carry on their shoulders two bags_ I of rice, weighing 110 kg. each, from 15.45 - 17 = 00 hrs.,_ : in two's they had to fin-pry a jteai rail, O metres lon^, on \j their "shoulders, from 17*00 - 18.15 hrs,_ ; finally they were given a series of strokes with a stick In series from 5 to 8,"̂ Doc. No. 5267 Page 5 A OM/1003/RB ' 168 A. N A K A T A N I , /djudant, NcC.O. N.C.O. in charge of the P.o.f's at BALIKPAPAN. In this function, from Dec. 1943 till the beginning of Jan. "44, this man ujften. was drunk, which brought him in a sadistic mood and he then used a stick freely, whenever thus inclined. On the 20 - 2ist Dec. 19435 at about 24.,00 hrs. the cdt's of the Eur. Indonesian and Er. Indian sections and the two Naval N.C.O.'s (kanbans) were punished by two strokes with a stick, because, acc. to NAKATANI, the extra-ordinary roll-call which lie had ordered, had not been properly done; he was drunk again, On Jan. 1st 1944 all the group Cdt,'s of the Eur. Indonesian and Br. Indian P.o.W.'s were punished by 3 strokes with a stick after the roll-call in the afternoon, because, acc. to NAKATANI, the P.o.\Ms had not properly dressed to the rigfctf during roll-call 1 kifhen Lt. 'van der BULL' dared remark that his line had been all-right, he was given an additional 15 strokes; Nakatrvii was drunk again. I / DCCUO;:.T 5259 ' OS'PICIJLE BLOODD Interro&ation of "itnsss 45 9/B Today, 8th Debrvary 194 5 , there appeared before myself, Jieter Jacobus Blok, -.ttorney-at-I'-a.v, TeEnorary 2nd lieutenant (Beaervs) , Special Services (infantry,), charged with the investigation in the case of Ta.krha.shi and wax crimes in gener; 1, the person of: Faul :-:ubert OUDSIIAIS, Summoned to testify the truth in these above matters. What is your full name, age, address? Oudema.ns, Pa/al Eubert; P4 years; Wacol Cm?, Columbia., Q,ld. "'•hat is your occupation?1 Sergeant, 'So. 37712 BT'IA. Whereupon the • itness takes the oath in accordance with his religious convictions to toll the whole truth and nothing but the truth. - In Jul;' 1542 (l cannot reme.-iber the exact date), three ilenadonese managed to escape from the camp at 3X.3JERHa.SIL.", where I was interned They were: the Sgt.2nd 01. of the B.L'.I.A. - Zk\UL - or -EBAKftl- and two privates, whose names I do not reme-.ber. About one month later these three Kenadonese soldiers w re recaptured by the Japanese anc. taken back to the camp at BA:DJ3Ri-A.SÎ ". The three soldiers were Imprisoned in our camp for about a. fortnight and were treated in ar. exceedingly bad manner. Some days after__the Indonesian ^ew_Year we m e -ivJorm d b-r tha Ja.pa.nf se tha.t the a.bovet nt "aed three sold:.srs were to "be decaroitated. "-re v w not permitted to communicate this to tne condemned persons. On the day of the execution all the soldiers in the camp had to appear at roll-call. The Japanese C.O. i Capt. -TXIAHiLSHI- declared that he wanted to carry out tlv execution personally but that he had to leave it to -•.is soldiers, who had "requested this. Twenty soldiers, among whom Dance Oorooral ?IIS®S ' and Sgt.2nd 01. of the Townguard -SCLHOTDL-, E.P.M. Shipping Company) agent, ver> ordered to witness the execution and to report it to us. I ler.rneq irom tn&se eye-witnesses that tho three Henadonese _ soldiers were dcca,nitrteiLAX-tLie precincts of the airfield 03LIM, a.t a distance of about 25 kilometers from our e m , in the presence of 0s.pt. --TASAHASr-II- in t. e evening between 6 and 6s30 p.m. .after the execution had been carried out, we were informed by the C-.O. DOCUI'J?: T 5269 * FifiS 2 TiJL.iHii.SriI that sinilax nttenots to eacr.io would be punished vith severe reprisals fgrinst th>~ rer.rir.ing soldi.TS. After the above question and rns'ors have 'been sickly and clearly r to the witness, he stated not to desire to add or alter anything the in proof whereof he nae signed .' is state-nut. The "itness /s/ F. E. Oudeuans Drawn up and signed by ays If tht Official Recorder, /s/ P. J. Blok Doc. Mo. 5269 if age 3 CERTIFICATE The undersigned CH R1A3 JClWHBiAEL, Can tain R.N.I.A., H^ad of ?ar Crimes Section of N :TH AL :rDS FORCES B7JSLLIGSTCE SERVICE (NEFIS) , being first duly sworn on oath deposes and states that the annexed statement is a full, true, complete and accurate copy of the original Dutch document, entitled: Sworn statement of Paul Hubert OUDELAATS, drawn up by F.J.ELOK, LL.D., 2nd Lieut. RJJ.I.A., dated February 8, 1946, No. 499/R which original Dutch document is a part of the official records of NEFIS. subscribed and sworn to before me, K.A.DE ..EERD, LL.D., Major Artillery R.N.I.A., Senior Official attached to the Office of the Attorney-General N.E.I. Batavia, August 26th, 1946 SEAL /s/ K. A. de Weerd SEAL Doc. No. 5273 • page 1 V C E R T I F I C A T E I The undersigned CHARLES JONGENEEL, first Lieutenant R.N.I.A., head of the Xnr Crimes Section of NET HE ft. AIDS FORCES INTELLIGENCE | SERVICE (NEFIS) being first duly sworn on oath deposes and states I that the annexed report is a full0 true, complete and accurate i copy of the original document entitled! Interrogation Report F.I.U. N0 36, Agno EA9/15997/G. dated 25 June 1945s informant LOUPATTY H, concerning beheading of Vliegen ̂ te, with four others, by Jap Sgt. TAKIMOETJI, j' at 3IBEN2C0E, Tarakan, mid 1944" which document is a part of the official records of the MEFIS„ f SIGNATURE: | | /s/ CHARLES JONSENEEL. i I ( SEAL ) 1 I BATAVIA, 7th June v Subscribed and sworn to before me, K.A. de '-TEEfD, first Lieutenant R.N.I.A., Higher Official attached to the office of the Attorney General N.E.Io /s/' K.Ao de WEERD. Doc. No. 5273 Page 2 VLIEGEN Pte - of Ordnance Troops, with four others, was killed at SIBENGKOK, TARAKAN, mid 1944. 1 Informant: LOUPATTY. Reliability! not stated. Person responsible? Sg . TAKHIOErJI was the Jap. executioner. ^ FACTUAL; r" | Informant states that the following persons were beheaded by the Jans at SIBENGKOK. TARAKAN, on the hills behind the Tarakan (Jeffletery, mTd"l944s Sgto JAN3EN, Luchtdoel Artillery, Tarakan (AA) Sgto GUliAKER van HEERDEN, Det. Tarakan Pte VLIEGEN, Ordnance Troops Mr. ESSERS, fonrter employee Coalmines Berouw Unknown Civilian, Dutch, former employee Shell Oil, Tarakan. No public was allowed to be present at this atrocity, however informant hid himself somewhere on the hills and was able to wit- ness the proceedings. The Jap, executioner. Sgt. TAPMOSTJI. 'was ^ 1 besmeared with blood when he came back from this execution. Indo- 1 1 hesian cooks in Jap Service had to sprinkle salt over him, this \ ^ w ^ T y beinff the Jap, ritual to beg; the kord for forgivingness for their J sins. INTERRo R-SPOHT F.I.U. NO. by V/.J.Th.I. Agno EAQ/15997/0. dtd 25 June 1945« i f PERSONAL DATA Name J LOUPATTY (LOPATY) H. Nationality? Ambonese (?) Occupation? Soldier. Dwelling Places Tarakan. ^ 503/B V D O C F E T 5271 Page 1 0FFICI.J. BE COBB Inter rotation oi* Witness Toda;/, 7 February 1946, -here • epearrd "before nyself, K. "ieneijcr, attorney-at-law, Temporary 2nd lieutenant (Heserve), charged with the investigation of war criv.es in general, the person of: MOKR Sirco ;ed to give true testimony in the above ~ent oned natters, a d who, after having "been notified of . is duty to tell the •'•'hole truth and nothiv but the truth, and of the importance of the oath to be trie -a by him, answered each of the ou stions out to him as is stated belo^: *':hr.t is your full name, age, occupation, rnd address? Mohr, Aloesius, Haria, Leonardus. 35 years; Sergeant; Alloha Ilf.nga.roo Point Bed Break House. Brisbane. & * Whereupon the witness takes the oath in accordance r'ith .'is religious convictions to state the whole truth, rod nothing but the truth. At PfE-TÎ -AT' on Jure 17th 1°42 I --itnes*ed the decgnit? tion of Lt. van 3S&J3 and the lance Corporals Tli'̂ lu?. a: d v.e. MEUIE/'. The name of the -Jr. ,.-ncse Com" manaer at Pontianak at that time, r. Captain, I carrot rone: bar. \ took place as follows: It. vr:i RBEDL had stated mox-i th n one- that lie could not bear life a? a Jao P.O.W. any longer and that he intended to cor. it "uicidp by drow-ing in the EAPOSAS river. "'hen the Ĵ i.tch officers discovered that he was r-issing in the evening ^f June reported t>.ig to tlu Jr.p gur.rfl, "becj.uso th y th.-ueht Lt. vf ^indeed dr-wned hir.s. If. This vr.q reported at abont 23'0 hrs. -it about 0230 hrs. roll-call was " eld "hen it appeared that It. v; was absent. At 5.00 hrs. mother roll-call was held at which it r:operred that Lance Corporals Tlidd'R and v.d. MSr̂ ISil" w>'re al^o absent. Patrols were sov-.t out :o find then and ye hoard the coning.and of motorcars the whole nî'.-.t. Mrs. DLBBEL-S who lived outside tho crmp, told that the son of the Sultan of-BOi-'TliL-11 had also sot cut with a •patrol oi" satires and that he hrd cauhht the Lt. and the tvo corporals iEEIL vnded in a village about 2C kilometer? iror P0(J!TiÂ M<, and that ver to the Japrmpc. The thr- e escrrecl pers« .s werv publicly maltreated in a. serious a;:1: or '-'ith etichs and sheathed Samoerai—svordf by number r. f oapauese in fr • t of tho hop? f the ..iss.2e?. 3. : 'C- IS at POhTLA'A":. Our labour-gang had to attend, who described the incident to us during lunchtino. The labnr3%^ang had had to stand at such a siort /£ dirta ..ce mCIJi-Jl-T' 5271 Pago 2 4Ietftr.cc, that they hacard Lt. va"_HEZD}J s.-y to the c~ moral? that they should k..cp silent rnd not f.sk 11 amoocn*1 (T.i. pard n). Tn tAe evening the ncr. of" the labour-g.-ng told us that they had scon t.:.e Lt. and the t>-o con rals tied t.r. "t>v>. ffinp.v" n.t PQhTIhlLZ. Lt. van BEEHa' s V.r.cs wcr^ soid to visible in v̂ riri-ag -olrccs. ;-.'< yr.fi hanging in the ro-jo_. Sx^rtl,ing w-s written in Malax on -olaorrd olacrd t The labour-gang also reported thrt the thr, e victims --ould he tgv^"' the following morning. Pr'bably this wrs written on the placard. The next norning they were hi inc. folded together wit"- 2 native soldiers anc. tgkv n to the cuay in front of the Hisbio-.'