AtoM
David Conde fonds
International Military Tribunal for the Far East
Prosecution documents and exhibits
Conde, David W.
38 items
application/pdf
I •Xq-1?- - ! *+ PERSONAL HISTORY / My name is Klaas A. de ,!7eerd. I am a Major in the Artillery of the reserve of the Royal Netherlands Indies Army. I was born in Roermond, Limburg, the Netherlands, <jn 6 April 1904. I am of Netherlands nationality. After having studied law at the University of Leiden (tha Netherlands) I entered a lawyers' office at Sourabaya (Java) on 28 August 1929 end practised in the Law Courts of East-Java, Bali afld the South East of Borneo until the middle §f 1937. In 1938, after having been on leave in the Netherlands, I was employed for nearly a year in the Labour Office (Labour Legislation Section) of the Department of Justice af the Nether- lands Indies Government at Batavia. From the beginning .̂939 I entered ipto partnership in a lawyers' office at Medan (Sumatra) On the 12th of December 194-1 I was mobilized as an ^ffioer of the reserve of the Royal Netherlands Indies Army a^d served as such with the Staff of the First Division in West-Java. After the capitulation of the Royal Netherlands Indies Army, I became a prisoner of war of the Japanese and was confined in several aamps in West-Java until the middle of September 194-5. From the beginning of this period I acted as Camp translator §f the Java newspapers in the Unlay language. The Japanese «amp authorities allowed T,ralay language newspapers to be brought i»t» the camps until the end of January 194-4. 1 As the situation in the islands interested mo in particular I spent much time in translating these items extensively into Dutch and, together with several friends, I indexed these data according to personalities and to subjects. Our intention wns to prepare several studies concerning the Japanese occupation, treating subjects such as Administration Propaganda, Civil Affairs, Central Government, Labour, Policy, etc. as well as to gather personal data about Japanese authorities Loc. No. 2750 IX I had already prepared notes for several of these studies when it became increasingly difficult to keen this work secret from the Japanese guardsv ^s in January 1944^11 became clear that we would shortly be moved to another camp we soldered copies of our compilations and indexes in tins and buried them in various / places in the camp grounds. From February 1944 until September 1945 I kept abreast of actual developments in the Netherlands Hast Indies by reading Malay or (translated) Japanese language newspapers occasionally smuggled in, and by listening-in secretly t® the Japanese local broadcasts in Malay, During that period I continually exchanged information and observations with new arrivals and through every other channel available. After 15 -̂ugusrc 1945 I once more regularly received Malay newspapers and in ^J'nginm'iog n-r g^p-h.-.mh1945/1 recovered one complete cop}' of my compilations and indexes from their hiding place. In the middle of the same month I was released frpm the. prison camp and was assigned to the Political Section jf the Chief Commanding Officer of the N.I.C.il. (Netherlands Indies eivil Administration), later called the Allied Military Adminis- tration Civil Affairs Branch, for Java, ixi order to complete my | { wprk collecting data about the Japanese occupation. A special seat^orj with a staff gf twenty was created for this purpose u^der my direction', this section became a special branch of Netherlands forces Int3ill£w—« (Jfendqur- ̂ rs at Batavia) in January 194-6. In cl^Se cooperation with the Japanese Affairs Section of said N.E.F.I.S., with S.E.A.T.I.C. (South East \sia Translators and Interpreters' Corps) aid other offices and bureaus I col- lected such data regarding the j5*>ano»a occupation as were available. These data were contained in, inter alia, the practically complete newspapers and the complete Official Gazette "Osarnu Kan Po" of the :6th Army in Java, and a fairly complete Dec. No. 2750 III set of the official gazettes of the other islands, edited during the occupation period, further reports and surveys by Japanese, Dutch, Indonesian and other military and civilian authorities and private persons, seized Japanese and Malay official and nen- official documents, interrogations of Japanese and Indonesian authorities, etc. In May 1946 I joined the Office of the attorney General, Netherlands East Indies, with the special task of collecting suoh documents as would bo needed for the preparation of the Prosecu- tion of suspected Japanese Major War Criminals before the Inter- national Military Tribunal at Tokyo.and in this capacity I c>on- tynuedl my work of collecting data on the Japanese oocupatiQn of the East Indies. In the middle of September 1946 I arrived it Tokyc as a representative of the Attorney General, Netherlands East Indies, to continue my search for further data here. From this collected information I have prepared the attached report, entitled; "the Japanese occupation of the Netherlands Indies". Document 2? PFiEP (\HfiD 5 TAT2UE NT of K. X. de WSSRD, .Utorney-a t-Law, Major H.F.I.A. Subject:( The Japanese Occupation of the Netherlands Ind International Prosecution Section Netherlands Division November 19-1-6. Document Wo. 2750 Page 2* THE OCCUPATION OF THE NETHERLANDS IKDIES INTRODUCTION The Japanese occupation of the Netherlands East Indies for convenience has "been chronologically divided into five phases, I. The period from iJarch to August 194-2, which can be designated the transition period. II. The second nhase, which is characterized by the consolidation of Japanese rule, lasting from August 1942 to July 1943. III. The period from July 1943 to September 1944, which is governed by an attempt at winning over the population by promises. IV. The period from September 1944 to the beginning of August 1945, involving further development of the policy of promises. V. The period from the beginning of August 1945 to the end of September 1945 r involving at the last moment an attempt to create a state, friendly to Japan, in the South. The phases mentioned above have been more and less arbitrarily divided into ueriodsand consequently these limits » must be treated as being approximate. Occasionally for a better understanding a certain subject has been exhaustively treated in one of the phases, even if the events in question extended beyond a particular phase. Japan's policy in regard to the Southern Regions was broadly laid down 5n Tokyo for all regions alike, so that only insignific.-ur.; local modifications were made, and then solely in the; application and not in the principle itself. Therefore, what happened in Java Is treated as basic and mention will oily be made of modifications .in other regions of the Netherlands Indies v/hich reveal important deviations from events in Java. Doc. No. 2750 Page 3* I. TKZ TRANSITION PEASE Beginning of 1942 to approximately August 1942. Throughout the East Indies, the entire Occidental group of influential persons in the administration and in commerce, industry etc., was immediately and systematically interned in prisons and camps hastily prepared for that purpose. Exceptions were provisionally made in the case of those Occidentals, who could not as yet be replaced by Japanese. As soon as the Japanese replacing them arrived, this group was also interned. A small remaining group of workers was also confined in separate camps, and their con- tact with the outer world was as much as possible restricted. In addition a large group of prominent Chinese, mainly their past support of on the ground of/the Chiang Kai-shek regime, and on suspicion of their anti-Japanese attitude, was interned. The policy cf internment became stricter in the course of time and from July 1942 these measures were, moreover, gradually applied to Occidental women. By the end of 1943 the position had become more or less stable, so that it may be said that all Occidentals not born in the Netherlands Indies, both male and female, had been interned, with a few local exceptions in the case of men and women above 65 or 70 years of are. Moreover, all Occidentals apparent born in the Netherlands Indies who still shewed/affinity with the Occidental world w^ro interned, and those Asiatics, too, who were "suspeccod" of having Occidental sympathies were confined in canros. According to official Japanese returns as of 1 September 19^5 > 62,532 persons (i.e. 20,676 males, 28,169 females and approximately 13,687 children) were interned in Java. Besides, all Occidental military personnel were made prisoners of war; this involved 45,000 men who, with the exception of 6,107 men were drafted from Java for slave labour elsewhere. Doc. No. 2750 Pci&e 4* Of the former 7ostern community, only thrjc groups were still "free"; namoly, the group of Axis subjects (who were not interned until after the defeat of their fatherland), few neutrals and a category of non-interned Eurasians. These groups wore rigidly spied upon, and prevented from the exercise of their "freedom" in many other ways. This non-interned Occidental community was subjected to very heavy pressure. Besides being spied upon by the Japanese Military Police (Kompei) and its henchmen, they wore intimidated by continuous wholesale arrests and trials involving hundreds of victims, and by the fact that interro- gation by the Kempoi as well as the treatment accorded by Japanese Courts liirtial were such that the victims were deprived of all rights, and abandoned to arbitrary maltreat- ment and starvation methods. Occidentals were, whenever possible, dismissed from their official and private positions and appointments, thus depriving the greater part of this section of the community of its means of livelihood, All bank balances were immediately frozen, Occidental banks were liquidated, and the percentage payable in respect of liquidation was withheld from Occidentals. The few non-interned Occidentals were faced with practically no alternative than gradually to sell all their possessions. They were further handicapped by the fact that the Japanese requisitioned whatever took their fancy, generally without payment of any compensation. By introducing compulsory registration and the payment of registration fees - (150 guilders for Europeans; 75 guilders for Chinese and other non-Indonesian Asiatics) - the Japanese military authorities made the position still more difficult for these communities. Along with this, the use of T7estern languages was soon fry bidden in public and business communications, and in certain places the speaking of Western languages was Iproiii'bltied even within the home. Those who spoke a Western language at home, were suspected by the Kompei, and subjected to methods employed by that organization. Doc. No. 2750 Pci&e 5* At the sane time, the Japanese immediately began to close down all schools. During the second period Occidental schools and education remained definitely banned. In April 1942 a ban on listening-in to radio broadcasts from outside the East Indies was promulgated. This prohibi- tion was enforced by compulsory sealing and registration of all wireless sets, to make them unsuitable for the reception of short-wave broadcasts from abroad. In July 194-2, sentences were pronounced and published by the Japanese Court Martial,that persons who had listenod-in to foreign broadcasts despite the ban and/or had spread news therefrom, were, inter alia, sentenced to death. Throughout Japanese occupation, persons suspected of having failed to comply with this prohibition were regularly seized by the Kempei, tortured and sometimes tried. The possession of certain numerous specified books in enemy languages constituted a punishable offence. Such books had to be handed over and were burnt. Old monuments, - reminders of former Occidental influence - were carried away, partly destroyed, or otherwise stored in warehouses. In most places, the names of streets and towns were changed into Japanese, -?r sometimes Malay. Names of shops, commercial concerns, trademarks, etc., could no longer appear in Western languages, but had to be transcribed into Japanese or Malay. Since the Kempei-methods wore practised not only on the Occidental community, but also upon members of the other communities, all expression of democratic or pro-Occidental sympathies was silenced. All existing Councils wherein, hitherto, the opinion of various communities could be freely expressed on problems of administration were abolished. i Doc . Jv.?. 2750 Page 6* 1 The first to be dissolved was the Peoples' Council, established in 1918, which exercised legislative and bua£.,etary f anetion;-. Next, in Java, the Provincial, Municipal and Regency Councils, which similarly had legislative and budgetary powers, wore abolished. In regions outside Java, too, the various concils which had been established on a democractic basis to give the people an opportunity of participation in the administration of their country, were liquidated. By Ordinance No. 14 of the Japanese Commander-in-Chief, Java, dated 29 April 1942, all existing law courts were abolished, and in their stead Japanese "Law Courts of the' Military Government" (Gunsei Hooin) were established. This new judiciary was provisional and was later replaced by a definitive organization. There was no provision for appeals. The decisions in all pending cases of the lower courts were declared to be deemed to have been affirmed by the Appellate Court. By Ordinances Nos. 2 and 3 of the Japanese Commander-in- Chief, Java, dated 8 and 20 March 1942 respectively, all meetings, associations etc. were forbidden. By Ordinance No. 23 of 15 July 1942 this prohibition was not only explicitly maintained, but also all chairmen were ordered to dissolve their respective associations. The only associations excepted were those concerned with shorts and recreation, and scientific, cultural, charitable and distributing organizations. Even associations not prohibited were restricted in their activities; they were subjected to police supervision, and could only resume their activities after obtaining permission from the police, and registration. Meetings had to be authorized by the police. Doc. No. 2750 Pci&e 7* In practice, activities were permitted only those associations, which accepted Japanese leadership and which could he used for propaganda purposes, as, e.g., the Ikatan Sport Indonesia (I.S.I., Indonesian Sport League). From the outset,the Japanese authorities built up a very extensive propaganda machine. Along with the first troops to land on Java, came the vanguard. These Japanese propagandists, organised in the Propaganda Section ("Barisan Propaganda") of the Japanese l 6 t h Army (Osarnu Butai), tried to establish immediate contact with Indonesian and Chinese politicians, known to be disaffected. With the assistance of those dissatisfied persons, in April 194-2 the so-called "Tiga A" movement was established. Local committees of Indonesians were set up to carry on the activities of this movement; but such committees had no function other than to carry out activities planned by the local Japanese propagandists. These propagandists immediately seized control of all means of public expression. All public and private radio broadcasts and cinematographic activities as well as the entire Press were immediately placed under their control. For about two months after the occupation, these broadcasts and newspapers we re still permitted to be transmitted and to appear in Dutch. As soon as the propaganda machine had been sufficiently organized, all newspapers were forbidden, and in their stead new papers were introduced in the Ifelay language under the direction of Indonesian and Chinese press- men carefully chosen by the Japanese propaganda service. On the Emperor's birthday (29th April 1942), the first new Ifelay language daily paper in Java, the "Asia Haya" (Greater Asia) was established, and continued to appear regularly until 9 September 1945, as the most important organ for voicing Japanese propaganda. At first it was under Japanese direction Doc. No. 2750 Pci&e 8* but after the Indonesian staff had proved themselves "matured" the direction was officially handed over to them; but in reality, the direction remained in Japanese hands. Other places in Java soon followed suit, so that ultimately Japanese controlled newspapers in Malay wore issued in five places in Java. In addition a Japanese language paper, the Java Shimbun, was published in Batavia. In her propaganda Japan referred to herself as the "liberator", come to establish a"New Order". It stated, that "New-Java" was to be educated to become a worthy member of the Greater East Asia Co-Prosperity Sphere under the leader- ship of Japan. The Japanese instituted a rigid censorship, which not only affected all postal-, telegraphic- and telephonic- communication, but also extended to all photographs given to professional photographers for development. Furthermore, all public utterances were subject to censorship. This did not alone extend to all radio broadcasts and the press, but also to the theater, sermons, etc. Gradually theatrical companies, .etc. were taken over by the propaganda service. The publication of books was also subject to censorhip, and only works emanating from the propaganda service appeared during the period of occupation. By these methods the Jfgitmese had control of all expressions of public opinion. During the period now being treated Japanization of the Southern Regions was begun. For instance, the use of Japanese words was immediately introduced for designating official services, offices, etc. and this usage gradually became prevalent during the occupation, so that ultimately the reading of a Malay language newspaper was scarcely possible without knowledge of the offices, services, institutions, organizations, ideas, etc., referred to by Japanese words. Doc. No. 2750 Pci&e 9* The Japanes. authorities introduced the Japanese systeri of dating years, the Japanese tine systen and the Japanese budgetary year. The police wore the Japanese flag for cap badges. Erroeror worship - offensive to Mohammedans - was introduced. ' ' ' " All public gatherings and meetings began with the obligatory bow in the direction of the Tokyo palace. Host meetings ended with the words? "Tenno Heika - banzai". All Japanese- days of celebration were introduced. The display of any flag other than the Japanese was forbidden. On the Japanese days of celebration the Japanese flag had to be flown on all official and private buildings under strictly prescribed rules. Portraits of members of the Dutch and Allied Governments were forbidden. These had to be handed over and were burned. The possession of portraits and other pictures of the Japanese Imperial family was governed by rules aimed "a1 — 1 1 mil II -ŴtrnitsVViiiairmxt̂fm ensuring that there should be no "lese-majesty". Postage- and revenue- stamps were marked "Dai Nippon", and later new stamps were issued with texts in Malay and Japanese reading "Dai Nippon". The Japanese at once began to establish schools which taught only the Japanese language. "Tien later schools for Indonesians were reopened the curriculum was revised to m^et Japanese requirements and important subjects in the new schedule were Japanese language and Japanese songs and dances, etc. o' In the fields of finance and economics the programs applied in the East Indies were similar despite the fact that some areas were administered by the Amy, and some by the Navy. Java and Sumatra were occupied by different Japanese armies and Celebes, Borneo, the Moluccas, Timor, etc., were occupied by the Japanese Navy, with practically no contact with each other. Nevertheless the basic_principle_s upon which these regions were administered were entirely similar in reality. Loc. No. 2750 IX The first Ordinance of the Japanese Commander-in-Chief.: Java dated 7 March 1542, No. 1, introduced Japanese military paper currency with the text in Dutch, reading: "The Japanese Government. One half guilder". Taper money was issued similarly in other denominations. The East Indies guilder was reduced to the value of the yen. At first» the paper money already in circulation wa3 retained; but later, when this old Currency had considerably greater value in the open market than the Japanese occupation money, it was withdrawn and its possession constituted a punishable offence. The Japanese paper money revealed differences in "fcho various occupied areas. In Sumatra, vjhich was originally under the same military administration as Malaya, the same text appeared on the same background as in the case of the paper money issued in Java, but in English, whereas in the other regions of the East Indies, and in Portuguese Timor, the Dutch text was used. In 1944, new paper money was designed and printed in Batavia, with the text in Japanese and Malay. This paper money was issued in unlimited ouantities without backing, -which soon led to inflation, which began early in 1943 an(i continued to increase at an ever faster rate, until by the middle of 1945 this papsr money only had about a fortieth of its original purchasing value. down at once. During the course of 1942 and 1943 the Java Bank (the circulation bank) and private banks were liquidated. The Tost Office Savings Bank and the Peoples' General Credit Bank which largely had Indonesian clients, -were reopened under .Japanese names and under Japanese direction, but the balances due at the time of the closing remained frozen. Later, the cash deposits of Indonesian clients were partly unfrozen while the deposits of Occidentals and internees and prisoners remained frozen, end wore transferred to the Japanese established Enemy Iroperty administration Bureau (Tekisan Konriibu), which banks, both official and non-official,were closed Doc. No. 2750 Pago 11* ^ was charged with the "custody" of eneny property. This / institution liquidated nearly all confiscated property, and! credited in its books the owners thereof, when known, with the proceeds in Japanese paper money. Later, after May 194-5, this liquidation was hastened. In Batavia the Kenpoi and its members were frequently the purchasers at so-called public auctions, and the proceeds in Japanese occupation money bore no reasonable relation t>o the real price for the same article in the same paper money in the open market. All stocks of Occidental importers, as we11 as private possessions in the form of movables and claims for payment (when capable of realisation) owned by Occidentals were translated into claims in Japanese paper money on the above- named Tekisan Kanribu. Possession of "enemy property" con- stituted a punishable offence and the holder was obliged to hand it over. Even non-interned Eurasians were considered enemy nationals, so that rents, due them, had to be paid to the Japanese. Unsold property was delivered upon request to Japanese officials and individuals, and their proteges. Before the war, in the Netherlands Indies, big capital, chiefly contributed by Occidentals, had been invested in agricultural enterprises and industries. The agricultural enterprises (excepting sugar-factories, which were organized in the "Java Togyo Rengo Kai") were brought by the Japanese under the "Saibai Kigyoo Kanrikoodan". This organization had charge of the administration of "enemy" agricultural concerns under the Tekisan KanribU and the control over all other agricultural enterprises including those operated xirith Indonesian or Chinese capital. Little attention was paid to the interests of owners. This body executed a policy directed towards carrying out a rigorous war effort and to the mainten- ance of production required by the Great East Asia Co-Prosperity Sphere. Enterprises and industries which were of no Importance ' oc. I'o. 2750 Page 12* to the immediate war effort, wore whenever possible switched over to other production, or when that was not feasible, were retained if such retention wore de.ned worthwhile fron the point of view of the anticipated requirements of the Great East Asia Co-Prosperity Sphere at the end of the war. Tea- and rubber-plantations suffered seriously, because the Japanese, during the later stages of the occupation, gave precedence to foodcrops. Tea-plants and rubbertrces wore chopped and used for firewood, the estates being parcelled out amongst local farmers to increase areas for foodcrops. A large part of the Western-cwned agricultural enter- prises was liquidated. The entire sugar industry was allotted in 6 or 7 blocks to the large Japanese sugar companies, and was exploited by them under the continued direction and control of the above-mentioned body. Sugar production was reduced considerably and the machinery belonging to the unworked sugar-factories was parti scrapped or carried off, when the factories were not switched over to produce other commodities more important for the war effort, such as alcohol, butanol, etc. The possession of immovable property belonging to Occidentals or governmental institutions, w.as transferred by the Japanese to the "Hudoosan Kanrikoodan" established by then, which handed over the property as required to the Japanese military or civil authorities for business and. for personal purposes. Ownership of immovable property was drastically changed by the Japanese. The so-called "private estates" were appropriated b:y the Military Government without the payment of any compensation to the owners, under Ordinance No. 17 of the Japanese Commander-in-Chief, Java, dated 1 June 194-2. J In the other islands too, such expropriations took place as for instance in the Celebes, by virtue of an Ordinance No. ii of the Minseifu (the Civil Administration), dated 20 Harch Doc. No. 2750 Page 13* — O • Public utilities, including those privately owned, were seized by the Military Aclninistration and were operated without compensation, and in sorie cases were allottedI irivate ipanese com-ianies, Private railway, tramway and bus companies wore analga- 1 mated with the State Railways. The equipment of private railway companies was for a large part shipped to ttie Burma Siam railway. Direction of railways was unified under the Rikuyu Sookyoku (railway Head Office), and all trace of former independent operation by private companies was obliterated. The personnel of these companies was pooled and Japanese rank designations and terminology were introduced. Private or seni-governmental gas- and power- companies v - as well as privately owned mining concerns were taken over and\ operated by either the Military Govornnont(or Japanese J-iwwa The policy of exploitation of natural resources of the iron East Indies//carriod on partly by the Military Administration itself, partly through monopolies granted to certain^big Japanese^) business concernsjand partly by Japanese "national policy companies". The Southern Development Bank (Nanpoo ICaihatu Ginko), an entirely government owned and operated bank had as its chief function the financing of the development and exploitation of natural resources in the Southern Regions and the control of circulation and finance in those areas. This bank was directed by the Ministry for Greater East Asia and it acted in the Southern Regions as cashier to the Japanese Amy. The Japanese Government also divided up natural resources • 1 - In the Southern Regions between the variousf/3apanese applicants) ± 2 i H H B and allotted each of them part of t! ose areas, usually according them monopolies. o Doc. No. 2740 Page 14* Donei /was granted a news service monopoly although local agency had started first. Press monopolies in the Southern Regions were djj?±t5ecl~ among/various^big Japanese newspaper c o n e e r n s ^ ^ ^ ^ of banking, the (Yokohama Specie BaHfc, and re chartered to operate in Java, and took/ 'unctions of private Occidental banks. The liquidation of these banks and the introduction of Japanese banks was effected, inter alia, by compelling the bank debtors whose debts were declared to be claimable oh 25th November 1942 to apply to the Japanese banks for new credits backed by the securities pledged to the J7estern banks. . J M- - '4JU' T , Doc. ?To. 2750 15* II. THT3 SPCOFD PHASE August 1942 to July 1943 During the period just discussod the Japanese atainis trativo machinery was relatively simple. The. Chi f of Staff to the Japanese ConmaEder-in-Chief of Jp.vp. was concurrently Chief of the Military "-ovr.nc.nt (aunseikan) and was assisted by a simple "central organ" and "by threo A m y officers cech aclministoring his respective arc" in hast, "est and Central Java. Adminis- tration was carried on locally by Commanding Officers of occupational detachments. Original pl^ns drawn, up in "okyc, envisaged sending out parties consist- inn of Japan-so exorrts in colonial nctninistr» tion, technical sciencos, »nd economy, immediately following the occupational troops. It was not, however, until the "beginning of Atu*u.st 1942 that the provisional sot-up was succeeded by * regular Administration. The Mi lit a m Government, which at first was part and parcel of the Amy, was next developed into a sepamte body. The gist of its functions v s l-.id down in Ordinance \'o. 1 of the Jpppnese Commander-in-Chief, dated 7 March 1942, in which ho assumed pll powers which hitherto had been exercised by the So vernor-G-enerp.1. nhe military administrrtion (Gunsed) was divided into nine Departments under the supervision of the Gunseikan. The Departments vrre coomubu (General Affairs; the guiding and policy making body: iaimubu (Internal Affairs); Zpimu^ue (Finance): Sihoobu (Justice}.Xeimubu (Police ; ITootubu (Public T'.Torks); S-an-nrdfiu (Pconomic Affairs): I.aikei ICantokubu (Audition) j and S-axdcnbu (Propaganda). In addition from time to time P. number of Bureaus, and other frov-rn- mental bodies, without the standing of the Departments but under the Gunseikan end equally independent, were created to handle various matters, such as the Syuuaobu (Religious Affairs Bureau), tho Zoo sen Eyoku (Ship- building Bureau), the Tekisan Ilanribu (Ineny Property Bureau); the Toogyod Bengoo liai (Sugor Producers' Corporation) etc. ~rom time to time some change were made, which did not effect the system. D',c. Fo. 5750 IB* The structure of the -ore-war Central .-*dninistratio:i was choiced thoroughly and in its entirety. -'eith-r n G-en r-1 Aff-irs Z) -o-rtrvnt nor a Propaganda Dep-rtnent had formerly existed. Police '•* -r- un-for the Internrl Affairs Department, while Public Health, 1'duc- tion and Labour (now under raini&q) were handled by separ' te Separtn nts or ?urc-us in the -ore-war establishment. Kelirious Affairs h»d V n handled by tha "duc^tioi -rd Eeligion Doprrtncnt. The rrov rnner.t Secretariate. the. Council of State for the Indies and the Governor-G-oneral' e C-binet disappeared altogether. The former Dcpe.rtments of gen ral administration, correspondirg in name with the new Japanese Dotrtments (e. g. Justice Department) were reorganised along: Jap-mese linos. -All leading positions in the Departments were occupied "by Japanese. According to official J-oanese information, on 1 SeotemVr 194F 23,242 Japanese nationals were employed "by the Military Government in Java, anount- L J umnmiiimniiwili -• - »• URtX* : ' ' '*' ins to half the number of service personnel proper stationed there. Legislative powers were exercised "by the Imoerial Government at Tokyo, the Supreme Commander in the Southern x.rea, the Commando---in-Chief of Java, and the Chief of Military Administration (Guneeikan). The laws and ordinances of the first two "bodies were not published locally, although thousands rrc arrested, tortured and sentenced under them, while those of the two last mentioned oreans were published in Java, in the Osama ICan ?o, the official bi-monthly Gazette, printed in Javanese «-ad Malay. Some secret ordinances appeared only in the Japanese edition. The institution of Advisory Councils at e. later stage did not pffect the logisl-tivc position in any way. Ordinance '-To. 27 issued by the Commander-in-Chief, Java, dated 5 August 1942 laid down an entirely new system of local administration. Under this Java was divided into 17 "Syuu", comparable geographically to the former "Residencies" and one "Tokubetu Si" ("Special City -irea") comprising Batavia. The four Sultanates in Central-Java were administered by two "ICooti Zimu "Lyolai" (Sultanates' Bureaus). Doc. :To. 2750 ~p.ee 17* The former "Provinces" of "'Teat-, Central- and Past-Java were eliminated. In early 1945, the Commander-in-Chief, Java, instituted three "Gunseisibu", coinciding- :~oo-raphically with the former Provinces but entirely differing in kind, as the Commander-in-Chief pointed out in an. official statement. ill these local "bodies supplanted the former decentralized -nd autonomous local administration,' and were placed directly under the Gunseikanbu in a rigidly centralized system. Local councils were not mentioned in the Ordinance, and popular participation in local adminis- tration crno to en end. The Syuu were subdivided into smaller units in accordance with the Japanese pattern. These were givon Japanese names such as ICen, Gun, Son, Eu, Si and Siku. luring this second period the organic laws governing the functions of administrative "bodies under the old system were abolished, and replaced "by Japanese regulations, on which the centralized new administration was based. The position of the Syuutyoo (comparable to thformer "P.esident") and of other local officials was, on one hand, considerably strengthened, and on the other nado far more dependent on the Central Administration. The Puehrer-princip1o was introduced. These officials, responsible only to their superiors, had a large measure of liberty in the execution of their duties: they had powers of dismissal and appointment, and almost unrestricted disciplinary powers over their staffs. They were empowered to issue regulations to implement ordinances promulgated by higher authority and also regulations concerning matters not yet covered by such ordinances. However, they were subject to the authority of their superiors and were responsible to them in all cases. According to statements by Japanese Syuutyoo and similar authorities, the object the Japanese had in mind was to build up an administration which in its fina.l form should be on the same lines as those followed in their colonics in Formosa and Korea. The four ruling Sultans were maintained, not, as having hereditary title to their positions, but as newly invested Rulers called BHoB owing allegiance Doc. So. 2750 ?p.fire 18t to the Jp.ppj.iese Army in the same way as ell civilian officials did. All key-positions in the new nstablishnent were occupied "by J^aaeso. Prom the Gunseikan down to the Syuu Office, the staff was almost entirely Japanese. Prom the n Office downward, the Indonesian staff WPS almost wholly maintained. The "cntyoo, however, was, from 1944 onward, assisted by Japanese advisers. The composition of the Administrative Corps w~e modified later pursuant to Prime Minister Tojo's promises. However, leading positions remained in the hands of Japanese and if an Indonesian held an important post there was always P. Japanese who was the real executive. It was not until the end of August 1945 that Japanese officials handed over actual authority to their Indonesian colleagues. According to the biographies of the Japanese officials, published by the propaganda service, this^ corps was assembled chiefly in colonial Formosa and Ilorea, end some had been engaged in administrative functions in Jp.pan proper. The establishment of a new administrative, system in islands other than Java developed along the seme lines. In the initial stage, Sumatra along with Maleya formed pn administrative unit under an -array Commander at Singapore, but later Sumatra was placed under a separate Gunseikp.nbu. The 16th and 25th Armies (Java and Sumatra respectively) came under the 7t& Araa Army '-nth Headquarters -at Singapore, commanded in the final stages by Itagaki, Seishiro. This 7th Area Army came under the Southern The Military Administration operated pursuant to both orders issued through the ordinary channels of command and issued directly from the Ministry of War. In the Celebes, Borneo and all islands cast of a line running north and south through Bali and Macp.ssar Straits the Japanese Favy wp.s in -oowcr. ",rhile the terminology varied, the system was not substantially different. The sane principles of centralized administration were applied and relations between Japanese and Indonesian officials were the same. Thee.€u& comnan.ded by field Marshal Terauchi Doc. I'o. 27-50 "Pa.se 19* .•-dninistration in territory under i'aval Occupation (Minsei) was executed by the Minseihu (Headquarters) at Macassar (Celebes). The Minseihu at Macassar was under the command of the Officer Commanding the Second Southern Squadron, whose Headquarter* was at Sourp.ba.ya. This Headquarters fell under the Officer Commanding the 7th Southern Squadron p.t Singapore. Parallel with reorganization of the Administration, the Judicial System '-as entirely revised. In addition to the Gunsei Hooin (Courts of the Military Administration), set up in the first period to replace the former Courts, there were the Gun Kaigi, a Court Martial proper, to try Japanese service personnel and others subject to Court Martial, and the Gunritu ZC&imi, a Court Martial to try violations of the Ar~y Ordinances. The Gunsei Hooin itself had jurisdiction to try violations of Military Government Ordinances and Regulations, and former Ordinances decLared in force by the Military Government. This jurisdiction was shared with the Gunritu ICaigi. Ordinance I'o. 14, of the Commander-in-Chief, Java, dated 26 September, 1942, gp.ve the Gunsei Hooin their final form. Pieht type of courts were set up, all bearing Japanese names, and including the S^ikoo Hooin (Final Court of Appeal) paid the Mootoo Hooin (Intermediary Courts cjf Appeal), the personnel of both of which at first was entirely Japanese, The lower courts comprised the Police Court, the District Court and other local courts corresponding to the local adminis- trative subdivisions, and two special religious Courts, all manned by Indonesians and directly controlled by the Intermediary Courts of Appeal. To eachcourt a Hensatu-kyokn (prosecution Section) was attached. This system was strongly centralized under the Justice Department. At a later stage it was detached from the Justice Department, and combined with the police force under the Police Department which was renamed Public Security Department (Tianbu). In criminal courts with Indonesian, members a representative of the Kompei attended the sessions, seated next to th- representative of the Zensatu-kyoku. Doc. To. 2750 :-r,ec 20 * In the initial stages the former ~enal Code was maintained. Having determined th^t this criminal law was based on excessively democratic fourdations the Japanese introduced a new feral Code in 1944, in which criminal acts were defined in vague ter~s, leaving wide scone for inter- pretation. High minima of punishment wore introduced for special offenses. During the Japanese occupation interference "by the Japanese adminis- tration occurred frequently ir. trials "by Indonesian courts. In practice it was the Perpei representative, attending criminal sessions, who determined the sentence in criminal cases. During the session only Japanese and Malay languages were allowed. Trials "by the Courts Martial proper were conducted in Japanese and proper interpretation was seldom available. In the other islands of the Past Indies judicial powers were administered in the s~ne manner, former courts were abolished and new Japanese courts established. .̂t the outset of the occupation the Japanese authorities took over the Police School at Sukabuni, Java. Also in the capitals of the various Syuu, permanent courses for the training of police personnel, led by Japanese, wore established, finally propaganda courses for personnel already in the service were conducted regularly, in which the ideals of Greater Past Asia and Japan's might were taught. A system of corporal maltreatment, administered on the spot or at the police station, for the settlement of minor infractions wa.s introduced. Maltreatment as a punishment for insignificant offences was seen daily in the streets. A certain section of the Indonesian Police Porce adopted the tactics of the Scrip ei. A separate Police Department, later the Public Security Department, was established along centralized lines and all executive functions were taken over by the Japanese. The existing Porce was felt to be insufficient by the Japanese authorities. Various ways to remedy this situation were attempted. The Zempeihoo, an Indonesian extension of the Scripci, trained by Sempei personnel in Ko.mpei methods, was organized. It vas both"feared and hated by the people. Doc. To. 2750 31 * In April 1°43, a "oiboodan (p. sort of Villpgc Guards) w s organized as an auxiliary poller forcc in all villages end municipalities. This roinforcod the rocular police "by approximately 1,3C0,0G0. The ICeiboodan had a variety of duties. It had to co into action in case of fire or other calamities, it had to assist the recular police in apprehensions of crashed allied air crows, paratroopers and others, did 24-hour guard duties in its area, turner* out in forcc during public propaganda, meetings etc. Its nain duty consisted of spying, chiefly in a ccneral canpaicn against enony spies. In 1945, these Xeiboodan wore used to train the population in guerilla action, such as cutting lines of conrrunication, destruction of snail eneny detachments, etc., with wholly inadequate weapons such as "bamboo spears. ^js^train^-ir tPlight, th^ air-.p1.fl .farî r.