AtoM
David Conde fonds
International Military Tribunal for the Far East
Printed materials
Conde, David W.
Spotlight Magazine - June 1946 (English), Envelope no. 1 Democracy Magazine - March 1946 (English a Japanese)
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餐 , ： 翔 U S T E T E L L S For All Occasions SPARKLING (Mineral) WATER, • ‘ l E D A I NIPPON M INERAL W A T E R A CO. Comet's Special Service Tel^-M*runoud>i (23) 2883, 3078 “ , 1 1 •YOUR— HEADACHE IS C O M E T S k BUSINESS rNO JOBS > 丁00 SMALL C o m e t s THAT'S US” Call on COMET'S for Liaison Butinest Planning Employir Consultation Sports & Recreation Services Enterpri•“ Complete and Efficient Staff to Servje You Comet's Special Service Tel.: Marunouchi (23) 2883 and 3078 Head Office: Rm. 665 Marunouchi Bldg. Branch Office: No. 5, 7-chome, Nithi Ginza, Tokyo. Ginza (57) 0803 J O T T I N G S The SPOTLIGHT magazine is a = new monthly impartial publication J aimed to present the views of lead-1 Ing writers in Japan. Being im- 3 partial, statements made by the 5 writers do not necessarily reflect the i policy of the magazine. Our inten- tion is to issue a well-rounded maga- zine treating' various subjects of timely interest and entertainment. Needless to say (but we say it any- how), the success of this first truly all-English magazine in Japan will depend on the response of the public. (For a further statement on our i S P O T L I G H T Kenji Suzuki, President Executive E<iitor Eimei Kato, . Editor C O N T E N I S VOL . I N O . 1 J U N E 1 S 4 S policy, please turn to the Editorial i £ I t was a job to turn out this first issue. The editing was hard enough, but the printing and paper problems wonld have made any editor cry with frustration. But here it is at last, and we hope you agree with us that it isn't bad at all! * I (THE GOV- i SUCCEED) , J Dr. Kazuo IC狐 ERNMENT CAN'T born in Tokyo 42 years ago, is Ph.D. from Stanford University, California, who also did graduate work at Harvard. He is now k n o w widely for his ra«or-sharp editorials in the Nippon Times of Tokyo. Be- fore joining the Times, he served a term as English editor of the Japa- nese-American News \>f San Fran- cisco and later became assistant pro- fessor of history at the Unive^i tv of California at Los Angeles. His article in this issue on the tasks of the new government should create wide comment. Tsugri Shiraishi (THE JAPA- NESE W O M A N ROLLS UP H E R i SLEEVES ) is gaining a name as a § writer on the problems of the Japa- j nc«c women. Graduate of the ' Tokyo Women's Christian College, i she also studied at the University of Toronto, Canada, and Columbia University, New York. She taught at Mrs. Hani's Girls' High School in Tokyo before joining the staff of the Nippon Timc«. 蚕 暑 * IckiUro Takata (DEMOCRACY I N A M E R I C A ) is well-known both here and* abroad as a first-class for- eign correspondent. A graduate of the University of Washingtoc, hft served the Mainichi Shimbun paper of Tokyo as foreign tpondent in London, New York and Washington. He covered the fate- ful Nomura-Kurusu-Hull talks just before the outbreak of “ i® now chief of the general department of the Mainichi. His article in this issue \b part of a SKizue Yama^achi一N«wly Elected M.P. Cover Jottinfirs (Editor's Notes) 1 The Spotlight of the Month (Photograph)- The Emperor and Empress at Hayama Villa 2 The Government Can't Succeed一By Kazuo Kawai 3 Gunbatsu: Rise of Militarism 5 The War Crimes Trials Begin (Photographs) 7 The General E l e c t i o n s A Revi«w • • • • • • • • • • • 9 Spotlight Picture Parade (Photographs) 10 Editorial Page 12 International Roundup 13 The Twain Does Meet, But 15 The Japanese Woman Rolls Up Her Sle«ye»—By Tsugi Shiraishi • 1 7 Th« New Yen—By Eisaburo Kusano 19 Democracy in America—By Ichitaro Takata 21 The Spotlight Album of Beau t ySe t s uko Hara 23 The Frank Sinatra of Japan一By Eimei Kato 24 Sta^e and Screen: Post-W«r Review—By Ryozo Kutumi • • • 26 Death ComM to Nizaemon 28 Sports Review * ^ Documentary: Final Draft of New Japanese Constitutioii • • • 31 Also Selected SborU and Photographs - — ^ - • = = = 1 '‘ • - . 1..:. い . . • - 1 • • The SPOTLIGHT Masrasine is jrablifthed monthly by the Spotlight PubU&hinf Compapy, Roomit 135 and 271 Tataku Build in霣，No. 2,1-Chome, Uchis«iwal-cho, Kojl- machi-icu, Tokyo. Phones: Gin»a (67) 24S8 ； 6475 ： 7018. Prioe: Six Yen per copy. Half year subscription: Thirty-«ix Yen. One year: Seventyイwo Yen (all inclndiiDB： postage). Advertisinff offices ： Com«t'a Special Service Room 830, Haruncmchi Build- ing Mamnonchi, Tokyo. All changes of addjess in subscriptions must reach this office at least one month in advance of the issue date. Both old and new addreeset rhould be given. series of ccntly lectures he broadcast Tokyo. Among the other top-notch writ- ers we have in this issue arc Eisaburo Kuftano (THE N E W Y E N ) , a veteran member of the of the English Mainichi having served as financial editor and fea- ture editor, and Ryoxo Kusumi (STAGE A N D SCREEN) , for man years dramatic critic for nichi Shimbun and now on Tokyo staff of the Sbin- paper. y Mai- We had difficulty in making space for the "Documentary" material in this issue but we believe having these important items in handy rcf- cpcncc form will be appreciated by our readers. * 暑 * W c hope the articles in this issue will provoke comment from the readers and please remember that we arc always glad to hear from you. Wc Intend in future issues to ran a readers' 6olumn and invite your letters. T H E S P O T L I G H T OF T H E M O N T H •m / S f •“• I . . 1 i: 、 ’ • — U M l 一 I - 1 I " - HIS MAJESTY THE EMPEROR, resting at the Hayama Im^r la l Villa after weeks of jaunting around the countryside to take a personal look at his people, something he never did in the past» listened to the results of the general electioM on April 10 with Her Majesty the Empress. (Sun Photo) JUNTR THE GOVERNMENT G A N T S U C C E E D B y K a z u o K a w a i HERE IS A CHALLENGE TO THE NEW GOVERNMENT! CAN A SUDDENLY DEMOCRATIC REGIME CARRY OUT THE TREMENDOUS TASKS FACING IT? Some tasks of the new Govern- ment is the subject of this article. I t may appear to be a complex sub- ject, but there is really one insistent thought which blots out all other ideas to give this subject a simple unity. And that thought is that the Government will not be able to suc- ceed in carrying out its tasks. The momentous general election of A p r i l 1 0 means the establishment of a new kind of government for Japan. For the first time in his- tory Japan will have a government based on the freely expressed will of the people, expressed through an election participated in by women as well as by men, by youngsters in their early twenties' who had never been allowed to vote before, by a people free far the first time from the coercion of powerful interests which they formerly dared not not defy. Certainly a government erected upon such a broad basis, it would seem, should be most capable of performing its tasks ！ But never- theless it will fail. I t will fail because the tasks which confront any government of Japan during these first months and pos- sibly years of the postwar period in- volve problems which no government under the sun can be expected to solve satisfactorily. To expect the new Government to succeed in its task is to expect the impossible. The nation lies prostrate after a sweeping devastation which has laid waste the overwhelming proportion of its towns and cities. The flower of its young manhood, to say noth- ing of hundreds of thousands of others of all ages, lie in untimely graves. Those who remain alive are tired, undernourished, ill-clothed,, inadequately housed, and completely bewildered. The nation's resources are gone, its wealth has been dis- sipated, its productive facilities have been wrecked. Its experienced leaders have been discredited and JUNE repudiated, its traditional standards and guides have been discarded, it is spiritually lost and wandering in the wilderness. I t is a pariah among nations, foreign armies oc- cupy its soil and a long, hard period of penance stretches ahead before there can be any hope for redemp- tion and restoration to grace： Simply to list what the new Government must do to lift the country out of this predicamenf is to demonstrate how. insuperable .are the tasks confronting this Govern- ment. What these tremendous tasks are is well known, but merely to set a few of them down in some semb- lance of systematic order will help to make clear how unreasonable it is to expect that any government will be able to perform them ail successfully. In the first place, there is the task of providing for the people the basic necessities of food, clothing, and shelter. So far has the nation fallen that even these elemental re- quisities of life have become rare treasures to be clawed over to pro- vide a precarious hold on life. I t is not only a matter of an indigent class who constitute a burden on the government of any country, but in Japan today there is hardly a soul for whom the mere procurement of food, clothing, and shelter is not almost a stark matter of life or death. Obviously the first task of the Government is to provide at least a minimum standard of liveli- hood for every inhabitant. But unfavorable weather, man- power shortage, fertilizer shortage, farming tool shortage, and other factors have cut the domestic pro- duction of food far below normal. Although the wartime handicaps are gradually being removed, it is a question as to whether the recovery can be made to proceed fast enough to avert starvation. Imports of food from former overseas suppliers have been rendered impossible as the consequence of the war. The world- wide shortage of food and shipping facilities precludes the import of substantial amounts from distant countries, and moreover Japan is hard-pressed for goods to offer in compensation. There is not only the matter of the amount of food, but there is the even more com- plicated problem of assuring the equitable distribution of what little is available. Naturally under con- ditions of short supply, producers will attempt to withhold as much as possible for their own private use and for illicit sale through channels that bring in the greatest profits, while those who can afford it will attempt to corner more than their fair share. To solve this food prob lem is the most urgently essential and at the same time one of the most di伍cult tasks of the Gov- ernment. The situation is similar with res- pect to clothing. The domestic stocks are almost gone. Through the courtesy of the Allies a limited import of raw cotton is assured, but with the factories destroyed, the labor supply dispersed, and the managerial；organization shattered, there is a question as to how ade- quately Japan can make use of the raw cotton imports. And, as in the case of food, there is the serious matter of the export goods to be offered in payment for the imports. The housing situation is even more discouraging. Sufficient build- ing materials are not available domestically, and imports of such bulky and expensive materials will not be possible for a long time yet. In addition to the factor of mate- rials, the labor supply has dispersed from cities where they are needed to the country where food is more plentiful. The solution of the hous- ing problem is thus contingent to a great extent upon the solution of 3 ONE OF THE BIG PROBLEMS facing the Japan«s« Govern- ment is what to do about the millions of repatriated nationals and demobilized soldiers coming back to Japan from all over the world. Their readjustment and retettlement will be no easy task. These are demobilized Japanese soldiers at Takao in Formosa, taking ex- •rciae while wailing for a boat to take them back to Japan. (Sun- Acme Photo) the food problem. In addition, the task of reconstruction involves com- plicated problems of financing dur- ing a period of inflationary instabi- lity, of city planning and land re- adjustments, of transportation, of sanitation, and a countless other things. Underlying the whole task of ma- terial rehabilitation is the problem of inflation. Naturally when there is a greater demand for goods and services than the available supply, prices zoom upward. Purely fiscal measures to control the inflation by restricting the amount of currency in circulation are only palliativesv there can be no fundamental curc other than by increasing the pro- ductio^of goods so that the supply will match the demand. But in this period of terrific shortages of raw materials and tremendously dis- rupted productire capacity,*how can production be quickly increased ？ It will.be An unusual government which can perform this miracle. Meanwhile, until all these econo- •mic disequilibriums are properly adjusted,, there will be human casu- alties who will have to be cared for. The millions of unemployed who will have no work until pro- duction can be vastly increased, the destitute who will have been drain- ed penniless by the inflation, and finally the maladjusted and anab* sorb«d veterans repatriated from overseas will all add to the GOT- eroment*0 burden. In additiop to meeting these urgent emergency needs of the people, the Government must work out a permanent economic order which will ensure a fair chancc to all classes of society. In other words, there must be a democratiza- tion' of Japanese economic institu- tions to the end that no one will be exploited by a privileged class. Al- ready the great financial monopolies are in the process of being liquidat- ed, the farmers are being granted safeguards to their holdings, and the laborers have been given legal guar- antees of their rights of organiza- tion and collective bargaining. But these are the mere beginnings of processes which must be long con- tinued if the social gains are to be permanently consplidated. How thoroughly will the Government be able to carry out this task against the covert opposition of the pri- vileged classes while seeing to it at the same time that the legitimate rights of the privileged individuals who are to be dispossessed are jpot outraged? This is still another test v?hich the new Government must pass. Fully as difficult as these economic tasks are the political tasks which confront the new uovernment. There is the task of constitutional reform. The political structure of Japan in the past must have been grievously faulty sincc * militaristic and other subversive dements were able to gain control and wield dic- tatorial power-despite the contrary inclinations of the people. A new draft constitution has been pre- sented which is designed to safe- guard the nation for all time against such usurpations of political power and to provide for a government which will truly be of the people, by Ahe people, and for thej)eople. But the draft constitution in it» present form is still far from per- fect. It is not fully understood nor appreciated by the people. The Government must perform the task of putting this constitution in a f»rm which will not only be more comprehensible to the people but which will cause the people to hold to it forever as their very own. It will involve much more than mere- ly getting the new constitution en- acted by the Diet. It will involve the long and difficult process of educating the people in political responsibility. While the fundamental structure of the state is being revised through the formulation of a new constitu- tion, the Government must also carry out the task of administrative reform. The purge of the really objectionable' characters is being speedily accomplished, but that is a relatively simple negative task. The much more difficult positive task still remains of discovering ana de- veloping new administrators to take the place of those who are being removed. At the same time, in ad- dition to carrying out a wholesale change of personnel, it is necessary to reform the cumbersome and in- efficient bureaucratic system which has so long been the curse of this country. Even more important than re- forming the structure and the ad- ministrative organization of the Government is the task of seeing to It that tms governmental machinery functions in a truly democratic maD- ner. This means that adequate safe- guards must be erected to make impossible any violation of the fundamental rights of the citizens, to ensure respect for the civil liberties of the individual. The new draft constitution does contain guar- antees of the inalienable rights of m a n t h e rights of free speech, of free assembly and organization, freedom of the press, freedom of religion and conscience, freedom from any violation of person or of property, and freedom from any discrimination based on birth, creed* sex or political affiliation. But the great task will be to see to it that these guarantees are kept in spirit as well as in letter. Most important is the task of training the people to shoulder com- petently the responsibility of main- taining a democratic government. The structural forms and the con- (Continued on page 86) A NEWSPAPERMAN WHO WISHES TO KEMAIN ANONYMOUS TELLS IN A NUTSHELL THE TRUE STORY BEHIND MILITARISMS CONSPIRACY FOR POWER IN JAPAN. —AND WHY IT COULDNTT SUCCEED. In the course of the past 15 years, from the time the Japanese Army opened its Manchurian campaign in 1931, to Japan's acceptance of the Potsdam declaration in 1945, there have been about a dozen different cabinets. During this period, none of Japan's political leaders made any attempts to curb the increase ing power of the miHtarists. On the contrary, each time a cabinet failed, and that was frequently as the result invariably of pressure from the Army, its successors were selected from among persons sub- missive to the militarists. O f all these political changes, the resig- nfttion of the Konoe cabinet in 1941 and its succession by the To j o cabinet was fatal to Japan. How fatal i t was has been brought to light with the death of Prince Fu- mlmaro Konoe. Prince Konoe, dean of the peers and three times premier, it may be recalled, committed suicide at dawn on December 16 ,1946 . On that day, he was expected to present himself at the Sugamo prison, "Tokyo, to be interned as a war criminal suspect. Following Prince Konoe's death, • number of documents o f historic interest, written by him at different times, were made public. They revealed for the first time the inner circumstances that led to the Japa- nese attack on Pearl Harbor in DccemKer 1941. A remarkable fact brought to light by these writings was that the Navy was opposed to the war against the United States. The late Fleet Admiral Isorol&u Yamamoto, then the commander of the Combined Ja- panese Fleet, it was alleged, was decidedly against the war. Prince Konoe and his supporters, too, it was claimed, were eager to have Japanese-American relations read- justed so as to avoid war. The Army alone was、adamant in its insistence on a war against the Unit浐ぐ States. In the face of this opposition, it is almost incredible how the Army single-handed was able to bring the nation into war. Nevertheless, such was the case and not without reason. The Army had already held sway over J apan's political domain through 10 years of previ- ous systematic preparations. The Army set out to attain the political hegemony of Japan in 1931. In March and October of that year, attempts were made to engineer a coup d'etat to revolu- tionize the nation unaer Army leadership. These projects were nipped in the bud. Later political developments proved that these two incidents accounted for the wane of party politics in Japan and J>aved the way for .open domination by the Army uf the nation's affairs. The full details of these two incidents are still unknown to the public, for like so many other inci- dents, the government in those days chose to keep these affairs in the dark. An outline of these inci- dents and the effccts upon Japan's political circles, however, have been made public by various writers since Japan has regained freedom of speech following the advent of the Allied forces here. In March 1931, Gen Sugiyama, vice-minister of war in the Hama- gucm cabinet (Yuko Hamaguchi, Ju ly 1929—April 1931), with the aid of such civilian reactionary lead- ers as Ikki Kita and Shumei Okawa, planned to mobilize troops to sur- round the Diet which was then in session, and to effect a coup d'etat. The object was to establish a mili- tary government. It was to be head- ed by Kazunari Ugaki, war minister in the Hamagucm cabinet. The pro- ject was supported by such influen- tial army officers as Kuniaki Koiso, then the head of the military affairs division of the War Office; Tetsu»an Nagata, head of the military affairs section of the War Office； and Shige- haru Ninomiya, secona in command of the General Staff. Jinsaburo Masaki, commander of the 1st Division, learned of the scheme and was surprised and an- gry. He lost no time in taking adequate steps to quash the plan. He warned his subordinate com- manding officers of different unijts to watch their steps, and he pro- ceeded to the War Office to repri- mand the leaders of the scheme, including Koiso and Nagata. So the plot did not materialize. How- ever it produced a far-reaching influence upon Japan's political circles at the time. The tragic outcome of the abortive coup d'etat was the death of Premier Hamaguchi, who suc- cumbed to an attack made on him at Tokyo station. He died in a hos- pital some weeks later. General Masaki who was stated for promo- tion to the post of commander of the Kwantung Army, was politely shoved aside and exiled to the post of commander of the Formosa garrison. And now the October plot: The failure of the March plot gave rise to a split within the Army, especial- ly ambng the revolutionary ele- ments. A group of them, led by the- impatient, radical Kingoro Hashimoto, insisted on bringing about a military revolution imme- diately regardless of the method employed. Other revolutionists, led by Nagata, then known as the brains of the Army, however, main- tained that the scheme should be pushed through legitimate channels, instead of resorting to force. Be that as it may, following the outbreak of the Manchurian cam- JUNE 5 paign in September 1931, Hashi- moto's group was ready to make another attempt at a coup d*etat. Yoshitsugu Tatekawa, then a section chief of the General Staff, not only approved the project but also promised that he would support it. Kuniaki Koiso, chief of the military affairs department of the War Office at the time, was also an enthusiastic advocate of the plot. Sadao Araki, who was depart- mental chief of the Army Education Office, advised the schemers td drop the plan. The result was only to provoke the resentment of the sroung officers. Meanwhile, as the iccret could not be kept, rumors spread. In the face of the threatening sit- uation, the highest War O伍ce au- thorities could no longer remain Inactive. They ordered the military police - to intervene. Hashimoto and his leading supporters were quickly apprehended. And the plan, again, was nipped in the bud. What makes these two unsuccess- ful incidents so important is that they marked the beginning o f the Army's offensive into-domestic poli- tics. Their outcome was that the Ultra-nationalistic group in the Army, after disposing of thdr rivals, came to control leading politicians and veteran court officials. In this way they came to steer national Affairs into troubled waters and eventually to bring the nation to the catastrophic atomic bomb destruction of 1945. I t was during the relatively short period of five or six y e a r s f r o m the outbreak of the Manchurian Inci- dent to the early stage of the sub- sequent China War~tha t militarisir in Japan was fully built up. Dur- ing this period, the Army fought out among themselves a severe factional rivalry; it came to direct diplomacy politicians were brought under thei control; and veteran court official found it safe and easy not to say anything against the Army. As regards the factional strife within the Army, two factors are held responsible for it. One was that there rose a difference of opi- nion as to the policy of conducting a continental campaign in China as well as that of guiding the domestic political situation. The other was that there was a clash of views re- garding the punishment of young officers involved in the March and October plots. Tetsuzan Nagata, who was the chief of the military affairs section of the War O伍ce, under War Min- ister Sadao Araki in the Inukai and Saito cabinets, and who was one of the leading figures in the March plot, was of the opinion that modem wars were apt to develop into a prolong- ed totalitarian struggle, and there- fore, it was imperative to work out a national mobilization plan, aod to bring about a fundamental reform of the domestic situation in Japan, in order to gear everything to a successful conduct of the war. Following the failure of the March plot, Nagata gave up the idea of realizing a national reform through illegal methods by force; instead, he advocated the stirring up of some disturbance abroad to drive home to the minds of the people a feel- ing of uneasiness, and on the strength of such international trouble, to carry out the desired re- form in the domestic situation. On the other hand, Binshiro O- bata, who was chief of the opera- tions section of the War Office also under ueneral Araki, believeもin the principle of an intensive combat to settle the war quickly, and there- fore, he was opposed to Nagata's idea of prolonged warfare and its subsequent proposal of a reform which amounted to a revolution. Viewed in the light of war and politics, Obata was of the opinion that the war was but an extension of politics, whereas Nagata assumed the stand that politics should be relegated to the war. In support of Nagata's national mobilization plan, such officers as Hideki Tojo and Teiichi Susuki (Continued on page 37) へ IICIED 國圓•！ Tkie International War unmet *k rials for the r a r East Officially .opened on May 3 with the indictment and arraignment of 28 major Japanese war criminal suspects. The photographs show (upper) a panorama o£ the courtroom in the War Ministry Building at Ichigaya, Tokyo, and (lower) the defendants' dock. (Sun Photos) THE STRIINKECIISEOr SHUMEI8011111 The the Shumei Okawa, who threw court into an uproar witla his antics wmch included two hearty slaps on the bald head of Hideki To jo. The upper two photos show (left) Okawa being held in re- M.P. L^ieut.-Coioncl while Tojo in the cen- ter wonders what Okawa will do next, and (.right) Okawa in a itato of collapse after being led out of the courlrpom during the arraign* if Pro«ecut ddresMt the In tar- national Military Tribunal. Ichiro KjyoM, the chief defenM counsel, is at the right. Bottom; Former Generals Hei- taro lumura (left) and Seishiro Itagaki were rushed by plane pkolc, Siam, for the They arrived at the shortly after the began. i^ieut.-Co!on«l Ken- is the onlooker. (Sua Photo*) 取 I j: . t : 、 な • V JUNE 10 T H E mm E L E C T 圆 S - - H R E V I E W By The Spotlight Political Commentator Japan's first po^t-war election after a lapse of 14- years, with the exception of a few surprises, gen- erally turned out as political dope- sters believed it would. To be frank, much was not exacted from it, so if the result was indecisive and it occasioned complicated negotiations and irritating delays in forming a new government, that was not any- thing unusual. At least it was not to those who were conversant with, the political mentality of the Japa- nese people and with the stupendous problems with which Japan was faced. At this stage of national change to peace from the catastroQhic de- feat of a disastrous war, it ^ould • have been superhuman, ind«ea, to expect that a nation so jpng nur- tured to look forward to guidance from abov^ should suddenly become flclf-awcrtive, and this intelligently, as to whaぞ it want<^. To do so it would have had to find its mind' first, but under ihへ present condi- tions, still bordering o>'n • the point of chaotic, it was in no position to do so. The candidates who stood for election gave vivid proof of the na- tional confusion,. Collectively speak-* ing they were lacking in clear cut policies as to whaf "snould be done to save the country from its grave dilemma. Perhaps this was due to the fact that most of the candidates were new and inexperienced figures on the political horizon, and to the absence of the old line politicians who had been purged for their cri- minal leadership that brought Japan to its present tragedy. -J3ut, if the candidates, the men who had come forward to ask the mandate of the people to entrust them with the gov- ernment of the country, were not sure themselves and not convincing as to 'how they propose to Droceed to resurrect the nation frohi the depth of despondency, it was obvi- ous that the people did not have much of a choice. The result was as it was expected. The nation at the タpolls reflected a lack of poli- tical clarity.' This was evident from the fact that the voters^did not re- turn a majority party. Rite of Independents Moreover, as the nation was faced with so many problems andnhe ap- proach to their solution was so staggering, no Mie party was able to offer an inclusive platform. This led to the inevitable rise of many parties, and more disconcerting to the entry of too many 4ndependent candidates. Perhaps, on the theory of one head one view, many heads many views, that^was the democrat- ic way of approach to the solution 01 the national problems. Put in practice the existence of many par- ties and many independent candi- dates. only led to hopeless confusion. Hence, the verdict of the people did not bring anything that would as- sure the establishment of a. vigor- ous and efficient government. The best that it offered was a coalition government with its implication of compromise of policies that were not tpo clear or strong or encouraft- ing to begin with. T!«at the election would probably turn out ih this way was foreseen 炒 the meuibers of the Shidehava (Continued on page 39) ALL SORTS OF CANDIDATES threw their liaU into the ring in the recent general elections—from ex- coaTicts to millionaires. H«r« is Kenshin Izumi, a Buddhist priest who ran for a teat in the House of Re- presentatives in the 2nd Electoral District of Tokyo. (Sun Photo) 9 , へ ダ . ' 一 ： " 爹 . . . . も ヴ ベ 、 、 Upper Right; fhe Imperial Family family album, photograph , • for 觀 regular Hayama Villa in April. (Sec Spotlight of the Month). Upper left; G«nera! Douglas MacArthur, Supreme Commander for the Allied Power尊,ad- dressed the Allied Council for Japan on April 5 in Tokyo. Below； U.S. Secretary of State James' Byrnes (center) ad- dressed the first tession of the Far Eastern Commission at the former Japanese Embassy in Washington on March 11. ,ぶ T H E S P O T L I G H T P I C T U R E P A B U D E 考 ” 奢 多 10 JUNE E D I T O R I A L P A G E Journalism is decidedly a foreign field for me and under normal conditions I would nei- ther have the courage nor the inclination to venture into it. But the conditions in the world today are not normal, most certainly not in Japan. The tremendous strains from the war and the cata- strophic defeat which Japan suffered have not only brought the nation ̂ to the verge of econo- mfc and finjancial bankruptcy, but have result- ed in the collapse of national morale. The shock of these factors, coupled with hunger and the innumerable wants of bare subsistence, have brought on the people an appalling and tragic enertia. Truly, this situation is exasperating when we consider the many imperative things that must be done, and done urgently. There is obviously a need to fire the people into in- telligent action. • But to fire the people into intelligent action a tangible thread must be picked out from the tangled web of confusion ； a way must be opened. Everybody knows what the prob- lems are. They concern, to name the major ones, Mortage of food, transportation, coal, materials, all dependent on the other for solution. They all revolve around a vicious circla Everybody also knows that something must be done. The cities in ashes, in debris, studded with gaunt, ugly bombed-out build- ings ；the nation in dire poverty with its teem- ing： millions living in shabbiness and in dwell- reminiscent of the pristine age; with nation's vital issues handled in a topsy- turvy way and frustrated with sicKening delays are constant reminders of that. But the sad truth is the people do not know what to do. In this sad picture, our government, while it has no doubt tried its best, has been too woefully weak and incompetent to accomplish anything commendable. Perhaps the new legislature that has been returned as the result of the general election will fill in the blank, but as yet that seems doubtful. At any rate, the only stimulating actions worthy of noぢce so far have been the results of SCAP direc- tives. Because of these it has now become a habit of the nation to rely on SCAP for action. Both the government's and the people's initia- tives as yet are dead. Leaving alone the shock of the disastrous war, perhaps it is only natural that a nation so long nurtured to look forward to the groverii- ment for leadership should lack intiative and be at loss wh^n that leadership is missing. But this shows that the people unfortunately are yet in th^ir old rut and it has not yet clear- ly dawned on them that we have entered a new age in which the people may be heard, and the power and the direction of the nation rest with the individual, the people. And unlike the past the people are yet to know that they must now do their own thinking, and must have their own will. Also that it is their responsibility to break the inertia that has gripped them. Toward awakening the nation to this fact the government's efforts, as I have already said, have been practically negligible. Only GHQ and SCAP have been active. Normally the press should lead the way, but it too has been dismally passive and wanting. I am not forgetting the difficulties with which it is faced, such as shortage of newsprint, but a virulent press should not be thwarted by ob- Btacles. I f there is a will there is a way, says a proverb,,and it is.high time that the lesson of that proverb should be carried out. It is for this reason that I have decided to enter the realm of journalism. For all my ignorance of the fine arts of journalism I have boldly decided to go into it, to go into it with a chip on my shoulder. That is why I am pub- lishing this magazine with the help of a picked editorial staff. We shall be vociferous in it. We shall use it as a medium of public expres- sion to explore the way to rebuild Japan to a glory of peace and well being such as the na- tion has never yet experienced. And in this aspiration we want you to feel that it is your magazine, the people's magazine, in which they may voice their will frankly and fearlessly. By sacrilegious regimentation to a mistaken ideology we have lost the war, but by the will of the people dedicated to justice and goodwill we shall win the peace. We are publishing this magazine in English to fill the demand for the dissemination of the English language, which we have noted is wide- spread. We are publishing the magazine in English because in bringing- to our readers the concepts of democracy, with its tenets of free- dom, equality, justice, and the sacredness of human rights, we want to present tKese con- cepts in their original language, that is in English, so that its essence will not be lost in translation. # KENJI SUZUKI President SPOTLIGHT PUBLISi ING CO, JUNE 14 R O U N D U P 、 COMPILED BY STAFF WRITER V-J Day was nearly eight months ago. The world looked forward to a new era of peace and reconstruc- tion. But the peace did not come—now a war is being waged against poli- tical strife and starvation, and prob- lems of rehabilitation and recon- version. President Trumati, broad- casting to the world after the signing of the historic documents that brought six years of global conflict to a close, warned that it was ‘‘not yet the day for the for- mal pronouncement of the end of the war or of the cessation of hostilities Except for isolated resistance in dismembered tentacles of the Japa- nese octopus that is no more, gun- fire re-echoed in the Far -East scarccly had a month elapsed. Disunity In China Internal disunity continues to be China's big sore spot，The Japa- nese surrender in China touched off the spark for a bloody scramble be- tween Government and Communist troops for territories and spoils dropped from Japanese hold. This race sjrread from North China to Manchuria on the heels of the gra- dual withdrawal of Russian troops from the northeastern territory where Communist forces wpn the upper hand. The undeclared civil war disproves the optimistic hopes for unity placed in the Kuomin- tang-Yenan parleys. Hopes for a settlement depend much on the conciliatory efforts of U.S. Special Envoy General George C. Marshall. Elsewhere in the Far East, free- dom-mad Annamese and Indone- sians took up arrAs against Allied "mopping-up" forces. Qjiiet came to Indo-China through cooperation of French, Chinese and native lead- ers. After seven months of spora- dic clashes betweeh Indonesian ex- tremists And British-Indian troops一 principally in Java and Sumatra—— the Dutch-Indonesian independence negotiations, aided by Britain's Lord Inverchapel (sir Archibald Clark Kerr), are nearing a climac- tic stage with the scene moving to Europe. The long-standing Indiah indepen- dence movement again welled forth with the close of the war. In Feb- ruary, a "quit-India" revolt——the most violent since the Sepoy Re- bellion of 1857~exploded in protest against the continued stay of Brit- ish troops in India, the appalling food shortage and the unfavorable treatment of Indian servicemen. O N E OF THE HOPES of the world is the United Nations organ!- tion. It it meeting its first big lest in the UNO security council ses- Practical solution of current acute problems will justify the that the UNO is not just another League of Nations. (Sun- Photo) Negotiatitms are resumed with a British cabinet mission in India. Indian Congress Party and Moslem League leaders are to discuss with the group a plan for a free Indian government devised by the mission that provides for Moslem and non- Moslem zones ift India, and Indian union control of domestic, foreign, customs and communications affairs. A new revolt against the presence of British troops in Egypt, also in February, is necessitating the call- ing of an Anglo-Egyptian conference shortly to revise the 1936 treaty. And in Palestine, the chronic Arab-Jewish rift associated with the Jewish immigration question is fomenting intermittent disturbances much to the annoyance of Britain: The war's end in Europe initiated a diplomatic clash among the Allied powers which won the peace through their cooperative efforts. I t is U.S. and Britain versus Soviet Russia. The high hopes for Big Three cooperation shown at the Potsdam conference in July 1945 during which they agreed on principles of coordinated policy towards Ger- many, faded in the failure of the foreign ministers conference in Lon- don in September. A t the Big Three foreign ministers conference in Moscow in December the western Allies were conciliatory towards Russian demands in th« Balkans. The change to firmness in policy of U.S. and Britain exploded at the United Nations Security Council sessions in London held in conjunc- tion with"1 the first United Nationき General Assembly sittings. Rip- snorting, burly British Foreign Secretary Bevin cut loose at Soviet Vice Foreign Minister Vishinsky in support of Iran's appeal against the prying paws of the big Red Bear into Iran's Azerbaijan province. Then Vishinsky retaliated on the tarrying of British troops in Indo- nesia and Greece. The UNO passed the test thanks to the mediation of U.S.'s Stettinius. Russia came to the aid of little Syria and Lebanon to use the veto power oi the UNO for the first time to dam up the U.S. proposal for withdrawal of Anglo-French troops from the Levant. Following the London conference, Russia was dealt a punch not by Britain or America, but by Can ad.