.-"oris. The native saJUL-Prs seemed f oe escaped persons als''. ^e were lodged in the i.isf.ion- Er use ant. could follow the -proceedings fron the gar don. The.- tj£— "tong-to(signal bjock~in"gua.ra houses) vr.t> Morten and th> natives_ erne flocking to the placo -f execution. Our -ffic<.rs lad to fall in ,Iir~c in ful^ dr: s^, .lust Oeri.nrL tne v i c t i n s r The^ thr . o Europe an victims were placed quiti cl -so to the bank f tin ri^er, and to ..kneel "blindfolded with th, ir handa tied on their brchs. '"hoy w;rc decapitated with a sw^rd a d kicked into the river. For C'-r-Q'-ral v. d. I£JJL" a second cut was ncctsrrry as the first only i'it hjg head. *'?e rskod th.c SEaBfE2aa£ rf the .lur.rd. wh" wpg no :ar .-.tly sorcwhat displeased with these Troceeuingg. whether we ••'.or, -oe-nittoa to awr.y the corpses aa£ ti hu.ry then, whjen r; auost wasgranted. *'"c dug graves and some of us searched th.- ri^cr in the evening. The moment that we found the corpse of Cpl. HMETEL, wc were ordered hy the Onr_-aa."'dpnt ~f the Gurrd let it ^n| "becaxi.se sone officer? were rnpr'aching, who Intended to _£-ive the salute on th.c spot of the exccnti'".. The corosos were drifti .g to fro with th.e tide in the neighbourhood for ahout 4 da-̂ iT Th.c tw native soldiers were not decapitated but sentenced to impr isonment at SI-'G-iiPOalT. We met th.e;-. r.t KOLTJIh'G- at) ,ut one year later. After the above answ.. rs have, been sl-vly and clearly read to the witness, he stated th.at he adhere? t th n rnd did not de*ir t add or alter anything therein, in proof whereof he has signed hi" statement. The wit ".ess: /s/ -i.L.I--. hohr Drawn up and signer, by mysv If, the recorder: /s/ h. ITicm^ijer Certified a true copy /s/ h, ricmcijer Document No. CERTIFICATE. The undersigned ĤAI'LES JONGETiREL, Cantain P.N.1.1., Head of *>r Critres Section of NSTIFF L.IFDS lOI.CES INTELLIGENCE SERVICE (NEFI0), being first duly sT7orn on oa th deooses and states that the annexed stnterent is i full, true, complete and accurate copy of the original Dutch document, entitled; statement of \.~'.L.~r0HR, dr-.wn un by :T TE'EYEF:5 LL.D., 2nd Lieutenant F.F.I.;., dated. February 7, 1°46, No. 5C3/R, which original document is a cart of the official records of the ""EFTS. Batavia, 26th August 1946. (SEAL) /s/ Ch. Jongeneel Subscribed and sworn to before me, K. A. de TECEED, LL.F., ?Tajor Artillery E.N.I.A., Senior Official att-ched to the office of the Attorney-General N.E.I. /s/ K. de r eerd (SEAL) DuC. NO. 50 53 Page 1 CERTIFICATE The undersigned CHARLES JONGENEEL, Caotain R.N.I.A., head of "rar Crimes Section of NETHERLANDS FORCES INTELLIGENCE SERVICE (NEFIS), being first duly sworn on oath deposes and states that the a^rexed report of investigation of war crimes, drawn up and compiled by G.S. (Int.) 7 Div, is a full, true, complete and accurate copy of the original Dutch document entitled: Report on the atrocities, murders and maltreatments by* the Japanese SUZUKI, TAKAHA.SHI, HAT A, KAGEYAMA, MATSUOKA AND TA.KAGI, containing a statement of the only surviving witness of the sensational "HAGA" case at BANDJERMASIN5 Mrs, HOEDT, No, 0M/1C04/RB, 1670 R, (0M/LL6°/R, 169/'R) Which original document is a part of the official records of NEFIS, Subscribed and sworn to before me, KCA, DE WEERD, LL.D., Major Artillery RNIA, Serior Official attached to the Office of the Attorney-General N.E.I. signature: signature: s/ Ch, Jongeneel BATAVIA, September 2nd, 1946 s/ K. A. de Weerd SUZUKI - TAKAHASHI HATA Captain - BANDJERMASIN, Local Senior Officer. 2nd Lt. of the garrison of BANDJERMASIN. 2nd Lt. of the garrison of BANDJERMASIN. MATSUOKA KAGEYAMA 2nd Lt. of the garrison of BANDJERMASIN Interpreter at BANDJERMASIN. TAKAGI Interpreter at BANDJERMASIN. I \ DOC. NO. Page 2 R E P O R T Introduction: '̂ ith regard to th« atrocities and raltreatments by the above-mentioned persons, the only surviving witness will make a short report on the sensational affair HAGA (gov, of S0« and E0 Borneo) because all the crimes were committed during and after the investigation of this affair bv the Japanese authorities in BANDJERITASIN. Declaration of the witness; Mrs, HOEDT y In the beginning all the civilians and wo^en were concen- trated in one and the same internrent camp, namely in the officers' quarters. ''re enjoyed a certain amount of freedom of movement and contact with the outside world was not prohibited and unofficially permitted by the guards. After about three months, the ren and women were separated; the men were housed in the former clothing-store building, next to the old Hospital, where the military personnel were interned. The frepdom of movement of the male civilian internees was reduced to nil, but tho women always took advantage of their unofficially allowed freedom of movement. Much help came from outside. During this time, Govtt !HAOA: and his wife corresponded a great deal with JAVA-, not only concerning family affairs but also about the conditions in JAVA. These letters always were censored and SisJer REICHELT, a nurse of the lunatic asylum in BANDJERMASIN k^pt UP the contact between Mr. and Mrs. 'HAGA', Unofficially this was permitted. Money was received from Dr. FISCHER (a Swiss TEACHER (Br. Indian shopkeeper): Mr, doctor); Mr. non-interned missionary- BRACHUS (a civilian) and Sister REICHELT, already mentioned, bim On 10th May 1043, a mass-search of the houses was made under the direction of TAKAHASHlt HATA and KAGEYAMA, while MATSUOKA and TAKAGI functioned as interpreters, After all the papers had been taken away, without any of the women being ^present, thev proceeded to. search the women on t heir bodies, which was very rudely done. The women were assembled in one room, next they had to enter another room, one bv one, where thev had to undress completely— On~ of th? examiners even went so_far as to search Mrs ****** described anv further/ 'the women were _ naked, In Mrs. Van in money was found; HAGA jfen a part of her poay, net to oe for money, letters, etc. t'urtnermore, compelled to dance and .jump around completely der MOST's brassiere a sum of about fcl?oT even her sanitary towel was searched IOC. NO. 59 53 Page 3 After various civilians had had their houses searched and had been searched or their bodies, the arrests took place. Witness was put in solitary confinement not before .Sept. 29th, 194-3; she was interrogated and after that released on 5 Oct, 1943. While in prison she has observed through a crack in the /'door, how some cf trie women, like Mrs, HO^ENER and Mrs, van der MOST after interrogations were bathed by an Indonesian 'mandoer' (guard). After these women were carried into their cells unconsciousa The male accused, witness saw walking rovnd with their heads clipped (VERPALEN, BUIS, de VRIES, LANDING, BEUKERS, and others), The Japanese authorities indicated as chief leaders in this sensational affair: HAGA; van der KOOY. van der LINDEN, WARDENIEF~7~BEl iKERS, Bl'lS, de VRIES, den HAR^OGH, FILIPSEN, VERPALEN and BOUHUIS. All the female prisoners were sentenced to death, they /were: Mrs. HAGA, Mrs. BRACHITS, Mrs. VERPALEN, Mrs, BART and . Sister REICHELT. On the 10th May 1943 a person named MAURITS, KAREL JACOB, who had not been interned, ~:9yrs of a?e, retired employee of the K,P_,MU living at BANDJERMASIN, was arrested by order of The Japanese authorities, no reasons were given; HATA at least, knew about this. After that date his family hove never heard from him again and "'"hey requested to have inquiries made from the then Japanese authorities at BANDJERMASIN, The daughter of MATTRITS KAREL JACOB old 27 years, was also arrested and taken away in August ]°43. Nothing has been heard from her since„ Lastly bis son-in-law was arrested and taken away on Aueust 4th, 19^3 = Nothing has been heard from him since. In despair-, his wire committed suicide by hanging herself; she left behind 3 children, 6, 3 and 2 yrs old. It s orId be reported that after the occupation of BANDJERMASIN by Australian troops, two human skulls were _ foundinthe horse where TAKAHASHI and HATA had lived. The pantry Qf that_ house showed spots of ^lood on the walls and or1 the floor. When the affair was being investigated, TAKAHASHI and HATA lived In this house. Cf) • BOG. *T0. -9"3 On the 24th June 1944, Martinus B :'AHIM was arrested suspected of anti-Japanese feelings because he regularly Native-Christian meetings. Before his case was investigated, suspect was subjected to the following tortures and maltreatments. 1. They started off by a number of strokes with a piece of firewood on the forehead. 2. Next, wounds were inflicted with a burning cigarette below both eyes. 3. After this sunect was beaten with the butt of a rifle on the right eye and cheek. The victim lost a tooth and became deaf. 4. Next, the victim was hung alternatively by th-̂ left and right wrist whilst a stick, 1 m. long, was fastened between the ankles. He w~s beaten very badly on the back, sides and legs; then suddenly the rope by which he was hanging was loosened ?o that he fell on the back of his head. His right-testiclo was hound uH-t-h a n-f̂ np of rone which rope was pulled stronjQx.aexer.aL- times. 6. Another time the victim was hung from his waist, head down. Next, thev poured water down his nose with a kettle, during an hour, wMch caused the victim to become uncon- scious several times. This 'showpiece' the victim had to undergo for 5 consecutive days. During the interrogation the same treatment was applied, together with some 'lighter' tortures, such as beating with the butt of a rifle on thefinger^ijDS, etc. The victim was released from priso* on 5th Sept. 194^ and even now scars and marks are still visible (2 Oct. 194 5) Apart from this torturing the food was so bad, that this victirr was ill and in bed for another 4 - 5 weeks. T|7as signed: Mrs. Hoedt. Doc. No. 5325 Page 1 QsP~J?~S. JJj.iL ilECCFa). / s / S / f Today, February 1, 1946, appo.