- fear of forei&ap.rs and hp.to for Occidentals and led to "barbarous display of cruelty to these ^ ^ H | t f | a a M M f l l l W H H M M I M M n i l B l l l l l * W " " '" " ~ « l . l , .-"•Willi 11 foreigners. A third force auxiliary to the police, was set up early in 1945, and called Ileibootai, which operated only in towns and served the sane purposes as the Zeiboodan. Its nombers were recruited chiefly fron among the Chinese The I'empei-PIoo was part of the ICorpei, while "both the Zeiboodan and the ICeibootai although Japanese-led, and trained, forned no pert of the official Arny organization. The members of the two latter were "volunteers" if the required numbers were not filled, the remainder were drafted. The prison aysten was sinilarly reorganized under Japanese instructions Courses were held for the training of newly recruited personnel as well as for the "inprovenent" of personnel with previous service. Japanese designations and Japanese markings were introduced. The treatment of prisoners was inhumane. The Military Government proceeded to lay down a revised educational program with a view to reopening schools for Indonesians. Elementary education in the People's Schools was revised. Instruction in the Japanese language,songs pnd dances, and the Japanese type of -physical training was introduced. Instructions in reading and mathematics, was substantially reduced and the remainder of the curriculum abolished. Sho sovorol types of intorr.edir.tc schools, with their "mried curricula, vnre abolished to nrko place for one standard type of intermediate school with, a uniforn curriculun. This school r s divided into a ̂ irst and a Kighor School. The curriculun was very much simplified with foreign languages and general history dropped to mice plp.ee for Japanr.se language and history, Text "books on the history of the islands were "burned and a new texfbook was introduced, which emphasized racial affinities and ties of connon destiny with Japan. An entirely new subject «ras the :,Seisin" (Spirit), which taught Greater Hast Asia Co-Prosperity Sphere ideals to the younger generation, such as the Spirit should "be able to overcome all natori?l obstacles. In this vein yotmgstors wore exhorted to fight tanks and other modern weapons, with "bar/boo spears if necessary. Vocational schools were reorganized to conform with Japanese conceptions Batavia Medical College was roopened 0:1 9 March 1943, connenoration , mm—•mi*1" "lin~1"" ' 1 '̂^̂ ^̂'̂'"̂'flTtOTlt'wafMWTftllniMriHUWM day of the. "foundation of lew Java", under the nano of Ika Daigaka. Its first president was a Japanese professor, assisted "by nine newly appointed Indonesian professors, r.ost of then former associate professors at that College. Sis nonths later, those nine Indonesian professors were denoted to associate professors and succeedcd "by Japanese professors, "brought fron Japan, who lectured in Japanese. Instruction in the Japanese language had "been obligatory fron the ̂ outset. The students pledged thenselves to enter the Japanese Military Government service after graduation. Students were "billeted end were subject to a strict and seni-nilitary regimentation under specially appointed Japanese, who instructed then in the greatness of Japan and the ideals of the Greater 3ast Asia Co-prosperity Sphere. The curriculun of the Medical College was reduced fron six to four years The literary, Law and Technical Colleges were not reopened. However, in 1944, again on 9 March, a sort of higher vocational school with a United program covering three years was opened. Students were subjected to the sane routine. Doc. P'o. 2750 ~a.ro 2?* Law Collecc w s supplanted "by one y r courses for the training of civilian officials and lawyers. Much tine was sp-nt on instruction in the Greater Past ^sia Co-prosperity Sphere ideals rr.d the greatness of Janan. Sane regimentation of students was in force. Instruction in the Japanese Language played an inoortant part. Private oducation regained taboo for a loru~ tine. In 1943 and 1944, certain forrer private schools for Indonesians and for Chinese were allowed to reorganize "but the curriculum had to conform to t!ae official procram. Western teaching and education to Occidentals were prohibited throughout the occupation. This prohibition was strictly enforced, and the more suspicion of having taught Occidentals was sufficient to involve the suspect with the Kompei. Considerable numbers of Indonesian College students as well as graduates and prominent personalities from the Indonesian community were sent to Japan. A party of journalists from all the islands were taken to Japan to attend the Gre'ter Past Asia Journalists' Conference. — i i , Hi i in in i m n All sections of society ware organized into corporations along fascist lines. The organization and political coordination of society was carried out among all racial and political groups as well as among practically all professions and trades, practically all economic sections of society, all cultural groups, all religious groups, the younger generation, sports organizations, and women's movements. The Japanese authorities kept a close grip on a, particular social croup through theso organizations and used them to command aid end support from its members for the Army or the Military <*© vex-assist. TSxs corpcrations were jr̂ gol̂ jriy te lorn out la I'c-ca during mass meetings. They were utilized for disseminating propaganda among the members. The Japanese used these corporations to keep abreast of public opinion and to conduct espionage. The Propaganda Department maintained close relations with these organizations. Addresses by Indonesian officials in these organizations wore not only pre-censored, but were usually even drafted by the Propaganda Doc. :'"o. 2750 - Pago 24* Department. TIicsc corporations wore under close and strict supervision "by the Gunseikanbu. "Sir various corporations, all serving uniform purposes and all modeled on the s-ne lines, were instituted "by Ordinances issued by the Japanese Commander-in-Chief, Java. Article I of these Ordinances read the sane for practically all corporations, and stated that the corporate objective was support to the Japanese Military Government. The executives in these coroor-tions were appointed by the Japanese authorities} Branch executives wrro responsible to the ccntral executive; Both were assisted by advisory councils appointed by, or with approval of the Japanese authorities. The executive body within .a corporation was authorized to lay down regulations binding upon its members and membership was obligatory for all within a given group. A typical example is provided by the organization of physicians, dentists and dispensers in the Java Izi Kookookai (Corporation for the Public Service by Medical mon in Java), established by Ordinance Po. 28, of the Commander in Chief in Java, dated 3 August 1943, which provided inter alia: ".Article 1.: The Java Izi Kookookai is established with the purpose of coordinating those engaged in the field of medicine in Java, to train their knowledge and character and to broaden and raise their capability in curing, and the care for sanitation, so that in this way they can give their contribution to the utmost to the Dai Pippon .army in medical affairs, "article 4.: Physicians, dentists and medical experts in Java, who are not Japanese nationals, must become a, member of the Izi Kookookai, exccpt enemy nationals. "Article 8.: Besides what has heen mentioned in Articlc 7, the Izi Kookookai carries out special work necessary for conducting the Military Government at the order of the Gunseikan. "Article 9.: The Head of the Izi Kookookai can issue orders a,r_d instructions necessary for carrying out the work stipulated in .articles 7 and 8 to the mombers after obtaining Doc. S"o. 2750 ?agr 3-5* approval fron the Gunseikan "Article 21.: The Izi Hookookai is supervised "by the Gunseikan The work of the "branch officers is supervised "by the Syuutyookan (Japanese Local Governor)." The lawyers, newspapermen, end nost, if not all, other professions were similarly organized into single corporations. In all fields of economic activity there was the same picture of obligatory membership, unilaterally binding regulations, uniform ^bjopts and Japanese executives. j\11 artists and scholars were organized in the The importance of a truly Oriental artistic expression was emphasized and Occidental influences wore considered inimical, ~air.tir.as and other artistic expressions were to be and were adjudged, not on their artistic value, but solely on their merits in relation to the Greater 3ast Asia Co-proBpcrity Sphere. This organization, established in March 1943, showed the sane characteristics as the other corporations: Japanese executives, obligatory support to the Army rnd the Military Government, etc. The Japanese attached much importance to the spiritual moulding of youth and they took the matter into their own hands completely. The Indonesian Youth Movement, which at the outset had been authorized, was prohibited in the middle of 1943. As early as December 1942 the Japanese Commander-in-Chief in Java declared that the training of the younger generation to bo good citizens of the Greater Sast -n-sia Co-prosperity Sphere was of such paramount importance that tile best Japan had to offer was not considered good enough. The natter of guidance and training of youth was kept an exclusively Japanese concern. The organ of control was established by the creation in April 1943 of the Java Soincndan (Java Youth Corps). Its aims were laid down as follows: "In order to convince the youth of Java so that they will energetically cooperate with the Military Government and render assistance in the building up of the Co-prosperity Sphere in Greater East jisia, it is necessary that they be given guidance and training." ' oc. I 'o. 2750 Page 26* In every Syuu a Japanese Training Centre for local instructors was established, and a Central Training Cp.no was opened near Batavia., all under the direction of Japanese. Later, a Soinendan was organized in every Iter, and Si, each approxi- mately at battalion strength. Some fpctories had their own Seinendan. Those were organized into the Jawa Rengoo Seinendan, (United Youth Corps of Java) on military lines and con.mp.nded by Japanese officers of the Army anc" the Military government. Age limits wore set at 14 to 25 and if insufficient volunteers were forthcoming more were drafted. Only the physically fit wore admitted a,nd those were tested as to their enthusiasm for the Greater East Asia Co-prosperity Sphere. The official training comprised instruction in the Japanese language oral and written, spiritual and military training, Japanese physical training, air raid precautions, Japanese music and dances, etc. The manpower for the Boooi Giyu Gun (Defence Volunteers Corps), which was organized in September 1943, largely came from the youth cores. Soon after its establishment all other youth organizations were prohibited. Sports were also brought in line. On 21 August 1943 the Tai Iku Kai was organized. The Tai Iku Kai provides the sp.me picture as other corpora- tions. In the official explanation of the applicable Ordinance it said: "The Jawa Tai Iku Kai will cover the sports-world of all Greater Past Asiatic nationals in Java, from office-employees to school-children, and also that of the Keiboodan and the Seinendan. Considering how important sports is for our spiritual and corporal training, for learning and developing discipline, and for strengthening the spirit and the determination to work, this Tai Iku Kai is of great importance to the War of Greater East Asia." In every Ken and Si p, branch was established; these branches were organized in thoir respective Syuu and those again were all subordinated to the Jawa Iku Kai. The Indonesian women of Java were organized in the Kuzin Kai, f evaded la Auguit 1943. ' oc . I'o. 2750 Page 27* Its objects and duties wore• laid down as follows: nThe purpose of this organization is to help the Dai "ippon jirny with efforts "befitting the position of the wonen of tho original inhabitants *>nd also to raise the women's virtue. MIMI iirniiMmPliiuiTiwHi ' tw t ' a^ .^n j^^^ j . In order to assist in the conduct of the Military Government, the Zigyohu (Working Section), is created within the >Iuzin Xai; this "bod?/ has to carry out work necessary for the improvement of conditions "behind the front-line and in the field of savings, education, public safety and public health. In order to deepen the conviction of women in their duties towards tho efforts of the defence of the country in wartime, in the first place to rive instruction in first aid the Hujin "ai shall bo allowed to organize lecture meetings and courscs and to establish a close contact with the Seinendan and "eiboodan in conducting: exercises so that in future when there is an enemy attack tho work can be done as well as possible." Developments in the other islands, vrero rou,rhly parallel to those in Java. However, tho Japanese livinr anonc less advanced peoples, with *> lower standard of efficiency anonc their own Japanese personnel, and at the same time less dependent on the cooperation of the local population than they were in Java, their chief rranary and supply base, they tackled tho process of political coordination more sketchily. Doc. No. 2750 p a g e 28 * III. THE THIRD PHASE From July 1943 until September 1944. As early as in the first period, there was some activity by Japanese authorities in the political field, but the policy adopted locally was characterized by the Naval Liaison Officer at Batavia as a policy of "wait and see." Immediately after the occupation a prohibition was laid down in Art. 2 of Ordinance No, 2 of the Commander-in-Chief, Java, dated 8 March 1942, which read as follows: "Until further notice it shall be strictly prohibited to commit the following acts: "a. participation in any organization; attending any meetings; conducting propaganda in favour of the enemy; the posting of printed or illustrated placards." By Ordinance No. 3, dated 20 March 1942, it was further prohibited to "discuss, engage in activities, encourage, or make propaganda concerning the organization and structure of the Government." By virtue of these prohibitions certain Indonesian nationalist lead- ers were arrested by the Kempei in April 1942, some of whom were only re- leased much later. In December 1942 to January 1943 a large scale round-up was conducted of Indonesians who had engaged in any underground activities of a kind that might possibly be construed as being anti-Japanese, They were - except for those who had been sentenced to death or had died in prisons - not released until September 1945. Even after January 1943* the Kempei scrupulously con- tinued to guard against and spy upon all underground activity, which cost a very large number of victims. In 1942 the Japanese initiated the "AAA" Movement. This name was announced on big placards displaying the following slogans: Nippon Pelindung Asia (Japan the Protector of Asia) Nippon Pemimpin Asia (Japan the Leader of Asia) Nippon Chahaya Asia (Japan the Light of Asia) Ihe AAA for Asia were printed larger and in a more striking colour than the other letters. Ihe themes which this movement elaborated were "Asia for Doc. No. 2750 P a g e 2 9 * .the Asiatics" and hate against "foreigners belonging to the white race" and against the "'/astern exploitersThe Japanese, on the contrary, were stated to be of the same race and stock as the Indonesians. The language "the Indonesian people who have the same ancestors and are of the same race as the Japanese," appeared in Art. 1 of Ordinance No. 1 of the Commander- in-Chief of the Japanese Forces, dated 7 March 1942. Western influence was represented as being a corruption of the Eastern soul; Japan was represented as the Saviour of Asiatic peoples, -and the Co-Prosperity Sphere of Greater East Asia under the "paternal" leadership of Japan was represented as lib- erating the Asiatic peoples. Apart from the slogan "New Java" or "a New Order in Java", the meaning to Java of the Greater East Asia Co-Prosperity Sphere was not defined. Use of the word "Indonesia" in a political sense was not permitted* In most official publications the Indonesians were re- ferred to as "the original inhabitants." While the AAA Movement was in full swing, further contact was sought with the Indonesian world, and especially with those who were dissatisfied with the former rule and the rate at which that rule prepared for independ- ence. Chief among these was Sukarno, who was brought to Java by the Kempei mull - t r " - * — • in July 1942, and who formed the so-called "Ampat Serangkai" (four-leaved clover) with three other nationalists. These became the leaders, under Japanese supervision, of those nationalists who were prepared to cooperate with Japan. The four Serangkai saw in the Japanese pro raises a means of attaining the early independence for which they were striving. They be- lieved in these promises and advocated complete cooperation with the Jap- anese Military Government. The Japanese also sought to approach the group of Indonesian intel- lectuals who were not discontented with the former rule and had held high office thereunder. The Japanese Commander-in-Chief set up, in December 1942, the 'Kyuukan Seido Tyoosa Iinkai' (Committee for the Study of former ^Customs and Political Systems): "in order to survey and study the customs and the former governmental systems of the country, and to contribute towards the Administration of Java." Nine Oapanese including the chairman Page 30 * Doc. No. 2750 and ten Indonesians, including the,;'Four-leaved Clover" and certain former Chiefs of Departments, former professors and members of the former People's Council, sat on this Committee. It never played an important role and was abolished by the Japanese in November 1943. The first reouest to the Japanese authorities made by the "Four Serangkai" was to be allowed to form a party. This request was considered u until 8 December 1942, when at the commemoration of Pearl Harbour, a big propaganda meeting was held in Batavia, and the Commander-in-Chief publicly promised that a single party for Indonesians only would be permitted. The fulfillment of this promise had to wait for a decision from Tokyo. On 9 March 1943 the "Putera" Movement was created, deriving its name from a symbolic abbreviation of "Pusat Tenaga Rayat" denoting "Center of the People's Spiritual Power," while "Putera" means "knight's son." Its aims and policy were approximately similar to those of the prev- iously discussed corporations, except that the name of this people's move- ment was not Japanese, but i" .-Malay. The Putera was not a party, but only a "movement" with leaders and advisory councils. The leaders were appointed by the Commander-in-Chief and were assisted by the advisory council in which there were approximately equal numbers of Japanese and Indonesians, the latter being nominated by the leader with the approval of the Gunseikan. Local leaders were appointed by the Leader, with Japanese approval. The organization of the Putera was governed by rules laid down by the Commander-in-Chief, and its aims were officially described by the Japanese as follows: "The object in arousing the strength and efforts of the people is "no other than to support all measures for winning final victory in "the Greater East Asia War. Since the work of this Movement is very "closely linked with the policy of the Dai Nippon Military Govern- "ment, all leaders must bear in mind that they should have a "profound knowledge of, and faith in, the aims and objectives "of the Dai Nippon Army." Page 31 * Doc. No. 2750 In this address the Putera leaders were further urged: 1 "Do your utmost always to be fully aware of the existing limitations "in the present situation, and never lead the common people astray. "I hope you will do your best to fulfill the aims and objectives "of this Movement, and that you will cooperate in the establish- "ment of the Co-prosperity Sphere in Greater East Asia and build "a New Java to be a member in the family of nations within the "Co-prosperity Sphere in Greater East Asia." The functions of the Putera were officially set out in the following ten points: 1. To impress upon the Indonesian population their duties and responsibilities in regard to the establishment of a "New Java." 2. To eliminate Occidental influences. 3. To participate in the defence of Greater East Asia. 4. To foster self-discipline in bearing all mental and physical privations necessary for winning ultimate victory. 5. To deepen mutual understanding between the Japanese and Indonesians. 6. To encourage the study of the Japanese language. 7. To raise the standards of the Indonesian population and develop their capacities and character. 8. To encourage the care of health and sport in order to improve the physique-of the population. 9. To encourage thrift and savings. 10. To encourage higher production in every field and to develop a love of work. The Putera was only for Indonesians. The new social hierarchy intro- duced by thu Japanese comprised the following grades: 1. Japanese; 2. Indonesians: 3- otner Asiatics; 4. mixtures of Indonesi:ms with other groups; 5. Europeans. Thereby, Indonesians, being the "original inhabi- tants", were treated ".3 a privileged category, while groups 3 to 5 were treated as foreigners, with the Europeans and Eurasians receiving the worst treatment. Doc. No. 2750 P a g e 32 * About the same time as the institution of the Putera, the restrictions on travel by so-called "foreigners" ware strengthened. Moreover, it was ordered that everyone joust immediately inform the police when lodging someone from outside the place of his residence. "Forbidden zones" were introduced, *g'̂ ""»>ii.lim«naiiWrtTffl>,W'ftl'lt̂ (MWWUK'iffiTpniTi tw1 MliMWWitilliibiif covering the entire South coast and the two Eastern and Western extremities of Java, where no "foreigners" v;ere allowed to enter and for which even In- donesians needed a pass. The first grevt enthusiam for the Putera dwindled when it became apparent that the activities of this body, to which the population had looked.forward, were to be entirely restricted to the basic principles laid down by the Japanese propaganda service. There was great disappointment when the originally planned Youth Movement of the Putera was forbidden, and the Japanese authorities set up instead their own youth movement. Meanwhile, outside the East Indies great changes had taken place. Japan had been forced from an offensive into a defensive position and lines of communication were seriously threatened. against this background, on 16 June 1943* Prime Minister Tojo made a speech in the Diet wherein, inter alia, he stated that in view of the fact that the people of Java had shown their readiness to cooperate with the government, Japanese Military administration, th^y should be given participation in the / On this occasion Tojo also promised so-called independence to Burma and to the Philippines. In pursuance of this promise, Prime Minister Tojo visited the Southern Regions in person. Enroute to Java, Tojo called at Manila and Singapore, repeating the promise of "independence" for the Philippines and Burma. In Java no "inde- pendence" was promised, but only participation in the government. The promise was coupled with the conditions that there should be complete co- operation with the Japanese Military Administration in order to win ultimate victory. Follovtfing this promise, in ^ugust 1943* an Indonesian was appointed Chief of the Syuumubu (Department of Religious affairs), but actual control remained in the hands of Japanese section heads; and two others were ap- pointed Syuutyoo (Chief of a Residency) in the two smallest Residencies of Doc. No. 2750 Page 33 * Java, with actual power in the hands of the Japanese Vice-Chief, Further- more, a number of Indonesians were officially appointed to lower positions, which they had held before, and were incorporated into the Japanese Admin- istrative Corps and were accorded corresponding Japanese rank. The "San-yo Seido" (Adviser System) was introduced, and Indonesians were nominated to be adviser to seven Departments. The San-yo only acted when questions were referred to him for advice. In all Residencies and also in the Special Municipality of Batavia an advisory body, the Sangi Kai, was established to advise the Resident in matters of local government, by Ordinance No. 37 of the Commander-in-Chief, dated 5 September 1943. This Ordinance prescribed the numbers of members of each Sangi Kai to be appointed ana elected, respectively. The "elections" were indirect with nomination of the candidates not public and the ballot not secret. The function of the Sangi Kai was to answer questions concern- ing local government put to it by the Syuutyoo with tho right to make sug- gestions on the referred subject. It could only meet on orders from the Syuutyoo, and sittings were opened and closed on his orders. Officials of the Syuutyoo office could attend and participate. The sessions were only public for the opening address, which was drafted and censored beforehand, and for the closing session. The sessions proper were held behind closed doors. At the final session motions, dis- cussed and settled during the closed meetings, were put to a mock vote and always passed unanimously. Sessions scarcely ever lasted longer than four to five days. The Chairman was appointed from amongst the members on nom- ination by the Syuutyoo. Every Sangi Ivai sent representatives to the lyuuoo Sangi-In, the Central Advisory Council of Java. This was established on 5 September 1943, by Ordinance No. 36, "for the speedy and efficient execution of the measures of the military Govern- ment." Twenty-three out of forty-three members were nominated in advance by the Commander-in-Chief. Of the remainder, eighteen were "elected" by the various Sangi Kai, and two were nominated by the Sultanates. The pro- cedure was the same as that of the local Sangi Kai. They were only em- powered to offer advice in respect to questions put by the Commander-in-Chief Page 34 * Doc. No. 2759 or tho Resident, and to make suggestions relating thereto. The actual direction of affairs rested with the Head of the Record Office, celled the Tyuuoo Songi-In Zimu Kyoku T^oo, who was a Japanese, as were also the other officials of his office. The function of this office was to deal with incoming and outgoing correspondence as well as to exer- cise internal supervision over the activities of the Tyuuoo Sangi-In. The Head end his staff were appointed by the Commander-in-Chief and the first Head was the then private secretary of Prime Minister Tojo. Similarly, the Secretary of the local advisory Council was always a Japanese from the Syuutyoo's office. From the very beginning these organiza- tions wore used as an instrument of Japanese propaganda to recruit labour and "Volunteers" for the military organizations and to encourage the population to increase agricultural output and to deliver tho crops to the Military C-overnment. As a further loĉ .l participation measure wider administrative powers were given to the Sultans of Central-Java in elementary education, local government at lower levels, public health, end farming, etc. Almost simultaneously with the establishment of the Central advisory Council, as was later officially declared by the Commander-in-Chief, the Japanese Military Administration took the view that the Indonesian popula- tion of Java ought to give concrete expression of its appreciation of Prime Minister Toio's promise now th-t it had been translated into f-.ct, and that it was their duty to demonstrate their preparedness to support the Japanese Military Administration by organizing a Volunteers' Corps. The Propaganda service ensured that it should appear to the outside world that the inhabitants themselves were desirous of having their own army. At the end of '.ugust 1943, en old friend of Sukarno forwarded a peti- tion, signed "with his own blood," to the Commander-in-Chief of Java for 1 I I f u r ' 'I I I ' l l " I T permission to set up a Volunteers' Corps as the first of a large series of such requests. The .Commander-in-Chief declared in the beginning of October 1943 that he was favourably disposed towards these petitions, and that he considered, moreover, that the population of Java was very rightly desirous Doc. No. 2750 P a g e 38 * of off erin^ s ome return for To jo's promise; and by Ordinance No. 44, dated 3 October 1943, he instituted the Kyodo Boo^i Giyu Gun (Army of Volunteers for the Defence of the Homeland). The aim of the Corps was "to c^ll upon the original inhabitants (i.e., Indonesians) for the defence of Java, based upon the principle of the joint defence of Greater East Asia." Art. 4 laid down: "Hie Volunteer Corps should be thoroughly convinced of the ideals "and importance of the task of defending the homeland, and it is "its duty to partake in the defence of the home country in the "respective Syuu against the Allies under the leadership of the "Dai Nippon xtrmy." By virtue of this Ordinance, the Giyu Gun was commanded by the Commander-in-Chief of Java. It was emphatically stated that this Corps was not to form part of the Japanese Army and would have its own officers, but it would be trained by Japanese instructors. It would not be used out- side Java and would consist of volunteers. Recruiting for the first levy started immediately, but with the follow- ing levies it appeared that there was insufficient enthusiasm, so that with each new levy each Regency was told ho?/ many "volunteers" were required in order to bring formations up to strength. One of the chief activities of Japanese propaganda was to encourage enlistment in this corps. In October 1943 the training of the "officers" was started and lasted three months. The object was to form one or mora battalions of about 1000 men per Syuu (Residency) which would together make up a unit for the defence of the Syuu. At the time of Japan's capitulation this object had been achieved. In the defence of the Syuu, the task of the Giyu Gun was mainly one of guarding road junctions, bridges and other strategically important points. Weapons were only supplied to these "volunteers" for the duration of the drills, and training mostly took place with wooden guns. The Beppan, a special section of the Headquarters of the 16th Japanese urmy, an intelli- gence organization, was charged with training, and the same time made use of it both for spying upon the r.ew volunteers as well as using them as spies. Doc. No. 2750 Page 36 * Prior to this, tho Japanese had made use of Indonesians as auxiliary- forces. Shortly .after the occupation many Indonesian soldiers ware partly recruited and partly compelled to serve as (auxiliary soldier). These units formed part of tho Japanese Army and were issued a Japanese uniform. They were generally used in the Ordnance Corps, and to guard camps occupied by women and civilian internees. Heiho were sent off the island. The Japanese Navy similarly made use of Indonesian Heiho. Both the Giyu Gun and the Heiho were taught to speak Japanese. Commands were issued in Japanese, and the regulations were written in Japanese* They wore Japanese insignia* An important part of the training was instruction in "Seisin" (Spirit). One of the important aims of Japanese propaganda was the increase of farming crops and their delivery to the Japanese Military Administration. The island of Java had to provide large quantities of food for the Japanese occupation troops and troops fighting in the East. Besides the Japanese army of occupation was laying up large stocks of supplies. Java, which before the war had barely been able to meet the essential food requirements of its own population, was expected to produce more. This increase in pro- duction was obstructed by the lack of proper supervision over irrigation works, due to the replacement of interned Dutch experts by insufficiently trained Japanese, and by haphazard methods adopted by the Japanese in the pursuance of their ends in forcing the production of desired agricultural commodities unsuitable to thy climate and geographic conditions, .'ill this further reduced the area available for food crops. It became less aid less advantageous for the simple farmer to hand over his produce to the Japanese authorities. From the outset, the Japa- nese adopted the policy of the Netherlands Indies Government to stabilize the price of rice at a proper level. As tho Japanese military guilder de- creased in its purchasing value, the official price for rice soon fell far below its former value relative to other commodities. Articles that the farmer used to buy with ...he proceeds of his rice became virtually unobtain- able. Page 37 * Doc. No. 2750 The Japanese authorities ordered that 60% of the harvest of food produce h..d to be delivered to then. They took far-reaching measures to combat the black market in rice ana other food products, such as the impos- ing of closed regional economic areas, enforced bjr checkpoints on the high- ways. The threshing of rice - except for individual consumption - in other than "coordinated" mills was prohibited. The propaganda service exerted all its powers to persuade the farmers to cultivate wider areas in order to obtain more produce. It also tried to persuade the inhabitants to yield their crops to the Japanese Lilitary Ad- ministration. Not only in Java, but throughout the Southern Regions, Japan used labour everywhere, for the building of military fortifications, airfields, strategic railways, etc. Java was a source for such labour. From the very commencement, Japanese propaganda went all out to encourage the voluntary enlistment of these coolies. In this at first the Japanese were successful, tfihen the inhabitants learned how these coolies were being treated by the Japanese, their desire to work for them practically disappeared. This be- came worse when the coolies sent out of Java did not return, and no news whatever was received from them. The Japanese thereafter adopted conscription, whereby each Regency was informed as to how many coolies had to be drafted, both for the work in Java itself, and for labour outside th"t island. In 1943 the propaganda service started a vigorous campaign in which the "Prajurit Ekonomi" (the economic warrior) was represented as fulfilling a sacred task by working for the Japanese Army. It was no longer permissi- ble to speak of coolies; the coolie was also a soldier, and his contribution to the war effort had to be greatly appreciated. The recruiting of the coolies was undertaken by every possible means; one of these was that the houses of relatives left behind were provided with a sign "Prajurit Pekerja", and it was pointed out to the public that one should honour such houses and their occupants, whilst this sign was said henceforth to guar- antee special protection. Furthermore, theoretically these relatives en- joyed certain privileges in the distribution of scarce commodities, such Doc. No. 2750 D - • as clothing, - a privilege enjoyed only .after all government officials had received their share; These labourers received less care than the prisoners of war and in- ternees, and their condition was aggravated by their ignorance of hygienic precautions and medical care. .Vhile the correct figures of those who were transported outside Java as Romushas are not known, the official estimates of the Japanese after the capitulation indicate a figure of 270,000 men, of whom not more than 70,000 have been recovered since the war's end. Most of the returnees suffered inhumane maltreatment. Accommodation, food, medical care wore not only thoroughly inadequate, but in many cases absent altogether. During certain periods, "romushas" who had died from starvation and conta- gious diseases were daily carried away by the cartload from certain camps. In religious matters the propaganda service made .an effort to obtain complete cooperation from the population. These activities were especially directed at influencing the Moham- medans, who formed the large majority of the population, -while propaganda among other religions was of far less importance. Priests and preachers of an "enemy race" were forbidden to conduct services except for people of an "enemy race". If an "enemy" priest or preacher noticed an Indonesian among the congregation he was to see to it that the latter left on penalty of very severe punishment. From the very outset the Japanese made an effort to establish one organization for the Islamites to convey the Japanese aims to the people and to induce a maximum war effort through voluntary cooperation. Several attempts in that direction by the Japanese failed at first because of dis- cord in Islamic circles in regard to religious principles. In November 1943 the Japanese succeeded in uniting the Moslem unions into one mother organization, the "Mashumi" (abbreviation for "Majelis Shura Muslimin Indonesia" - Consultative Council of Indonesian Islamites). This coordinated the Mohammedan intellectuals. In addition there was a large number of Oelamas (expounders of the Koran) and Kiais (teachers on religious matters), not closely connected with Islamic intellectuals, but who exercised a considerable influence in the villages. Doc. No. 2750 P a ^ e 39 * From tha very beginning the Syuumubu tried to obtain influence amongst the population through these kiais ana oelamas. .xS far back as July 1942 the then Japanese Head of the Syuumubu began to travel about Java and held meetings in each Syuu (Residency) for about 500 or 600 kiais and oelamas who had been ordered to attend by the local administration in each place. Ho spoke on Japanese views and aims in the usual vein and then tried to sound the opinion of his audience. Ho was assisted by five Jap mesa in .r-bian dress bearing the title of Hadji in combination with Arabian and their own Japanese names. Following this tour there was a great meeting of representatives of all scholars and teachers on religion from all resi- dencies at Batavia on 7 December 1942. The Gunseikan made a speech in which the Japanese policy in regard to the Islamites in Java was explained. This policy embodied three principles. First, the Japanese i.rmy de- clared itself to be the protector of Islain and that the Mohammedan religion would be respected. For the second point the Gunseikan declared that religious associa- tions would soon be authorized to carry on their activities and that they had the noble task of propagating the ideals of Great East Asia and the support of the Military Administration. For the third point, the Gunseikan declared that the cooperation of the Islamic community in respect to education was acceptable in so far as it was directed at full support to the Japanese Army md imbued with the ideals of the Greater East Asia Co-Prosperity Sphere, With this restric- tion religious education would be permitted and officially supported with books and other facilities. The Syuumubu established a permanent training centre in Batavia where courses listing three weeks in Japanese ideology were given to groups of sixty kiais and oelamas each. These courses were also used to test whether Japanese propaganda had iny effect, ana afforded a means of selecting suitable collaborators. These accomplices carried the propaganda to the simple rural population, and were responsible for the production and delivery of sufficient rice for a sufficient supply of labourers and for enlistments as "volunteer" or heiho. DOG, NO, 2750 Page 40 * The Japanese adopted the old device of working on tho fanaticism of Isla- mites, and they triod to persuade the kiais and oelomas to declare the Greater Bast Asia v/ar as a "sabil" (holy) war against the kafir (unbeliever), •.••ihen the point that the Japanese were themselves unbelievers was raised, the "common ancestry," the ''common r~.ee" and the "destiny common to the Japanese and the Indonesians" Were pointed out. In the beginning of 1944 religious disturbances occurred in the Indra- mayu district and at Garut. The Japanese held the Indonesian leader of the Syuuriubu (Religious .ffairs Department) responsible, and he was replaced by one of the oldest and most popular kiais of Jav.. He accepted this poet and spent one day in Batavi but immediately returned to his religious institu- tion, leaving the direction of the Syuumubu to the Japanese heads of sections From November 1943 the iiashumi became the organization through which the Japanese authorities ruled tho Islamic intellectual world, and through it carried on propaganda for Japanese ideals, sounded public opinion and execu- ted espionage. The relationship between the Iiashumi ana the Syirimubu was constantly strengthened until at last the i'ashumi was for all purposes directed by the Syuumubu. Besides this the Japanese established Syuumuka (Religious ...f fairs Sections) in every Syuu under locally prominent Kiais. They had the duty of making Military .dministration policy understood in the villages. These agencies '.