- Canada，s Prime Minister Mackenzie King came out with the disclosure of a Russian spy ring, involving Embassy personnel, stealing atomic energy and other guarded secrets hela by Li.a., Britain and Canada. To 'this, Moscow accused Canada of sponsoring an anti-Soviet campaign. The lid of exchanges of tirades was thrown wide' open at Fulton, SPOTLIGHT JUNE 名1 来 Missouri. Britain、wartime Prime Minister Winston .Churchill called for a U.S.-British "fraternal as- s次iation”, atmed at Russia, and charged that what Russia ‘‘desires is the fruits of war and the definite expansion of their powers and doc- trines". Stalin recoiled, branding Churchill as a ‘‘warmonger” and brought home to the Russian peo- ple the apprehension that they are menaced with capitalistic encir- clement. The Iranian issue moved back into the limelight before the United Nations Security Council convening in New York since March 25, The Council is at odds over the ques- tion of disposal of the case from the agenda now that Iran——which appealed to the Council for aid—— wants the case dropped. Opposed to any hearing^ on Iran from the start, adamant Soviet Delegate Gromyko dramatically walked out of two sessions, the second when the Council voted 8 to 3 to retain the case on the docket at least until the Soviet-Iran-agreed May 6 dead- line for evacuation of Red Army troops from Iran. Uromyko intends to be absent from any further dis- cussions on the issue. In return for the Russian withdrawal, the Soviet- Iranian agreement provides for the creation of a 51-49 per cent-share Soviet-Iranian joint oil company and for an Iranian free hana in her affairs with the so-called autonomous government of Azerbaijan. Poland supported by Russia and France demanded the United Na- tions break off with the Axis-tinged Franco regime of Spain charging the regime of being a threat to world peace and security. But the United Nations Security Council voted unanimously一Russia abstain- ed from v o t i n g o n a twice-revised Australian resolution calling for a five-man sub-committee investigation of the Polish chargc. Generalissimo Franco, assuming a conciliatory at- titude, invited U.S. and Britain for an investigation inside Spain. Franco is unofficially reported to be considering a referendum to deter- mine the popular attitude toward his regime. Both France and Spain are accusing each other of massing troops along their common border. The UNO so far weathered many severe tests. Can it take more——to safeguard world peace——and suc- ceed where its now deceased parent —the Leagrue of Na t i ons fa i l ed? The Big Three prime ministers ex- pressed their confidence in it. But former U.S. Supreme Co^rt Justice Owen Roberts doubts it, saying that the nations of the world sbll depend on power politics. This question remains to be answered in deeds of the organization members. More UNO Tnalt UNO cooperation is having an- other stiff trial at the current Paris foreign ministers confercncc at which draft peace treaties for Italy, Finland, Hungary, Rumania and Bulgaria will be placed before the Big Four delegates. The Austrian situation, the administration of Germany, the status of the Rhine- land and the Ruhr, the disposition of Trieste and the Silesian Galats question are likely to be discussed. To date the conference is progress- ing smoothly, Russia having given in to French and U.S. participation in all treaty discussions一although U.S. was not at war with Finljind. Soviet Foreign Minister Molotov also conccded to an investigation on the controversial Italian reparations issue. Russia also accepted to take ane-fourth rather than the demand- ed one-third of the remnants of the Italian fleet. The date of the grand European peace conferencc at Paris is contingent on the outcome of the present parley. The most dangerous tension spot in Europe is Trieste and Venezia Giulia, a former Italian province adjacent to Yugoslavia. Allied Mediterranean C-in-C Lt. Gen. Morgan warned the Moscow-sup- ported Tito government that entry into the area would constitute a warlike act. And Britain and France are countering the designed extension of Russia's arm into the central Mediterranean for trustee- ship of Tripolitania with UNO trusteeship. And Russia has an eye on the Dodecanese Islands in the Aeorean for bases. These problems will be considered at the Paris Dig Four parley. In the Far East, U.S.-Soviet dif- ferences popped up over the Rus- sian removal of Japanese industrial equipment from Manchuria——on which there was no agreement. The U.S. is sending Reparations Investi- gator Edwin Pauley to that area in hopes of clarifying the matter. But in Korea, the two countries through the joint U.S.-Soviet Com- mission for Korea are cooperating to help the Koreans form a free, democratic provisional governnient. In the Western Hemisphere, Ar- gentina, the "black 5heepM of Lfltin- Amcrica (the U.S. State Department in its Blue Book charged President- elect Col. Juan Peron of having "played ball” with the Nazis during the war) is dealing the Colossus of the North a series of scthark^. Other American repunlics do not support the Blue Book and are willing to sign a military treaty with Argentina. Russia is tovinpr with Argentina for opening of trade relations. And other nations of the world want Argentina's ace- In-the-holc—food. Hopeful indications of Big Three efforts to preserve the peace are shown in recent developments. ( J ) The Big Three is backing the UNO ; (2) the Big Four withdrew or are preparing to withdraw their troops from disputed areas~the U.S. from Cuba, China, Iran and the Gala- pagos； Britain from Iran, the Levant and Indonesia; Russia from Born- holm, Austria, Iran and Manchuria; and France from the Levant; and (3) the Big Three recently made important diplomatic reshuffles to place high-caliber men in vital posts. The U.S. sent Army Man Lt.-Gcn. Bedell Smith to Moscow and former Ambassador to Russia Harriman to London; Britain has former Ambas- sador to Turkey Peterson in Russia and is sending former Am- bassador to Russia Lord Inverchapel (Clark Kerr) to the U.S.; and Soviet Russia placed former Ambassador Gromyko to the U.S. in the vital job of pornianent member of the UNO Security Council and capable Novikov as ambassador to the U.S. But what may prove to be the significant factor in forestalling an- other major world catastrophe is a new scientific development—atomic energy. The atomic bomb explosions over Hiroshima and Nagasaki heralded a new age. yet known, the U.S., Britain and Canada have the secret to themselves. Much debating on the question of sharing it with other countries is going on. Russian hopes of getting in on the secret fell through at the Moscow conference last December一ana then came the Russian spy ring disclosure in Canada. Rather than the Johnson- May bill proposing military control of atomic energy, the McMahon bill providing for civilian control is gaining favor in Congressional and administrative circles. Secretary of State Byrnes' special committee has proposed a UNO sponsored Atomic Development Authority to control the world's uranium and thorium supplies~the only natural substan- ces that can- create chain reaction. Meanwhile, the three countries arc holding the atom bomb over the heads of any nation that dares dis- turb the hard-won peace. While the GI Joes, Tommies and Ivans arc getting back into their civvies, the world's legal, economic and social experts are wrestling with colossal problems. In Europe, Asia and the South- west Pacific, war crimes courts arc trying and sentencing convicted Axis war criminals to imprisonment or death. A few of them already ex- ecuted include Laval of France, Quisling of Norway, Lord Haw Haw, traitorous Englishman, and Generals • Yamashita and Homma of Japan. And there is the problem of re- parations. That for the former Axis satellite countries in Europe, which (Continued on page 47) JUNE 16 THE TWAIN DOES MEET, BUT- BY STAFF WRITER WHEN EAST MEETS WEST, IT，S LAUGfH-TIME! A GI in Tokyo has just received a letter from a fellow GI, who was recently discharged and is now back in the States. Said part of his letter: “The other night on returning from a show I took off my shoes at the entrance to the house and began walk- ing upstairs. The hour wasn't late, thank G«i, but friend wife was at the head of the stairs and was quizzically watching me. When I got near her she cynically pounced the ques- tion ‘What are you trying to hide from me, dear?' In other words, what was the big： idea of walking around the house in my stocking feet? I had to do some explaining, of course, but the fact was that I had gotten so damned used to talcing off shoes in entering a house that I plumb forgot that I was no longer in Japan/' "And similarly," he continued, “when I'm around with my pals I unconsciously break out with an ‘Ah, so desuka,, or ‘Mary, let's go to a show, ne?' to the utter bewilderment of my friends. Really, its surprising how much I had become Japanized during my short stay in Japan." “I might add I get a longing for 'sukiyaki,' despite the fact I,m getting all the nice things that I like in gtx>d old home cooking- now." This GI,s letter brings to my mind the many odd things Japanese who had been living in the United Stated did upon returning to Japan. For instance, there's a story about the man who met his wife on landing. He ran up to her, put his arms around her and kissed her. Obviously the wife was stunned. She thought her husband had gone crazy for, whHe she had seen such scenes in the movies, she never dreamed that such a thing would ever happen to her. Or again, while a friend was about to make a deep bow in greeting, the man who had just landed on returning from the States stuck out hds hand for a husky shake. And the conver- sation, moreover, was sprinkled with American words which, unless the person being address- ed happened to be a city dweller would not be able to follow. But these are only minor bits of humor, as SPOTLIGHT JUNE 名1 compared to some of the embarrassing mo- ments experienced by Japanese travelers to America. The classic case is the one about the Japanese who took an American bath for the first time. A Japanese taking a bath has to act and feel like a duck and splash water all over the bathroom. He has to wash outside of the bathtub. He will do this whether the tub happens to be a Japanese or an American one. So when this Japanese took his first bath in America he all but flooded the bath- room, not to mention the adjoining room and the rooms below. Imagine his embarrassment when he heard of the damage he had wrought by following the good old Japanese custom. I recall in this connection a dinner party which I once attended. It was at the fashion- able St. Francis Hotel in San Francisco. This was years ago, at that period when artichokes made their first appearance as delicacies. There were about 50 people at the dinner and among them was an impetuous Japanese youth whose impatience forbade him to be second to anyone. The result was that when the ar- tichokes appeared on the table he could not wait for the more sophisticated to start in and he undertook to explore. He was puzzled, of course, as he was seeing it for the first time. But, he did what appeared to be the obvious thing to do. He began to peel it. But before he knew i t he found t ha t he was peel ing and peeling. Peels all over the place. Under such circumstances, most people would have been embarrassed, but not he. He gave one retro- spective look at the damage on his plate and turning around shouted, “Hey, waiter! Is this botanical specimen that you just put on my plate for the palate or for the eyes ？” The waiter suppressed a smile and seriously told him in plain English that the green was something to eat, which at the moment was a novelty food understood only by the elite. "Is that so ？” he acquiesced sheepily. Then with a burst of new energy, he retorted, “Well, then bring me another!" This the waiter did and this time he partook of the delicacy with the proper finesse. Talking about dinners, here's another one. A Japanese was traveling： to.San Francisco on an American ship. • I think it was on board ona of the President Liners of the Dollar Steam- ship Company. He didn't know much English, but he had enough intelligence to know that the big printed card on the table was a menu card Such beipg the case, he studiously peer- ed at it for a minute and pointed to some print- ed words on the menu just above the line “Hors d'Oeuvre". The waiter took a look at the pointed finger and said, “Sorry, we can't serve you that." But the Japanese insisted on getting that item. The waiter with equal stub- borness, at least so it appeared to the Japa- nese, kept refusing. The Japanese, however, just had to find out what that item was, Eng- lish or no English. And when he did he learn- ed why the waiter had refused him. He had been pointing to the name of the skipper of the vessel. Here's another dinner party episode. It will be recalled a party of Japanese parliament- arians visited the United States some years ago. It was the first visit of its kind by Japa- nese legislators and it was featured in a b i ; way in the American papers. At San Fran- cisco the party Was welcomed at an official banquet at the Fairmont Hotel with the Mayor、 presiding. It was attended by the city's dig- nitaries and their wives and was a full dress affair. The banquet, wenf along smoothly to the last dish一the fruits. Then came the fiiv- ger bowls. The guest of honor sitting next to the Mayor saw the waiter put the bowl down. It looked like a glass cup to him. Thinking that it was another glass of water he took it up and drank the lukewarm water. A myriad of astonished eyes watched the act. The Mayor also saw it. To save the situation the Mayor with great presence of mind also took up h i s f inder bowl and d r a n k i t s contents . The city dignitaries and their wives were amazed but they understood the meaning of the Mayor's act. They drank from their finger bowls, axtd so did all the Japanese quests. And thus in the annals of San Francisco's official banquets in honor of foreign dignitaries this banquet was put down as a novel departure in the use of ftngrer bowls. RELAX WITH CURARE The back muscles of the three- year-old child were contracted so that her body arched on the hos- pital bed. Only head and feet touched the sheets. Her neck was rigid and her legs painfully stiff. She had acute infantile paralysis in its most devastating form. The child wept without stopping until a physician slipped a hypo- dermic syringe into ber arm. Then, within minutes, ^mcrciful relaxation came, Stiffness went out of arms, and back muscles relaxed. The child went into a quiet sleep, the first In days. The drug that accomplished this mcrcv was curare, the arrow poison used by Indians of the Amazon. One of the most promising addi' tions to the medical armamenttim to come along in recent years, curare has a romantic past and seems likely to have a brilliant future. It offers a means of saving thousands of elderly people from the melancholy insanity of old age. It is q^dding a new safety factor to abdominal surgery, and it promises to remove much of the sting from infantile paralysis. 16 SPEECH PATTERNS Spoken words are turned/ into readable patterns for the de^f on a machine developed at the Bell Tele- phone Laboratories. Spoken into a microphone, words are electrical- ly translated into strange patterns on a screen that flashes by much as are the news bulletins on an electri<? sign. Sound has three dimensions 一pitch, loudness, and time~-all of which affect the patterns moving*" slowly across the screen. The trained eye reads them as speecli. Dialecta are shown as such; the device is not stumped even when the word “curve” is uttered as "coive.” The apparatus also enables a deaf person to improve his enuncia- tion, which, because he cannot hear the finer shadings in his own voice, usually is a dul l monotone. I f his pronunciation of a word does not flash a pattern that compares with one recorded by a voice teacher, he may correct his delivery until he is able to adjust it tQ a normal speak-- ing voice. Then, after a little prac- tice he is able to add emotional color to his speech. 一 P o p u l a r Science SOVIET-AMERICA RELATIONS I believe that history has much to teach us, in that by studying history we can best discern the enduring elements in the relations of peo- ples. If I read this history cor- rectly, it is t)iat the cultural division between Russia and the west is too old and too deep to permit us to count upon the kind of intimate und complicated collaboration which can exist among peoples who in all the essentials habitually think along the same lines; on the other hand, the vital interests of Russia and the chief western -nations are such that there is iio vital conflict. This causes me to believe that for states- men the right course is not to assume that this is ‘‘one world，，nor yet to believe that ‘ this division of the world means inevitable and mortal conflict: the right course is to seek a modus vivendi by which the Rus- sians and ourselves, neither fearing they are predestined enemies or be- lieving they are members of a single ciety, are able to live und let live practical adjustments around the edges where their power and in- fluence meet. ~-Walter Lippmann in Redbook JUNE spcii by r THE JAPANESE WOMAN ROLLS UP HER SLEEVES B Y T S U Q I S H I R A I S H I THE JAPANESE WOMAN MEANS BUSINESS Ul T SHE HAS A BIG JOB AHEAD. A WELL-KNOWN NEWSPAPER WOMAN HERE OUTLINES THIS JOB. i'oday .Inpanese women, m ith rights <?qual to those of men pro- mi-ied in tlie revised constitution, are confronted with many problems which nmst be solved throujrli their own efforts. Educntional, political, loir.il, social, economic and labor problems must be solved before women's new status is properly es- tahlislied on n solid l)nsis. In the educational f'rld, won:en have been hitherto reprnrded as in- ferior to men with their hî rh schools set up separately froni those for boys and the gates to nniversitierf closed to them. The Tokyo Impeiial University allowed the enrollment of women ns special students in 1919, but nfter n couple of years this was discontinued, while the To- hoku and Kyushu Imperial Uni- versities have allowed the entry of women only when there were va- cancies. The Kducntion Ministry had thus long discriminnted against women in the educational field, stubbornly adhering to the slogan of ‘‘/?oo(l wife and wise mother". Particularly, married women have been tied down to housework with no opportunity for participation in even social activities, while men have enjoyed rvery chance to become well informed on things going on Out- side their homes. Xow that equal opportunities for education are promised to women, it is their responsibility to utilize them in establishing their positions in the family and society as well. They must prove that they can ac- complish as much ns men in ncade- mir works, social welfare and so on一. Meanwhile, educational facilities must be made available for house- wives so that they wilt become quahned to share social responsi- bilities with men. In the United States and other western countries, women are active in the educational and social fields as members of women's clubs, mothers' societies and other cultural associations. It is not uncommon in those countries for a woman to be more widely read than her husband and to share this knowledge with him when the mp.n is too busy hitriself to read hooks. By establishing women^s societies or study groups, Japanese women will be able to take a wider interest in world affairs as well as in social activities, while contrihutinj* at the same time more to the education of their children. Access to politics h;is been denied to «Inpane«c women for many gen- erations. The fact that the woman's suffrage movement did not make much progress in Japan in spite of ft bill for enfranchisement for women being presented to the 59th Diet in 1930 must be nttributed partly to the wide influence of Ellen Key, u Swedish author, who stressed the importance of women as mothers on Japanese pioneer lead- ers. Furthermore, the Pcadfe Pre- servation Police Law promulgated in 1900 denied women the right to participate in political activities, and the Peace Preservation Law enacted in 1924 prohibited all democratic movements, thus completely sup- pressing women political campaigns. Due to the Government's suppressive policy women have been excluded entirely from politics and the right to voice their opinions was denied them. However, it is significant that just at a time when Japan is to follow in the line of democracy Mrs. Tomiko Kora, an authority on child psychology, has beeii appointed the first woman deputy mayor of Kure City and Mrs. Yasuko Mita, an ardent Christian social worker, the first woman prison warden in Wakayama prefecture. Never be- fore in Japan's history, have women been so active as they are now in the political field. Recently 82 women candidates vied with men for seats in the House of Representatives, many being elected. Now that women have been enfranchised as a result of Japan's defeat in the war, it is the responsibility of women themselves to improve their status through politics. Every effort must be exerted for the enlightenment of women on politics so that they will comc to realize that improvement of the food situation and liying condi- tions possible through politics. Some women say that they do not care who sits in the House of Re- presentatives if the food situation is improved, but the real solution to this situation lies in what kind of men or women are at the helm of the state. In the United States, nine women sit in the House of Representatives. Most of them have proved that they are more capable than the average male representative because in the first place they have had to prove their merits to gain a sufficient number of votes. Since the war, American women have become more active in internatidnal affairs, with Mrs. Eleanor Roosevelt, wife pf the late U. S. President Franklin Roose- velt, participating in the first UNO conference and many others in the San Francisco conference. I t is hoped that Japanese women aho will make their voices heard in Japan's future foreign policy. Especially in the legal sense, Japa- nese women have been enslaved to men. Marriage in Japan is not ack- nowledged as legal until it is for- mally registered, the right to register being vested in the hands of the man. Taking advantage of this right many men have often deli- berately neglected to register their marriage and the women have tbyS been placed at their mercy. in case of divorce, they have been cast out with no financial security. “Even when treated like a stone that feels no pain nor the need SPOTLIGHT JUNE 名1 to weep rcgardleti3 of how it may be trampled upon—” as Mrs. Kikue Yamakawa, noted critic and writer, once said in a broadcast, they have not dared to get a divorce because they woula become financially help- less. In the United States, it is decreed by law that men must sup- port their ex-wives till the latter remarry. In Japan, wives have no legal right in the matter of pro- perty which is bequeathed to the eldest son upon the death of their husbands. Such un- fairness must be eliminated now that womca have a voice in the making of legislation. I t is the mission of Japanese women today to assure their positions at home and in society as well through the repeal or revi- sion of all unfair laws so that they will be able to enjoy eq^ial rights with men. At the same time, how- ever, they must realise that rights are always accompanied by respon- sibilities. , With regard to social problems, the family system which has been eulogized both in China and Japan has kept women in a position great- ly inferior to that oi men. Blind 廉 , W O M E N A R E A L R E A D Y B E G I N N I N G to assert themselves in the new Japanese society. Upper; Here are the first Japanese police- women in review in Tokyo. Lower; oir ls are being permitted to enter the Tokyo Imperial University for the first time in history. The photo shows girls and boys waiting to take entrance exams. (Sun Photos) obedience has been demanded of women. Often young girls have been married to men they did not care for because their fathers wished it so. And once married they arc told repeatedly by their mothers-in- law that it is the virtue of Japanese women to adjust themselves to cus- toms of their husbands’ families ao(f that they have no right to expresi their own thoughts or wishes Even regarding matters concerning the education of their children, wo- men have been denied the right to say a word. However, the feudalistic family system is gradully collapsing, and must collapse, and a new family system must be established in which husbands and wives will have equal right9 and share «qual responsi- bilities. Women must now realize their new status in the family and through their own efforts, become equal to the task entrusted to them. The establishment of mother's societies is advisable so that mothers can learn more about the education of their children, improvement of housekeep- ing, brightening of family life and how to flml spare time for them- selves. Women leaders must And ways and means to enlighten ordina- ry women on various problenis which must be solved by them, not only for themselves but for society at large. One of the social evils—licensed prostitution has been abolished and the traffic in women prohibited, but actually there are still many prosti- tutes, a common aftermath of de- feat in a war. A campaign for the abolition of licensed prostitution was first started in 1886 by the Women's Temperance Union immediately fol- lowing it$ inauguration. Many times since the matter was presented to the Diet but each time it was rejected, attesting to the insincere attitude of the legislators. Now that brothels have been abolished by law every effort must be made to make the followup a success. Such liberated women must be given shelter and vocational guidance and assistance in their new life. At the same time, the fact that among some hundreds of street girls who have been rounded up recently hy the police,'are included high school graduates and a few college graduates cannot be over- looked. As a pet bird suddenly freed from its cage, these girls do not know the true meaning and value of liberty and seem to have mistaken licentiousness for freedom. Women leaders in collaboration with mothers must ex- tend a helping hand quickly and lead such young girls on to the (Continued on page 4-4) I I 18 JUNE The New Yen is the topic of discussion and confusion in Japan today. This is not mertily because the Hank of Japan had issued a series of new yen notes. What makes one so New Yen minded today is that one's cash earning capacity has been so limited by law. The big company director and department store sales girl alike may earn anything up to ¥500 per month but no more——in cash; the salary and allowances may add up to thousands of yen a month, but any amount over the ¥500 limit is payable only in frozen cheque. The officials who mapped out the design for living witli the ¥500 cash-income provided also that the head of each household may with- draw from the frozen bank deposit account the sum of ¥300 (Reduced to ¥100 from April) plus ¥100 for each member of his family. A family of five, e.g., n man and his wife and three children, therefore, can get ¥700 from the bank in addition to the ¥500 salary. With the mnxi- muni monthly cash income thus limited to ¥1,200, this family of five has to do some pretty penny pinch- ing to make both ends meet. One is expected to live entirely on the rations distributed through the neighborhood associations at official prices. The principle is all right but the quantity of food supplied this way is • not enough. One has to turn to the black mar- kets in order to eat more once in a while, but— A solitary egg costs you ¥4-6 in the black market, and one pound of meat, up to ¥70 in NEW yen. Meanwhile the Tokyo city tram fare has been boosted to 40 sen for a ride after the Government rail- ways and all the inter-urban lines all over the country have increased their respective fares in a big way. It is a hard task to eek out a precarious living uniler the “new yen" system. This situation~one is rather tempted to call it a mes s • hns resulted from a series of emer- gency economic measures wliich are aimed to check inflation. Drastic Steps Tak_., With a view to checking infla- tion, the Japanese Government has taken drastic meaures. They are intended to curtail the purchasing power, to restrict the creation of new purchasing power, to increase the supply of commodities, especia- ly staple food and daily necessities, and thus to establish a new price system which is harmoniously stabilized on the current supply of commodity and purchasing power. At the time when the Govern- ment made public its all-round emergency economic program on February 16, the nation was not much surprised. The people had become so inflation conscious that some kind of drastic measures were anticipated for some time. So, a number of emergency Im- perial decrees were promulgated, and they became effective one after another, beginning February 17. By virtue of these emergency Imperial decrees, all bank deposits, postal savings, and deposit accounts at all other financial institutions were froisen on Saturday, February- 16, after the day's business was done; Bank of Japan notes of five, ten, twenty, one hundred, two hun- dred, and one thousand yen denomi- nations were exchanged for new issues of ten and one hundred yen between February 26 and March 2 at the uniform rate of ¥100 per capita; the erstwhile Bank of Japan notes of not smaller tlmn five yen denominations ceased to ho vt' any value as legal tender on and after March H; whatever surplus cash one had in the old yen notes had to he deposited at hanks, etc. not Jater than March 7. Me.mvi hil«» arrange- ments were also m:»de to restrict cash incomes, as is outlined in the opening part of this article. Side by side with the freezing of deposits and the exchange of old yen notes, investigations were also started preliminary to the levying of the property tax and two other taxes which are designed to deprive individuals as well as juridical per- sons of their respective wartime profits. As regards the increase of com- modity supply, the Government has decided to exercise pressure on farmers to make them deliver rice to the Government for re-distribu- tion (ration), and also to take exten- sive measures to uncover hoarded and hidden commodities so that they may be put back into circula- tion through the regular channel. All of these counter-measures to arrest inflation were worked out jointly by economic members of the cabinet, notably the Finance, Agri- culture, Commerce, and Welfare Ministers, mobilizing all the key officials under their respective juris- diction. General MacArthur's Head- quarters was also consulted while the drafting of these proposals was in progress. To sum up what the Government aimed to attain by means of these all-around counter emergency mea- sures, the following points may be set forth: JUNE 19 THE OLD YEN notes are being pulped at the Mittubithi Paper Mill in ICfttsu»hika ward, Tokyo, to be re-made into New Y«n notes. It is expected to tak« about two years to destroy all the old notes even though two huge pulping pots are working 10 hours a day at the job. (Sun Photo) First: With the levying of the property tax and two other taxes, together with the conversion of the Bank of Japan notes with the new issues at a drastically limited rate, the Government proposed to drain cash on hand and all the unproduc- tive capital in a thorough-going manner. Side by side with these steps for cutting down the nation's pur- chasing power, measures were also taken to prevent the creation of new purchasing power, e.g., the strict control over the cash payment in salaries and wages, and that over the withdrawal of frozen deposits." Second: By virtue of emer- gency food measures, the Govern- ment proposed to ensure the supply of staple food. The Government has taken steps to stimulate pro- duction in general. Efforts are also being made to put the hoarded and hidden commodities back into cir- culatioiT. Third: The present lack of balance between purchasing power and commodity supply is to be re- dressed, and then a new price sys- tem is to be established on this balanced relation between supply and demand. New prices are also being fixed not only for rice and coal, but also for all kinds of com- modities, such as fresh food and daily necessities. A new criterion for wages is thus to be established. All these measures are hoped to work together ultimately to bring about the starting point of the re- construction of Japan's national economy. Too Much Paper Money Inflation was bound to visit Japan sooner or later. It is learned that payments made by the Govern- ment during the war period for purchase of munition, etc. amounted to ¥160-billion. The bulk of such disbursements remained potential purchasing power in the form of deposits and the like during the war period. That is, there were no means of utilizing this potential purchasing power due to an acutc shortage of peacetime merchandise supply. Too, the nation was. re- quested to save their earnings coercively, and various kinds of restrictions were also exercised as regards withdrawal of such deposits. When the war came to an «ncl, the Government was not capable of dealing with the situation. It squandered the, remnants of the war budget right and left. Then, food- "Stu ffs and daily necessities began appearing in the black markets. In OTder to encourage a further in- crease in food supply, the Gov- ernment lifted the strict control over market quotations of fresh edibles, such as fish and vegetables, though not on staple foods, with- out however simultaneously taking any counter-measures to cope with the aftermath. The food supply in the "open air” markets did in- crease, but the prices also soared, much more than the Gpvernment authorities had anticipated. Mean- while the nation, to avoid hunger, bad no alternative but to withdraw their respective savings and pay the price to keep alive. To make the situation worse, the Government made public plans for the levying of the property tax. But it failed to take the necessary steps to cope with the public reac- tion to such an announcement. It stimulated the moneyed class to convert money into commodities in order to evade the proposed tax. As this movement of money-to- commodity conversion gained force in a big way, so the potential purchasing power became actual cash in circulation proportionately. Notes Circulation Cut to H The Bank of Japan notes cir- culation rose easily beyond the ¥60-billion mark about the middle of February. (Before the war, it fluc- tuated between ¥1.6- and ¥1.7- bil- lion.) Banks and other financial in- stitutions found that they were head- ing for bankruptcy unless some- thing was done to check the active withdrawal of the deposits. It will be recalled that banks and other financial institutions had their respective liquid capital tied up in irrecoverable investments made during the war period. If the Gov- ernment paid compensation to the munitions companies, that would have been the most effective way of helping the banks in trouble, be- cause they could collect on loans advanced to them. This step, how- ever, could not be realized in a hurry. So the deposits were frozen. In addition, the hoarded cash was also drained from circulation by means of the exchange of Bank of Japan notes with the new issues. So the surplus cash in circulation (Continued on page 45) 20 JUNE A WORKING FORMULA FOR DEMOCRACY Putting academic or captious in- quiries aside, I would like to ex- plain how democracy operates in the United States, so as to assist my fellow countrymen in the right- ful interpretation of the subject in their task of establishing a peaceful Japan. It may sound too commonplace to say that government is directly concerned with the everyday life of the people in general, and that therefore it is a living thing. But, as a matter of fact, its raison d'etre lies precisely in the fact that it is always accompanied by practical force. In this sense, government is synonymous with national live- lihood. This commonplace, deplorable as it is, has never been accepted as a commonplace in Japan, which is .throttled with too much discussion and impoverished with too little action. Defeated in her senseless war, Japan has returned to a world of peace and has been given the opportunity to build a fine cultural cauntry out of her ruins. But her .present state is characterized by inactivity and impotent stupor. Mentally and materially she is now in n dark aby»s. Such a state of affairs has been brought about mainly through neglect of the conunonplace I have mentioned. I think the people's will in Japan has never been taken into con- sideration in the governing of the nation. Politics has never been vitalized by the blood of the people, nor has the majority of the people understood the meaning of politics, have never exerted positive s to make their will become reflected in politics. They have never asserted their will by their blood to reconstruct their way of living. Now about America. The Uni- ted States is the mightiest and the strongest unified country in the world at the present and is a typ- ical democratic country whose prin- ciple is based on the ideals of justice, liberty and equality. It is a country where the principle that politics and everyday life are one and the same thing is most tho- roughly enforced. But, as in all other things in this world, perfec- tion cannot be Attained. And so the United States is by no means perfect as a democratic country. In one sense, she may be said to be full of defects. Granted she has many weak points and she has committed many faults, yet the good and fine points she has are enough to offset them. As Tocqueville, a famous French historian and student of American democracy, said, the greatness of America lier in the fact that she has a form of government that is elastic and live enough to allow her to amend her faults without delay. Nowhere in the world is found a country where a more virile and lively politics is in practice as in America. As to how this politics works in practice, I would like to explain in some detail. Because of lively democratic politics, Americans as individuals ns well A S a nation have been reared to cultivate a wonder- ful courage, power of decision and practice, and organization and unity-—this, in spite of their many weak points During the war, I was constant witness to examples of these vir- tues. In the current fast-moving period following the war, many similar examples are seen in the United States. She started a war of indepen- dence in 1775, that is 170 years ago, in order to free herself from the oppression of her mother coun- try, England. She became a truly free and independent country the following year. In her Declaration of Indepen- dence it is solemnly proclaimed: "We hold these tniths to be self- evident——that all men are created equal; that they are endowed by their Creator with certain inalien- able rights; that among these are life, liberty and the pursuit of happi- ness. That to secure these rights, governments are instituted ainonff men, deriving their just powers from the consent of the governed." .This declarntion forms the core of American democracy. Abraham Lincoln, the 16th American Presi- dent, most concisely expressed the essence of it. He exerted his wholehearted efforts to emancipate the