-rcd before ; .ester J.B.O, acting judgo-advccate -ith the Teiipcriary Court lartir.1 at POaTI^XJC, the person suspected: Y^.^OTO Selchi, aged 40, Qkoyana^Jajoan, 1st Lieut. (LiJut.Colander) Japanese Navy, at present under arrest in the Govern ...nt jail*. The interrogation tries place through the intermediary cf the sT'crn interpreter for the Japanese language, J.N, KlFxBlOLr,, Captain ci the infantry, P.. 1.1.A. (ilcy.al Fcth. Indie-s .av.y). "hen did you arrive in Pcntianak' " "hat aras your position then? 'That -as your function when you arrived at Pontianak? On July 2, 1942. Petty naval officer. I was incorporated -ith the guards garrison, ^s frcn September 1, 1942, I -as second in co-ioand of__the Special Police. DccuLie-nt siioT n to the person suspected, whereupon he has under- signed this official record, on -hich the acting judge-advocate and the interpreter have also put th.ir signatures. The person suspected, signed; in Japanese characters The acting judge -.advocate, signed; J.B. ILJ!" The interpreter, signed J. N.K. JXHftO JE. Today, February 1, 1946, the interrogation cf the suspect .0TO is ccntinued. pc you knew where the sens cf They have been arrested and the sultan, Panderan ;.ditrti apprehended in the local and Pang-ran ..goeng are buried? prison. They -ere beheaded tlie sane day. Pang err. a Zmf^TI a-fs beheaded, by rAJI^T^NL. -hen Pang-ran ^GOJNQ.-"s beheaded by I de no t knc-„ They -re buried in a nass grave at- P^NDGF, tcgether -ith cr cJthJrs. I -ant to add that these Pangerans " ~r.. beheaded at 1P.ND0R alsc. Shewn to the person suspected and undersigned. The suspect signed: The acting judge-advocate in Japanese characters signed; ...tester J.B.KJtf. ihc interpreter sign-d; J.N. ILilBROJX -GO. No. 5525 Today, February 4, 1946, the Interrogation of suspect ~JA GTG "as continued in the presence of the Japanese interpreter Captain HISBAOEIL. 3:ou have asked to talk to the Japanese inter- preter in order to amplify your statement, "hat else do ~reu -"ant to tell? In :XID0:a there have been 8 or 9 mass executioxis, at -Thich I "as present once or t"ice. At 30:_xTvi_L D0J3IA1T there have been 2_j'ic.ss executions. At 3C7.".37I7 DO.jA_A,"~once 24C people T~ere executed and/~a:iother time 10 fTo 13 people. In fact I "g.s p-.^pqp-n-tiat. PYomifin^c ii .j3.0"i''Tt .I i)Q..?t-AIjTr One time nobody was killed, the other time 13 people. I was net present at the" other" executions at SOShGUI DOHIIAl". At : A. DC.: 1,00C people were executed, at K.TAPANG 1C . At POUTIAirAIC behlnd the catholic ce..,etary there are 13 more sraves_apart from that of the Sultan of rontianak, which has already been indicated by me. Have any other exe- cuted cr arrested people been buried lil A- 0 -M X -Li-— Aii. ? Behind the barracks near a bamboo- tree there are another four graves. Four people are there "±10 died in the head-guard of the barracks; but not kno" who they are. ITO CO and ToZ'UGL possibly. and . TAZi: A But how many people altogether have been executed at lO-.TIAJAZC and ; A. DO?/: :no" it at 240 Chinese,, "ho are all buried O O / U G H DG.'.-P lIA- . J believe, however, that among those 240 Chi- nese there are 20 Natives T'Tho '-ere mixed up in cases T"ith Chinese. These 240 people "ere mixed up in a conspiracy against the Japanese. "•1sa-'hfi?fi 1 J OO people are buried "ho had also conspired against Japan. The principal objection against you is HOT that you executed spies, but mainly men, "omen and children "ho not even thought about conspiracies against the Japanese, and even less about planning them I That I und^jp^tand now I also tb.in^%hat it is wrong. Can you prove the existence of con- spiracies against the Japanese at i'ONTTANAIv' I have seen ofiicial records of interrogation on this matter. Ho"-ever, these "ere burned before the c_api£nl at1 on are no more arms, oi .-laparu There letters and other pieces of__eyid.aiic,s seized nave. .been given The arms We to Japanese trcoes for use and the letters taken etc. have been forwarded to Sourabaya. 3oc. No. 5325 Page 3 "'hy were these official records burnec. before the capitulation and '/hen? '/ho gave the order to execute all those 134-C people? ••ere burned by HCNDJO Tnis These documents head oi the Iokeithai ofiiceT happened by order of our Headquarters I heard this on July 2c, 19+5," -hen I returned from a tour against the DayakSo I had left on June 16, 19+5, in connection T?ith the iiurder of NACATA .1 by the Dayaks. This burning of papers happened between June 16 and July 2t:"l;s45. USUI e HOC people/ oraer BALI ^ T" • Ox 01 Da^GU ^ AN 5 the IDi Eil.iii ••/ere executed by ADA3EIG1 at 2.A-0 people by order EAKJ? co:i-.anamg both the naval base group at BALIKPAL- AN. : 'ITSIEIEAIvI "as the successor of TADA0H1GA. Of those HOC people 46 have been before the Court artial and ,rere all sentenced to death. Of the group of 240 people 17 have been court-nartialled and sentenced to death. Thy was only such a snail part of the suspects court-iuartialled' • "ho in FCLTIA.,AX decided whether a suspect ''/as to be court-nartialled? Where the people arrested tortured during their interrogation? Do you knc~ \That happeied to the President of the Chan Eve Ng Jap Soen at POiTIA.. AAV Did you want Ng Jap Soen to sign a docu; ent stating that he and another 300 Chinese "ere nixed up in a conspiracy against Japan? ""ell, did you or did you not torture Ifg Jap So en? Ho*"r do you knoTT that the electricity and the -'ater torture rrere applied to hin? Did rig Jap Soen die? Indeed that was incorrect. But because the suspects -ere dangerous to Japan, they had to be punished. L •ili^ciU'JTx :SJHi of the ; "inseibu at BAliDJ-.il ASIiT, and others. :es, that has happened. I illtreated that nan lyself. I applied the "ater-torture on hin and also the electricity test (torture). I an responsible for hat happens to the people arrested at the Tokeithai. I did not torture Ng Jap Soen nrys^lf, but interpretej HAYASHI and TOXAGASCEI, IYBU of the 1 :inseibu at BANDJ.FL ASiN (police department). No, but I saw Ng Jap Soen before and after his interrogation. I believe that these tortures were applied to Ng Jap Soen. However, I did not see it .ayself. Yes, in prison. He is buried near the grave of the Sultan of Fontianak/ I was not present alTITî fnibralT" Do you rene.nber the clerk Fatia-Sina? Do ycu kno*" that he *".ras arrested and then died? V-~.CS _L ^ O • received report fro.: a certain TAHATA, to the effect that FATIASINA had died, look at the body. then r'Tent to Doc. No. 5325 Page 4 Was the body covered -ith blood? '7a s PATTIA3INA also interrogated in the small pavillion on the left of the Residency-House? The body was still dressed. I did not see that there was blood. The grave was dug.by TABATA and TAHADA of the Tokeithai. Yes. How --as PATTIASINA buried? He '~a_s buried in a tikar (mat). Your statement concerning as to -ho decided whether the suspect "as to appear before Japanese Court- "artial is net clear. '"ere you also allowed to remit suspects to Couvt I.artialV There was no special authority "ho decided about that. All sets of police functionaries were allowed to remit cases to Jourt- artial (the suspect mentions several names). Yes. '"ere other police instances No, they had to obey these allowed to refuse orders by nvrirps-. the Tokeithai? Hot- is it that in both conspiracies mentioned by you only such a fe*-; people -ere remitted to Court-, artial? and the others executed "ithout trial. That lost is strange; '"hen October 1943• were the conspiracies discovered? At that time there -as no enemy in the neighbour- hood; Hollandia in New- Guinea '-as conquered in April 1944 only and there was not even allied air action in the Indies .it the time! All ou~ht to have been court- mar tialled, but the trial of nearly lflPQ people-a]? 1 ti.lvvr- t,p?r-n ? nr. 3 ;rears perhaps, and moreover the enemy was near. That is true, but at that time tĥ -re has been a submarine in front of the mouth of the Eapoeas. However, there was no allied soldier then in the Indies. Then "hy '"as it necessary The first hundred "ere executed by to be so he.rdhr.nded --ith order of TADASHICg, as mentioned by 1100 suspects instead of me beiortf tile "others by order of trying them properly? his successor. •/ere all those 1100 men That was done in parties^ not all • arrested at the same time? at one time. After the first arrests, did not the other sus- pects become afraid? 'Are any reapons found with the suspects? Has there ever been any revolt against the Japanese at PONTIANAI"? Do you believe that by torturing suspects they can be made to confess all sorts of things? Yes, but because their names -ere mentioned by those arrested first, they also r^re arrested. Y^s, 25c, which originated from British"and Dutch armies. No. The information concerning the conspiracy came from 3ANDJARTA3IN. YoS, I can '"ell imagine that. Doc. Ho. 5325 Pago 5 Have you ever executed people yourself? Had you received author- ization to this effect from your chief or did ycu act on your e n , responsibility? Yr.fi, t.ĥ ̂ n+.-fyg ml nf FV'.TA?ft NG,, a Chinese and a f̂.-̂ f- I executed all three by order of UFZUCHI (probably no*- in Japan). A co:render of the ICebi ThaiT also of the Tokeithai. Sho'ii to the susp.ct, -hereupon this official record -as undersigned by the suspoet, the interpreter and the acting judge advocate. The suspect: The interpreter The acting Judge- Advocate ; signed; in Japanese signed: T. P.IPFTBmOFP signed; Ilcester characters J.3.HAP. OFFICIAL i:_co LD. Today, march 3? 