-ere gr .dually extended even to the smallest local subdivisions under a local Kiai. The Syuunubu issued a publication called "..sshu'lah;" edited in Malay, Javanese -nd Sundanese, but printed in .rab script, the onlj' script the ortho dox kiais could read. This periodical was distributed free of charge amongst all kiais in Java. The J-apajiose also maJe several efforts to coordinate the Chinese who although comp-rati.ve.ly few in number, were the mainstay of the middle class. Tho Japanese first tried to induce leading ofiiei als of the m-.ny Chinese asso ciations (which had all been dissolve^ in March 1942) to foru one big organiz. tion, but the effort completely failed. Doc. No. 2750 Page 41 * 1 The J-.panes j decided in .ugust 1943 to establish the Kakyoo Sookai tfith the support of • fov; prominent or'..-Nanking Chinese. The KaLyoo Sookai vr'S organized *>long tho customary lin ;S, with its lo ders appointed by the Japanese authorities, and close cooperation with tho J -panose Military ..dninistr tion as the prime object. No action v/as taken on their a m initiative >.nd the org-nit at ion was used to disseminate Jap '.nose propaganda and as an espionage organization. .t the sai_o tiue the Jap nose made certain concessions, such as per- mission for limited Chinese private school education, and for sending small remittances to their f amilies in J \p?.nese-occupied parts of China. This latter permission was not kept. The Surasions, who occupied mainly the middle strta of technical and administrative occupations, wore at first ostracized. J-panose replaced them in the higher ranks, but not ne-rly onough wore available for tho more nu- merous intermediate ranks, and trained Indonesians were insufficient in numbers. The first effort to secure the cooperation of the Eurasian group was iro.de in September 1943. The Eurasians who had been regarded as "aliens," gradually began to to treated as belonging to the indigenous population next to tho Indonesian group. Tho Japanese stipulated, however, that the Eurasians had to realize that from then on they were to feel and act as mem- bers of the Greater E"st ..sia com.unity under the leadership of Japan, and had to renounce their ..ostern ancestry. The Japanese promised the Eurasians to admit number of their children to village schools which had so f \r been reserved for Indonesian children. Sopar-.te schools for Eurasian children remained forbidden. In the beginning of 194-. the Japanese docided to dissolve the Putera and to repl-co it by an organization in which all ..siatics would combine efforts to achieve ultirrte victory in the Holy rr. .c cording to the <)ao'ueso it h-d failed to reach the simple villager, who co prised -vout 80''> of the total population of Jav and supplied the a .n power for army and labor services and the production of food crops for the Japanese. Tho movement became too stronaly nationalistic. Doc. No. 2750 Page 42 * The nev; organization followed a pattern used in Japan and combined the propaganda machinery with the organization for the distribution of es- ssential supplies. Starting in January 1944, the whole of Jnv-> was divided ir_ t r ; . into sm-.il communities of about 20 houses each, called Ton-ri Gumi (Neighbours' .ssociations). Those Tonari Gumi ere organized on centralized lines. They were headed by a humityoo, .ho vas appointed from above and who was responsible for the execution of the orders given to him. 11 existing associations, social, fire precautionary, agricultural, etc., were absorbed by the Tonari Guiui. Tho duties of this institution Were Very extensive. Not only distri- bution, but also regular training for -ir raid defense and guerilla warfare were its responsibility. Furthermore, the h-=.d of the community had to lec- ture at le-'st once a week to his people on Japanese ideology and the practical application thereof. ;.t t ese meetings the Japanese aims in regard to the population were extolled according to instructions from the Japanese propa- ganda service. This was done mostly by Indonesians, specially trained by the Japanese who remained behind the scene. Other meetings were held for larger units (called ,.za; a village was divided into two or more „za) once a month. One member of each familh had to ttend these meetings. .'.11 inh bitants of the are- of one Tonari Gumi., including non-interned \ Eurasians, had to be members of the organization. Only membership gave dis- | tribution facilities. V. March 9, 1944, when the Tonari Gumi .ere working satisfactorily, the Putera was officially dissolved and the "Jawa Hookoo Kai" (Cerporation for Communal Services in Java), comprising all .si-tic groups was officially in- stalled. This corporation rem ined s the instrument of J panese control until ..ugust 31, 1945, -'hen it was dissolved. .ccording to the ofiicial explanation accompanying the Ore: n-nee (6 January 1944) founding it, the Jawa Hookoo Kai wis set up as an organ of the ILalitrry tar carry out its instructions in an atmosphere of '•rw-acuQy cooperation 1 with -11 inhabitants. It w/» th« organization's duty to see that these instructions reached all the people and it was to ,ork in close relationship with the Tonari Gumi, Its leaders were responsible for kyo K o - K M D^c. No. 2750 Page 43 * Sowing th .t everyone w.s enlisted in the positive support of the : ilitary administration, .according to this explanation the Juwa Hookoo Kai was in fact an executive body, based on the principle of complete coordination of all inhabitants and was, therefore, ->n organization of -She entire populace. The central direction of the Jaw* Kookoo Kai was appointed by the Commander-in-Chief "nd consisted of Japanese delusively, ihe Executive Bureau under the supervision of the central direction had several Indonesians. Branches were established in all localities. The Ku Hookoo Kai, the smallest union, supervised one or more .z~. which in turn supervised a number of Tonari Gumi. The leader of these local Kookoo Kai was the head of the local adminis- tration, assisted by a cou: cil (Kaigi), appointed by him. - session of the Kaigi had to b. held --t le st every six months, when ways and means of pro- moting assistance to the .""ilit-r; Government had to be discussed. / The Tonari Gumi formed the lowest bodies in t,he Jawa Hookoo I'ai, Their task was: a. active support to police and Keibocden (village guards) in the de- fence of their country and durinfc air r ids, against enemy para- chutists, enemy espionage, natural calamities, fire and crime. b. to rrrke the inhabitants understand the aims of laws, regulations, etc., of the id.litary administration. c. stimulation of increased food production; encouragement if delivery of these products to the authorities; the distribution of daily necessities. d. general support to the Ia.lit.ary administration, e.g., by protect- ing members of families of Haiho (auxiliary troops), volunteers nd romushas (coolies) who had! left their villages. e. mutual help and assistance. The J-wa Hookoo K-i absorbed •'•11 organizations pursuing similar aims, r regardless of nationality, including the Japanese, The Huzin Kai (..-omens' Corporation), the ^ashumi (the Islamic Corpor tion), the Kakyeo Sookai (Cerporation uf Chinese), the Tai T'ku Kai (Syorts Corporation), the Keimin Bunlca Sidusya (Cultural Corporation), etc., mentioned beferc, were all ineor- per .ted in the Jawa hookoo Kai. Doc. No. 2750 P a g e 4 4 * Tho activities by tho Eurasians for thoir mutual support brought on systematic prosecution by tho Kempoi-tai. Dozens of thoir leaders died in prison during the occupation as a result of ill-treatment, starvation, con- tagious aiso .sos (c used by crowded prisons without sufficient sanitation) or sentences by courts m rti .1. -nyone who once attracted suspicion v/as tortured in such a way that false confessions were a daily occurrence; and these in turn often brought fresh victims within the clutches of tho ^empei-tai. . typical example of this happened in 1944 in Pontianak on the west co st of Borneo, .•.•here more than 1200 prominent Indonesian and Chinese, including tho loc-1 nobility, were executed on an entirely unfounded suspicion of conspiracy. .JLso in Java tho Indonesians were in constant fe~r of the ivempei. Greatest care had to bo taken in speaking since spies were around everywhere. There are hun- dreds of c ses where people of -11 races Were most cruelly tortured on the strength of reports of - usually entirely innocent conversation, by means of [the "water-cure", electrification, hanging by limbs, use of bo- constrictors, |)tc. Outside Jav- the same policy was adhered to in regard to political and religious activities. Hero again, following Tojo's promise, a number of prominent cooperative Indonesians ;ore appointed to posts in tho ..dministra- tion. Bodies similar to the S ngi Kai (local advisory Councils) tvoro estab- lished but this process was considerably slower th n in Java. Territories administered by the havy in turn were slower to follow than those under ^rmy Occupation. In tho I aval areas (Cole es, Borneo, etc.) the stage where Tyuuoo Sangi-In (Central ..dvisory Council) was formed was never reached. In Sumatra, however, a Tyuuoo Sangi-In for that island was installed at Fort do Kock in February 1945. No organization similar to the Putera v/as permitted in spite of re uests :"rt>m Indonesian intellectu-Is. Compared with Jav, propaganda in tho other islands was more concen- trated on the younger generation. "Volunteers Corps1' similar to tho Giyu Gun wore established. Tho four b*»sic airs of Japanese propaganda were tiven full play during tho course of 1944. Using the slogan of " .sia for tho ..siatics" and teaching ' oc . I'o. 2750 Page 45* religious hatred, the -Japanese vorked upon all sections of society "by holding courses of instruction. The first group to be dealt with was that of school teachers, followed le.ter by policemen, heads of villages, minor officials of the civil service, higher officials, doctors, pharmacists, lawyers and personnel of all government offices. Even the smallest group was given attention in turn. This propaganda, however crude, was to some extent successful, partly due to chaotic conditions and the distress and hardships suffered by the population. M The Japanese clearly realized the potential dangers of this situation. It was the task of the propaganda sc-rvicc to bend these sentiments in some other direction by way of distraction from Japan's occupation. There was a constantly increasing campaign of hatred against the Occident, especially against the United States and Britain, which countries, together with Holland were held responsible for all the sufferings of the population. Page 46* DOC. NO. 2750 IV* FOURTH PHASE September 1944 - August 1945* The strategic situation outside Java meanwhile had considerably changed, The break-through at Saipan had occurred and violently shonk the very foundations of tho Jcponose defense. The TOJO cabinet was succeeded by the KOISO cabinet, which recognized that it had to face the isolation of the Southern Regions, end tho necessity for tho Japanese troops there to stand by themselves, and th->t it was more end more important to gain popular cooperation* When tho way in which TOJO's promise was going to bo realized be- came known in August 1943» disappointment wa3 expressed rather clearly among those prominent Indonesians, who still placed confidence in Japan's promises. The Japanese were warned that they had to accelerate satisfy- ing nationalist aspirations in tho Southern Regions if they vera to re- tain tho full cooperation from this group. On 7 September 1944, in the Diet, Prime Minister KOISO, after h-ving premised Korea end Formosa equality of rights enjoyod by the Japanese, made a promise of independence for tho East Indies. (Exhibit No. 277). In this speech it was not made clear exactly what region would gain independence when granted. The promise of independence was conditioned on the people defending their own territory for the support of the Greater East Asia Co-Prosperity Sphere. The extent of this so-called independence was only defined by reference to membership in tho Greater East Asia Co-Prosperity Sphere as en epplication of the Hakko Ichiu ideal. Previously, towards tho end of August 1944» the l6th Amy Headquarters in Java had boon informed confidentially of the contents of this statement, end issued certain secret orders to various Japanese organizations. Those orders, Irosecution documents Nos. 2756 and 2757, were recovered in the building, used by the Guns^ikanbu during the Japanese occupation of Batavi Page 47 * Doc. No. 2750 Hie promise made on 7 September 1944 by Premier Koiso was announced in Java by the Commander-in-Chief in the following words 1 "As for the nation that will be set lip in the future, it -7ri.il be 0 just and true nation that will become a link in the Greater east Asiatic Co-prosperity Sphere and has the duty to contribute in the development of Greater East Asia under the leadership of Dai Nippon. "Therefore, if all inhabitants like to raise the standard of the nation that ir5.ll be sot up so that it will bccome one of the Greater East Asiatic nations in the true sense, then it is very necessary that they train themselves ceaselessly to become a Greater Test Asiatic people until tile final victory is achieved, i.e., by thoroughly convincing themselves as a Greater East Asiatic people. "Suppose the final victory v.ill not be won, then the construction of Greater East Asia can not be materialised, and as a matter of course, the East Indies will not get their independence. "Therefore, all inhabitants must oxort all their efforts to win the final victor;,'- in a sphere of perfect friend- ship between all nationalities. "They must patiently endure all hardships and they also must remove all obstacles that mi;?ht como up in the future. "And therefore, while raiting for the arrival of the moment of th t glorious independence, all theinhabitants must vork hard for the continuance of this var. With such an attitude tho duties for tiie future can be fulfilled." The "gratitude" of the Indonesians for Foiso's promise remained the theme on which the Japanese propaganda continued to play for months to come. Page 48 * Doc. No. 2750 At the same time, l6th Army Headquarters were instructed to adviso tho Ministry of Vfar as to -/hat area should be declared "independent" tho date on waich it was to take place, and the form of tho new govern- ment and state. Tho Military Government of Java in reply submitted a report on- titled "Gist of Measures for Guiding Independence", in which it was pro- posed to make Java independent first. Measures suggested to strengthen the national consciousness wore tho creation of tho Ken Ko':u Gakuin (Academy for the Building of the State), and increased participation in the administration.' Only two practical stops wore taken at first to carry out Koiso's promise. On 8 September 1944 the population was allowed henceforward to fly tho Indonesian alongside the Japanese flag but only on certain speci- fied holidays, subject to strict regulations .is to place and size. On Government buildings of the Administration the Japanese flag only rras to be flown. On that same date permission was given to sing the "Indonesia Rare"-song (Song of Groat Indonesia) as the national anthem. On 11 September 1944 the Commander-in-Chief convoked a special session of the Ilyuuoo Sangi-In (Central Advisory Council), in order to answer the question of how tho Indonesians could show to Japan and her army their intense gratitude for the promise of future independence, and how the "Jill of the people "to fight to bring • bout the destruction of America and .ahgland could still fu thor be enhanced." /mother extraordinary session o'the Tyuuoo Sangi-In was hold on 17 November 1944» and a motion was adopted to lay down a so-called "I-ancha Dherma" (Five Rules for tho Conduct of Lifo) as a "compass" for the Indonesian population. This "lancha Dharma" reads as follows: "For tho Indonesian people, to wit: •1. Wo, along with other nations in Greater East Asia, are in this war one in lifo and death with Dai Nippon, and will contribute our efforts in all sincerity because this present war 3tands up for justice and righteousness. Pago 49 * Djc. NO. 2750 . 1 2. TCe found an Indonesian State th-t is independent, unified, sovereign, just, and prosperous and that always rf. 11 valuo the spiritual merits of Dai-Nippon, and that will live as a true member in the family-sphere of Greater Past Asia. 3. Vfc will sincerely endeavour to achieve a glorious great- ness by ay of k .oping up and elevating our own civili- sation and culture, by helping to develop tho Asiatic culture end by beautifying tho world's culture. 4. vto'1o maintaining strong and lasting friendly relations with the nations of Greater Test Asia, we 3erve our country end people with all our heart end with an un- wavering mind while yc will always believe in God Almighty. 5« '"ith a united and burning desire we 3trivo for tho achievement of an over-lastiag World xoaco based on tho family-conccption of the whole mankind according to tho principle of Hakko Ichiu." Cn 1 December 1944 participation in tho Administration was extended to tho appoint :oat of Indonesian "Kuku-Syuutyokan" (Vice Governors) in several Syuu, and of more Indonesian Sanyo (Advisers) to tho various Departments of tho Gunsoikanbu. A Sanyo-Kaigi (Board of 3an-yo) was established to meet regularly to advise the Gunsoikanbu in tho periods when the Tyuuoo 3angi-In (Central Advisory Council) was not in session. Meanwhile tho propaganda servicehad introduced a now slogan for the "Bonteng lorjuangan Jawa" (Java One Portress). Tho object was to bring the population to the maximum war effort in view of tho throat of an .'Hied landing, now openly anticipated. Air Raid Defence and Piro Brigade drills were daily routine but besides, the population was worked upon by tho powerful propaganda machinery and trained -in guerilla fighting. They wore instructed in the methods of destroying small cnony formations with primitive weapons (bamboo spears hardened in fire) and by mass action. 1 v j c . 2-/50 50 * During a prcpnganda mooting in Bat civ i a effigies 05' loosc-volt, Clurel:i-L and Van dor Has (a prominent Dutch administrator) wero burned after hav- ' \j Vera pora-Va through tho vdiole torn, imzrtcant British, and Dutch- flags were painted on the roads and trampled upon by processions during a propaganda demonstration. Religious propaganda urged the Mohammedans to declare Holy 'Jar on the Occidental lowers. Throe new semi-military organizations were established <3ur:'ng this period, and the Tonari Gumi, finally, wore used as a reinforcement for the Keiboodaain the defence of the village. On no occasion were these simple villagers ever told that such action on thoir part in war tine would constitute a violation of the Rules of Land Warfare and would force the the economic field, especially against the delivery of agricultural pro- duce and the recruiting of native labor. In order to overcome this resistance, strong measures were adopted against Indonesian civilian officials who were hold responsible for the poor results in recruiting. Man;/ we re dismissed and substituted by nation- alist and occasionally by Islamite politicians, Those now officials had cone to the fore through the Java Hookoo Kai, or through the religious courses. The new arrivals in the Indonesian administrative corps, were not fully competent, and they always had Japanese advisers, iipproximately one-third of the corps was staffed vith nationalists favourably disposed towards the Japanese. Required ".olivary of foodstuff and recruitment of coolios and volunteers were not achieved by many Ken, Doc. No. 2750 pG f ; G j i * The Japanese realized that they wore increasingly dependent upon the cooperation oftho people and that they would have to boar the conse- quences of their own propaganda. In September 194s already, Count Hideo Kodama, then adviser to tho Commandor-in-Chiof of Java visited Tokyo to try to arouse interest in local views concerning the Hast Indios. In Nov aaber 1943 Sukarno was sent to Japan and pressed Premier Tojo to grant independence, but obtained no definite answer. At tho end of 19 b , Hoyashi, tho then high- est civil advisor to tho Java Military Government wont to Tokyo with the consent of the Commander-in-Chief in Java to try and persuade Japan to support puppot-independonco for tho East Indios. A Ken Koku Gakuin (Academy for the Building of the State) was insti- tuted on 29 April 1945 «ith the object of influencing the minds of the future "leaders" of the "independent" state and of imbuing then with ideals of the Greater East Asia Co-prosperity Sphere led by Japan, and with a correct conception of this leadership. Meanwhile, Java Headquarters pressed higher authorities for a speedy solution. On April 1945» 0. conferonco took place at Singapore, attended by Chiefs of General Affairs Departments of all areas under the command of the 7th Area Army, comprising Java and Sumatra and co':rnndod by Itagaki. ' ! " " " At this conference the Soomubutyoo of Java explained to what extent the national consciousness of the Indonesians had now boon fully awakened and emphasized the fact that there wa3 no other tray to regain the confi- dence of tho population but by carding out the promise of' independence* Field Marshal Terauchi's Headquarters at Saigon on 15 *-°y 1945 r c- quc3ted views of local Headquarters on "independence.." Java promptly re- sponded with a proposition to declare tho whole of tho Netherlands East Indies independent within a year. Singapore dodged the issue and said that it was not yet time to initiate independence* Subsequently, on 2n May 1945» the instigation of Itagaki, a moot- ing was called of all Chiefs of Staff at Singapore. The conference re- cognized that the war was turning against Japan. Java was allowed to convene a "Dokuritsu Chosa Junbi Iin" (Committee for tho Study of Prepara- tions for Independence). This committee was installed on 2P May 1945, Doc. No. 2750 52 * and took a solemn oath of loyalty to live and to die with Japan. "Naval" territories (Borneo, the Celebes, the Lesser Sunda Isles, etc.) were not represented rt this conference,' and measures discussed only related to"£rmy" areas which narrowed down to Java. In Sumatra, political developments lagged behind that of Java, and it vr.s not until February 1945 that a Central Advisory Council for Sumatra tias installed. The Committee for tho Study of Ireparations for Independence con- sisted of approximately 60 members, including four Chinese, one Indo-Arab and one Eurasian. A Japanese was Deputy Chairman, and seven others were "special members". The Committee had an Administrative Bureau with a Japanese Deputy Chief. The Ordinance found:'ng this Committee required thrt its findings had to be reported to the Gunseikan. Later, a new "Committee for the Prepara- tion of Independence" would be formed; It was clearly stipulated that tho "Committee for Study" was to confine itself to study and was not em- powered to make any decision. The Committee met twice, from 29 May to 2 June and from 10 to l6 July 194.5- Those meetings wore not open to tho public. Among other things, a constitution resembling that of the Philippine puppet-state was drafted. There was disappointment when it was learned th t tho Committee had no power to make decisions and had to restrict itself to Java. On 17 July 1945» "tho Supreme War Direction Council decided to adopt the policy of granting"independence" to tho East Indies as soon as possi- ble. (Iros. Doc. No. 2759, Court 2xhibit No. ___)i This decision reached Java on 21 July 1945* According to directives from Tokyo, the territory of the new state was to comprise tho whole of the Netherlands East Indies, vihilo a "Committee for the i'reparation for Independence" was to be set up in the near futuro. Sup has is m a laid upon tho necessity for safeguarding the require- ments for nilitfry operations. The Headquarters of tho Southern Army at Saigon, which had submitted in June 1945 that the establishment of tho puppet state should not take place before the middle of 1946, and that the abovenauBd Commit too should at the earliest bo sot up towards the Doc. No. 2750 Page 53 * end of 1945» w a s ordered to work out the details. Consequently, on 30 July 1945 at Itagaki's Headquarters in Singa- pore a conference was held of the Soomubutyoo (Heads of General Affairs Departments of the Gunseikanbu) of the regions concerned. At this Con- ference a schema was drawn up for guiding preparations for so-called in- dependence, wherein the date was set for the spring of 1946. V, THE FIFTH PHASE August-September 1945. In the beginning of August 1945 > Field Marshal Terauchi received telegraphic orders from To Icy o to hasten preparations for the Indonesian puppet-state as much as possible , and to create this state in September 1945. la pursuance of this order, on 7 August 1945 Tgrau^h^ decreed 'the establishment of the Dokuritsu TurrM Iin (Committee for the Preparation for Indepe ndence), This was effected by proclamation of the same date, reading as follows "Proclamation of the Nanpoo-Gun (Japanese Southern Army), "Concerning the 'Committee for the Preparation for Independence of Indonesia', "Based on the proclamation of the Japanese Government of 7 September last year, the Nanpoo-Gun has consistently been taking measures to guide the Indonesians. Owing to the spiritual awakening of the people up to this moment, they have all succeeded in achieving much and fast progress in their training for government and for the defence of the country with burning enthusiasm. "In response to the activity and the wholehearted efforts of the people, the Nanpoo-Gun expresses its approval of the installation towards the middle of August of a Committee for the Preparation for Independence of Indonesia; that Committee shall accelerate all meas- ures concerning the final preparations for the installation of the Government of an independent Indonesia, 12 o'clock, 7. VIII, 1945." On the same day on which the proclamation of Marshal Terauchi was published in Java, the Saikoo Sikiksn (Commander-in-Chief) of Java also Doc. 2750 * issued a proclamation, wherein, inter alia, it was stated! "The desire to become an independent n tion has now reached a high point and is flaring up all over Indonesia. It was in response to the expression of this desire that the Dai Nippon Teikoku solemnly promised to grant her independence, in accordance with the basic principle of the Dai Nippon Teikoku, (Japanese Empire), i.e., the ideals of Hakko Icbiu. Since that promise tho whole population has exerted itself to its utmost to honour the national obligations and the stronger became their determination to bring the war to n successful oonclusion, so th't the foundations for their independence could be built up fully and speedily. And now, cs an independent nation, constituting a link in the chain of the Oo-prosperity Sphere of Greater East Asia, she vail join and take her place in the battle-line for the common defence of Greater East Asia." Tho Gunseikan, (Chief Military Government;) on t' is occasion stated the following: "The independence of Indonesia as a member of the Co-prosperity Sphere of Greater East Asia, is based upon humanitarian principles so as to contribute in tho formation cf a now world order. Therefore, the lofty ideals of the Indonesians and their intense enthusiasm conform with the basic ideals of the Dai Nippon Teikoku, i.e. the spirit of Hakko Ichiu. "A new nation will have to meet some essential requirements: it must have sufficient strength, while its administrative machinery should be organized in a smoota and simple way. Ther .fore, the first duty is to bring the war now being faoed by the Indonesians to a succossful conclusion. To this end the Indonesian nation rauat develop its war- potential to its full extent, .and together vith Dai Nippon fight unceasingly to achieve final victory in this Greater East Asia War." Doc. No. 2750 P a g e 58 * A few days of silence on the subject of independence followed; Japanese propaganda continued to elaborate upon tho common ties of dostiny between Japan and Indonesia.: "To live or die with Japan". Meanwhile on 9 August 13k5 • G delegation of throe leading Indonesian n tionalists, including Sukarno, was flown to Terauchi's Headquarters at iaigon, and received by the Field Marshal on 11 August. They wore told by the latter that it was originally intended to send the delegation to Tokyo to receive the Imperial Decree direct from the Japanese Government. On account of difficulties and dangers of communications and pressure of time, the Field Marshal had boon instructed to transmit the contents of the Decree to tho dologation on behalf of the "imperial Government, The main ooints wore: a. Tho Japanese Government had boon pleased to institute a Com- mittee for the Preparation for Independence. b. The territory of the New State would include the entire Nether- lands East Indies. c. Tho date when independence would be proclaimed in any territory was to be determined t the discretion of tho Imperial Government, as soon as prop:rations were completed. d. The independent Government would bo installed first in the is- land where preparations had been first completed. Subsequently this Government would bo gradually extended to include areas whore preparations had been compl ,tod. o. All Japanese demands in connection with tho military situation wore to bo complied with. f. Sukarno was appointed Ch airman of the Committee, which further consisted of thirteen representatives from Java, three from Sumatra and five from territories under naval occupation. Thoso members were appointed on nomination by local Japanese military commanders. On Ik August 1945 tho newspapers in Java reported the news of Sukarno' return, and. ho was wolcomod as the new leader of Indonesia by the Commander 1 • Doc. No. 2750 P a g e 56 * in-Chief and many of the military and Indonesian authorities. Meanwhile. the Committee members from Sumatra, Borneo, the Celebes, end Bali, whose names rero now published, wore flown to Java, after having received their instructions from tho military or naval authorities of those areas. Originally the first mooting of tho Committee was fixed for 19 August. On 15 August, however, members of tho Committee wore secretly informed of Japan's capitulation. During the night of 16 to 17 August 1945> the Committoo, augmented by nationalists and youth loaders, prominent during that period, met at the residence of the Japanese Naval Liaison Officor Maeda. Sukarno had, prior to this meeting, conferred ith tho Soomubutyoo (Chief General Affairs Department) and Maeda. It was decided to proclaim indcpondonce the next morning. The constitution drafted by tho Dokuritsu,Chosa Junbi Iin (tho Com- mittee set up in Mby for the Study of Preparations for Independence) was hastily altered, and on tho following morning .the Independence was broadcast by Sukarno through a microphone, installed by the Japanese propaganda ser- vice on the verandah of his house. The population of Java was still uninformed, cxcopt through rumour, 1 about tho capitulation of Japan. Radio receiving sets had been unfitted to pick up foreign broadcasts, even from Tokyo. On instructions from the Commander-in-Chief, the Japanese propaganda-service kept Japan's defeat secret. Tho newspapers, controlled by the Japanos,o propaganda service , and the N local broaccasting stations between 17 and 21 August 1945 made no mention of anything but the announcement of independence (and tho proclamation of tho constitution. On 21 August 1945' the papers published, next to the text of tho 3nperor's broadcast of 14 August on the surrender, a proclamation by tho Commander-in-Chief of Java, containing, inter alia, the following words: "Dai Nippon is and will always bo. a friend to Indonesia, im- mutably and forever. We never will forgpt our oath} united, in lifo and in death," Until 21 August 1945 the Japanese authorities had kept Japan's defeat secret; this period has boen callcd the "stolon week". • c ( ' * " - t ' — — . ^ L 1 ' fr v v - / r ..... /;r It; . • j • Jl, a - 'i •' • - . ' • V -t } . f -IX B , $ \ -i&JL h* +f k t-J* A ^ C V-e A c T M - — r f f ? ) P r l A c 4 w II f ' -•- - _ »•« & t l Q c t } TIjL - , Y O 4 / A / c / j / V o ^ J L . J L / / E ^ ^ 1 ' (pMr l<1«/ ^ c w I f S ^ . X a . c o *<P i . . - ; ^ ^ & lXv. V ' / ^ , ^ / / 1 * * ^ * v i 7 ? ^ ^ TFR. WAR CRIMES DEATH VICTIMS - U 5Et7 * 0 F U.S. & FILIPINO ARMED FORCES & CIVILIANS >j ^ zmm A S K N O W N A N D E S T I M A T E D B Y T H E A T E R S Bfl C JL * J A KB » » XU ^ » iSc U.S.ARMED FORCES VICTIMS * ! W J M % 23,039 FILIPINO ARMED FORCES VICTIMS 3<!M£®»8F 27,258 U.S. CIVILIAN VICTIMS 595 FILIPINO CIVILIAN VICTIMS .91, 184. GRAND TOTAL I F F 142.076* *=• s 3F TIS SAOKIA AS OF 1940 7. i 5403/A. 0 • E T O t -PEinjt*! m M T O * Jt5 * iS nwitem PACIFIC A R E A S " t i • ! i t f C H I N A ^ S B IND IA* " B U R M A ED I S . t S W TOTAL I t US ARMED FORCES ONLY * ( E * / S US. ARMED FORCES ONLY JKOB®/ 5 US 4 FILIPINO ARMED FORCES * B 3 i « t ' J v f c V * u s . CIVILIANS r!LI°1N(. CIVILIAN Trhf "MS US ARMED cOFCES ONLv • / 5 u s CIVILIANS i K E S i S U S ARMED FORCES ONLY A< M U R D E R SSL X 7.096 1 10 2.253 517 89.818 46 - J 7 3 13 99.656 C R U E L T Y S I tt & Af T O R T U R E n W J 202 5 1.646 25 1.258 0 0 3,143 W S T A R V A T I O N « 5 E 8 | * t r N E G L E C T ft f * 1.872 0 35.092 117000 L5ARMFD FOROi tensnraMOKKQ *®*ij.ooo * ISht* ?J.092 244 7 181 2 153 37.551 D - O T J C R ASSAULTS JW6/4KT a AC- MISTREATMENTS * # 896 0 267 0 101 458 4 0 1.726 1 S U B - T O T A L * I t 59.258 586 91.184 692 9 T O T A L * » t 10.066 1 15 151.026 7( )l 1 6 6 1 4 2 . 0 7 6 .DOES NOT INCLUDE YUGOSLAVIA. X " ESTIMATE Or VICTIMS FOR YUGOSLAVIA. ISO. 3-3'-7?l?7/-)iffl»S*fclS0 * * INCLUDES CELEBES AREA. •••OOES NOT INCLUDE CELEBES AREA trC;5>e*»#7X* fOOES NOT INCLUDE U.S. CIVILIANS ESTIMATED AT 200. ZOO Copy By.- Signal C o r p s /1\ U. S. Array 7" 1 f y i? A I A , <2? f ft r ? - i t £ - Tvj % "H - > £ -5" t / L 8 * 1 x vf A - I / it - V r> > 7 9 1 7 r i -9, <2? £ n T f 1 I >v 1 7 $ / a. * > - \TL /B / / l l t k o x T ft } ^ * * ' r ^ f I f -r * k l * # i- ^ * 26 ? : '' i f £ • /I* - > ^ V F 1 * H A it ? * * * « WAR CRIMES DEATH VICTIMS 0 F U.S. & FILIPINO ARMED FORCES &. CIVILIANS * IS * & Z) 4 'J >y t° > ^ & - rfi K A S K N O W N A N D E S T I M A T E D B Y T H E A T E R S *>J Bfl « J L t ) A « t tft » J * ffl » US. ARMED FORCES VICTIMS *®WJ FIUPINO ARMED FORCES VICTIMS u.s. CIVILIAN VICTIMS * s i m r j m m FILIPINO CIVILIAN VICTIMS ^% 'OMJ^M 23,039 27,258 595 91. 184 GRAND TOTAL IS ft 142.076^ * : . NT TL'i Si CKLft AS OF 1940 • • ' ' . 340* *.D E T 0 r a - d . y / S ' M T O * itS ^ PACIFIC A R E A S " i t v CHI NA m I N D I A - B U R M A Enrat . M i ® TOTAL 1 + • US. ARMED FORCES ONLY « s t / s US . ARMED FORCES ONLY £ U S & FILIPINO ARMED FCRCE5 « r. <) i t ' y -h u. s. CIVILIANS * LZJ f l t t P INC CIVILIAN U S ARMED -OfCES ONLv • : / 5 U . S . CIVILIANS r f i f ? U S ARMED FORCES ONLY £ A -i M U R D E R » A | 7 . 0 9 6 1 10 2 . 2 5 3 3 1 7 8 9 . 8 1 8 4 6 3 1 3 9 9 , 6 5 6 1 B D c r u e l t y a « 8c A c*" T O R T U R E « W J 2 0 2 5 1 . 6 4 6 2 5 1 . 2 5 8 7 0 0 3 . 1 4 3 C A S T A R V A T I O N ffil 5 E a ( *c N E G L E C T t l 1 . 8 7 2 0 3 5 . 0 9 2 lOTOUSARMfUIMCE •OTMfWAMDKttn *m« 12.000 » Vht,9 25092 2 4 4 7 1 8 1 2 1 5 3 37.551 D - OTHER ASSAULT5 J W 4 / # f r 3 MISTREATMENTS !*• ft- 896 0 2 6 7 0 1 0 1 4 5 8 4 0 1.726 SUB-TOTAL 'h it 3 9 . 2 5 8 5 8 6 9 1 . 1 8 4 6 9 2 9 TOTAL |+ 10.066 1 I S 1 6 i. 0 2 6 7< )l 1 6 6 1 4 2 . 0 7 6 ,DOCS NOT INCLUDE YUGOSLAVIA a - X - x l f r r * * ESTIMATE Of VICTIMS TOR YUGOSLAVIA. ISO. « | S g ••INCLUDES CELEBES AREA. tL-<X«ttT*fa •••DOES NOT INCLUDE CELEBES AREA t L " « * l * fOOES NOT INCLUDE U.S. CIVILIANS ESTIMATED AT 200 4 ^ ^ ^ ^ N ^ ( h ^ ) . ' ' FE: ^ $ ® T ' ^ ^ « ^ JSr^&& * ^ ^ ^ S ^ * * V * ^ ^ O W M ^ i) ^ A <\ -<-. A » » - S r (h- d ) iK X--' f- ' ' A V \ X K, C, /</tfq\ ' m * t- ' ̂ - > w v \ § a s v > v v - ^ l ^ n u cd & wfe - vg ^ ^ ^ - Doc. No.^a^ee Page 1 9 JULY 1946 CINCAFPAC 09074-71 WASHINGTON (WDSCA) PRIORITY PAREN Z 07232 PAREN REURAD WILLIAM SUGAR LOVE TWO THREE EIGHT TW0 FIVE PD FIGURES GIVEN ARE THE CLOSEST ESTIMATES THAT CAN 3E ARRIVED AT HERE PD NUMBER OF VICTIMS IN UNITED STATES ARMED FORCES PAREN THIS INCLUDES UNITED STATES ARMY AND FILIPINO ARMY PAREN PD MURDER CLN TWO TWO FIVE THREE SCLN CRUELTY AND TORTURE CLN ONE SIX FOUR SIX SCLN STARVATION AND NEGLECT CLN THREE FIVE NAUGHT NINE TWO SCLN OTHER ASSAULTS AND MISTREATMENTS CLN TWO SIX SEVEN PD FIGURES FOR AMERICAN CIVILIANS PD MURDER CLN THREE ONE SEVEN SCLN CRUELTY AND TORTURE CLN TWO FIVE SCLN STARVATION AND NEGLECT CLN TWO FOUR FOUR SCLN OTHER ASSAULTS AND MISTREATMENT CLN NAUGHT PD FIGURES FOR FILIPINO CIVILIANS PD MURDER CLN EIGHT NINE EIGHT ONE EIGHT SCLN CRUELTY CLN ONE TWO FIVE EIGHT SCLN STARVATION CLN SEVEN SCLN OTH^R ASSAULTS AND MISTREATMENTS CLN ONE NAUGHT ONE PD OFFICIAL APPROVED BY: /s/ John B. Cooley /s/ Frank E. Meek JOHN B. COOLEY Colonel, AGD Adjutant General FRANK E. MEEK Lt. Col., FA, Executive Officer A TRUE COPY: /s/ John R. Pritchard JOHN R. PRITCHARD Captain, Infantry IN THE CLEAR PRIORITY DOCUMENT 2730 C E R T I F I C A T E I, T. R. C. King, Major, Inf. (TD), Executive Officer, Legal Section, General Headquarters, Supreme Commander for tho Allied Powers, do hereby certify that the attached document is a true copy of a cablegram sent by Legal Section to the War Department in Washington, based in part on the results of inves- tigations conducted in the field. /s/ T. R. C. King T. R. C . King, Major, Inf. (TD) Witness; /s/ John R. Pritchard Sworn to before me this 29th day November 1946. Tokyo, Japan. /s/ John R. Pritcha.rd Captain, Infantry Summary Court Doc. No. 2756 C'pY P G £ e 1 Notification regarding measures ensuing fron the Proclamation of Admission of the Independence of the East-Indies. Fror.:: Chief of Staff Osa.nu A m y Corps To We hereby notify you that, based on the Prime Minister's proclamation regarding the granting of the independence of the East-Indies at the 85th Spccial Session of the Diet today, the 7th of September, it is decided that t^e a m y will meet the situation properly generally in accordance with the following stipulations: 1. The purport of the granting of independence shall be thoroughly understood (based on the Prime Minister's spcech). 2. It is net permitted to touch upon the tine /T.N. of the granting of independence/ the sphere of the Last-Indies nor the form of government until tvese are finally decided. 3. National consciousness must be raised to the highest degree; especially during the execution of the war this must be utilized to strengthen defence, co-operation with Military Government, and to make Japan and Java, one and inseparable, 4. There shall be no great alterations in the operations and the business structure of t>-e Military Govern- ment. Fcwever, participation in the Government svall be enlarged and strengthened, and political training shall be carried out. 5. Nationalistic speeches and activities svall be actively allowed; for that purpose tve following measures shall be taken: a. Permission to sing the national anthem and to use t>e national flag; b. The use of nationalistic terms such as "the Indonesian people" shall not be restricted. c. The appointment of nationalists. d. Those advocates of independence who are connected with the Communist Party shall not be allowed to exist. Dec. No. 2756 Page 2 6. Investigation and study necessary for independence executed by the local inhabitants under the guidance of Military Government svall be recognized. 7. .Thorough r.easurcs-svellJhQ_takcn for the - spreading of the Japanese language, the adoption of Japanese institutions and the infusion of the Japanese culture. 8. Th ere shall be no distinction between the natives and other races, especially those who are to be treated as local inhabitants, but they nust be made tg, understand the elemental point t*at they must participate in the construction of a new society, and must co-operate with all their might. 9. All Jrpanose must realize and put into practice the mission of this new era in which the divine work of Fakko-io (T.N. Sane as "icVifli,)_(T.N. the whole world one family) is to be carried out. Especially the idea of colonial subjugation has to bo banned; and towards the_ natives wc must be like parents and elder brothers rnd sisters, approaching then with affectionate feelings while instructing and guiding t^em sternly*. Haughty and arrogant" speech or behavior sv?ll not bo allowed under any circum- stances. 