Negroes in order to realize his ideal of human eauality. At Gettysburg, the theater of the de- cisive battle in the Civil War that was fought over the Negro emanci- pation problem., he delivered an address fired with patriotism and ideal. In it, the President conclud- ed: “ government of the people, by the people, for the people shall not perish from the earth." The Americans hold these famous words ns the arolden rule of Ame- rican democrnov and nt the same time its universal symbol. "uovernment of the people” implies that politics is in the hands of the people； that is, that sover- eignty, the source of authority, is held by the people. "Government by the people" means that the people themselves conduct politics. But it is im- possible for nil the people to par- ticipnte directly in government in a large and complex modern stnte. So in practice it becomes a representative or parliamentary government conducted by represen- tatives elected by the people. "Government for the people" signifies a government conducted for the welfare and safety of the people. Tocqueville stated in discuss- ing political I . T W S in AmeriCci, " I t is with the doctrine of the sovereignty of the people that we must begin." And so it imist. And as he fur- ther said, there is no country on earth as Aniexica where that prin- ciple is so thoroughly comprehended and so well applied in practice. Dr. Charles A. Beard cites the fol- lowing four points by wnv of a de- finition of democracy in the United States： ‘ First： People arc the source of all political power. This does not necessarily mean all the people, but it has to mean a large proportion of thein. The voters directly choose the principal agents of government and throu^rh their agents, iodirectly, all other persons who have political SPOTLIGHT JUNE 名1 pov/er over life and property. Second: Through agents chosen by the voters, all laws are made. Thirds At fixed periods all chief agents of government, at least le- gislative and executive agents, must either retire or, if they seek con- tinuance in power, must submit themselves and their actions to a popular review at the polls. Fourths In this process all voters are equal; that is, each one has one vote and no more. — I I — ‘‘Government of the people, by the people, for the people” is in America not a mere theory, but an actual practice. The French or the Japanese, in doing something, have the bad tendency of theorizing in- stead of actually putting it into practice. In contrast, the Americans heart- ily dislike long-winded theories. They always put practice before anything else. This is one of the most excellent national traits of the Americans. From where did such a positive and practical national trait spring up? The source comes from the pioneer spirit and pragmatism of the Puritans who, boarding the famous Mayflower 335 years ago in Eng- land, landed at Plymouth, New Eng- land, founded a classless, free, and independent new world, and from the emigrants who came after them. Those fathers of national founding tilled the soil, conducted govern- ment, built churches and schools, and established culture. They built and developed, without any outside help, every phase of their life, in- cluding politics, economy, religion and culture. That world of their own making has become the America of today. Therefore, it is no wonder that politics is vitalized with the blood of the people. The most influential factor in making the people's will become re- flected in politics is public opinion. In America, freedom of speech, re- ligion, press, assembly, appeals and other fundamental human rights are guaranteed by the Constitution. So everyone can criticize national poli- tick freely and speak out his mind in public, which has vital bearing on the conduct of government. In this way government in Amer- ica is sometimes called government of public opinion. As to what role public opinion assumes in the con- duct of politics in America, I would like to dwell upon later. For the moment I shall discuss American politics, centering around the Con- stitution. As is well 'known, America is offi- cially called the United States of America, and not a republic or a democracy. America is a federal republic, consisting of 48 states, each of which has its own separate and independent sovereignty. In a country like France, called a na- tional republic, all powers are as- sumed by a central government and only partial authority is delegated to state or prefectural governments. In America all powers are granted by the states to the nation, and each state possesses its own independent power. In this sense, it is not cor- rect to say that America is divided into 48 states. It is more correct to say that it consists of 48 states. As to constitutions, there are the Constitution of the Federal Gov- ernment, constitutions of the states， charters of the counties, cities and towns. The Federal Constitution becomes effective after ratification by the states. In America" it is common know- ledge to regard the Constitution as a living thing. The people think it a matter of course that it grows, develops, and can be amended, con- trary to the Japanese people's rigid concept of their constitution. The American Constitution was drafted and promulgated in 1787, and during the 158 years since then, more than a hundred and several scores of amendments were intro- duced to Congress, of which 21 were adopted. Besides, the Constitution has been greatly expanded in its scope, owing to interpretations and decisions of the Supreme Court. Also, it cannot be overlooked that political usage gives considerable influence to the operation of the Constitution. For i n s t a n c e ,巧 e rule stipulating that a Congressman must be a resident of his constituen- cy was born out of usage. The authors of the Constitution obviously could not foresee party politics as it is being carried on today, so no rules were set for poli- tical parties. But usage sanctions now a political party to hold its na- tional convention before election and decide upon its candidates. Therefore, it can be said that Amev- ica today has both a written and and unwritten constitution. I have stated that each state of the United States has its own sover-. eignty and constitution and that it delegates part of its authority to the central government. But if you un- derstand by sovereignty possession of absolute and unlimited political powers, then the word cannot be ap- plied in this case. But if it is taken to connote the possession of com- plete authority over certain things, then each state of the United States can be said to be a sovereign and independent state. Chief Justice Marsha l l , a famous scholar on constitution at the time of national founding, stated that America's powers of sovereignty are divided between the Federal 'Gov- ernment and the state governments. Such an organization of government is characterististic of the United States. Whenever doubts or questions arise in connection with sovereignty, the Supreme Court steps in and ad- justs things by drawing appropriate interpretations from the Con- stitution. • The American Constitution divides the nation、government into three parts, the legislative, executive and judicial, and sees to it that the strong points of democratic govern- ment are fully manifested by the three mutually phccking one an- other. This is one of the great characteristics of the American Gov- ernment. 一 I I I 一 I n the preceding part, I have pointed out one of the most im- portant principles of American de- mocracy, the principle that all poli- tical rights or sovereignty should not be entrusted to any one branch of government. Concentration of political rights into one agency is apt to cause abuse of power and violation of the people's rights and freedom as was seen in Russia under the Romanoff dynasty, ancient Bri- tain under the tyrannous kings, the fascist dictatorship countries under Hitler or Mussolini, and in wartime Japan. I t is often stated that sovereignty is indivisible because of its nature. In America, however, it is diviaed between the states and the nation. Of course, it is indisputable that in the exercise of political rights the central Federal Government is the highest authority, standing above tĥ e state governments. But as I have already pointed out the states possess a wide range of authority, and within that range they have absolute power, barring interference of even the central government. This principle of division of so- vereignty prevents the danger of the Government becoming too powerful, and at the same time serves to lessen the burden of work on administrative affairs. The m»u- tual independence of the legislative, executive and judicial departments, is called a system of checks and balances. According to this system, the President, the highest executive, checks Congress, which in turn checks the President. The Federal Supreme Court, the highest agency in charge of jiudicary functions, checks Congress and the state gov- ernments, bringing about a balance of power. But the defect of the system is that it can be pushed too far so it obstructs smooth conduct of poli- tics. But in spite of this, the sys- tem occupies a very important role in the successful operation of Amer- ican democracy. T H E E N D SPOTLIGHT JUNE 名1 S E T S U K O _ Thi» beautiful young Toho actress is one She is undoubtedly at the Japanese her future 1 are being awaited with of the veterans of the >eak of her career and by fans. SPOTLIGHT JUNE 名1 Tm f/mm Surnm mJmw By EIMEI rAro ANNOUNCER CALLS KATSUHIKO HAIDA “THE FRANK SINATRA OF JAPAN” AN AMERICAN RADIO The life of a crooner in Japan has its bad moments, declares Katsuhiko Haida, Number One Japanese recording, stage and screen crooner. The statement was made during an exclusive interview for the SPOTLIGHT maga- zine in Tokyo. “Yes, I can sympathize with Frank Sina- tra", adds Haida, referring to America's bobby-sox (young people) idol. “Women haunt me everywhere I go. They tear me 24 . apart until I'm a nervous wreck. I cater to the same type of audience as Sinatra does and I have the same troubles•” Yeah, we say, it's certainly a tough life to lead. But let's get around to his troubles later. A look into his career may give us a clue as to how he got that way. Haida's had what you might call a solid career. A Honolulu-born Nisei, he came to Japan while still a kid. He started singing^ SPOTLIGHT JUNE professionally in his student days at Rikkyo University (Tokyo) about 10 years ago. Al- though his father was a Honolulu physician, Haida from childhood had leanings toward music. His brother Haruhiko, a well-known musician-composer, now heads the New Moana Band with which Katsuhiko now sings. Haida, now 35 years old, first performed as a radio and recording artist, but today he is Japan's most popular stage, screen and record- ing crooner. He is truly the Frank Sinatra of Japan, a name which was given to him recent- ly by Tim Leimert of Beverly Hills, California, who was a member of the American occupa- tion forces in Japan and former radio an- nouncer for Sinatra himself. Among his teachers at Rikkyo University was Paul Rusch, who is back in Tokyo now in the uniform of a lieutenant-colonel in the U.S. Army. Haida first appeared in the movies in 1937 at which time he signed with the Toho studios with which he has been ever since. He is now under contract with both Victor Records and the Toho Studios. His last stage appearance was at the Nippon Gekijo in Tokyo in the musical show "Haru-no Nyujo" (Castle in Springtime) with Yukiko Todoroki, who has been called by American correspondents as the Hedy Lamarr of J apm His last movie was "Yoki-na Onna” (Cheerful Girl). His next screen effort will be a movie version of “Castle in Springtime". At the time of this writing, Haida was performing on the stage of the Dai-ichi Gekijo in Shinjuku, Tokyo, with Fukuko Sayo, noted girls' revue star. "Although I greatly admire Frank Sinatra, I am aTBing Crosby fan," says Haida with the smile which had earned him the nickname of “Happy”, and over which many a feminine heart has palpitated. The two most popular songs that Haida has sung in his career to date were “The Manga Vendor of Java" and "Home on the Range”. Other favorite numbers include "South of the Border" and "Sentimental Journey”. Concerning the future of popular music in Japan, Haida declares that in his opinion, boo- gie-woogie (that mad whirling type of jazz) will come into popularity here but that he won't have anything to do with it. “I also think jitterbu^ging will become a iad with the Japanese, but Fm strictly a blues artist", as- serts Haida. With musical freedom here, says Haida, the traditional type of Japanese singing led by such famous artists as Taro Shoji, Katsutaro and others will lose in popularity to be replaced by the Western style of popular music adapted to the Japanese sense of harmony. When peo- ple begin to understand Western harmonies, we'll probably see a revolutionary change in Japanese jazz, Haida declares. However, it is added, folk songs like the “Okesa” and the “Ondo” will probably remain. Getting back to the trials and tribulations of a crooner, Haida reveals that he has re- ceived 300 to 400 fan letters a day. “I love to get letters from my young girl fans, but bobby- soxers can give a man a lot of worries." Probably to set a ^ood example for his youthful followers, Haida has given up smok- ing cigarettes since January 1 and is confident he can keep away. “Girls pounce on me wherever I go. Some- times I have to beg and plead to get away. A lot of girls want to become maids in my home. Once three school girls came up and said they wanted to be maids for me but that they didn't want to be separated and for me to take all three of them. I turned down the kind offer”， the good-looking crooner recalls. ‘Tve had clothing torn、off my back. Some girls even go so far as to embrace me." Haida remembers fonder one particularly touching letter. It was from a fourth year student in a girls' high school. The letter de- clared the girl's love for Haida and demanded a return to her love in no uncertain tones. Said she: “Maybe some people will laugh at my love philosophy but I can't even study for my examinations tomorrow because I an) thinking of you. When you sing tomorrow night, look for me in the second row. I will be on the extreme right of a group of seven girls in school uniform. If you sing my fa- vorite song and look toward me, I will know you read my letter and are answering me." And so on and on for eight pages. "But", we want to know, “ARE YOU MAR RIED?" “No, not yet. But I have hopes of marry- ing the girl back in Honolulu. Her name is Florence•” At this point, Haida pulls out a photograph of Florence—and she is a beauty! Haida is now looking forward to word from Tim Leimert, Sinatra's former radio announ- cer, who has gone back to the Ijnited States with the promise that he will arrange an ex- change international broadcast featuring Frank Sinatra and KATSUHIKO JOE HAIDA. SPOTLIGHT JUNE 名1 STAGE 層 SCREEN P O S T - W A R R E V I E W BY RYOZO KUSUMI The American fire-raids on Tokyo between March and May of 1945 had nlrnoat completely devastated the theaters of the capital. That in a nutshell is the greatest problem fac- ing theatrical producers in Japan today. No theaters一"All dressed up but no place to go.” Thus despite the new freedom accorded to the stage and despite the enthusiasm of the various thea- trical troupes, the most important Rem is lacking. The great theaters of pre-war daysMei j卜za , Kabuki- za, and the Shimbashi Embujo— have been burned out by incendiary bombs, while the Tokyo Ta)warazuka Theater has been taken over by the Allied occupation forces. This state of affairs leaves only the Teikoku Gekijo, the Yuraku-*a, and Tokyo Gekljo as the big-time theaters. But the seating capacity of these three theaters can only take care of one-third of the theater-going public. Under the circumstances it is no wonder that a regular fight goes on each month among the many troupes now in rehearsal for theaters. Thus, many first-class troupes are forced to perform in second-class theaters or else Just take a rest. The lack of theaters has also given rise to an economic problem— that of feeding the actors and hands. But in spite of this pessimistic aspect, there is no doubt that the Japanese drama is riding a surging tide of progress, featured by the de<^iy of the old and the resurrection of the new. The degression of the old Kabuki classical dramas has giv- en rise to the Shingeki (New School Drama). Liberal dramatists have been permitted to rejoin their troup- es with the abolition of the safety maintenance laws. I t is natural that the intellectuals of Japan are now looking forward to a historical devel- opment of a truly modern drama. The new school drama is divided 26 into four groups toaay—namely the Tokyo Geijitsu Gekijo sponsored by the Toho theatrical interests, the Shinkyo Gekidan sponsored by Sho- chiku, the Haiyu-ea, and the Bun- gaku-za. These Little Theater groups received impetus with the joint production of Chekhov's "Cherry Orchard" which was presented at the end of last year under the au- spices of the Mainichi Shimbun newspaper. This play was followed up by "Kofuku no Ie’，(Happy Home) by the Shinkyo Gekidan Troupe, and by Ibsen's "The Doll House (Ningvo no Ie) with the Tokyo Geijitsu oeki jo group. Other new plays include GogoPs "The .In- spector" (Kensatsu-Kan) given by the Haiyu-za nnd "Kawa"(Tlie River) written by Katsuichi W a d i and presented by the Bungaku -za troupe. All these plays were staged either at the Yuraku-za theater or the Tokyo Gekijo. Although the writer has seen only the Shinkyo Gekidan and the Bungalai-za in action, it can be stated that the work of Ei Kubo, Kenji Usuda and Shu Takizawa of the Tokyo Geijitsu Gekijo in the production of "The Doll House" may be regarded as performances of the highest level in present-day Japan. "Happy Home” was a little disap- pointing despite the work of Masao Inouye and Tomovoshi Murayama of the Shinkyo Gekidan. Tfte Haiyu-za has a strong line- up including Sugisaku Aoyama, Koreya Senda, Miss Chieko Higashi- yama, Eitaro O^awa and Ei j iro Tono, while the BungaKu-za has some big names like Miss Haruko Sugimura, Shinro Nakamura and Ken Mitsuda. Howev£r you cannot judge the future of the Japanese drama by first performances no matter how brilliant they may be. Future shows will tell the tale.. In the face of all these mush- rooms, Kabuki, the traditional clas- sical drama which had been the heart of the Japanese stage up to now has been slowly losing popu- larity. Kabuki during the war had been forced to uphold ultra-nation- alistic ideas. This may be reacting agaihst i l now despite the efforts to throw off the suffocating mantle. But the guise of ultra-nationalism which Kabuki was forced to assume during the war by no means repre- sents the true spirit of the drama. I t can be said that opportunist drama- tists had taken advantage of Kabuki during the war to serve their ends. The fundamental spirit of the Kabuki never changes. I t is art of the highest order. The feudalistic content of Kabuki has lost its edu- cative aspect, and the true beauty of Kabuki lies in the satisfaction of the artistic sense through its music, color and dances. In tnis day when democratic freedom is the goal of all Japanese, it would be a mistake to put finis to this immortal art. It is to be noted that the Shochiku theatrical interests h.ave assumed an unfair attitude to- ward K a b u k i p r o b a b l y for self- protection. Despite these circum- stances, however, it is a matter of joy for theater fans to see that Kabuki players are carrying on. Kikugoro Onoe, a great Kabuki player and dancer, has given laud- able performances of uKagami Jishi" and “Musume Dojo j i " , both popular dances, while other players have presented Kabuki dramas in a modern vein with no little success. With the loss through death of Uzaemon Ichimura and Nizaemon Kataoka the old Kabuki will probably disappear to be replaced by a modern Kabuki. No discourse on the Japanese JUNE drama would be complete without mention of the intermediate between Kabuki and the Little Theater move- ment一that is the Shimpa (New School) which appeals to the masses. This school has been led by such troupes as the Shinkoku-geki and the Zenshin-za. The Shimpa almost disappeared during the war and the Shinkoku-geki even closed up shop although it is now reviving. Al- ready the Zenshin-za has tried de- mocratization with a presentation of Drinkwater's "Abraham Lincoln" but the play although clever was too heavy and lacked quality. Al- though little public comment was aroused by the play, it was worthy of appreciation and the timing was good. But the Jazz Age is creeping into the whole picture. Revues and vaudeville are running rampant on the stages of the Asakusa and Shibuya districts of Tokyo一and the people love it. Roppa and Enoken, leading comedians, who have been delving in dramatic orthodoxy up to now, have turned to musical co- medies. Katsuhiko Haida, crooncr extraordinary, is the idol of younger theater-goers. Jazz, swing, and the chorus line have captured the public eye but no star has appeared to capture the public soul. The Little Theater and Jazz are staging a first- class race. Motion pictures, together with the radio, is an important textbook of Japanese culture. The first lessons of the text-book were Dai-Ei's "Who is the Criminal” (Hanzainin wa Dareka?) and Toho,s "Five Men of Tokyo’’ (Tokyo no Gonin Otoko). Both movies were flops. The former starred the war criminal while the latter featured a theme of low chara- cter. These pictures were followed up by Shochiku's "Brothers of the Mei j i E r a " (Mei.ii no Kyoda i ) and "The Idol of the Town” (Machi no (Continued on page 48) RECENT PLAYS OF MERIT IN TOKYO~(Top) Kikugoro Onoe on the right and K.ichiemon Nakamura gave brilliant per- formances of the Kabuki clas- sical play "Musuko" at the Tei- koku Gekijo. (Middle) Chojuro Kawarazaki and hit Zentmn-za troupe ventured into an inferetl- ing experiment in presenting DrinlrMrater，塞 “Abraham Lincoln" also at the Teikoku. (Bottom) Shu Takizawa as Hermann and レhiyo Nobu as Nora were ac- claimed by critics for their roles m Ib«en'» “Doll House”, a well- acted play giyen by the Geijitsu Geiujo troupe at the Yuraku-ata 声 SPOTLIGHT JUNE 名1 —by his hireling bitter eyes saw the axe standing against the wall. He grabbed it up 一and the deed was done. • • 眷 螯 Nizaemon Kataoka, 64, (real name, Tokichi) was born In the city of Osaka. At an early age he join- ed the KaAaoka school of Kabuki actors. Upon the death of the first Ni«ae- mon in 1930, Tokichi assumed the name of Nizaemon. He rapidly gained fame aa a great female im- personator. I l is last appearance before death took him was on the stage of the Minami-za in Kyoto. A great actor ki l led一 The family retired late that night 4t was almost four o'clock' in the morning. Not a sound, broke the stillness of the early hour. Hardly had all fallen asleep when a silent, dark figure stole through the hall. The sinister shadow paus- ed before the sliding door leading into the main sleeping quarters, an eight mat room. I t slowly opened the way and stepped noiselessly into the room. I t was still dark but the figure was familiar with his sur- roundings. Quickly he stepped to the siie of the sleeping old man. A swish一the dim light glinted on the shining steel of an axe. Not satisfied with smashing.in. the skull of the man, the figure jerked around and began swinging the axe madly, carrying his wild action into the neighboring rooms. • Before he was done, he had kil- led five persons一all in cold blood. In such a way had tragedy come to 61-year old Nizaemon Kataoka, one of the greatest Kabuki actors in Japan—and to his young wife, 25- ycar old Toshiko (a former motion picture actress), to his little one- year old son SabuTo, to the ancient 68-year old maia Haru, and to 11- ycar old Makiko Kishimoto who often minded the baby. The incident occurred on the morning of March 16,1946 in the nctor's home at 3-496 Sendagaya, Shibuya-ku, Tokyo. The news was the sensation of Tokyo. The fin per of guilt for the coward- ly crime pointed at one person, 21- year old Toshiaki Iida. Iida, son of a former playwright specially at- tach e«l to Nixaemon, was taken into the household of the actor when Iida’s family was wiped out in the March 10,1945 air-raid on Tokyo. Fic dm odd jobs for Nizaemon. He was known to be of a loose char- »<•*»• r with many shady activities. I t was also known that he was very bitter toward Nizaemon who had 28 D E A T H G O M E S TO- N I Z A E M O N ruled that his household eat oniy two meals a day and had refused to provide spending money. With these facts to go on, the Hara juku Police Station with the aid of the Metropolitan Police Board started work on the case. Detec- tives assigned to the case learned that a suit of Nizaemon's clothes and the Rum of ¥600 drawn out only the day before from postal saving were missing. But where was Iida? For one week the police blunder- ed without a clue as to Iiaa's where- abouts. A network was thrown around the whole Kanto area. I t was on March 21 that Iida was finally apprehended at the Echigo- ya inn in Kawato-mura, Miyagi pre- fecture. Iida had previously visited the village, a hot springs resort, when his sister (the murdered Maki- ko) had been evacuated there dur- ing the war. According to the daughter of the innkeeper, lida's identity became known when he began talking about his deed in his sleep. Detective Suzuki and Sato of the local police handed him over to Tokyo authorities on March 22 and Iida was locked up in the Harajuku station. He made a full confession after his arrival in Tokyo. According to Iida,s confession, his act of madness resulted from months of abuse at the hands of Nizaemon and his wife, mainly concerning food. I t was asserted that the maid Haru, his sister Makiko and him- self were doled out only one "sho", three "go" of rice every three days which was a starvation diet. The other foodstuffs were kept under lock and key. This combined with arguments over his late family's for- tune drove Iida to commit the ter- rible crime. After arguing with the family al- most through the night, said Iida, he couldn't sleep. Shortly after the household retired, Iiaa got up to go to the toilet. In the hallway his . • — ！ - - _ 一 • ― I JmJmMaamtiml - • • ニ — I t ’ ’ ： ， ‘ • • • • • • • • • • • • • ^ • ！ S P O R T S R E V I E W By The Spotlight Sports Writer 朱 The war, as in other phases of life, has been tough on sports. And tough on sport fans, too. Tlie thrills they used to enjoy in the halycon days of peace as they sat in noisy, jam-packed stadhims and watched the mighty stalwarts of the gridiron, the diamond, the court, the ring, and the track and field, have lofig become a memory of the past. But fortunately it is not going to be buried in the past, for sports are being revived. Slowly, it is true, but they're being revived. Long and disheartening as the war had been, the lure of sports to the student stars and ex-stars had not left them. So, as soon as they were demobilized from the armed forces, and from the munitions plants, they simply got together and without ceremony or formality began to play. The quality of the games was poor as compared to the olden days, of course, but still they played. In the meantime, sport officials began to draw up pirns for the future. These plans called not only for orgnnixation of league and confer- ence games by the various universi- ties and colleges in Japan, but for basic over-all retraining of the athletes so that sports in this coun- try might once again be restored to international level. The five years of war had virtually ruined the athletes. RUGBY A survey of the major sports since the termination of the war shows that quite a good deal of rugby has been played. Its highlights were the victory of the All-West team over the All-武ast squad in a nerve-racking 22 to 21 game that was played in the Nishi- noiniya Stadium on March i—this victory, incidentally, was the first for the West team in 16 -yearsand Keio University's clean sweep of the Kanto Universities Alumni League. The teams finished in the order of (1 )Ke io , 5 victories, no defeat; |2) Gakushi (Imperial University), 4 victories,1 defeat; (3) Meiji, 3 vic- tories, 2 defeats; (4) Hosei, 2 vic- tories, 3 defeats; (5) and Waseda, no victory, 5 defeats. SPOTLIGHT JUNlB And in the final game of the sea- son, the All-Waseda X V subdued the All-Keio squad 34 to 32 at the Nishinomiya Stadium on April 29. Due to lack of players, the rule limiting inter-university games to undergraduates was waived and the games were played by teams made up of undergraduates and alumni. Next season, however, the pre-war rule in this respect is to be restored. BASEBALL I t took some t ime for the confusion that gripped the nation following the conclusion of the war to clear up. By that time the normal baseball season was over. But, out of season or not, you couldn't stop baseball in Japaq. So there has been a lot of ball tossing going on. As in rugby most of the college teams were composed of both the undergraduates and alumni. After a round of intercollegiate competition the old season was brought to 良 climax with the East versus West inter-university tourna- ment. Four teams—three nines from Tokyo and one from Osaka— took part in the series. I t started on Apr i l13 and ended on Apr i l15 , with the three Tokyo teams ending in a triple tie for first place. They were All-Waseda, All-Keio and All- Meiji, with each winning two games and losing one. 29 During this “conditioning period" baseball officials got down to work to map out the plans to put col- legiate baseball on a regular basis, much the same as in pre-war days. Both in the East and in the West plans were advanced for the or- ganization of their respective Big Six Universities Leagues. Discus- sions were also held and are being held to govern school and college baseball under student body man- agement, as contrasted to the hith- erto control by the Education Ministry. At this writing, the West univer- Mties were still in the process of or- ganizing. The East, however, has ftrmnunced its IMg Six - fiche4ule. Here's the schedulei May 18 Hose! vs Waseda Keio vs Rikkyo May 19 Meiji vs Tokyo Imperial . Hosei vs Hikkyo May 25 Waseda vs Hikkyo Hosei vs Keio May 20 Tokyo Imperial vs Waseda Keio vs Meiji June i Hosei vs Tokyo Imperial June 5 Hikkyo vs Tokyo Imperial June 11 Hosei vs Tokyo Imperial June 12 \Viise<la vs Meiji June 13 Meiji vs Rikkyo June 14 Keio vs Tokyo Imperial June 15 Hosei vs Meiji June 16 Waseda vs Keio Other headline schedules include the revival of the inter-city amateur baseball championship series in August, an annual affair in the past, being resumed after four years postponement, under the auspices of Mainichi Shimbun; the resump- tion of the interscholastic champion- ship tournament, under the aus- pices of the Asahi Shimbun, also in August; and the resumption also of the Mainichi Shiinbun*8 inter- scholastic championship games next spring. PROFESSIONAL BASEBALL No less active than the amateurs, the professionals have also been tossing and slamming the pill around with much gusto. Eight clubs have signed up and have wound up their pre-season training by climaxing it with the Mainichi and the Yomiuri Cup games. The clubs consist of the Giants, Senators, Hankyu, Iian- shin, Asahi, the Great Ring, Pacific and the newcomer Kinsei (Golden Star). The Mainichi Cup series was won hy the Hankyu nine when it defeated the Senators 3 to 1 in the play-off on April 3, arrd the Hankyu won again, downing the Giants 2 to 1 on April 23, to cop the Yomiuri Chip. rheir spring season opened on April 27. 30 SOCCER Activity in soccer was not so brisk, but anyway the an- nual East versus West games were revived with the students' game ending in a 2 to 2 draw, and the All-East versus All-West tussle oddly enough also ending in a tie, with thp score of 1 to 1. TENNIS The racket wielders have also been playing a good deal in individual matches, but so far there have only been two major tournaments. The first of these was the Knnsai Students' Championship Tournament, which was concluded on Apri l14 on the Nakamoza court. Ito-Tot6ugi (Kwuns^i Gakuin) de- feated Katsura-Kobayaslii (Kyoto Imperial) by the score of 8-8, 6-4 to win the doubles, and Ito of Kwan- sei Gok'uin defeated his team mate Totsugi, 6-4, 6-4, to win the singles. The other was the Kanto Students* Championship Tournament, con- cluded on the Denen court, Tokyo, on Apr i l19 . The winners in tbis tournament were: doubles, 】Iirai- Watanabe (Mosei) over Tanig«iv/a- Hisano (Waseda), 6-2, 7-5, 6-2; singles, Kishida (Keio; over Mat&ul (Keio), 6-1, 6-3, 1-6, 4-6, 6-3. The All-Japan Championsiiip Tournament was billed fur April 28 at the Nakamozu court. OTHER SPORTS In addition to these sports, there was some activity in basketball, the pr inc ipa l卯me being the victory of the Kanto cagers over the Kansai quintet by the score of 51 to 4-4 in an All- Alumni Inter-sectional meet. There were also some activities in track and field, in ski jump com- petition and in boxing—boxing cards are becoming a regular event一but the results for the most part have been disappointing. Two records, however, were encouraging and of world standard. One of these re- cords was hung up in the track and field meet on December 9，last year, in which Miss Rie Yamanouchi, at present a teacher at the Hiroshima Girls，school, cleared the bar at 1.50 meters—she did 1.62 meters at the trials; and the other at the ski jump competition on March 31 at the Okurayama Ski Grounds, in which Matsutaro Wakamoto made a sensa- tional leap of 70 meters. Golfers have been knocking the ball around in fairly active indivi- dual competitions, but so far the game has not reached a point where cup plays and tournaments have been run off. But with the links being re-conditioned the game is expected to get into full swing soon. The same may be said for swimming in which much is expected as the summer months approach. In- cidentally, the swimmers in training are said to be rapidly getting into reported as doing free style around form. Ex-Olympic star Yuasa was the 100-raeter the 60-second mark. Plans are also in progress for the revival of the king of sports, name- ly horse racing. Since the termination oi the war, big time sports have largely been monopolized by the members of the Occupation Forces. Many of their games were reminiscent of America, especially football and basketball* The Tokyo Bowl football game, held on New Yeor'g Day at the Meij* Stadium attracted ^s nuiny as 1-0,000 fans, while other preliminary battles attracted tens of thousands of people. The Occupation Forces' sports were focussed on their great Pacific Olympics, which featured final com- petitions in Tokyo, Inchon, Korea, Manila, Honolulu, Hickam Field, Tinian and Saipan, in 15 different lines of sports. So high was the standard of 丨he tearns in Japan that they were entered in 12 of them, inoliuling football, basketball, touch football, boxing, golf, tennis, bad- %minton, track and field, swimming and baseball. Outstanding of the Dig victories achieved hy the teams in .lapfin were the 1st Airborne football stiuad's walkover of Jock Sutherlftnd's All-Hawaiian aggrega- tion to win the Olympic title, and the same by the 41st Division's cage team over the All-H«iwa!ian quintet. These finals were played in Tokyo and Manila respectively. With lieutenant General Robert L. Eichberger, 8th Army command- er, tossing the first ball, the Oc- cupation Forces* spring baseball in Jappn was slated to open on May 4 at the Lou Gehrig ball park in Yokohama. THE END THE QUICK COME-BACK A bold middle school lad walked into the SPOTLIGHT ofirce and ap- proached the managing editor, 'khe following conversation ensued: ‘Td like to get a job here.” ‘‘Have you studied journalism? Any experience?" ‘‘No, but I want to learn." The managing editor frowned: "You're kind of green for the job.” “Yes, but green things grow fast!" the lad retorted. He got the job. JUNE SPOTLIGHT Presents Each Month Material For Quick And Handy Reference I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I IMI IHI I I I I I I I I I I I I I IMI I I I I I I I I I I t l l l l l l l l l l l l l l l l l l l l l l l l l l l l l l l l l l f ^ FINAL DRAFT OF JAPANESE CONSTITUTION NOTE After issuing the first draft of the new Japanese Constitution on March 7, the Japanese Government on Ap r i l 17 made public the revised final draft to be presepted to the newly elected Imperial Diet. The final draft shows no content change and is distinguished mainly by the fact that it is written in col- loquial Japanese for easier under- standing by the people, a revolu- tionary departure from the tradi- tional formal language. Minoに insertions, omissions and changes in phraseology are noted, but the greatest change is in the use of colloquial Japanese, namely the employment of "liira-gana"' characters. The principle of collo- quilization will he applied to all laws and regulations to be promul- gated in the future, officiafs say. Another feature of the final draft is the use of phraseologry which is aimed not only at making the ar- ticles clearer hut also at avoiding words savoring of excessive awe to- ward the Sovereign as against the authority of the Legislature. 