1946, appeared before ;:ie, Pr. J.B.HAP, con:lissioncr for the preliminary investigation at PONTIAFAI. -ith the Temporary Court Partial, assisted by the Secretary Pr. A. Jr-B1LL.10TK, the, suspect YjPAl OTP 30IJHI, ago 40 years old, occupation: Captain of the :Tavy, no- incarcerated in Pontianak prison. As acting Judge-Advocate you have told ..c some tine ago, ho- you participated in exe- cutions of people or wore a r-itnoss at sane. Yes, that is correct. T'7here did those executions occur? At "APDCP. light tines I Went there. How many times did you go there in connection -ith those executions? *rero you in coaoand at those 8 executions? YeS, I —as in command. At . Ai'IDOR did you kill any people yourself? Had anybody ordered you to behead those people? Had you received order from a high quarter for the execu- tions lead by you? Have you ever executed people by order of OHAJIPA? Yes, thr-a- pr.npl r j executed. "ith my hr-hr.rrtr.ri them, namely the native ruler of Pctapang, a teachcr PL IAS and a enincse KTn "HA T?r,K (written as indicated by the accused). This happened co:x. andcr of the landing division papan. YeS, from the commander of the said landing division, through the intermediary of UP3UGI commander of the Pri b-jfy'L ATO, not at PANDOP, but at SOPNGIjI DOFRIAP. Doc. No. 5325 Page 6 HOt' do you knot- in hovr many graves the victims at . A. D0H are buried? Because I "as present at eight executions, I can indicate 8 mass graves. *7ere the vie tins fettered at the time of their execution? T7as core taken that the heads remained rith the bodies to "hich thoy belonged? *7ho decied as to "ho::.: * as •going to be executed? Did the suspects -ear numbers on their clothes? The hands T.vrc tied on the bad. "ith ropes, —hich "ere not untied after death. No, everything "as throm in in a heap in the pit. I received the list of people to be executed from H^oUQI I.'II 31 and then T~ent to the prison. YvS, but there 'Tore prison- numbers. Aftersho"ing to the suspect this official record is under- signed by hi:.i, the commissioner, the secretary and the Japanes e int erpreter. The Suspect, signed: in Japanese characters. The seer, signed A.J.BILLROTH, Cornissionor s.J.3.1X1 The interpreter, signed: unreadable OFFICIAL t,C0'!D. Today, "arch 19, 194-6, appeared before me, Ifeestor J.B. KA-i, Commissioner for the legal preliminary investigation vith the Temporary Court . artial at PONTIANAk, assisted by the Secretary, llr. J.A. BHGu~.m?t, B.L. the suspect 1 A. A OTP 30ICHI Did the Tokeitai receive information from HAYASHI SHUICHI? Yes. Hayashi has reported, for instance, that the "'here is the former Tokeitai Commander UL3UGI no--? natives and the Chinese organised meetings, "here the advance of^ the allies rnd the retreat of the Japanese mas discussed! Only at the investigation"It appeared "ho -mre the dangerous people. HAYASIII did not indieato any special names. I think ixl Japan, YokosiLLmi_ Naval Base, n^ar Yokohama. You admit to have been active in the investigation into the t"o conspiracies, ."ore-over you have admitted that during the interrogations of the sus- pects tortures "ere applied to the as a result of "hich confessions of guilt "ere obtained, Thereupon the people mentioned have been executed. "That you say there is the correct course of events and I also admit that I am re- sponsible for the acts of the Tokeitai, therefore also for their aoaths. I ad it- th?t. tile, -tortures Of the gnsp,- r.t.s and their executions "ere "bad" CO. No. 5 3 2 5 You say, that your superiors of the 22nd J " I Base (Special) at BALIYAiAil gave the orders for the execution, but "hat do you think about your orn responsibility in this respect; in fact, your superiors had to act according to the reports and interrogations of the Tokeitai, "here you "ere the second in com. and so to say, aft^r UYSUGI and later OKAJIYA. Can you indicate the graves of tho victims of the second conspiracy-, "ho -ore buried at SOYi Gi I DOiYIAN? Yes, part of then, "Tore the possessions of those executed seized and confiscated? If so, "hat happened "ith then? The valuable objects "ere taken amy from the houses by UiSUGI hi::iself and transported to BALIKPAPAN. Thus, -ith NAGATANI, I took f.i 0-000. fro: :c Y£ LIANG YIL's rubber plantation at 30YNGLI AYBAYA'G, "hich UYSUGI took to BALIYPAPAN. Personally T did not en.ioy any of this money. Can you tell something about the Court -iartial "hich sentenced some of those arrested to death? I "as present at a session of the Court -.artial. The Court m s composed of; C0l.YA.AJI3 0 a p t a in I AY AT A _ a nd YA' J'j, I, registrar A.iAYI, and another Captain "hose name I do not rcmemb-r. Thero "ere 36 accused, "ho, in 1 session lasting'from.'8.3C a.m. to 12.30 p.m. -ere all Sentenced to deathT- YA AJI ras second man of the Yinseibu at . "AND JAR ASIim The three Cr eta ins "ere fron read Soerabaja, all of the Navy. TAKATA out the charge and the results of the in- vestigation, which were translated into .Yalay by ICATC. Then the accused "as asked -hat they had to say, "hereupon they all confessed guilty. There "as no futhcr interrogation of them or of witnesses. I remember that one of the accused, I know that this "as P1NAGIAN said something about After his children, "hereupon the ating for half an hour to death. Further no thin. Court Yartial, ; £H /-, y-1 • mas discussed, tor dcliber- scntsliced the accused sho"ing this official record to the suspect, the same has been undersigned by him, by the Commissioner, by the Secretary and the interpreter. The suspect, The Secretary The Commissioner signed in signed;J.A.Brou"cr signed; J.B.KAitf Japanese character The interpreter, signed; unreadable The undersigned CHA3LJS JOJGLSSSL, first lieutenant 1.LLA, head of the ~rar Crime Section of IGTH2P.LAND3 FORCES Il-.'TLLLIC-iiNĈ 33''TXj(a75FIS) being first duly sworn on oath deposes and states that the annexed Dutch reports r-fth annexed English translations ".re true, complete and accurate copies of the original documents entitled; "Five official records containing signed statements of YL "0T0 3EICKI, ist. lieutenant Japanese Javy, made up by Dr. J.3. ILiAT acting .judge-advoc-te '-ith the Temporary Court "lartirl at PO^TIANAI", dated February 1st and 4th, "arch 3^d -nd 19th, 1946." '-hich documents are parts of the official r -cords of the J~JF Signature; Batavia, 7th June 1946. /s/ Jh. Jongcueel Subscribed and srorn to before me, II. A. de T'm'-i .D, first lieutenant 11. J. I. A. Higher Official attrchcd to the office of the Attorney - General IT. U.I. /s/ K. A. de "nJUHD i / / 7 N ' "Document No, 59? 2 / /flS ̂ V^A/JT ^ Page 1 Fn-lish Translation of the Kalay Text in the ;Borneo Sinbun' of £. Tvrr..;. , 1 July, 1944, Nr. 1.35, 2nd File. — Doc. 5922 AY EXTEi^I^E TRAITORS PLOT T" '.TT/:CF NIPPON H-g BEP*' R""TEL 0'IT: The leaders of the plot and others have been shot dead. Co • 'Irte nc.ce and order htve returned to Western Borneo once more. (Announcement of the troops in this province d.d. 1st July 19 syvowa - 194-4--) A unit of the neval forces at POfTIAMAK which, elready for a long ' tine, kner^about the secret conspiracy which wrs ye nv _w i d e - s or e a d to ^yUA^tu rebel arainst the Jan? nese in the rrovince of 1'estcrn Borneo, _0.:TIN"F, j with ST^CYIM TC* and the surrounding district as a centre, continued to watch closely until on the orniinr of the 23rd Zijuge.tu (Oct,) of last year when the first mass-arrests took nlace and on the 'orning of the- 24th Janui ry of this year another -ass-arrest took olace. Frothat df +e very exiting investigations ';ere cortinued. ar ainst the Sultan (Prince) of P'"v: TIAAAK ard scie hundred weorle riho - ere eon- nee-1 ed vith it rho already had been arrested ^ith the result thrt a fear- inspiring plot to attack Nipron with ins, was abandoned. Therefor, during the session of the Court Martial of the Navy, the lea ders of the-Plot and others~?ere" fontencefl t6 tiecth end, executed by a firing squr d on June 2£th7~ ~ " Names of the leaders of the conspiracy: J. E. £ . 51 yrs of age, Ambonese, assi -ill: ted European, suspended as Soomu Kakerityo ?:1'TTI/NAF (heed_of the general affairs department of the Resident's Office)". 5J.-.RIF •'•lOFi-.AD flKADRI, 74. yrs of ego, Indonesian of AraMc oririn, Su?tar /\ of PC TIANAK. PANGFRA;-' /DTP, TI. ?1 yrs of t.s.e, Indonesian of AriMc origin, no oc-unation (heir of the Sultan of pOPTT;.WftI'') PANC-FRAN /r0I"TC, 26 yrs of age, Indonesian of Ar M c origin, Secretary to the cultan of PONTIA'A.^ (fourth chnd of the Sultrn) Ng. "JKP £0E:'. 40 yrs of age, Chin- £e,, importer and exporter of_products, Kakyo Tosei Kaityo (heed of the League of Chinese Overseas). "'Document No. 5922 - " LOMBAN P AA. A3 yrs of ager Bctnk, suspended as Head of the Police-station at ^o-'tiarrk. " •'.CEfsINI. A3 yrs of ondtnese. as si-ail a tod European, (Ex-Mod.Off. let 01. with tho R.N.I.A.) suspended as Director of the C.B.Z.- hos-iit.-.1 (Centre3, Civilian Hotnitcl) at POITTIANAK. I'EI IIAFG T,T. 54 yrs of ape, Chinese import r. Nr. rTJK? h: 35 yrs of age, CM nose, Manager of the Ice-fr ctory Kakvo Fosei Kaityo, SI 'KAT^KG, (head of the Low w o of Chin, se Ov. -f.f r f t Firrkf v: rrJ Pi:" GILN. 48 yrs of age, Batak, suspended Kyoiku Kakarityo, Sigekukan Pontianak Syuutizityo, (head of tho Education Department of TWOnPrt-1"n the Resident's Office at PONTL"NAK) ? "TO SOEDJONG. .',2 yrr of . r , M doer- • , •- v. -ended as Snito K v r?.tyo Pon-'LnuI' S;o- t. '?,5 t-o, (head of tho Flr . ce Department of the Residents Office pontianak) F.J. LOhAl' PAATII, 44 yrs of age, Menadonose, former Kooekika Syoki (clerk with a coaleroix 1 depr rtmentj of a Company. G. A. OCT. VI/.?TTT.C: LUG, . , 42 yrs of age,' Menadoncso, suspended as Sinrin Kakarityo Pontianak Syuutizityo (head of tha For ..cti-^departmert of the Reside, nt1 sOff ice at POTf TAN/TR) : ' PNG T-.T0E '.IE. 52 yrs of upo, of Dutch-Chinese origin, assimilated European, ^former clerk-editor rj.th the Ass. Resident of STfT-KfWG, rtithoift occupr tloi;. PER-1 /•IIOFDT^. 33 yrs of age, I- donesian, suspended as Guntyo Sir.gkavm.ng, (head of the Singkrr. rg-district) C-C-' T1 £A0I.N.:r. 44 yr: of age, Indonesian, UAnr.-. ndent ruler of JQ2AP/TTG: X } 0rL.. -;p -'• Tc' FIOFDir. 40 yrs of ago, of Indonesian-Chinese origin, Sult,-n (Prinee) of Sie'R'S. SA'VOX WO^OiO OTOMODJO. 