10. In guiding the public opinion stress shall be laid on the raising of national consciousness, the intensification of war-nindednoss, confidence In and reliance upon Japan and the desperate determination to win cor.plete victory ensuing therefrom, and on the manifestation of leadership in carrying out these things. 11. Looking at t>x other side of the joy on the granting of. independence we naturally anticipate the confusion accompanying shifts and c^rn^es of powers, but it is absolutely forbidden to meddle in these; we nust guide then always standing aloof, 12. Although the insatiability which springs from the Indonesian character may sor.etir.es provoke our resent- ment, we nust not be hostile, but guide then, sternly indicating the. established Policy; a so-called flattering attitude is not allowed. 13. As for the instruction of the Volunteer Dcfonce Corps, on this occasion particularly we nust scrutinize the attitude of officers and nen towards then, and the rain points of the instruction in order to deepen t K feeling of unity; and .ri must not let then get the feeling that they form, an independent army. Doc. No. 2756 Page 3 Special attention shall be paid to the training of instructors. Tvis also applies to the Fei-Fo (T. N. auxiliary troops). 14. In observing the real situation of the people we nust not fall into tve superficial view that the ain of securing their confidence in Japan and raising their war-nindedness has been attained, by judging fron their enthusiasm and festive excitement; but wc nust observe then, guiding then firnly and continually according to our principle of guidance. 15. Planning and execution in the field of general direction shall be the duty of Military Government, and others nust co-operate with it. There nust be no inconsistency whatsoever in carrying out the policy. 16. In general the several functions will be- as follows: a. The 7th day of September is designated as National Independence Connenoration Day, and tvc week fron the 7tv until the 13th shall be t*e National Festival (temporary nane) and thanksgiving functions will be performed at that tine* b. On tve 7ty the Provincial Governors shall assemble and the Commander-in-Chief will indicate the policy to cope with the new situation, c. On the 8th it is anticipated tvat a cfcj?cnony will be held_jLt.Jhlgh the_j:_epresentatives of the inhabitants w1 fj express ti-eir gratitude. d. On the 9th or tve 10th a special session of the Council sVall be convened in every province and tVe special municipality, and on the 11th, a special session of the Central Council, Doc. No o 2756 Page 4 CERTIFICATE. The undersigned W. F. GOUT, first lieut. RNIA, acting- head of the section "Japanese Affairs" of NETHERLANDS FORCES INTELLIGENCE SERVICE (NEFIS) being first duly sworn on oath deposes and states that the annexed photostat is a full? true, complete ^nd accurate photographic copy of the original Japanese document entitled: OSAMU SAN SEI KO No, 142. "Notification regarding the measures ensuing from the proclamation of Admission of the Independence of the East-Indies" From Chief of Staff OSAMU Army Corps - 7-9-44, which original Japanese document No. 65 is a part of the official records of NLFIS. signature: /s/ W. F. Gout Batavia, September 6th, 1946 Subscribed and sworn to before me K. A. de WELRD, LL.D., Major Artillery RNIA, Senior Official attached to the Office of tho Attorney-General N.E.I. signature: /s/ K. A. de Weerd Document No. 2757 page Basic Outline of Propaganda and Enlightenment attendant on the Proclamation re Recognition of the Independence of the EAST-INDIES. GUNSEIIWBU (Inspectorate of Military Administration). [ September 7. 1944 j (Showa 19,1 Policy. Based upon the statement of the Commander-in-Chief, to pro- mote the racial consciousness of the INDONESIANS and to incite this into a hostile feeling for the complete prosecution of the War to exterminate the U.S.A. and BRITAIN. Outline. 1. The pi©motion of the racial consciousness of the INDONESIAN Race by the establishment of racial ideals shall be planned. 2. The responsibility and efforts of the race shall be stressed, in addition to which they shall be made to realize their aggravated mission for the complete prosecution of the "ar, and the inspiration which may be aroused shall be incited into a hostile feeling for the complete prosecution of the War to exterminate the U.S.A. and BRITAIN. 3. Measures necessary for the Independence shall be left entirely to the \FTTY, and they (T.N. the people) shall be made to understand the necessity of offering themselves entirely for defense and services to the Military Administration during the War. 4. They shall be made Jbo_ look..back upon the process of the glorious spreading of creed of "Hakko-lu" (T7¥T~same as lCHI-liT ~~ i,e.~maKing the whole world as one family) and the realization of _the-national policy o£ the_MPISE (T.N. JAPAN) by means of the independence and participation in the government of BURMA and the Philippines5 in this way they shall be induoed to increase their confidence in and reliance upon the ET<PIRE (T.N. JAPAN) and also Document No. 2854- Page 2. p emotion for tne August Virtue of His ritv of their devotion to the Emperor. , v Xo manifest their dee ITajesty and the since 5. Those who have blamed persons co-operating with the Army or those who have been negative in their co-operation with JAPAN while maintaining a Rubious attitude, shall be ostracised, and the fact that co-operation with the "ilitary Administration implies the prosperity of INDONESR shall be clarified, thereby forcing out and checking all critical speech and aotions. 6. By emphasizing (T.N. the significance of) the GREAT EAST ASIA Conference and the Joint Declaration of GREAT EAST ASIA, and by the process of realization (T.N. of the ideals) thereof, they shall be made to become conscious of a feeling of certainty regarding the construction. 7. In order to check the enemies' counterpropaganda before-, hand, they shall be reminded of the past when they groaned for* ages in misery under Jewish Oppression under the external appear- ance of dazzling splendour, by tracing back the history of the at-ocities of the U.S.A., BRITAIN and HOLLAND. 8. The co-operation of the CHINESE Residents, HALF-CASTES and \} ABS is also worthy of attention. It shall be emphasized that these people too, while basking in the new glory similar to the INDONESIANS, must, together with the latter, exert them- selves towards the construction of a new society; and the policy of concord of all the peonies with the INDONESIAN Race as the nucleus shall be adhered to. o. The new policy shall be glorified by utilizing the actual results and the present condition of the co-operation of the people, the policy of the organization of the Volunteer Defence Corns and the participation in the Government as the background. Measures. 1. Every kind of information-organization and primitive method shall be utilized. 2. Newspapers shall issue extra-bulletins; there shall be no suspension of publication on Sundays; and on the first and second dajrs four page newspapers shall be Issued. Document No. 2854- Page 3. 3. As for movies, the functions during a week after the official announcer ent shall be filmed and edited, by also taking into consideration the effects in foreign countries. 4. In the broadcasting the text of the official announce- ment in TOKYO, the statement of the Commander-in-chief and the talks of the Authorities of the ?!ilitary Administration, etc., shall be repeated, ̂ accompanied by and cheerful music. ̂ Moreover, the inspiration ano the determination of the native inhabitants shall be "out in the daily 'orogrammes. 5. The national flag of Great JAP/IN_ shall be hoisted for one week fro^ the day of the Official Announcement. 6. The details of this Outline shall be planned and execut by the Department of Propaganda in co-operation with the Bureau of Native Affairs. To be distributed for office-purposes tos Department of Propaganda (including news corres- pondents) , Bureau of Native A.ffairs, Bureau of Japanese Affairs. Document No. 2757 Page 4. CERTIFICATE The undersigned »v. H, GOUT, first lieutenant HBL, acting head of the section "Japanese Affairs" of NETHERLANDS FORCES INTELLIGENCE SMVXGsL (NEF1S), being first duly sworn on oath deposes and states that the annexed photostat is a full, true, complete and accurate photographic copy of the original Japanese document, entitled: Basic main points of Propaganda and Enlightenment ensuing from the Proclamation of Admission of the Independence of the East-Indies. Gunseikanbu (Military Administration) 7.9.44, which original Japanese document No. 66 is a part of the official records of NEFIS. Signature: (s) W. H. Gout Batavia, September 6th, 1946. Subscribed and sworn to before me K. A. DE JI'EERD, LL.D., Major Artillery RNIA, Senior Official attached to the Office of the Attorney-General N.E.I. Signature: K. A. DE .fEERD SôiiiX 3 S 1 Document Ho. 2854- Page 1. SCHEDULE OF PUBLICATTONS OF THE TOTAL WAR RESEARCH INSTITUTE. I, KURT STEINER Second Lieutenant, Army of the United States and Assistant Chief of the Document Division of the International Prosecution'Section do hereby certify as follows: 1 . This Schedule is submitted in accordance with directions given by the Tribunal, The Tribunal is respectfully referred to pages 8871, 8872, 8875, 8876, 8877, 8P09 and 8910 of the Transcript of the Proceedings of the Tribunal held on Wednesday 30th October, 1946. 2 . Full enquiries have been made by me from the Allied Trans- lator and Interpreter Section of the Supreme Commander for the Allied Powers (ATIS) and from other sources and the Schedule com- prises a list of all the publications of the Total War Research Institute of which I have been able to obtain information, 3 . All those publications (a total of 71) which aro shown in the first column of the Schedule as having an Internaiiona_i Pr.^aeution Section Document number are held by \ he Section (excepting those which are indicated as having been pvocueed to. the Iribunaj as exhibits) and will be made available to the Defendants on isquast being made. 4 . Those publications (a total of 27) which are not sho^n as having an International Prosecution Section Document Number were sent by ATIS to the Document Centre at Washington some time ago, it being considered that they would not be required for the pur- poses of these proceedings. Signed at Tokyo by the said ICURT STEINER ) this 22 day of November 1946 ) Kurt Steiner, 2d Lt. (Signed) AUS Witness to the Signature of the said ) KURT STEINER; ) Turner D- White (signed, " " Ce. pt. AUS Summary Court Officer 1 J " D o cume nt No. 2 8 54 Page SCHEDULE OF PUBLICATIONS OF TTE1 TOTAL •.•taj RESEARCH INSTITUTE. IPS Doc.No. AT IS 15022 Item Title Date of Compilation by Total War Research Institute. (1) 1355 * (2) 1660 * 1583 1548 * 1524 * 1594' 1401 * 1604 (4) (5) (6 ) (7) (8) (9) (10) (11) (12) (13) (14) "Policy on Imperial Total 1941 Tar" (Classification "Military Top Secret"). "Reports on 1942 Total Re- 1942 search" (Classification "Secret"). "Tot41 War on Imperial Trans- May 1942 portation" (Classification "Secret"). "Opinion of Research Items" (Classification "Top Secret") "Reports on 1943's Total Re- search" (Classification "Top "Secret"). "Data Pertaining to Petroleum" 1942 (Classification "Top Secret") "Summary on Total War" (Classi- July 1941 fication -^'Secret"). "Guide on Wartime Trade". (Classification "Top Secret"). "Discussion from the Standpoint of Total War regarding Present Situation of Japan". (Classi- fication "Top Secret"). "Research on Important Matters from the Standpoint of Total War". (Classification "Top Secret"). "Resources, ••'Sanpower and Trans- portation from the Standpoint of National Defense" (Classi- fication "Secret"). "Fundamental Investigating Re- ports on 'fartime Industry" (Classification "Part Military Resources Confidential"). 1941 January 1944 '•larch 1944 1941 Tarch 1943 "Table of 1943 Steel Production Plan" (Classification "Specific as General "obilization TOP Secret"). April 1943 "Summary on Adjusting Japan and China's New Relationship" (Classification "Top Secret"). November 193° Document No. 2854- Page 3. ATIS Date of Compilation IPS 15022 by Total War Re- Doc.No. Item Title search Institute. 1521 * (15) "TaMe Discussion Pertaining to Complete Remaining Business" (Classification "Secret"). 1941 1521 * (16) "Suggestions for Implementing the Decision for the Round Table Conference". (Classi- fication "Top Secret"). 1941 2224 T17) "Files Pertaining to Train People for Total War" (Classification "Confidential"). 1942 (13) "Outline on irrar History" June 1942 (Classification "Confidential"). (19). "Soviet Russia's Fighting Power" (Classification "Secret"). August 1942 (20) "Long Range Estimate of the Future of the Great East Asia" (Classification "Secret") 1941 2408 (21) "Current Five Year Special Plan (October 1938 for Exports and Imports" (recopy-October (Classification "Top Secret"). 1941 154^ * (22) "Special Plan for Export and Inroort under State of War" Anril 1938 (Classification "Top Secret") 1832 (23) "Plan for Allocating Shin Bottom Required for the Exuort and October 1938 • Import Trade Plan" (Classifica- October 1941- tion "Top Secret"). recoioy (24) "Estimates of the Power of Germany, United States, Great Britain, Russia and China (Chungking September 1943 Government)" Volume I, ("Military and Unmilitary Ton Secret"), Volume II "Top Secret"), Volume III ("Military TOD Secret"). (25) "Estimates of the Power of Imperial Jamil including the Occupied Areas" August 1943 (Classification "Military Secret") Volumes I and II : - (a) Volume I : Military and Politics 1651 (b) Volume II Economics 2418 (26) "National Preparations for War" December 1941 (Classification "Top Secret"). 1549 * (27) "Documents pertaining to the September 1943 Change of the Educational System" (Classification "Con- fidential"). Page 4. Date of Compilation by Total War Research Ins 11tute (28) yAnalysis of USSR Supnly and Demand of Natural Resources". (Classification "Secret") 1941 (29) "Analysis of Great Britain Supply and Demand of Natural Resources" (Classification October 1941 "Secret"). Document No. 2854- AT IS IPS 15022 Doc. No. Item Title (30) "Actual Conditions of Greater East Asis Sphere" (Classifica- 1941 tion "Secret") (31) "Agreements Carried out among December 1941 Europe, Africa and the United States" (Classification "Secret") 2401 (32) "Research pertaining to estimation of National Economic Strength" (Classification "Top Secret") October 1941 1679 (33) "Reference Material for the Esti- mation of National Economic October 1941 Strength" (Classification "Top Secret"). 2208 (34) "Research Pertaining to Supply and Demand of Laborers and October 1941 Technicians" (Classification "Top Secret"). 1620 (35) "Reference Materials for the War- time Financial Programme" (Classi- fication "Top Secret"). October 1941 (36) "Statistical Materials relating to World War I and the Aftermath" Ntvember 1941 (Classification "Top Secret"). 1507 * (37) "Flans for Direction of Wartim* Finance" (Classification "Top October 1941 Secret"). 1522 -t (38) "The Policy for an Expansion Pro- September 1941 gramme of the Principal Industries" (Classification "Top Secret"). 1544 * (39) "Plan for Replenishing Technicians, Skilled Laborers and General October 1941 Laborers for Exoanding Productive Power" (Classification "Top Secret"). 1546 (40) "Study re Self Sufficiency of Greater East Asia Co-Prosperity Sphere with October 1941 Japan as its Leader". (Classifica- tion "TOP Secret"). (41) "Analysis of North America's Supply and Demand of Natural Resources" October 1941 (Classification "Top Secret"). Document No. 2 8 54- Page 4 TPS Doc. No, AT IS 15022 Item Title Date of Compilation by Total War Research Institute 2401 1679 2208 1620 1507 1544 1546 (28) (29) (30) (34) (35) (36) (37) 1522 # (38) (39) (40) (41) yAnalysis of USSR Supply and Demand of Natural Resources". (Classification "Secret") "Analysis of Great Britain Supply and Demand of Natural Resources" (Classification "Secret"). 1941 October 1941 "Actual Conditions of Greater East Asis Sphere" (Classifica- 1941 tion "Secret") (31) "Agreements Carried out among December 1941 Europe, Africa and the United States" (Classification "Secret") (32) "Research pertaining to estimation of National Economic Strength" (Classification "TOD Secret") October 1941 (33) "Reference Material for the Esti- mation of National Economic Strength" (Classification "Top Secret"). "Research Pertaining to Supply and Demand of Laborers and Technicians" (Classification "Top Secret"). "Reference Materials for the War- time Financial Programme" (Classi- fication "Top Secret"). % "Statistical Materials relating to World r"'ar I and the Aftermath" (Classification "Top Secret"). "Flams for Direction of Wartime Finance" (Classification "Top Secret"). October 1941 October 1941 October 1941 i November 1941 October 1941 "The Policy for an Expansion Pro- September 1941 gramme of the Principal Industries" (Classification "Top Secret"). "Plan for Replenishing Technicians, Skilled Laborers and General Laborers for Expanding Productive Power" (Classification "Top Secret"). October 1941 "Study re Self Sufficiency of Greater East'Asia Co-Prosperity Sphere with October 1941 Japan as its Leader", (Classifica- tion "TOP Secret"). "Analysis of North America's Supply and Demand of Natural Resources" (Classification "Top Secret"). October 194-1 Document No. 2854- Page 5. IPS Doc.No, AT IS 15022 Item Title Date of Compilation by Total War Ke- gel:: c h Ins t i tut a . (42) 1472 * 2402 (43) (44) 1471 * (45) (46) 1344 1473 (47) (48) 1621 * (49) 1578 (50) (51) 1367 * 25°8 (52) (53) (54) "Study of Economic Piesources of United states and Latin American Countries and their Future Potentialities". (Classification "Top Secret"). "Outline of Economical Warfare" (Classification "Secret"). "Plan for Establishment of a Greater East Asia Co-Prosper- ity Sphere" (Classification "Top Secret"). "Estimating the Future of East Asia from an Economic Stand- point of View" (Classification "Top Secret"). "Data on the Trend of National Defense of the Powers" (Classification "TOD Secret"). October 1941 December 1941 January 1942 October 1941 Janury 1942 "Presumption of the Future Wars from the Standpoint of Arms and January 1941 Technical Science" (Classifica- tion "Secret"). "Study on Total War Pertaining to National Strength of Imperial Japan and Foreign Powers" (Classification "TOP Secret"). September 1944 "Establishment of a Greater East Asia - First Phase in the Total February 1942 War Plan" (Classification "TOP Secret"). "History of Economic Warfare" (Classification not specified). "Records of Studies on Governing and Post-War reconstruction History of Occupied Countries" (draft) (Classification "Con- fidential"). "Daily Log on Training Affairs" (Classification '{Confidential"). "Document Pertaining to Training Affairs" (Classification "Top Secret" and "Confidential"). "Preliminary Research Reports on the Draft Plan for the Establish- ment of C-EA Co-Prosperity Sphere and the Plans for carrying out the First Phase of Total "ar for the Establishment of Hegemony over East Asia". (Classification "Top Secret"- and " Ouuf Itontni" ±1 July 1942 July 1942 July 1942 March 1943 January 1942 'Document No. 2854 t Page 6. IPS Doc. No, ATIS 15022 Item- Title Date of Compilation by Total War Re- search Institute. 2264 (55) (a) "File of Programme for the Carrying Out of Combined Studies" (Classification 1 - "Secret"). _ t L~e>***t' P carttert^^c- (b) "Long Range Pro- gramme for a 5-Year period starting 1942" (Classifica- tion "Top Secret"). (c) "Projects on assigned prob- lems for use at the com- bined studies of 29 October 1941" (Classification "Con- fidential"). (d) "The Policies of various na- tions in connection with East A si?" (Classification "TOD Secret"). October 1941 (56) 1368 * (57) "Critical Observation on June Lectures" (Classification not specified). July 1943 "Estimates of the Domestic and Foreign Situation under simulated Total VTar in the early part of 1941 1941". (Classification "Top Secret"). (58) (59) 1566 * (60) "Impressions of the Inspection Tour within the Country for the Purpose of Total -rar Research" (Classification "Confidential"). "Observation and Impressions of Summer Bivouac Training". (Classifiestion "Confidential"). "Studies Concerning Organization and Direction in National Total ,rar". (Classification "Secret") 1943 1943 February 1941 1668 (61) (a) "Critical Observation Pertaining to the Summary of Emergency February 1944 Disposition in Decisive War". (Classification "Top Secret"). (b) "Memorandum in Regard of Infla- tion" (Classification "Secret"). (c) "Counter Plans for the strength- ening of Surface Shipping Strength" (Classification "Secret"). (d) "Items for Investigation in Connection with Long Term War" (Classification "Confidential"). September 1944 August 1944 March 1944 Document No, 2854- Page 7. IPS Doc.No. AT IS 15022 .Title. Date of Compilation by Total Mar Re« search Institute. (61) 2269 (62) 2228 # * (63) (64) 1622 # (65) (66) 1356 # (67) 2265 1605 * (e) "Memorandum on the Adminis- tration of the Mew Cabinet" (Classification "Secret"). (f) "Tentative Plan for the Greater- East Asia Almanac" ('Classification "Confiden- tial") . (g) "Study on Decisive Organiza- tion of Enterprises" (Clas- sification "Secret"). "Outline of Progress of Economic Warfare Studies in First Exer- cises :n Planning of Total Mar" (Classification "Top Secret"), "Records of Progress of First Exercises in Planning of Total July 1944 June 1944 September 1944 / "Tar" (Classification "Top Secret") "Outline of National Total War" (Classification "'Top Secret"). "Documents Pertaining to First Exercises in Planning of Total June-August 1941 December 1941 August 1941 ar" (Classification ,>£. August 1941 (68) (69) VI Secret"). "File of Documents on Economic Warfare in First Exercises in Planning of Total War" (Classi- fication "Tea-Secret") ° "File of Assigned Problems and Disposition of Studies in the Conditions of Third to Ninth Phase in First Exercises in Planning of Total Far", (Clas- sification "Top Secret"). "Final Project in the Ninth Ph~.se October 1942 of the Exercises" (Classification "Top Secret"). August 1941 (70) (a) "Documents Pertaining to 1942 Exercises in the Planning of Total War" (Classification "Milltary Trnp Secret'1). (b) •'Effects of 1942 Exercises in Planning of Total War;- (Clas- sification "Military -faap- Secret'5), "Documents Pertaining to First Exe::ci.?es in Planning of Total War'- (Classification "Military 235?—Secret"). January 1943 January 1943 January 1943 Document No. 2854 i Page 8. IPS Doc.No. 1331 * 1334 1341 * 1326 1342 1337 1343 ATIS 15022 Item 1669 * (71) (72) (73) (74) (75) (78) 1278 (79) 1216 (80) Title Date of Compilation by Total far Re- searchTns t itute. October 1943 "Documents Pertaining to Second Exercises in Planning of Total Fra r " (C la s s if lea t ion^ "Mil it a ry Top Secret1'). "Outline of Diplomatic Warfare in Total "'arfare" (Classifica- tion "Secret"). "Statistics of Resources, Produc- tion and Trade of China" (Clas- sification "Confidential") "Asiatic Relations". "Estimate of the Greater Asia War Centering Around an Examination of the Economic Striking Power of England and America and the Countermeasures of Imperial Japan" (Classification "Military Secret". Foreign;"Ton Secret"). August 1942 January 1942 October 1940 December 1941 (76) "Documents Pert"ining to the Re- search Association in 1942 Exercises in the Planning of Total TJar". ( ^ J ^ , ^ } (77) "History of Governing Occupied Territories and Post-War Recon- January 1943 struct!on" (a d, e) (Classification "Confidential"). June 1^42 "Data on the 1942 Basic Resear- ches Total rTar Institute". 2 Volumes. (Classification "Part Military Resources Confidential" "specified as General Mobiliza- tion Ton Secret" 1 Volume Clas- sification "Sec: et"). "Table Showing General Plan for. the Supply and Demand of Indus- try Concerning T7ovement of Ma- terial in 1°39" (Classification "Ton Secret"). "Supplementary Tables Showing "ar- time linancial Programme" (Clas- sification "Ton Secret"). August- September 1942 October 1941 October 1941 1229 1225 (81) Reference Taterial in Estimating the National Economic Strength (Classification "Secret"). (82) "A Table of Comparison of Supply and Demand of Essential Resources and ""'easures of Supplementation" (Classification "Ton Secret and Specified as General Mobilization Ton Secret"). October 1941 October 1941 Document No. 2854- Page 9. IPS Doc.No. AT IS 15022 Item Title Date of Compilatio.i by Total ir?ar Re- search Institute. 1257 1256 1260 1280 1277 1294 1279 1183 _184 1198 1295 1325 (83) (84) (85) (86) (87) (88) (89) (90) (91) (92) (93) (94) "Chart Showing Five-year Plan of Export and Import Trade" (Classification "Top Secret"). "Trade Statistics of Greater East Asia" (Classification "Top Secret"). "Statistic Chart of East Asia's Self-Supnorting Ability" (Clas- sification "Top Secret"). "Estimates of Future Demands for Essential Resources in East Asia" (Classification "Top Secret"). "Chart of Estimating Future De- mands on Resources in East Asia Area" (Classified "Top Secret"). "Investigation Concerning Food Supply and Resources, etc. in the Greater East Asia Co-Pros- perity Sphere" (Classification "Top Secret"). "Analytical Chart Showing Demands and Supnlj'- on Essential Resources in.the United States" (Classifi- cation "Secret"). "Chart Showing the Studies of the Economic Strength of the United States and the Pan-American Na- tions" (Classification "Top Secret"). "Basic Resources Trade Plan Analysis on International Trade" (Classification "Secret"). "Charts Concerning Maritime Trans- portation" (Classification "Top Secret"). June Analytical Charts Showing Demand and Supply of Principal Resources in England (Classification "Secret"). October 1941 January .1942 January 1942 February 1942 October 1939 October 1941 - recopy. March 1942 October 1941 October 1941 1942 October 1941 'Principal Products of the various South Seas Countries and Research Materials pertain- ing to Japan, Manchuria, China, Great Britain, the United- States and France's Reliance on these. Products" (Classification "Secret"). October 1941 r Document No. 2854- Page 10. TPS Doc.No, AT IS 15022 Item Title Date of Compilation by Total '"'ar He- search Institute. 1324- (95) "Economic Statistics in Occu- pied Area in China" (Classi- fication "Top Secret"). (96) "Analytical Chart showing De- mands and Supply of Principal Resources in"USSR". (Classifi- cation "Secret"). (97) "The Demand of Resources by the Powers" (Classification "Top Secret"). 1211 (98) "Critique on First Exercises in Planning of Total War". (Clas- sification "Top Secret"). November 194-1 October 1941 November 1941 August 1941 4 Indicates IPS Documents introduced into Evidence as follows: 1522 (Exhibit 842); 1622 (Exhibit 686A); 1356 (Exhibit 870A); 2228 (Exhibit 871). * Indicates documents listed in Exhibit "E", IPS Document No. 2548 (Exhibit 869). DOCUMENT 2747 . / 5 ^ GENERAL HEADQUARTERS SUPREME COMMANDER FOR ALLIED POWERS LEGAL SECTION, MANILA. ^ M — j — f f a / APO 500 13 May 1946 NO. OF PAGES 7 R E P O R T N O . 7 T I T L E S Investigation of Filipino Civilians Massacre at Daptiap, ^onson Island, Camotes Islands, P. I. Mutilation of the Bodies of Pvt. Frank B. Williams et al at Noemfoor Island, Dutch New Guinea Investigation of Alleged ./ar Crimes Involving Miss Carolina Corona Com- mitted in Manila, P. I, on or about 10 February 1945. Investigation in the Case of Kunio Yunome (PW JA (USA) 147469) Alleged to Have Beheaded a Member of the Al- lied Armed Forces Investigation in the Case of the Mu- tilation of the Body of Alexander H. Fogle, Pfc. 35038058, Co. F., 186 Inf., APO 41. Murder of Eugene Andreewitz Kremleff, Julian Jawai and Alfredo Gana and Mistreatment of Mrs. Helen Kremleff, Pasay, Rizal, P. I. Mutilation of McHattie, Pfc Inf. the Body of Maurice F. 33701357, Co. K, 132d 52 44 49 21 31 8 Attempted Murder of Mr. Benjamin 37 Bolado, Santa Ana, Manila, P. I, 9 Murder of 21 Civilians at the Nation- 47 al Psychopatic Hospital, Mandaluyong, Rizal, P. I., on 6 - 8 February, 1945. 10 Mistreatment and Torture of Sister 14 Mary Trinita Logue. (Sister Trinita) 11 Massacre at the Philippine Red Cross 83 Building, Manil|i, P. I. 12 Investigation of the Alleged Torture, 13 Murder, and Mutilation of Pvt V/ade E. Gensemer, 35607676, Troop "C", Tth • Cavalry Regiment, 1st Cavalry Division in the Municipality of Carigara, Leyte, P. I. /Vrt yh^wKtf f> -a - DOCUMENT 2747 REPORT NO. TITLES NO. OF PAGES 13 Investigation of the Alleged Shoot- 40 ing, Bayonetting and Burning of Civilians at the Terrace R.ubio Resi- dence, lpO Vito Street, Singalong, Manila, P. I., on February 12, 1945. 14 Investigation of the Murder of Candido 43 Jabson and Attempted Murder of Mrs. Ra ynvnda Jet sen end Delfina Jabson, Filipino Civilians, All of Pasig, Rizal, P. I. 15 Investigation of the Murder of George 17 James Louis, an American Citizen, The Los Banos Internment, Laguna, P. I. 16 Investigation of the Murder of Arsenio 36 Escudero, Jr., and Jose Herman Jr., and Attempted Murder of Jose Herman Sr., Filipino Civilians, All of Pandacan, Manila, P. I. 17 Attempted Murder of Miss Genoveva V. 18 Pozon, a Filipino Civilian, of Lopez, Jaena, Pasig, Rizal, P. I. 18 Murder of Boris Somonovich Gurevich, 28 his Son. Leonid Borisovich Gurivich, and Victor George Vantchurin, Russians, 610 Kansas Street, Manila, P. I. 19 Investigation of the Murder of Barolomi 84 Pons Rccarlo Garcia (?cn*<), Bva V. Gaicia (Fens)- rV.ciia iCf.ng, Edward King, Deli in Msrquez, and Three Fili- pinos Identified by their First Names as Candida, Virginia, and Isaac, At Paco, Manila, P. I. 20 Investigation of the Murder of Messrs. 21 Braun, Rcbert Mericus and Alexander Farmakowski in Manila, P. I. 21 Investigation of the Viol2nt Deaths of 8 Mira Ki shine hand, P'>ri Kishinchand and Rahi Kishinchand, Indians, in Paco, Manila, P. I. 22 Investigation of the Death of Lachman 3 Udharam, A British Indian, at 1760 Donada Street, Pasay, Rizal, P. I. 23 Investigation of the Death of Nine Un- 8 identified Filipinos in the Vicinity of the Airport Studio, 2 Soler, Azcar- raga, Manila, P. I. 24 Investigation of the Murder of Kishin- 22 chand Mirchandani, Devjimal Changomal - 2 - DOCUMENT 2747 REPORT NO. TITLES NO. OF PAGES Lalwani, British Indians, Thelma Parrish, Jr., Filipino-American Negro, at 515 Dakota Street, Malate, Manila, P. I. 25 Investigation of the Murder of Henry 79 DaHand, Tony Dallandj Jacinto de la Vara, Gregorio Mehdez, Cipiring Alaysa and Romula Daro, At 190 Leve- riza Street, Pasay, Rizal, P. I. 26 Investigation of the Murder of Fathers 60 Peter Fallon, John Henaghan, Patrick Kelly, Joseph Monaghan, Irish Nation- als, and Eight Other Civilians in Malate, Manila, P. I. 27 Massacre of Forty-one Civilians; At- 110 tempted Murder of 15 Civilians; Rape and Attempted Rape of Fot;r Filipinos At the De* La Salle College, Manila, P. I. 28 Murder of Fifteen Filipino Civilians 12 In the Singalong District, Manila, P. I., on 12 February 1945. * -j. 29 Killed by Shrapnel when Japs Fired on 6 Civilians. 30 Two boys saw Below-named victims and 3 30 Filipinos tied up and shot. VENSIMAK, Kimatrai; POKARDAS, Vassanmal; PARAMA- NAND Lachmandas; HASSARAM, Hotchand. 31 Beaten & kicked-fatal injuries-deter- 47 mined no war crime. 32 Killed by shrapnel when running from 7 burning home. 33 Made to kneel before a common grave- 48 shot in back bayonetted & buried. Chinese Cemetery, Manila, P. I. 34 News item with Manila date line sub- 11 mitted by Cine India Burma theater under date of 16 Mar 4.5, 334 Ten- nessee St., Malate, Manila 35 36 Chinese & 2 Filipinos herded toge- 110 ther at the house of Ang Kai, Later 28 of these were taken to a neighbor- ing barrio & bayonetted. All but two of them dying, 36 Shot by Jap snipers while running from 38 - 3 - DOCUMENT 2747 REPORT NO. TITLES NO. OF PAGES burning home,, Manila, 55 F. Ro- man St., San Juan. 37 Mrs. Enriquez raped in presence 12 of husband. I I 6 3 Dart St., Paco, Manila, P. I. 38 Neighbors told witness that they 37 saw victim beheaded by the Japa- nese. Agno Street, Manila, P. I. 39 Burned to death when Japs burned 5 her home. ABRAMOFF killed by shrapnel. 40 Mother and son found dead in area 9 that had been under heavy shell fire. No evidence of the commis- sion of an atrocity. 41 Victims after escaping from the 30 St. Paul's College massacre, (rept 53) hid in an attic room, into which a grenade was deliberately thrown severely burning them. Angel Cajo died as a result, the others sur- vived. Feb. 45. 42 Report of Investigation of Alleged 9 Atrocities by members of the Japa- nese Imperial Forces in Manila and other parts of Luzon, Philippine Islands, dtd 9 Apr 45, by Emil Krause, Col., I.G.D., Has, XIV Corps. 43 BARROS and his family on 9 Feb 45 13 took refuge in a shell hole. Barros went away from the group, passing a Mr. Tan on the way. Tan heard two shots shortly after, and saw 3 armed members of the Jap Imperial Navy go by. Later, Barros' body was found, mouth gagged and hands tied behind back, and a bullet thru his head. 44 Extract of letter from E.E. Sollcsi, 55 Swedish Consul at Manila to Mons. G. Sochard, Paris, France, dated 2 March 1945, as submitted by Civil Censorship Det, under date of 24 Mar 45. 45 Victims were with others in house 23 near Paco Church. Constant shell- ing was in progress. Victims hit by shrapnel and died of wounds. No atrocity. - 4 - DOCUMENT 2747 REPORT NO, TITLES NO. OF PAGES 46 CoL. Guido and his 3 sons were 260 executed at the paper factory, Pennsylvania Ave. 47 Massacre in home of Luhrse in Pax 34 Court on 12 Feb 45. 48 Transmittal letter G-2 on state- 260 ment of Mrs. Guido and David Day. 49 PWs herded into air raid shelters, and 22 then gasoline and torches thrown on them. As the PWs attempted to flee the explosion and fire, they were shot by machine gun fire or bayonetted. Also individual atrocities. 50 Result of Investigation. Children of 103 family taken from home and not seen again. Others killed in home on a sub- sequent visit, by bayonetting and burn- ing . 51 Japanese Naval Forces, compelled 15 ci- 22 vilians to leave house at above address and assembled in the garden where they were massacred by gunfire. Survivors were bayonetted. 52 Civilians took refuge under a porch 38 during period were under shell fire. Fight Japanese ordered them out, se- parated the men and shot them. All killed except Jesus Quintero. 53 250 civilians herded into a dining room 347 the doors shut and barred. Food and candy were placed in center of room to concentrate the people there and then grenade bombs in chandeliers were set off. St. Paul's College, Malate, Manila, P. I. 54 Tacloban, Leyte. Beaten, hung up by the 30 arms tied behind them, imprisoned 58 days. 55 Iloilo City, Ilollo Province, Panay. 28 Dr. Cullen was beaten witn club, toenail pulled out with pliers, hung by his thump;J, and his ankles. 56 Manila, P. I. (Mistreatment and Murder 88 of Genrych, Jerry Rubak, Carles Infante, and Vicente (Vic) Concepcion.) 57 Judge tied in Manila in the sun for -§- hr. 11 - 5 - DOCUMENT 2747 I R E P O R T N. 58 59 60 61 62 63 64 65 66 67 68 69 70 71 72 73 74 75 76 TITLES NO, OF PAGES Massacre of 36 civilians, wound- 213 ing of 9 other civilians, attempt- ed murder of 13 other civilians of various nationalities. Beheading Chamber. "Paco Massacre." 272 Philippine General Hospital, Ermita, 23 Manila (Rape of Maria Mercedes Cris- tobal; use of hospital as military installation. Women and girls rounded up and taken Vol 1-767 to Bay View Hotel, Boulevard Alham- Vol 2-767 bra Apartments and Miramar Apart- ments and raped. Torture and possible murder of members 51 of the Enricuez family at the Cortabitar- te Garrison. Over one hundred (100) civilians, in- 34 eluding twenty six (26) identified Filipinos and four (4) French Civilians and the murd.br and attempted murder of others. Manila, Pedro Campos Residence, 1462 Taft Ave. 115 Civilians (men, women and children) 266 bayonetted or sabered to death. (Some admittedly were guerrillas but generally this was not the case.) San Marcelino Church Massacre 6 Massacre at the German Club 34 Tabacalera-Shell Service Station Case 85 Murder of Felix ISLA, Angel FRANCISCO 23 and 3 other Filipino Civilians and attempted murder of Silverio T. BRAN- GANZA. Buan Massacre. 21 Price House Case. 45 Bombing of Manila, Dec. 1941 12 Murder of 2 American prisoners of war 31 (Cebu City) Burning of Nanipil, Mt. Province 11 Murder of 39 Civilians, Rosario, 9 Batangas. Offenses Committed by Japanese at Camp 211 O'Donnell Crimes Against Allied Prisoners at 182 Bilibid Prison, Manila, P. I. - 6 - DOCUMENT 2747 REPORT NO. TITLES NO. OF PAGES 77 Cabanatuan Prison Camps (9 Oct 44- 16 Jan 45, Yamashita Phase) 78 Cabanatuan Prison Camps (18 Apr 42- 8 30 January 45) (Case #H, Homma Phase) 79 Torture of 13 Igorot-Filipino civi- lians at Atok, Mt. Province during March 43 and March 44. 80 Burning of Downtown Manila 22 81 Execution of Lt. Bullock 17 82 Execution of Filipino civilians 12 83 Pasay School Prison Camp 2 57 84 Lipa, Batangas Case 7 85 Pinga's Massacre 36 86 Murder of Civilians, Baguio 7 87 Death March Case 10 88 Dr. Moreta's Massacre (417 Isaac 26 Peral, Manila, P. I.) 89 Palacio's Case 12 90 Taal, Batangas Massacre (Murder of 15 non-combatant civilians) 91 Santo Tomas Case 246 92 Execution of 5 American PWs at Barrio 11 San Dionisio, Paranaque, Rizal, Luzon, P. I. 93 Cabanatuan Prison Camp (Case No. H. 198 KURODA Case) 94 Intramuros Case 375 95 Murder of three American Aviators at 78 Batan Islands, Philippines 96 Murder of 300 civilians of Cuenca, 53 Batangas, P. I. 97 Killing of Ten American Prisoners of 23 War, Lumban, Laguna, P. I. 98 Omega Case, Case #A-l6 (e) 3 99 Cabanatuan (Tanaka Phase) 185 DO Mankayan, Mountain Province 35 - 7 - DOCUMENT 2747 REPORT NO, TITLES NO. OF PAGES 101 San Jose Case 57 102 Madrigal Plantation Murders 55 103 Floridablanca . 8 104 San Pablo Case 8 105 Murder of Cpl Wendell Morgan, 23 American Prisoner of War. 106 Massacre of 194 Filipino civilians 50 at Santo Tomas, Batangas, and the unnecessary burning of part of the town. 107 Murder of three Filipino civilians 22 at Danao, Cebu, P. I. 108 Murder of Palicte Family 15 109 Fort Santiago Case 29 110 Beating, torture and probable mur- 37 der of approximately fifty male Filipino civilians of barrios of Buting and San Joaquin, Pasig, Rizal, P. I., on 3 Dec 19^4 Dy members of the Japanese Armed Forces. 111 Murder of the JAGUREN family 12 112 Tubog Atrocities 66 113 Murder of Civilians at Naguilian, 36 La Union, Luzon, P. Ii 114 Torture of Tic TIAN 8 115 Murder of 9 Chinese civilians at 49 the Chinese Cemetery on 15 Apr 45 116 Mistreatment of civilians at the 62 V/ack Wack Golf and Country Club, San Juan, Rizal Province, P. I., on 24 November 1944. 117 Massacre of more than 1000 civi- 34 lians at Lipa, Batangas, P. I. 118 Murder of 5 American POW near 41 Calumpit at Lipa, Batangas, P. I. 119 Murder of Civilians, destruction 90 of property in the town of Calamba, Laguna Province, Luzon, P. I., dur- ing February 1945. 120 Tanauan Massacre, Luzon 59 - 8 - DOCUMENT 2?47 REPORT NO. 121 122 123 124 125 126 127 128 129 130 131 TITLES NO. OF PACE3 73 10 132 133 134 135 136 137 Imus and Dasmarinas Massacres Murder of Jaime DIOSO at Jaro Central School, Iloilo City, Iloilo, Panay, P. I. Supplementary report of Fort 47 Santiago atrocities. Mahayag Massacre (Davao, Mindanao) 11 Massacre of 120 Filipino civilians 49 on the island of Lafu, Lallo, Ca- gayr.n, Luzon, P. I., on 7 April 1945. Massacre of Filipino civilians 119 at Tapel, Gonzaga, Cagayan, Luzon, P. I., on 1 July 1945. Bugey Atrocities 44 Massacre of civilians in Miagao 30 and Tigbauan, Panay, P. I. Murder, torture and attempted rape 47 at Cordova, Mactan Island, Cebu, P. I., on 19 and 20 Aug 44. Murder of Filipino civilians at 21 Miagao, Iloilo Province, Panay, P. I. Murder, torture and rape in the 48 towns of Ajuy and Sara, Iloilo Province, Panay, P. I.? between 13 ana 29 September 1943, Murder, attempted murder, torture 29 and attempted rape of civilians at G a r c a r, Cebu, P. I.., May 1944 and Aug 1944. Report of the unlawful use of the 26 Japanese hospital ship Tachibana Ma- ru in carrying troops, guns, muni- tions and other military equipment. Tarlac Bridge Detail 13 Murder, attempted murder, rape and 31 unnecessary burning of homes at Tiaong, Tayabas Province, Luzon. Mistreatment and massacre of civilians 83 at Barili, Cebu, P. I., on or about 2 September 1944. Murder of 5 civilians and subsequent 36 cannibalism In Sitio Lilong, Barrio Dinwiddie, Cervantes, Ilocos Sur, - 9 - DOCUMENT 2747 REPORT NO, TITLES NO. OF PAGES during Aug 4-5 and the killing of 3 civilians in Sitio Penidet, Pre- sidcncia Dakun. Mi:, Province, Luzon, P. I,, on 6 August 1945. 