蔷 》 * The full text of the final draft of the Japanese Constitution follows: PREAMBLE We, the Japanese people, acting through our duly elected representa- tives in the National Diet, determin- ed that we shall secure for our- selves and our posterity the fruits of peaceful cooperation with all na- tions and the blessings of liberty throughout this land, and resolved that『ver again shall we he visited with the horrors of war through the action of government, do pro- claim the sovereignty of the people's will and do ordain and establish this Constitution, founded upon the universal principle that government is a sacred trust the authority for which is derived from the people, the powers of which are exercised by the representatives of the people, and the benefits of which are en- joyed by the people; "and we reject and revoke all constitutions, law, ordinances, and rescripts in conflict herewith. Desiring peace for all time and fully conscious of the high ideals controlling human relationship now stirring mankind, we have deter- mined to rely for our security and survival upon the Jlistice and good faith of the pea,ce-loving peoples of the world. We desire to occupy an honored place in an intemattonnl society designed and dedicated to the preservatioiY of peace, anti the banishment of tyranny And slaver}', oppression and intolernnce for all time from the earth. We recognize and acknowledge that all peoples have the right to live in peace, free from feftr and. want. We hold that no people is respon- sible to itself alone, but that laws of political morality are universal; and that obediencc to such laws is incumbent upon all peoples who would sustain their own sovereignty and justify their sovereign relation- ship with other peoples. t o these high principles and pur- poses we, the Japanese people, pledge our national honor, ilet^r- mined will and full resources. Article I. . The Emperor shall be the symbol of the state and of the •unity of the people, derivina: his position from the sovereign will of the people. Article II . The Imperial Throng shall be dynastic and succeeded to in accordance with the Imperial House Law passed by the Diet. Article I I I . The advice and ap- proval of the Cabinet 'shall be re- quired for all acts of the Emperor in matters of state, and the Cabinet shall be responsible therefor. Article IV. The Emperor shall perform only such state functions as are provided for in tms constitu- tion. Never shall he have powers related to government. The Emperor may delegate his functions as may be provided by law. Article V. When, in accordance with the Imperial House Law, a regency is established, the Regent shall exercise his functions in the Emperor's name. . In this case, graph one of the preceding ar- will be applicable. Article VI. The Emperor shall appoint the Prime Minister as de- signated by the Diet. Article VII . The Emperor, with the advice and approval of the Cabinet, shall perform the following functions of state on behalf of the people: Promtjlgation of amendments of the constitution, laws, cabinet orders and treaties. Cnnvocation of the Diet. Dissolution of the Hnusc of Rep- resentatives. proclau^tion of General Klectipfi, Attestation of the appointment and dismissal of Ministers of State and other officials as provided for by law, and of full powers and cre- dentials of Ambassadors and Min- isters. Attestation of general and special amnesty, commutation of punish- ment, reprieve, and restoration of rights. Awarding of honors. •AttestatioH of instruments of rati- fication and other diplomatic docu- ments as provided for bj'law. ltcceiving foreign ambassadors and ministers. Performance of ceremonial func- tions. Article VI I I . No property can be given to, or received by, the Im- perial House, and no gifts can be made thereby, without the authoriza- tion of the Diet. CHAPTER 2 RENUNCIATION OF W A R Article IX. War, as a sovereign right of the nation, and the threat or use of force, is forever renounced AS a means of settling.disputes with other nations. The maintenance of land, sea, and air forces, as well as other war potential, will never be authorized. The right of belligerency of the state will not be recognized. CHAPTER 3 RIGHTS AND DUTIES OF THE PEOPLE Article X. The people shall not be prevented from enjoying any of the • fundamental human rights. These fundamental human rights guaranteed to the people by tnis constitution shall be conferred upon the people of this and future gen- erations as eternal and inviolate rights. Article XI . The enjoyment of the freedoms and rights guaranteed to the people by this constitution shall be maintained by the eternal vigi- lance of the people, and the people shall refrain from any abuse of JUNE these freedoms and rights and shall always be responsible for utilizing them for the public welfare. Article X I I . All of the people shall be respected as individuals, and their right to life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness shall, with- in the limits of the public welfare, be the supreme consideration in legislation and in governmental affairs. Article XH I . All of the people are equal under the law and there f>ha)l be no discrimination in poli- tical, economic, or social relations because of race, creed, sex, social status, or fami l / origin. No peer- ugc shall be granted. No privilege shall accompany any award of honor, decoration or any distinction, nor sh.ill any such award be valid beyond the lifetime of the indivi- dual who now )iolds or hereafter may receive it. Article X IV . The people have the inalienable right to choose their1 public officials and to dismiss them. All public officials are servants of the whole community and not of any special group. In all elections, secrecy of the ballot shall be preserved inviolate, nor shall any voter be answerable, publicly or privately, for t、e choice he has made. Article XV . Every person has the right of peaceful petition fop the redress of damage and other matters, for the removal of public officials and for the enactment, re- peal or amendment of laws, ordin- ances or regulations; nor shall any person be in any way discriminated against for sponsoring such a peti- tion. Article XV I . No person shall be held in bondage of any kind. In- voluntary servitude, except as punishment for crime, is prohibited. Article XVI I . Freedom of thought and conscience shall be held in- violable. Article XVI I I . Freedom of reli- gion is guaranteed to all. No reli- gious organization shall receive any privileges from the State, nor ex- ercise any political authority. No person shall be compelled to take part in any religious act, cele- bration, rite or practice. The State and its organs shall re- frain from religious education or any other religious activity. Article X IX . Freedom of assem- bly, association, speech and press and all other forms of expression are guaranteed. No censorship shall be maintained, nor shall the secrecy of any means of communication be violated. Article XX . Every person shall have freedom to choose and change his residence and to choose his oc- 32 cupation to the extent that it does not interfere with the public wel- fare. Freedom of all persons to move to a foreign country and to divest themselves of their nationality shall be inviolate. Article XX I . Aeademic freedom is guaranteed. Article XX I I . Marriage shall be based only on the mutual consent of both sexes and' it shall be main- tained through mutual cooperation, with the equal rights of husband and wife as a basis. Lavs shall be enacted considering choice of spouse, property rights, inheritance, choice of domicile, divorce and other matters pertaining to marrinpe and the family from the standpoint of individual dignity and the essential equality of the sexes. Article XX I I I . In all spheres of life, laws shall be designed for the promotion and extension of social welfare and security, and of public health. Article XX IV . All people shall have the right to receive an equal education correspondent to his abil- ity as provided by law. All people shall be obligated to insure that all of the children under his protection receive elementary education. Such education shall be free. Article XXV . All people have the right to work. Standards for work- ing conditions, wages and hours shnfl be fixed by law. The exploi- tation of children shall be prohi- bited. . .Article XXV I . The right of work- ers to organise and to bargain and act collectively is guaranteed. Article XXV I I . The right to own property is inviolable, but property rights shall be defined by law, in conformity with the public welfare. Private property may be taken for public use upon just compensation therefo>. Article XXV I I I . No person shall be (le，riv<|d of life or liberty, nor shall any othier criminal penalty be imposed, except according to proce- dure established by law. Article XX IX . No person shall be denied the right of access to the courts. Article XXX . No person shall be apprehended except upon warrant issued by a competent judicial of- ficer which specifies the offense with which the person is charged, unless he is apprehended while commit- ting a crime. Article XXX I . No person shall be arrested or detained without be- ing at once informed of the charges against him or without the imme- diate privilege of counsel; he shall not be detained without adequate cause; and upon demand of any per- son such cause must be immediate- ly shown in open、court in his pre- sence and the presence of his counsel. Article XXX I I . The right of the people to be secure in their homes, papers and effects against entries, searches and seixures shall not be impuired except upon warrant issu- ed only for probable cause, and particularly describing the place to be sen relied and tilings to be seiz- Ptl, or except as provided bv Ar- ticle X X X Each searcli or seizure shall he made upon separate warrant issued for the purpose by a competent judicinl otiicer. Article X X X I I I . The infliction of torture by any public officer and cruel punishments are absolutely forbidden. Article X X X I V . In nil criminal cases the accused shnll enjoy the right to a speedy and public trial by an impartial tribunal. He shall be pernnttod full oppor- tunity to examine all witnesses, and he shall have the right of compul- sory process for obtaining witnesses on his behalf at public expense. At all times the accused shall have the assistance of competent counsel who shall, if the accused be unable to secure the Sftine by his own efforts, he assigned to his use by the government. Article XXXV . Xo person shall be compelled to testify against him- self. No confession shnll be admitted in evidence if made under conipailsion, torture or threat, or after prolong- ed arrest or detention. No person shall be convicted or punished in cases where the only proof against him is his own con- fession. Article XXXV I . No person shall be held criminally liable for an act which was lawful at the time it was committed, or of which he has been acquitted, nor shall he, in any way， be placed in double jeopardy. Article XXXV I I . The Diet shall be the highest organ of state power, and shrtll be the sole law-making authority of the State. Article XXXV I I I . The Diet shall consist of two houses, namely the House of Representatives and the House of Councillors. Article , XXX IX . Both Houses shall consist of elected mem hers, representative of all the people. The number of the members of • SPOTLIGHT JUNE each House shall bp fixed by law. Article XL. The qualifications of electors and members for both Houses shall be fixed by law. How- ever, there shall be no discrimina- tion because of race, creed> sex, so- cial status or family origin. Article XLI . The term of o伍ce of members of the House of Repre- sentatives shall be 4 years. How- ever, the t«rm may be terminated before the full term is up by dis- solution of the House of Represen- tatives. Article XLI I . , The term of office of the members of the House of Councillors shall be six years. Elec- tion for half the members shall take place every three years. Article XLIII. Matters pertain- ing to the method of election of members of both Houses, electoral district^, and method of voting, shall be fixed by law. Article XLIV. No person shall be permitted to be a member df both Houses simultaneously. Article XLV. Members of both Houses sh^ll receive appropriate < i n叩p a y m e n t from the national treasury in accordance with the law. Article XLVI . Except in cases providea by law, members of both Houses shall be exempt from arrest while the Diet is in session. Any members arrested before the open- of the session shall be freed ng the term of the session upon defriand of the House. Article XLVI I . Members of both Houses shall not be held liable out- side the Hoiuse for speeches, debates, or votes cast inside the House. Article XLVI I I . An ordinary ses- sion of the Diet shall be convoked once per year. Article XLIX . Th« Cabinet may call extraordinary sessions of the Diet. When a quarter or more of th^ total members of cither house makes the demand, the Diet miist be called into session. Article L. When the House of Representatives is ordered dissolved, there must be a general election of members of the House of Represen- tatives within forty (40) days from the date of dissolution, and the Diet must be convoked within thirty (80) days from the date of the election. When the Houjse of Representatives is ordered dissolved, the House of Councillor^ must, at the same time, be closed, except that the Cabiniet may in time of national emergency convokc the House of Councillors in emergency session. ,'Measures enacted at such session shall be provisional and shall be- come null and voia, unless agreed tp by the House of Representatives within a period of ten (10) days after the opening of the next session of the Diet. Article LI . Each House shall judge disputes related to qualifica- tions and elections of its members. However, in order to deny a seat to any member, it is necessary to pass a resolution by a majority of tw-o-thirds or more of the members present. Article LII . Business cannot be transacted in cither House unless at least one-third of the total member- ship is present. All matters shall be decided, in each House, by a majority of those present, except as elsewhere provid- ed in the Constitution. In case of a tie, the presiding officer shall de- cide the issue. Article LI I I . Deliberation in each House shall be public. However, a secret meeting may be held where a majority of two-thirds or more of those members present passes a re- solution therefor. Each House shall keep a record of proeefedihgs. This record shall be published and given general cir- culation, excepting such parts of proceedings of secret session as may be deemed to require secrecy. Upon demand of oAe-fifth or more of the members present, votes of tne members on any matter shall be recorded in the mimites. Article LIV. Each House shall select its own president and other officials. Each House shall establish Its rules pertaining tor meetings and proceedings and internal discipline and may punish members fof disor- derly conduct. However, in order to cxpd a member, a majority of two- thirds or more of those members present must pass a resolution thereon. » Article LV. A bill becdmes 鏖 law\on passage by both Houses, ex- cept as otherwise provided by this Constitution: A bill which is passed by the House of Eepresentativ^fl； and* Upon which the H6use of Councillors makes a decision different from that of the House of Representatives, be- comes a law when passed a second time by the House of Representa- tive丨 by a majority of two-thirds or mor^ of the membert present. Failure by the House of Council- lors to take final action within sixty (60) days after rcceipt of a bill passed by the Horuse of Representa- tives, time in recess excepted, may be determined by the House of Re- presentatives to constitute a rejec- tion. Article LVI. The bndget must first be submitted to the House of Representatives. Upon consideration of the budget, when the House of Coancillors makes a decision different from that of the House of Representatives, and when a joint committee of both Houses, provided for by law, can- not come to an agreement, or in the case of failure by the HoiKe of Councillors to take final action within forty (40) days, the period of recess excluded, after the receipt of the budget passed by the House of Representatives, the decision of ‘ the House of Representatives will be considered the decision of the Diet. Article LVII . The second para- graph of the preceding article ap- plies also to the Diet approval re- quired for the conclusion of treaties. Article LVII I . Each House may conduct investigations in relation to national affairs, and may compel the presence and testimony of witness- es, and the production of rccords. Article LIX. The Prime Minister, and the Ministers of State, may at any time, appear in either House for the purpose of debating on bills, regafdless of whether they are members of the House or not. They must appear when their prcschce is required in order to give answers or explanations. Article LX. The Diet shall set up an impeachment court from the raembers of both Houses for the purpose of trying those judges against whom removal proceedings have been instituted. Matters relating to impeachment shall be provided by law. C H A P T E R S THE CABINET Article LXI. Executive power shall be vested in the Cabinet. Article LXI I . -The Cabinet shall Consist of the Prime Minister, who shall be its head, fnd other Mini- sters of state as provided for by law. Article LXI I I . The Pfirae Mini- ster shall be designated by a resolu- tion of the Diet. This Resignation shall precede all other business. I f the House of Representatives and the House of Councillors dis- agree and i f a joint committee of both houses, provided for by law, cannot reach an agreement, or the House, of Cotmcillors fails to make designation within twenty (20) day?, exclusive of the period of recess, after the House of Representatives Has made designation, the decision of the House of Representatives shall be the decision of th« Diet. Article LXIV. Th^ Prime Min- ister sh^l with the approval of the Diet, appoint the Ministers of State, The second paragraph df the pre- ceding article shall apply to this approval. The Prime Minister may remove the Ministers of State as he chooses. Article LXV. If the House of Re- presentatives passes a non-CQnfidence resolution,- or rejects a confidence resolution, the Cabinet shall resign en masse, unless the House of Re- presentatives is dissolved within ten days. Article LXVI . When there is a vacancy in the post of Prime Min- ister, or upon the convocation of the Diet after a general election, the Cabinet shall resign en masse. Article I .XVIl . In the cases men- tioned in the two preceding articles, the Cabinet shall continue its func- tions until the time when a new Prime Minister is appointed. Article LXVI I I . The Prime Min- ister representing the Cabinet, —b- mits bills, reports on general na- tional affairs and foreign relations to the Diet and exercises supervi- sion and control over various ad- ministrative branches* Article LX1X. The Cabinet, in addition to other general administra- tive functions shall. Administer the law faithfully, con- duct affairs of State. Manage foreign affairs. Conclude treaties. However it shall obtain prior or, depending on circumstances, subsequent approval of the Diet. In accordance with standards es- tablished by law, administer the civil service. Prepare the budget and present it to the Diet. Enact cabinet orders in order to carry out the provisions of this Con- stitution and of the law. However, it cannot include penal provisions in such cabinet orders unless author- ized by such law. Decide on general amnesty, special amnesty, commutation of punish- ment, reprieve and restoration of rights. ‘ Article LXX. All laws and cabinet orders shall be signed by the competent Minister of State and counter-signed by the Prime Min- ister. Article LXXI. . The Ministers of State, during their tenure of office, shall not be subject to legal action without the consent of the Prime Minister, but the right to take that action is not impaired hereby. CHAPTER 6 JUD IC IARY Article LXXI I . The whole judi- cial power is vested in a Supreme Court and in such inferior courts as are established by law. No extraordinary tribunal shall be established, nor shall any organ or agenry of the Executive be given final judicial power. All judges shall be independent in the exercise of their conscience and shall be bound only by this Con- stitution and the laws enacted pur- suant thereto. Article LXXI I I . The Supreme Cornrt is vested with the rule-making power under which it determines the rules of procedure and of prac- tice, and of matters relating to at- torneys, the internal discipline of the courts and the administration of judicial affairs. Public procurators shall be sub- ject to the rule-making power of the Supreme Court. The Supreme Court may delegate the power to make rules for inferior courts to such cour t s . . - Article LXXIV . Removals of judges shall be accomplished by public impeachment only unless judicially declared mentally or physically imcompetent. No dis- ciplinary action shall be administer- ed by any executive organ or agency. Article LXXV. The Supreme Court shall consist of such number of judges as may be determined by law； all such judges shall be ap- pointed by the Cabinet and shall be retired upon the attainment of the age as fixed by law. The appointment of the judges of the Supreme Court shall be review- ed by the people at the first general election of the House of Represen- tatives following their appointment," and shall be reviewed again at the first general election of the House of Representatives after a lapse of ten years, and in the same manner thereafter. In cases mentioned in the fore- going paragraph, when the majority of the voters show that they favor the dismissal of a judge concerned, he shall be dismissed. Matters pertaining to the review mentioned in the foregoing para- graphs shall be prescribed by law. All such judges shall receive, at regular, stated intervals, adequate compensation which shall not be decreased during their terms of office. Article LXXVI . The judges of the inferior courts shall be appoint- ed by the Cabinet from a list of persons nominated by the Supreme Court. All such judges shall hold office for a term of ten years with privilege of reappointment, provid- ed that they shall ^e retired upon the attainment of the age as fixed by law. The judges of the inferior courts shall receive, at regular, stated in- tervals, adequate compensation which shall not be decreased during their terms of office. Article LXXVI I . The Supreme Court is the court of last resort with power to determine the con- stitutionality of any law, order, re- gulation or official act. Article LXXVI I I . Trials shall be conducted and judgment declared publicly. Where, however, a court unanimously determines publicity to be dangerous to public order or morals, a trial may be conducted privately, but trials of political of- fenses, offenses involving the press, and cases wherein the rights of people as reserved in Chapter 3 of this Constitution, are in question, shall be conducted publicly without exception. Article LXX IX . The power to administer national finances shall be exercised as the Diet shall de- termine. Article LXXX. No new taxes shall be imposed or existing ones modified except by law or under such conditions as law may pres- cribe. Article LXXXI . No money shall be expended, nor shall the State obligate itself, except as authoriied by the Diet. Article LXXXII. The Cabinet shall prepare and submit to the Diet for its consideration and decision an annual budget for each fiscal year. Article LXXXI I I . In order to provide for unforeseen deficiencies in the budget a reserve fund may be authorized by the Diet to be ex- pended upon the responsibility of the cabinet. The Cabinet shall be held ac- countable to the Diet for all pay- ments from the reserve fund. Article LXXXIV. All property of the Imperial Household, other than the hereditary estates, sh^ll belong to the State. The income from all Imperial properties shall be paid into the national treasury, and al- lowances and expenses of the Im- perial Household, as defined by law, shall be appropriated by the Diet in the annual budget. Articlc LXXXV. No public money or property shall be appro- priatvd for the use, benefit or suj>- pprt of any system of religion, or religious institution or association, or for any charitable, educational or benevolent purposes not under the control of Public authority. Article L X X X V I . A final audit of all expenditures &nd rerenues of 34 the State shall be made annually by a board of audit and submitted by the Cabinet to the Diet during the fiscal year immediately following the period covered. The organization and competency of the board of audit shall be deter- mined by law. Article LXXXVI I . At regular in- tervals and at least annually the Cabinet shall report to the Diet and the people on the state of national finances. LOCAL SELF GOVERNMENT Article LXXXVI I I . Regulations concerning organization and opera- tions of local public entities shall be fixed by law in accordance with the principle of local autonomy. Article LXXXIX . The local pub- lic entities shall establish assemblies as their deliberative organs, in ac- cordance with law. The chief executive officers of all local public entities, the members of their legislative assemblies, and such other local officials as may be determined by law shall be elected by direct popular vote within their several communities. Article XC. Local public entities shall have the right to manage their prop'erty, affairs and government and to frame their own charters within such laws as the Diet may enact. Article XCI. A special law, ap- plicable only to one local public entity, cannot be enacted by the Diet without the consent of the majority of the voters of the local public entity concerned, obtained in accordance with law. AMENDMENTS Article XCII . Amendments to this Constitution shall be initiated bV the Diet, through a concurring vote of two-thirds of all the mem- bers of each House and shall there- upon be submitted to the people for ratification, which shall require the affirmative vote of a majority of all votes cast at a special referendum thereon, or at such election as the Diet shall specify. Amendments when so ratified shall immediately be proclaimed by the Emperor in the name of the Peo- ple, as an integral part of the Con- stitution. SUPREME LAW Article XCI I I . The fundamental human rights by this Constitution guaranteed to the people of Japan result from the age-old struggle of man to be free. Theダ have survived the exacting test for durability in the crucible of time and experience, and are conferred upon this and fu- ture generations in sacred trust, to be held for all time inviolate. Article XCIV. This Constitution and the laws and treaties made in pursuance hereof shall be the sup- reme law of the state and no public law or ordinance and no imperial rescript or other act of government, or part thereof, contrary to the pro- visions hereof, shall have legal force or validity. Article XCV. The Emperor or the Regent, the Ministers of State, the members of the Diet, judges, and all other public officials have the obligation to respect and uphold this Constitution. CHAPTER 11 SUPPLEMENTARY PROVISIONS Article XCVI. This Constitution shall be enforced as from the day when the period of six months will have elapsed counting from the day of its promulgation. The enactment of laws necessary for the enforcement of thi会 Consti- tution, the election of members of the House of Councilors and* the procedure for the convocation of the Diet and other preparatory proce- dures necessary for the enforcement of this Constitution may be execut- ed before the day prescribed in the preceding paragraph. Article XCVII . As regards those who hold peerage on the effective date of this Constitution, their title shall remain valid for their lives, but no right of peerage shall from this time forth embody within it- self any power of government. Article XCVII I . If the House of Councillors is not constituted before the effective date of this Constitu- tion, the House of Representatives shall sit as the Diet on that date and until such time as the House of Councillors sh^ll be constituted. Article XCIX. The term of office for half the members of 'the House of Councillors serving in the first term under this Constitution shall be three years. Members falling under this category shall be deter- mined in accordance with law. Article C. The Ministers of State, members of the House of Represen- tatives and judges in office on the effective date of this Constitution, and all other public officials who occupy positions corresponding to such positions as are recognized by this Constitution shall not forfeit their positions automatically on the effective date of this Constitution unless otherwise specified by law. When, however, successors are elec- ted or appointed under the provi- sions of this Constitution they shall forfeit their positions as a matto of course. THE END "No Constitution has a value greater than the loyalty and will of the people it represents or more power than their ability to enforce it.” (Pittsburg Press) AMERICAN OIL SUPPLY Anybody who imagines that our oil supply will perish in the next decade, or even the next 100 de- cades, is all wrong. I can't blame them for their belief, because, for several years, our prophets of na- tional impovtrishment have been publishing and broadcasting the pre- diction that we shall have no more oil in 12 or 14 years, This is utter nonsense. People who make such statements simply do noi know the facts. Geologists, the scientists of the petroleum industry, generally agree that more than 150,000,000,000 bar- rels of oil will be found in the West- ern Hemisphere, enough to last us over 100 years at present rate of consumption； About 50,000,000,000 barrels of this they place in the United States alone. These are conservative ftgures. But a 100-year potential is not enough. It is a shortage. I f it rep- resented our only hope, it would mean that our grandchildren's air- planes might be grounded and their motorcars stalled for gooacertain- ly that we should one day have to import all our oil from far abroad. But it is not the only gasoline poten- tial. We have enough coal in this country to produce an additional 2,000 years of gasoline. Researchers now estimate that gasoline may, when the need arises, be produced from coal at a refinery cost of only 10 cents a gallon, not too mudi higher than the present cost, of gaso- line from petroleum——around 5 cents per gallon. I f taxes on gas were reduced, the cost of gasoline from coal thus would not be prohibitive to mass consumption. Eugene Holman in The American Magazine. 1 35 THE GOVERNMENT CAN'T SUCCEED (Continued from page stitutional guarantees of a demo- cratic government will be meaning- less unless the general body of citi- zens are qualified to take advantage of them. But the people of Japan lack the proper training, experience, or tradition. Although the govern- ment must be based upon the peo- ple and be guided by the people, the government must also guide and educate the people to bear their civic responsibilities. This leads to the fundamental t^sk of the Government in the field of educational reform. The traditional educational system of Japan failed to produce men capable of original thinking. I t emphasized outward form and forgot substance. It glorified theory and neglected prac- tice. I t was dominated by an emo- tionalism which favored prejudice over logic. I t was an instrument for indoctrination rather than a means for the search for truth. All :hese faults must be corrected and the people must be given an educa- tion which will enable them to ex- ercise their judgment independently .ind soundly if democracy is to he :nade to succeed in Japan. Such' a .ask of educational reform invpTves )Huch more than a change in school idministration or a change in <?ur- :*icula. It requires a revolutionary change in the basic spirit of Japa- nese education. I t can be brought about only by a relatively slow pro. oess in which the fundamental at- titude of the people is made to un- dergo an evolutionary unfolding. It means a task requiring infinite patience and consistent persistency, a task which will try the mettle of any government. All of these great tasks the new Government will be called upon to perform. And in addition to the difficulties Inherent in the tasks themselves, the Government will in- evitably be beset by human frail- ties. The out-and-out reactionaries will not constitute much of a prob- lem, for although they will covertly try to sabotage the Government's program, they have been so dis- credited that they now have little power left. But the well-meaning conservatives who want to be pro- gressive and who think they ape pro- gressive but who arc really timid of change and sentimentally attach- ed to what is familiar, will consti- tute a serious drag upon the Gov- ernment. On the other side there will be the radicals whose idealistic enthusiasm outruns their common sense. They Will belabor the Gov- ernment for not going fa^t enough, failing to realize that h^ste makes waste, an4 they will endanger the Government by accusing it of lack of faith when the Government can- not escape from cautious deliberate- ness in dealing with practical reali- ties whose difficulties are beyond the comprehension of irr切porwible cri- tics. And the majority of the peo- ple, while supporting the Govern- ment, are so inexperienced and so lacking in insight and firm convic- tion that they will not be able to offer very much help. Under these circumstances, it is natural that the new Government will fail in its tasks. I t would be a miracle if the Government should succeed, and miracles cannot be ex- pected. The fact of inevitable fai- lure is the outstanding conclusion to be derived from a consideration of the tasks of the new Government. Yet, tnfs inevitability of failure should niot too much gloom. Thi» is thd way things must be, and this is probably the way things must be, and this it prob- ably the way thing! should be. The failure of this Government will not mean the perpetual doom of the fiation. Somehow Japan hat managed to survive, and with 龜 • u r p r i 暴 ing： degree of glory withal, through the recurring crises of her governments during the countless years of her long history. Even since her unpre- ceedented defeat and surrender, she has somehow managed to mud- dle along without complete cata- strophe. For all her faults, Japan must possess a pretty substantial core of something etMntially sound and essentially vital in her national life to have been able to survive thus far so successfully through all her past trials. This essential strength of Japan will enable her to survive through the expected failure of the new Gov4 ernment. This essential strength of the Japanese nation despite the faults of her governmants is to be found in the character of her people. For all their ignorance and delu- sions and perverteness, they do possess bene«th the surface a na- tive intelligence, a basic moral rectitude, and a spiritual purpose which cannot be denied. These attributes will enable them to pre- vail in the end. But it is probably fitting that they should go through a period of suffering before they attain their ultimate suecess and glory. I t is not right for them to emerge too readily into ease and happiness aftef their mistakes of the past few bloQd- stained years. There undoubtedly must needs be! a period of penance before they can gain redemption. The pain and toil of this period of penance is but a trial which will prepare them for their eventual rightful destiny. This experience is probably necessary to the end that finally the real glory of the nation will be the more thoroughly attained. The new Government cannot pos- sibly succeed in its tasks. But the failure should not be lamented. For paradoxically, this iailure may con- stitute a necessary step on the road to national salva^on. HOLLYWOOD'S HIPPO In Hollywood, between stories about screwball directors and farmers' daughters (in different stories), they tell tales about pro- perty men, and one of the most popular is. about a prop man and a hippopotamus. In a pre-war Tarzan picture, ac, cording to the yarn, there was to be a wow of a scene in which a hippo swam in and attacked the helpless, scantily clad heroine on the shore of a big lake—and if you don't know who was to come gallop- ing through the treetops to save her you probably don't know how to spell Wcissmuller, either. When the property man received the script he started out to get a t玖me hippo at any cost. No zoo or circus in the United States would sell or rent a hippo, so he. finally bought one named Alfred in Eng- land and personally conducted him back to Hollywood at an over-all cost of $13 ,65^7 . They were shooting the picture on the calm 涔ide of Catalina island, with the ocean acting as the lake, and they ferrie(i Alfred over, took him offshore on a barge, and when the cameras were ready and the director gave the signal, eight men pointed Alfred's broad snout to- ward the shore and, in spite of his panicky protests, shoved him off the barge. They haven't seen Alfred since I t turned out that Alfred was u very rare h i p p o t h e only one in .the world that had never learned to swim. Jerome Beatty In the American 36 JUNE GUNBATSU: B (Continued from page 6) worked hard for Nagatfi. Still younger officers, such as Sho Muto, Shinichi Tanaka, and Torashiro Kawabe, also supported Nagata. In addition, Nagata's superior officers, including such dignitaries as Kazu- nari Ugaki, J iro Minami, Nobu- yuki Abe, Harushige Ninomiya, Gen Sugiyama, Shunroku Hata, Kuniaki Koiso, Yoshitsugu Tate- k科wa, Yoshijiro Umezu, etc. were in favor of his views. These offi- cers later organized themselves into what was later known as the Tosei-ha or the Unity Faction. Opposed to Nagata's group who favored national mobilization一and subsequently approving Obata's policy of intensive fighting for quick settlement of the war—were such men as Jinsaburo Masaki, Sadao Araki, Heisuke Yanagawa> Juko Yamaoka, Shiriji Hata, Sukc- kuro Hirano, etc. Thfese men formed what was later known as the Kodo-ha or the Imperial Fac- tion. These two factions came to a clash when Masaki demanded that Araki punish the officers who were involved in the March and October plots. Masaki maintained that the discipline in the whole Army would be impaired unless these schemes were fj^lly dealt with. In reality, however, it meant a sweeping dis- posal of the Tosei-ha officers^ in ad- dition to the group led by Kingoro Hashimoto. Masaki’s proposal forced the rival faction, the Tosei-ha, to prestnt a solid front to safeguard its own wel- fare. This gave rise to a severe fac- tional 功rife within the Army. In his capacity as the war min- ister, Sadao Araki carried out some shifts, but it was far from severe in nature and thorough-going in scope. Officers involved Were re- moved from central offices, but no- thing was done as regards Tctsuzan Nagata and Kuniaki Koiso, who were the moving spirits in these ploft. Koiso was later sent to Man- churia as the chief of staff of the Kwantung Army, but until that time, he continued occupying such important central offices as the chief of the military affairs division of the Wa r Office and vice-minister of war. As for Nagata, he was soon promoted to major-general and was shifted from his o伍ce of head of military affaics section to chief of the 2nd department, General Staff Office. Still later, he canre back to the War O伍ce again as chief of the military affairs division, when Scnjuro Hayashl be- came the war minister. Araki appointed Heisuke Yanagawa as SE MILITARISM vice-minister of war, to succeed Kuniaki Koiso, in addition to some minor changes. These shifts, viewed in the light of enforcing disci- pline within the Army, did not accomplish anything Moreover, it revealed a difference of views be- tween him and Masaki as regards the personnel of the Army. Too, he betrayed that he was a robot of the bra in , young officers within the War ofece, that he did not have an opinion of his own, and that he dia not have powerful sup- port from any specific group When, therefore, he was over- whelmed by Korekiyo Takahashi later in the Saito cabinet, his popularity in the Army began to .wane rapidly. Araki had to quit to be succeeded by Scnjuro Hayashi. In the light of history, Araki's halt-way measures in the settlement of the March and October plots, and his inability to enforce discipline within the Army were largely res- ponsible for the Tosei-ha coming into power in later years, in spite o f the fact that Araki himself was a prominent figure of the Kodo-ha faction. Again, if all the men in- volved in thsse two abortive plots had been purged thoroughly at that time, militarism in Japan might have developed differently. An analysis of the factional strife between the Tosei-ha and the Kodo-ha within the Army of those days reveals a characteristic differ- ence in the combination of men between the factions. The men of the Kodo-hf, ‘ from Jinsaburo Masaki down, were com- bined more aloi^g the line of official duty than as a means of safeguarding their own interests. On the other hand, Nagata and hi§ Tosei-ha men were active not only to win the sympathy and support of their colleagues within the Army—even those of the Kwan- tung Army in Manchuria一but also managed to establish close relations with prominent bureaucrats, the upper strata of political circled, including veteran court officials, and top-notch industrial captains and financiers. On the §tr^ngth of their combination with leading politicians, the Tosei-ha won the sympathy of Senjuro Hayashi, close friend of Masaki. Hayashi, in spite of the fact that he was con- sidered a prominent figure in the Kodo-ha, in l i ter years' forced Masaki to resign from the office of inspector-general of Army Edu- cattion. Incidentally, the resigna- tion of Masaki marked the com- plete victory of the Tosei-ha. Al l this time while such rivalry