45 yrc'or age, Jevan.se, suspended as Siho Kakarityo Pontianak Syuutizityo fli&r.d of t.b<- .Tuctin^. depirtment of the Residents Office of PO'TI. N/K) ABDOEL SA ID. 51 yrs of age, Batak, suspended as Daini Zyoyaku Pontianak Siykusyo, (jiunioiTy.1 official of PTTT "NrKl •' 0'- RJO i. RT uDOJ"', 33 yri .<, z, J v&.\- P. , rw y\A- d 1 - otor of th? Lunati o-j avium at p0?TIA^F. MOrh •., D. J. TIM. 38 yrs of age, Pi dr nger, suspended as Senpaku Kak rityo Pontianak Sytuutizityo (head of the n-ni r-ip-dr-rv y+rmrt of it PONTIANAK) R."DEN M/.S SOEDIJJTTO. 31 yrs of age, Javanese, former radio-operator of a Companya N.' 30FDIK, 35 yrs of age, B* ta.k, suspended as Tikusan Kakrrityo Portiar.ak Syuutizityo (he:d of the Ci ttl.-bri-edln^ department of tho Resident*g Office .-+. Pnrru-imuAl ' 0:TA -:i\i. JI, 30 yrr of age, Javanese, suspended as Noomu Ka.kf rityo Portianak Syuutizityo (h5td_o£_jtho Agricultural department of the Resident's Office r t"P0NTI/NAK) Document. No. 5922 Tj.mPQI:NAr. 29 yrs of age, Batak, suspended as Zcir.ru Kakarityo Pontinnak Syuutizityo (he'd of the Tax-department of the resident's o f f ' c o at ->ntianak) Tihi Bo en Khc. 42 yrs of age, Chinese, formerly a jourr.ali st. NABROi .0' ;0,ri V: FOF 7.:'. 31 yrs of age, Br tak, suspended fyoko Kakarityo Syuutizityo (he. d of the records-office of the Resident's office POmAiViCT E- LJFDO' F "'F!X J: 1"T. 44 yrs of age, Menadonese, suspended as Daiiti Zyoyaku "ontirnak Siyaksuyo (functionary vith the 'Hiznicipal oifice ?ontian;. k) W.?.::.TL»U. 51 yrs of age, Menj.dor.ose, suspended as Soonu K&kari Hisyotyo "ontianak Syuutizityo (Seerctar.; of the General Affairs Dep. . of the Resident's Office at Pontianck). r//GBirTn:T 70TTCC7 EHTO. 27 yrs of age, Javanese, suspended as Soomukakcri Sycki Fortianak Syuutizityo (clerkj7ith_Jthe___ G .1̂ x1.1 Affairs Pep. of the Resident's Office at "O' ianZK) K- . L0E7G I-'HOl„ 4-5 yrs of age, Chinese, Kckyo Toseikai Hisyo, Pontianak (seer:tary of th. Loarue of Chinese Overseas at Pontianak). THENG m i TENG. 47 yrs of t.ge, Chinese director of an oil-factory former Cap't. of the Chine re at SF CK/JO'G: ~ R.h.AC^, D DI'̂ 0?TEr0:0. 4,0 yrs of age, Javanese, doctor t the C.B.Z. at FONTI ,n E: IgivXEL. 34- yrs of age, Javanese, dorcctor of the C.B.Z.Eisci Kakerityo (Heed r-f thcJLivil Hollth Dep.)"at SIFCXAWANG. j TF... D FAIPT. 4-0 yrs of en/e, Er. Indian, mr̂ i g-i- of the Yam-to-cineraa. AhTI..H ?.Q: PINT. 33 yrs of age, Javanese, wife of Or. P£EBI?I. 'vOERLILIA "". ."/.'ArTOIAF. 45 yrs of age, Batak, wife ->f the school-supervisor HI; W I AIT. TPtlGI'OE ID7IS. 50 yrs of are, Indonesian, irdenerdent-ruler of ?0FK"D VL. X OOPSTI . Pel". 43 yrs of ago, Indonesian, independent-ruler of SI:"'/FG, ^ SJARIF F.'.LEH. 63 yrs of tge, Indonesian, indenendent-rulpr of KOFBOE. x —— /\ GOESTI ABDOEI R" If. 4.2 yrs of age, Indonesian, independent-ruler of /f FG" EA; G (L/ FDAK) ^ j'.DE- ;/-K D ..RIF, 40 yrs of age, Indonesian, indepondent-rulcrjof S/FGGiU. V GO; • TI D T F , 41 yrs of age, Indonesian, ir4epcndcnt-njler of SEKi'DAN GOESTI DJi 52 yrs ef age, Indonesian, indenend ent~-r̂ ler of TAJAN. Jf R.-.DEN I BDOEFBAHRI DANCE "ERDANA, 41 yrs of age, Indonesian, indooendent- rulcr of LEPAFAH. Document No. 5922 Page U \ .OH/.iVlAD TTu'.UFirK. 63 yrs of r.ge, indcpendent-rulerjof ME.r/Ju H. V ....T." . L. 171'• rTG, 4.6 yrs of age, Menadonese, assimilated European, suspended as Syoko Kakcrityo Pontianak Syuutizityo (working in the record-office of the Residents Office in PONTIANAK). R D'." I.AVR/.-NA, 43 yrs of age, Indonesian, suspended as Gurtyo Portianak (head of a district of ^ontianck). Short survey of the aff .ir. The affair started in Itigatu (January) of the 17 syowa (1942) at the tine of the occupation of ?OFTILHAK_by the Japanese Army. At th. t tine there were am~>rgst the inh. hi tents of this province, with PONTI NAK as a ccntrc, 13 irfluontial parties. The leaders of these ^r^jnrJ-i^r^ -;11 TT,tp ^ irflUcnce of the loadors~of~"thc 'luff movement, amongst whom were members of the Parindra, with communistic ideas. Th. t they vrere planning 'as, taking advantage of the confusion at the Japanese Invasion in this part, to establish the independence of Western Borneo in one 'coup'. After several secret conferences these very rebellious elements agreed to watohi' closely the Civil Administration of the Japanese lji]y_andmfcg_plaaa accordingly tY V: taken by the independerce-novem-.nt for Western B o r n e o . Bee-use these people's thoughts were constantly concootr-1. d on the, att ck of Pi-'pon and because there also_was a very strong opinion that all the twelve independent states should disappear when the 'Country of the people of Western Borneo' had been established, the fcultan of "O'-TI N/.F becamc very much alarmed and towards the end~"of the third Booth of that year he agreed with tho 13 afore-mentioned organisations to participate in the attack upon Nippon. At a conference of the independent-rulers ; bout mid-April* the Sultan of -Om-.Ni.F persu ded tho other 11 indcpendont-rulc rs t_> jln the plot upon which thoy oi. • :c to an agreement. About that time, two men, called Pf.TTIi £IN. , cx-principal clerk with \ the former Dutch Government and RICH RD, ex-chief Inspector of "Plice with 1 tho former Dutch Government who had"be'»£ imprisoned by the Japanese Array Doc. No. 592? Page 5 for being anti-Japanese, were released on the_festive-day of Kigensetu (memorial day of the origin of Japanese emperors) on the Ilbh Nigatu .(Feb.) after havinr sworn an oath of loyalty to the G.C. of the troops, who had cunningly pretcntted"lScr h- ve tier -r.u. oro^Japanere. After they had bucn released, however, they soon took the lead of the organisation of the 1? afore-mentioned parties and -ith zeal prepared the attack on Nippon, thus becoming influential figures in this affair. On the 1st April of that year the G.C. of the Japanese Army by an order of the day ordered th it all movements like the Parindra and other political organisations must be d:- solved ana were prohibited, this caused much alarm amongst the anti-Japanese members. Then, mid~Gogatuj[MS£) after having held a conference, the representa- tives of the 13 afore-mentioned parties, those who did not belong to any of these parties like "'ATT IAS IAN, at the time Soomu Kakarityo Gunseibu (head of the General Affairs Deo. of the C.C, of the Japanese Army) ROEBINI, private doctor at ^ontianak, formerly Med.Off. 1st CI. R.N.I.A. PANGERAN AGOENG, Secretary to the Sultan of PONTIANAK, Ng. NJIA" SOEN, Tyuka Sokaityo (head of the Chinese League) and other united comrades. In total 22, decided to dissolve all difference between peopleT parties i and races, to form a uniting tie in order to pursue the one object, to ( attack Nippon and to establish the ;Nissuikai*-organisation which to all appearanc•." s would s< en to b( pro-Nippon under the leadership of NOTO ' .SOEDJONO, general chain.an of the province and ccmmissionary of the I ̂ ARINDRA Western-Kalimantan, to prepare the front against Nippon at the greatest possible speed, Therefor they fervently started to establisha movement amongst the „ lower classes and th ir in^^n^ 0 l^wr^^d dry byjju • In July of the same year NOTO SOEDJONO, general chairman of the 1Nissuika1 handed a request to the C.C, of the Army that the organisation afore-mentioned must be recognized and thus strengthen the resistance- movement 'Nissuika1 which appeared to be pro-Nippon. In the tenth month, however, an order was issued by the MINS'SIEU "ontianak Sibutyo (Head of the Branch-office iAinsoibu) that the organisation must be dissolved. From that time they used the '"PMOEDA MOEHAf'ADIJAH7 -movement by making this organisation the centre cf the- plct^ hiding themselves behind the mask of whet seemed to be religious meetings. PATTIASIIIA, Soomakakarityo Minseibu'Pontianak Sibu (Head General Affairs of the Branch-office of the Minseibu) who rt that time played the principle part in the traitors-plot, had a very influential authority, using his position of accepting and dismissing Indonesian civil-servants, which wrs completely under his control. He had agreed with "PANGERAN ADI"V..TI, heir end successor of the Sultan cf "^ONTIANAK and with Ng NJTAn SOEN, Krkyo Toseikaityo (head of the Chinese League), and others that they would together await the opportunity to accomplish the attack upon Nippon. Doc. No. 5922 Page 6 At that tine the loaders of tho conspiracy had the impression, based on deceptive radio communications, that the united American and Australian armies would attack the East Indies in December, which was absolutely unfounded and about r hich we laughed a great deal. Because they a lso knew that at BANDJERYiASIN rebellious comrades, under the leadership of the former Governor HAGL would stand up, pugnacious people like PATTIAEINA, "NANGIAN, A D I P m and others •-anted to accomplish the revolt according to plan. Because they did not have the whole-hearted co-operation of the Chinese group, who first wanted to watch the aspect of tho war, quietely for the time being, the plan failed * After this ~ATTIASINA had separate meetings with the twelve in- dependent-rulers seizing the opportunity that they all were at "ONTIANAK in connection with the meeting to be held with regard to the determination of the indcpendency-budget. He gave them information about tho conspiracy which had already been prepared with the result that he took an oath with them that they would revolt. Because the propaganda by mears of untrue communications from America and England hLid been very intense from the end of tho year 17 syowa (1942) till abut mid of the year IS Syowa (1943) Khich propaganda had been full of cuxning and deception about tho retreat of the German Army from Stalinggrad, tho transfer of the Japanese vanguard from tho Isi. of GUADALCANAL in order to bring tho Japanese Army to the front elsewhere* and because of the evacuation by the Axis-Array of North-Africa, the Chinese group in Western-Borneo which always had the habit to take the winning side, suddenly revealed hor