138 Murder of SALAK family at Tarlac, 13 Tarlac, Luzon, P. 1,, on 12 Jan- uary 19 45 * 139 The muicder and torture of Filipino 5 civilians by members of the Japanese Military Police in February 1942 and in Octaber and December 1944 at Bam- ban s Tarlac, Luzon, P. I, 140 Punitive expeditions on Panay Island by 26 Japanese forces against civilians in September 43 and October 43. 141 Murder of sixteen identified Filipino 7 civilians in E>arrio Cutout, Angeles, Pampanga Province, Luzon, P. I., on 25 January 1945. 142 The murder of eleven American Baptist 12 teachers of the faculty of the Central Philippine College and the murder of six other Americans at Camp Kopevale near Tapaz, Capiz, Panay, P„ I,, on 20 December 1943" 143 Beating, murder and attempted murder 70 of Filipino civilians and the wanton brirn.ir.-g of private homes at Barrio K-igbalaiij Ilarilao. Buiuoan, Luzon- P. I,s on 6 January 1-945» 144 Torture and murder of Filipino civi- 26 liens in Ballcsteros«, Cagayan, Luzon, P. Ij., on 6 January 194^. 145 Killing of Pvt., Inocencio ROI'ERO at 37 Danao, CCDU, P* I,, In June or July 1944 o 146 Killing of three identified Filipinos 32 at Bacolodj Occidcntal Province, Negros, P. I. 147 Murder and torture at Talisay and 47 Bacoiod? Occidental Province, Nogros, P. I., on 19 April 1944. 148 The killing of Vicente TORRES and two 35 others and the torture and beating of Filipinos by Japanese from Kabankalan and Bacolod, Occidental Province, Negros, P. I„ j between and 2-2 January 1945. 149 Murder and torture of Filipino civilians 96 at Bayombong and Solano, Nueva Vizcaya, Luzon, P. Ia, from September 1942 to March 1945. - 10 - DOCUMENT 2747 REPORT NO. TITLES NO, OF PAGES 150 Murder and rape at Bacaca, Davao 33 City, Mindanao, P. I.s on 2, 3, 4 and 5 May 1945. 151 Murder and attempted murder of - 44 Filipino civilians and the wanton destruction of private property in various barrios of Malvar, Batangas Province, during January, February and March 1945* 152 Murder and disappearance of civi- 10 lians at Bacaca, Davao City, Min- danao, P. I., on 3 May 1945. 153 Murders at Ilang-Ilang and Bunawan, 24 Davao., Mindanao, P9 Ie, between 14 May 1945 and 15 June 1945. 154 Murder and attempted murder of Fili- 12 pino civilians at Biao,- Galinan, Davao Province, Mindanao, P. I., on 5 May 45. 155 Los Banos Internment Camp Atrocities 203 156 Additional, murders at Bacolcd, Occiden- 24 tal Province, Ncgros, P, L , between 19 July 1944 and 25 July 1944. 157 Imprisonment under improper conditions 21 of American Prisoners of War at Capas Bridge Detail-, Capas. Tarlac, Luzon, P. I., April-July 1942, 158 Murder of 5 Filipino civilians by Kem- 11 pei-'tai at Iloilo Garrison, Panay, PkI., on 23 Fob 44. 159 Additional murders by Japanese Kempei- 5 tai at Iloilo City,, Panay, P. I., in May 1944 and December 1944. 160 Murder of sixteen civilians at La 20 Castellan* Occidental Province, Negros, P.I., on 22 August 1942 and 24 August 1942. 161 Additional torture and murder by Kempei- 24 tai stationed at Bacolod, Occidental Province, Negros, P„I., in February and March 1945. 162 Murder cf sixteen 0 6) Filipino civilians 18 and torture of others at Bacolod, Ncgros Occidental on 7 December 1944 and 20 Jan- uary 1945. 163 Murder of 4 Filipino citizens of Ilang, Da- 29 vao City, Mindanao, P, I,., and looting on 11 - DOCUTffiNT 2747 REPORT NO. TITLES NO. OF PAGES 28 December 1941, 164 Burning of barrios in San Fernan- 58 do, La Union, Luzon, P. I., on 19 December 1944. 165 Torture of fifteen Filipino citi- 5 zens by Kempei-Tai at Aparrl, Ca- gayan, Luzon, P. I., in September 1944. 166 Murder of approximately 89 Filipino 16 citizcns near Tugbok, Davao City, Mindanao, P. I., on 14 May 1945. 167 Torture of Panfilo W. ALPUERTO, at 3 Dumanjug and Cebu City, Cebu, P. I. in March 1944. 168 Murder of 44 Filipino civilians in May 9 or June 1944, near Fabrica, Negros Occidental, P. I. 169 Murder of one Filipino in February 1944 14 at Hinundayan, Leyte, P. I. 170 Murder of 3 American POWs and 1 Fili- 22 pino by members of the Iloilo Kempei- Tai near Mandurriao, Panay Island, P. I. 171 Murder of twenty-seven identified Fili- 19 pino citizens at Buenavista, Guimaras "islands, P. I., between August 1943 and January 1945. 172 Murder of six Filipino civilians at 13 Manuel Plantation, Guianga, Mindanao, P. I., on 30 May 1945 and 1 June 1945. 173 Torture and probable murder of Demetrio 5 FGRNILLOS at Polo, Leyte, P. I., in March 1943. 174 Executions at Calbayog, Samar, P. I., on 10 July 1943. 175 Murder of 82 identified Filipino resi- 12 dents of L on. Iloilo Province, Panay, P. I., in August 1943 and April 1944. 176 Murder, beating, and imprisonment under 58 improper conditions of American prisoners of war at Bontcc, Mountain Province, Luzon, P. I., in May - June 1942. 177 Murder of ten Filipino civilians in 10 August 1943 at Leon, Iloilo Province, Panay, P. I. 178 Murder of 24 Filipino civilians at Du- 63 manjug} Cebu, P. I., April and May 1944. - 12 - DOCUMENT ^747 REPORT NO. TITLES NO. OF PAGES 179 Torture of 2 civilians at Dutoan- 10 jug, Cebu, P. I., July 1944. 180 Torture and murder of Filipino ci- 17 vilinns at Dumanjug, Cebu, P. I., August, 1944. 18^ Torture and murder of Filipino ci- 20 vilians at Dumanjug,' Cebu, P. I. March 194^, 182 Murder of 1 Filipino, attempted murder 10 of another and burning of home at Du- manjug, Cebu, P. I,, 1 Septemoer 1944. 183 Tor tur e a nd murder at Hilongos, Leyte, 9 P. I., in July, 1944. 184 Torture of civilians at Davao City, 11 Mindanao, P, I., by Kempei-Tai members in March and April 1944. 185 Torture and murder of residents of Bay, 21 Laguna Province, Luzon, P. Ia, on 9 Feb- ruary 1945. 186 Execution of one American and seven Fi- 41 lipmo citizens at Magugpo, Mindanao, P. I,, in July 1942. 187 Insular Lumber Company Dock Murders, Ne- 36 grcs Occidental. 188 Beheading of American flier in northern 23 .r j' mountains of Negros, P. I. 189 Mistreatment and Imprisonment under im~ 37 proper conditions of American prisoners of vnr at Corregidor, P, I., during summer of 1942, 190 Execution of five Filipino civilians at 40 Ba~uio, Mourtain Province, P. I», on 6 October 1942„ 191 Murder of Filipino civilians at Incpacan, 7 Leyte, P. I., March 1943 and March 1944. 192 Negros Camps. 29 193 Killing of American prisoners of war 69 after the torpedoing of the dhinyo Maru, a Japanese prit>on ship/ off-Liloy Point, Zamboanga on 7 September 1944. 194 Killing of civilians of Baguio, Mountain 18 Province, Luzon, P. I., in-1942 and in March 1945. 195 Killing of seven Filipino civilians at 14 Toledo, Cebu, F. Ic, September 1944. - 13 - DOCUMENT ̂ 747 REPORT NO. TITLES NO, OF PAGES 196 Execution of 3 civilians at Carcar, 14 Cebuj P. I., in October 1944. 197 Murders, looting and burning of the 40 town of Caiauang, Laguna Province, Luzon, P. I., in February 1945. 198 J1 is treatment of Ritolio FIDELIS at Da- 11 vao, Mindanao, P. I., in March 1945. 199 ' Torture of two civilians at Hilorgos, 6 Leyte, P. I. 200 Torture of civilians at Lucena, Tayabas 7 Province, Luzon, P. I., May 1944 - December 1044. 201 Massacre of two hundred civilians at 20 Tuba (Irisan) Ber.guet, Mt, Province, Luzon, P. I., 10 April 1945. 202 Mistreatment of two Filipino civilians 13 in Maasin, Leyte, P. I., in June and July 1944. 203 Murdc-r of American flier near Dumaguete, 15 Negros Oriental, P. I,, 13 September 1944. 204 Mistreatment of Father DOUGLAS at Paete, 4 Laguna, Luzon, P, I., on 24 July 1943. 205 Burning and killing in San Juan, La Union 79 Province, Luzon, P. I., on 19 January 1945. 206 Torture of Olimpio PANSEPANSE at Carcar, 7 Cebu, P. I,, on 20 May 1944. 207 Deaths of thirty-seven American prisoners 22 of v-ar at Gapan-, Nueva Ecija Province, Luzon, P. Itj in May and June 1942. 208 Murder of three Filipinos near Manuel 8 Plantation, Tagakpan, Davao City, Min- danao, Ps I., on 18 May 1945. 209 Bataan General Hospital Nos. 1 and 2. 199 210 Transportation of prisoners of war under 6l improper conditions from Davao Penal Colony, Mindanao, P. I. to Manila, P. I. from June 6 to June 26, 1944. 211 Torture and Murder of Presidential 21 guards and others at Baguio, Mt, Province, Luzon, Pa I., abcut 20 Jan 45. 212 Baguio Kempei-Tai - Torture on 30 127 December 19*2 to April 1945. - 14 - DOCUMENT 2747 REPORT NO. TITLES NO, OF PAGES 213 Torture and murder of Filipino civi- 17 liana at Pangil and Siniloan, Laguna Province. Luzon, P„ I,, in 1943 and 1944. (Case Nos. Q-33 and 0-64) 214 Los Banos Massacres. (Case No. I-89) 56 215 Killing and Looting of Joaquin NACUA, 7 a resident of Carcar, Cecil., P, I,, on or about 14 Marcii 1944. (Unnumbered case) 216 Killing of Amandc SATORRE in Carcar, 6 Cebu, P. I*, on 15 April i944. (Un- numbered case) 217 Severe torture of Roberto E. SATO on 11 25 April 1944 in Carcar, Cebu, P. I., (Unnumbered case). 218 Killing of 5 Filipino men, looting 8 and burning of the FLORETA home, and the torture of another in October 1944 at Carcar, Cebu, P. I. (Unnum- bered case) 219 Murder of Filipino civilians in Sitio 33 Sccoc, Barrio Santiago Sur, San Fer- nando, La Union, Luzon, P. I., on 22 February 1945. (H-17) 220 Murder of Macun PANONDIONGAN on 15 3 July 1942 at Barrio Dimavon, Dansalan, Lanao, Mindanao, P. 1". (Unnumbered case) 221 Lapoy Plantation murders, Davao, Min- 12 danao, P. I. (Case No. P-63) 222 Murder of approximately 30 Filipino 7 civilians at Davao Province, Mindanao, P. I „ o n trie 17tn of May, 1945. (Case Nq, L-97) 223 Murder and attempted murder at Lipata, 27 Mingianilla, Cebu, P. I. (Case un- number ed) 224 Sagay atrocities, Negros Occidental, 293 P. I. (Case No. B-77) 225 Murder of Chinese in Davao City, Davao, 3 Mindanao, P. I., May 1945. (Case No. P«77). 226 Murder of nine civilians at Davao City, 3 Davao, P Ie• on 21 May 1945. (Case No, ?•• 79) 227 Burning and killing in Barrio Rayah, 3 Wa!;c, ia: co, Mindanao} P, in August 1942 (Case i\ion Part of C-88) - 15 - DOCUMENT 2747 REPORT NO, TITLES NO. OF PAGES 228 Murder of two Filipinos at Daliao, 8 Davao City, Mindanao, P. i. (Case No. P-67) 229 Murder of five Filipinos at Digos, 3 Santa Cruz, Davao.. Mindanao, P. L . on 25 October 1945. (Case No. P-51) 230 Murder and torture of Filipino civi- 15 lians at Maul) a 11, Tayabas, Luzon, P. I., from July 19^3 to February 1945, Case No. Q-8 231 Atrocities at San Carlos, Negros Occi- 3 dental, P, I,, on 17 September 1942. (Case No. J-89) 232 Lucban atrocities in January 1945. 10 (Unnumbered case) 233 Davao Penal Colony and Davao City 155 Civilian Internment Camp. (Case No. B-l) 234 Murder, attempted murder, rape and 11 disappearance in SiLij", Negros Occi- dental, P, I,, on 8 March 1945. (Uniitimb er ed case) 235 Atrocities at Calinan, Davao City, 25 December 1941 (Case Unnumbered) 236 Murder of a Filipino civilian in 10 Kintal, Davao City, Davao, Mindanao, P. 1., on or about 29 December 1941. (Case No, O-63) 237 Torture and murder of Hayden LAURENCE, 26 an American prisoner of war at Angeles, Pamperga? on 23 Sentember 1943. (Case No. B-j9; 238 Torture, attempted murder and murder of 32 fourteen Fill;;nc civilians at Alcala, Province of C-a&ayai, P, I,, during the period from 8 January 1941; to 14 March 1945- (Unnumbered case) 239 Murder of Filipino and American prisoners 55 at Mintal and neighboring area, Mindanao, P. I , on 10 September 1944. (Case No. M-89) 240 Bunawan Murders, Davao City, Mindanao, 17 P, i ? M.;y 19^5. (Case No, 0-96) 241 Murder* Japanese babies in Cebu. 41 (Un? ere d 'J a & e) 242 Murder of five Chinese civilians at 4 Tun^-iian, Davao P.. I., on 18 May 1945. (Case No. K-14) - 16 - DOCUMENT 2747 REPORT NO. TITLES NO. Off..,PAGES > 243 Murder of two Filipinos and attempted 3 Murder of another at Gatungan, Davao, Mindanao, P. I., on or about 19 May 1945. (Case No. P-58) 244 Murders near Tigato, Davao City, 31 Mindanao, P. I. (Case No. M-15) 245 Murder of four American fliers on 39 Fuga Island, Luzon, P. I., on 20 June 1945. (Case No. Q-6) 246 Murder of four Filipino civilians at 8 Manay, Davao. P. I., on 2 November 1942. (Case No. P-8l). \ 247 Camp Muruhy and Zablan Airfield. (Case 92 No. G-66) 248 Torture, attempted murder of three and 7 murder of approximately 35 Filipinos, including a woman and eight children at Ayungon, Negros Oriental, P.I., on 5 May 1944. 249 Murder of Mrs. Agustina Gadoatan CONNI- 6 LLY and torture of Antero JAMORA at Silay, Negros Occidental, PeI.. on 8 October 1944. (Unnumbered Case; 2^C Mistreatment of American and Filipino 33 civilians, looting and. bmuing in Ncgros from 24 November to 18 DecemDer 194J. (Case No, ±-43) 251 Murder of five Filipino civilians and 6 the attempted murder of another at Lu- zuriaga, Negros Oriental on 10 September 1944. 252 Atrocities in Victorias, Negros Occiden- £0 tai, P.I., August and September 1943. (Unnumbered case) 253 Atrocities at Bogo, Cebu, P.I., August 54 to November 1944. 254 Murder of PEREZ and MIYEGAS families at 37 Bunav/an, Davao City, Mindanao, P.I., on 13 May 1945 and 14 May 1945 respectively. (Unnumbered case) 255 Murder and attempted murder at Barrio 25 Bagakay, Tacloban, Leyte, P.I., on 30 April 1943. (Case No. K-3). 256 Killing and mistreatment of Filipino 33 civilians in Bacolod, Negros Occiden- tal, between 16 January and 4 April 1945. L 1 7 , DOCUMENT 2747 REPORT NO, TITLES NO. OF PAGES 257 Rape at Palo, Leyte, P.I., December 17 1943. (Unnumbered Case) 258 Torture and murder of sixteen Filipino 8 civilians at Isabels, Negros Occidental sometire during September 1942. (Case No. B-75) 259 Murder of Simeon CANQUE, Naga, Cebu, 11 P.I.. 28 December 1944. (Unnumbered Case) 260 Atrocities in Ayuquitan, Negros Oriental 33 P.I.. in April and May 1944. (Unnumbered Case) 261 Torture and Killing of Emilio RAFOLS at 3 Davao City, Davao, Mindanao, P.I. (Un- numbered case) 262 Mistreatment and torture of civilian pri- 38 soners by Japanese Kempei-Tai at Dumaguete, Negros Oriental, P.I., during the period June 1944 to March 1945. (Unnumbered Case) 263 Murder of approximately ninety Filipino 18 civilians on the shores of Taburos River, Palawan Island, P.I., on or about 1 March 1945, and murder of three Filinino civilians at Irauan, Palawan Island} P„I„, on 4 March 1945. (Un- numbered Case) 264 Murder of sixteen civilians and attempted 37 murder of another at Wang&n, Riverside, Calinan, Davao. P.I., on 4 May 1945. (Case No. P-65; 265 Murder of three Filipinos, attempted t murder of another and burning of Barrio Umagos and the hospital therein, at Man- dampog, Balir.gasag, Oriental Misamis, Mindanao, P.I,, on or about 1 October 1944. (Case No. M-58-a) 266 Torture and bayonetting of Juliano BAILO 3 and three Filipino civilians at Balinga- sag, Oriental Misamis, Mindanao, P.I., on or about 30 September 1944. (Case No. M-58-B 267 Execution by machine-gun fire and burn- 22 ing of twenty-one Filipinos at Barrio Angad, Bangued, Abra, P.I., on 16 Novem- ber 1944. (Case No. H-34) 268 Killing of a Filipino civilian and beat- 22 ing and disappearance of another in Dulao, Bago, Negros Occidental, P.I., on 7 March 1944. (Unnumbered Case) - 18 - DOCUMENT 2747 REPORT NO. TITLES NO. OF PAGES 269 Murder of a Moro at Kabakan, Cotabato 4 Mindanao, P.I., on 10 May 1944. (Un- numbered Case) t 270 Murder of Mamerto PINO at Dumaguete, 7 Negros Oriental, P.I., on 23 November 1944 (Unnumbered Case) 271 Massacre at Mulig, Davao City, 5 May 12 1945. (Case No. O-63) 272 Murder of three Filipino civilians at 10 Calut, Butuan, Agusan, Mindanao, P.I., during the early part of March 1945. (Case No. A-7) 273 Mistreatment and killing of Filipino civi- 8 lians at Langtand, Naga, Cebu, P.I., on 8 November 1944. (Unnumbered case) 274 Cotabato Airfield murders, 12 September 24 1944. (Case No; J-3) 275 Murder of twenty-one Filipino civilians, 37 attempted murder of another in Barrio Calindagan, looting and burning in Barrio Banilad, Dumaguete, Negros Oriental, 10 November 1944, and torture of Severino PASTOR in Dumaguete, Negros Oriental, in October 1944. (Unnumbered Case) 276 Torture and murder at La Trinidad, Benguet, 68 Mountain Province, P.I., March - October 1944. (Case No. 0-55) 277 Murder of Angel MERCADO in Dumaguete, 7 Negros Oriental, 3 March 1944. (Unnum- bered Case) 278 Atrocitics in Barrio Guadalupe, Fakati, 30 Riza3, P.I., February 1945. (Unnumbered Case) 279 Murder of Filipino civilians in Siaton, 30 Negros Oriental, July and August 1944. (Unnumbered Case) 280 Chinese murders at Davao City, May 1945} 14 (Case No. J-46) 281 Murder of twenty-nine civilians at Ranao- 16 Pilayan, Cotabato, Mindanao, P.I., on 7 June 1944. (Case No. F-79) 282 Atrocities at Barrio San Roque and Sitio 86 Bitute, Zamboanga City, Mindanao, P.I., March 1945. (Case No-. A-6 and another unnumbered case), 283 Atrocities in Siquijor Island, October and 80 November 1944. (Unnumbered Case) - 19 - DOCUMENT 2747 REPORT NO. TITLES NO. OF PAGES 284 Disappearance of three American 10 prisoners of war in Camp Keithley, Lanao, Mindanao, P.I., between 1 June and 4 July 1942. 285 Death march of prisoners of war 9 from Camp Keithley to Iligan, La- nao, Mindanao, P.I., 4 July 1942. 286 Disappearance of Brig. Gen. Guy 26 0. FORT. 287 Arson, rape and robbery at 49 Balilihan and Sikatuna, Bohol, P.I., after 2 September 1945. 288 Murder and mistreatment at Valen- 32 cia and Garcia Hernandez, Bohol, P.I., April 1945 - August 1945. 289 Murder of Chinese and Bagobo civi- 8 lians and arson in Catalunan Grande, Davao, Mindanao, P.I., 5 May 1945. 290 Murder, rape and torture in the vi- 51 cinity of Tagbilaran, Bohol, P.I., June - September 1942 and July 1944. 291 Murder and rape near Jagna, Bohol, 45 P.I.., April - October 1945. 292 Murder of two unidentified American 16 fliers at Sarmi, Dutch New Guinea, October 1944. 293 Murder and rape near Sierra Bullones, 38 Bohol, P.I., June - December 1945. 294 Rape of two Filipino women at Barrio 12 Kawit, town of Pilar, Ponson Island, Camotes Islands, Cebu, P.I., 30 No- vember 1944. 295 Murder of the Mayor and torture of 22 the Chief of Police of Asingan, Pangasinan, P.I., in August 1943. 296 Killing and torturing of Filipino civi- 63 lians in 1944 and 1945, at Sipalay, Cawayan and Ma-ao, Bago, Negros Occidental. 297 Atrocities at Mandawe, Cebu, P.I., 68 August 1944 - March 1945. 298 Massacres in Camotes Islands, Cebu, P.I. 89 December 1944. 299 Execution of Capt... TODD and Sgt. GOURGET 49 at Sta. Cruz, Laguna, P.I;, 11 August 1943. 300 Murder of thirty-five and attempted 32 murder. i - 2 0 - ' Doc. No. 2747 REPORT NO. TITLES NO. OF PAGES 301 Murder of five unidentified Americans at San 45 Dionisio, Prranaque, Rizal, P.I., 9 May 1942 302 Atrocities in and around Vigan, Ilocos Sur, P.I., 10 December 1941 to 3 April 1^45 62 303 Murder of 30 Filipinos at San Carlos, Negros 156 304 Execution of Charles PUTNAM, Thomas DAGGETT, 11 Captain Vicente Pinon and six other unnamed Filipinos on 19 March 1944 at Alaminos, Pangasinan, P.I. 305 Torture and murder of civilians in and around 12 Mankayan, Benguet, Mountain Province, P.I. in May and June 1, 1944. 306 Execution of five American fliers at Singkang 126 Celebes about 4 Aug 45 307 Murder of four American airmen at M-nros Airfield 56 near Makasar, Celebes in July 1945 308 Execution of eight American Airmen at TOLITOLI 28 CELEBES Sometime in Oct. or Nov. 1944 309 Execution of five American airmen at Kendari 67 Celebes about 24 Nov. 1944. 310 Murder of five American Fliers at or near Tomchan, 77 Celebes in Sept., Nov. and Dec. 1944 311 Massacre and torture of Civilians at Rio and Obando, 45 Bulacan, P.I. 19 Dec. 1944 312 Atrocities in Bomblan Island, P.I. Dec. 1944, 21 Jan. and Feb. 1945 313 Looting, Murder and attempted murder ^nd abduction 111 of civilians at Infanta, Taya.bas, P.I. in Feb., Apr. and May 1945 314 Torture and mistreatment of Civilians at the 38 Japanese MaP, Garrison in Quezon City, P.I. during the. Period of March 1942 to Dec. 1944 315 Killing of Graham, Eugene Sterling, an American 19 Flier at CONCEPCION, Tarlac, P.I. sometime in Oct. 1944 317 Execution of 3 Unidentified US Airmen at Ambon 24 (Amboina) N.E.I, on 29 Aug. 1944. T0T/:,L NUMBER OF PAGES OF EVIDENCE 14, 6li8 pag> DOCUMENT 2747 > * j C E R T I F I C A T E ^ ' I, Alva C. Carpenter, Chief, Legal Section, General Headquarters, Supreme Commander for the Allied Powers, do hereby certify that immediately after the liberation of the Philippines roving teams, comprised of military personnel from the Judge Advocate Service of the United States Army, were sent out to conduct investigations throughout the Philippines on reported and known cases of atrocities committed by the Japanese Army and Navy personnel; that many of those cases have been thoroughly investigated in the immediate vicinity of their occurrence; that witnesses who had first-hand knowledge of the atrocities were interrogated and their affidavits taken and ocular inspection of the place where the crimes were committed were invariably made; that reports have been submitted regarding those atrocities investigated and are now on file in our office and that the attached document, consisting of twenty-one pages, is a list of reports submitted so far regarding these investigations, together with their report number, title and number of pages each contain. /s/ Alva C. Carpenter Alva C. Carpenter Chief, Legal Section Witness: /s/ John R. Prltchard Sworn to before me this 28th day of October 1946, Tokyo, Japan. /s/ John R. Pritchard Captain, Irfantry Summary Court /v 6 V - ! Yt C Doc„ No, 5913 i l i t p / V £ Casb jlSf - T o jvLL Opening Statement of the Associate Prosecutor of the Philippines on Class C Offenses in Gensral and Class B and C Offenses in the Philippines International Prosecution Section Tokyo, Japan December, 1945= Mr. President, Members of tne Military Tribunal for the Far Basts Fro® living witnesses and from Japanese documents, this Tri- bunal has heard and seen abundant prosecution evidence protraying the "basic policy pursued by the defendants and oi ier leaders of Japan to produce a war-like master race dead set on world conquest - It will be recalled, that in order to implement that policy, the combined re- sources of the state-controlled press, radio, schools, stage, movies0 literature and religion were marshalled to indoctrinate the Japanese people with fanatical martial spirit, blind -worship of totalitarianism and ultra-nationalism, lore for aggression and burning hatred and con- tempt for all potential and actual enemies- Our present phase will 3how the flowering and results of that policy in terms of thousands upon thousands of innocent persons butchered, maimed, starred and degraded, of innumerable cities, towns and villages sacked, and of homes and farms pillaged. Sine qua non to a proper assessment of our evidence is the understanding that this insidious internal oropaganda of hate succeeded somehow- in poisoning Dec, No. 6913 the ir'nd and heart of many a Japanese to such a degree that in the ensuing military campaigns their character and nature swung like a pendulum from the extreme of kindness and courtesy to the other extreme of cruelty and indecency. Without this understanding, it will be diffi- cult for anyone, who has come in contact with the average Japanese in the streets and public places, in their homes and offices, and has observed their civility, to sive due weight to the mass of our proof demonstrative that either in their moments of arrogance born of victory or desperation in the face of impending defeat, countless propaganda- misled Japanese oerpetrated in the fields of operation barbarities, the full extent of which would shock the world. We will orove that Japanese atrocities were not isolated incidents of' indiviiual misconduct, but were general in the whole Pacific and Asiatic war theatre; that the technique and method used in the wholesale murder, torture, and rape, and the wanton destruction of property followed throughout a consistent and similar pattern; that the stronger the resistance offered the more abominable became the v - 2 - Doc. No. 6913 * invaders; that the strategy of terror was in time identified as part of the Japanese form of warfare calculated to crush the spirit of resistance and the will to fight of the oeople of the over-run countries. Secondly, those atrocities, launched on large scale for the first time at Nanking in 1937, and climaxed with the 3ape of Manila in 1945, covered a period of eight long years. Thirdly, the situs of their commission comprised one-fourth of the territorial space of the lobe, including Burma, China, Indo-China, Malaya, the Netherlands Indies, longkong, Philippines, Hew Guinea and various islands in the Pacific Ocean. Fourthly, the *. tude of perpetrators came from both enlistnd men's ^nd officers' ran and from all branches of the Japanese armed services. Fifthly„ the victims v.ere legion, including both civilians and prisoners of war the well and the infirm, the young and the old, men and women, and children and babies. Finally, indignant official protests from aggrieved gover ments poured on the government at Tokyo. Allied radio broadcasts, regularly monitored by * he Japanese Foreign Office for the information -3- Doc. i\r0. 6913 of the inner government circles, widely publicized and severely con- demned the massacre and mistreatment of Allied civilians and prisoners of war. niven without those protests and denunciations, the leaders of Japan would have undoubtedly known of the rampant atrocities com- mitted by so many of their misguided compatriots on so many helpless peoples of so many lands and for so many years. Instead of heeding the protests, they dismissed and branded them a.B instruments of false propaganda. And instead of investigating the charges, deter- mining, trying and punishing the guilty, or taking other effective measures necessary to deter or prevent the repetition of the atro- cities, they permitted or tolerated their continued perpetration,, A part of the pattern of these crimes has already been delineated with the presentation of the Chinese case and the ex- tensive testimony of the Tate lamented Colonel Wild. We shall now proceed to unfold more of that pattern with evidence relating to how a staggering total of more than 131,028 Americans and Filipinos met '.orrible death by murder, cruelty, starvation, assaults and -4- Doc. No. 6913 mistreatments at the hands of a sadistic enemy. This figure does not represent the war casualties; it does not encompass those who died in the fields of battle. Neither does it include the infinitely larger number of Americans and Filioinos who escaped death but went through the ordeal of indescribable sufferings and humiliations. We shall by proof establish that Japanese atrocities on Philippine civilians were not confined to Manila, the heart of the nation, or a few other cities like Cebu and Iloilo, but in all cities and in almost all big towns and in numberless villages, in all of the main islands of the archipelago, ranging from Basco, Batanes, in the far north, to Davao City, in the extreme south; from Puerto Princesa, Palawan, way out west, to Tayabas, farthest east. They were committed by Japanese Xempei-tai, Marines and Army and Navy men on all sexes, ages and classes of Filipinos in all stages of Japanese occupation from December 1941 to August 1945. Outstanding of the massacres that took the lives of "39,900 * Filioino civilians may be mentioned those at Manila where 800 men, women Doc. So. 5913 and children were herded into the building of St. Paul's College. 'V; were drawn toward the center of the hall with candies enticingly placed on tables set under five overhanging covered chandeliers. A Japanese Navy man pulled a string, and the grenades concealed in r':c chandeliers exploded with such power that it blew off the top of th< building and instantly killed a great number of those in the hall. Panic-stricken survivors fleeing from the burning inferno were mowed down with machine-gun fire by sentries strategically posted outside. At Calamba, Laguna, revered by Filipinos as the birthplace of their foremost national hero, Dr. Rizal, 2,500 men, women and children were shot or bayoneted. Only a. few survived. At Ponson, Cebu, in central Visayas, the whole population of the village was ordered to assembi. in the barrio church. One hundred were machine-gunned and bayon ,o death within its sacred walls. rnhe rest, were hunted down from c ; corner to another of the village and murdered in their homes and j r. • he swamps. Three hundred died in the massacre. At Basco, Bet -.0 civilians were arrested, and while in confinement some wert i. - 6 - Doc. No. 6913 * from the rafters and flaming fluid applied to their skins, others were beaten, "breaking their hands and losing their eyesight, hut all were eventually executed. At Matina Pangi, Davao, 169 men, women and children were murdered in cold "blood. Evidence will "be offered showing that the Japanese in the Philippines, especially the Kempei~tai, displayed great ingenuity and sadi sro in inflicting the cruelest forms of torture on their victims whose number ran into thousands. They converted Fort Santiago, an old Spanish stone bastion overlooking Manila Bay, into their leading torture chamber and death hole. Fort Santiago became a synonym for torture and a symbol of Japanese brutality. Here hundreds suffered slow and painful death in dark, foul and 1 ice-infested cells, for whom the quick, scientific mass extermination in the lethal gas chambers at Camp Dachau would have been a welcomed alternative. Prominent among the many forms of torture used were hanging ry the neck, by the thumbs, or by the limbs, and burning the feet or other delicate parts of the body as it hung suspended; the water cure, -7- Doc. No. 6913 with several variations depending on the savage bent and imagination of the torturer; placing ammunition between the fingers and squeezing them until the bones broke; pulling out tongues and prying out toe- and finger- nails with pliers; searing the flesh with lighted cigarettes and pieces of burning wood; slapping and kicking and boxing with bare hands or with steel knuckles; beating with long bamboo poles, wooden clubs, baseball bats and iron rods; jiujitsuing and hurling the subject repeatedly to the ground; twisting and breaking the hands, arms, or legs; lashing with rope, thorn switches or barbed wire; smashing with gun butts; shocking with electricity; applying gasoline on the skin and hair and igniting it; forcing small bamboo splints under the toe- and finger- nails; crucifying by nailing through the wrists and skull; lopping off the ears and nose and gouging out the eyes; killing either by bayonet- ing through the eyes, and other vital organs of the body, chopping the heads off with razor-ah/-p bolos or samurai swords, drowning, choking, shooting or burying alive, or by starving to death. Before proceeding further, we pause to beg the indulgence of -8- Doc. No. 6913 * this Court for the precise language we have "been and will be using in describing the nature of these atrocities., While realizing our duty to express ourselves here a. .11 times in temperate and restrained terms, the crimes committed to my country ai i my people were so shock- ing, so brutal and so revolting that resort to iphemism3 would only do violence to the truth. Of the manifold instances of such torture and sadism in the Philippines, our proof will point out that in February 1945 in Manila, in the home of Eartolome Fons, a pregnant woman with an 11-month old baby in her arms, was shot and killed. 'The Jap started to leave, but hearing the baby cry, returned and killed it with two shots. At the Campos residence, the breast of one woman was hacked out. At St0 Paul's College a. baby was hurled into the air by a Japanese soldier and impaled on the bayonet of another. At Fort Santiago„ a piece of skin was sliced off the back of a prisoner's hand and he was forced to eat it. The skin on his face and art- was . isted with a p • Ir of wooden pliers. -9- Dec. So. 6913 At Pale Alto, Leyte, in the Vasayan Islands, three members of the Palacio family, including a woman, were arrested in February 1942, their hands tied behind their backs and hung by the arms from the branch of a tree for five hours* They were beaten * th thorn switches until they bled. On the arm pit6 of the two male members gasoline was poured and set on fire. In Inopacan, Leyte, Eufresina ?ayots a 24 year old girl was caught, her clothing stripped, her breasts slashed with a saber, and burned. In Iloilo, on 16 September 1943, Lucas Doctolero was crucified on the ground, three six-inch nails driven through each wrist and the base of his skull. In Rorablon,. on 17 November 1943, a blind woman was dragged out of her house, stripped nakedt She was hog-tied and then hung from a tree head down. At Kabayo, Mountain Province, in northern Luzonp Tayambong Chagsa was forced on two occasions, in March 1943, to drink a four- gallon can of water, A Japanese bounced on his distended belly, then with hands tied behind his back was hung, rfhile hanging, his G-svring was set on fire consuming all but two feet of it. The remaining portion -10- Do Co No. 6913 was wrapped aro'ung Chagsa.'a head and again ignited. At Bacolod, Negros Occidental, a was beaten with a club, thrown across the floor and the next evening was forced to jump from a window to the asphalt pave- ment twenty feet below. The fall dislocated his hips and prevented him from wal.xng for four months. Another was strapped to a table and his wrists burned with an alcohol flame until the odor of burning flesh filled the room. A third man had a bayonet thrust through his arm progre88ively deeoer as he was Questioned. At Dumanjug, Cebu, a three- and-a-half year old child was bayoneted and thrown into the sea. Our proof .ill bear out that Japanese depravity in the Philippines, recurring in varying degrees throughout the occupation, reached its lowest ebb during the last dying days of Manila in February 1945. Lack of time prevents a full recital of specific cases, but for our present purposes it suffices to state that at Bay View and three other hotels the Japanese went on a wild orgy of de- bauchery that cvilmina^ed in the rape of many young gir] s, prominent in fifilnce society,. At the German Club women were disrobed, raped and -11- Doc. wo. 5913 murdered, as the rest of the crowd of about 500 civilians huddled in the basement helplessly looked on. One y .ung girl was decapitated when she resisted advances made on her; even her lifeless body was violated. Women taking sanctuary in the Manila Cathedral we^e assaulted. In Tana.uan, Batangas, a pregnant woman had her unborn child carved out of her stomach and beheaded. In Obando, Bulacan, the niece of Juan Btuijera, along with eight other women, was abusr I and bayoneted and, as her intestines came out, she was thrown into a fish pond. On 22 September 1943, in Iloilo, the hands of two young girls were bound behind their hacks, their clothing strioped and they were later raped. On 2 February 1942, at Santa Ana, Fampanga, an elderly lady and her maid v.'ere assaulted. In Brunt U, Hermo» •, • ataan, the men in.-a house were iorcad to leave while a girl v. • was left bp lind was raped. She subsequently became pregnant and birth - child. Airing the first week of J ;prne«e occuoation of Manila, in January 1942, two American girls, among many t>era, .err rapil. hren Japanese nc-...diers went out into the street naked m • raped two /on oa in road Doc. i\r0. 6913 daylight at the busy intersection of Sspana and Quezon Boulevard, in the commercial section of the city. Our evidence will further disclose the appalling destruction caused by Japanese aggression on oublic and private properties in the Philippines with an aggregate value of approximately $1,370,263,324.50. Moat of the destruction was far in excess of the exigencies of the situation and the limits of military necessity. 'his evidence ill disclose how churches, hospitals and residential bail Hrr s were mined and destroyed, or housed with gasoline and set. afire—how citier,, towns and villages were burned without military r'yme or reason; how homes were looted and farms ravished of their crops, dr.-ft animals, poultry and livestock, and how the people were plundered of their money and jewelry. The Japanese lid a thorough job of wrecking nd devastating the Philippines beyond recognition. To complete the ver-all oicture of Japanese atrocities in the Philiopines, proof will be pres-nted describing the indignities, the d>Krridatiori, tho suffering deaths )f .-nerlcan,, ?i'!i:ino air* -13- * Doc. i\r0. 6913 other allied prisoners of war and civilian internees, imposed by the Japanese in the Philippines in violation of every important provision of the Hague Convention No. IV of 18 October 1907, to which Japan was one of the signatories, and of the Geneva Pr.soner of 'ar Convention of 27 July 1929, by which Japan solemnly committed herself to be bound mutatis mutandis. Typical of the treaty breaches were failing to accord to those who surrendered, the status and treatment of prisoners of war; subject- ing the prisoners of war to public curiosity, to insults and inhumane treatment; not treating the women with the regard due their sex? coercing the prisoners and internees to reveal information regarding their army and country; confiscating their effects- and objects of per- sonal use, such as watches, fountain-pens, shoes; confiscav' • TsO*ey in their oossession without giving receipts t her-i for; «va: in ting hem from the zone of combat on foot at excessive iiatances per : placing them at certain points so that their presence there oul . :ve oro: • tior j rom bombardment; lodging them in barracks without safeguard .v/g -14- Doc. No. 6913 * their hygiene and health; not Droviding them with quarters and tedding equal in quantify and quality to those furnished Japanese base camps; not providing them with sufficient potable water; not furnishing them with clothing and footwear when they needed -.hem; not taking all sani- tary measures necessary to assure the cleanliness and healthfulness of camps and other places of detention and to prevent epidemics; not furnishing them with sufficient water for their bodily cleanliness; refusing them to take physical exercise and enjoy the open air; not maintaining adequate infirmaries for their benefit; reuuiring them to pay for their medical care an^ failing to have them examined by doctors at least once a month. Also requiring officer prisoners of war to salute all members of the Japanese armed forces, regarilee* of ran1- ; transferring sick and wounded prisoners of war when their recovery might ba ^ndnngered thereby and when the conduct of military operations iid not require such transfer; requiring officers who were prisoner* of war to do mau'.ai labor ani non-commissioned officers to do other than super- -15- I?oc„ Ho,. 69IS vise,'.: works compelling them to work an excessive Hamper o: hours ••- da,v and requ\r..ng '-hem to do manual la'.c-r firea when physically unfit; requiring them to work sever- ./s a week and oerferming manual labor directly related to war operations; requiri - them to perform un- healthful and dangerous work; aggravating their conditions of labor "by disciplinary measures and requiring them to perform manual labor under conditions less favorable than the conditions under which Japanese troops at Japanese base camps were required to perform similar labor; not affording facilities to enable them to write to their families regarding their caoiure and the stal of the:. Health} refusing to permit them to receivs. eg reels containing -'oocl end slothing? looting the parcels intended them; being cruel to them, inflicting corporal punishment- . oa torturing them. ossing collective our.