was going on utnong the governing officers of the Army, the nation paid but little attention. To the disinterested outsiders, it was mere- ly a strife to win leadership, within an organization. • Outsiders who were in the know watched what was going pn with folded arms. Mean- while the whole Army was degenerated to the status of an instrument of a handful of ambi- tious fascists who planned to push their continental campaign wit” the design of dominating the "Greater East Asia” plan on the strength' of a totalitarian natk)nal mobilization of Japan, inspired by their militf Hsm. Side by side with the rivalry in- side the Army, there were also young men with ultra-patriotic ideas who planned to purge these schemers and to bring about a revolution. A rnimber of startling incident^ broke put, such as. the assassination of Tetsuzan Nagata in his own office within the War Office in broad daylight, and the 2-26 Incident— so-called because it occurpd on Feb- ruary 26,1986~~>vliich was an up- rising of young officers who led their men against the fascist schem- ing of superior, officers. But the brainy men of the Tosei-ha always managed to avail themselves of ^hese occurrences to promote their plan. At the time when Koki Hi rota was ordered by the Emperor to form a new cabinet, immediately after the 2-26 Incident, Hisaichi Terauchi was selected to the post jdI"war minister. War Minister- elect Terauchi went to see Hirota ‘ a f the latter's office while Hirota was busy forming his cabinet. Te- rauehi declared that the Army would purge the radical men within the Army and that discipline would enforced, but that the Army also c::pect©(! political circlcs to do its share t;h rough a spontaneous elimination of undesirable elements. Terauchi demanded that liberal- minded men be barbed from Join- ing the cabinet. Hirot争 swallowed Tcrauchi*s demand. So the Army v began interfering with the organi- 1 zation of the cabinet. During the tenure of the Hirota ministry, the Army had its own way in many instances. Otitstand- ing.in the expansion of its influence was the change in the system of the appointment of the war and navy minsters in the cabinet; it Was stipulated that generals and admirals in the active service alone may become the war and navy ministers in any cabinet. This system was a stepping stone for the Army to dictate to the government. (Kasunari Ugaki, in later years, was unable to form a cabinet of his own because the Army refused to approve a war minister for his cabinet.) SPOTLIGHT JUNE 名1 As regards the "purge” that Te- rauchi promised he dismissed Hei- suke Yanagawa, Binshiro Obata, and Yoshitsugu Tatekawa from active service. In vi<ew of the fact that Jinsabyro Masaki and Sadao Araki were put on the reserve lint in connection with the 2-26 Inci- dent, Terauchi's “purge” complet- ed the elimination of the Kodo-ha from the Army. Tcrauchi an- nounced that there were no more factions within the Army： he meant actually that the entire Army had come under the control of the Tosei-ha faction. With the Army thus unified, the Tosei-ha leaders took the next step. Terauchi dissolved the Hirota cabi- net and formed a military govern- ment with Scnjuro Hayashi as premier. By the time the Hayashi cabinet was through, the Army had developed into the propelling force in Japan's political circles. It was indeed regrettable that the politicians of those days were busy looking after their own inter- ests. Obviously, parties were eager to get into power. To do so, they curried the favor of the Army rather than criticized the miscon- ducts of some of the officers. They looked for chances of organising a cabinet with the aid of the Army It required courage to advocate 'a purge of the radical elements in the Army in those days. Unfor- tunately, Japan lacked politicians who were willing to sacrifice their lives for the cwuse of the national welfare. Because of this lack of courage on the part of the politicians, they were eventually thrown out of power altogether. Even under such circumstances, however, Japan still had a chance to save herself. The chance was lost, however at the time Prince Konoe gave up his 3rd cabinet in the autumn of 1941. Neither he nor his supporters had courage enough to oppose the Army's in- sistence that it could not afford to have the morale of the men affec- ted by a wholesale withdrawal from China. This was one of the cardinal conditions under which Japanese-American relations could have been readjusted. And, on the success of the readjustment of the relations between Japan and the . United States depended the perm- anent solution of the chronic China affair as well u the historic cross- 丨te^d of checking the Army, gave it free reign to direct the national destiny by Recommending Hideki Tojo to the Throne to Prince Konoe. END W I N S B U T L O S E S nation was followed Kono ビ 8 resig- sc. Koichi Kido, — - L o r d Keeper of the Fnvy Seal, and other high ranking of the court, in- MRS. MICHIKO YAMAZAKI OF SHIZUOKA ELECTIONS WOMAN VOTE-GETTER Mrs. Michiko Yamazaki, reading these headlines in the newspaper, felt happy tears, well in her eyes. Polling over 100,000 votes to assure her a seat in the Diet as a Social Democrat, Mrs. Yamazaki was na- turally overwhelmed with emotion. Bait this was a bitter day for her too. On this day, A p r i l 1 1 , s h e had to sever relations with her husband, Kenji Yamazaki. Mr. Yamazaki returned to Japan on April 4 from Borneo whence he had been sent by the Japanese Army four years ago as a civil administra- tor. The core of the trouble was in the fact that while in Borneo, he found an Indonesian wife and fathered two children by her. He brought his new family with him to Japan. ノ / Mrs. Yamazaki, now 47 years old, had been working with her husband for over 80 years. She married him when she was 17 at which time she was working as a printer's apprentice for a daily pittance of 9 sen. Through her untiring efforts, Mr. \ ama^aki rose to gain a Diet seat on the now defunct Shakai Taishuto ticket. ^ Mrs. Yamazaki has been fighting for the liberation of the working class for 20 years. She served .on various civil committees, ran the Kumazu Municipal Inn, and acted as a traveling mid-wife. Iq her own words, she ran in the recent elections on behalf of her husband. Torn between joy and sorrow on the day of her election, she stated: "The sorrow caused by my husband's betrayal is much greater than my へjoy at being elected, but my heart is f4ll of forgiveness. Yet were I to pardon him, .1 would be betray- ing my trust as a Diet member since I have been struggling for the awakening of women. With a heavy heart, I have taken steps to- ward a divorce." > Mr. Yamazaki made the following statement: “I knew we could come to an understanding by talking things over. I will accept her de- mand for a divorce. When I went to Borneo,1 d i i not expect to come back alive. I never imagined 1 would be coming back to Japan.” THE END 38 THE GENERAL ELECTIONS—A REVIEW (Continued from page 9) cabinet as the eve of the election approached. Quarters close to the Government were aware of the movement by certain cabinet mem- bers to retain the Government, if not in totality at least Baron Kijuro Shidehara as premier. An inkling of this movement was given to the public when Chief Cabinet Secretary Wataru N<irahashi told reporters in Osaka, while the ballots were still being counted, that “the election did not necessarily mean that the Gov- ernment must resign as it was not held as a vote of confidence in the Government." This pronouncement was followed up by lively action within the cabinet as the indecisive results of the election became clear. In this action two cabinet min- isters were activc. Home Minister Chuzo Mitsuchi strove to secure the sanction of Liberal and Progressive Parties with the object of forming a two-party government under Shidehara. A former member of the now defunct Minseito Party, Mi- tsuchi hoped to realize his plan by marshalling the support of his for- mer colleagues now associated with the two parties. Narahashi, the other cabinet minister, bent his efforts toward securing the collaboration of inde- pendents and other minor party members, as well as the less hostile elements within the Liberal, Pro- gressive and Social Democratic Par- tics in forming a new party and a coalition government with Shidehara as premier. No On* Big Enough A few days later Narahashi told the press that he believed that the Shidehara cabinet was duty bound to carry on at least until the end )f the forthcoming Special Di^t session because it WAS charged with the task of completing the revision of the Constitution. For this pur- pose, he said, the present cabinet will carry out poHtical operations to enlist the cooperation of the newly electcd parties. He also hinted at the absence of a politician who was big enotigh to steer the nation through the present critical situa- tion and, therefore, there was no choice but to retain Shidehara. A coalition government under Ichiro HAtoynnia, the president of the Liberal Party, he feared, would not be able to meet the task with which the nation was confronted, both domestically and internationally. Premier Shidehara said pradical- ly the same thing, though evasive- ly, a couple of days later when he met the press. The Nippon Times reporter in writing up the interview stated: "He expressed persistent anxiety over the future of the new Constitution, which his cabinet had drafted, and which he has repeated- ly declared he wanted to see through. Though his evasive atti- tude at the interview with the press did not seem to be deliberate, he gave the impression that he might be swayed by the vigorous moves of Narahashi and Mitsuchi for or- ganizing a new party and carry on. But, he subtly added that whether the Government would remain or not, of course, depended upon the will of the people." This attitude - of the cabinet and the political maneuvers in contradic- tion to the mandate of the electorate continued much to the people's dis- ^ust. Whatever Shidehara and his backers migjit say the people had prone to the election with the belief that they were electing a new gov- ernments They did not have con- fidence in the Shidehara govern- ment. They bad tolerated it be- cause they felt that it was only an interim frovernment. But now they had expressed their will and, while it was not decisive, they nonetheless expected a new government. Hence, it was no wonder that the disgust of the people mounted as the days went by. This disgust became so pronounced, however, that the Shidehara cabinet was forced to re- sign. This it did late on the after- noon of Tuesday, April 22. But the resignation did not end the political stalemate. On the con- trary, it accelerated the subversive mnneiivers. With an eye to pre- miership still undinrimed and bent on re^aininf? it, Shidehara and his back- ers hit upon a scheme of having Shidehara head a political party. The party they had in mind was the Progressive Party that emerged the second strongest party in the election. As the new government in all probability would be a coali- tion government, Shidehara stood • an excellent chance of heading the new cabinet. This possibility loom- ed brightly when the status of Hatoyama, the most potential and perhaps the most lo^ncal candidate for the post of premier as president of the leading Liberal Party, was raised, as liable to come within*the spirit of the so-called purge direc- tive of January 4> for what he wrote in his book, 4'Sekai-no-Kao" (Face of The World). Whether he was to be disqunlified or not remained to be seen, but the question of his status coming up at the critical time as it did, was certainly not oppor- tune for expediting a healthy poli- tical settlement. Coalition Moves At any rate, the day after the resignation of the cabinet, Baron Shidehara, in his new capacity as president of the Progressive Party, conferred with Hatoyama and Tetsu Katayama, secretary general of the Social Democratic Party, in separate conferences. His object was to sound out their views toward the formation of a coalition cabinet, os- tensibly with himself as its head. That ambition was strongly opposed by Hatoyama who, after the meet- ing, told the press that he was stif- fly opposed to Shidehara's receiving an Imperial command to form a government again. He believed, he said, th.at in the interest of a demo- cratic government the president of the leading party should be given the Imperial command to organize a government and that Shidehara should cooperate in that move. Katayama was also not in favor of anyone heading the new gov- ern rftent, except from his own party. In the meantime the press also attacked Shidehara in his efforts to regain the premiership.- Granted that he was the head of an influen- tial political party, it argued, that headship was super-imposed and he was not fxut there bv the express will of the people. On the other liand, however, both Hatoyama and Katayama were duly elected by the people and therefore when it came to the choice as to who had receiv- ed the mandate of the nation to h^id the new government, the last two should certainly have preference over Shidehara. But, despite the criticisms against him, the negotiations went on. On Wednesday, April 24, the press re- ported tlmt there was strong pos- sibility of the Liberal Party、form- ing n coalition government with the Progressive Party and without the participation of the Social Demo- cratic Pnrtv, which adamantly insist- ed that it should have the premier- ship. Without the premiership it would remain as the opposition party, it said. On Thursday, the political situa- tion took another unexpected turn with the representatives of the Li- beral, Social Democratic, Commu- nist, and the Cooperative Parties holding n meeting. At their meet- ing it was proposed to form a sub- committee, composed of represen- tatives from cach of the four par- ties to draw up plans for the for- mulation of a conlition government. This sub-committee met on the fol- lowing d«iy. And that was the way the situation stood at this writing. Fifteen days had passed since the election was held, and yet it was not clear as to when the n^w government would be formed or who would head it. In JUN鷲 39 this light the election certainly could not be said tr have been successful. It only mirrored the confusiou of the nation. Su t it would obviously be very unfair to dismiss the election by merely pointing out its shortcom- ings. When the conditions of the country under which it was held arc taken into consideration there was much to speak in its favor. For all its faults it was at least a demo- cratic election in which the people at long last were able to express their will freely and mntrammeled. And for the first time in Japanese history the women were given the right to vote and to participate in state affairs. The zeal with which they took advantage of their newly acquired rights was amazing as may be seen by the fact that 66 per cent of the eligible women voters cast their ballots. Moreover, 83 women stood up as candidates, and of these 39 were elected. They scored a smashing success, the like of which the world, not even the most demp- cratic countries, had yet seen. £Uc t ios Fi|rur«i Other surprising and epochal, re- sults of the election sho# that more thftn 27,0001000 people, or .73 per cent of the entire electorate, cast、 their votes, despite the handicap of transportation facilities. How large this voting was may be realised when it is compared to the previous all- time high, which WAS 11^50,000. The Government surrey, which revealed these facts, also show that professional politicians did not re- ceive much consideration with only six Teturned in tht Diet just elect- ed. In the pre-war Diet pondcrnncc of members vers, bi/? business representatives and' professional politicians. I n th^ new Diet there nre only 62 lawyers and 82 corporation directors, while as newcomers there arc 82 teachers, 22 authors ,13 physicians and 49 far- mers. Old line politicians have all but disappeared. O f the 98 Pro- gressives elected, 70 are new faces; 102 of the 139 liberals ma^e thetr appearance, and the Social Demo- crats have jumped from 17 to 92. Independents in the old Diet had 72, while in the new, there are 83, but of the 83, 73 arc new faces SiimmariKin霣,375 of the 466 are having their first chance in law making. The Communists for the first time were able to elect mem- bers to the Diet. The election also revealed that the electorate, despite the attractive elo- quence and the public spotlight the leftists drew, kept their headf and took A ccntraV course, or more cor- rectly toward the right. On the crcdit side the nation un- doubtedly made soove very promising inroads 4n democracy, but as it has been mentioned in the earlier part of 之he article, it showed that it w&« still an uncouth novice in the art of democracy and the election wtfnt wide of its mark. Final Election Rtvults 、 Liberal. Party . . . Progressive Party Social Democratic Party Cooperative Party Communist Party .Minor Parties . . Independents . . . 828 100 189 549 799 96 98 18 5 81 81 Total 2,785 465 Women Candidates 88 89 PARTY PLATFORMS ceedinf 響100»_ in value. Freesinf of Government com- pensations to munitions com- panies and the overseas com- panies. Thorough-going reduction of administrative expenditures. Candidates Elected 498 141 8 7 7 Reconstruction The Liberal Parly A. On the Emperor System and tic Constitutional Problem: 1 . S u p p o r t of the Emperor system. 2. Savercigntr vtuted in the State. 8. The Emperor to assume the prerogatives in accordance with articles of th省 Constitu- tion through the Assistance of the people. 4. Extension of the function of the House of Representative.!, maKing It the central agency of politics. B. On the Food Problem: 1 .Ra t iona l i sa t ion of Govern- ment ricc collections. 2. Radical increase of rice price and Tree transaction at rice market of left over rice after (government collection. 8. Exertion of ' renewed efforts toward import of rice f .om abroad. 4 . I m m e d i a t e enforcement of policies for Increase of fresh fish catch. . C. Inflation Policy: 1 . I m m e d i a t e return to systvm of limiting currency issuance. 2. Suspension of issuance of new public bonds. 8. Extension of period of pay- ment of public bonds and de- crease of interest thereof. 4. Imposition of a special tax on wartime profits«and joint na- tional tax on property cx- D. Industrial Policy: 1 .Announcemen t of the kind and scale of industries for the production of daily necessities and of other key industries. 2. Furnishing of material and fund by priority to these in- dustries. 8. Computation of prices of goods produced by the re- converted industries on the basfs of the price of rice anく compensation by the State ot losses in production cost. 4. Return to laissez-f^ire eco- nomy in the future. E . Unemployment Policy: 1 . R e l i e f of unemployment by construction of "industrial" roads and enforcement of hydroelectric enterprises. “3. Nation-wide re-distribution of concenttated medium and small-scale enterprises. B. Establishment ot social and unemployment insurance. ' 4 . Strengthening of labor spirit through improvement of working conditions. 5. Attainment of full employ- ment within the framework 'of capitalist economy. F. On the Land Problem: 1 . C r e a t i o n of small-holders. 2. Support of payment of farm- rent in kind as well as in caih. The Progresuv« Party A. On the JEmperor System and the Constitutional Problem： Support of the Emperor system. Assumption of the preroga- tivca by the Emperor. Politics to center around a democratic Diet. Abolition of the Privy Coun- cil and peerage. 3 . 4 . B. 1： Food Policy: Democratization and ration- alization of rice collections and food distribution. .Distribution of . foodstufff equal to caloric amount of 3-go of rice through increased production of sweet potatoes and cereals. Payment in cash for rice re- quisitioned by the Government. Linking rice collections with distribution of farm implc- 40 ments and other articles in- dispensable to farmers. C. Inflation Policy. 1.Enforcement of the property tax and wartime profit tax. 1 . R a i s i n g exemptions of pro- perty tax. S. Increase of industrial produc- tion and improvement in sup- ply and demand relations of materials. 4. Enforcement of relief and so- cial policy. 5. Termination of compensations payment to munitions com- panies, except to those recon- verted into peacetime in- dustries. 6. Positive advance of loans as funds for carrying on pro- duction. 7. Promotion of materials im- port by increased production of goods suitable for export. D. Industrial Reconstruction Policy: 1.Establishment of a compre^ hensive industrial plan and placing of emphasis on pro- duction of goods suitable for export, coal and materials for reconstruction. 2. Establishment of a reconstruc- tion credit corporation. 8. Re-distribution of Govern- ment and civilian enterprises. 4. Promotion of commercial and industrial reconstruction. 5. Placing of emphasis on for- tradc planning and in- on of foreign capital. E. Unemployment Policy: 1 .At ta inment of full employ- ment. 2. Promotion of civilian indus- trial restoration. • • Enforcement of large-scale civil engineering enterprises. 4. Deriving of funds from the property tax for large-scale relief measure. 5. Assistance to restoration of medium and small-scale com- merce and industry. F. On the Land Problems 1 .Creat ion of small-holders. 2. Support of payment of farm- rent in kind as well as in cash. Tbe Social Democrat Party A. On the Emperor System and the Constitutional Problem: 1 .The Emperor system to be retained. 2. Sovereignty vested in the State, the components of which are the Emperor and the people. 3. Radical limitation of the Emperor's prerogatives. 4. Major part of the Preroga- tives to be placed in the Diet. 5. Establishment of a respon- sible Cabinet system. 6. Abolition of the Privy Council. B. On the Food Problem: 1 .Operat ion of the chemical fer- tiliser industry by the State. Fundamental solution of the farmland system. 8. Access to military-held land and to forests owned by the Imperial Household; cultiva- tion of virgin land as State enterprise. 4. Democratization of agricul- tural societies and foodstuffs distribution corporations. 5. Autonomous management of Government rice collections. C. Inflation Policy: 1.Establishirent of a high-rate property tax, with exemptions from ¥70,000 to ¥100,000. 2. Suspension of payment of in- terest to large war bond holders. 3. Termination of payment of compensations to munitions companies and establishment of an inquiry commission to investigate into the property of thes companies. 4. Opposition to the sale of State-owned property and State-operated enterprises to liquidate the national debt. 5. Operation of banks by the S t a t e . . 6. Prevention of inflation at the expense of the property class. D. Industrial Reconstruction Policy： 1.Operat ion by the State of key industries and enforcement of a Socialistic planned economy. 2. Increase of production in the civilian industries through high efficiency and high wages. 3. Participation of trade unions in management. 4. Organization of medium and scale merchants and in- dustrialists into cooperative so cieties. E. Unemployment Policy: 1 . F u l l employment through shortening of working hours. 2. Establishment' of minimum wages 3. Establishment of unemploy- ment allowances. 4. Establishment of unemploy- ment commiteees in the cap- ital and in the country. 5. Absorption of unemployed by establishment of a labor cor- poration for the reconstruc- tion of war-rayaged areas. 6. Extension of welfare facilities for the unemployed. F. On the Land Problem: 1, Purchase of land of absentee landowners by the State. 2. Sole of the purchased Stftte- 、》u»""飞land to its present cul- ti valors, Tho cooperative Party A. On the Emperor System and the Constitutional Problem: 1.* Support of the Emperor system. 2. Establishment of a democra- tic political system in order to realize a government by the Emperor and people. 3. Recognition of the Emperor's veto. 4. Kstablishment of a bi-cameral system. B. Food Policy: 1. Increased production of fer- tilizer, farm implements and other materials indispensable to farmers. 2. Revision of the current rice collection system into a ra- tion/i丨 and autonomous one. 3. Establishment of a price sys- tem on ¥500-a-koku-of-rice basis. 4. Access to military-held land and to land owned by the Im- perial Household and cultiva- tion thereof. C. Inflation Policy: * 1 . Immed ia te enforcement of the wartime profit tax. 2. Termination of payment of compensations to munitions companies. 8. Conversion of public bonds payable in 100 years. 4. Establishment of a transfer account savings system based on the cooperative societies. 5. Exchange of materials by direct linking of urban live- lihood cooperative societies with industrial societies, anci extermination of black market transactions. D. Industrial Reconstruction Policy: 1 .Promot ion of establishing in- dustrial cooperative societif to be participated in by me- dium and snmll -scale mer- chants and industrialists. 2. Promotion of an agricultural products manufacturing in- dustry. 3. Opposition to ownership -mcl operation by the State ut' key- industries. 4. Cooperation between ！: ‘l,or and uianagesient through the employment of the people's capital and democratic …an- agement. 41 E. Unemployment Policy: 1 . E m p l o y m e n t of labor through promotion of restoration of war-ravaged areas. 2. Enforcement of large-scale agricultural and forestry en- terprises. 8. Mobilisation of unemployed by mine workers. P . On the Land Problems • 1 . P r o m o t i o n of collective cul- tivation by cooperative so- Tieities. The Communist Party A. On the Emperor System and ie Constitutional Problem. of Emperor the C. 1. 2. 6. Abolition system. Sovereignty vested in people： establishment of a re- publican form of government. Establishment of a demo- cratic constitution by a demo- cratic Diet. Establishment of the peo- ple's rights by a democratic unin:ameral system. Food Policy： Democratic ricc collections and management thereof by a working farmers' organisa- tion. Control of food distribution by the people. Hoarded materials to be seiz- ed and import of materials. Solution of land problem and increase of production through application of machinery to agricultural cultivation. Oposition to application of legal pressure by Government in rice collections. Inflation Policy: Assimilation of all banks under State bank and control thereof by the people. Opposition to inflation policy that may likely be enforced at the expense of the working class. Solution of public bonds prob- lem at the expense of the Emperor, capitalists and land- owners. Suspension of j jayment of compensations by the State to capitalists and land-owners. Imposition of high-rate tax on Zaibatsu and the rich. Confiscation of all wartime profits. Opposition to imposition of tax on the masses. D . Industrial Policy: Reconstruction 1 . C o n t r o l of production by workers and restoration of industries through participa- tion of workers in manage- ment. 2. Control of key enterprises by a republican form of govern- ment. 3. Guarantee of freedom of me- dium and small-scale mer- chants and industrialists. E . Unemployment Policy: 1 .Es tab l i shmen t of the 7-hooir working day system in prin- ciple. 2. Full employment through shortening of working hours. 3. Establishment of minimum wages. 4. Operation of unemployment insurance by he State at the expense of the capitalists. 5. Control by the workers and unemployed of all social in- surance funds. 6. Support of trade unions of in- dustrial organizations. 7. Establishment of committees of the unemplored. 8. Exemption of the unemployed from payment of rents and electric light charges. F . On Land Problem: Confiscation without com- pensation of land owned by parasitic land-owners and untended land and distribu- tion thereof to farmers. Purchase with due compensa- tion of land owned by small land-owners. PARTY POLICIES Party Spokesmen on Election Results Tomejiro Ok Liberal “ I will summarise what our party promised to the people. As for the internal issues, we gave our promise as to how we will tackle unemploy- ment, inflation, food and constitu- tional problems. As for foreign re- lations, world politics have complete- ly changed with the appearance of the atomic bomb and the establish- ment of the United Nations Organi- .sation. JapaD at the present has no international status, so she must conclude a peace treaty as soon as possible. “We have refrained from attack- ing the Shidehara cabinet as to who should form the government because (1 ) there has been no political par- ties, and (2) because the cabinet pro- mised that it would quit after the general election. But recently it has be^n rumored that the Shidehara cabinet will remain in office. W c must overthrow the cabinet in order to realize a good government.” Ren Hayasbi, Progressive Party “The Progressive Party was not able to command a majority in the election because it started making preparations for it late. " W e cannot do anything about Japan's defeat, because wc courted it through oftr own folly. But our posterity must not suffer because of the defeat. " I n order to construct a peaceful and democratic nation, aur party will put into practice what we pro- mised to the public. " W e shall also strive to faithfully translate the Potsdam Declaration into practice so as to sccurc world confidence•” Mittu Kawano» Social " W e will forge ahead for the es- tablishment of true democratic poli- tics. Wc will fight the majority party that assumes power in the Diet, but we shall always be open to fair discussion of the issues. "The people must be on guard against the joining of the unattached and independent candidates with the Liberal or Progressive parties. I f they do they must be summarily dealt with. Such a thing occurred at the time of the Tanaka and Ha- maguchi cabinets. "The people must also be on guard against a government that thrives on bribery. "The first thing that wc must now do is to convoke a special session of the Diet for the establishment of a constitution. The present House of Peers has no qualifications to dis- cuss the new constitution. The task mnst be carried out after the House of Peers has been reformed by a system of electing its members ac- cording to their occupations. " Japan is now in a crisis. The Liberal and the Progressive Parties, however, will not embark on indus- trial reconstruction on the plea of shortage of materials and because of the militant attitude of 1 r. “Our party in conformity w the wishes of the workers, farmers, ind salaried men will carry out the fight for the stabilization of their liveli- hood, thereby constructing the state through socialism." Ky®ji Cooperative Party "Our stand is to bend our efforts toward constructing a highly cul- tured state. " W e must do away with internal strife as Japan's territory has been reduced by half and on its meager resources 70 to 80 tnillion people must be fed. "As for the political structure of the nation wc stand for the principle of cooperation between the ruler and the ruled. As for our economic policy we advocate the Institution of JUNE T H E F L A S H L I G H T ' I N JAPANESE T H E M A G I I Z I N E W I T H A P U N C H SOMETHING NEW IN THE JAPANESE MAGAZINE WORLD PUBLISHED BY T H E S P O T L I G H T PUBLISHING COMPANY Room 135, Totalna Building No. 2,1-chome, Uchisaiwai-dio, Kojimmchi-kuv Tokyo cooperative societies. "The prcfcctural system should not be radically centralized. The governor shoaild be elected, and he should nominate his officials. "Our party ran 80 candidates in the election and 17 were clectcd. These men have considerable in- fluence, and it will be devoted main- ly for increased production erf food- stuff and prevention of inflation." Sanzo Nozaka, Communist Party "Wc have had no entrenched in- fluence to rely on, nor have wc been able to make adequate pre- parations for the election. On the contrary, we have met with reaction and abuses. Yet, five of our men have been elected. This shows that the policy of the Communist Party has been right and the masses have come to understand it, as may be seen from the fact we have polled 1,300,000 votes. "In the present election only the Communist Party expressed opposi- tion to the Emperor system. In my opinion, the unexpected support given the party by the people, heralds the end of the Emperor system. “In the near future, the working masses of the country will come to understand that it is only the Com- munist Party that truly represents their interests and will fight for them. I believe that the Communist Party will ultimately become the greatest political party. "Although the Communist Party will constitute only a minority party in the coming Diet, it will I believe, impart something new. At the present the great majority of the political parties support the capi- talists, landlords and bureacracy. We will resolutely oppose them and fight for the interests of the people. “As for the Constitution, the Government draft accords the Emperor nine privileges. This is not democratic. Reactionary forces will soon revive under such a con- stitution. In order to exterminate the reactionary forces, we are op- posed to the draft Constitution." SUCCESSFUL WOMEN CANDIDATES (L stands for Liberals, P, Pro- gressives, S. Social Democrats, C, Communists, Co. Cooperatives, M, minor parties, and I, Independents. Place name in parenthesis indicates the candidate's constituency). Shigeyo Takeuchi, L (Tokyo 1st zone), 65, M.D. Keiko Sugita, L (Ibaragi)9 38, no occupation. Hatsii Imai, L (Fukui), 45, no occupation. Fusa Tomida, L (Kyoto), 53, M.D. Kiyo Takeda, L (Hiroshima), 50, educator. Hideko Mogami, P (Gumma), 44， no occupation. En Sugahara, P (Iwate), 46, farmerk Harue Yamashita, P (Fukushima), 44, mining industrialist. Kiyo Muyashima, P (Niigata), 54, no occupation. Tei Saito, P (Wakayama), 40, no occupation. Yone Moriyama, P (Pukuoka 1st zone), 55, educator. Shizue Yamaguchi, S (Tokyo 1st zone), 29, office worker. Shizue Kato, S (Tokyo 2nd zone), 49, author. Toshiko Matsuo, S (Kanagawa), 38, educator. Ito Niizuma, S (Hokkaido 1st zone), 5b,lumber dealer. Chiyo Sakakibara, S (Fuku- shima), 48, no occupation. Hisako Yoneyama, S (Ishikawa), 49, no occupation. Michiko Yamazaki, S (Shizuoka) 46, no occupation. Hisa Sawadft, S (Mie), 49, no occupation. Toshiko Karazawa, C (Hokkaido 1st zone), 35, no occupation. Tenkoko Matsutani, M (Tokyo 2nd zone), 27, social worker. Sei Yoshida, M (Kanagawa), 37, dental surgeon. Utako Takeuchi, M (Chiba), 31, company manager. Satoko Togano, M (Tochigi), 38, no occupation. 一 Fumiko Yoneyama, M (Yama- gata), 45, no occupation. Haru Koshihara, M (Aichi 1st zone), 61,educator. Hatsu Ando, M (Nagano), 34, manager of a public body. • Kiyoko Miki， M (Osaka 1st zone), 27, company manager. “dnako Honda, M (Osaka 2nd zone), 37, no occupation. Kimi Obashi, M (Miyazaki), 419 no occupation. Haru Wazaki, I (Akita), 61 ,no occupation. Misu Nomura, I (Niigata' 2nd zone), 50, no occupation. Yoshie Oishi, I (Kyoto), 49, no occupation. Chiyo Kimura, I (Kyoto), 56, no occupation. Tama Nakayama, I (Hyogo 1st zone), 57, doctor. Tsuruyo Kondo, I (Okayama), 45, educator. Tatsu Tanaka, I (Tottori), 54, midwife. Mitsu Koro, I (Tokushima), 53, no occupation. Tsuneko Yamashita, I (Kuma- moto), 47, author. year, the Pan-Asiatic Women's Conference was held in Damascus and in the following year, the AU- Asia Women's Conference took place in Iメahol, India, where some 1,200. women represented the Asiatic nations. Though Japan is not yet allowed to have direct contacts with foreign countries, Japanese women, particu- larly those of Christian training, can do a great deal in educating the younger generation in accordance with Christian principles so as to prepare them for international activities in the future. The people of the present generation must atone for the crimes committed by the war leaders, but the men and women of tomorrow must be prepared to con- tribute to the welfare of the world. Education for peace must be con- ducted in the Christian spirit of love and brotherhood so that the same crimes will never be repeated in any time to come. And it is the mothers' responsibility to instill this spirit of neighborly love into the hearts of their chil lren. Women's responsibility fqr the establishment of a new Japan is as great as that of men. They must awaken to the fact that they are no longer subordinates of men and f^rge ahead to free themselves com- pletely from the bondage of feudal- istic customs and traditions. Then working side by side with men, they must freely express their ideas and participate in all social, political, educational and religious activities for the betterment of the Japanese people as well as for all mankind. NATION OF EAR-BENDERS The United States is the greatest nation of ear-benders on earth as far as radio is concerned. Of the 36,500,000 families in this country, 32,500,000 are radio families, and collectively they own 60,000,000 radio sets. In 1944 the nation paid $662,000,000 to let radio bend its ears. That covered talent and time sales by broadcasters, electricity, re- placement tubes and parts, repairs and phonograph records, but not new radios. There weren't any, because the radioelectronic industry was producing equipment for war. Long before the war ended, a high percentage of preconflict radio receivers developed rheumatics of the rheostat, cardiacal cathodes, tubercular tubes, or arthritis of the amplifier. Consequently several million people now want new radios. They expect them to be sufficiently improved over the old models to make ear-bending more enticing than ever. 