intentions and whole-heartedly took part in the conspiracy. In the meantime MAKALIWI and Drs SOESILO arrived, respectively Inspectors of Agriculture and Public Health, from BANDJETMASIN at "ONTIANAK and they did their utmost to come into contact with the members of tho plot in every district and they supported then and encouraged them. "ATTIASIIil and the others, however, were vary much alarmed because they had received a very hasty message that a great many members of the plot HAGA at BANDJERMASIN had already been arrested by the authorities during mid-May of the ICth year syowa (1943). Thoy hastily discussed the neccssary measures and obtained full agreement with regard to the steadfastness and courage to accomplish the plan as already had been agreed upon before and whjch had as an object to stir UP a revolt amongst the lower classes of the population of Western-Borneo. As the central body to bring about the revolt amongst the lower classes of the population the secret organisation 'SOEKA RELAr (Voluntary corps of armed forward troops) was established in Juno. Doc. No. 5922 "age 7 Sincc that time they held meetings, several tines to discuss the preparations for the attack and they decided that the attack would take place in the beginning of Zyunigatu (December) of the 18th year Syowa (1943) whilst all the details concerning the formation of the attacking troops, the accumulation and transport of weapons, amunition, the expenses with regard to food, etc. were discussed. On the evening of the 16th Zyugatu (Oct.) of this year the principle leaders, amounting to 69 persons, held a secret conference in the building MED/..N SEAAK/ T at'^ONTIANAK, after the general discussions had been concluded a conclusive agreement was reached with regard to the revolt and with regard to decisions conccrning the details. The agreement was as follows: •At 2.30 in the morning of the 8th December the attack will take place: occupy the Kelbitai (M.?.-office) kill the soldiers of the Nippon Army, seize the most important positions in the town, whilst another unit will storm the Residency's Offices, attack the civil-servants of the Minseibu and the employees of the Nippon Companies and murder them.' In addition the foundation of the State was drawn up in great lines as follows: The name of the State was dccided to be 'NEGERI RA_JAT BORNEO BARAT' (peQple's country of Western Borneo) an agreement was reached with regard to the constitution, the outlines of the Government, the design for the flag, people were appointed who would'occupy important places like the ""rime Minister, PANGERAN ADIPATI, the Vice-President; "ATTIASINA and 18 Ministers, the Head of the Secretary,, the Mayor of PONTIANAK. measures with regard to Religion, the Courts of Jtrstice, the Criminal Judge the circulation of money, and a special message to America and England after the new country had been established were taken and a meeting after the establishment of the new State, to celcbrate victory in war, would be held. All these, however, were purely visions they dreamed about, ideals which never could be realized, it was like the saying "to hope for dew at mid-day" and we only pitied them for their stupidity. Thus on the 23rd Oct. of last year a unit of the Naval Forces at "ONTIANAK, which had exerted all its powers to watch patiently and awaited their opportunity to cause a sudden break by making a mass-arrest in the right quarters and thus amongst other people, '\ATTIASIFIA wrs taken. The other leaders who had managed to evade arrest were very much alarmed and held an emergency-meetinf in the palace of the Sultan of "ontianak and in the house of ROEBINT €odiscuss measures that should be taken, but they could not come to an agreement regarding the right measures to be taken immediately in connection with the circumstances. They only agreed that they would determine their attitude after they could watch closely how the investigations by the authorities would proceed. Doc. No. 5922 lage 8 Be cause they knew that in the meantime prosecution would be cntinucd with great cunning, they drew ur> a plan to kill the members of the Keibitai (IV.:":) by means of poison and thus reach their goal speedily, before their collaborators in the plot rho trere in prison would have betrayed all their secrets<, Several ti;:ios this plan was discussed and a definite scheme was made which was so wicked that it looked like the workings of an evil Ghost. N.B. At the bottom of this articlo from the 'Borneo Finbun' wc are referred to the 'Moekalll* for the sequence, This 'page III1, however, is not available. (Note translator). • Document No. 5922 a? e 9 C E R T I F I C A T E f The undersigned Cli RLE£ JO CEKEEL, first Lieutenant R.*M.A., head of the ' ar Crimes Section of NETHERL' "DS FORCES P'TELIICE"CE SERVICE (FEFIf) being first duly sworn on oath deposes and states th;. t the annexed report is an English translation of the original Malay docu- ment, entitled: •airy text of an article in the "Borneo Shimbun" of Saturday 1 JVy nr. 135, 2nd File about "an extensive traitors plot to attcck Nippon rooted out." which document is a'prrt of the official records of the Nefis. SIGN TU"'E : E TAVIA, June 7th 19^6. (Netherlands Forces I--tellifon.ce Service) (SEAL) Subscribed and sworn to before me, F.A. de Feerd, first Lieutenant R.F.I.A., Higher Official attached of the office of the Attorney - General .E.I. /s/ K. A. do Weord. Document i o. "92 1 CERTIFICATE i-Le under sip nod OIL:- PES JCPGE: EEL, Captain RNIA, Head of War Crimes Section uf NETFERLA;' DS FORCES INTELLIGENCE SERVICE (NEFIS), being first duly sworn on oath deposes and states that the annexed statements are full, true, complete and accurate copies of the original Dutch documents entitled; a. Reports of interrogation of HA^SHI SHUICHI, dra vn np by J. E. KaN, LL.D., jud 'e-corrr;issiorer for the judicial preliminary investigation •vith the temporary Court Partial at Pontianak, dated respectively 13th Larch, 14th Larch and 20th Larch, 194-6, signed by H A Y ASH I SHUICHI, J. B. KAN, J . N«, BROUWER (secretary) and J. N. HEYBRCEK (interpreter), b. Report of interrogation cf HAYASHI SHUICHI, drawn up by A. J. ZINSSER, LL.D., acting judge-advocate at Pontianak, dated l6th Parch 1946, signed by HAYASHI SHUICHI, J. B. KAN, A.J. ZINSSER, J. N. BROUFER AND A. J. HEYBRCEK, which original documents are part of the official records of Subscribed and sworn to before ma K. A, DE 'PSERD, LL.D., Lajor Artillery RNIA, Senior Official attached to the Office cf the Attorney-General N.E.I. Signatures /s/ K. A. DE "PEIERD NEFIS. Signature: atavia, August 30th, 1Q46 N Document No. ^921 Page 1 Today, larch l6th, the interrogation of tho suspect HAYASHI 3ETJICEI »as co tinu^d in the presence of Judge Advocate on duty, S. J. 'iivSSER, Bachelor of Law. ill you now state what you krow concerning the so-called "Second Plot9" In August 1944, I discovered that at SINGIIAVTANG some Chinese wore holding a meeting, I report-'d. this to 0EAJI3L'. vf.ho gave me a list of "0 names of people I had to arrest. After the arrest of these 0 people during the interrogation I asked them about their friends of whom I drew up a List, or to be exact, two lists, of about 80 people. This list was copied in writing by TANICUCHI at my office in PONTIANAK. By order of OAAJIKA these 80 people t were arrested afterwards. All these 130 people were from SINGKA77ANG and, in my opinion, they were arrested on account of their wealth, not because theThUU UWiLLod any dflfflfl. ' Ihis plot had P'&rTffarUy glihno'd by UUJl'lM, I^GAIAIU, lA'.AMOTC and me* Those who were guilty of this plot, in my opinion, deserved imprisonment at the rest, but they should not have , Y~~ 11 n 111 iTiiii II iiiiiiiiii 1111 «iiiiwwiBBMnTnrwniTĈ ttwiT'T**'-M • ••"̂ •TitTiMriMiniiiiiiMiMii •Mgnr̂ rBntffiniftmti.i boon beheaded, o you remember any names of these 130 people? I There were no natives amongst them, but I do remember the ? following Chinese: CH : Ore SING, TAN I FA, BONG Klfc AN, KWEE KONG SKIN, TJENC DANG TIAM, YO BAK HCSI, TAN DJIN CHA, SENG HON SSI:, ICON DJIN TJHON, TAI SIN THON (u'ris w.-s ohe man ".'ho was in the possession of poison) SIN TJO HIN, SAN FA TJC-NC, CHA TJ'NG -JIN, GC GCEI, LIE NIS CHIANG, EC KA CHAN. Did all these 130 people appear before the Court martial and were they executed? Five men from SINGT A"'ANG r.d 1° from PONT I' NAK appeared before the Court ks.rtial. Then their pacers were sent up to SOERABAJA where the Court Partial sentenced them in absentia . A cut t:n of tho 130 people were released, the. rest were executed, ith or without a trial by C vrt Fartial. Do you know who gave the order for "the oxecution? The order was givr-n by OICAJILA who was C. 0. of tho Keibitai Tofceitai at PCNTIANAF at the time. OKAJIM reoived this order from the juridical department of the Second Southern Souodron at SOERABAJA. Wore you prosent at tho interrogation of those 13c people in the capacity of interpreter or as an interrogator,? Who fore the • Tokoitai people who interrogated these 130 persons? What did these people state during their interrogation? i 1 Document No. r"9?l x 0 At the interrogations I acted as int erpret ~v. I arr ested people by order of the Tokeitai - I did not arrest people on iay o n .. vt' critv -"-ut if I found so^eon^ whem I con- sider.^ d i.!gc reua, I arrested him. Oi-iAJIFA, YALAnOTO, URU1 ,e:A nd myself; also ISKIlIaRA who belonged to the ordinary Police, After the electrical treatment, ^hr "water cure" had been applied, they admitt."d to have p,Laa»sd xoi bhe mrtyrrfroxv orTftci '"J .•,l)lirjg"U aUUiurmfjiTL I :o3mit having p Vtlcip-tea m the ap'p' ie - tion or the aDovo mention d tortures. I remember to hrve aoplied them on CEA SONG DJIH, BCI'iG KIM AN and others, I do not remember their names. During the interrogations of these 130 people, were reports drawn up and were they signed by them? Yes, all these reports w:*re signed by them and afterw rds sent up to SCSI BaJA. Was the order for the execution given on the. strength of these reports? 