-h- ment against them for ndiviiual af-ts ir:g punishment; which included killing, upoa vcaped prisoners of war and civil; :i intern- ees who -/ere recant--? . in excess of arrest -"or not /.ere than thirty day , not seeing that tnose who died in captivity were honorably buried -IS- Doc,, Wc. 6913 and that their graves "bore all due information, were respected and properly maintained; and not affording operly constituted relief societies for prisoners of war --very facility for giving food, clothing and medical supplies to them when military necessity did not require refusal of such aid. • Most shocking of the atrocities committed against prisoners of war in the Philippines was the Bataan Death March wherein 11,000 American and 62,000 Filipino troops, exhausted, gaunt remnants of a small brave army whose long heroic resistance on Bataan had drawn the admiration of the civilized world, were forced to march 7 to 11 days without food or water approximately 120 kilometers under a scorching \ tropical sun. Throughout the march, many of these prisoners were slapped, boxed, beaten, bayoneted or shot. About 1,200 of their American and 16,000 of their Filipino comrades were thus murdered and left in the dusty and bloody road to rot. Throughout that time, the U. S0 Army had enough ,otor vehicles and supplies of gasoline which the J panese could have used to transport all the Fil-Aaerican forces -17- Do Co i<o o 6913 that had surrendered on 10 April 1942» The end of the march was by no means the end of the martyrdom of the heroes of Bataan. At Gr-ap O'Donnell by not providing them with enough food and medical care, by fore in." them to labor while sick and physically unfit; by subjecting them o punishment and tor- ture for minor infractions, and by crowding them together a a filthy, small place unfit for human habitation, the Japanese further accom- plished the indirect mass annihilation of the cream of the American Filipino army. 3very day in the camp Americans and Filipinos were dying like flies. Up to 1 August 1942 alone, 1,522 Americans and 29s,000 Filipinos died there. The Bataan march had. a counterpart in Mindanao. On 4 July 1942, about 600 American and Filipino prisoners of war were grimly reminded of American Independence Day when compelled to march under a blistering sun from Ca*p Kiethley to Iligan, a distance of 38 kilo- meters. Many were hout shoes at: hats. the way man;, were had1- mistreated, and several were shot and -rilled. On 6 May 1942. - 1 8 - Doc„ Ho. 6913 between 8,000 and 10,000 American and Filipino prisoners of war were loaded at Corregidor into the holds of .:> ips with no latrine facili- ties, giren no food, and in a s*-ite of exhaustion were disembarked not at the pier of Manila but near Dewey Boulevard and from there forced to march 15 miles to Old Bilibid Prison under a hot sun. On 14 December 1944 at Puerto Princesa, Palawan, 150 American prisoners of war were herded into three air raid shelters each about 75 feet by 4 feet by 3 feet. Suddenly the Japanese poured in buckets of gasoline which they set on fire with torches. They laughed as they fired into the shelters with their rifles and machine guns Screaming American prisoners were 3hot as they ran out of the shelter.. Five escaped by dashing successfully toward the beach and swimming five miles across the bay° In May 1942„ 300 emaciated American prisoners of war were sent out from Bilibid Prison to build a roaci through the almost impenetrable malarial jungles of Tayabaa. These nen who were almost dead rora malaria and dysentery were forced to work in th« sun withou -19= Doc. No. 6913 * clothing, shelter or shoes, with wheelbarrows, pickB, and. shovels. They were frequently beaten with pick handles and bayonet scabbards for pausing to relax. They were dying from dysentery, malaria and exposure and the survivors were sleeping on the ground in the rocky creek bed, drinking filthy water from the creek, and living in the open without cover. Japanese guards were living comfortably in tents. Not enough food and no proper medicine were provided. Only 75 men, starved, ragged, and sick, went through that project alive. At Fort Santiago, three American pilots who were shot down during the bombing of Manila received sword thrusts through the shoulders or were scorched with lighted cigarettes. Holes were drilled through their fingers, wires inserted through them, and they were then suspended by the wires. The body of one pilot was burned, that of another paralyzed. At Panay, American prisoners of war were forced, after their surrender in May, 1942, to locate the sites of ammunition dumps and food caches. For six days they were made to hike up and down the -20- Doc. No. 6913 * hills without water and eating only rice crumbs left over by the Japanese guards. American officers were made to work like coolies, loading and unloading cargo to end from Japanese vessels. At Nichols Field, sick American prisoners of war were made to push and haul heavy cars laden with rock and dirt one kilometer across the airfield at least eleven times a day, and failure to make the minimum number of trips required before the day was over meant severe beating and flogging. Water cure and hitting with pick handles and rifle butts until the prisoner became unconscious were the forms of punishment usually administered. Another kind of torture was to make a person stand at attention in the hot sun with a bucket full of water on his head. If any of the water was spilled, he would get a terrific beating. In September 1943, Sergeant James Edward Strawhorn's hands were tied behind his back, and hung from a tree for 24 hours. Deprived of food or water, he was exposed to the sun all day and to the rain at night. He was then beaten with a plaited rope and hit about the face and head with a pistol butt. - 2 1 - D o c . N o . 6 9 1 3 * Vb will shew that oefore, during and after the commission of these atrocities, the Japanese Government and its leaders assured that American prisoners of war and civilian internees were and would be well treated and well fed. For instance, on 24 February 1942, the Japanese Government through the defendant TOGO, then Minister of Foreign Affairs, declared that American civilians will be treated in a manner "more favorable than contemplated by the Convention," and their "provisioning in bread, butter, eggs, meat, heating oil, coal and fats assured by Japan." Cn 9 March 1942, the Japanese Govern- ment through the defendant TOGO assured the nited States Government that its nationals were being afforded indulgent treatment by the . -u'.'̂s military authorities. "Apprehensions of the American r Government based cn information from unknown source and citing no exact facts are therefore without foundation." He shall show, however, that specific "exact facts" of • :;iti«E and mistreatments were, by formal orotests, opportunely bright to the attention of the Japanese Government and its leaders -22- Doc. So. 6913 who were repeatedly warned "by the American Government that punish- i ment would be visited upon those who were responsible officially and personally for them either "by neglect or by willfullness, regardless of their position, statu? and rank. In the Hull note of 12 December 1942, the United States Government directed attention to and protested against the barbarous conditions at Fort Santiago where Roy Bennett and other Americans were reported imprisoned; the bad conditions existing at Santo Tomas, Davao and other internment camps in the Philippines; the Death March from Bataan to Camp O'Donr.ell; the atrocious conditions at Camp O'Donnell. In that note the American Govern- ment lodged with the Japanese Government "a most emphatic protest" and expected "that the inhumane and uncivilized treatment accorded American nationals, both civilians and prisoners of war, will be made a matter of immediate investigation and that the Japanese Government will pive assurances that treatment inconsistent with the provisions and spirit of the Geneva Convention is not now and -23- Doc. No. 6913 will not in the future be inflicted upon American nationals." In the Hull note of 5 Aoril 1943, the United States Government warned "the Japanese Gov^rnnent that ior any other violations of its undertakings as regards American prisoners of war or for any other acts of criminal barbarity inflicted upon Ameri can orisoners in violation of the rules of warfare accepted and practiced by civilized nations as military operations now in progress draw to their inexorable and inevitable conclusion, the American Government will visit upon the officers of the Japanese Government responsible for such uncivilized and inhumane acts the punishment they deserve." In an undated Hull note, which was incorporated in the letter of the Swiss Minister of 5 February 194*, the United States Government again protested against the mistreatment of American and Filipino prisoners of war and civilian internees, charging that at aguio civilian internees were forced to labor without shoes and c rbed only in loin cloth; th t prisoners of war from Corregidor being taken to aniln were not landed at the port of Manila but out- ->3.4 — Doc. i\r0. 6913 side the city and forced to walk through the city to Bilibid Prison about 23 Kay 1942; that prisoners of war at Davao renal Colony, suffering from grave vitamin deficiencies, could see from their camp trees bearing citrus fruit but were not allowed to pluck them; nor were they allowed to retrieve lemons floating down a stream running through the camp; that American officer prisoners of war were being compelled to perform all kinds of labor including menial tasks such as scrubbing floors, cleaning latrines used by Japanese troops, and working in the kitchens of Japanese officers; that 10 American engineers were required to go to Corregidor in July 1942 to assist- in rebuilding the military Installations in that area; that the condition of health of prisoners of war in the Philippines was deplorable, citing that at 3an Fernando in April 1942 American and Filipino prisoners were held in a barbed wire enclosure so over- crowded that sleep and rest were impossible and that the many who were sick were given so little care, that human excrement covered the whole area; that many of those who were male to march from Bataan -25- Doc. So. 6913 to San Fernando, a distance of over 100 kilometers, were shot or bayoneted by the guards; that at Camp O'Donnell conditions were so bad that 2,200 Americans and more than 20,000 Filipinos are reported to have died in the first few months of their detention; that at Cabanatuan there was no medicine for the treatment of malaria until the prisoners had been in the camp for five months; that at Los Banos camp, recognized as the established endemic center of malaria, no quinine was provided and the internees were not allowed to go out- side the fence to take anti-malarial measures; that at Camp O'Donnell many of the men had to live without shelter during 1942, 23 officers were assigned to a space 14 by 20 feet in area, drinking water was so scarce that it was necessary to ̂ tand in line six or ten hours to get a drink, and officers had no bath for the first 35 days in the cajnp; that in late October 1942 aporoximately 970 prisoners were transferred from the Manila area to the Davao Penal Colony on a transport vessel providing only twenty inches of sleeping space per man; that at Camp Hay at Baguio 20 to 30 civilians were assigned Doc o Be o 6913 sleeping aav nidations in a room which had heen intended for the use of one person: that at Cabanatuan Lt. Col. Lloyd Biggs and Lt„ Col. Howard Breitung and Lt. R. D„ Gilbert, for attempting to escapev were severely beaten and tortured and Filipino passersby forced to beat them on the face rfith clubs,' and that at Baguio Mr, Gray was beaten and given the water cure. In the Hull note of 11 September 1944, the American Govern- ment protested against the removal of certain American internees from Los Banos camp to Fort McKinley where a major ammunition dump was maintained- In the Atcheson note of 6 April 1945, the United States Government protested against the murder of four American citizens, Grinnell, Daggleby, Larsen and Johnson, all internees in the gnto Tomas internment, camp. In the Grew note of 19 Kay 1945, the Ameri- can Government protested against the massacre of 150 American prisoners of war at Puerto Princess on 14 December 1944- TL. note ended w .a a warning that "the Japanese Government cannot escape -27- Doc, No. 6913 . responsibility for this crime." We will further Drove thst contrary to the repeated assurances of the Japanese Government in these notes, American and Filipino prisoners of war and civilian internees continued to be deliber- ately humiliated, starved, mistreated, abused or murdered. These assurances were so obviously hypocritical that on 10 March 1945 the United States Government sent a note through Mr. Grew, Acting Secre- tary of State, asserting that; "These most grosn and shocking violations of elementary human decency are highly inconsistent with numerous professions of the Japanese Government that it is according humanitarian treatment to prisoners of war. The Japanese Govern- ment has stated in justification of other violations of its under- takings and of human decency that the United States Government has I'ased its protests on misunderstandings of the facts. The United States Government has not misunderstood the facts, the persons who reported *hese outrages themselves suffered them." The "provisioning in bread, butter, eggs, meat, heating oil, -28- Doc. So. 6913 coal and fats assured by Japan" was a far cry from the actual starvation diet of about 300 grams of rice and 10 grams of vegetables which the prisoners of war ani civilian internees ordinarily received daily during their internment. While camps in the Philippines were located in places where food was plentiful and \ while their Japanese guards were eating truckloads of rice, carabao meat, cattle, pigs, chickens, fresh and dried fish, soya sauce and caste, and drinking beer and whiskey, the prisoners and internees were suffering from loss of weight and dying from such malnutri- tions! diseases as beri-beri, pellagra, scurvy and elephant it is. Finally, our closing evidence will pierce the sham and hypocrisy of the piou® protestations by the Japanese Government that humanitarian treatment was and would be given to American prisoners of war and civilian internees. Our evidence will cast light on a top secret oolicy directive emanating from Tokyo in July 1942. This directive ordered commanders of prisoner of war camps -29- Doc. i\r0. 6913 to use whit.fi prisoners for labor in a manner to impress the Deople of the localities in which the camps were located with the superiority of the Japanese over the white people. mokyo, December 1946. -30- .jT.f.L" •'"• / / . V ( S E C R E T A t HEADQUARTERS UiflTM) STATES AMY FORCES II THE FAR EAST OFFICE 03' TEO ST AST JUDGE ADVOCATE •'AS CRIMES 3RA-CH APO 501 FEJA 000.5 8 June 1945 SUBJECT: Report of War Crimes Branch on Atrocities. TO: The Judge Advocate General Washington 25, D. C. * *|J( >j<* * * *c * * * II. SIM-luPY OF EVIDENCE: Briefly summarized, the evidence adduced "by the Investi- gator-Examiners is to the effect that: The headquarters of the Philippine Red Cross at the inter- section of Isaac Poral and General Luna streets near Taft Avenue in Manila during the early part of 1945 and many years prior vas located in a building prominent "both as to place and size and on all dates re- ferred to herein, "bore large Red Cross emblems on its walls and roof and in every window of the building (R 3, 44, 45). To its south and west ley the campus and buildings of the University of the Philippines, a police station, and a high school, all of which were occupied during the early part of February 1945 by Japanese Forces, most of whom were marines (Exhibit A; R 1, 5, 6, 15, 21, 27). As a result of the opening of the American bombardment of South Manila, Mr. Modesto FAROLAiJ, former Manila newspaperman who had served as general manager for the newspapers published by General ROMULO, found it necessary on 5 February, °s acting manager of the Philippine Red Cross, to convert the building into an emergency hospi- tal and sanctum for refugees. This was not discussed with any Japanese officials beforehand but they were acquainted with this institution and when, at noon on 10 February, a non-commissioned officer with a. squad of six or eight Japanese came to the headquarters, they refused to per- mit the hanging of an "Emergency Hospital" sign on the front of the building arid a Red Cross flag on the flag pole, and appeared displeased with the arrangement, inquired as to the number and identity of the refugees there and looked about the building while Mr. F A R O L a I I ex- plained through Miss Corazon A B E L L a R A , a Filipino girl who could speak Japanese, the purpose and necessity of caring for the injured and homeless (R 2, 3, 27). Later in the same day, at about 1800, when approximately seventy persons, including seven patients, five members of the staff and the remaining refugees, were in the building, Miss Glicoria AVDAIA, a nurse, and some others, unidentified, were at the rear of the premises preparing to eat their evening meal • hen they heard shots at the back gate and an unknown woman entered screaming that ?. child had been shot and behind her came four marines, one of whom was an officer who began firing his revolver at the children in the building. Miss AiDAxA ordered everyone to lie flat on the floor and almost everyone obeyed excaot one unidentifiable crying child who was silenced when three bullets were fired directly into its mouth (R 47). Through the interpreter, Corazon ABELLARA, the Japanese were advised that Miss a J D A I A was a Red Cross nurse and that they were in a Red Cross building and were asked what they wanted. They answered by pointing a gun at her and she got behind the nurse who wa.o then bayoneted in the chest, causing her to fall on the floor. She did not faint until after she had seen -1- DOCUMENT 2301 S 3 G R S T Page 2 them enter the other room and "bayonet and shoot the patients lying on the cots (Ex. 3; R 45, 46, 47, 59). The commotion and the shrill cry given "by Miss AtDAYA as she was "bayoneted were hoard "by Mr. F.-.10LAH who had "been at his desk on the other side of the partition separating them, talking with Dr. German de V2K3CIA who was preparing for an operation (H 4, 52). Mr. Fr-ROLAY" hid under his desk just "before one of the marines entered the room and killed Dr. VHEECIA with two shots from his rifle. A volunteer attendant known only as Lydia, attempted to protect the doctor "by saying, "He is our Doctor; please save him," and the marine thrust his "bayonet at her, missed, and she feigned depth. The assailant continued, "bayoneting six other patients who were lying on or hiding under cots in that room, among whom were Mrs. Juan P. JUaIT, her daughter Paulina ZABALA, and her ten days old "baby, Rene ZA3ALA (R 4). Following this the lone marine left the room and could "be heard going through at her parts of the hospital killing and bayoneting the victims (R 4). When Mrs. ZABALA1 s husband found the bodies two days later, that of his wife showed that she had been bayoneted in the mouth and abdomen and shot through the chest, while the condition and position of the child's body indicated that he had been bayoneted in the right arm and had bled to death or suffocated under his mother's bod;- (R 39). Patrocinio A3A3), a movie actress, whose screen name was. Corazon 2SF0BLE and who had taken refuge at the headquarters, was in the downstairs corridor along with some twenty-five or thirty others when the Japanese came, and attempted to hide behind a medicine cabinet with her tan months old baby, Maria, Lourdeo 73HA. The cover was in- sufficient nd she was shot in the right elbow, fell and 1-̂ y prone with her baby under her. The marine was not satisfied and stabbed her with his bayonet nine times on her side and back (Sac. B, C, I; R 14, 16). Later she gave the child to her brother to take to a doctor but it died as a result of three bayonet wounds. iTine German Jews, refugees from German;'- and evacuees of devastated Manila areas, took shelter at this time in the Red Gross building at the direction of a Japanese sentry posted nearby (R 65) and oight of them were killed in the general massacre. The women's latrine had been converted into living quarters for this group and one of them, John K. LEVY, had just started on a personal errand when he saw the Japanese enter who began shooting and followed him. Because of past experiences he turned to warn the others, but two of these enlisted men and one officer, despite pleas for mere;; by the Germans, after saying "Escusi" (R 45), began shooting and bayoneting them as they lay prostrate on the floor of the latrine. 1EWY also dropped to the floor and was bayoneted at least twice (3bc. G). Apparently the marines thought him dead but before he fainted he saw his fellow citizens killed (3 63). The GRAETZ' house maid, Isabel TABA'^uE, who was with them on the floor of tne latrine was not harmed. The passports of Mr. and Mrs. GRA^TZ had been examined by the squad which came to the headquarters that morning (R 64), and they appeared to be satisfied (R 79). The documents did not indicate their religious background and when, a.sked by the Japanese which they preferred, Japan or America, the;- answered "Japanese, tomodoti (Japanese friend), Heil Hitler" (R 69). The carnage covered the entire ground floor and continued for twenty or thirf^ minutes, after vhich the Japanese departed (R 42). Cursory examination of the premises that night revealed numerous bodies and after the building was burned 13 February, ashes, bones, and bodies were found piled in corners, along the corridors and in the latrine, identifiable only because some survivors were able to point out the locations where various victims had cowered for protection (2x. R 31, DOCUMENT 2 SOI S E C R E T Pago 3 40); similarly, record files and safea together with their contents were destroyed "by fire "before they could "bo examined (S 7). The estimates as to the number killed vary considerably, two of the nurses placing it at twenty (3 52, 56, 59); another, at approximately thirty (R 3i); the surviving German at eighty (R 64); the manager, fifty (R 6); while another survivor thinks there were thirty or more (R 71); and a witness who entered the "building the night of the massacre said he saw twenty "bodies in the hallway and did not look into the rooms (R 30). Like confusion prevails as to the identity of the perpetrator some witnesses saying they wero soldiers, others that they were sailors, and still others that they were marines, "but the uniform and insignia described in each instance most closely resemble those of the Japenece Imperial Marines (R 6, 15, 52, 75) some of whom were quartered in the buildings of the University of the Philippines, High Vilson Hall, Bordner High School Annex, the YMCA, the Department of Agriculture and Commerce Building, Department of Finance Building, the Legislative Building, the Jai-Alai Building and the Bar Yiew Hotel (R 6, 33, 33, 47). None of the witnesses could identify an;; of the individuals by name and attempted descriptions of personal characteristics are almost hopelessly vague (R 47, 32). One of the Japanese marines who was five feet three inches tall, and thought to be an officer, wore on his left chest "some kind of insignia, silver and red^" carried a aword, a pistol, and had leather boots (R 65, 78) and it is possible that he was the officer who entered the gate at about 1800 hours firing his revolver at the children there (R 46). One of the privates is described merely as to approximate height and weight and none appears to have had any peculiarly distinguishing features (S 5, 78, 79, 82). DOCUMENT 2794 GENERAL HEADQUARTERS UNITED STATES ARMY FORCES, PACIFIC OFFICE OF THE THEATER JUDGE ADVOCATE WAR CRIMES BRANCH APO 500 6 December 1945 MEMORANDUM TO: Prosecution Section (Report No. 117) THRU: Executive Officer, War Crimes Branch SUBJECT: Massacre of more than one thousand civilians at Lipa, Batangas Province, Luzon, P. I. * * * II. SUMMARY OF EVIDENCE: At about 2100 hours on 5 March 1945? about one thousand Filipino men, women, and children were required by the Japanese to assemble in the Barrio of Bulihan, Lipa, Batangas, Luzon, P.I. The men were separated from the women and children and led away in small groups to the edge of a cliff. Here they were blindfolded and tied and then bayonctted to death. Their bodies were pushed over the cliff into a stream which ran at the foot of the embankmcn The Japanese then disposed of the women and children in the same manner (R 1, 4, 7, 10, 26, 27). The slaughter continued for four hours (R 4). Five or six hundred dead bodies were seen later along the edge of the river (R 18, 22). On the same night five or six hundred Filipino men, women, and children were assembled in the barrio of Suloc, Fanto Tomas, Batangas, Luzon, P.I. Suloc is about two kilometers from Bulihan. About two hundred, of them were released but the remaining three hundred were taken In small groups to the edge of a nearby stream and bayonctted to death, after \7hich their bodies were throw) into or along the bank of the stream (R 13, 21, 22, 31). Nineteen other male Filipino civilians were murdered in a similar manner on a mountain side near Suloc (R 17? 18). * * * DOCUMENT 2720 APOLINARIA NAVARRO, after having been duly sworn, testi- fied at Sabang, Lipa, Batangas Province, P. I., on 1 November, 1945 as follows: Q Please state your full name, age, address and nationality. A Apolinaria Navarro, 32 years old, Sabang, Lipa, Batangas Province, P. I., Filipino. 0 What is your occupation? A Housekeeper. Q Do you intend to remain at your present address, and if not, how can your virhereabouts in the future be ascertained? t I intend to stay here for some time. Q .-/here did you reside during the Japanese occupation? A We stayed at the barrio of Sulao, Sto. Tomas, Batangas Province, P. I. Q Did you observe any cases of mistreatment to Filipino civilians by the Japanese? A Yes. Q Will you describe fully what you observed? "A We were living at that time on the outskirts of the barrio of Sulac. About the end of February 1945? we were ordered by the Barrio Lieutenant to concentrate Inside the barrio of Sulac. The reason for this was that all those to be found on the outskirts of the bar- rio will be killed by the Japanese. Around a thousand of us were concentrated in the center of th_e barrio, in shacks we built for our own shelter, f'Ks soon 'asJWtf-~ ; have been concentrated, all men were gathered and. taken on forced labor in the Malarayat Mountains, telling us | that they will be returned in a week. - Afterwards, all the people ¥/ere allowed to go back to their homes, but again on about the end of the first week of March, 1945? we were gathered, for the second time in the barrio. About 500 of us, together with a few men, were taken to a school house. Out of this 500 people, 15 families grouping about 200 people were se- lected and placed in a different place. I was left be- hind with the remaining 300 people. Our group was then taken to the front of the house of Primo Quinto, a Jap collaborator. Arriving there, we were separated into | farilies again. Each family were taken by four Japanese soldiers to the Moro river, a part of the Tehero river. I always tried to be in the farthest end of the group, I so that we could be the last to be executed. Finally our turn came, and we were taken and conducted to the river. It was five o'clock in the afternoon when we were led to the river and on the way there, I saw about one hundred Japanese soldiers scattered near the river and I also saw some men with their hands tied at their backs. As soon as we arrived at the place of execution, I saw a whole family - Maximo Mangubat, age 60; his wife, Maria, age 50; Aquilina Javier, age 30, and her two sons, ages 6 and 4, and two daughters, ages 12 and four months bayoneted to death. I saw It actually with my own eyes and I also saw that the four months baby of Aquilina was thrown up into the air and landed into two bayonets - 21 - I DOCUMENT 2720 plunged savagely by the Japanese. The baby was dead before it reached the ground. I also saw about 500 bodies all scattered around the bank of the river with blood oozing out of them, and they all seemed to be dead. They had not been removed yet but were allowed to stay on the place where they died. At the bank of the river, the Japanese tried to wrench my two children from, me, for I was holding them firmly. I was pregnant six months at that time. Finally, they succeeded in talcing them away from me, Ludigario, age 10, was the first to fall down as soon as hw had been bayoneted on his right side. Maria, age 6, was taken hold of in one arm and was plunged wildely into the air by one Japanese, while two Japanese soldiers thrust her back with their bayonets as soon as she land- ed on the ground. While watching the scene, I called for help from God and my face was looking up into the sky, when five Japanese soldiers came and bayoneted me at the back. I got five bayonet wounds - one on the up- per part of my right arm, another on the upper right of my chest passing through my breast, another on my waist region passing through my right side, and anotner on my left shoulder. Because of the force of the bayonets that passed through my body, I automatically fell on the side of the river, on top of many dead bodies. It was about 6 o'clock in the evening when the Japanese covered us with coconut leaves. After waiting for about an hour, I tried to raise myself when there were no more Japanese around. I could hear many voices of agonies crying for help. I tried to crawl near a man3 Daniel Reyes, who was calling for help. Over him was a dead body and I tried to push it away from him. As soon as I toppled the dead body from his own I fell unconscious because of my weakness from loss of blood. After regain- ing consciousness, Daniel Reyes was still there in the same place, dead. Then I crawled again and went to the river because I was thirst jr. I drank a few draughts of water in the river and then fell unconscious again. Re- gaining my consciousness, I crawled to the same place where the execution had taken place, because that was the easiest, way to go up the river. I went under the bushes an*1' slept for a few moments. It was about 10 o'clock ih the evening when I crawled again along the river bank and upon reaching a distance of about 25 meters I rest again. While I was resting, I looked ar- ound and found a naked dead woman, about 18 years old. I assumed that she had been raped and afterwards ba- yoneted. I crawled back to the barrio of Sulac, and reaching the house of Carlos, a Makapili, I was warned to go away because there were still Japanese soldiers around the place. I was given a bowl of rice but I was still too weak to eat. I crawled to a dugout and rested there. After a short time, I went to the group of fifteen families that were separated from us. I was fed there and again they warned me to go away. From there, I met an acquaintance,, Mar:'a Castillo, who took care of me. Mr. Psmfiic Navsrro came and treated me. I stayed in the house of Maria Castillo till I came to Lipa on the 25th of April, 1945. Even though I was mis- treated so inhumanly while I was pregnant, my baby was born in one piece. - 22 - 3, DOCITMENT 2720 0 Did you recognize any of the dead bodies that you have mentioned? A Besides my two children and the Mangubat family that I have mentioned, the other dead bodies that I can remem- ber are the following? my sister in law, Maria Rucafor, age 30, her daughter, Conchita Hernandez, age 6, and her son, Antonio Hernandez, age 3; my sister in law Juliana Rucafor Magsino, age 50; my nephew and nieces, Proferio Magsino, age 25, Presento Magsino, age 30; Conc'-ita Magsino, age 13, Aurelia Magsino, age 6; my brother Agaton Navarro, age 33? his wife Maria Villa- nueva, age 285 my cousin Bibensio Navarro, age 50; my sister in lav/ Cresenciana Rucafor, age 40; my nephews, Lazaro Navarro, age 12, Mena Navarro, age 10, Alejan- dro Navarro, age 4, Jose Navarro, age 2; my brother in law Eleno Rucafor, age 40; Juana Navarro, age 30; Tamasa de Leon5 age 60; Sixto Kamintano; Eulogia Ruca-for, age 26; Benjamin Rucafor, age 4; Carolito Dimafe- les, age 2; Pastor Rucafor, age 30. Q Do you know of any of the Japanese*7 A I only know of Yamashita. It was common rumor in our town then that the Japanese General, Yamashita has or- dered the killing of all Filipinos in the Philippines. Q l"hat happened to your husband? A My husband, Maximo Rucafor, 50 years old, was one of those men who were taken by the Japanese on forced la- bor in the Malarayat Mountain. He was taken by 2 Jap- anese soldiers and 2 Makapili members - Primo Quintos and Dalmacio Bueno, in the morning and allowed to return at about 6 o'clock in the afternoon of the same day. His job was to carry boxes of ammunition from the church where the Japanese had previously stored them to the foot of the Malarayat Mountain. This went on for almost two weeks. At the end of the second week, the same members of the Makapilis informed my husband to take the following day as a day of rest. But early the next morning the Makapilis returned and took my husband with them. Since then my husband never returned and I never heard news of him. Anxious to learn the whereabouts of my husband, I incuired from Mr. Quintos. He told me that my husband had some work to finish and will return soon. But after 3 days Mr. Quintos told me to pray for him because he will never return. Q Can you tell us the number of Japanese soldiers present at the time of the execution? A There were 20 officers and 100 soldiers. If" Can you describe any of them? A No sir, but I can tell you that the officers wore lea- ther leggings and carried sabers, while the soldiers wore short-sleeved khaki uniforms and carried rifles and bayonets. Q Do you know to what unit the Japanese soldiers belonged? A No sir, I do not know to what unit; the Japanese belong. We never talked with the Japanese soldiers as we were afraid of them. We always tried to stay away from them when we see them. - 23 - > h DOCUMENT 2720 Q I hand you Exhibit G, will you describe it to me? A It is a picture of myself showing the bayonet wounds I received on my back. Q I now hand you Exhibit G-l, will you describe it to me? A It is a picture of myself showing four bayonet wounds I received on the right side of my body. 0 Do you have anything further to add to your statement? A No sir, that is all. /s/ Apolinaria Navarro APOLINARIA. NAVARRO COMMONWEALTH OF THE PHILIPPINES ) ) PROVINCE OF BATANGAS ) SS ) TOWN OF LIPA ) I, APOLINARIA NAVARRO, being duly sworn on oath, state that I have read to me and understood the translation of the foregoing transcription of my interrogation and all ans- wers contained therein, consisting of three pages, are true to the best of my knowledge and belief. /s/ Apolinaria Navarro APOLINARIA NAVARRO COMMONWEALTH OF THE PHILIPPINES ) ) PROVINCE OF BATANGAS ) SS ) TOWN OF LIPA ) I, GUILLERMO P. MARIANO, residing at 96 Loreto, Sam- paloc, Manila, being duly sworn on oath, state that I truly translated the questions and answers given from Eng- lish to Tagalog and from Tagalog to English respectively, and that after being transcribed, I truly translated the foregoing deposition containing three pages, to the witness; that the witness thereupon in my presence affixed her sig- nature thereto. /s/ Guillermo F. Mariano GUILLERMO F. MARIANO Subscribed and sworn to before me this 21st day of Nov- ember, 194 5. /s/ Herbert C. liking HERBERT C. L1KINS, Capt., TC, Investigating Officer, War Crimes Investigating Detachment, - 24 - DOCUMENT 2720 C E R T I F I C A T E We, HERBERT C. LIKINS, Capt., ASK 0297351, TC, Inves- tigating Officer, tfar Crimes Investigating Detachment, and NEIL OLIVER, 2nd Lt., Inf., ASN 0132*735* Investigating Of- ficer, War Crimes Investigating Detachment; certify that on the 1st 4»y of November, 194^, personally appeared before US APOLINAJRIA NAVARRO, and according to GTT1L1EF.M0 F. MARIANO, ?ave the foregoing answers to tht several questions set orth therein? that after her testimony had beoji transcribed, the saId APOLINAR/A NAVARRO had reed to her by the jaid Interpreter the ssme and affixed he" signature thereto in our presence. Sabang, Lipa, Batangi.,? /s/ Province, P. I, 21 Ultcnfctf, 1945 Ha-bert C ̂ Liklns. I HERBERT C. ~LIKJNSy'gap"tt', T'C, Investigating Officer» War Crimes Investigating Detachmcn /s/ Neil Oliver, , NEIL "O.'JVER, 2nd LtlpTnf., Investigating Officer, Way ' Crin.es Investigating Detachment - 25 - j DOCUMENT 2720 C E R T I F I C A T E I, Alva C. Carpenter, Chief, Legal Section, General Headquarters, Supreme Commander for the Allied Powers, do hereby certify that the attached photostatic copy of the affidavit of APOLINARIA NAVARRO is a true and correct reproduction of the original affidavit; and that a signed and sworn copy of said affidavit is presently on file with this Section. /s/ Alva.C. Carpenter Alva C. Carpenter, Chief, Legal Section. Witness: /s/ John R. Pritchard Sworn to before me this 29th day of October 1946, Tokyo, Japan. /s/ John R. Pritchard Captain, Infantry Summary Court / / DOCUMENT 2839 GENERAL HEADQUARTERS UNITED STATES ARMY FORCES, PACIFIC OFFICE OP TEE THEATER JUDGE ADVOCATE WAR CRIMES BRANCH APO 500 19 November 1945 MEMORANDUM TO: Prosecution Section (Report No. 106) THRU Executive Officer, War Crimes Branch SUBJECT: Massacre of One Hundred and Ninety-four Filipino Civilians at Santo Tomas, Batangas, Luzon, P.I., and the Unnecessary Burning of part of the Town of Santo Tomas, Batangas, Luzon, P.I. * * * * II. SUMMARY OF EVIDENCE: 1 v In the early part of February 1945, the inhabitants of Santo Tomas learned that the Mayor and the Provincial Governor were no longer living in town (R 1, 39). Upon learning this the townspeople became alarmed and began to evacuate their homes, some going to the mountains, and others gathered in groups in a few homes (R 1, 39). At about 2000 hours on 9 February 1945, a truckload of Japanese soldiers arrived in town and set fire to the house of the governor's brother in law (R l). The next evening other Japanese soldiers came to the town ostensibly to learn where and why the inhabitants had fled (R 1, 2), On 11 February 1S45, other homes were burned ( R 35). At 0500 hours on 11 February 1945, Japanese came to Santo Tomas and proceeded from place to place where civilians had gathered, taking their jewelry, money, and other valuables (R 7, 13), then killed many of the inhabitants, poured gasoline on the bodies of the wounded and dead and set them afire (H 17, 21). Men, women, children, and babies were murdered (R 8, 18, 22, 26). There is evidence that three of the victims were probably subjected to attempted or actual rape (R 8). Approximately one hundred and ninety-four residents of Santo Tomas were murdered on this date (Exhibit G). Some of the victims were able to escape and tell of the brutal and barbaric treatment received at the hands of the Japanese and the three Filipinos who were accom- panying them. At one home between sixty-five and seventy men, women, and children had congregated. About twenty-five were ordered out of the house and taken to a cemetery. Three men of this group were- taken to a pit that had been used as a latrine by the Japanese soldiers, were bayonetted, and fell into the pit. One man who fell into the pit pretended to be dead and was able to escape (R. 12, 14). He does not know what happened to the others who had been left at the cemetery (R 14). Another group of approximately fifty were taken from their place of hiding; all were bayonetted and stabbed, thrown into a pile, saturated with gasoline, and then set afire (R 17). The only survivor of this group describes how she was bayonetted four times in the back and three times in the front; one of the thrusts killing her five months old son that she was holding (R 17, 18). - 1 - DOCUMENT 2839 Another group of fifty were tied and led to a field where they saw tho hodies of twenty men, women, and children who had been stabbed to death (S 21.) This group was stabbed and other groups were led to the same spot and also stabbed. Afterwards gasoline was poured on the bodies and set afire (R 21). Ons woman- suffered three tayonet wounds on her back, one on the left chest, one on the right chest, two on her thigh, two on her left arm, and one on her breast (R 21, 22, Exhibits J, K and L). The Japanese bayonetted the fifteen year old daughter of one woman, who, while holding her ono year old daughter, received six bayonet wounds herself. The Japanese were chattering and laughing as the pile of bodies on top of her were burning (R 25, 26). From one group two Japanese soldiers with blood on their bayonets took three girls, the oldest of which was seventeen, into the bushes where the girls begged for mercy and pleaded not to be abused (R 8). Another group was stabbed, thrown into a dug-out and covered with dirt. (K 31, Exhibit P). * * * * DOCUMENT 27So I i » GENERAL HEADQUARTERS UNITED STATES ARMY FORCES, PACIFIC OFFICE OF THE THEATER JUDOS ADVOCATE TiTAH CRIMES 3RAi.'CE APO 5C0 2 November 1S45 MEMORAMDUK TO: Prosecution Section (Report #90) THKu : Executive Officer, 'far Crimes Branch SUBJECT : Killing of three hundred twenty Filipino civilians and the wounding of four more "by members of tho Imperial Japanese Army in the vicinity of Taal, Batangas Province, Luzon, P. I. during February 1945. II. 7UMKARY OF EVIDENCE: Between IS and 18 February 1945 members of the Imperial Japanese Army stationed at or near Taal, Batangas Province, P. I., pursued a definite plan of extermination of Filipino civilians in that vicinity. So broad in scope W9re the murderous activities of the Japanese that it was impossible to identify many of the victims. However, the murder of at least three hundred twent" identified Filipino civilians by the Japanese has been established either by the testimony of eye witnesses or by the discover-'- of the mutilated bodies of the victims. About 0920 hours, 16 February 1945 the Japanese murdered the wife and two children of Desiderio BATEAU by bayonetting, at Dalig near the shore of Taal Latce (R-3). At approximately 3830 hours, 16 February 194-5 in the barrio of Cubama, Japanese soldiers murdered more than one hundred Filipino civ ilians by shooting or bayonetting, and burned all their houjflse (3-6, 7). By 1000 hours, 16 February 1945, the Japanese had started to burn all the barrios in the vicinity of Taal. Approximately sixty Filipino civilians inhabitants of Taal hastened to take refuge from the Japanese in a ravine. At about 1400 six or seven Japanese threw hand grenades into the ravine (R-13). Ten or fifteen persons were killed by the hand grenades, and of the survivors, thirty-five to forty persons were machine-gunnod by the Japanese and many others bayonetted. Their bodies wore stackod in piles of ten or more (R-14). Milagros BASRIOi:, a member of this group, received seventeen wounds in her body. Tfomen and children were blown to pieces by grenades (R-X9). At about09Cj hours, 16 February 1945, approximately one hundred fifty Filipino men, women and children sought refuge from the Jap- anese in a ravine between Maabud and Mulawin. At about 1400 that afternoon the Japanese began to fire into the ravine. The-' then proceeded to bayonet all the survivors whom they could find. Of one group of twenty in the ravine, there were two survivors (R-2l). Of another group of sixteen, twelve were killed (R-23). At about 1100 hours, 16 February 1945, six Filipino civilians fled to a bamboo grove near a sugar cane field belonging to Miguel .