一Liberty JUNE THE JAPANESE WOMAN ROLLS UP HER SLEEVES (Continued from page 18) right road. Matters relative to protection of mothers, war-widows and orphans can be better solved by women than men. Now is the time for women to learn to utilize their privileges for the welfare of all. Economically, women became in- dependent during the war, some being mobilized to work, in muni- tions industries while others volun- tarily contributed toward Japan's war efforts. Whether or not th^y were blindly led and forced to work by war leaders is another matter but it cannot be denied that women improved their economical status during the war. Many of them for the first time learned that economic independence also means spiritual and social independence. They are now determined not to return to their old lives which had shut them in within the family for many years. Heretofore in Japan it was cus- tomary fot girls of good families to stay at home and help their mothers to keep house after grad- uating from high schools and even- tually marry whomever their parents chose for them. Economically, they were thus dependent on their fathers before marriage and on their husbands after marriage. Now, however, they have learned that economic independence is an abso- lute requisite in establishing their status as independent individuals. In order to help women gain this independence, facilities for voca- tional guidance must be set up. Unskilled workers must be given training and the improvement of technique made possible. Complete economic independence will give women confidence in themselves and help them improve their status in family life as well as in society. Following the Industrial Revolu- tion, women's status underwent a great change in European countries, and they began to take up occupa- tions formerly closed to them. In Japan, too with the rise of capital- ism, the working women's problems assumed importance. In pre-war days, some 80 per cent of the hands employed in spinning mills were women. Working under miserable conditions, they became easv victims of the capitalists' exploitation policy. Also some 50,000 wonjen worked in pits and such employment in pits and shafts was prohibited in 1933 ds a result of the International Labor Conference. During the war, women were again employed in such work, but recently by a Government decree it has been pro- hibited. In every field of labor during the war, women have proved 44 their ability. However, discrimina- tory treatment of women workers is still recognized by the Govern- ments as evidenced by a recent deci- sion which sets the minimaim wage for women at one-third of that for men. As early as 1933，Ame- rican women began demanding equal wages for equal work and after a long struggle finally succeed- ed in bringing into effect regulations stipulating the same minimum wage for both men and women. As one of the items on their party programs, the Social Democratic Party and the Communist Party- demand equal pay for men and wo- men for equal work. Through further efforts on the part of women, however, equality in all phases must be established in the labor field. For the working women comfor- table dwellings or apartment houses must be provided preferably with recreation facilities and libraries attached. In the United States, most big companies have apartment hous- es for their women employees. Even those who are floU earning very much can afford to live in such apartments as' room and board are reasonably priced. Similar facilities must be provided in Japan, particu- larly for those who are living away from their families. Also hospitals, nurseries and training institutions must be established in order to increase labor efficiency. To make their voice heard in the matter of labor problems, women must become active members of labor unions. Labor unions have sprung up like mushrooms since the termination of war but important executive positions are still held by men, and even problems peculiar to women workers are being deciaed upon by men. As long as the labor movement is controlled by men, women will be given inferior treat- ment as most men dislike the iaea .of women becoming their equals. I t is, therefore, the mission of wo- men leaders to give guidance to workers instructing them how to better their status in, the labor field. In international movements, the Japanese women's fieia of activities has been wide though at present Japan is not allowed to participate in them. Realizing that there were many problems common to women of all countries, the International Council of Women was established in Washington in 1888 by American women leaders. With the establish- ment of the League of Nations in Geneva after World War I , women became more active in international movements. Attesting to women's interest in internatibnal affairs, the Women's Pan-Pacific Association was organized in 1930. In the saaie f THE NEW YEN (Continued from eventually found its way to the banks, etc. Japan's puffed up currency c5r- culation shrank from ¥60-billion to ¥15-billion, or from $4-billion to $1- billion in terms of U.S. dollars dur- ing a period of about three weeks. On Saturday, March 9, when the Bank of Japan closed on acceptance of the old, invalid notes which city banks, etc. had collected from the public, the value of currency circula- tion stood at ¥16,166-million. (When the account wes closed, one or two reports from rural branch offices had failed to reach the Bank of Japan head office in time; mean- while further declines were register- ed in the daily returns of note circulation on March 11 and 12, and and a slight increase was seen on March 13 for the first time since A e contraction of note circulation began ； on March 12, when the new low was recorded, note circula- tion stood at ¥15,204-million.) The highest point the Bank of Japan note circulation hit during Febru- ary一the all time high in J apan— amounted to ¥61,800-million. This means, therefore, that the series of emergency financial measures have forced down the currency circulation by more than ¥46-billion. Could Inflation Be Checked? The public was skeptical from the beginning whether these emergency economic measures would succeed. Later developments proved that such fears were not without ground. In order that the scheme may succeed, there are a number of conditions that have to be fulfilled. Outstanding among these is a sub- stantial increase in the supply of commodities, especially staple foods, fresh ^aibles, and daily necessities, so that the commodity prices ' in general may be stabilized, at least at a level which reflects the value of the depreciated yen currency. Wi th prices stabilized, the national life may also be stabilised to some extent. Now, social unrest, toge- ther with the steady progress of in- flation, were the two major obstacles preventing the revival of produc- tion. The Government has succeed- cd in checking the progress of infla- tion though temporarily. I t has failed however in bringing about a larger supply of commodities, nota- bly food. In spite of the fact that the paper money circulation was cut down to about one-quarter, prices in general failed to come down. Today pro- duction remains inactive. Further- more, Bank oi Japan note cir- r s \ \ \ W \ \ \ W \ \ \ W Istol . asolo eJib i n c - m l t h e 4hoel • n a 2 omy.11 ainfroadaarch agofn Ma s on lieuiol lrat-mlhit i theSE 抓 What makes the increase in note circulation especially undesir- ^ able is that the withdrawal of bank〉 deposits is solely for the purpose or ？ financing individual living—very ) little capital is being withdrawn to i finance new productive a c t i v i t i e s . 〉 Large enterprisers continue to re-冬 main inactive; this is somewhat un-S derstandable in view of various dif-令 Acuities confronting them, such as く war damage, shortage of building ^ materials and nrnchinery to faciliベ tate recovery, and also shortage in 冬 the raw materials supply. But ^ the fact that medium and min^r ^ scale manufacturing industries re- < main idle—as seen from the move-ウ ment of cap i t a l i nd ica tes that pro- ^ duction is still at a standstill. ) In the face of the daily increase ^ in the amount of "new yen’，circula-； tion, the Government took another ^ restrictive measure on March 20; i t 、 is stipulated that all financial in- ̂ stitutions (except the Bank of S Japan) cannot receive any new ^ financial accommodations beyond s the aggregate total amount of loans i outstanding on March 20, or t hぺ day previous to the bank holiday on ミ March 2 1 . T h e new regulations were promulgated on March 22 to 冬 take effect immediately. ^ Finance authorities took this step thinking that it may induce some of the idle factories to ge t ) busy, and that some hoarded goods ^ might be thrown back into cir-) culation. 令 There are some enterprisers w h o 、 are getting loans from the banks 令 for a working fund but actually re- S main doing nothing, waiting for a 冬 further rise in market quotations S of foods they are holding in stock.冬 With the supply of new capital thus く restricted, however, it is surmised ミ that these idle enterprisers may b e 、 forced to work with the materials - on hand in order to obtain cash, and < aJso that hoarders may be obliged ウ holdings for iden- ^ to get rid of their l i tical reasons. Thus the new mea-一 stimulate a revival of ^ sure may production. y Moreover, the Finance Minister ^ declared, in the course of a press S Interview in Tokyo on March 23,多 that he was determined to check in-、 flation. He said, among other 奏 things, that the all-round emergency \ financial measures that are now be- ̂ ing enforced may further be く strengthened in case such a move is ̂ deemed necessary ； that the* budget く estimates of the Government for the ウ fiscal year 1946-47 would be reduced ( substantially; and that commodi ty) NEWS PHOTO SERVICE S U N N E W S P H O T O S Featuring Exclusive President: S H O G Y O K U Y A M A H A T A Office: Mamichi Kaikan Yuralcu- cho, Kojimachi-ku, Tokyo Telephone: (23) 331-339 Factory: o l 6 Kichijoji Mutashi- no machi, Tokyo Telephone: ^.tchijoji 2605. SPOTLIGHT JUNE Specially bottled for the Forces by FUKUIZUMI FOGYO 名1 (Less than one minute walk from the east entrance of the main Tokyo Station) Tel.: Nihonbぃhi (24) 8X61-5 46 prices will be pushed down and the supply increased with the coopera- tion of all other Government de- partments concerned. Meanwhile public distrust in the success of the ‘‘new yen" system is becoming Intensified in the midst of the present transitory period of the economic change； The public understands that the series of financial measures taken in Japan are more drastic in nature than the kinds tried abroad to com- bat post-war inflation, and that such counter-measures are necessary to cope with the present situation in Japan. But the nation's daily l i fe . is becoming increasingly difhcult, particularly as prices remain high and supplies of food and other com- modities do not increase. And, as the nation's living conditions become more difficult, there are more peo- ple who want to tide over the hard- ship even if they have to conduct illegal operations. This in turn af- fects the smooth progress of Gov- ernment measures unfavorably. The public has no illusion as re- gards the political limitations of the present Shidehara cabinet. I t is generally understood that no sub- stantial readjustment of Japan's economic and social conditionsメ can be accomplished until a new gov- 'ernment is organized after the gen- eral election. Nevertheless, the view is gaining ground that even the pres- ent ministry should take some tan- gible steps immediately to induce tl>e revival ot industrial production. Financial measures alone, regardless of how efficient they may seem, can- not solve the questions at issue. Production, especially that of staple foods, fresh edibles and daily, ne- cessities is the key to save the situa- tion in Japan. T H E C O U R A G E O F M A D A M E M I U R A Madame Tamaki Miura, world- famous prima donna and Japan's greatest musical artist, rose from her sick bed on Apri l 9 to record her best-known repertoire "Madame Butterfly" for • a broadcast of the opera over Radio Tokyo. She wept after the stirring effort, claiming she could not sing as she wished. Realizing that this might be her last song, Madame Miura donned her most beautiful kimono. Two hya- cinth flowers were pinned in her hair. Despite her age, she had the spirit still which had made her a favorite on the opera stages of Europe and America. Confined to the Daito Gakuen Hospital due to a stomach tumor, Madame Miura had completely lost her noted avoirdupois. Visitors to the studio, including Commander M.C. Maine, U.S.N., and other Americans, were shocked at her condition and were surprised to hear her sing with such vigor. Previously on April 5, Madame Miura recorded Shubert's "Winter Reise”，but she felt she had to sing “Madame Butterfly" once more. Beside selections from the opera, she also recorded her reminiscences and her impressions of Puccini. SPOTLIGHT JUNE INTERNATIONAL ROUNDUP (Continued from 14) still remains to be settled, will be discussed at the present Big Four foreign ministers conference in Paris. The Big Problem But the problem which affects people the world over is that of food supply. The close of the war—as well as during the war in battle- ridden areas—found the peoples of Europe and Asia faced with “the greatest threat of mass starvation in the history of mankind’’，as Pre- sident Truman put it. U N R R A with the cooperation of the Com- bined Food Board and food-rich na- tions is allocating food, clothing, industrial equipment and other items urgently needed for the relief and rehabilitation of war stricken coun- tries from all available channels the U.S., Canada, Britain, Australia, Siam, Russia and Argentina. Peo- ples in these as well as less needy countries are asked by former U.S. President' Hoover, honorary chair- man of the Famine Relief Board, to make sacrifices in their food consumption so that millions in famine threatened areas may not die. Emphasizing the criticalness of the food situation in the world, U N R R A Director General La- Guardia said that the next 90 days may mean eternity for the starving people. And President Truman ap- pealed: "Americans cannot remain healthy and happy in the same world where millions of human beings are starving. Sound world order can- not be built upon a foundation of misery." In the U.S., domestic flour and wheat consumption was ordered cut bj' 40 per cent一and perhaps m o r e a n d oil and fats by 20 per cent. The other "have" countries cooperating With the U.S. are taking similar steps. The bright hopes for a boom in a speedy reconversion from war to peacetime industries in the U.S. were "boomed" by the wave of strikes plaguing nearly all in- dustries——automotive, steel, elec- trical, transportation, communica- tions, mining’ film, etc. Most of these were settled by drawn out negotiations aided by Government intervention. The month-old soft coal strike, which is costing the na- tion more than the total 1945 loss, is seriously impairing industrial operations一in particular, the steel. Whi le administration-labor negotia- tions are pending, United Mine Workers President John L. Lewis is theatening to call a strike of hard coal workers demanding health and welfare benefits. Meanwhile, John JUNE •• D. Small, director of the Civilian ^ Production Administration, released s an encouraging report saying that ^ in March the greatest industrial S gains were scored since the end of i the war in the manufacturing in- \ dustry employing 56 million. ミ The wage-price formula set t he ( reconversion program back on its 冬 feet but it meant higher wages and ( higher* prices. Threat of inflation ； came with the House approval of ( the price control bill to abolish ^he ミ O P A or price control by March 31,？ 1947—a step opposed by OPA Chief ) Porter, OES Chief Bowles, A F L 5 President Green, the U.S. Chamber ； of Commerce, and possibly Presi- ̂ dent Truman. ； MATRIMONIAL C MORTALITY ( Married men's mortality rate is ^ lower than that of bachelors, and く after thirty, it's only about half that 冬 of the single men. According to ^ the actuary, you can look forward ) to forty years of marriage with the ^ same wife, barring divorce. The V expectancy tables, however, have an 令 elastic quality, so if you are still ^ living and married at the end Of I that forty years, you'll have ten or S twelve years more married life com-冬 ing to you. And although, at s twenty-one, it's a four-to-one bet i against your celebrating your golden ( wedding, it's three to one in favor 冬 of your having a silver anniversary. く Statistically, anyhow, you'll have 彡 1.79 children. Since you can't have ( a fractional child, some other ^ George Jones family will have to〔 make it even. 〉 一Liberty 令 HUNKY-DORY ミ IP When we say everything is hunky- r dory, we mean, of course, t h a t ) everything is all right—and It's a そ phrase that originated with sailors ^ in Yokohama. In the Japanese i language, ‘‘dori,’ means street, a n d ) in Yokohama Honcho "Dori, or I Honcho Street, led down ‘ to the > docks. | The sailors who came ashore_s couldn't pronounce "Honcho Dor i " i correctly; about the closest they く came was "Hunky Dory.” Too,多 they had trouble finding their way \ around the streets of Yokohama.冬 However, when they did find Hon-( cho Dori , or Hunky Dori as they タ called it , then everything was all ^ right because all they had to do was ^ to follow the street and they would f find their ships. J Cosmopolitan 冬 47 GpC C "We bring a homey feeling to your homes." 1NTERIOK DECORATING A SPECIALITY STAGE AND SCREEN NIPPON ARTS & FURNISH 隱 Tel.: 23-3936 Room 773 (7lK Floor) Billiara E ；ird Jbqmpme Installation Supplies Cue for Tei.: (23) 4834 Marunouchi Bldg. Room 797 (7th Fir.) \ i .月号(扭月I.回発s ^ s i ^ s料抬钱) IS卯卿.i 発行入•鈴木•ニ 入坂并筏太郎 邛遍ム大概艿雄 粜京®小《川區久giro 一 o八 印刷所伸！印刷株式̂'社 忖，所 H i 1 H 2 3 S C ル I I A ！ 七 ！ 9 スポットラィト出版瓧 s _ t 5 7 ) i 一 四 六 r v s r a t - a , 4 c > 一 九»•« 凍 l - , � K <ニ九ニ！§3 1 発 13 (Continued from page 27) Ninkisha), which were bot)» empty shows. The spirit of the Potsdam Declaration hasn't reached the movie producers. Toho has turned out several idio- tic productions like ‘‘Sinj?，the Sun" (Utac Taiy<0 and “Cheerful Girl” (Yoki na .Onna), as well as the moronio uHinoki-Butai*'. The per- formances of the oooular players Kazuo Hasej<awa and Miss lsuzu Yamada in “Hinoki-Butai” were ridiculoiis.- Shochiku Studios want to know what to do. The old Of una (Sho- chiku) idea of dcpictina： home-like pictures .still prevails. ( riiics luivr biuinrfl “Tレ’Giri Stiulenl am i I ho Teachcr". The theme of liibintr love and education under thr guise "f frccdom of action is low-class. It has the clanger of influencing the public to con fuse true freedom with promiscuous license. However Sho- PRACTICAL JOKES One of the roost elaborate prac-： Heal jokes ever contrived was thought up for the benefit of a visit- ing Englishman一Philip L e e o n his first trip to New York. Lee, who was under the impression that red- skinned savages roamed the New Jersey Palisades, was toia that there were wild buffaios in Central Park. He thought it would be jolly to go on a buffalo hunt, and some pranksters arranged things. The hunt was to take place after a big dinner in Lee's h o n o r a din- ner supposedly attended by judges, 'generals, doctors, statesmen, eauca- tors and clergymen. Actually, those in attendance at the dinner were actors, made up for their parts. Since the gag called for everyone present to participate in the buffalo hunt, each guest came equipped with a six-shooter, filled with blanks. When the dinner was about over, there was a minor disturbance which grew rapialy in intensity until some- one picked up his gun ana began firing. Some of the pranksters spread ketchup over themselves, and fell to the floor, screaming. Whdn the battle was over, so far as Lee could ascertain, there were about a dozen deaa men. in the room and a score of seriously injured. Lec fled in ferror, and never got to go on the hunt through Central Park. 一Alan Hynd in Esquire chikai has turned jDut one show, "The Dawning of the Family” (Osoneke no Kinoshita. This is a drama on home-life theme depicting a middle- class mother's love for her family against the background of pitiful post-war devastation. Japanese movie-goers however al- ways have been and arc crazy about foreign pictures—particularly Ame- rican. "Tarzan" iind "Yoshiwara" attracted huge crowds, while "Madame Curie” and “His Butler s Sister" have served to correct the awry ideas of our own movie pro- ducers. The high art of "Madame Curie" has put the Japanese produc- tions to .shame. It is a matter of pleasure :ind delight that American pictures wilJ he shown in increasing numbers in the future. They should serve to enlighten and stimulate our own almost dead motion picture industry. THE END SOURCES OF ATOMIC POWER What countries control the world's sources of atomic power? And the answer is: Belgium, Canada, Czechoslovakia, and the United States. This quartet of nations owns the bulk of the known reserves of uranium ore, and uranium is the only practical source of atomic power at the present time. Of course, ore reserves alone are not enough. Their vast petroleum resources haven't lifted Iran and Venezuela to the rank of first-cla«s powers in the Coal and Oil Age, be- cause they lackea the know-how to .exploit them. But Belgium, Canada, and Czechoslovakia, as well as the Ijnited States, almost certainly pos- sess the technical skill required to turn their uranium deposits into atomic power.、 Just what is this precious sub-* stance that the world has suddenly rediscovered ？ Pure uranium is a silvery metal, not quite as heavy as gold, not quite as hard as steel. But you don't often see it pure. All the metallic uranium produced in tms country up to 1940 wouldn't fill a thimble. Its common form is sodium uranate, a yellow powder which, before the war, you could buy from virtually any chemical supply house for $1.65 a pound. Uranium and its com- pounds are all ramtly radioactive. —The 48 へ Photo Soft SMOP AT AND V A L U E T H R E E (3) FLOORS OF SELECT SHOPS k i t i i n t i i i Gifts Souvenirs Arts M O R U M O U C W I A R C A D E [ i MA IN L O B B Y * 2ND FLOOR locat ion: Opposite Main ‘ Tokyo Station N I P P O N B U S S A N 1 1 (JAPAN MERCHANDISE COMPANY) l i l l C H l 匿 No. 5，7-chome Nitlii \>mza, Tokyo Telephone: Ginza (57) 0803, 2907-8 Correspondent Company ； National MerchandiM Corporation St., Los Anodes, Californium U.Sふ Marunouchi Bldg. Shopping Centre Ass'n Headquarters Tel. Marunouchi (23) 3953-4 Developing: Roll Film 35 mm. Leica Size contact Printing: Half size of 120 . Post v^ard size . . . Enlarging: Post Card size . . . Cabimet six« ¥2.30 4.50 0.60 1.20 s anwa Porcelain Lacquerwares Tortoise Dhellwarat I (TX)asis of Ginza @CabaretEden. (jgliharasKi (§Pa T>an»mounr (BViamaKawA (4)3in2aBiLUatti (Ŝ abaieUkabane ©Otome ©MumBckUi ®Se i raku (7j>reamLaud (ĵ HeteL Tokiwa^i @Cabatet Fuji (18):abargtNewAtdmi (9)Chofaen__ ( § ) (Tamano iBgKka j i ) (10)Fussa I^HotcL Hohkiso RHATIDNAL SI6HTSEE F O R M E R . A.A.) ： ゅ , , _I - ！ 1 - 1 ' ^ , ' . ' . - | - - : | . ぺ V . 1 • H ノ へ：く::::::::".じ：• ::ン::::::.::::羅:纖 ‘ • しンン % ‘ へ DEMOCRACY MARCH 1 9 4 6 PRICE ¥ 5 . 0 0 BNUKA-SHA PUBLISHING CO. 6-CHOME, GINZANISHI, KYOBASHI-KU, TOKYO. VOLUME NUMBER Hasten State Salvation Front！ The suffrage campaign has been started. Because of its severeness and sternness, the blow which the so-called purge directive of SCAP hit the former political front, was serious and extensive. How- ever, the new democratic front, should abstain from overesti- mating its effects, and should not be off its guard. The most characteristic of the present political situa- tion is that the former ruling class, which has been hit by such a blow and which has been placed for some time in a spiritual vacuum condition, gradually recovers its former stability and attempts to make a new start. In other words, they, by reorganizing their former structure, are taking the offensive positively in an attempt to maintain the former order and interest. In view of this situation, the purge directive of SCAP was a timely hit, but their self-protecting attitude is strenuous. They are now sending on their behalf to the general election campaign fresh men, who are ful l of fighting spirits and ambitions. On the strength of peace and order and law, they are pursuading people as if the new influences were breaking the maintenance of peace and order, thereby attempting to suppress the demands for the protection of the lives of laborers, farmers, and the general public, as well as the demand for the demo- cratization. Look at the joint statement issued by the four Ministers in connection with labor disputes, the opposing attitude against the participat on by laborers in the management of production, and also for the formation of employees’ unions, and their conservative attitude towards the reformation of the Con- stitution ！ How about the front of the general public against them ？ The Social Democratic Party, notwithstanding the rumours of the opposing relationship, is attempting, by its unification, to make a remarkable expansion. The Commu- nists, by undergoing a 180 degree conversion, is making a new start as a party to be loved Editorial by the general public. The historic Japan Agrarian Union has held its organizing mass meeting. Labor unions, have not been uni- fiea into a monopolistic organization, but the formation of such organizations is spreading all over the country. The significance of the formation of various employees，unions invol- ving the intellectual class wi l l by no means small. The most imperative task which our front has to undertake, therefore, must be the reinforcement of the structure of individual organization, and at the same time, by unifying their fronts mutually, must concentrate all their efforts and energies. Political parties, unions and other similar organizations have their own traditions and standpoints, and it is clear in the history of European countries that the unification of the fronts by these different organizations is not an easy task. However, for Japanese who are confronted with the unprecedented status of their country by its defeat, and who are entrusted mission to rescue the country now on the verge of collapse, and the nation, thereby contributing towards the social and cultural expan- sion of the world's human kind, i t is imperative to carry out this difficult task as soon as possible and in a successful way. For the materialization of which, we must stand above all names, forms, sphere of influence or status. Our goal is solely one, that is to con- duct the stability and tha promotion of the lives of the general public, by eliminating the former feudalism, milita- rism, and ultra-nationalism. During the period of the Taisho to bhowa Eras, the unification of the proletarian parties, and the organizations of the monopolistic proletarian parties were advocated, but they were not realized. As the result, the proletarian front came to a collapse, In view of the situation prevailing then, the collapse of the proletarian front, which was stil l in a primitive status, might be attributed to unavoidable causes. Miserable but precious experiences of. its own and the valuable historic examples of the various countries of the world during the past twenty years, wi l l not make us repeat the similar mistake. Moreover, our duty to save the ruinous country and establish democracy- is, by no means, as leftiest leaders point out, the task of not only laborers or farmers, but also of the medium and minor industrialists and merchants, land owners, and even capita- lists if only they are progressive, to say- nothing of intellectuals and wage earners. The task wi l l be the great work of the whole nation. This may be called the popular front or democratic front, but if patrot ;sm is provided as its motto, i t may also be called the country salvation front. A l l the public, immediately organize the national salvation front ！ President S. Miyajima Editor-in-Chief Y. Ito. フ 1 c 卽時救國戰線へ！ 總選舉戦の幕は切って落される。マ旋 風が嚴格、峻烈であったゾけに旣成陣營 に與へた打擊は深刻廣汎であるが、さり とて、新興民主主義陣營において、この 效杲を過大視し、油斷することは絕對に 禁物である。 現下のわが政治情勢の特徴は、一時震 憾せしめられ、虛脫狀態にあつた舊支配 階級が、漸く、落付をとりもどし、立ち 直らんとしてゐることであり、いひかへ れば、彼らは再び態勢を整へ 舊秩序 舊利害の維持に積極的なる攻 とりつ 、ある。マ旋風は、この事 に對し、ま ことに絕好のタィムリ—•ヒ rgッリではあったが、舊支配的 諸勢力の保衞的態度は必死で ある。彼らは、いまや、自己の身代りに、 鬪志と野心に燃える「新人」を立て、逐 鹿場に出馬せしめんとしてゐる。のみな らす、彼らは一般に、秩序と法律をたて に、いかにも新興勢力がこれを破 かの 如き體裁をとゝ のへて、全面的に勞働 者、農民、従業員大衆の生活擁護と民主 主義の要求を制壓せんとしてゐる。爭議 に對する四相聲明 生産管理に對する反 對氣勢、展傭者圑體の結成氣運、積極的 一 な馘首政策を見ょ！ これに對し、われく國民 大衆の陣營はどぅか。社會黨 は黨內對立の噂を他所に、結束して飛躍 的發展を企圖してゐる。共產黨また一大 方向轉換を行つて大衆に愛される黨とし て出發しつ、ある。歷史的なる日本農民 組合はすでに結成大食を舉げた。勞働組 合は未だ單ー化すにいたらないが、その 組織は全國的に擴大しっ、ある。知識階 級を包括する諸種従業員 結成の意義 も決して鮮少でない。 われらの陣營の當面最大の急務は、そ れ故に、これら各組織がそれぐ自己陣 營の强化を圖ると共に、相互に戰線を統 一し、その.全勢力と全ヱネルギ丨を結集 することにある。各黨、各組合その他一 切の圑體おょび個人は多かれ、少かれ、 傳統と立場があり、戦線の統一結集が決 して容易でないことは 歐米諸國の歷史 に明かである。しかし、わが國の置かわ た如き比類なき亡國的破滅に直面して、 民族と國家を救ひ、それにょつて世界人 類の社會的文化的發展に寄與せんとする われ- ^曰本人としては、どぅ も、 この困難なる仕事を能ふ限り迅速かつ成 功的に遂行しなけわばならない。 そのためには、名稱や形式や繩張りや 地位の一切を超越しなければならぬ。目 的はただ一つ、政治、經濟、社會におけ る封建主義、軍國主義 極端なる國家主 義を勦滅し、國民大衆の生活の安定と向 上を圆ることである。 かつて大正から昭和にかけて、無産政 黨の統一、單ー無產政黨の樹立が唱へら れたが、それは遂に*現しなかつた。そ の結果は、直ちに無產陣營の壊滅とな たが、顧れば、發達幼弱なる當時の無産 陣營の實情からは、あるひはそれは、や むをえない點があつたといへるかもしれ ぬ 。 けれども、二十年間における慘谵たる 自己の經驗と、その問における世界的事 實とは、われくをして再びか、る過誤 を犯さしめない づである。ま て 今日亡國を救ひ、民主主義を確立するわ れくの任務は、當時の左翼指導者もい ふ如く、決して勞働者や農民だけの仕事 ではなく、一切の知識階級、俸給生活者 はもちろん、中小商人も工業家も、中小 地主も、いな進步的ならば資本家さへ 參加することの出来る仕事である。それ はまことに全國民的偉業である。この戰 線は人民戰線 唱へても、民主戰線と稱 してもい、が、愛國をモットーとすれ ば、救國戰線と稱して差支へない。 一切の大衆は卽時救阈戰線を結成せ ぶ丨 ^ ^ M f l l General Assembly of UNO The expectation of th2 world was forcu- ssed upon the two conferences held on and after January 10. One is the Political Consulta- tive Conference in China, on which we discussed in a separate subject, and the other is the general assembly of the United Nations' Organization which we are now introducing here. The process of this conference was reported in papers, and at the confab which is not a mere formal meeting, grave, realistic problems were discussed, some of which attracted the anxieties. This situation reflects the present interna tional situation. The greatest problem at the conference was that of the retreat of the Soviet troops from Azerbaijan Province of Iran, applied by the Iran Government Great Britain, which feels threat by the advance of the Soviets into that region, naturally oppo sed the application, while the Soviet Union opposed the Brit ish on the ground that tha question should be settled by the direct negotiations between the Soviet Union and Iran, This problem, in the long run, was entrusted on the negotiations of the competent two countries, after the application having been removed by the change of the Iranian Government. During the course of disscussion of this problem, the Soviet delegate tried a counter attack upon the British, by proposing the withdrawal of ths Brit ish troops from Greece.； The opposing relationship between the Great Bri tain and the Soviet Russia took a sudden turn to the worse at this time, but the Soviet application was withdrawn. After that, disputes spread to the problem in connec- tion w i th the Brit ish garrison in Indonesia, which let British' Foreign Secretary Bevin declare that the status of Indonesia under the jurisdiction of the Netherlands is higher than that of Ukraina under the Soviet influen- ce. There is no doubt opposing relationship in connection w i th their interests among the United Nations, especially among the big countries, but at the same time, i t is a fact that politicians of those countries are also doing their utmost for the amicable settlement of impending problems, avoiding collisions. This tendency was well reflected in the gene- ral assembly of the United Nations Organiza- tion. The puisuading power or guiding influence of tha United States in dealing these matters is great. This tendency wi l l be accelerated wi th the decision that headquarters of ths UNO wi l l ba installed i n USA. That UNO reflects the realistic problems, and that i t is operated under the powerful leadership, as is manifested in the above cases, the new organization of UNO seems to have made a remarkable progress in compari- son wi th the League of Nations, which took the attitude of shirk ing its responsibility, and which took the vague collective gurantee system. Postwar economic unrest is sweeping through USA, which is the world's richest country. Waves of strikes swept the vital industries of steel, electric works, railways, and meat manufacturing, and those who participated in such strikes are reported to have totaled 800,000. President Truman, by appointing a Fact-finding Committee, intended to ascertain the real situation, thereby settling the disputes, while MP Case, Republic, who is not contented w i th the President's measures, is reported to have submitted on February 5, the Case Act, which is apprehended the compulsory strike controll ing bill. Even such a rich country as USA, the reconversion from the wartime to peace-time economy is not an easy task. As the war-time economy expanded on such a large scale in USA that difficulty of the reconversion is greater. In this sense, the wave of strikes wi l l play the role of testing stone for the American economy, and i t wi l l decide the future deve- lopment of the policies which aim a 100 per cent employment However, i t is a matter for regret that by the sweeping strikes, the civilian production- which not only meets the demand in the United States, but also the whole world wi l l be delayed. Looking into the real situation of these strikes, for example, that of US Steel, we find the following fact. The labor union demanded the raise of the wage by 18.5 cents per hour, while the corporation authorities insisted that the corporation would accept the demand if the raise of its products by 6.25 dollars per ton had baen authorized. For which the Government is reported to have revealed its PQlicy not to approve the raise of over four to five dollars. Against this Governmental proposal, the Chief of the Price Controll ing Bureau, revealed his opposition, saying that such a raise of the vital industrial products would mean the aggrevation of inflation. That strikes USA, nay the economy itself in the country is normal and sound, is quite envious. Problem of Birth Control Colonel Crawford F. Sams, Chief of the Public Health and Welfare Section, SCAP, in a press interview on February 9, referring Japan's population problem is reported to have revealed his view in vein as follows ； Japan cannot produce enough food to feed her own population, and to overcome this population problem, there is no other solution but to establish an economy which is highly industrialized, (2) migration to other countries, and (3) reduce the b i r th rate. (Asahi, Februa- ry 10 )• We are not reluctant to express our ful l support for his suggestion, since we have been pointing out these points as the diretion which Japan should advance, ever since the first issue of this magazine. Items ( 1 ) a n d (2) are subject to authorization of SCAP, but as long as Japan faithful ly fulfils the provi- sions of the Potsdam Declaration, and performs (See page 10) ジャウし于 \國際聯合のー昆” 一 A L ^ l r は、本年-一月十日から 開かれたニづ.0會議に 法がれたその1は別 項に•述した、中國0 政治協商會遘、そ©ニ はこ>に轺介せんとす る阈際聯合の第 一 r e l M 會である。この總會Q 經過は、新聞に報道さ れた通りで、單なる形 式的の毛.0でなく、深 刻なる規實 問題が論 餞され、1•時は.ハラハ ラせしめる捶であつ こ0情勢は、に、 現在の國際情勢を反映 してiがない。會讖における$0問 題は、イラン政府の辑弥にか>るアイゼ ルバ.シャン地方よりのソ聯兵の撤退であ つた。同地へのソ聯の進出に脅威を感す る英國側は當然これを支持したが、 ゾ 聯 はッイ兩國Q直接交渉の問題であるとて これに反對し、結局イラン内閣の更迭に よ つ て _ を と り 下 げ 、 • 兩 當 事 國 の 談 合に委せられること、なつた。しかも、こ 0間題0途次、突如ゾ聯代表はギリシヤ における英軍の撤兵問題を提言して、英 國に反擎した。英ソの對立は、こ、でも 激 化 し た が 、 最 後 に _ は 撤 罔 5 れ た 。 その後九の子は更にインドネシアにおけ る英國駐屯問題に表で飛び、ベグイン外 相をして、才ランダ治下におけるインド ネシアの地位はソ聯內におけるゥクライ チよゲは高いとやゆせしめた。 いふiでもなく、今日國際聯合內、特 に大國間に現實に利益の對立あることは 疑ひないが、同時 各p政治家が衝突を 出来るだけIB1避して協調的に解決せんと する努カを拂ひつ>あることも事寊であ り、.國際聯合總會は、よくこれを反寫し て.0る。た>、この間におけ アメリカ の說得力、指導力は巨大であり、國際聯 合本部がいよくアメリカに置かれるや うになると共にこの®向は決定的とな で あ ら 。 そして、このやうに規實を反映し、か つ赏力あるリ—ダ丨シツブの下に運營さ れ石點において、_新國際聯合は、舊國際 聯盟の頰被り主義や、漫然たる集團©證 制 に . 對 し て 、 數 步 の 前 進 を 示 し て ゐ る 。 r i i l D l ^ l 世 界 第 一0富國たる米國 -Htリ一にも、戰後經濟宗安は、 ！ _ ̂ u r ^ ひしくと押窬せてゐ る。 .ストライキの 波 は 高 ま つ て 、 鐵 _ 、 m氣、鐵道、肉等の大產業を席捲し、全 國の罷業參加者は八十萬人を數へた。ト ル—マン大統領はファクト•ファインデ イングd調査)の委^愈を作って眞 相を究明し、解決點を見出さんとして.o るが、これにあき足らすとして、二月五日には共和黨下院識負ヶ丨ス氏は、强制 的な罷業統制法案たるヶ丨ス法案を提出 したと溥へられる。 强大を誇るアメリカの經濟において も、戰時轾濟から戦後絰濟へのiは決 して容易でない。いな戰〔••>锉濟におけ 膨脹が大きかった>けに、io困難は 1.層重大である。その意味で、il延せん とするストライキは、アメリカ經濟にと って一大試練であり、兜全雇傭を理想と する_政策0今後を左右するものとし て法目されるが、これにより民需生產丨 •丨それは當然にアメリカ國Is©みならす 全 世 界 を ぅ る ほ す で あ ら ぅ — — に 蓮 滞 の 生することは遗憾である。 このストライキQ寊情を見れば、例へ ばユ丨エス•スチ丨ルの爭蔑において、 組合側は一時間にっき十八セント半051 上を耍求したが、會社側は一トン っき 六•ニ五ドルの値上げを認めれば、これ に應すると主張し、政府は四ドルないし 五ドル以上の®格引上げには同意 えな いと傳へられる。しかも、そ©政府案に さへ物愦管理局長官は反對を槃明し、か 、る基本的產業の憤格引上げは、インフ レ惡化への堰を切って落すものとなして ゐる。アメリカにおけるストライキ、い なアメリカ經濟そ©も0、、ノIマルに して健全 る點はまことに羨しいではな 1 か 。 t a . n - s ：聯合軍總司令部公共衢 ！生部長サムスン大佐 厂 ( 7 " を f _ ？ は 、 九 日 記 者 @ | と の 會 見 において、日本0人口間題を解明し、，て q 食a自給貞足政策0不可能なること、 こ©打開策としては、⑴高度の工業化、 ( 2 1 海 外 移 民 、 ⑶ 產 兒 制 限 以 外 に な い こ と を示唆したと傳へられる。(二月十U朝 日) われくは、創刊以来、日本0行方と してこの點を解明して来たので、その當 然なる示唆に全幅0賛意を表するに咨か でない。そして、⑴sは聯合軍司令部0 承認を得なければならないことは當然で あるが、日本が.ホッグム宣言を忠實に腹 行し、聯合軍の對 管理政策を卒先自主 的に行ふ限り、そ©承認は必すえらるベ きものとわれくは確信す 。更に⑶の 產 兒 制 限 は 、 も と よ り 、 わ れ ^ - 自 身 0 發意によつて充分寅行出来る問題である が、由來わが國には、これに關し徒らな る毛嗛ひ的銮氣が濃厚である。しか 、 それは全く意味 ない。前號にも指摘せ る如く、ひとり經濟上のみならす、社會 上、文化上、衞生上、なかんづく婦人の 向上、進步にとつて、 は不lil避であ らう" なほ、上Q大佐の言は、日本經濟が全 |§として、今後成立しえないと理解すベ きではない。4T 、自給自足政策の無意 義有害なることを示すも©にすぎない。 われくのくり返し說明せる如く、今後 における日本の高度工業化と國際贸易へ の參加を前提として、全輕濟政策を撞采 的に樹立し、實踐するならば、日本經濟 は斷じて光に面してるるのである。 lii^lfに極端なる危機 ^^^論破滅論が®tしすぎ ることを前號に指摘し たが、その後大分空氣が變り、ボッく 樂觀論とい.つては語弊があるが、國民を して徒らに不安に陷れ、焦操にかりたて ることなく、何處に解決Qめどがあるか、 希望®曙光が見出さ‘れるかを指示せんと する傾向0現れ出た は、iこと 喜 ば し い - 日本經濟當面の困難とこれをいかに救 ふべきかについては、別項に詳論した が、このテレヴィジヨンにおいても、一 言次の點に讚者の注意を喚起した 。 日本ィンフレ©源泉たる赤字財政によ るやりくり—紙幣の無制限增發は、聯 合軍司令部よ 斷乎禁止された。四月か らの新年度にはこQ制限は更に强化され るであらう。絕對に不足甘る主貪の補給 はすでに始まつてをり、食a貯藏©必要 はなiと言明された。衣料を補ふ棉花0 撤人も確定して四月には第一船が入港せ んとしつ、あり、民需生產資材としての 鐵も兵器からの再生の二百萬トンQ民需 使用が許可された。