'Yba t io you think of all this; these people --/ore executed on the str a.rth of statements which had been made under pressure? Do you think they deserved death? Acs. A groat many of these 130 men vere innocent and should (not have boon executed. Is their execution connected with the fact that the plot had been partly pi nned by CLAJIJA, NAGATANI and YAKAhCTO? The confessions of the suspects had been drawn up by the Tokeitai personnel and suspects signed them. Wo anticipated that de th sentence would be given on the strength of these reports. They -<ero mostly wealthy and important people end therefor it was better to kill them. Their money and valuables were confiscated by the Tokeitai and given to OK A JII A. Where they heve been sent to afterwards, I do not 1 know. I did not enrich myself by them, however. You admit having participated in part of the planning of the "Second Plot"; you state this was not to onrich yourself. What then was your motive? I participated in the planning of the plot by order of CKAJIfcA, but at the rirst interrogations, it was already 9 c l e a r to me th"t the why] • v. 1 -an v,a a or ~m?rjifre ho^ ... By participating in the plan, I l.lll'lb'hl 1*5" rise Tn the esti- mation of my superiors. Document No. ^921 Pago 3 6 Did "ny bus in' -ss P eple Interest th^mselvns in this plot?- I learned from 0KAD1 that business m-.n like SAEAFIBARa, MWATA, INAGAII :nd EOSAKA w r: very much interested in tETs" plot and discusilH it '-'ith the Tokeitai men. •i Suspect- is confronted with tho report of interrogation of the witness, SOEIARDI dated Larch 15th 194-6, on which suspect stat SO:;!'-ARDI was ry servant. I admit having cut SCBKARDI in the right thigh, I believe "/ith a knife because I was angry with the baby of SCSK/J1DI, a child of 9 months. I do not remember ,/hether I maltreated the baby or not. The report was road to suspect after which it was signed by him and by the Superintendent, the Judge Advocate on duty, the Secretary and the Int- rpreter. The Suspect: /s/ HAYASHI SHTJICEI The Superintendent (In Jap n ?so Char cters) /s/ J. B. KAN The Judge Advocate on Duty; The Secretary /s/ S.J. ZINSSER /s/ J. N. BR0TP7ER The Interpreter /s' J. N. EEYLRCEK Doc, No. 5958 French Mission in Japan STAMP illegible Page 1 Tokyo, 23 Sept 1946 General de CA PECHKOFF, inch Ambassador. Chief of the French Mission in Japan, to M'siour Oneto, French Prosecutor I.M.T.F.E. Tokyo Forwarding Memorandum Nature of Enclosures Number Tokyo Remarks Copy of a document addressed by the Minister of Foreign Affairs: Written report of the interro- gation of the Japanese Liout. SHOJI M0T0Y0SHI commanding a detachment at BERAU (BORNEO), accused of having ordered the execution of M. & Mne. THOREZ, French citizens, in 1945 rx - \ - 1 Total ( STAMP (French Mission in Japan ( L.B./L.B. P. 0. Colonel VALLIER /illegible/ File No. 126 Charge against: SHOJI M0T0Y0SHI SUBJECT: Execution of natives at BERAU in period May/July 1945 and Execution of a Frenchman and his wife at BERAU I SHOJI M0T0Y0SHI (Lt. JG) of the 2nd guard unit at TARAKAN & O.C. detachment at BERAU makes the following declaration: I was O.C. a detachment of about 60 men at BERAU. Towards April 1945, the situation became very serious because of Allied bombardments and the lack of transport and at the same time there were certain indications of underground activities. In one instance, 0 soldiers had disappeared v/hile en route after leaving TARAKAN and their disappearance had been alleged to be the work of hostile natives. Doc. No. 5958 Page 2 I ordered 120 natives of various villages to be arrested for interrogation; among then wore 4 or 5 women but no children. Little more than half this number were kept in custody for further inquiry. The others were released. During the further interrogations the detainees confossed and were found guilty. Normally in a case of this kind, the natives would have had to be sent to TARAKAN to appear before a Court Martial, but as I had no means of transport to TARAKAN whatsoever at my disposal, I acted on my own initiative and disposed of the matter as I considered it should be disposed of and gave^orders fcr their execution. AOKI, officer of the military police supervised the executions which were carried out in three batches during June/July 194-5." TAKAHASHI, Chief of the Military Police, was also present at the executions. Four or five women were among the number executedt I think the method of execution was by sabre. I did not personally execute anyone. About December 194-4, the natives revealed, under interrogation that a Frenchman of the name of THOREZ and his wife had a secret radio and wore in constant comr unication with the Allied Forces and were passing on information about the Japanese forces. I sent some soldiers to his house to investigate but all seemed normal and no steps were taken. During the April interrogations the natives gave us further proofs against THCREZ and his wife. The first questioning of THOREZ lasted 2 hours. In the course of two other interrogations, faced with the proofs furnished by the natives, he confessed. I ordered the execution of THOREZ and his wife. THOREZ1s wife had also been found guilty of subversive activities and ̂ besides thov asked to • die together, - - - - - - - - - - _ " n r - = — _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ The above written declaration was read to me in Japanese and it .is a true statement of what I have said. Signed at BALIKPAPAN, 22 November 1945. signed (in Japanese characters) (SHOJI P0T0Y03HI) Signed in my presence at BALIKPAPAN on 22 November 1945. Witness: G. J. PICKARD, Capt. Doc. No. 5958 Page 3 Certificate; I, Alexander Ashton, hereby certify that I an thoroughly conversant with the French and English language, and as a result of the, comparison between the French and the English texts, I have established that this is a true and correct translation of International Prosecution Document No. 5958. /s/ A. Ashton t Doc. No. 5268 7 C E R T I F I C A T E TVc. Undersigne d (TABLES JONGLNIEL, first Li out on? nt R.N.I Jo herd of t>e Wrr Crimes Section of NITrILLANDS FORCIS INTELLIGENCE S1R7ICA (WILIS), being first duly sworn on ortb deposes rnd strtes tb?t t'-e annexed intcrrog- tion report noc 817 it ? full, true, complete rnd accurate copy of tve original document, entitled "Interrogrtion report no. 817 of SAIMAN, Florenese, concerning tVe murder of seven l>lry citizens rt KOTTA EARSE, LAOET ISLAND (Soutv Borneo) in June 1944, 1553/R"5 wTicv interrogation report is a p*rt of tVt official records of tve NLFIS. Subscribed rnd sworn to before me, K. A. do MEED. first Lieutenant R.N. I,.A., rifeber officirl attached to tve office of tbe Attorney-General N.r.I. £IGNATUR /s/ Carles Jongcneel SEAL BATAVIA, June 7tb, 1946 /s/ K. A. de VJeerd Doc. N®. 5262 P~GC 2 ' MALAY: seven K^lry citizens wen bryoneted to death at KOTTA BAEOE, LAOLT Island (South Borne©) in June 1944. Informant : SAHAN, Floreneso. Reliability: Clear intelligence, good observes, inforo*- tion considered reliable. Person Responsible: Five J-prncse S»ldiers. FACTUAL: KOTTA BAROE, LA01T Island (SOUT^ BORNEO). June 1944. Seven Mal^y citizens were bryoneted to dertv by five Japanese soldiers. T'xy were recused of_r:urder, but were not tried. Tve population of KOTTA BAR0i_. was cor pc lied to witness the execution. I:TT: E- OGATION EAPOET HO. 817 PARSON,.L DATA: OE BLNG KIANG. Informant Nme: Oe Beng Kirng. Rank: Civilian A g e : 21 Date of birtv: 18-8-23 Pl-ce of birth: Bandjernrsin, South Borneo. Fore address: Moerrakelajr.n, Bandjcrnasin.. Nationality: Cvinese Remarks: Good intelligence; considered reliable PERSONAL LATA: SAH'IAN. Informant Nme: Saimaii. R? nk. Civilian. A g e : 20 DPte of birt>: 1924. PI?ce of birtv: Kg. Postoe, No. 12. Larantoeke (hast- Flores. Fore address: Kg. P®st®e, N® 12. Lrrrntoeke (Erst- Fl^res. ) Nationality: Florenese. Remarks: Good observer, clerr intelligence; considered reliable. Doc. N§, 5326 Page 1 C E R T I F I C A T E The undersigned CHARLES JONGENEEL, first Lieutenant R.N.I.A., head of the Par Crimes Section of NJJIII3RLAKD3 FOR CSS BTTSLLICENCB SERVICE (NEFIS) being first d-iljr sworn on oath deposes and states that the annexed Dutch document (with English translation ) entitled: ft Signed report on interrogation of -IAYASHI SHUIOIIE, dated March 13th 194& on Pontianak-massacre s " has been talcen from the official records of the HEFJS. SIGNAITHI (SEAL) BATAVIA, June 7th 1946 Subscribed and sworn to before me, K.A. & e •'AlKD, first lieutenant R.N.I.A., Higher Official attached to the Office of the Attorney General N.E.I. /s/ K. A. de '.,'eerd (SEAL) 0 Doc. No. 5326 Page 2 a 2 P 0 R T To-day, March 13th, 1946, appeared before ne, Mr. J.B, KAN, Commissioner in charge of the preliminary judicial invepti.gations at the Temporary Court Mar- tial XONTIANjtuT, th* — " — HAYiSHX smrrg-riT • — — i——— • •——• 11 — — — State your name, age, yH&YASHI SnUICHIJ24 yrs of age, horn Ishilcawa Ken, address and occupation* Jap111, flllitary employee of the Navy. ".