-.AYUGA at Maabud, Two women in this group were bayonetted to death and two were wound- ed (Fw29, 30). At about 0900 hours, 16 February 1945, sixteen Filipino civ- ilians hid in a ra.vine approximately thirty meters east of Bagong Calle, Cub- amba, Taal. At about 1100 hours five Japanese shot and bayonetted the en- tire group (R-52). -1- DOCUMENT 2796 On 16 February 1945, at approximately 1530 the Japanese kill- ed about forty men and one hundred and t e n women and children who had hidden in a ravine between Luntal and Kunlawin. The Japanese used machine guns, hand grenades and bayonets. The victims were all tied together with a long rope prior to their slaughter (It-35). Approximately one hundred bodies of murdered Filipino civ- ilians were discovered in the barrio of Luntal (H.-44). More than one hundred bodies in a pile about five meters long, W o meters wide and one meter high were discovered in a place between the barrios cf Cultihan, Maabud and Luntal on 1® February 1945. These victims had been killed by machine guns, rifles, bayonets and hand grenades. Their hands were tied behind their backs (R-47). At about C8CC, 18 February 1945 approximately one hundred Fil- ipino civilians took refuge in and around the hut of Severo MSIH30ZA, approx- imately ten paces away from the sugar mill of Mr. BADILLO in the barrio of Luntal. Approximately sixty Japanese opened fire on the hut with machine gunt and rifles and then set it on fire. Only five people survived this massacre (E-57, 58). D0CU1ENT 27r7 GEiSEAL KEADCpAETERS TJNITED STATES ARMY FORCES, PACIFIC OFFICE OF THE THEATER JUDGE ADVOCATE tyAR CRIMES BliASCH APO 50C 2 ITovemb or 1945 I'lMORAIsDUM TO: Prosecution Section (Report #96) THRU : Executive Officer, "rar Crimes Branch SUBJECT : Massacre of Three Hundred. Civilians of Cuenca, Batangas, P. I. 11. SUMMARY OF EVIDENCE; This investigation covers the murder of more than three hund- red civilian Filipino men, women, and children of various "barrios in Cuenca, Batangas, P. I., durir.g February and March 1345. The official list of those massacred was prepared "by the acting mayor of Cuenca at the request of the governor of Batangas Province (R 1; Ex. A). Typical of the me- thods "by which these murders were committed "by the Japanese are the fol- 1owi ng example s: A"bout 1930 hours on 3 February 1945, the Japanese herded twen- ty-one male civilians into a cave near the "barrio of Tanque, ordered them out one at a time, and tied them together, with their hands "behind their "backs. They were then taken to an open field and in Oroups of three were led to the edge of a ravine, where they were shot and bayonetted and then rolled into the ravine. The Japanese then examined the "bodies and any that showed signs of life were again bayonetted. Only two of the twenty- one escaped (R 7, 8, 11). On 6 February 1945, approximately one hundred and seventy-fivr. civilian Filipino men, women and children were assembled in the house of G-raciano CASTILLO in the barrio of Mambug, The Japanese took the men out in groups of five and none cf them were seen again. Later they took three women out but they were returned shortly stating that the grave was not yet finished. One woman and her child escaped from the house during darkness, but the rest of the one hundred and seventy-five wore never seen again (B 14, 15). Screams and groans were heard from the CASTILLO house and the next day the house was silent (it 4). On 13 February 1945, approximately fifty-two civilian Fili- pinos including two women were crowded under a house in the sitio of San Juan by the Japanese. One group of thirty was taken to Mateo PALMA'3 house nearby and forced to admit they were guerrillas. They were then tied to trees and the posts of the house. At about 19C0 hours they were taken in groups of three to the edge of a well, their hands tied behine their backs, and made to step up singly to the well. Each victim was held by one Japanese while three others bayonetted him. The victims were then thrown into the well. Only two escaped out of this group and one of them was wounded (R 18, 19, 21, 22), The remaining twenty civilians were marched to another house near a well and never seen again and it is be- lieved they suffered the same fate (R 18). On 19 February 1945, eleven men, women and children of Elisa MAGPA1ITAT' S family were bayonetted to death, in the back yard of their home in the barrio of San Felipe by Japanese soldiers (R 24). The same night, the mother and nephew of Agustin LUIIAR were bayonetted to death in their home in San Felipe by Japanese soldiers and their house burned (R 27). On 20 February 1945, nine men, women and children of another fa- mil?/ in San Felipe were bayonetted to death by the Japanese (BFO) and on the same evening eight men, women and children of still another family were similarly murdered by the Japanese and the home burned (R 33). -I- DOCUMENT 2797 i' » Early in March 1945, Irenes EOCEHA was wounded with "bayonets on a trail near Pohlacion cy the Japanese for no apparent reason (R 25). On 7 March 1345, eighteen male civilian Filipinos were "brought to the "barrio of Bit a "by the Japanese. Jive young men were taken from the group and the other thirteen were given passes to return to their homes. En route home they were arrested "by Japanese sentries, marched to a ravinn and their hands tied "behind their "backs. They were then "bayonet- ted "by the Japanese and the "bodies thrown into the ravine. Eleven were never seen again and only two escaped (E 4, 39, 40; Ex. E, I). On 11 March 1945, nineteen civilian Filipino men, women and children were taken "by the Japanese from a shelter in the "barrio of Sab- lay and imprisoned in a tunnel for about a week. On 19 March the tunnel was opened and the civilians were ordered out in small groups. As they left the tunnel the Japanese "bayonet ted and shot them. Only ahout six of t^e victims escaped (E 42, 43, 48; Ex. 3, C, B, E). One little girl ahout five years old was hayonetted through the neck as she ran from the tunnel and was lifted from the ground while impaled on the "bayonet (S 45). GENERAL HEADQUARTERS UNITED STATES ARMY FORCES, PACIFIC OFFICE OF THE THEATER JUDGE ADVOCATE WAR CRIMES BRANCH APO 500 14 November 1945 MFNORANDUM TO: Prosecution Section (Report No. 101) THRU: Executive Officer, War Crimes Branch SUBJECT: San Jose, Batangas Massacre * * * II. SUMMARY OF EVIDENCE: On or about 23 January 1945? a warehouse in the vicinity of San Jose, Batangas, used by the Japanese to store their supplies was looted and burned by guerrillas and civilians (R 1). On 27 January 1945 the Japanese rounded up the people of the town for questioning concerning this incident, and arrested a priest, the mavor, and two other town officials. One of these men escaped (R 1), but the remains of the others were later found and identified. From that time on through March 1945? the Japanese carried on a program of burning and killing throughout the barrios of San Jose. At least one hundred and seven Filipinos including women and children were slain by the Japanese (R 1, Exhibit A). Many were tied, led away and bayonetted (R 29? 33? 47). Some of the bodies were mutilatedj the hands and feet of one victim were cut off, and the right hand of another was severed (R 22). The burned and beheaded body of one man was found tied to a post (R 19). Ten members of one family, in whose home the Japanese found a leaflet dropped by an American plane, announcing the landing of United States' troops on Leyte, were arrested and later found bayonetted to death (R 32, 33). Anselmo ALABASTRO, Eutiquio ALABASTRO, and Felipe ALABASTRO were taken by the Japanese to the home of BALIWAG, a short distance from their ov/n home. Here they were tied hand and foot with their backs to the posts of the house, and burned to death when the Japanese set fire to the house (R 19). Others were taken from their homes and bayonetted to death, and their houses burned to the ground (R 16, 44, 47). At least fifty-eight homes and buildings were burned by the Japanese (R 2). DOCUMENT S810 GENERAL HEADQUARTERS UNITED STATES ARMY FORCES, PACIFIC (TFICS CT THE THEATER JUDGE ADVOCATE "TAR CRIMES BRANCH apo 500 17 October 1945 Prosecution Section (Report # 74) Executive Officer, ?,rar Crimes Branch Murder of Thirty-nine Non-combatant Filipino Civilians. 11. STWARY OF EVIDENCES: Between seven and eieht o'clock on the morning of 13 March 1945, approximately 15 Japanese soldiers appeared in the Town of Rosario, Batangas, P.I., and apparently without reason commenced snooting and bayonetting all of the people who could be found (B 1, 35 5, 7). No effort was made to distinguish between men, women5 and children, and due to the fact that many of the men were able to run away, most of the victims were women and children. MEMORANDUM TO: THRU: SUBJECT: DOCUMENT 2793 GENERAL HEAD QUARTERS UNITED STATES ARMY FORCES, PACIFIC 1/7AR CRIMES BRANCH APO 500 14 December 1945 MEMORANDUM TO; Prosecution Section (Report No. 126) THRU: Executive Officer, War Crimes Branch SUBJECT: Massacre of Filipino civilians at Tapel, Gonzaga, Cagayan, Luzon, P. I, on 1 July 1945. * * * II. SUMMARY OF EVIDENCE: About 0100 hours on 1 July 1945 twenty three Japanese soldiers and ere Japanese Officer, a Captain YUSHIDA, entered the home of Zacarias PALATAO in Mission, Buguey, Cagayan, Luzon, P.I., and bayonetted to death two male occupants. The remaining sixteen occupants were then led away and all of them were bayonetted many times. Only one young girl survived but she suffered several bayonet wounds (R 101, 106, Exs K-l, K-2, K-3). About 0600 hours on the same day Japanese soldiers moved into Tapel,, Gonzaga, Cagayan, about nine miles east of Mission. Tapel was the evacuation center at which residents of nearby towns had been concentrated by the Japanese to prevent their escape toward3 the American troops advancing from the west side of the Cagayan river. Approximately thirty thousand Filipinos were in or near Tapel (R 50, 57? 59). Three or four small boats containing Filipinos who were trying to escape by sea were fired upon by the Japanese with rifles and machine guns. Thiee of the occupants were killed and two were wounded (R 31, 32, 35, 36, 39, 40, 43, 44, Exs 1-1, 1-2, J-l, J-2). The Japanese surrounded the nipa huts scattered along the beach, and when the Filipino civilians began to run, they machine gunned and bayonetted them. Two were seen bayonetted to death (R 87). One of another group of three Filipinos was beheaded and his two companions were killed with rifle shots (R 25, 90). Four other Filipinos had their hands tied behind them and were then bayonetted to death and their bodies thrown into an old. well (P 57, 58. 76, 77, 81). Four others were killed in like manner (R 94, 98). Ten Filipinos were captured as they prepared to escape by boat, and'the Japanese killed all of them with bayonets except one who was severely wounded (R 64, 65, 69, 70, 73). The dead bodies of three other Filipinos, one of whom had been beheade were found near a small bridge (R 26, R 59, Fx L-2). Eight others were found beheaded (R 90, Ex L-l). The next day survivors saw more than one hundred dead bodies in Tapel (R 77, 81, 91), and much later many skulls and bones were found tied with ropes (R 85, Exs 11-1, M-2). * * * DOCUMENT 2800 RESTRICTED KEMOGtaxDOM TO THHL* s u b j e c t GSiTJHAL HUoD' tU^lTSSS UNITED STATES A&H* FORCES, PACIFIC CRIKES BHA.-CE 9 February 1946 Prosecution Section (Report do. 197) Executive Officer, '.;ar Crimes Branch. Murders, looting and "burning of the tovm of Calauang, Lasuna Province, Luzon, P. I. in February, 1945. * * II. SUMMARY OF EVIDE.'CE : On 11 February 1945, at tJw town of Alaminos, Japanese under the command of Captain 0330, Hajiae impressed fifty Filipino men into ser- vice. These men and approximately seventy Japanese started on a punitive expedition led by 0-ETO. At Barrio Del Carmen, diamines, some houses wore machine-gunned, screams were heard and the houses wore burned (H 2). They proceeded thrcu :h the mountains to Calauang. Dead and wounded people were seen on the trail. Trench nortars were fired into houses at a sugar plant- ation (3 3). Short1" before the expedition reached Calauang, twenty Fili- pinos, who were evacuating the town were stopped and made to return*with the Japanese (R 2). On 14 February 1945, these twenty people were herded into a theater which was th*n set on fire and the twenty were burned alive (R 3). On 13 February 1945, Japanese looted all the houses in Barrio Lumot, Calauang. For a period of three days the Japanese burned homes and killed many Filipinos in Calauang. On 16 February 1945, the Japanese len Calauang and part of them are believed to have gone to San Pablo, but 032J0 and twelve other Jaoanese returned to Alaminos burning all the houses along the way (R 4). While the Japanese wore in Calauang, the following are examples ox the atrocities committed. People taken from their homes or who were found in the vicinity were bayonetted to death or killed with sabers (R 7, 17, 20, 23, 26). One man was shot and killed as he was running away (R 11). A man, his wife and their one-day old twins took refuge in a shelter they had built. They were discovered and the man was struck with a saber nnd killed and then the baby he had been holding was killed. The woman and the daughter were unharmed (R 14). One family heard of the approaching Japanese and hid. A four-year-old girl innocentl; left the hiding place and was seon by the Japanese. The father nicked up the girl and ran away. He saw the Japanese find the hiding place and kill the" other members of the family. One of the victims was a 70-year-old woman and another a one-yoar-old boy (R 29). At another place nine women and children who were hiding wore found by the Japanese and all but three of them were bayonetted to death (R 32, 33). A 61-year-old man who was convalescing from illness was found in his hone and he and his house were burned (R 35). Another family in hiding was discovered. A 5-year-old boy was sh.t and killed as he ran away and his mother and «randraothor were bayonetted to death (R 38). n o , 2 3 8 4 /I)*' Page 1 JOSE HABANA called as a witness on behalf of the Prosecution, being first duly sworn,' was examined and testified as follows: DIRECT EXAMINATION Q (By Captain Fill) Will you state your nane? A Jose Fabana. Q 'Where do you reside? A Calamba, Laguna. Q What is your nationality? A Filipino. Q Fow old are you? A Thirty-five years. Q Were you residing in Calamba, Laguna Province, during February of this year? A Yes, sir. Q Do you recall going to the Catholic Church in Calamba on 12 February 1945? A Yes, sir, Q Will you tell the Commission the occasion for you going to that place? A Well, it was in the morning of February 12, — Q Speak a little louder. A (Continuing) — 1945, when a Japanese, four of then, went to our plr.ee — our house. I mean. They talked with my father and say that there will be a meeting in the church. And we were around six that were taken — Q Did this Japanese speak Tagalog? A Well, they speak a little.. ^ Enough so that you could understand what he wanted you to do? A Yes. ^ Did he tell you why? A They say there will be a meeting, and the captain -;ants to meet us there* Q Did they take both the men and women of your household? A No. Q To the church? Docr No, 2884 Page 2 A No; it is only the Tien that they have taken. Q Ancl what tine did you arrive at the church? A That is around, I think, eight o'clock in the norning. q And when you arrived there did you find other people gathered at the church? A Yes, sir. q How long did you remain at the church that day? A Until around 5:00 five to six o'clock in the afternoon. Q And during the tine that you were there at the church, con you give the Commission an estimate of how many people were gathered there? A Well, to my estimation, sir, around 2,000. Q Can you give the approximate dimensions of the church, or the space in the church where these people, these 2,000 persons were gathered? A Well, this is only an estimate: Well, the length of the church, I think, is around about 50 to 70 meters in length, and the width is around, I think, around 20. But it is better — I think they have taken the picture, and it is better. Q We don't have the picture here. It is a very large church, in comparison with the churches here in the Philippines? A Yes, it is a. very large church. q Now, did the Japanese hold any kind of a meeting there at the church that day? A No, but we expected that. C- Did they tell the persons gathered there anything more about what they were going to do with you after you arrived? A No. It is only — our presumption was only — Q Well, did they tell you anything? A Nothing. Q Then you say you left there about four or five o'clock in the afternoon? A Well, in our bunch. Q Fad other persons left the church before that during the day? A Yes, sir, q And toll the Commission about the people leaving the church during the afternoon* Doce No, 28^4 3 A Well, it is after lunch tine; there were trucks out- side the church. r. -i Were these Japanese trucks? a . Yes sir4 They take around ahout 30 to 40 persons, and have'then brought in the truck. Q Taking then away fron the church? A Yes, away fron the church, Q Did they all go in the sane direction? L Yes, sir. Q And did this continue during t>o afternoon, that is, the taking of persons away in the truest. A Yes« Q Were all the persons gathered there in the church men? A Yes, nen. C And when they took you away at four or five o'clock In thfafternoon, where did they take you to? A We were taken to the Barrio of Heal. Q How far is that fron the town of Calanbr? It is around one and a half niles. c And Can you tell the Commission about how nany was on the truck that you were on? A I think we were around 30 to 40, r G o a b Cad and tell the Commission just where the Japanese took you and what they did to you after yc*. arrived at your destination. . wvî n wr arrived in Real where the truck stopped, It 4 ? " ™ I house where we were being taken, and 1 3 n° I r.r ̂ T merc reauired to bow when the truck stopped, so' thet each of ̂ w e ^ S d e r e d to go down one by one In ny case, when it was ny turn, when I went down the trucK q You nean when you junped off the truck? A Yes. (Continuing) - a Japanese took ny arns and had ne tied in ny back, r Tied your hands behind your back? A Yes, behind ray back. And tlen blindfolded ne with a cloth, q Had you seen the Japanese do the sane thing with other Persons that had junped off the truck ahead of you? i Docr No, 2884 Page 4 A No. becruse we were taken one by one, end we can't sec what is going on, Q And where did they take you to then? A Then I was take 1 in the house, farther from the plrce we were; we stopped.0 I was brought ouz by a Japanese* to the stairs of the house, and then fron the stairs there are Japrnesc that neet ne there, Q Were you taken upstairs to the house? A Yes, I was taken upstairs of the house* Q What did tvey do to you upstairs? A When I was taken upstairs, then trey let ne seated m a bene>>? and that is what I feel: it is a bench. And there they beg\n to stab no, bayonet ne. Q How nany tines did tuev bayonet you? A Several tines. Q" Hew nany? A Well, after I have been nassacred, about seven wounds, Q And tell tve Commission where those wounds are on yc-ur boc]ya A The principal thing is in the chest, near the heart, Q How nany? A Here is about two (indicating) , anc! one here near to ry sexual (indicating), and one in the shoulder (indicating) two here, Q Well, after you were bayoneted did you retain your c ons c iousnc s s ? A Ye s« Q Did you fall to the floor? A I fell on sone bodies® Q On sore bodies? ' V r c- Q Well, after that were ycu able to get the blindfold off your eyes and renove tre rope fron your arris? A Yes, it was after, Q Hew long afterwards? A It is about a half-hour. Q And when you relieved t^e blindfold, tell the Cormission what you saw there in this roon. D o c , Nor 2 P M Page 5 A When I renoved ny hands and the cloth that had blind- folded ne, I saw five feet, around five feet of bodies. Sor.ie were- still alive. Q You nean bodies stacked five feet high in the room? A. Five feet vigh in the room, c How large a roon was this? A It is around about 15 meters long, shout three to four meters wide. Q A very large room? A It is a house; there is no room, what they call. It is the whole fron the sala up to the kitchen is one roon. Q Can you give the Commission an estimate of about how many bodies you think were in that room? A Well, to ny estimate it is around 500, because of the heaps of the bodies that are tvere, Q What did you do then, after you were able to free your hands and renove your blindfold? A I have to -- when I stood up somebody called me, and it is ny brother, my youngest brother, and he is already loosing his tie, and I told him to keep low, because there is still Japanese around the house, Q, How long did you remain there in that house then? X, Well, we have to remain around about 15 minutes, q What did you do then? A I have to wait for the fire to be big enough so that we will not be detected in jumping fron the house. Q You nean the house was on fire when you left? A Yes, q Do you know how the house caught fire? A Well, what I have heard is only the shot, and then the fire started. Q You didn't see the house set afire? X Yes. Q Well, then, you were able to escape from the house? A Yes, The fire was around about one and a half meters from where I jumped, when ny brother and ne jumped from the house» q Did you jump out of the upstairs window, you nean? A Ne, in the back. We have to turn Sown the walls o: the kitchen so that we could pass there undetected. Doc. No, 2884 p a g e $ q Roy nany of y_.ur relatives were killed "by the Japanese there at Calanbc•that day, if you know? A There were four. Q What are t^eir ncncs» There is ny father, Doctor Habana; ny brother, Mariano Lscueta; Balbino Alegar; ny younger brother, Toracio, q Now, of those 2^000 people, or about 2,000 people that you saw there in the church, were they civilians? A Yes. Q Were they a mod in any wry? A Not even a single bolo. q Were they offering any resistance to the Japanese? A No. ' Q And the Japanese that you saw there in Calanba that day, and those that took you cut to the Barrio Ileal, to which branch of the Japanese arned forces did they belong? Well, that is what I don't know, but they are with the regular stars. Q Stars? A Yes, with stars, CAPTAIN HILL: Take the witness. CROSS EXAMINATION Q (By Captain Reel) These 2,000 civilians — do you know whether any of then were guerrillas? A No. q You don't know? A I don't know. q Do ycu know whether any of then helped the guerrillas? Help? Q You don't know whether any of then helped the guerrillas? A I don't knew. q Sc you don't know that they were noncor.batant civilians? A I don't knew CAPTAIN RLLL: That is all. CAPTAIN FILL: That is all. (Witness excused) Doc c noe 2884 Page 7 c e r t i f i c a t e I, T. R. C. KING, Major, Inf. (I'D) Executive Officer, Legal Section, General Headquarters, Supreme Commander for the Allied Powers, do hereby certify that Document 28p4 is a true and corrcct copy of the transcript of the testimony offered by JOSE PARANA in the trial of the case against Tomoyuki YAM&SHITA, General, Imperial Japanese Amy, before a Military Commission in Manila; and that the whole record of the case, including the transcript of all testimonies taken, as well as the affidavits admitted in evidence, are now on file with this Section. Zs/....T_... R.. C. King T. P.. C. Ling, Major, Inf. (TD) W i t n e s / s / John R-. Pritchard Sworn to before me this 20th day of November, 1946, Tokyo, Japan. John R. Pritchard Cat)t., Infc. Summary Corrt DOCUMENT 2806 GENERAL HEADOFARTERS UNITED Sr' iTES ART7Y FORCES, PACIFIC OFFICE OF THE THEATER JUDGE ADVOCATE 'VAR CRIMES BRANCH / ^ r x ' fVi TJ rPT7P Q APO 500 17 October 194-5 MEMORANDUM TO: Prosecution Section (Report # 73) THRU: Executive Officer, War Crimes Branch SUBJECT: Burning of Barrio of Nanipil, Mountain Province, P.I., and Murder of Civilians on Titig Mountain. II. SUMMARY OF EVIDENCE: Early in the morning of 15 April 1945, six male civilian Filipinos and one woman were captured while enroute from Paceda to Nanipil, Mountain Province, Luzon, P.I., by approx- imately one thousand (1000) J-pnnese soldiers who were rrerrbers of the "Tiger Unit", commanded by a Major SAIm0. After being questioned concerning location of guerrilla forces in the area, the seven civilians were forced to accompany the Japanese_to Cabali Mountain, where thev spent the night (R 1, 2, 3). Early in the morning of 16 April 1945, the Japanese troops entered the barrio of Nanipil and burned the village, destroying about thirty buildings (R 1, 2, 3, 7). Three dead Filipino civilians were discovered in the barrio about a v/eek later. One of those bodies was identified as that of Alico PAPLOFOT. All three had been shot (R 7, 8). After burning Naninil, the -Japanese took the seven civilian pri- soners to Titig Mountain (R 2), forced the men to remove their clothing, and then made all seven kneel at the edge of a precipice with their hands tied behind their backs, while in this helpless position, two Japanese attempted to behead them, one of the soldiers striking the victims across the nock with a saber while the other pushed the decapitated bodies over the cliff (R 3? 4), Apparently all of this group were killed except two. The bodes of four were later iden- tified (R 8). One man survived the attempted beheading (R 2) and one man is believed to have escaped before he wa~ struck (R 4, 10) but has never been found. There is no definite proof that the woman in this group was killed, but the sur- vivor, Juanito ALIMES, heard her scream with pain (R 4). mhough her body was not found with those of the four identi- fied male victims, she has not been heard of since and must be presumed to have been killed (R 4, 8). DOCUMENT 2823 GENERAL HEADQUARTERS UNITED STATES ARMY FORCES, PACIFIC WAR CRIMES BRANCH 4 April 1946 MEMORANDUM TO: Prosecution Section (Report No, 267) THRU: Executive Officer, rfar Crimes Branch. SUBJECTi Execution by machine-gun fire and burning of twenty-one Filipinos at Barrio Angad, Bangued, Abra, P, I,, on 16 November 1944. * * * II. SUMMARY OF EVIDENCE: A number of Filipino paroled prisoners of war were summoned to a meeting at the Municipal building where the names of twenty-seven prisoners of vjar were read from a roster. These men were then grouped and marched to the Japanese garrison where they were ouestioned, after which six of them were released. The remaining twenty-one were tied, placed on a truck, and taken to a nearby barrio. Within a short time, machine-gun fire and screams were heard, and later flames and smoke were seen (R 1, 4, 7> 11? 14 17, 20). Charred bodies were later seen by some civilians inside a burned house at the same barrio (R 7, 11> 14, 17). * * * -£)oc„ No, 2883 Page 1 IIARTANO B^YABAS called PS a witness on. behalf of tre Prosecution, being first duly sworn, v:as examined and testified as follows: DIRLCl EXAIilHATI ON Q (By Captain Webster) What is your nane? A Mariano Bayaras, Q Your ace? A 39. Q Your nationality? Filipino. 0 Arc you fron Bascn, Batancs Island? A Yes, sir. Q Are you the Ifeyor of Bascc, Batan Island? (ft A Yes, sir, Q How long have you been nayor? 1 Since January of 194-1. Q Were you given a list by tre Japanese of persons killed by tKn at Basco'r A Yes, sir* q How nany were on that list? ' ® A Q Were all of those people killed? A No, all of then were not. C How nany were killed? A 74. Q How do you know they were killed? A Because it was pronounced, the proclamation was given to no and the list of those persons were in that proclama- tion . Q Have you seen those persons whon arc listed as killed since that tine? A Pardon ne? CAFTAIN WLBSTLRs Will you read the question, please? (Question read.) TIE WIr_NlSS« Yes, sir. DoCc No. ?M3 ' Prf?e 2 Q, (By Crptrin T/ebster) './here. did you see tben? I sav tvcr. in the v-usc tbey nerc kept prisoners'. c. T V r t is before the preclr.nction ras nrde, is tbrt rigbt A. Yes, sir, Q Lnfi re re tbey bole by the Japanese r.t tbat tine? £ Yes, sir. Q Did ycu see rny of Wen nistrcetcfi? A I did net see rhetor t>ey nere nistreated, but I csc.it tbey t/crc suffering frcn bad. trertnent. Q Vba t nakes y-u think tbrt? Beer use I s m tben ritb tbeir bands tied be bind, eating tvoir food on tbe floor ritbout using tbeir Vands becruse tbey ceuld net use. their bancs* Sc-c of t>*ĉ bad broken bands, nitb bruises cn tbeir faces and scr.e cf tben, one of tvon, bad no nore eye, Q /as bis eye out? A Yes, sir. i Did tbe proclanation state rricb cf th Sc people rere killed? A According to tbe proclanation it stated tbat sere cf tben were killed and. scr.e of tben rer,. i: nurisoncd because cf non-c-"operation nitb tve J"par>ese"ilr̂ »̂ CAPTAIN \7EBSTZE; Y u nay cross cxrnine-o' " " CROSS EXALIINATI ON r (By Captain S^ncbcrg) tics tbat pr-clanation Titter in Lnglisb? A Beg your pardon? Q «"as tbat pr-clara-1ion you refer to rritten in English? A Ye s. Q «<crc tbose tbe exact rords tbat rere used? A No, sir. P Can you give us tbe exact nerds? A I did n't nencrize tve exact nords of tbe proclanation. Q Bid. tbe proclanation refer to guerrillas? A V/bat? Q Did tbe proclanation refer t -• guerrillas? A Ho, sir* Q Do you kn"n a Captain Valor.es? 7Doc» No. 2883 Pd6° 3 A After ~ long after the execution that I beard the nane of Valones, it was long after. Q And is Captain Valones the leader of the guerrillas on Batan Island? A That is what they said, but I don't know in reality. CAPTAIN SANDBERG: That is all. CAPTAIN WEBSTLB: Tvat is all. (Witness excused.) C E R T I F I C A T E I, T. R< C. KING, Major, Inf. (TD) Executive Officer, Legal Section, General Headquarters, Supreme Commander for the Allied Powers, do hereby certify that Document is a true and correct copy of the transcript of the testimony offered by MARIANO BAYARAS in the trial of the case against Tonoyuki YAMASPITA, General, Imperial Japanese Amy, before a Military Commission in Manila; and that the whole record of the case, including the transcript of all testimonies taken, as well as the affidavits admitted in evidence, are now on file with this Section. /s/' T. R±_ C._King T. R. C, King Major, Inf. (TD) t Wit no s s *„.Zl/_-J-ohr> R- ° r i t c h a r d . i Sworn to before ne this 20th day \ of November, 194-6, Tokyo, Japan John Rr Pritchard 1 Captr, Inf* Summary Court LOCuiMx 2827 GENERAL HEADQUARTERS SUPREME COMMANDER FOR THE ALLIED POWERS LEGAL SECTION, MANILA APO 500 21 May 1946 MEMORANDUM TO: Prosecution Section (Report No. 304) THRU: Executive Officer, Legal Section, Manila. SUBJECT: Execution of Charles PUTNAM, Thomas DAGGETT, Captain Vicente PINON and six other unnamed Filipinos on 19 March 1944 at Alaminos, Pangasina: P. I. * * * II. SUMMARY OF EVIDENCE: On 19 March 1944, two Americans and some Filipinos were taken from the Japanese garrison at Dagupan, Pangasinan, to the garrison at Alaminos, Pangasinan. The following morning, the town chief of police saw the bodies of the two Americans and seven Filipinos in a grave within the garrison premises. The Americans had been beheaded and the Filipinos had been bayonetted (R 4, 7 ) . * * * \ DOCUMENT 2807 S 2 C R E I HSiDQ,UiiRTI3B3 IHJITED STATUS AHU? FORCES HI TIE F„«R EAST OFFICE OF THE STAFF JUDGE AD70GAT3 (WAR CRIMES HRtfJCH) A.P.O. 501 9 April I945 SUBJECT: Report of War Criia.es Branch on the Investigation of the alleged «iurder of ̂ Filipino Civilians at Dapdap, Fonson Island,_Camotes, Islands, C e b u Province, Philippine Islands, by the imperial Japanese -rmy on 29 December 1944. TO : The Judge Advocate General, War Crimes Office, Washington 25, D. C. - I F W ^ /1 11. EVTIQICEi • .v7>^r _jlM" Briefly summarized, the evidence adduced by the Investigator- Examiner is to the effect that* At approximately 9»OC o'clock December 29, 19/(4, a patrol of about 50 Japanese soldiers, including two officers, entered the barrio of Dapdap, Ponaon Island, Camotes Islands, Philippine Islands. On arrival, the soldiers, with the aid of two interpreters, liailio i*ngos and Sofio Itaas, who were later killed by the Japanese (R. 4,l6), went throughout the village commanding all families to gather at the town plaza immediately. It was explained that the purpose of the meeting was to issue passes to the inhabitants so they could be identified and would not be molested by other Japanese soldiers passing through. At first the people were reluctant to execute the order; however, after being told thoy would be shot for non-compliaice, they readily obeyed. (R. 1,3,5.13,22,24,28,30,32,35.37,33.40,41,45,47,48,50) Shortly after arriving at the plaza, the people, numbering about four or five hundred, wcr~ ordered to group themselves in families and congregate in the church so they would be unobserved from a plane which was heard in the vicinity. The excuse given was that they night be strafed. The people followed out the instructions without delay. One Japanese officer sat near the altar while the second stationed him- self at the aootr. (R. 26) The former then called them to order, and through the interpreters, asked if anyone had seen or knew the where- abouts of three wuerican soldiers who were supposed to have landed on the island that morning. AL1 replied in the negative, ^e then directed all from Cebu to raise their hands. A few hands, probably not more than five or six, were shown. Likewise, he inquired -«foo was from i-eyte and no hands were raised. Finally, he asked who was from Dapdap and prac- tically all signified they were. (R. 2,3 ,15,23,25,28,32,35 ,38,40,42,5c) By this time it was almost 12*00 o'clock so, at the request of the people, the interpreters asked permission from the officer in charge to return to their homes for food. He consented but directed them to depart one family at a time, accompaaiod by soldier guards who would search their homes. Each family was then told to form in line. (R.2,3,5,6,30,32,38,39,42,45,47) " The Fortunato family (last name unknown) from Gebu, was the first to leave. It was first 011 a registration list of civilian residents previously prepared by the Japanese. «s soon as they passed outside, their hands were tied and they were led away. (R.1,2,6) Only one son, Perfidio, survived. (R. 7) Shortly thereafter, the Japanese soldiers returned and led another family group away. (R. 3) -1- DOCUMENT 2807 Mrs. Fabiana Moralos and her three children followed, and about three hundred yards from the church, their hands were tied behind them, except Mrs. iuorelos' whose hands were tied in front because she was holding her nursing child. Proceeding a little further, two Japanese guards began bayonetting them one after the other, one bayonet thrust passing completely through the baby's body into Mrs. ̂ orelos' side, she being the only member of the family to escape alive. (R. 32) Jive Japanese soldiers then took out the Gandido Hollo family of eight, --bout five hundred yards from the church they were tied and bayonetted, four being killed and the remaining four receiving many serious uultiple wounds. The wife, Dolores, received nine wounds. She was holding in her arms her daughter, i-iaxima, age three years, when one Jap soldier thrust a bayonet through the child into the mother's left breast. (K. 40-43) Basilio Gocela's family of seven was conducted to a place about one half kilcmeter away where they were tied and bayonetted by the Japanese guards. All were killed, except the sixteen year old daughter Perpetua, who was wounded in four different places. (R. 47) Because the church was filled when seven members of the Lucenas family arrived at the plaza they were taken to a nearby house - by six Japanese soldiers, and later to a banana grove, where all were tied and six were killed by bayonet stabs. While theother3 were being bound the daughter, Paulita, broke away and escaped but was shot at several times, (R. 37.33) ^fter several families had been disposed of by individual units, groups of three or more families were ordered from the church collectively. (R. 6,7) iit about one o'clock in the afternoon the Teofila Gocela family of nine members, and three other families, all living in the hills adjacent to the town, were brought down and placed in the church, at which time it was half-filled. They were accorded the same treat- ment as the others they joined. Shortly thereafter the family was taken therefrom, their hands tied behind their backs, and led to a shed in the near vicinity, where all were tied to one post and nine Japanese soldiers began their work of carnage by bayonetting the victims in their backs. The mother saw her eighteen months old daughter killed by a bayonet thrust which disemboweled hor. She saw them kill her son Dominador, aged four. They also bayonetted the remaining seven, after which the ropes tying them to the post were cut and % s . Gocela fell to the ground unconscious. (R. 8,9^ Later, one of the soldiers placed a lighted cigarette on her right temple to determine if she were still alive. She did not move and feigned death. The guards then wiped their bloody bayonets on the victims' clothes, covered the bodies with banana and coconut leaves, and departed. Her son Francisco, seventeen years old, who was wounded in eleven places, roused himself and untied the hands of the six who Were living, hid them in the thick grass, and went in search of a house, but upon returning found that two had died. The remin- ing four went with him to a nipa hut where they subsisted for four days 011 unripe bananas and without water. Francisco died two days later, the others remaining two days longer when the stench of his decomposing body forced them to move. (R. 9) The survivors went toBabay, Leyte, and were hospitalized, ^s. Gocela also saw the bayonetting of her brother's family of seven, named lucenas, all of whom were killed except the seven year old daughter Victoria, (R. 9) The Lacson family of six members and three other families were formed into a group of about twenty, whose hands were tied together, and led to a house in tiie barrio, arriving there the Jap soldiers fixed their bayonets. The victims knelt on the floor DOCUMENT 2807 pleading for mercy, the father even begging to be a servant for the Japanese, but their supplications were ignored and they were set upon ana bayonetted, Of this family only the thirteen year old daughter ̂ orma and her brother Nicolas, age eight, survived. The father was severely -sounded and died eight days later. (R. 6,7,1C-12) The Cornelio Tanza family greup of twenty-five, including several nursing babies, was conducted to a bushy area and bayonetted. Of this entire group only four survived, each of whom suffered numerous wounds. Cornelio crawled into a coconut grove, and because of his weakened condition was forced to stay for four days subsisting on water alone. (R. 30,31; 2, Sac. 6 of i*) The third group of approximately twenty, including the Jorge Mari family of four, was led into the woods about one hundred yards away to a house where the soldiers ordered the men to come forward and be tied. Likewise, women and children wore then brought forward and the entire group was bayonetted. Oniy two escaped alive, Jorge iviari and an old lady by the name of Cornelia, last name not known, and they too had been bayonetted and severely injured, ^r, Wari witnessed the killing of his wife and two children, the latter aged 3 years and 2 months respectively. (R. 23) j^agdaleno Jaballa and four of his children were in a group, all of whcti were tied a short distance from the church and then taken about three hundred yards further where they were halted and bayonetted. Two of these children were killed and another died later of his wounds, while four of his other children, apparently in another group, were killed on the same day. ^gdaleno received eleven wounds. (R. 38»4o) When the church was about half emptied (R. 13»45) the remaining people became apprehensive of their lives. Some saw blood running out of a nearby shack (R.2), a few noticed the soldiers washing their bloody bayonets at the artesian well nearby (R, 25)» and others observed that as soon as the families were taken outside they were shackled with ropes, "utiquio Lucenas then urged those remaining to fight for their lives and attempt an escape whereupon he picked up a rock, hurled it at the doDr guard, hitting him on the head, and knocking him to the ground.. He also rushed another giara but was killed in his bid for freedom. iliany then made a break for the door and were oachine-gunned indiscriminately or stabbed with bay- onets. (R. 25) Several pleaded and begged for mercy, but to no avail. The church resounded with the wails and cries of the wounded and those who feared death was imminent. (R. 45) Some escaped and were killed by rifle and machine gun fire while running toward the beach, n very snail number escaped unscathed and found safety in the sea and swamps. (R. 49) lwost of the victims showed numerous stab wounds, some babies in their mothersr arms were run through and the blades passed into the bodies of the mothers, °ne woman was found who had given premature birth to a baby and its dead body was beside her. (R. 49~5l) "nether victim, while pleading for mercy from the "̂ ap officer at the altar, was struck by a sabre wielded by him, severing his shoulder and resulting in immediate death. (R. 13-16, 27-29, i+6-51) Bach time the soldiers returned from escorting a family to its doom they talked with the officers and all laughed as if it were a gala occasion. The officer at the altar kept smoking while the massacre was going on and gave orders from time to time. One officer participated in the bayonetting. (R. 3 , 6 , 2 3 , 2 ? , 3 1 B x . 