石炭もどうやら生產 の緒につきはじめた* この聯合軍の鞭撻と援助にか，はら t 日本經湾 a-ltしが出來なかつた 、 日本人は文明國民として倒!a國•承認 をぅる覓込はなぃ- Parties and Policies The suffrage campaign which has been post- poned for two months since the end of last year, started f rom March 1 ,and i t has now been decided that the general election wi l l be held on Apr i l10 , and the new session of the Diet wi l l be opened in Apr i l or May. The SCAP directive issued on January 4 was so stern beyond the anticipation of the general public, that 80 per cent of the present politicians have been made impossible to run for the election, and the suffrage situation has drastically been changed. The blow which the directive hi t the present political parties is understood to be far beyond their imagination. The present parties have so far been too floating and lacked firm ground. Both the Progressive and Liberal Parties, just like the open market dealers, seem not to know where to go tomorrow even though they have opened their shops today. These parties, so to say, are made up by individuals w i th bosses or their narrow interests as centering influences. They are not the parties which have estab- lished policies or platforms which represent the interest of the social classes which demand them. I t is imperative that splits wi l l be wit- nessed among these parties, and it would be rather absurd to discuss their policies. On the contrary, the Social Democratic Party which has internationally clear nature, is a progressive party which aims at the realization of socialism, on the foundation of the laboring masses. However, this party has been esta- blished so recently, and its structure has not been consolidated. Its policies seem to have been studied or scrutinized. The policies of the Communist Party, in view of its personal structure of leading members, seem to be too idealistic to surmount the impending complexed difficulties. The Cooperative Party has a cha- racteristics so far as i t advocates the signifi- cance of the cooperative unions, but i t is a question whether or not i t is reasonaole as a political party. That there are so many neutral candidates, and that those intellectuals who want to run as candidates are so few at the forthcoming campaign are attributed to these reasons. For democracy, which is the premise of the deve- lopment of parties, we can not but earnestly desire the positive participation of innocent intellectuals and labor classes in political mo- vements. Problems of Electorate Reforms The forthcoming general election, needless to say, is the first political campaign which decides the success or failure of democratization of a new Japan. Therefore, the revision of the Constitution has a grave significance. I t is true that at present we are on the verge of impending economic crisis, which decides the fate of Japan, but we should not ignore the importance of the Constitution problem. In connection w i th the revision of the Con- stitution, of course, the validity of the existence of the Privy Council, the revision of the House of Peers, and the enlargement of the power of the House of Representatives are counted as vi tal problems which we can not overlook, and on which different viewpoints are being enter- tained by the Progressive, Liberal, Social De- mocratic, and Communist Parties respectively. The Communists insist upon the abolition of tha Privy Council and the House of Peers, while the Social Democratic Party advocates the abo- lit ion of only Privy Council and the expansion of the power of the Housa of Representatives, at the same t ime admitt ing the existence of the drastically reformed Housa of Peers. Both Progressive and Liberal Parties, by admitt ing some difference of nuance, advocate the revi- sion of the present structures of these organi- zations. Among the progressive civilians, opinion supporting the policies which regulate the privileges of labor and the rights of lives of the public, and which overestimate the econo- mic and financial problems, have sprung up, and the Social Democratic Party seems to have the similar views. However, the most vital problem in connec- t ion w i th the Constitution, wi l l be that of the Tenno system. Regarding this system, myste- rious or mystic apprehension seen so far no longer exist today. The most conservative opinion of the Government advocates to leave from article one to four of the Constitution whicn provide the supreme power of the Tenno as they are at present on the ground that only by the apprehension of which the constitutio- nal and democratic Constitution wi l l be esta- blished. Dr. Minobe, who was attacked by rightiests because of his theory on Tenno, and who holds this standpoint, is reported to be most conservative in connection w i th the re- vision of the Constitution. This may be attri- buted to the sudden change of the situation really democratic revolution but, on the other hand, when this problem has been scru- tinized in such a way as professional law scholars do, such an apprehension as Dr. Mi- nobe does, may be possible. However, the problem of the revision of the Constitution has now got r id off the stage of the genuine law problem. I t is truly a grave political problem, and is a problem how to establish the foundation of a peaceful, cultural new Japan. In this respect, the viewpoint of the Progre- ssive Party seems to be coincidental w i th the Governmental view. Though the concrete opi- nion of the party has not been available, Mr. Tsurumi, staff secretary of the party, declared that the viewpoint of the past was so to say Catholic way of thinking, and the people should hereafter follow the Protestant way in this respect. We should protect the Tenno system by all means under the righteous criticism founded on rationality. (Yomiuri-Hochi, dated January 21). On the other hand, the Liberal Party, which conducted investigation on this matter, by establishing a special committee, announced the outlines of the revision of the Constitu- tion, which read in vein as fol lows: A. The administrative power should lie in the State of Japan. B. The Emperor of lineage should be the supreme superviser of the State. C. The Emperor is exempted from the legal and political responsibilities. D. State administration which wi l l be enact- ed in the name of the Emperor should require tha assistance of State Ministers. The Social Democratic Party as its party policy clarified its views in this connection substantially as fol lows: A. The party supports tha theory that the State is a corporation, and that the sovereignty lie in the State. B. The supreme power of the Emperor pro- vided in articles one to four wi l l be restricted, and the status of the Emperor wi l l be restricted, to only a formal, ceremonial and diplomatical one, namely a honorary status. In the party such a theory of supporting the supreme po- wer ly ing w i th the people, as Dr. Takano, adviser to the same party, advocates, and tho- ugh at present the party holds the policy to admit the above-mentioned principle, but there is other opinion which support the graduated reformation of the Constitution in accordance wi th the opinions of the majority of the na- tion. Thus the attitude of the party may be apprehended as a flexible. Against these policies of other parties, the Communist Party, first took such an attitude as to define i t the most urgent and fundamen- tal policy to down w i th the Tenno system, and that the formation of people's front should be directed in this line. However, since the arri- val of Sanzo Nozaka in Japan from his exten- ded exile, the party has changed its policy to the effect that the Tenno system as a national system should ba abolished, but the existence of the Imperial family as an individual might ba permissible. Moreover, in connection w i th the joint po- pular front which the party advocates recently, i t has becoms clear that the party would not touch the Tenno system. If this joint f ront 一——popular front or democratic front is an indispensable condition for the formation of democratic government, the abolition of tha sccailed Tenno system may be assumed to have been losing the grave significance as im pending political problem. Difference of Economic Policies I n this way, the electoral campaign has been forcussed upon economic policies. The most attractive among all such policies of parties wi l l be that of the Social Democratic Party, which hold a motto, “ capitalism or socialism." Of course this policy does not mean the im- mediate enactment of socialism, but the party assumed that for Japan, which has such an enormous population in its small territories, and also under the present depressed industries, there wi l l be no other way but to resort to the the socialistic planning economy. As the flrst step for which, the party holds the realization of the state operation of some of its vital indu- stries. I t is no use to say that the Progressive Party wi l l persist to the maintenance of the present status. The Liberal Party insists upon the restoration of former liberal economy, and advocates the gradual shift ing of the present control, thereby attaining to its ideal of econo- my based ilpon liberalism. Against tnese policies, the Communist Party which insists upon democratization of economy, seem to have not so conspicuous policy b e s i d - es that. I t is understood in this connection that the Communist Party unless i t holds the reign of the government, capitalism wi l l not be abolished and the party wants to increase the influence of the labor class gradually by the participation of management by such class. N e x t , l a t us look at few impending vi tal problems. Though both the Social Democratic and Communist Parties are emphasizing the revelation of hoarded or hiden provisions, the most characteristics wi l l ba the people's con- troll ing policy of tha Communist Party. This is directed to control the foodstuffs self-asssrti- vely by tha establishment of the people's co- uncil jointly by the labor and farmers' unions and citizens’ food controlling committee. How- ever, i t is sti l l uncertain that on what basis and structure, and by what system and con- nection, this food controlling w i l ; b i conduc- ted in Tipkyo. Against this, tha Social Democratic Party insists upon the drastic democratization of ag- ricultural associations and Foodstuff Manage- ment Corporation, since there is no other wa岁 but to utilize the present organizations in order to tide over the impending acute situation, thereby attempting the rationalization of deli- very and distribution by the participation of farmers', labor and cooperative unions. Be- sides, the policy of the party, which resembles that of the Cooperative Party, has character- istics on the points that the party insists upon the raiss of the price of rice, the democratic reform of the delivery systems, the fair di- stribution of daily necessities, and the state management of the manufacture of fertilizer. The Liberal Party advocates to make utmost efforts for the realization of immediate and large amount of imports of foodstuffs, since there is no other way but to resort to importa- tion to meet recent acute food shortage. The Progressive Party seems to have no other specific policy but to undergo partial reforma- tion of the present system. However, al l parties unanimously opposed the compulsory measures for foodstuffs which the Government announ- ced sometime ago. As to the counter measures against inflation, the settlement of which is equally v i ta l as food, there is nobody who opposes it, but on whosa risk this problem should be settled, diversified views are current. A t present, the Govern- mental compensation for the munitions in- dustries, the transaction of national bonds, tha problems of property taxes and the raise of wages are now main topics for discussion. Both Progressive and Libaral Parties propose the prevention of tha raise of wages on the ground that immediate raise of wages wi l l in- vite the soaring of the prices and promote in- flation. On tha contrary, the Social and Com- munist Parties insist upon the rationalization of wages to surmount the present l iv ing dif- ficulties, and blame th3 preventive measures against the raise of wages saying that such (JSee pag2 4) an a t tempt w i l l on ly accelerate the burden of the general publ ic who are now suffer ing f r o m the heavy burden of in f la t ion booms. I n connection w i t h the compensation for muni t ions industries, the Social Democrat ic Party demands the immediate cancellation. The par ty not only insists upon the wholesale abol i t ion of a l l nat iona l l iabi l i t ies inc lud ing the compensation o f nat ional bonds, bu t also de- mands the wholesale confiscation of war pro- fits, the reinforcement o f the graduated rate of proper ty taxes, and the elevat ion of the tax exempt ion l i m i t The pol icy of the Com- giun is t Par ty is ？agreeable to tha t of the Social Par ty on this point, but the Libera l Pf i r ty , by admi t t i ng the compensation of m u n i t ions industries, advocates the freezing of i t and the postponement o f the payment of na- t iona l bonds and the i r interest. Criticism and Our Demands We have depicted on v i ta l policies of major parties, t hough rough ly but in a fa i r way, as mentioned-above, and wha t is the conclusion tha t we came t o ? As we have stated at the beginn ing of th is chapter, t ^ pQlipies of the present pol i t ica l oart ie^ are Xpo <?pn舛rvative, and they lack enthusiasm and cleverness to tide over the unprecedented crisis, by grasping i ts real s i tuat ion. These part ies also lack the histor ia l understanding tha t is the mos t appropriate t ime th roughout the wor ld fo r the real izat ion of democratic revolut ion, or the amendment of capital ism, and the advance t owa rd socia- l ism. H o w w i l l the i a i t h f u l observance of the Potsdam Declarat ion ba possible, w i t hou t the democratic revo lu t ion ？ Is i t not impossible to main ta in the status of state s t ructure w i thou t the establ ishment of t rue democracy ？ I n the economic f ield, as we have discussed in minu te as above, i t is the v i t a l question on whose r isk the general publ ic can surmount th is crisis. I t is wel l -known tha t the nat ion as a whole must bear the burden of defeat. However, h o w can the general publ ic who have no food to eat, no house to l ive in, and CSee page &) 各黨の選擧政策 政黨と政策 s i , 1 一 ヶ 月 間 延 期 さ れ て ゐ た 總 選 舉戰も、いょく三月1日ょり開® 5 れ、四月十日に投票が行はれ、四、五月 中には新識會が開催されること，なつ た。1月四日.のマックア|サ|旋風は、 1股の拽想を袅切つた峻烈さで、旣成政 黨人の八〇%は出馬不能となり 選1 の模搽は著しく變つてしまつた。それ. 旣成政H陣管に與へた打撃はけだし想像 以上である。 元來、わが旣成政黨は余りに浮助的で あり、確呼たる基礎を持つて-0ない。通 步黨も自由趦も選擧目當ての露天商八に 等しく、店こそ張つたが，さて明日は何 處へ行くやら見當がつかない。それはせ いぐ親分的個人か、お互0狭い利害が 中心で、一定0確乎たる政策網領を有す るI進んでは、それを嬰求する社會階 級、社^敁の利益を代表するI双㈱で はない。近き將來に、激じい離合衆散の 起るは必至であり、その玫策をウンスン するのは馬鹿々々しい位である。 これに對し社Iは、國際的にも明確 なる性格を有 る政黨で、.勞働者 農民 その他勤勞大衆を25|し、社會主義を 目指寸進步的政黨であ4。た>、これも 创立¥々であり、Ele^未だコンソリデ 丨トされて.<3ない«?みならす、肝心の政 策について充分研究立案の暇がないやぅ だ。共«.:1 いたつすは、指分子 現在の構成上、令Q-§( i一 |象的で あり、當面 褀#£?©||を打開せんが亡 めには、諷でtすぎる。.協同黨ま た協同祖合の意？^^する範圃内， は、確かに特色を持つが、それが政黨と して妥當であるや否や は、問題 ある。 令次總選擧において、中立的•があ 表りに多く、また、、むある知識的分子办 出馬するもの、案外少ない理由の一は、 こ®^にあらぅが、iの發達をHI?提と するデモクラシ|の仁めに、われくは 渤勞大衆と共に純«なる知識分子 政治 運g.への稅播的^^盟留せざ をぇ ぬ 。 憲法改正の問題 4次組選擧は、いふまでもなく、民法 々翁新日本の成f決する最初の政戰で あ る 。 し た . か つ て 、 こ 、 で は 、 a s 法 改 J K . 問駔の意義は至大であ6。當面われく は、車筲上日本0存亡を決すべき重大な る經濟的危機に圍晓されて .ゐるもの ，’憲法問題の重要性を輕視するが如き ことがあつてはならない。 憲法改正問®においては、もちろん、 樞密院の存否、改革、衆議負の捆 屋大等も見逃せない間越であるが、こ れに關しては、進步 自由、瓧合、共產 の諸戴は、それぐ若干の相遠を示して i共產mは前二者の廢止、一院制を 主 張 し て ， o る 。 肚 會 黨 は 、 樞 院 の 菝 止 衆II院の榴限の極度の擴大を主張し、根 本的に改祖せる1院 存在を認めて6 る。進步、自由兩黨は、若干 一一ュアン スの差を靱めつ、、現行制度の改¥主 35して.0る。 iの進步主菝者の間からは、人民の 動勞の描限、生活0撺利を規定し*經濟 財政上の問越を重大視せんとする意苋が 現はれて<0るが、社#號«ほゾこれと同 樣なる意覓のやうである。 しかし、想法改正において、最も重要 な間超は、いはゅる天臬制の改菝であ る。これについてはかつて行はれたや うな神秘的なる神が り的見解は、<r日 何遇にも存在しない。最も保守的なる政 府の意見は、天皇0大棚を規定せる憲法 第一條から第四條までは大體そのi >と し、解释にょつて立患的にして民主々義 的なる窻法が成立するとなしてゐる。か つて、機關說論者として、右萬陣営から 轧彈された美濃部傅士は、この立場を持 して、現在、改正問超に對して 最も保 守的であると傅へられる。これは、時勢 の急轉脚I正に§々 義である— —にもょるが、また一面、この問超を法 律專M家的 理解すれば、博士0如き見 解も行はれうるからであらう。 しかし、4日1If法改正問!aは、純法 律問驵の域を脱してゐる。モれは正しく 重大なる政治問題であり、民主々義的に して平和的、文化的新日本の芘礎をいか に設定するかの間題である。 ところで、この點については、常然に 進步黛0意觅は政府に一番近いやうであ る。鉱の蠛つた 見はまだ公表されない が 、 同 糍 の ® B . 幹 事 長 、 「 < r i で と つ て來たのは舊敎の考へ方で、々後はあく までも新敎の考へ方で進むべきだ、合II 性に战く正しき批判の下に天祟制は絕對 に護持すべきだ」となしてゐる。(1月 廿一日隳賫) これに對し、自由黨は、滋法改正特別 調査會を設置して、筠つた憲法改正®?S を發表したが、それは ィ、統治描の主®は日本國家でぁるこ と ロ、萬世一系の天皇が日太國家の總迓 者たること ハ、天皇は法律上 政治上資任なきこ と ニ、•天皇の名において行ふ國務は總て 國務大臣G補弼を要すること を 規 定 し て - 0 る 。 社會戴の意見は、黨aとしては、 ⑴國家法人說をとつて、主描は®家 にあること s憲法第一條I第四味©天皇の大 猫はff iカ縮滅し、银®sおょび外交 上の形式的地位、すなはち_的地 位に困ること に あ る 。 同黨には、頤門高野博士の如き明確な る主描在民說も行はれてゐるし、圭た、 現在は一應上の如き黨鼓を餽^？が、國 民，多數©意見§つて狻更して行かぅと ぃふ意覓もぁる。相當巾©鹿いフレキシ にあり、その第一着手として、重耍產業 の若干 っいて國有を斷行せんとする意 見である。これに封し、進步黨が全£9と して現狀維持的色彩が强いことはいふi でもあるiい。自由黨は自由主義_へ の.後歸を主55し、當面の統制を漸次に外 し、自由主義こそ綷済の理想であるとな して5る。この問、共產黨の態度は、钰 濟の民主々義化を叫ぶが、それ以上親著 な主張はない。けだし、共鹿激は玫猫を 自黨が掌握しない以上、資本主義の廢絕 は行はれないから、輕營參加等によって 漸次に勞働階級の力を®進せんとするに あ る の で あ ら ぅ 。 次に、當面重大なる問題0ニ、三にっ いて見るに、先づ盒描問題にっいては、 隱匿物資の摘發を社會、共產兩黨はカ說 してゐるが、共產黨のいはゆる人民管理 方策は特徴的である。これは勞働組合、 農民組合、市民食糧1委員會の三者に よって人i謅會を作り、自主的に食坩 管理を行はんとするものであるが、たゾ 1地K、1市町村でなく、これを中央に 持って来る場合、いかなる組織機構とな り、いかなる采統、關聯によって行ふか といふ勘になると、明確をかいて6る。 社會黨は、これに對し、當面急場の打 ブルなる態度と蒐てぃ ， であらう。o開策としては、現行機構を利用する以外 これに對し、共產黨は、はじめ天皇制 打 倒 を も つ て 、 現 在 设 も 緊 要 ！ ： し て 根 本 的なる政策であり、人これを目 標として行はれねばならねといi度を と つ て ゐ た • し か し 、 最 近 野 K H ^ 朝 後 は、國家的制度 のi制は廢絕せ しめるが、個人 して©皇室は存置せし めるといふ態度となつて6る。 のみな$、最近、共產黨の主張する 共 同 _ に お い て は 、 i ^ o s ® に は か ， は ら な い ， M , が g に , , ， れ 、 t も 、 . J 0共同戰核 i ； 民 _ な t 民 主 戰 線 ― _ こ そ 、 當 闻 の 民 § 1 成 © ^ め の不nl決0條件であ4とすれば、いはゆ る 天 皇 制 o f は 、 事 1 、 わ ？ ^ 面 の 政治問題とし意義$失しつ> あるも0といふことができょぅ。 經濟政策の相違 かくして、選現*の焦點は砘 濟 玫 策 に 集 中 さ れ つ 、 あ る 。 そ - Q . 全 ® を 通じて先づ注目其急は、社會泜の「資 issかI主f」©モット丨であ る。これはもち直ちに社會義の 53行を主張する^Qぼないが、狭隘な る 餌 土 、 縮 少 せ - o m の 下 に 1 な t ロ ， H i p す る 日 本 と レ て は 、 今 ヤ 社 # _ 的計银辆濟以外に進むべき菹なしといふ に道はないから、農SMa、龛揖營團等を 徹底的に民主々 费化すべきことを主張 し、これに農§合、勞働組合、消®組 合が袞加して、供出、配給のすべてを合 理化さぅとしてゐる。その他、社會黨の 政策は、協同黨と近似 、米惯0引上 げ、供米制度の民主々義的改革 生活必 需品®Kの公正配給i外、肥料の國營 を主張して.0る點に特徴がある。 自由黨は、當面Q^t揖危機打開には、 _人以外に道なしとて輸人をIかつ大 董に實現すベく努力すベ と主張する點 において異色があり、進步®は現行制度 の部分的改革以外にないやぅであるが、 た>何れ 政黨を逋じても、政府が過般 發表した食祖に對する强制的措は反 對 し て ， 0 る 。 盒5@とならんで、缺も喫緊なィンフレ 對策としては、ィンフレの防止そのもの には何人も異論のあるはづなく、結局誰 の負拇においてこれを克服すべきかの點 に お い て 當 然 S M が " J w i る 。 す な は ち 、 軍需袖償の處理、公«の處理、W產稅、 黄8値上げ等の問題が最も論黎©對策と な る 。 i、自山兩黨は、急激な饩銀航上げ は か へ つ て 物 惯 の ^ ^ - 誘 發 し 、 ィ ン フ レを促继するから、これを防止すべきで あるといム。§に、社會黨、共產黨は、 現下生活©打開策として、貢銀引上の合 理性を主張し、貸錤引上0阻止は、たゾ 5へ動勞大衆の蒙るベきィン7レogjt を iすく全 面 的 に彼らに_させる森 舉 だ と な し て . 0 る 。 軍需補«については、社會黨はこれが 中止を要求してゐる。彼らは總じて戰勝 を條 件としてなせ る 國 家 的 ®務— — 公 ® I を 含 め て — — 0 帳 消 を 主 張 す る 反 面 、 戰 時利得の全面的浅收、財産税の累進率0 高度化、その免税點0引上げ等を®求し てゐる。共產黨も大體同樣であるが、自由 黨は軍需袖佾は認めるも、そ 凍結およ び公債利拂延期0政策をかゝげて.0る。 批判と注文 以上、«く大ざつばながら一豳各政黨 の重要政策について記述したが、そこか らわれくの得られる結論は何んであら う か 。 最初にも1言した如く、旣成政黨の政 策はあ圭りにも御與成りであり、この空 前の危機のを把握し、眞にこれを乘 切らんとする熱意と聰明がない。彼らに は、現在が世gに民主々薛$ないし 資本主義の修正、社會主義への、8|1進の飛 躍的時期であるといふが如き歷史的靱識 は全くない。ボッダム宣言©忠宵なるS 行が、民主々義$なくしPAJうして可 能であるか。「國逋の護持」も完全なるE主主義©確立なくしては不可能では い か 。 捽濟の分野においては、別に詳論せる 如く、國民大衆にとつては、誰の負擔に おいてこ®危機を切拔ける問題が何 よりも重耍である。 .全|9として敗 戰の負擔§へねばfitl とは分り切 つてゐる。しかし、薄ふに食なく、住む に家なく、着 べき衣眼のない大衆が、 何を負投出来ようか。反對に、從來國家 の隆盛と，もに肥ぇ太 た究產家階級 が、その敗北に當つこれ，が甦生の負 擔を荷ふのは余りに當り前のことではな いか。この程庹の靱識さへなくして、政 治 に ® t ! ^ と は 、 i こ . と に お こ が i し い 次第とはいはねばならない。 社會、共產兩黨については、われく は少くとも上のニつの點に.つ.いてはほゾ 信 賴 し て い 、 が 、 1 1 に 、 別 § 文 が あ る 。 それは具®的な政策$T いふことで ある。かれらはいまや、宜^g思想閿!£: ではなくて、救_0大任を1?際に擔當す る I rasf iで 抽®論やスロ.丨ガンでは役に立たない。確乎たる筲際政策を 153立すベきでぁる。 HON TO Rescue 丁叩肌？ The Bank of Japan notes, which are needless to、say inconvertible paper-money, swell by 200 or 300 million yen per day. The black market prices far from decline, but those of foodstuffs are rather soaring steadily. The purses of the general public have now become empty, and they are obliged to pass by, only looking at these awful black market commodities. Stories of burglers by repatriated ex-service men for sometime were covered by papers on one hand, while news of dark angels are reported on the other hand. • The Transportation Ministry raises the railway fares by two and a half times to three times at one time, while the Welfare Ministry, by raising the wages and salaries 01 its em- ployees by ten times, announced the minimum monthly salary for a man of over 30 years of age at 450 yen. The Commerce and Industry Ministry too revealed its intention to iaise the controlling prices of vital materials on a large scale to the extent of 70 to 80 per cent of the black market prices. Difficulties of living have been aggrevated, and make us anticipate the approach of social crisis, but streets are crowded by mobs who are wandering about without any definite Eurpos^s, and the number of productive la-ourers seems not to increase. There may be many reasons such as the difficulty to foresee the future and the irrationality of prices, plus decline of enthusiasm for production and sabotage by capitalists, but it is true that labourers lack zeal and efficiency in produc- tion. They are doing their best to overcome the difficulties of. living by demanding the raise of their wages by five to ten times, and it seems that the soaring of prices and the threatening of unemployment wil l not bring stability of living. The right to participate in the management, which they have managed to acquire, not only contributes towards the renovation of treatment, but there are many instances that their demands are being supre- ssed by their chosen representatives. Sabotage is not a phenomenon which is being witnessed in the civilian circles. The Government has been continuing its spiritual vacuum and pros- trated status. Governmental officials seems to be absorbed in demonstrations for the raise of their salaries and wages, but what most suffer wil l be the State of Japan and the Japanese nation, by the abandonment of enacting measures to rescue the country by these governmental officials. Moreover, the preserit situation can not be looked over only because the country suffers. Ruinous situation is cons- picuous, and the crisis of collapse is approa- ching near at hand. However, we must not let Japan collapse, without taking any counter measure. We must by all means rescue it, and reconstruct i t as a peaceful and cultural new Japan. If so, what kind of measures there are to rescue the country, and how we should realize them? Location of ProDlems In order to overcome this ruinous crisis, the establishment of the government of the nation or the government in democratic lines is essential. I t is a matter of course, and the first step towards the materialization of which depends largely upon the outcomes of the forthcoming general election. The significance of the popular front movements is very grave. However, it wil l take consideraole time when the popular front has been organized and the government of the nation is established. If i t is difficult to expect its outcome without the reform of the administrative structure and the bureaucratic systems thoughout the central and local governmental offices, it would be much more so. But at this juncture when Japan is on the verge of collapse, the enact- ment of measures to rescue it can not be postponed evexr a single day; The waste of one day wil l result in the aggrevation of the situation. Consequently, what is most urgently nee- ded is to let any government enforce the most essential policies vigorously. In this meaning, that the Japan Social Democratic Party, in order to surpass this crisis, advoca- ted to launch super party joint movement in accordance with the circumstances, is quite significant. In any case, leading militarists, ultra-nationalists, and others who are respon- sible for warfare from political, economic and national moral standpoints, are out of que- stion, but all other Japanese by elaborate cooparation, should overcome tnis ruinous crisis. The writer esteems it a regret that the expression of our conception in this connec- tion wi l l not be publicly known until this magazine appears on the market. Thus, there are many problems which require immediate solution. Innumerable pro- blems connected with politics, economics and social afiairs are on our way, but what we must grasp first of all wi l l naturally be those of economics, with the followings as centre problems. 1 . H o w to prevent the ever-soaring of tha prices ？ 2. How to acquire foodstuffs ？ 3. How to increase the production for civi- lian demand ？ Contents 社說，卽時救國戰線へ！ 1 Editorial 1 テレヴイジヨン，Television 2 Individual Party's Suffrage Policy 3 各黨の選擧對策 4 How to Rescue Japan ？ 5 如何にして日本を救ふか 6 Cinema and its Democratization 9 映畫の民主化 10 日本總選擧に忠告す 11 An Advice to Japanese People 12 War and Changes of Politics 13 戰爭と政治の變貌 14 Unification of China and Her Future 15 中國の統一と今後 16 The Last Letter By Ryunosuke Akutagawa..17 Revue Dancer 18 Prevention of Inflation What is essential for today wil l be the stability of the prices of commodities. The resumption and the increase of production are of course important, but for the realiza- tion of which the stability of the prices must be enacted. For, capitalists when they antici- pate the soaring of the prices in future, they wil l wait until the prices wil l rise further, rather than commence the production, by purchasing new raw materials and employing workers anew, because it is much easier and advantageous for them under the present situation. Thus, they do , not show their enthusiasm in production. On the contrary, no capitalist wil l resume the production when he anticipates the decline in prices, because he has to cut down the wages and the cost of production to resume the operation. However, it is most difficult to do so under the current situation. The life of general public, however, is being threatened by the steady soaring of the prices, and most ot them can not lead daily life by their normal labour. They are compe- lled to become black market dealers or bro kers. Herein lie important elements which prevent the resumption and the increase of production, Thus, the stability of the prices of comm- odities is most essential at present In other words, it is how to solve the inflation problems, the solution of which is not an easy task because of the diversified and com- "plicated nature of the problems. However, there can never exist a peculiar method for the solution. There is no other way but to take an adequate measure by- recognizing the real situation. The present steady soaring of the prices is attributed to two elements, i.e., one which :s due to the original inflation itself, and the other due to the absolute shortage of the materials on account of special circumstances. Against the original inflation booms, the followings must be the definite policies: A. To prevent the issue of the debit finance of large sum, which plays the origins of inflation. B. To prevent the drawing out of depo- sits and random purcnasing of commodities by hoarded currency, which are conducted in order to evade the property tax as well as in an anticipation of the furtherance of inflation. The suspension of the compensation by the government for munitions industries, the ena- ctment of the war profit tax, the cancellation of the payment of national bonds, as well as their interest, which are discussed in every circle, are also based Upon these policies. However, in view of the past results of the Governmental measures, the wholesale ceasure of debit finance is impossible, and if the suspension or cancellation of compensations as advocated by the Social Democratic Party and others has been enacted, the panic of banks wil l be unavoidable. I t would be all right so long as the panic of banks means the closure of such banks, but it would be clearly harmful i i i t has become necessary to relieve the depositors of medium and minor classes, and delays the resumption of operation by industrial workshops for the civilian dema- nd. Since the question is how to resume the production, by eliminating the debit finance and by stabilizing the prices, it is imperative to take the most adequate measure. In other words, it is not the question whether or not the Government compensates for the muni- tions industries, and industries in overseas territories, but it is the question that the Government, by doing these compensations, aggrevates the debit finance. As long as it is possible to prevent the aggrevation of debit finance, it wil l be only a secondary problem whether or not the Governmetit compensates. Such selfish policies as to relieve banks should be avoided. Private properties owned by directors of banks, and capitals of banks themselves, should be levied a heavy burden at this juncture. However, even Japan is in a revolutionary transformation, the socia】 function of banks must be taken into considera- tion, and the economic chaos should be avoi- ded as much as possible. Our apprehension was mentioned in our first number of the magazine and we do not want to make further explanation here. How- ever, we would like to admit a definite meaning in the drastic policies of the Allied Powers in this connection. SCAP which has been watching the Japan's finance since the termination of the war, on January 24, issued the following drastic and important directive: A. Immediate sifepension of the special accounts of the extraordinary army budget. B. The expenditures of the Government should be limited witnin two billion yen a month until the end of March, 1946. In connection with item B, the issue of フ 5 c 如 ^ I 日 本 々 救 I 亡國的破局 日 农 錤 行 券 — — い ふ i で も な く 、 不 換 紙 幣 だ ^ _ は 、 曰 に ニ 億 、 三 億 と 膨 脹 する。闇.値は1向に下らない£ころか、 食|1品©如きはむしろ頑强に上つて.0 •る。大衆.の財布は漸く湎渴して これを ‘フちめんげに眺めて通りすぎる。復員単 人の强盜話が新聞を賑はしたかと思つた ら、今度は闇の女の話が切：？に現 れる。 鐵 道 省 は 5 1 1 賃 ， を 1 へ ー 倍 半 、 . 三 倍 に 引 上 げ る。厚 生 囀 は属低貸銀を十倍に引上げて、 ニ ー 十 歳 以 _ 上 . + の 畀 子 に つ き 四 百 五 十 圓 と 發 表ずる。商工省は商工省で、重要物資の 限界價格を大巾に引き上げ、闇値の六割 ないし八sを公認するといふ .生括難はいよく深刻化して社會的危 機0切迫.を豫想せしめるが、巷には徒ら に右I往する群衆のみがあふれて、生 產的勞働者は殆んど增加しさうにな 。 前途の見透難、價袼の不合理等々といろ いろ理由试あるにせよ、資本家側にお ける生轰意愁0減退、サボク丨ジュは著 し い 傾 向 だ が > ' 他 方 勞 _ 者 側 に も ま た 、 その熱意，と能率において、生産的努力0 足りないことも事實であらう。彼らは、 給^:の五倍、十倍の値上げに必死となつ て生活難を打開しようと焦つてゐるが、 物®腿貴と失業の脅威は、到底生活 安 定をもたらし5うにない。彼らの折角獲 得した經營參加極も、その待遇改善にK しないどころか、自らの代表者によつて、 要求を抑へられざるをえいへ散 見される。サボク丨ジユはもとより民間 のみではない。政府は依然無氣カかつ虚 1撒をつゾけてゐる 官吏は官吏で、 給料値上げのストラィキ蓮動にはf や.つしてゐるが、その本領たる救國の施 策を抛擲されては、困るのは日本國家と 國Kである。しかも、今日のiは單に 困るといふだけではすまされない。亡國 的 狀 態 は _ 著 で 崩 壊 の 危 機 は 迫 つ て . 0 る の である。 われくは、しかしながら、こoi»、 わが日本を亡ぼしてはならない。い.かに し て も こ ？ ！ - を 救 ひ 、 平 和 的 、 文 化 的 新 日 本として建設しなければならない*果し てしからば、この救國の方策はいかなる ものであらねばならす、iたいかにして 遂行さるべきであらぅか。 問題の所在 こ0破局的危機の打開には、何よりも 先づ、われメ\國民自身の政府、すなは ち、民主々義的政府の確立が不可缺であ る。これは、自 明 のことで り、そ 第一 步は今次總選擧の結果にかゝってゐる。 人民趣線蓮励の意義は重大である。しか し、實際！2、それが結成され、國民の府が出来る！iは遣憾ながらなほ相當 時 間を要しよぅ。中央地方を通する行制機 構、官僚制度の改革なくして充分の成果 を期待し難いとすれば、なほ更である。 けれども、危急存亡の今日にあっては これが匡救の施策は、1日も忽にするこ とは出来ない。一日の空費は直ちにそれ だけ事態を惡化させる。 •したがつて、當面何よりも緊要なこと は、いかなる政府！iせよ、絕對に必要な る施策はどしくやら甘る以外にない。 この意味で、社會黨がこの空前の國難を 突破するために必要に應じて超黨派的共 同行動をとるベきことを提唱したこと は、充分の意味が認められる。もとより いかなる場合にも、指導的軍國主義者、 極端なる國家主義者、そ 他政治的、經 濟的、道義的に戰爭賣任者たるべきも© は論外であるが、それ以外01切の日本 人H協力一致、こ0崩壞の危機を打開 しなければならぬのである。_は、本 誌が市場に出る頃まで、こ>に提唱せん とするわれくの見解の公表がおくれる ことをさへもどかしく思ふ位である。 かくして、突破し解決しなければなら ぬ間題は山積し疋ゐる。それは政治上、 經濟上、社會上あらゆる方面にわたつて 無數にあるが、われくが何よりも先づ 把握しなければならない當面の鉗 、い ふまでもなく、經濟の侧面であり、なか んづく次の默に集中されなければならな 、 o I U L物償の相つぐ奔騰をいかにして防 力 1 2.食aをいかにして確保するか。 3.民需生產をいかにして垴加する か 。 物價の安定 インフレ抑it 今日、第一に必要なことは物價の安定 である。例へば、現在生産の再開增加は 最も必要で が、そのためには、先づ 物®の安定が ある。それは、現に 物惯が今後どんく騰貴す と思 企_は、今日の狀態では、新たに原料 を買ひ、人を使つて物を生產するより も、むしろ、現在持つ ゐるもの > 値上 りを待つ方が免倒がなくて有利であ と て、一向生産に熱意を示さないからであ る。だからとて、反對に 物慣 下落す ると思へば、生産をはじめるもPはな い。けだし、そ©ためには、賃銀 じ めいろく生産費の切下げを行はねばな らないが、それが今日の情勢では極めて 困雖だからである。 しかも、國民ー般は、今日、物傻の相つ ぐ暴騰！i全く生活を脅かされ 正常な勤 勞ではその日を送ることができない。勢 ひ闇屋やブロ丨カ—に||落せざるをえな い i で 、 こ ， に も 生 產 の 再 開 、 增 加 阻 んでゐる重要なる條件が存在してゐる。 物價©安定は、かくして、當面最も緊 要であるが、それは、言葉を換へれば、 いはゆるインフレ間題をいかにして解決 すべきかといふことになり、廣汎 複雜な る事柄だけに容易ならぬ大間 である。 しかし、それにしても、か’る問題に魔 呵不思餞の妙藥のありぅるはづ い。 事態を芷確に認識し、これ！i對して適切 なる措置を講する以外に道はない。思ふ に、今日の物®の相つぐ暴騰に iの インフレ—シヨンによるものと、それに 促進せられつ>も、特別の事情から來る 物資の絕對的缺乏によるものとがある。 そしてインフレIシヨンに對して は、いふiでもなく。 a.その根源をなす尨大なる赤字財政 の支出を厳に阻止すること。 b.ィンフレ丨シヨン見込みに加ふる に、財產稅忌避0ために行はれる預 貯金の引出を阻止し、かつ退蔵通貨 の換物化を防止すること。 が決定的政策でなければならない。軍需 • 糧 の 停 止 、 財 産 税 、 戰 時 利 得 稅 o w n 公®0棒引、同私拂の停止等々、各方面 で唱へられる論策も、この越旨に卽るも のに他ならない。た•》、從來 日本政府 の實辍に見る限り、遺憾ながら 赤字財 政の絕滅は不可能であり、又社會黨等の 補償停止、捧引等を實行すれば 銀行恐 慌は恐らく不可避ではなからうか。銀行 _が單に錤行©閉鎖だけなら未だいベ が、そのため中小の預貯金者の救濟が新 たに問題となり、Mi生產0再開iで蓮 延せしめられては れは明か 有害で あらう。間題は赤字財政を絕滅し、物價 を安定して生產を再開せしめるにある以 上1そのために最も有効なる措置を講す ることにある。1Kひかへれば軍需產業そ の他賠償、外地產業Q補償の有無が直接 の間題ではなくて、これらの事 行ふこ とによつて生すべき財政赤字化が當面0 問題である。財政0赤字化さへ阻止しう れば、補償Q有無は第二義的(それは負 擔の均衡化0間題として)である 銀行 救濟の利己的政策は.もとより排除さるべ きである。銀行重役の個人資産、銀行の 自己資本もまたこ 際重^55；擔を課さる ベきである。しかし、革命的變革期にあ るとはいへ、銀行©有する社會的機能は 充分考慮さるべきであり、經濟の混亂は 出來る限り、防止さ•るべきである。われ くの見解は創刊號にも一言したし、 (十五頁f )現在、これ以上立ち入つ て述べる餘裕はないが、われくはこの 點につい は、何よりも聯合軍司令部の 確乎たる政策に決定的意義を認めんとす るも©である。果然終戰以來 わが財政 i重に監視しつ、あつた聯合軍司令部 は、つひに一月廿四日 次の如き劃期的 重耍性ある指令を發す にいたつ 。 2.臨時軍事費特別會計の卽時打切。 3.ホヸ三月末日までの政府3?出を月 二 十 億 圓 以 內 に 止 め る こ . と 等 。 b-の勘に關してば、新圓©と預貯金 の凍結が當然の措置であり、その一日も 連かなるiが耍望される。 第二の物資の絕對的不足の好適例は、 いふiでもなく、食糧をはじめ衣•最 も必要なる生活必需品である"これ！2つ いては、例へば米®不足が昨年0悪天候 によるやうに 一部に.自然的條件による も©もないではな が、しかし、その* 底には、地力の減退に加ふるに肥料、晨 機具の不足、作業衣、地下足袋の缺乏と いふ如く、多年にわたる戰爭經濟のため、 生産力、生産要素が極度 荒廢した事情 が橫はつてをり、インフレ—シヨンと不 可分0關係にある。寊に、第一次大戰後 のドイツと異り、空襲による工場、機械 設備の破壞をはじめ、その他一股 戰爭 のためわが農工生産力が磨損しきってゐ ることは、わが國インフレ丨シヨンの大 なる特徵となつてゐるのである。そして、 これに對しては、日本の如く元來食糧に 不足し、重要原材料を缺いて.0る國にお いて、今日の封鎖經濟下にあっては、I 丨これもかつて0ドイツと異る事情で る が _ _ 聯 合 軍 司 ， ^ 0 理 解 あ る 救 援 に iつほかない。しかも、幸ひにも司令部 は、これをすでに實行しはじめてゐる。 a.一月廿六日司令部0發表によれ ば、フイリツビンより一千トン0小 麥粉が轍人され、今後も引續き轍入 される。「禽 0 ® 入 は _ 上 開 始 さ れ、將來における食a不足を豫想し て退蔵する必翦はもはやなくなつ た」と說かれ 程である。 b . 二月三日司令部發表によれば、米 棉二十萬トンが日本に輸出される。 それは日本•の原有生産力(戰前 のニ五%)をフル運轉せしめるもの で、主として日本の最低必需量を滿し、出来ぅれば若千でも轍出せしめ るものである。 かくして、日本經濟は、物資の絕對的 不足に對する基本的なる補給©前提を與 へられ、こゝに«»への條件と展望を持 ちぅること、なつた。しかも、この緊急 にして不可缺なる條件の充 は當面の課 題たる イ、物價の安定はいかなる點を基準と して行はるべきか、 ロ、安定はいかにして確保せらるべき か 、 に關する措置をして容易かつ合理的なら しめる。 思ふに、⑴の點にっいては、すでに戰 時統制經濟は終焉し、數千數萬の商品に っき、闇價格あり、九公價格あり、消費 者慣格、生§慣格等々のある今日、か つて0九•一 八の如き全面的なるストッ ブ令は無意味、有害であり、したがつて、 最も重嬰なるものにつきその生産費—— これが算定も困難であるが、これは若千 0推定を加へれば不可能では まい— 丨を算出しヤ價裕を決定することが必耍 である。そしてわが國では、この商品と して米をとることには誰しも異論はな く、かくして、米價が決定すれば、これ と均衡をとるやうに、麥、藷その他主盒 品、蔬菜類の價格を決定することも不可 能ではない。 .次には、このことを考量しつ、、工場 勞働者の標fW庭をとつて そ0生計費 を調査し、賃銀を決定する。交通費、家 賃等はこれによつて、自ら の條件を 與へられるであらう。 第三には、以上の條件を考慮に人れつ >、全產業の基礎たる石炭の價格を決定 する。炭價の決定は、當然に、鐵、セメ ント、肥料、銅、石油等基礎的物資の® 格を決定せしめうるであらう。 安定の確保 かくの如く價格を決定する場合、注意 を要すべきは、次の點である。 1.上に一言せる如く、無理をして價 格 を 低 く 決 定 せ ? * る こ と — そ れ は 必然に大規模なる闇價格を誘發せし め る 。 2.た>し、米と石炭について、充分 の價格を考11する場合、それが餘り に 高 く な る 時 は — — 例 へ ば 、 今 日 0 闇價格 近似す 如き場合には__ . ) そ©影響は重大であるヵら、若干Q • 期間を限り一lmM格制をとり、政莳( §を考慮せざるをえないであら う。た)し、この場合にも、そ©描 償金のために財政赤字を出さV や う特殊の措置が必耍である。(例へ ば、煙草、酒等の特別賦課金、富く じ、特別市場の免許料、そ 他一般 財政上よりの特別捻出等) 次には、かくして決定される®格©安 定を確保せんがためには、結局統制の强 化以外に道はない。しかも、上述の如く 絕對的不足物資の補給をえ、赤字財政の 阻止と預貯金ないし退^ゑに對する制限 を前提とすれば、こ0ことは可能である。 それも、從來の官僚統制の弊に鑑みれば、 單に統制法規Q制定に止るベきではなく て、統制を可能ならしむべき條件を作出 し、かつこれを勵行する如き機構を設定 することが肝要である。その意味では、 生産、配給、消費にわたる綜合的なる調 整、考慮が必要であるのみならす それ ぐこれを行ふべき自主的な 機關たる 組合、圑體ないし會社を必耍とする。統 制法規は、むしろ の種自主的ないし民 主的機關をして充分責任をもつて活動し うるような地位を與へると共に、かくて もなほ遼反するものに對する斷乎たる措 new yen notes, and the freezing of deposits are counted natural measures to be taken, and the immediate enactment of which is demanded. What are most urgently needed are such vital daily necessities as foodstuffs as well as clothing and dwellings. The shortage of rice is due to the bad weather conditions last year an9 other natural conditions, but it is also attributed to the general wartime economy which is manifested in the shortage of fertili- zer, agricultural implements, working suites, and rubber-soled socks, in addition to the decline of the nourishing power of the soil. Owing to the warfare which lasted for many years, the production capacity as well as production elements have much been destruc- ted. Different from Germany after the termi- nation of .World War II, the large scale destruction 'of factories and their equipment and accomodations by air-raids, and other causes of warfare, gave a severe blow to the agricultural and industrial production capacity in Japan, manifesting great characteristics of inflation in our country. For such a country as Japan, which suffers from shortage of foods and from the lack of vital raw materials, and which is under the present economy of blockade this point also differs from Germa- ny there is no other way but to expect the comprehensive reliefs of SCAP. Fortunately, the Supreme Command has begun to realize i t A. According to an announcement of January 26 by SCAP, 1,000 tons of wheat flour have been imported from the Philippines, and flour wil l be imported hereafter too. I t was explained, “ The food import program is now under way as shown by the arrival of the wheat, and there no longer is any necessity for hoarding food in an anticipation of food shortage in the future." B. According to another announcement released on February 3 by SCAP, alogether 200,000 tons of' raw cotton are to be exported by the United States to Japan. The amount wil l require the full operation of the present capacity ( 25 per cent of the pre-war productive capacity). The program recommended is based entirely upon ths minimum need for cotton to prevent disease and unrest in Japan and upon the excess manufacturing capacity of textiles that can be used in connection with the international textile shortaga Thus, Japan's economy has been assured the premise of the basic supply, and i t has come possible to possess the fundamental conditions as well as the prospects for the economic recovery. Moreovei, the supplement of this urgent and indispensable conditions, has made the measu- res in connection with the followings easy and rational: A. On what basis the stability of the prices be conducted ？ B. How the stability, of the prices be established ？ Regarding item A, the ordinance ordering the pegging of the prices as on September 18, 1939, wi l l be meaningless and rather harmful, when there are so many different prices of black market, government controlled, the consumers' and producers' on tens of thousands of comm- odities. Consequently, i t is necessary to decide the price of the most impoitant commodities, by figuring out the actual cost of produc- tion the calculation of which wil l be diffi- cult, but not impossible if some consideration has been taken. No body wil l oppose the definition of rice as the most vital product in our country. When the price of rice has been decided, it wi l l not be impossible to decide the prices of wheat, barley, sweet potatoes and other similar vital agricultural products. Next, taking these into consideration, we decide the wages of factory workers, by investigating the standard living cost of a factory worker. The traffic expenditure and the house rent wi l l be decided Dy this. Thirdly, taking these conditions into con- sideration, we decide the prices of coal, which is the basis of all industries. The decision of the prices of coal wi l l naturally lead to the decision of the prices such fundamental mate- rials as iron, cement, fertilizer, copper and petroleum products. Establishment of Stability In deciding the prices of commodities, the following points must be taken into considera- t ion： A. As we have msntionsd above, we should not decide the prices at unreasonably low, since it wi l l convoke a large scale black market prices. B. In deciding the prices of rice and coal, if they are figured out too high, say as high as the present black market prices, the double price system must ba taken for a designated period, and the Governmental compensation must be considered, in view of the gravity of their influence. But in such cases, it wi l l be necessary to take special measures so that the Governmental compensation may cause debit finance. For example, measures to squee- ze money by levying a special tax upon tobacco and liquors, lotteries, and sanction fee for opening special markets, etc., are being counted. , In order to maintain the stability of the prices thus established, there wil l be no other way but to reinforcs the controlling. I t wi l l be possible provided Japan is being supplied with the products which are absolutely short, and the preventive measures to check the debit finance and the drawing out of deposits and hoarded cash, are being taken. In that case too, in view of the unfavorable outcomes of the past bureaucratic controlling, I t wil l be important not only to promulgate the contro- lling regulations, but also to provide condi- tions which make the controlling possible, and to organize the structure which compels its enactment. In this sense, the composite read- justment and consideration in connection with the production, distribution and consumption wil l not only be essential, but such self-asser- tive organizations as unions, corporations and associations which transact such dealings wi l l also be necessary. The controlling regula- tions, in this meaning, must be directed as to give such self-assertive or democratic orga- nizations power so that they may move actively, and punish those who act against these regulations. Next, from the standpoint of democratic controlling in the peace time economy, the controlling must be ( A ) vital products, and ( B ) products whose supply is little in compa- rison with demand. I t is advisable that the controlling should be adjusted in accordance with the degree of importance of products and the balance between demand and supply. Therefore, rice and othsr vital foodstuffs, coal, railways, and vessels should be placed under the controlling, in price, production, distribution and consumption. Provisions such as perishables, lumber, cement and similar construction materials come next Question aiises here too for producers of those commodities which are placed under the strict control, and those which do not come in this category, wi l l make competition in connection with the materials and labour. There are many possibilities that materials • and labour wi l l flow from disadvantageous to advantageous producers. In this connection, the controlling upon products simultaneously with that upon materials wi l l be imperative, for which the establishment of the joint Supervisory Committee composed of industria- lists, consumers and Governmental officials wi l l be advisable. • Acquirement of Foods The increase of production wil l be the most important element in acquiring foodstu- ffs, to be followed by the enactment of the agrarian land reform law, which comes into effect. The distribution of fertilizer at the proper time at reasonable prices wil l be the second element, while the similar distribution of agricultural implements and other daily necessities, and the increase and systematiza- tion of labour service wil l also be counted important elements. Concerning the increase of production, we wil l later on deal under the subject of the “ Resumption of Production for Civilian Demand,” but we are confident that the increase of production wi l l be witnessed in future, unless special disasters occur. The most effective measuie to meet the present acute food situation wil l be the increase of the amount of foods to be offered for sale. In view of the gravity of the problem, many different opinions from various circles are being displayed. However, these opinions are being summerized in the follow- ing three points: 1.Speculative prospect for the rise of the price of rice should be avoided so that farmers may entertain stable prospect. ( The prospect for the decline of the price wi l l affect the enthusiasm for production). 2. The distribution of fertilizer, agricultu- ral implements and rubber-soled socks by linking ths offering of their products should be undertaken. 