-"hat schooling did you have and when did you come to POUmNAS? At the age of 19, it was in April 1941 I "Rent to the go a-Vocational school (KOA means 'exaltation of Asia) a+- Musaschinocho., This school used to be called Fokus hi-Kan (Institute for patriots). I attended the Nanyo go ka (South Sea 1 aaguages department) and learned Malay, English and Economics, I thought namely, that I v©uld be able to find a good job in the South Sea Isl. In Feb,19k3 I» together with about 5° "to 60 other students of the Nanyo go ka were told to go to the South 3ea region because the Navy needed us. Before ne left our knowledge of the Malay language was tested, Fe left Japan in Feb. 1943» for MAKASSAR, where "we arrived in the beginning of March. At I.L-EA3SAR we studied Malay from the papers and from conversation-lessons. About mid-May 1943 we left MAKASSAR again by ship with orders of Col. HANASA that we would have to co-operate with t.ha'Kqn̂ -frgl as in- terpreter in all the places ttiere we would be sta- tioned; we also had to collect information and do all the work ffie Keihitai ordered us to do. At MAKASSAR amongst other people^CSHEti;i'saw us off. This yQg.h~77iIIII had been with us as from the time we left Japan. He belonged to the Information Service (Joho) and also was a Senior Civil Servant. Cn "3uly 13th 1943 1 arrived at FOrJ'i'JXJAi and reported to Capt. PSSUCI KZEISI. head of the I'sihitai. IniEQTTIAI-IAK I became head of the local branch of the Hana Kikan which I established there. The Hana Kikan. was an in- formation service of the Navy. The Pontianak-branch of the Plana Kikan came under Hana Kikan of BALIKPAPAN, which again was under the Hana Kikan of S02RABAJA. I had to pass on my information to KII.KRA (Senior Civil Servant 2nd CI.) with the Navy at BALIKtAPAH. ;.piat was your position I did not come under the Tokeitai, but JJESUGI. head of at PONTIANAK with regard the Keibitai was also head of the Tokeitai. I did not to the Tokeitai. (special receive my orders from the Tokeitai, however. The Naval Pol ice)? Tokeitai and I used to exchange information. TJhat was your position at xONTIANAK with re- gard to the Japanese Civil Police? I also used to exchange information with the Civil Police, the Police used to give me more information than I gave to them. Boc. No. 5326 Page 3 ".."hat was your position at IONTI&TIM'I with re- gard to the Jap. Civ. Ad. (iSnseibu)? I used to obtain information ilrom the department o: of the Adm, Office (Police and Justice). Heads of these sections were YAMMUTO and KATO and 33HII: Did you ever interro- gate arrested people yourself, or did you only do the detective- work? Suspect is confronted with the report of in- terrogation of Witness HAITI AH by the Com- missioner, dcd. March. 6th 192i6, after which he said: Ye£3 sometimes I interrogated people arrested by the Tokeitai, by 03.'dor of tiie Head of the Tokeitai, Oj&ATU.IA 3EX who had succeeded US3TI3-I as Head of the Tokei Tai and of the Keibi Tai, suspects > They were political It is true that these woman, together with POlTELi and AIiUNAH were interrogated by nESLGrl. during which in- terro gat ion I acted as Malay interpreter. The women in question were accused of having 'fraternized' with Japanese, which had been prohibited by an order of ILiouGT. I .admit to have slapped these women with the flat of my hand; I also ordered them to undress, this by order of PHSUG-I. The girls remained undressed for an hour. Is this usual at in- terrogations of women in Japan? You are not a sub- ordinate policeman but a spy who forked in- dependently at TBIC TIANAK. therefore you did not have to obey such orders by UjSUGtI. I do not know. > I agreed with the order that these women should in- ( dress. I do net think that these women were actually ^ punishable, but their arrest by order of TESUJI was only a pretext in order to put them in a brothel. The undress ing was ordered in order to force the women to admit that they had had contact with Japanese, In the end the women were not placed in a brothel after all, but they were releasee, by order of tCSTOI. I do not knew why. For how long were these I believe about 5 or 6 daya. They were in ore of women confined in the £Tie cells at the back of the building, building of the Tokeitai? 'Jhat information can you There have been too extensive plots. At the time of give concerning the ar- the first arrests I was in the province, but I was rests of numerous Chinese, not at -t OITTIAKAE as I was on tour. Natives and also some Europeans who were ar- rested by the Japanese here in the western p art during the second half of '45 andir the first half of '44, and of whom the majority was executed? 1 Personally I only became connected with this affair in Nov. T ° At the' first plot I mainly acted as interpreter and have thus been present at the in- terrogation of about 200 people.. All the Tokeitai people used to relieve each other like YAIXETO, OKAJIHA, OXADA, III/AJUvIA, ITO, TAB AT A, and NAGATANI. Doc. Nb. 5326 PaS® 4 Do you remember any Yes, I remember TSTO, Raden SOSTONO, PANANGIAN, names of people whom M033XITA, RTJBINI, I,US. HUEEI, and the PANGJRAN you interrogated? ADIiPATI. Because of the late hour the interrogation m s adjourned to March 14th, 1946 at 8 a0m. The Suspect, Superintendent, was signed, T*as signed, EAYASHI SHUICHI. (in Japanese characters) J.Bi KAN. The Inteipreter, was signed, (unreadable). The Secretary, was signed, (unreadable). a :;o. 5330 P.-GE 1 * / III O.JI-S The undersigned CRr»,tt '£,'<: <jOSQuSTFiWi, Captain P.. A. I. ..., herd, of the T ar Crimes Section of FORCES IhTIi-jjItm CE ICi (I-ii'lS) Doing first duly sworn on orth deposes -~nd strtes that the annexed original documents entitled Report on enforced prostitution ir. hestorn Borneo, K. h. I. , during Japanese hrvr.l Occupation by Captain J. Peybrook, Intelligence Officer and Interpreter of tho Jrpmoso language, hefis, has boen tpken from the official records of tho ITefis. Signature: /s/ Ch. Jongeneel hrtr.via, July 9th 1546 /s/ tl. -j.. de "'cord Subscribed rnd sworn to before ::e K. de Veerd, first Lieutenant R. II. I Higher Official attached of the Office of the -i,tt omey-C-eneral E. I. W . J^AlJ^L «G. ft -d y i)OCL>JB.-i' - j. o330 P̂ GrE 2 * hceort on enforced prostitution in Vest e m -sorneo, 1 n- -• Japanese iTava.1 Occupation- . •' i _ t h e first L-lf of 1945 the . aval garrison Commander of Pontianak, Lt. Car- w.'.uw-I L̂ -Iki-I fin. turned to Ja.ppn at out mugust 1943, detention requested) issued an order that no Jpppn.ese was to have intimate relations vrith Indonesian, or Chinese women. nt thpt tine ell European and practically all Indo-European *omeh verb interned. —t the same tine he issued, the order for the establishment of official brothels. These brothels were to be divi- I ded in two groups: three establishments for use of - a.vy personnel only "nd \ fivo or six for the use of civilians, of which latter one was roserye"a~~for \the higher officials of tnc x.p.vrl Uivjl administration." (Kinseibu). The brothels for ITaval personnel vere run by the garrison, "unc.er the C. 0., ~t-~.e signals Officer', It. bluxJaA1̂ .Jû Uitil w.s nlacoZ in charge and the daily business was "ttcncTSfl. to by the duty warrant Officer, Sorgt. Kp.j. iJZ TZ I. "i omen who had had relations with Japanese vier&_j£prccd into these brothels, vhich were surrounded by barbod wire. They were only allowed on the streets with spccial permission. remission to cuit the brothel had to be obtained from thw garrison comm-nder. lie Spocipl Lfvl -olicc (Ivkei -ri; had orders to keep the brothels supplied with womec^ to this end they arrestee. vbfleE.' OH the streets and rfter enforcea medicr.1 examination ~olaceo, tnem in the brothels. Phase arrests nor© mainly "effected by tee bat."^.jors hlm-oxku JbEEICEI, KOJTKd. uOICEI, Eo'SS EaJHJQ, and ISO Y^SUlhdlO. The brothels for civilians were run by HISALuZU, manager of .Iryo Kohatsu Z. E. The garrison - commander ordered the Kinseibu to attend to' this. "The Kinseibu pessed this on to the Kokokuka.i (Organisation of Japanese businessmen) "being in charge of the Velfa.ro Department of the Eokokukai, was placed in chargy of the brotheir, for civilians; he used employees of his firm f:r the routine work, as keeping of recounts, etc. Every morning the nights takings were turned in to the cashier of iiiJfift. Eoha.tsu, Ll'-.m-j. EafeT-JLa. "..omen for these brothels v?cre also obtained through the services of Tokei Tai. iho houses for the brothels wore obtained from the custodian Of enemy orooerty, thc_ furniture was in the ease of the naval brothels sup-oiicd by the i'rvy - nc". in case of the civilian brothels by the Eokokukai. Visitors had to pay to the native servant (in the ca.se of the ha.vy according to r-Tdr) ••ho turned in the money daily to the duty '..arrant Officer or to the caghior of i'rnyo Eohatsu. In both cases 1/3 was retained to defray expenses, furniture, food, etc. and 2/3 was credited to the women concerned. Of this .they could fro." time to time take up prrt for their personal use. *j. monthly statement na'C. to be rendered to Section ! of the Kinseibu. DOCI^IET EG. 5330 P^&S 3 * In their search for '-omen the Eokci Tai ordered the entire fe.nr.le staffs, of tho kin.seion and the Japanese fir;;.s to report to the Tokei Tai Office, undressed some of tKem entirely'* ahd r.ccusod them of maintaining rg6.Lo,tjL9.aa,j-fij:!;- slê aafxse. .The ensueing medicrl examination r ever led that several *«ere vir.; ins. It is not known with certainty how many of these unfortunates were forced into "brothels. Women did not dare to osca.pe from the" brothels as members of their family were then immediately arrested and severely maltreated "by the Tokei Tai. In one case it is known that this caused the death of the mother of the girl concerned. fortunately Dr. Luhulima of Ketapang, an Indonesian medical Officer, who was allowed to continue in practice during the occupation was still available anc". able' t0' make a s'- orn statement regarding his medical examination of women hy order of Tokc'i Tai personnel. his evidence shows that women were forced into prostitution^ The above report has been compiled from information obtained from, interrogation of Japanese war criminals rnd from sworn statements by persons concerned. I declare that the above frets arc truly in accordance with above sources of information on my oath rs an Intelligence Officer and interpreter of the Japanese language. Batrvia, July 5th 1546- /b/ JEE J. Ih iiBIJBHOBE, Capt. Netherlands Forces Intell. Service
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Ex.1655A-1675A. Treatment of prisoners of war in North Borneo & Ex.1676-1702. Treatment of prisoners of war in the Dutch East Indies
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