13 of Ex. *) î bout three or four o'clock in the afternoon, after covering their victims with banana and coconut leaves, the Japs departed. (R. 2,7-9; 12 of 3x. A) 4 DOCUMENT 2807 The wounded, both from the church and fanily groups, after recovering sane strength, went to the surrounding swamps and jungles. 3 o l i q were so weak they had to crawl. They contacted friends and rel- atives and by various and devious neons crossed the sea individually and in groups to Babay, Leyte, Philippine Islands, -Jhere they were hospitalized. later, scoe of the wounded died. (R. 2,3.5-9.11.13,16, 23,26,28,31,32,36,39,40,42,45.47,49.51) On 30 December 1944 Ciriaco labiste and his brother, Sergio, were at San Juan, Pilar, Panson Island, and hearing of the massacre, proceeded immediately to Dapdap to look for their family. On the wcy they net their father, two sisters, and three brothers. °no sister was in much. pain caused by two bullet wounds in her back. Proceeding alone to the barrio, Ciriaco saw many dead bodies in the church piled on top of each other and the renains of approximately onehundred lving outside, among which were the bodies of his nother and one brother. (R. 43. 44) On 16 January 1945, Captain Gonzalo R. Sievert, Executive Officer of the 94th Reginent, 92nd Division, P.A., acconpanied by Major Pete W. Scott, PCAIJ No* 15 Detachment, Captain Henry L. Guire, 5th Air Force, and a Sergeant Willian Young, photographer of the 7th Infantry Division, were ordered by a task force commander, Colonel Walker, 182nd Infantry, 7th Division, U. S. i.ruy, to proceed to Dapdap, nake an inves- tigation, and dispose of the dead bodies. Before arriving at the town they net three survivors of the debacle, all of whon gave evidence of numerous wounds. Approaching the town the foul odor of dead bodies filled the air. They looked in two huts and saw approximately 30 to 50 and 15 to 20 bodies respectively in a bad state of decomposition. Dogs and other aninals had eaten away large portions of the bodies naking it difficult to ascertain vjhether they were nen, worsen or children; however, the presea ce of long hair and snail skulls indicated that there were s o l e of the latter in the groups. Proceeding further into town they inspected huts en route and ftuni similar conditions existing. Arriving at the church they saw about 100 bodies scattered on the ground in aid around the building, about half of vfaieh were inside, and visible fron the doorwey• Here too. the dogs, hogs and other snimals had devoured parts of the bodies. About 5C0 yards north cf the church they ±> served approxi- mately 50 to 60 dead bodies under an acacia tree, d l in an advanced state of decomposition. Several dogs aid pigs were eating the remains, and chickens picking the bones. They counted 230 dead nd estim ted there were 500 dead bodies in and around the barrio. (R 17-19) T h e photographer took various pictures, one of a shock where dead could be seen in the door- way, others showing the conditions inside andoutside the church, one of numerous dead bodies in a lane a short distance away, and one of a decom- posed body tied to the trunk of a tree aid identified as Wuentin Morelos. (R. 9, 2o", 21; Ex. 2,3,4 of Ex. A) One of the bodies shown in Exhibit 19-I of Exhibit ** was identified as that of a man known as "Masoy"; in Exhibit 19-7 of Exhibit a another body was that of a man named "Pecong". ( R. 4, 6) Exhibit 1 of Exhibit A is a translation of an undated company order captured on Ponson Island on or about 18 January 1945, which directs that the town of Pilar be exterminated at 2400, and sub-paragraph 5, para- graph IV recites the platoon formations. Opposite the 2nd Platoon appears the name "Aurazawa." Thi3 exhibit also contains a translation of a diary, belonging to either an officer or sergeant major, 4th Company, organization not stated, showing the following entry' "29 Dec 44 - Dapdap 900 men. Esperanza 150 nen. Completion of subjugation. Departed San Isidro.n - 4 - \ DOCUMENT 2807 Pago 5 Witnesses testified that there wore two officers with the J-qp sneso soldiers at the church. The one at the altar was tall, large, with a long facc, heavily bearded, clipped hair nnd about 40 years of age. ^e wore spectacles, a long sabre, revolver and a uniform with a patch on each breast with stars set upon a background of red lines. (R. 27, 33) The other, a Captain Cruzawa or lnirazawa, was of regular height, beardless and wore a cap with flapping back, cannon to the Japanese soldiers, a sabre and stars upon his uniform. (R. 26) One officer was killed by a civilian at th- church. (R. 7) -5- DOCUMENT 2835 / "3 ̂ 7 GENERAL HEADQUARTE/S UNITED STATES ARMY FORCES, PACIFIC - WAR CRIMES BRANCH APO 500 24 December 194? MEMORANDA TO: P r e d i o n o™*ion (Report No. 137) T H R U. Executive Officer, War Crimes Branch Cervantes, Ilccos Sur, Luzon, P.Io durl^ 1945* and the killing 01 -enree uvix in Sitio Penidet, P r e s i d e n c y Bakun, Mountain Province, Luzon, P. I., on 6 August 1945. * * * II, STMMARY OF EVIDENCE: In-the early part ofAugustl945(R 1, 8), si* Japanese -Idlers were seen going to the home^f n e a r b in sitio Lilong (R 2, 10). iwo bayonetted to death the Japanese approached but the a t h r ee-year all five occupants of th® a t e the flesh from some old girl (R 1, 5). " J , the two-day period of the bodies of their victims during T h e first even- that they stayed at the house (R 1, s m a l l p i eces, ing, ^ e flesh of the little^gm s ^ ^ ^ f i (R 3 ) . put on the ends of sticxs anu i v i ctim was roasted The next morning, the flesh of anotner vi t h r e e or boiled with native vegetables (R 3 ) ^ i x T h g b Q d y o f the victims ^ s consumed in this manner ^ p l v e p t h a t of one of the victims was later t hrown o f t h e two other ran in front of the house (R 4). The do t h e ^ victims were not touched. After the * V * e Q f h u m a n f l e s h observers went into trie duu o. i n g i d e inside of a bag left by one of theJaganese a n e s e ( R 4, of one of the kettles that had been used oy ^ ^ ^ buried"on^the o r d e r 3 o f t h e b a r r i o 1 ieuteriant (R 8). on 29 July 1945, the organization of ? ^ P a n e s e ^ o l d i e r , A SAD'A, Kameichi, was Poetically ̂ ^ L p a n e s e apparently began forces (R 15). ^S AD A and four o'ther f ^ 1 ^ t h e y came to roam the country side (R )• O ^ 6 1 ^ aJ d Attempted to upon three houses near a sma 11 s t r . « <1 o f t h e J a p anese obtain food at one of these houses, .men s0ldier approached the door, the J^wnese then bayonetted with a knife (R 16, 23). Two o:f the • ± a n 6 took his to death the man who had killed their " ^ e n ^ ± n s ± d e body outside (R 16, 23). There were e i g p r e s h o u t i n g. house and a woman and J 6 ^ h 8 e b ^ ? ? o n SSSldrouse the The Japanese, fearing that the commotion clothes and S g 3 ( R 1 6 ' 1 7 ' 2 3 ) ' _ The Japanese then left (R 16). * * * DOCUMENT 2725 ISIDRO CABUSA.S, after having been duly sworn, testified at the Collaborator Internment Stockade, Subang-daku, Mandaue, Cebu, P. I,, on 12 November 1945, as follows: Q /hat is your full name, age and nationality^ A Isidro CABUSAS, ?4 years old, Filipino. 0 Did you ever work for the Kempei Tai here in Cebu? A Yes, I worked for the Japanese Kempei Tai as an undercover ageAt from about August 1st 1944 until the middle of Feb- ruary 194 5. Q How is it that you were an undercover agent for the Japa- A I^as^captured^y the Japanese Kempei Tai the last week of July 1944 and they made me work for them or else they would kill me. Q Who did you work for? A I was working for Sgt. T. YOSHIDA. 0 Did you ever go to Cordova on Mactan Island about the 19th of August 1944 on patrol? A Yes, I went on patrol to Cordova on Mactan ^ ^ J ^ u s t 19, 1944 with about fifteen (15) members of the Kempei la 1 and some Japanese soldiers from the garrison at Mambaling, Cebu, P. I. and from about twenty (20) to twenty-five (25) Filipino undercovers. Q Who were the members of the Japanese Kempei Tai that went A Set? Ma^. T. YOSHIDA was in charge in our group; Cpl. MURA- KI, was the second in-charge; and also in my group;""Pfc. Suteo KOIDE, I do not know the first name. The other Kem- pei Tai that I remember but they were not in my, group, were Sgt. TANIYAMA and T/Sgt. WATANABE, I do not remember the first names of these two. There was also another corporal named Iwao ISHIZAKA. Those aro all the members of the Kempei Tai that I can remember. Q Do you know any of the troops that you mentioned that came from the Mambaling group? * A I do not know any of them nor can I describe them, but I would remember them if I see them again. 0 Do vou know to what unit they belonged? A They were infantry soldiers and I think they came from the MIZOGOUCHI Buta-i. 0 Were there any officers on this patrol? A No, but Capt. TSURUYAMA came to the dock before we left Cebu and told T. YOSHIDA to arrest all the civilians and kill anyone resisting arrest or anyone suspected of being a guerrilla„ What were the names of the Filipino undercover agents that were along on this patrol" ^ , „ „ ^ Tn,TP Cucufate ADLAWAN who is in the stockade; Genaro C^ULONG, recently released from the stockade; Antonio RACAZA, now in the stockades Francisco DUMAGUT, in the stockade; File- mon DELGADO, in stockade; Robert OCAMPO BAUTISTA, in stockade; and others. Q Will you tell me in your own words what happened on this n DOCUMENT 2725 patrol? A. At about 9 o'clock in the evening of August 19, 1944, we left Cebu for Mactan Island, iVhen we arrived there, we landed at Opon and from there we went by truck to Cordova. As soon as we arrived at Cordova, the Japanese soldiers began to gather all of the civilians and brought them to the central school house. There they took the clothes of all the women naked and made them stand, all night. They severely beat many of the men with clubs, baseball bats and rifle butts. The Japanese took all of the money, jewelry and valuables from the civilians. The next morning, I saw three men tied and beaten and then taken about three kilometers in the southwestern part of Cordova and there beheaded by three Japanese soldiers. Q Do you remember the names of these Japanese soldiers who beheaded these three men? A Cpl. Iwao ISHIZAKA, Cpl. MURAKI and another member of the Kempei Tai, I do not remember the name; each of them bor- rowed a sword and killed one of the men. Q Do you know the names of the three men that were beheaded? A I do not know any of them but the reason that they were killed was they were suspected of being guerrillas. 0 Fere these men given a trial? A No. 0 Did you see any other mistreatment of civilians? A I saw Sgt. TANIYAMA take a lighted match and burn the hair of the womb of a young woman. Q Do you know the name of that young woman? A No, I can't remember her name. Q Did you see any other mistreatment? A I saw many of the men with their hands tied behind their backs hanging from a rafter and severely beaten with clubs as I described before. Q Do vou know the names of any of those that were beaten? A The only one I know is the mayor of Cordova by the name of Martin FRANCISCO. Q. What did they do to Martin FRANCISCO? A T. YOSHIDA personally man-handled and beat the mayor with a baseball bat until his body and face was bleeding and swollen and black and blue. Q Did you see anything other than what you have told me? A That' is all I can remember of the incident. Q How far were you standing from the place where the be- heading took place? A We were all on a truck about two hundred (200) meters away, but we could see what was going on. Q Handing you the photograph marked Fxhibit "B", I ask you if you recognize any of the men on this photograph as the men you have described in the foregoing statement? A Yes." Capt. TSURUYAMA is the man wearing white shirt who is second from the left in the front row. Q Handing you the photograph marked Exhibit "C", I ask - 9 - DOCUMENT 2725 you if you recognize any men in this photograph as the same men you have described in the foregoing statement? A Yes. T. YOSHIDA appears on the extreme right-hand side of the photograph; T/Sgt. WATANABE is the center man on the photograph. Q Handing you the photograph marked Exhibit "D", I ask you if you recognize this man? A Yes. This is a picture of the Corporal Iwao ISHIZAKA whom I have named in this statement. Q Do you have anything else to add to this statement? A That is all I know. /s/ Isidro Cabusas ISIDRO CABUS~AS COMMONWEALTH OF THE PHILIPPINES ) ) PROVINCE OF CEBU ) SS CITY OF CEBU ) I, ISIDRO CABUSAS, being duly sworn on oath, state that I have read and understood the foregoing transcription of my interrogation, and all answers contained therein consisting of three (3) pages, are true to the best of my knowledge and belief, /s/ Isidro Cabusas ISIDRO CABUSAS Subscribed and sworn to before me this 12 day of November 1945. ~~ /s/ Henry F. Marshall, 2nd Lt. Inf. HENRY F. MARSHALL, 2d. Lt., INF Investigating Officer, War Crim Investigating Detachment C E R T I F I C A T E We, CLAYTON L. NELSON, 1st Lt, 02052600, JAGD and HENRY F. MARSHALL, 2d Lt, 01332183, INF, Investigating Officer, War Crimes Investigating Detachment, certify that on 12 November 1945, personally appeared before us ISIDRO CABUSAS and gave the "foregoing answers to the several questions set forth; that after his testimony had been transcribed, the said ISIDRO CABUSAS read the same and affixed his signature thereto in our presence. City of Cebu, Cebu, P. I. /s/ Clayton L. Nelson, 1st Lt. JAGD • CLAYTON L. NELSON, 1st Lt, JAGD 12 November 1945. /s/ Henry F. Marshall, 2nd Lt. Inf. HENRY F. MARSHALL, 2d Lt, INF Investigating Officer, •.•far Crimes Investigating Detachment. - 10 - DOCUMENT 2725 C E R T I F I C A T E I, Alva C. Carpenter, Chief, Legal Section, General Headauarters, Supreme Commander for the Allied Powers, do hereby certify that the attached photostatic copy of the affidavit of ISIDRO CABUSAS is a true and correct reproduction of the original affidavit; and that a signed and sworn copy of said affidavit is presently on file with this Section. /s/ Alva C. Caroenter Alva C. Carpenter. Chief, Legal Section. Witness: /s/ John R. Pritchard Sworn to before me this 2c<th day of October, 1946, Tô .y;- Japan. /s/ John R / Pritchard Captain, Infantry Summary Court DOCUMENT 2833 GENERAL HEADQUARTERS UNITED STATES ARMY FORCES, PACIFIC WAR CRIMES BRANCH 21 March 1946 Prosecution Section (Report No. 253) Executive Officer, War Crimes Branch Atrocities at Bogo, Cebu, P.I., August - November 1944. * * * II. SUMMARY OF EVIDENCE: During August, September, October and November 1944 Japanese military forces maintained the garrison at the Medcllin Sugar Central near Bogo, Cebu, P.I. In these four months civilians in this vicinity were beaten, shot, bayonetted and raped. on 17 August 1944 a Filipino fisherman was shot and killed because he refused to work at the sugar mill (R 23). In September 1944 a suspected guerrilla in custody at the garrison was shot and wounded. As he ran outside the guard- house in an effort to escape, he fell and was bayonetted to death (R 23). Three Filipino girls who had been seized by the Japanese and apparently raped repeatedly v̂ ere led away from the garrison, after which, shots were heard. Six days later their dead bodies were found near the wharf (R 33). On 12 October 1944 two women were bayonetted to death in their home (R 22) and a third was severely beaten (R 52). Two other Filipino girls were raped, one of them by several Japanese soldiers (R 25, 28, 29). One of the victims then was forced to live with a Japanese corporal as his mistress for three weeks (R 29). On 17 October 1944 Japanese soldiers burned houses and a warehouse (R 2). The same day twenty-five persons were bayonetted to death, apparently in revenge for sabotage and guerrilla activities (R 17, 18). During November 1944 two prisoners were bayonetted to death by some twenty Japanese soldiers apparently for having worn khaki clothing (R 10). MEMORANDUM TO; THRU: SUBJECT: Document1 *2618 /3P GENERAL HEAD QUARTERS UNITED STATES ARMY FORCES, PACIFIC WAR CRIMES BRANCH 28 January 1946 MFMORANLUM TO: Prosecution Section (Report No. l80) THRU: Executive Officer, War Crimes Branch SUBJECT: Torture and murder of Dumanjug civilians in August 1944. * * * 11. SUMMARY.. OF _ EV IXE.NOE: at Barili n n d < ? f ! b e Japanese garrison 5J-. . J viMtn.ju.c;, oeDUj P. 1, > jfcised ersroxinrately nine Filipino civilians in Barrio Canoeo, about rive kilometers from Dumanjug wnere they were beaten, slapped, kicked and burned, lhis treatment was apparently designed to force them to confess giving aid to the guerrillas (ft 2., 6, 10, "I4>. One victirs was also slashed across the throat with a bayonet 2L2' • After two days of this sort of treatment, the Jap-nose felirb^oSgltl^iSol^lSi^Rfe^Ffe^ IS? |*SalfH^!> t h e child into the sea. One of the women was killed but the other, & C,?igRieg d e 3 t h t h G J^nese departed, managed to escape lH 3 , 1 me;1 w e r e -ISO reported to have been thrown into th* ocean at the same place (R 3;. * * * DCCn~!T 2791 GENERAL HEADQUARTERS UNITED STATES ARIY" FORCES, PACIFIC WAR CRIMES BRANCH 23 January 1946 MEMORANDUM TO; Prosecution Section (Report No. 174) THRU: Executive Officer, Jar Crimes Branch SUBJECT: Executions at Calbayog, Samar, P.I. in July, 1943. * * * II. SUMMARY OF EVIDENCE: During the summer of 1943} twenty to forty Filipino mer were arrested as suspected spies and investigated by the commanding officer of the garrison at Calbayog, Samar, P.I. Two or three weel later five of the men were singled out for execution by the Command ing Officer, who stated that this action was by order of his Commander stationed at Catbalogan (R 1). The head of the Filipino Constabulary succeeded in obtaining the release of two «f the men, but the other three were marched to a cemetery and lined up before three freshly dug graves. They were then shot by a firing squad, and their bodies tumbled into the graves. The execution occurred in the presence of the Japanese commanding officer (R 2, 4). One of the prisoners was only wounded, but he was killed with a bayonet by a Japanese medical sergeant (R 4). Doc, No*. 2P59 RESTRICTED GENERAL HEADQUARTERS SUPREME COLANDER FOR THE ALLIED POWERS LEGAL SECTION, MANILA APO 500 1 May 1946 MEMORANDUM TO: Prosecution Section (Report No, 298) THRU: Executive Officer, Legal Section, Manila Massacres in Camotes Islands, Cebu, P.I., Decembei 1944. SUBJECT: * * * 1 1 • SUMMARY OF EVIDENCE: On 8 December 1944, Japanese soldiers rounded up about forty- five Filipino men, women and children in Sitio Canugkay, Pilar, Camotes Islands. The prisoners neve tied together by the hands and were led to the seashore in Sitio Toong where they were separated into four groups and then bayonetted. Thirty-seven of the victims were killed while the rest survived despite severe bayonet wounds (R 57, 58, 60, 61, 64, 65, 60). On 27 December 1944, eight Japanese soldiers took eleven men, women and children from a house in Sitio Cabahit, Pilar, tied seven of them to banana trees and bayonetted them to death, A young man who was slow in leaving the house died immediately after being bayonetted in the chest. Two victims were severely beaten until they fell on the ground unconscious and a Japanese soldier jumped on the body and neck of one of them several times. A three-year-old child was hurled by a Japanese soldier at a horse and fell to tne ground unconscious (R 44, 45, 46). On 29 December 1944, the slaughter of men, v/omen and children in Camotes Islands reached its frenzied height. In Barrio Dapdap, Pilar, between eight hundred and one thousand civilians were assembled in the church, numbered and led out to the fields, coconut plantations and other secluded places where they were bayonetted by Japanese soldiers. Others who were left in the church were bayonetted and shot and then covered with cry banana leaves, coconut Heaves and mats. At least seventy-three persons were identified as killed, twenty were wounded, while the rest were also probably killed (R 1, 2, 5) 6, 7, 10, 11, 12, 15, 16, 19, 20", 21;. In Barrio Esperanza, Pilar, more than three hundred people were assembled, in the plaza. They were first soaked with water and tnen Japanese soldiers rushed upon them with fixed, bayonets until all the victims fell to the ground. Thirty-seven uersons were identified as killed and only about five survived'the bayonetting (R 24, 25, 26, 29, 30, 31, 34, 37). And in Sitio Opao, Barrio Lanao, Pilar, about thirty-eight civilians were taken to the mountains and bayonetted. Twenty- eight of these civilians were killed and ten were wounded (R 40, 41, 48, 49). * * * DOCUMENT 2816 GENERAL HEADQUARTERS UNITED STATES ARMY FORCES, PACIFIC WAR CRIMES BRANCH APO 500 2 January 194-6 Prosecution Section (Report No. 142) Executive Officer, 1P'ar Crimes Branch The murder of eleven American Baptist teachers of the faculty of -he Central Philippine Colic-pe and the murder of six other Americans at Camp Hope vale near Tapsz, Capiz Province, ?anays P.I., on 20 December 1>43* 11. SUGARY OF EVIDENCE: Japanese officers and enlisted men under the command of a Captain WATANABE, engaged in one of che several punitive expeditions in Pa nay Island, left the town-hip of Libacao, Capiz Province, on 18 December for Iloiio City (R 1), The next morning, they reached Carp Hopevale near Tapaz, Capiz Province, which was first surrouzdcar and then Captain WATANABE and his soxdi?rs enfc red the Camp proper, Sixteen Americans along with three others who had been cap cured pre- viously, were placed under guard without food or water (R 1). In the afternoon of 20 December 19-!3} one of the American women was reexi kneeling with nor hands tied behind her back and begging Captain '"AliNAEE for mercy. Captain 'VA'i'j-.NA3E ignored her pleas and drew his Samurai sword. An hox.-r later, inside a house that was already in flames,t were discovered tweive bodies and there was a strong odor of burning flesh. Some of the victims had been bayonetted and some had been beheaded (F. 2), Tiiree weeks later, another witness who was fami1 iar with the names of most of the American? -visited the scene and was able to identify the remains of the victims from teech, bi';s of burned clothing, hair, identification tags., and a truss, The remains were taken from two burned dwellings and buried in the cnvrch at Katipunan (R 5-, 9J » On the day cf the execution, one Filipino who was In hiding reported that he had seen blood on the trousers of one of the Japanese guards (R 5/0) and that one of ine Jaoanese told Filipinos that the Americans whom fcb.cy had feared were now gone and that the Filipi os should obey the Japanese (R 6), Another witness verified that she saw smoke coming from the Hope-rale area on the date of the massacre (F.S) and that her brother and a cousin saw the bodies in three burned houses (R 9, II). Some of the remains of the Americans were identified (R II), Two of the bodies were not burned and were fcund outside (K 11). All of the victims except Mrs, Rounds, her son, Douglas, the Clardy family and Albert KING were members of the faculty of the Central Philippine College at Iloiio City, Panay (R 1). MEMORANDUM TO: THRU: SUBJECT: PpCUlENT 2836 / / GENERAL HEADOU&ETERS UNITED STATES ARMY FORGES, PACIFIC WAR CRIMES BRANCH * APO 500 " 30 December 1945 IFlORANTUM TO: Prosecution Section (Report No. 140) THRU: Executive Officer, Jar Crimes'Branch SUBJECT: Punitive expeditions on Panay Island by Japanese forces against civilians in ceptember 1943'and October 1943. * * * II. SUMMARY OF EVIDENCE: Under the command of Colonel WATANABE (R 11) a group of Japanese were stationed at Iloilo City, Panay, and from time to time smaller groups, commanded by himself or other officers, would be formed to go on punitive expeditions throughout the island (Rl). One such group was under a Captain WATANABE, and his principal subordin- ates were Lieutenant OTSUKA, Sergeant FIESTA, ''arrant Officer SHIN, Sergeant MATSUZAKI (F 1). T'̂ is group left Iloilo City on 10 September 1943 and went to Passi by truck (R 1). A patrol brought back two Filipino boys and one girl who were cuestioned all night while tied to a stake. The next morning they were beheaded, after which the Japanese left R̂ 1). Two of the Filipino "cargadors" were beheaded by Sergeant HIRAT.'. because they could no longer carry the baggage of the Japanese officers to whom they were assigned (R 1). In Barrio Lungao, Passi, many Filipino civilian men, women and children were questioned by the Japanese then killed and their bodies thrown into a fire. The whole barrio was burned (R 1). Many other civilians were killed in other barrios. The Japanese known to have participated in the beheadings are Captain WATANABF, ̂ arrant Officer SHIN, and Sergeant HIRATA (R 1) and. Lieutenant OTSUKA (R 2). SHIN and OTSUKA executed the family of Mariano LIM in barrio Jimomonua, Nueva Invencion, consisting of the man, his wife, and three children (R 10), In the same barrio the civilians were questioned and asked if they wore any relation to the BAJ7EZA family. Many of those ouestioned answered that they were because BALXEZA was prominent family in the community. All of this group were shot and their bodies thrown into a fire (R 2). From the remaining civilians a woman and her six children, aged one to twelve, were ouestioned and denied being related to a certain ran who had previously attempted to esc?pe. Her youngest child was torn from her arms by Captain WATANABE and its body smashed against the ro?d, the blood splattering onto the clothes of the witnesses (R 3). Other soldiers seized the other children by the feet and used them as clubs to beat the man and the woman. Then all of them were dragged into a fire, though the mother was still alive at taat time (R 3). At another place two girls, one of whom was pregnant, were caught by the Japanese and made to dance naked until they were exhausted. The next morning Captain W:\TANABE ordered the girls bayonetted to death (R 3). This group of Japanese killed s u hundred and fifty people (R 3). Another group traveled to the towns of Ajuy and Sara killing many civilians on the way (R 5, 6). Atrocities comritted in these two cities by some of the same Japanese mentioned in this report is the subject of report number 131. Lieutenant OTSUKA was seen to have killed one"person in Ajuy (R 11) -nd two others on the way to Sara (R 11). In Sara the Japanese sent a message to guerrillas to surrender with the promise that nothing ^ould be done to them. Two guerrillas did surrender, but after ques- tioning them, Sergeant MATSUZAKI beheaded them (R 6). The group of DOCUMENT 2 8 3 6 Japanese continued their travels and beheaded bodies of many men, women, and children still gushing blood were observed along the way (R 6), In one barrio at least one hundred men, women, and children were beheaded by Captain WATAN&BE, Sergeant MATSUZAKI and others (R 6), Others were beheaded by SHIN (R 6, 7). At one barrio lieu- tenant OTZUKA and two others beheaded thirty people (R 10), and fiftj more were executed at another location (R 11). On 17 October 1943 another punitive expedition of Japan- ese started from Iloilo City by motor launch and arrived at the town of Batan on the north coast of Panay Island on 18 October 1943 (R 14) All the civilians in the town were investigated by the light of a bonfire and during the investigation were beaten with clubs and made to walk through the fire (P 14)„ About three o'clock in the morning the Japanese received orders to proceed and approximately one hundrec and forty civilians including two priests were beheaded by OTSUKA, KUWANO and other Japanese soldiers (R 14, 15, 19). Other officers or the expedition were Lieutenant Colonel TOZUKA, the Island commander, Captain WATANABE, who was second in command of the expedition and twe Japanese named KUMAI and KAI (R 14, 15). The expedition lasted for sixty-four days and went to many towns, among them beiiig New Washing- ton, Balete, Libacac, Banga, and savcral towns on Tablas Island off the northwest coast of Panay Island. Part of the expedition then came back to New Washington, went through several small villages along mountain trails, and arrived in Banga on 1 December 1943, From there they went to Pandan and lpft Pandan on 18 December by motor launch for Iloilo City arriving on 19 December 1943.. While in the town of Altavas, KUWANO and OTSUKA killed between' thiruy and forty old men, women, and children (R 16), and in Balete thirty men were killed by these two men (R 16). Other people were tortured and killed in various places (R 16). Lieutenant Colonel TOZUKA headed one patrol of Japanese (R 16, 20). The Japanese reasoning was that an old man was likely to be the father of a son or have a son-ii law in the Philippine Army, the women either had a husband or brother or son in the army and therefore all were considered guilty of guerrilla activities (R 16) . While on. the Island of Tablas the Japanese came across two people living in small nuts in the mountain. They were investigated but did not give the proper answers, and the man, who was about seventy years old-, was stabbed in the back with a bolo upon Lieutenant KUMAI <"s order (R 17). A blind woman, who had been unable to flee from true Japanese, was discovered the next day, taken from her house, and her*clothes were stripped from her body. Some of the Japanese manhandled her private parts. She screamed and cried, but Lieutenant KUMAI had Japanese soldiers tie her hands behind her back, then tie her legs to ^ r hands and sus- pend. the woman from a tree with hn? head hanging down. The Japanese then roved on leaving her hanging on the tree ;R I/), Another group of Japanese that started vut or., the same expedition executed hundreds of people in Batan., Aliav23s Balete, Libaoao and other laces and returned to Hollo City by boat from New da shins ton R 19? 20). Anotner member of the expedition was Lieutenant FUJII (R 21). DOCUMENT 2829 GENFi.*".L HE*DOUAF.TFRS SUPREME CGMMANJFR FOR ALLIED POWERS LEGAL SECTION, MANILA APO 500 15 May 1946 MEMORANDUM TO: Prosecution Section (Report No. 303) THRU: SUBJECT: Executive Officer, Legal Section, Manila Murder of thirty and attempted murder of six Filipinos at Barrio Calupa-an (Quezon), San Carlos, Negros Occidental, P.I., on 29 August 1943 and 10-12 February 1944. * * * II. SUMMARY OF EVIDENCE: a. On 29 August 1943, a Japanese force of about one hundred men went over the San Carlos mountain to the area abound Barrio Cudcud, Calupa-an and Malaiba, for the purpose of suppressing guerrilla activities. In the ccurse of this expedi- tion, ona civilian was killed with a sword (R 2) and four others were summarily shot on sight (R 4, 7, 10, 12). b. On 10-12 February 1944, another punitive expedi- tion was organized in San Carlos, Negros Occidental, and dis- patched to the area designated by the Japanese Force as "bandit zone". They combed the barrios of Linothangan, Malaiba, Calupa-aii (Quezon), Balabag and then returned to San Carlos. Twenty-six prisoners, some of whom were volunteer guards, were taken at Malaiba, questioned, beaten up, tortured and then brought into the woods where they were bayonetted. Four survived from bayonet wounds inflicted upon them. The next day, twenty-two bodies were identified and buried by the families and friends of the victims (R 109). c. During this same period, another Filipino civilian was captured by some Japanese troops in Sitio Villa Iowa, San Carlos, Negros Occidental and brought to a house which was then burned (R 49). Another victim was captured in Barrio Pula, tortured, beaten up and then bayonetted to death (R 80). In Barrio Tutuboy, a Filipino volunteer guard was shot to death by members of the Japanese raiding narty while fleeing from them (R 152). * * * DOCUMENT 2828 GENERAL HEADQUARTERS SUPREITS COMMANDER FOR THE ALLIED POWERS LEGAL SECTION, MANILA APO 500 3 May 1946 MEMORANDUM TO: Prosecution Section (Report No. 300) THRU: Executive Officer, Legal Section, Manila. SUBJECT: Murder of thirty-five and attempted murder of four Filipinos at Barrio Malaiba, Vallehermoso, Negros Oriental, P. I., 12 February 1944. * * * II. SUMMARY OF EVIDENCE: a. On 12 February 1944, a group of more than one hundrc Japanese soldiers undertook a punitive expedition to suppress guerrilla activities. In ore locality, a number of Filipino men, women and children were rested (R 18). The men were Questioned, beaten up and then taken to a corn field where they were bayoneted. Only four of these men survived (R 19, 20). b. On the afternoon of 11 February 1944, a patrol of about one hundred Japanese soldiers arrived at Sitio Pula, Barrio Malaiba. Civilians were seen running away from the Japanese. Earj the next morning, fourteen identified dead bodies of Filipino civilians were found with bayonet wounds (R 15). * * * DOCUMENT 2821 7 3 - / 7 GENERAL HEADQUARTERS UNITED STATES ARMY FORCES; PACIFIC WAR CRIMES BRANCH 29 March 1946 MEMORANDUM TO; Prosecution Section (Report No. 263) THRU: Executive Officer, War Crimes Branch SUBJECT: Murder of approximately ninety Filipino civilians or the shores of Tagburos River, Palawan Island, P.I., on or about 1 March 1945, and murder of three ' on 4PMa?criQi5anS ^ Il>aUan' P a l a W 9 n I S l a n d' " " * * * II. SUMMARY OF EVIDENCE; a* 2n, ° r ? b o u t 1 M a r c h Luis SABAN and a bank Sf°?hee?ae,^S p 7 3 g r° U p °l S ± X t y soldiers to the fiSp g ^ S R l v e r w a 9 r e t h e y ^ o i n e d approximately thirty-five Filipino prisoners, among whom were women and children ThvL S f ™ y (ReriV1VHeew *nt? SABAN being in a group ox twenty (.k 1;. He was struct wi~ 1 a saber- bavonetted and fpii unconscious for fifteen minutes (R 2). when'he reglinld ooLotHs ness, the Japanese had gone and he saw the dead bodies of the o ^ L S ' b S d i e f (R 3)! g P O U p S C a t t e r e d him. All had wounds Tflnflnceo 0 n o r a b o u t 1 March 1945, about one hundred Japanese soldiers were seen with approximately seventy Filinin® Shi1;}!??' including women and children, near the Tagburos Ri?er The victims were tied, lined up along the river and all were bayonetted to death by the Japanese (R 6, 7). c. On 4 March 1945, Sofronio BOHOL heard screams coming from his wife and two grandchildren in his house Se saw five Japanese soldiers with fixed bayonets going up the'house but t h 5 e W a s n o t h i nS h e could do, BOHOL ran away but came children " J l l T A t ^ ^ * ° d i e s o f ^ a ' n d ^ g r a n d cniiaren. All the bodies bore bayonet wounds (R 12). * * * r,o-„. 2032 GENERAL HEADQUARTERS SUPREME COMMANDER FOR THE ALLIED POWERS LEGAL SECTION, MANILA APO 500 24 April 1946 MEMORANDUM TO; Prosecution Section (Report No. 291) THRU; Executive Officer, Legal Section, Manila SUBJECT; Murder and rape near Jagna, Bohol, P.I., April - October 1945. * * * II. SUMMARY OF EVIDENCE; A group of about thirty-two soldiers separated from the main body of Japanese troops after a battle with the Americans in April 1945 and hid in the forest near Jagna, Bohol, P.I. These Japanese frequently stole food from neighboring settlements. On 21 April 1945, a Japanese shot at two Filipin* men who had tried to flee. One was seriously wounded and the other killed (R 34). On the same day, Japanese retreating from an encounter with guerrillas bayonetted and beat a family whose house they looted. One of the children died of his wounds (R 27). On 17 May 1945, Japanese captured five Filipino civilians, tied them and took them away. About a week later, their mutilated bodies were found in the forest toward which they were taken by the Japanese (R 21, 24). In September 1945, two Japanese looted a home in Jagna and shot an eight-year-old girl (R 31)• In October 1945, Japanese raided a home in Jagna wounded the owner and carried away two Filipino women. The older woman succeeded in escaping from the Japanese camp the same even- ing, but the other was kept there until shortly before their surrender in February 1946 (R 13, 14, 15, 16). She declares that during this period she was raped by nineteen different Japanese all of whom she has identified from among those in custody, accord- ing to the investigator's report. * * * DOCUMENT 2843 - ' RESTRICTED pa?Q 1 GlLnRAi HSAlXjUjiHTSRS SUPREME CQMitySffiDH FOR THE ALLIED ?0 "3HS LEGAL SECTION, MMILA DSG MBMC&&EDDM TO THRU SUBJECT .aPO 500 24 April 1946 Prosecution Section (Report 'So. 290) Executive Officer, Legal Section, Manila Murder4 rape and torture in the vicinity of Tagbilaran, Bohoi, P. I., June - September 1942 and July 1944. II. SuWARY CP EVIDENCE: During June, July and August and September 1942, Japanese forces in the island of Bo hoi carried out several executions .-,nd committed ;ther crimes in the vicinity of Tagbilaran. ./ In late May or June 1942, the townspeople were ordered to assemble at the school to witness a public beheading (R 8, 11). A teacher v/h.. had bean arrested previously was whipped (R-ll). Then a black sash was tied around his eyes and upon the order of Col. HIHI, one of the offi- cers beheaded the teacher with a samurai sword (R 8, 11). Later another Filipino was similarly executed in the presence of the Colonel (R 12). About the middle of June 1942, a young woman of Baclayon, / R-,hol w a a ordered by tha rmrmpt governor t,-, .-n tr> hn^ of- fv>i. MTMT in Tagbilaran. When she refused, the governor and a Japanese captain who had accompanied him, threatened to kill her family and burn her home. Then they forced her into a car and drove her to Col. MIHI's headquarters. The colonel told her to sit beside him and when she refused he beat her end slapped her and then he tore off her clothes and threatened her with his samurai sword, '/hen she refused to submit to him, he tied her hands, fastened the rope to the head of the bed and then raped her (R 7, 8). The fallowing night she jumped out of the window and succeeded in escaping to a nearby island (R 8). One day in august, another Filipino was tied and taken to the cemetery where several Filipino officers held as prisoners by the Japanese were lined up to witness his execution. The victim was forced to kneel beside a pit while Colonel MIUI demonstrated to a Japanese lieutenant how he wished the victim to be executed. Then the lieutenant beheaded the victim andhis body fell into the pit (3 1, 15). About 20 September 1942, three truckloads of Japanese soldiers stopped at a home near Loon, Bohol where they accused a woman of aiding USAFFE soldiers to escape. Her husband, hiding in the attic of the h:>uee, refused Vo come down and the Japanese set fire to the building. When he attempted to escape, he was bayoneted and shot to death by the Japanese (R 38). On 11 July 1944, <-ver a hundred Filipinos were locked up in the Municipal Building and separatedly interrogated. One of them was tied and suspended above the floor, beaten repeatedly with a baseball bat as a result uf which he died two days later (R 35, 36). About 26 June 1944, a Filipino civilian was arrested by the Japanese who accused him cf being a guerrilla. He was questioned, beaten, tied and suspended from a beam under the house while the Japanese continued questioning and beating him. They left him hanging while they ate dinner. Then one of the Japanese cut the rope, dragged him outside and shot him to death (R 23, 27). * * * *
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Ex.1351-1399. Japanese actions in the Dutch East Indies. War atrocities in the Philippines
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