3. Tha reorganization of the structure of these organizations which transact the delive- ry of rice and the distribution of daily necessities should be undertaken. In enfoicing these measures, it is ad vis able to take drastic stjeps against those who violate these provisions. In connection with item 1,the supplemen- tary supply of foods which SCAP authorizes to* replenish the shortage, wi l l bs the most effective measure to stabilize the situation； under the present acute food shortage. Ths fact that the project came into existence by ths first shipment of the assigned foods at the end of January, will accelerate the offer- ing of the crops for sale. Items 2 and 3, which are connected each other, will be attributed to the reform of the present system. Fundamental reforms must also be undergone in connection with the time, basis of rice offering, the individual allotment system, as well as the composite offering system. In connection with the control of provisions by people, unless concrete measures are taken as a matter of the country, it would ba no use. In order to meet the impending crisis, there is no other way but to enact immediately and vigorously the reform and improvement of the present system. In this sense, farmers must utilize the farmers' unions, and reform the agricultural associations in democratic lines, while urban dwellers must conduct the funda- mental reformation of the Foodstuff Transac- ting Corporation, and the full utilization of various consumers' and labour unions. At the same time, it is also essential that business transaction of the government and governmen- tal offices must be reformed in democratic lines. Governmental officials, without deman- ding only the improvement of their treatment, are advised, in discharging their entrusted duties^ the enforcement of administration一 —to show by themselves what are the true democratic ways and methods in repressnting the true intention and interest of the nation. What is most essential next to the measu- res to increase the offering of crops, wi l l bs fair distribution. Exposure of hoarded rice, which is conducted in various districts, wi l l bs effective, but generally speaking, the re- inforcement of control wil l be imperative. However, from the economic point of view, it is advisable to make efforts for the realization of the rice ration of 2.3 go, and if possible 2.5 go per day per capita, by imploring SCAP, in proportion with the importation of provisions. I t is needless to say that when i t has become possiDle to maintain the least possible quantity by the importation and by tair distribution, and when the stability of the prices of rice has been established, no body wi l l dare to buy rice by paying high black market prices. Black market dealings are reported in an exaggeration in dailies, judging from the con- spicuous difference of the prices, the areas in which such dealings are conducted are assu- med to be not so extensive. When its influence is taken into consideration, the enactment of severe punishment against those who violate the law wil l be necessary, and we are of the opinion that the Government, should not hesitate to enforce its projected policy to resort to judicial steps against the illegal acts in this c o n n e c t i o n . 、 In proportion with vital foods, the perisha- bles have become very short, and their prices have gone up. In view of the competitive relationship among rice, wheat and potatoes, it will be needless to say that the Government should not overlook without taKing any step for the increase of the prices of perishables. As the fiist step, the： limit on the prices should bs made in proportion with ths prices of vital foods, at the same time conducting rationalization of the distribution. On this point, it is advisable to establish a smooth distribution by mutual competition between the usual wholesale and retail sellers' and consumers’ unions, by encouraging and utili- zing the last mentioned organizations. It is (To be continued to Page 11) ) 7 c 匿を規定することが主眼でなければなら な ぃ 。 次には、上の如き、平時經濟における 民主的統制の立場より見て、統制は、當 然 に 、 L重荽物資たること、 2.需要に比して供給Q少きも©たる こ と 、 に應じてi的に嚴緩をla別し、適切な る措®がとらるべきである。したがつ て、米そ0他主食物、石炭、鐵道、船舶 等は、a格、生產、配給、消費すベて全 面的統―におかるべく、副食物等©食 料品、木材セメント等©資材はこれにつ ぐ で あ ら ぅ 。 たゾ、こ、での§は、薛重に統制さ るべき商品と然らざるものと0間に、原 料關係、勞務關係より競合す があ つて、統制を®別す.0場合、不利なるも のから有利なるも0へ 原料、勞務の撗 琉れすることである。それについては、 結局原料®統制と同時に、越品に對する 統制を行ふことが必盔であり、そ©ため には專門的なるi、消費者、政府三者 の監査委負會の設置0如きも考撖されて い 、 で あ ら ぅ 。 食糧の確保 食aの確保に.っいては、根本的には生 產の墻大が問題であり、これにっいては、 すでに|期に入った農地制度改正の意 義は重大 ある。更に、差當っては、適 期かっ適正®格による肥料Qiが決定 的であり、農fそ0他必需物資©同樣 なる供給、勞働力の培加ならびに組織化 が必翦である。そして、特に前者につい ては、後に民需生產oi問題として述 ベ る は づ で 少 く と も 、 不atの 事 件 ？ へ なければ、今後若干0好轉を見るであら 3 ® けれども、今日、最も緊迫甘る盒糧危 機の打開策は供出の燴加である。そして、 これについ.ては、間題が間®だけに 各 方面よカ種々なる意見が出て>0る 、嬰 す る に 、 ⑴朱價の先高覓越しを絕滅してその 安定の見透しを與へること、(低下は 今後の生產意慾を阻害する) ( 2 )肥 料 をはじめ農 f、地 下 足 袋 ® リンク制的供給、 ⑶米の供出、必需品の配給に閫與す る機構©刷新改善 ©三勘が骨子でなければならす、進んで は、右を實行してもなほこ を遼反 る 者に對して新重なる^^を9行しな ければならない。 右0(1)については、今日の如合絕對的 不足0下にあつては、これを補ふべきもの _ _ 司 i の 許 可 す ベ き 輸 入 食 • I が抨際に現はれることが、最も有力なる 安定策である。そして、1月下旬いよい よそれが寊現されつ >あることは、何よ りも決定的な供出促iであらう。 (2)(3)は聯して、現行制度の改革に 歸 着 す る 。 割 當 決 定 C o , S 期 、 W 準 、 個 人 割 當制、待合供出制等につい.ても、至急改 善されなけ奴ばならない。いはゆる人民 管理說については、國として、具 體的にどうするかといふことiで進めて 考 へ れ ば 、 一 ^ れ で な け れ ば 、 又 全 國 的 g昧 は な い I、それは 向 は き りした方策と らない*加ふるに、焦 眉の急務に應する すれば、結局現行制 度、§の急速果敢なる刷新改善以外に 道はない。こQ意味で、生畫にあつて は、農民組合0利用、農§の民主々_ 的改革、都市においては、食響圑の徹底 的改革はもちろんのこと、i組合 勞 働組合について充分なる活用が行はれな ければならないが、他面、政府と官賊の 業務！iおける民主々義的改革が重要であ る。官應職負は今や、自己の待遇 善よ り進んで、使命遂行——行政の宵 施 — — に お い て 、 眞 に 國 民 の 意 志 と 利 益 を代表する民主々義的なる1、そ©寊 踐が、いかなるものでなければならぬか を 、 身 を も つ て 寶 證 す べ 今 _ が あ る 。 供出©增加策に次いでは、配給©公正 化が問題である。最近各地で行はれつ、 ある躇囲米0摘發も有效であるが、1般 にi©强化は必至でなければならな い-が、經濟的&考¥べきは、職人と も睨み合せ、司令部に親請して、現行配 拾量を®加し、最低限ニ合三『出來れ .ば11合五勺の*現を圖るべきことであら う。いふまでもなく、不足米は轍入によ つて補充？れ、最低量が配給によつて確 保されゝば__加ふるに米憤の安定が寊 現すれば—誰が好んで®な闇買を行 ふものがあらうか。 なほ、新聞紙上など！^闇眹引がいか にも大げさに傅へられる 、闇價格の高 下が比較的激しいところよりすれば、そ ©範圃は必すしも大きくはあるiい。そ れだけに、これが影饗を思へば違反者に 對する厳重なる罰則の1はこ0際必要 であり、過股決定？れた政府の強制描發 動の如き、右の趣旨に出 も©とす ば、決して镇瞎逡巡すべきでない。 主貪に對し、副盒として重要なる生鮮 食料品もまた著しく不足し、價格©騰贵決し得るであらう。 甘 る こ と 周 知 © w l ^ある。 米 麥 、 賭 等 の競合關係よりするも、これを放任すベ きでないことはいふ4でもない。上に1 言甘る如く、先づ、«格に對して、主食 を考慮甘る制限を設けると同時に、配給 ©合理化 行ふことが必奥 あり、こ0 しかも、io軍i償等の整理に關 しては、その補償が政府のいふやぅに行 はれるにせょ、また社會黨その他0主® するが如く中止？れるにせょ、これを別 個の機關として引離して整理すること、 し、(レシ丨バ丨制の寅施ない ^業赞圍 勘では、卸小賣商、隣'a配給と共に 消委aw iなる罾設備、資材、人を 费祖合を大いに•活用し、雨者の競走もつて新會社を設立して、直ちに生產を により®なる配給を確保すべきであら開始すべしといふ案に對しては、今日、 ぅ。なほ、かくして、食糧の確保を圖る 限り、街頭Q1埸©禁Iho如きは、當 然のことである 民需生産の増大 民需生産は、周知のやうに、今日週々 政 府 、 資 _ 、 • 員 何 れ も 賛 成 し て ゐ る 。 要 ^ K 臢 に こ れ を 寅 - T T す る に あ る 。 最 後 に 、 i 者 ！ s a C D 問 題 も ま た 、 決 しg意ある企業家にとつては解決に困 難はない。今日に•おいては、かつて軍閥 备 托 し 、 植 民 地 ， V I S ® し た 一の として進iない。これについては、幾多投機的事柴はありえない。それは闇商人、 ffl質ブロ—力一の仕事である。生產的事 業 は す べ て—なる i の 上 に 立たねば ならない。とすれば、それに對して§ 者がいかなる盔求をなすにせよ、何を恐 る、ところがあ ラか。0みならす、根 融難、5.軍需補僂その他補償關本的にみて、從WJO經營參加とはいか 保が決定しないこと、6.資本家なるも©であるべきかについては、朝野、 の原因が擧げられてゐるが、その主たる も©は、次の諸®にあらぅ。 1.賠©閼係がはつきりしないこと、 2.惯格のS 不安なこと、3.原 材料の先行が不明なこと、4-金 がI者0攻IRS態度に脅えてゐ ること、 , 3 の ぅ ち 賠 « 罾 双 は ^ 合 軍 | 5 4 - 部 の 指 示 にまつほかないが、民需生產を實際に行 つてゐる重要工場は、特別Qものでない 限り無理に指定されることもあるまい。 (しかも、か、る特別のも©は、fか ら判然としてゐよぅ。)iた、萬1©場合 は、その必袈性、重要性に臈じ、國家が 责 任 を も つ て 、 I 國 家 管 理 の ！ K ^ 、 完 全 補 俊 の 契 約 何 れ で も い 、 か ら — — 卽 刻 生産を開始せしむべきである。 また、M格©闢係は、前述©如くして 安定せしめることによつて、Siiを除去 すべきであり、原材料關係も、ポッダム 宣言0趣旨ないし賠憤 則に顧るf • な る 民 需 産 業 、 _ 出 見 返 り 品 產 • で 勞資何れにおいても、未だ具酸的なる緒 論のない§で、今後の«劍なる研究に またねばならない。， , ; 'いやしくも、 自 信 あ る ® 者 、 資 本 家 なら、むしろ進んでそ©範を示すべきで はないか。(商エ省は勞務管理を中心と るH場委員會制度を考ヘてゐるやぅであ るが、それも一試案にすぎない) 生產©再開、堉加は、かくして、全面 的に可能であり、1日も速かに實現され な け れ ば な ら な い が 、 そ © ! ^ K 0端 緒 は 、 何人も認める如く、石炭と肥料にある* しかも、この石炭は一月は豫定量を突破 して百十八萬トンを生產しえた。もちろ ん、こ0絕對量そのものはいふに足りな いが、直面せる危機はどぅやら切り拔け られつ > あり、今後もし勞働、技®、經 ある限り、餘りにその缺乏を心配する必營の中堅人が責任をもつて管理©宵•を 耍はない。そのffi、われくは、聯合軍 の合理的なる對日政策を®レて可なり であらぅ。すでに、棉花のiは確實と なり、わが兵器ょり再生さ べき屛鐵ニ 百萬トンの使用も許可されたではないか 金融難については、今日の銀行は、か っ て の 軍 需 產 _ 附 に 苴 額 の こ げ っ き を 握らるならば、將來における生產0增强 は決して不可能ではない。 食糧©産に決定的な肥料生產の隘路は 石炭にぁつた。石炭間題の好轉は、肥料 の今後に對しても期待を持たしめる。原 料を缺く過燐酸、ヵリに對しては、輸入 も許可されてゐる。肥料生産は、現在豫 持ち、預金引出しに苦められて、较戒嚴定通りには行かないが、1月は六〇％な 重であるが、必要なる民需生產USfしていしそれ以上には達して，0ょぅ。が、こ は、例へば復興金融會社の如合特殊機關’でも經營管理の刷新は不可避であら を新設するか、それが間に合はなければ、ぅ。 政府の命にょり、各銀行の共§資、命われくは、そ 故 最後に、民需生 令融資の如きを行はしめれば、Iに解產增强の根本的政策として、虚晚し、a 套を脫し切れない舊重役人の退陣と中堅 的 指 辯 者 © 登 場 — — そ れ は 勞 働 、 技 術 、 • の 全 面 に わ た る _ _ を 要 請 し な け れ ばならない。©みならす、政洽狀勢の如 何によっては、完iffllo理想實現©た めに、これら重要產藥0國營が當然間題 となるでぅ。 そして、それには例により國營は非能 率であるとの反對論があろぅが、もし國 營がこの中人材を活用しぅるならば ——資$はなかくこれを行ひえない ——そ©非難は解消されざる えない。 若干の注意 以上當面の主耍なる緊急對策にっき槪 述したが、最後に注意すべき若千の勘を 指摘したい。 第一は、以上の對策は、個々バラく では何も役に立たない。それは、赤字財 政0阻止と食|1、原料0轍入を前提條件 とし、io安定政策を中心 緊密にか ら み 合 つ て . 0 る 。 す べ て ^ < n 的 に 勘 案 5 れ、具現されてのみ充分の意義が發揮さ れ る 。 第11に、速度を重んじなければなら ぬ。殊に、急端となつて奔流せんとする ィンフレ丨シヨン0今日である。1刻は • K ? に 千 金 に 價 す る 。 第三に、亡國の危機を救ふも0は擧國 一致©力である。國民的©Rなくして救 國 の 實は擧らな い 。 戰 犯 ； ^ 者 等 々一逋 のものを除き、すべての國民の,的な る努力がなければならぬ。 第四に、とはいへ、この再建に必袈な る 莫 大 な る • は 、 今 日 盒 ふ に 食 な く 、 着 る に 衣 な く 、 住 む ！ i 家 ^ ^ 敷 の 國 民 大衆の负擔しぅるところではない。よろ しく天下の富豪、大資$、 地主を じめ有產§級は$自己_を拂はね ばならぬ。今日まで國家、國運と共 發 展して來た彼らである。こ0際敗戦 犧 に關聯し、その進步と發展の方向| I民主々 義ないし社會主義への前進 の 方 向 — — 添 つ . て i ね ば な ら ぬ われくは、小論©冒頭に、亡國的兆 候の襯著なるを慨歎したが、叙上の政策 を®に宵行しうるならば、本誌創刊號以 來カ說せるやうに、日本の前途はブリリ ァントであると信する。 かも、すでに 聯合軍はわが財政0赤字化を厳重に阻止 せんとしつゝあり、もはや盒糧貯蔵の要 なしとわが國民ヒ吿げ、棉花、鐵等重翦 原 料 の 供 給 も實 行 ’ し つ あ る 。 棉 、鐵 は 、 何れもわが現狀生產力をもつてすれば優 に一年の使用に堪へるであらう。こ を もつてもなほ、日本經濟を再建しえない とするならば、現代日本人はすべからく 慚死し、もつてニ千年來0われらの祖先 と世界入類に對して謝弗すベきであら う。(伊藤) gies or slogans wi l l be of no use. They should establish f i rm and practical policies. ttimied from page I f f ) n this sense, if Japan, w i th these encouia- nt and support of the All ied Powers, lot reconstruct her economy, there wi l l )prospect for Japanese to be internatio- admitted a civi l ian nation. 5 ) development of the labour listricts, the reinforcement of the development of labour cal parties. Then, the Conf- hich represents this tendency, lising future. d from 1 ins the urbanc TIS, as d politic 'arty, wl a prom (jCont I geme can nc be no nally ; (jContinned. ently mea classes in u their claim unions an munists P； wi l l have i matter became ite in the :es for the it are the srgo poli- extent ？ atic and we may t, but we of. which concrete publicity :al parties r mission ct ideolo- 性を負ふべきは當然ではないか•國際主JttlotatiftelltdeMcra’»’ o e r i c a v y a c 義をモットIとせる共產黨さへ 愛國者加wJSbiludunased.g加权Ige^eastr nlWJbilJdUra10? ( lrnl;sg'i3east として生產堉强を主張して t 現在、いitssth'lsiprochDexrg p c h l o n p o h A h — 广 § b t : h u a かに利に？といとはいへ、わが資$階feclaofpowt Il.vnu]lb1• 級 は 祖 國 の 破 滅 を 眼 前 に な ほ 生 產 サ ポ ク r ' h y a t r e s H v a n t o i a l c t k h o e s - a c t r y 丨ジュ Q 汚名 t ふなぃ 2 ら れ る で b e a e a l t ^ y p o v i o n s o c a r e l k t u o g i e e s o u n ぁ t か 。 r w e - o p e t l w h T l i t e s a t h - t s t l e s e o l o ^ 第五に、しかも、こ Q 再建は、獨り日veakvemuns $ t i e s t t o a r a r w h a 』 本だけ切離して行はれるものではない。Itde^coanrecs s s l e a n g p e p o f i s c H われくは日本の再 f 百バ I セ ン ト のgthahedrthe..tlc北 a t p a t t h i l h e s n s o d n o 貴任 I して t が、.lsethlp-thofarlnisThatiodtio ⑴それは聯合軍の理解ぁ I 導と支.othuTswltshalwitolull^atlaste四 援にまたねばならぬはもちろん、d s h s t ’ v i v r m c s , s m n ^ t h i i c i g a n t r u s a riprlfoticrhisp^o.elo s厨く世界經濟の再建、復興と密接 The Imperial Theater Drama, “L inco ln " at The Imperial Theater Limmia md JltA 'J)mDrniIimlmn/ . . . . . . ； , O B y S • i 1 ' There is, in a long sea voyage, no conso- lation and entertaining to the wearied passen- gers, on board, than the movies of different nations and the performances of varieties. The sailors' theatrical performances are, indeed, of special features. Such movies and perfor- mances are only amusements and recreations to all sea-loving passengers. I recall that i t was in the spring of 1934, on the way back from London, there were Americans, Britishers, Frenchmen, Germans, Italians, Swiss, Norwegians and others on board, and of course an internationalistic atmosphere prevailed. The night after we left Colombo, after the supper, as usual in the Salon, there was movie show for the purpose of consoling the passengers. There was Japan- ese movie after that of Americans and it was nearly 9 o'clock when the show was over. The silver screen was let down. The light and cheerful hearted passengers, with no racial prejudices whatsoever, were chatling with each other. One foreign gentleman who happened to occupy the cabin next to that of mine, claimed that he was the manager of a certain English firm, who then with his smoking pipe in his mouth, was sitting on the same sofa, smilingly, spoke to me, “Say, we have an exhibition of human races here, don't we? In a long voyage, as we are having, each nationality exhibits its national character, its culture and its moral by which we can learn, approxima- tely, the extent of its progress and develop ment Especially, the movies are exceedingly interesting, aren't they? They exhibit not Qnly the manners and customs of each nation but also the difference of national cultures can be observed." He was quite natural and of course it was clear that he was not censuring nor making any cynical remarks about the Japan- ese cinema. But on hearing him, I felt, exceedingly that he was insulting and as if I was abused that, ‘ Your country's cultures are low/ As a Japanese subject, I could not help of feeling a bit of grief and sorrow. Hence 14 years have elapsed but t i l l this day, I have not forgotten his words. Let us turn our attention on the present day Japanese cinema. Are they on the level along with the other nations and can they be looked upon as the symbol of the Japanese culture and furthermore are they worth while to be considered to have the value as interna- tional products ？ The China Incident and then the Pacific war— started by the war leaders— the Japan- ese movie industry was isolated and left far behind the world's standard, which has been the matter of greatest regret and even jeered upon by the conscientious Japanese public. The poorest kind of so-called master pieces, inadequate supervisions on the part of the actors and actresses, all of which are the causes for the Japanese cinema worla which still holds the old standard and i t is the shameful existense, indeed. The main reason for this shameful existence may seem to be due to the isolation from the rest of the world daring the past world's war. But i t is not the main reason. The main reasons are firstly due to the oppressions of the feudalistic capitalists and secondly due to the lack of national and cultural consciousness, together with improper education on the part of all those who are connected with cinema industry. The cinema industrialists under the mono- polized feudalistic capitals pay more attention to the management of the cinema industry for profit rather than for the production of cinema worth cultural value. During the past war, flattering and colla- borating with military authorities, they were the one who encouraged tha ignorant public and drove them toward war as war loving nationals. Their responsibilities are rather greater than those of Mitsui and Mitsubishi's. They may say that the purpose of the cinema industries are for profit but we do not wish to pursue their responsibilities for the past war now. What we request is their strong national consciousness. Certain Englishman stated that the cinema is the mirror of national cultures, which we agree. Cinema employees are now crying for democratization of politics and pushing for- ward the street demonstrations. The move- ments are, of course, the demands for the democratization, but this is not the point what we emphasize here. Protection of living standard by means of strike, that is to say, demand for higher pay as well as the manage- ment by the employees are, no question, very important But the democratization and the emancipation from the oppressions by the monopolized feudalistic capitals are far more important And at the same time, all those who are connected with cinema industries, should with true consciousness, drive forward the democratization movement Not only should they have proper culture and guiding spirit but of real products of national value. And also, they should produce cinema that wil l help to build up a real democratic country. I t will, indeed, reflect our high standard na- tional cultures. Thus we should produce cinema that wil l donate for the bsnefit of human civilization. This, indeed, must be the fundamental princi- ple for the democratization of the cinema industries. self-assertively. the controlling policies of the Allied Powers, we are confident that their authorization wi l l be obtained. Birth control is a problem which we can perform on our own accord, but Japanese used to have an antipacy against i t from former days. This tendency is meaningless, and as we pointed out in the previous number, the birth control wi l l be unavoidable not only for economic point of views, but also for social, cultural, and sanitation viewpoints, especially for the promotion of the status of women and their progress. What the colonel said as above shou'd not be apprehended that Japan's economy as a who'e can not attain, but may be assumed to have indicated the meaningless and harmful of the self-supporting and self-sufficing policy. As we repeatedly explained, if Japan, with the highly industrialization and the participation in the international trade as the premises, establish systematically All the eco- nomic policies, and carry out these policies, Japan's economy wi l l be promised a bright future. Measures to Overcome Crisis We pointed out in the previous number that opinions exagerating the crisis were in current, but these opinions have much been softened I t is a mattsr for pleasure that there have appeared not exactly the optimistic, but rathsr bright opinions indicating where the key for the solution lies and where the sign of hop a can ba found have come to appeare. The difficu'ties which Japan's economy confronts, and how to rescue Japan from these difficu ti^s are discussed in other chapter, and we would like also point out the following ( 1 0 ) points in.this Television column : The Governmental plan to tide over these difficu ties by the debit finance, which is the main cause of inflation-——runlimited issue of bank notes was prohibited by SCAP. This l imit wi l l be reinforced ii> the next fiscal year which starts from April. The supple- ment of vital foods which show absolute shortage in Japan has already set in, and i t was decfared that there wi l l no longer be necessary to hoard the foodstuffs. The impor- tation of raw cotton to replenish the shortage of c.othing has been decided, and the first vessel carrying th;se cargoes is to arrive in Japan in April. The consumption of two million tons of scrap iron to be reproduced by aims for the civil products has also been sanctioned. Coal production too seems to have entered its normai production process- (.See page め The Nippon Theater / ' ) Revue Dance of “ Haru-no-Nyujo ’ at The Nippon Theater 長い航海には、船客の慰安のたt® © 映 I T 演 藝 と 、 . ' J a n i i 八 演 . 劇 は 、 5 1 屈 な 船 旅 の 隨 一 な ® ^ レ て 樂 ま せ て 吳 ， る も れ の で あ る 。 1九三四年のたしか春と|2@11:_ゐ る。Bンドン歸りのfは、米、 獨、伊、スィス、ノ—ルウエ^¥、 國 際 色 豐 か な 雰 圍 氣 に 滿 ？ れ . 2 ) ^ 。 赫 熱 の . . n ロンボを出港よウ て 夕 龛 後 0 サ ロ ン で 、 J g g J ^ ® ® ! ! ^ さ れた。こ0晚0ブログラム！Tアメ.リカ 映寒に次いで日本映®の。 . 】 の . 本 映 蠻 の 終 っ た り ^ t i a 各 あ つた。サロン©スクリ—ンはaり除か れ 、 氣 輕 な 船 容 は 何 の 人 種 s s i ^ も 有 た t思ひくに語りあ罕ゐた。 私のキヤビンに隣ゐ た 氣 品 © 高 い 中 年 の t ® < ^ 、 英 E i O 或 る貿县商のマネデヤ11?あ.，して <6たが、彼はさも美味しさド占ス、 バ ィ ブ を く は へ な が ら 、 . ^ n x y 7ア 丨に掛け、微笑しながらか.しかけ た 。 「 君 、 船 は 國 際 人 種 の 展 • だ ね 、 か ぅ して各國人が長い旅途を生活^V&る と 、 そ の 國 0 民 性 な 0 、 文 fか 、 道德の發達程度を大H會得tiことが できる。ことに映畫と云ふ急逢味 の深いものすね。っVI を觀ることによつて、風俗、はも と よ り 、 そ の 國 民 文 化 « 0 3 | ^ が よ ^ ^ 寫されてゐるからね。 彼 の 言 葉 は 少 し も 不 員 な 会 』 5も.な く 、 日 本 映 誓 を 非 難 し 、 皮 肉 つ た . もないことは、もちろん明かで しかし、私は彼の此0言^を聽いて何 か自分が非常に厚かレめられて居ゎ、お 前0國の文化は愚劣であるとでも員倒 ？ れ た 感 に 打 た れ た 。 日 本 人 と し - t、 一 憂の悲しみさへ與へられすには居られな かづた0である。そして、彼のこの言葉 から、すでに十四年0長い月日^Hw が、今日なほ深く腿裏に刻み込まれ .0 る" ところで、今日0日本映書は…… 何人にも恥しからぬ日本映畫として 國 際レベルに列し、國民文化0シンボルと して國 的商品惙値を有してゐるのであ ら ぅ か 。 支那事變より太平洋攀と、無暴な軍 PQ侵略戰爭によって、先维藷外國との 交渉を絕って5た。日本映書界は、國際 水準どころか、その舊態依然醜陋なる有 搽 は 、 心 あ る 日 本 國 民 • か ら . 冷 笑 を 買 つ て . 0 4 。 愚f作品、低級な監督、進步性なき i , は依然として國民の恥 Itslで あ る 。 そ © 原 因 に は 戰 爭 に よ る ^ w & ^ H i の 交 流 を 絕 つ て ゐ た と い ふ1ウの事情もあらぅが、もちろんこれ ^ . W E P は な い 。 主 た る 原 因 は 、 あ く ま でもが封建：gなる資本の艇制下に 11と >映«入が映畫の國家的文化的 • と 敎 越 に 乏 し い か ら で あ る 。 封建的獨占資本Q艇制下に沈倫しつ、 あ る ^ W W達 は 、 先 づ 資 本 の た め に 作 品 ^ ^ 的 價 値 よ り 、 i本 位 に 經 營 否 名 あ る 。 戰に媚態の限りを盡し、軍國 主義鋒となつて、無智な國民まで も s s ^ s - s ^ て 、 好 戰 國 民 と し て 軍 國 主*せ-たのは彼らである。そ の 寶 淫 - 弃 、 三 菱 に 優 る . と も 劣 る も の -?は.ない。レか-^彼等 云ふであらぅ、 ― ^ 餐 事 業 は . や は り i が 目 的 あ i o わ れ . く は 、 い ま 、 攀 の ® 爭 責 任 せ tす る も eで は な い 。 彼 の 英 人 i - < 1 映 _ 國 民 文 化 . . の 描 寫 で あ る 」 . - X ^ H ® 家 的 、 國 • 民 的 自 愛 と 良 心 と を 欲 X も ^ で あ る 。 …… い - W ^ Q J K r w ^ と と も に 澎 湃 と し て 映 i良叫び、街頭デモンストレ— シ.曰ン.^ -?て.04。運動は ち t o - - i a J W 義 ( 0 要 求 で あ る が わ れ く がこカ說したいのはその勘ではな い。3Lトラィ+による生活§、すなは ち、17?の値上や從業負 待遇改 HT肚負®gはもちろん、重要で なくはない^、それら以上に映畫の民主 主義化とレて最も重 なるは映畫事業© 封建的獨占資fりQ解放である。と同 時に、fなる映®は、全て0映聳人の 心 ^ ^ ！ 覺 に よ つ て 日 本 の 民 主 主 義 化 運 励 の 中 核 と な . つ て 敎 恭 と 指 _ を 有 つ と共に、國際的商品價値を有し、而も平 和§の眞の良主主義國家建設に役立し める映晝を作らねばならない。それは寊 に國際的水準にある高きわが國民文化を 描寫し、世界文化に寄與しぅる映«を作 ることであり、これこそ、§民主化0 $理念でなければならぬ。 映画の民主化を叫ぶ〜生 U. P. Correspondent’ Mr. Peter Kalischer President, “ Democracy ”，Mr. S. Miyajima Editor-in-Chief Mr. Y. Ito President: Mr. Kolischer, the curtain for the campaign of the Japanese general election will be raised March 1st I t goes without saying, ths aim of the coming the election is to set up “ democratic goverment ” as well as the democratization of the Japanese people. I t is decidedly important. I presume that SCAP and other circles are paying much attentions to the coming election. As correspondent from the U.S., what is your opinion of the Japanese election, the campaign of which is expected to start Marc 1st. Mr. Kalischer ？ Mr. Kalischer: Well, let me express my personal opinion. The Japanese have made much progress toward the democracy during the past six months. But I do not think the spirit of democracy has penetrated deep into the heart of Japan as yet. In the cities, the Japanese have awakened and grasped the me- chanic of democracy to a certain exten, but not yet in the country. Therefore, such people need to be better informed in order for them to avail themselves of the privileges granted them. For instance, there are radios, news- papers, magazines, lectures, etc. By the use of these facilities the mass of the people can be reached. Interest and understanding of the issues in the coming genaral election can thus ba stimulated. Especially, there should be a strong labor movement, wnich would serve as a counter-weight to the right wing movement and a safeguard against the resurgence of re- actionary elements. Editor: We agree with you, Mr. Kalischer, rural people are very conservative, as you know. The purpose of the coming election is to establish a reliable democratic government. What is your observation as to the result of the coming election, Mr. Kalischer ？ Do you think the Japanese wil l attain their aim ？ Mr. Kalischer: No, I don't think that the coming election wi l l succeed in establishing the kind of democratic government, we look forward to. Japan must go through several elections. It requires time in order to attain these aims. President: At the coming election, women y an important role and draw the attentions all thoughtful people, I think. What do you think about the Japanese Women's situation and what state ot mind are they in ？ Mr. Kalischer: Most Japanese women were under a fewalistic； half slave-like condition and their political awakening is yet to come. I mentioned a while ago, the conservative ten- dencies of rural people. I think, generally speeking, women are dehind as compared to men in rural districts. Of course, the younger generation and educated people of the city are quite different. However, some of the rural people may feel the franchise given titiem to be troublesome while other extremist may even feel terrified. Do you not think this is the existing conditions ？ Editor: Mr. Kalischer, i t seems that you have a pesaimistic view on the coming Japa- nese general election. Mr. Kalischer: Not exactly pessimistic. The election is the problem of the Japanese them- selves and is to be carried out by them only. If the Japanese don't elect the people I should like to see elected—that is still their business. Japanese must not look for others' help. My personal opinion is that SCAP would never intervene in so far as the electihn is concerned oyt on the responsibility of the Japanese them- selves, President: The democratization of Japan must be materialized on their own responsibil- ity, of course. However, the help of SCAP, especially, and America's guide aud oelp are very essential. We eave many heings to learn from America, a senior democratic nation. Do you not think there is anything that we can learn from the general elections in America ane thet yau can teach us? i Mr. Kalischer: Approximately, three-fourths of the voters in the U. S. cast thir votes with ；：沙w；册:j f i rm convictions. Although, there are politi- cians who exercise so-called manoeuvers, most of the voters are not influenced by such tricks. They cast their votes for the party in which they have faith. As you know, there are many Strikes in America and also many difficult pro- blems existing. But the fact remains that over a long period the majority exercises better judgement than any select minority. There is only one thing to learn from our elect ionsthat is to keep holding them. Editor: in America, do people cast their votes according to the policy of the party or to the individual？ Mr. Kalischer: Generally, of course, people vote accordingly to the policy of the party, Naturally, there are a certain amount of people who vote just because the candidate is a good speeker or has a charming personality. But, commonly, i t is the policy of the party for which they vote. President: That is the foundation to a dem- ocracy, isn't i t ？ And it is the prerequisite for the existence of a polical' party, to have and execute a film policy. Well, finally, is there any advice, Mr. Kalischer, to the Japan- ese people 纹s regards the coming Japanese general dlection ？ Mr. Kalischer: It is very flattering to have someone ask your advice on something as the first free Japanese election since the twenties— whether the advice is worth anything or not. Here i t is : There wil l be many so-cailed “ new- men ” up for election, about whom nobody know3 very much: The people should try to find out as much as they can about who is behind these new men. Some of them will merely be “ fronts ” for discredited members of the old-line parties. But if a new man re- presents a vigorous, progressive party and concrete program of betterment for the average Japanese don't let the fact the man has had no previous administrative experience deter the people from voting for him. He wi l l make mistaic^, but the mistakes of a sincere demo- crat ate worth more than the skilful manoeu- vering of an experienced party “hack.” The men who stood by or aided in pushing Japan to present state of collapse were the most ‘ ‘sk i l fu l ” in the country. The goverment of the United States was drawn up bs a handful of provincial lawyers. They Happened to be pretty good lawyers but i t was the first time they ever did wrote a constitution. President: Well, Mr. Kalischer, we thank you very much. How to Rescue Japan f [Continued from page 7) only natural to prohibit the black markets on streets, in order to stabilize the food situation in this way. Increase of Production for Civilian Demand The production for the civilian demand, as every one is aware, is maKing a delatory progress at present Many reasons are counted for the slow progress, but the most important elements wi l l be the followings : 1 . N o concrete reparations program is available. 2. The pricas are not staDle. 3. The future supply of raw materials is not cleariy known. 4. The difficulties in finance. 5. The Government policy toward the compensation for munitions industry and offers has not been decided yet. 6. Capitalist^ are being threatened by the offensive rttitude of labourers. Of them, the reparations ppoblem depends union the directives of SCAP, but important factories excluding those which ate prodncing goods for the civillian demand wi l l not always be nominated to be removed. (Moreover, those special equipments wil l be clear from the beginning). ‘ Tee Government, in this sense, is aavisable to order these factories to resume operation, eithes by assuring the enforcement of the State contro or by- primi- sing the wholesale compensation, in accordan- ce with the degree of their necessity and importance. In connection with the prices, by stabili- zing by the aforementioned methods, obstruc- tions should be taken away. In view of the purport of the Potsdam Declaration and the fundamental principles of the reparations, and so far as these equipment c6nducts production for the civilian demand (6t exportation as collateral goods, it would be no use to about the future supply of raw materials. In this respect, we may rely upon the rational policy toward Japan of the Allied Forces. Already, the supply of raw cotton has been realized, while the permission for ths use of 20,000 tons of scrap iron reproduced by arms has been granted. Regarding the difficulty of finance, banks which advanced a huge sum of funds toward munitions industries, and which are being tortured by the frequent drawing out of deposits, seem to be very cautious at present. However, the advancement of funds for the production of civil demand wi l l be solved, either by the establishment of such special banking organization as the Rehabilitation Financing Corporation, or if i t takes too long to establish such an organization, by enacting the joint advancement or imperative advance- ment, on an instruction from the Government In connection with the compensation for munitions industries, it is advisable to settle the matters by an independent organization, whether or not they are realized as the Government assures or cancelles as the Social Democratic Party advocates, (by way of the enforcement of a receiver system or trustee system by industrial corporations). The plan advocating the immediate resum- tion by establishing a new corporation with useful accomodations, materials and staffs, is unanimously supported by both capitalists and workers. The most essential is to put into force vigorously. Lastly, the problem of the offensive atti- tude of labourers Is not so difficult to solve for deligent industrialists. Today, there can not be such a speculative enterprise to profi- teer a large amount of money at once, by- squeezing colonial territories in collaboration of military clique such are the jobs of black market dealers or vicious brokers. Al l productive enterprises must be founded on sound calculation. It so, capitalists should not be afraid of, no matter what demands labourers may request. Moreover, both the Government and people, as well as capitalists and labourers have not come to the concrete conclusion yet in connection with the partici- pation by labourers in management of produc- tion, which requires future and deligent investigations. Self-confident enterprisers and capitalists should show examples by themsel- ves on their own accord. (The Ministry of Commerce and Industry seems to be planning the factory committee system which conducts the labour control, but it is nothing but a test plan.) In this way, the resumption and the increase of production, wi l l be practically possible, and must be realized in an immediate date. What are most essential to start, wil l be, as every one admits, the production of coal and fertilizer. Coal produced during the month of January amounted to 1,180,000 tons, which exceeded the scheduled amount Or course, this figure is not large enough as an absolute quantity, but the impending crisis has barely been overcome. If, therefore, middle class people in both technique and manage- ment hold the reigns of the management, the future increase of the coal production wil l not be impossiDle. The bottle-neck of the production of fertilizer, which influences the production of foodstuffs, was the coal production. The favorable development of coal problems make us entertain expectation the on future supply of fertilizer. For the production of super- phosphate and caustic potash whose raw moteri^s are lacking, the importation has been authorized. The production of sUpei- does not progress at present, as scheduled but during January over 60 per cent of the assigned amount would eave beena procubed. Renovation in the management and contro lling of fertilizer manufacturing incustries wil l be unavoidable. In conclusion, therefore, as the fundamen- [See page 12) ( 1 1 ) between the past China and future China. For the mean time, China too wi l l experience the hard time of revival and reconstruction to meet the po^t-way situation, president Chiang id reported to have stated in a prass conference on February 5 that the most vi tal problems which China comfronts are traffic, education and public health.し However, the future China wi l l trace the path leading to the immediate democratic expansion, by the good offices of positive investiments by the United States and other advanced countries. Without then, China's vigorous progress wi l l not be realized. The whole world, especially the United States, are all expecting i t to be materialized in China. In this sense t j iat which establishes a guiding policy in Connection w i th the recovery and progress of a new Uiina, w i l l be a dominating Earty in a next China, i f the Kuomintang can 3 a leader of the praticaj capitalism its dominating power w i l l be reinforced, much less be weakened. The transformation into capitalism in China, wi l l naturally be different from the ways which other advanced countries tooに Firstly, agricultural villages in extensive areas of Cnina are newdeing placed in an impending situation which requires the drastic agrarian reforms or agricultural revolution, and wi l l the Kuomintang be able to discharge such a great task? Secondly, the progress of capitalism coincid- {See Page 8) taj measure for the increase of production for the civilian demand, we must request the wtiQlesale retirement of directors who are absent-piinded and who can not get rid of their former manuensm, and advocate the appearance of middle class leaders of both tedmical and management fields. Furthur- more, in accordance wi th the development of the political situation, the State management of these vi tal industries for the realization of a 100 per cent assumption of the unemplo- yed, wi l l be taken up for discussion. There wi l l be opposition against the State manage- meat on the ground that such management wi l l not be efficient, but If these personnel are fully utilized in the course of the State management, though capitalists wi l l not ba able to materialize t h i s - s u c h opposition wi l l soon disappear. Some Remarks I have stated above outlines of the emer- gency measures to be taken against the impending situation, and I would like to point out several points which wi l l deserve our attention. Firstly, these measures wi l l not be so effective, A i f they are taken up separately. These measures are connected ea ĉh other so closely wi th the prevention of debit finance, and the importation of foods and raw materi- als, as tneir premises, and the measures for the stabilization c i the prices as the main problem. Unless tnese measures are taken into consideration compositely and put into effect, they w i l l lose the significance. Secondly, speeding up must be emphasized, in view of the aggrevated in f^ t ion which is sweeping throughout the country just like a rapid current, A moment wi l l worth 1,000 yen. Thirdly, what rescues the crisis of the collapse of tne country wi l l be the unified power of the whole nation. Without the national cooperation, the salvation of the countiy wi l l be impossible. S^lf-sacrificing efforts must be rendered py all the nation excluding the war criminal suspects and similar p e r s o n n e l . ’ Fourthly; the great sacrifice wnich is vi tal for the reconstruction, can not be borne by general public, the majority of them having no foods to eat, no clothing to wear, and no houses to live in. In this sense, millionaires, large capitalists, great land owners and wealthy classes must voluntarily sacrifice themselves, for they have enriched themselves by the State. I t is only natural for them to sacrifice themselves at this juncture of the collapse of the country. When even the Communists who regard internationalism as their motto, advo- cate the increase of production, from patriotic standpoint, why don't the capitalistic class wipe away the reproach of sabotage in production ？ Fifthly, the reconstruction can not be done solely by Japan. Of course we are 100 per cent responsible for the reconstruction of Japan, but we must at the same time (1)expect the comprehensive leadership and support of the Allied Forces, and ( 2 ) must, by keeping close contact wi th the reconstruction of the world's economic reconstruction and renova- tion, advance in their direction of progress and development in the direction toward democracy and socialism. We lamented the ruinous symptoms at the beginning of this short essay, but if the above-mentiond measuies are enforced vigorou- sly, we are confident that the future of Japan, as we are insisting ever since the init ial issue of this periodical, wi l l be bright. SCAP which is try ing to check' the aggre- vation of our financial situation, told the Japanese nation that i t was no longer nece- ssary to hoard foods, and has been supplying iron and other vital materials. Wi th the present productive capacity of Japan, the raw cotton and iron which have been supplied, wi l l De enough for the consumption oi one year. I f we can not fulf i l the economic reconstruction of Japan wi th these supports, all the Japanese of today should apologize to the ancestors of the past 3,000 years as well as to the whole human kind of the world, by ending their lives. ( By Itoh ) be Continued from page 15) either party. However, looking from a historical point of view, conspicuous changes wi l l be witnessed しなければなりません®これらQ新人は _ に 熱 心 で 進 _ 黨 を 代 表 す る 物 で ” しかも過去のあやまれる政治と關係 のない人々でなくてはなりません®これ ら 選 舉 さ れ た 新 人 は 間 遝 ^ , 起 す か も し れませんが、しかしまた、誠寅な新入の 間 遝 ひ は 老 練 な 策 略 を 弄 す る 舊 人 - ^ 違 か に 價 M る も の で あ ^ ^ す 。 日 本 を 今 日 の § ^ 落 し た 舊 政 ^ 2 ^ は 曰 本 に 於 舞た巧妙な人々であつたので す9建國の合®政府はほんの少數 の地方法律家にょつて設立されたのであ り > それが®然にも出來のい、法m であつた©ですが、合衆國窻法を創狡し たのはその時が初めてであ|す。 社 長 「 ど ラ も い ろ ^ ^ あ り が た ぅ ご ざ い ま し た 。 へ 寫 M -は 向 つ て 左 ょ り 秋 山 嬢 、 宮 嶋 社 ノ ,長、キヤVッシヤJ氏、伊藤編R長」 出 席 者 U 特 派 員 ビ丨夕丨•キヤリツシヤ丨氏 本社側 宮嶋社長、伊藤編輯長 社長「キヤリツシ^-丨さん！いょい ょ三月一日から、日本1選擧戰の幕が 切つて落されることになりました。今度 の總選擧は申上げるまでもなく 书老 民主々義化する、日本に民主々義政府を 作るために行ふもの1^^日本にと つて決定的に重大なわけです。聯合軍司 合部をはじめ、各方HPもこの選擧につ いては充分法目され>と、存 ま すが、キヤリツシヤiん、この總選擧 に對し、合衆國のIBfして、貴方 御 感想はいか > で せ う 。 キヤ氏「さうですね、gに私個人と し て の 感 想 を 申 し - ^ と 、 曰 本 は 敗 戰 以 來六ヶ月の間に、確かにデモクラシ丨の 方 向 に 進 み つ 、 あ り ^ - が 、 し か し 、 そ れが國民大衆に眞に_してゐるかとい へば、どうもさうではないと思ふ。特に 束京をはじめ都市地Mにおいては、かな り國民諸君が目覺めてデモクラシ丨の精 神を把えて来たと思ひfが、農村地方 の大衆はまだ怪しいと思ふ。したがつて、 こQ後れた地方の國民 どう て啓蒙 し 、 總 選 擧 に 有 意 義 に 活 動 す る — 2 な投票を眞に有効に行使させるには、い ろ ^ ^ や る べ き 仕 事 が ^ o と 思 ひ す 。 例へば、ラデォ、新聞、雜誌、講演、す ベての言論活動を®大限に發揮して 大 々的に宣傳し、大衆が選擧に關、 Juど興味 を持ち、その意義を理解して投票する•や うにしなければならぬと思す。 デモクラシ丨には、何といつても、背 後に國民大衆、特に•者運動といふも のがなければなりません。それで反 分 子 を ： ^ す る こ と が 必 要 で あ り 編輯長「われくもさう思ひますン何 といつても地方の農民は保守的ですから ね — — 、 と こ ろ で 、 今 度 總 選 擧 は 日 本 に實任ある民主々義政府を作るためにや るわけですが、選擧の結果についてどう 御觀測ですか、今度でこの目的が達成出 來るでせうか。 キャ丨氏「いや、今度の選擧で日本に 我々 が希望する本當の民主々 義政府が 出來るとは遺憾なガら思へ表せん。やはり、今後なほ何囘かの選擧と若千の時日 と が 耍 ^ W せ う 。 社長.「今度の選擧におきましては、婦 人の投票が何處へ行くかといふことは、 結 果 を 左 f る 重 大 な 間 題 で す し 、 又 、 心ある者の注目してゐるところだと思ひ ますが、貴方は日本の婦人はどん § にあるか’どんな心境にあると御覽んに な つ て ゐ 表 す か 。 キ ャ ー 氏 「 何 と い つ て も 長 存 の 封 建 的 、 半 奴 隸 的 i に お か れ れ i . め 、 f ( p 日 _ 人 の 政 治 的 覺 醒 は 表 だ く で せ 今 。 前に私のげた地方の再子ょ^^嬸 人の方は毛つと後れてゐるでせう。 勿論、都會の若い人たち、ィンテリ丨 は別ですが、したがつて、選擧擢につい ても、これを厄介物視する人もあらう k極端なものは恐怖、持つてfと さへ言へるかもしれないiではないで せうか® 、 、 編 輯 長 「 キ ヤ リ ツ シ ヤ ー さ ^ - 贵 方 . © , . 御 意 見 だ と 、 ど う も 、 4 度 の 選 H は 悲 觀 & ^ な る の ぢ や な い です か 。 キ ヤ 丨 氏 r g に 悲 1 1 S . U い ふ こ i は あ なく1日本人目身の問{1でぁり、日本人 自身のやるべきことです。私の希望する 候補者に投fないからと言つても、そ れは彼等自身のかつてです。他を®つた りしてはなりません。又勿論、i人の 意 見 で す が 、 s C A P は 公 職 • 令 こ そ 指令レ表したが> そ の 寅 ！ J z ^ r n ^ 府 に や ら せ て ゐ ま す し 、 選 ® ！ ！ ® に つ い て は 決レてこれに何ら容隞い しません？日 本人のH夫と賣任 おいてやるべきです。 社 長 、 I の 民 主 々 義 化 に つ ぃ て は 、 もちろん、われ^•自身貝任でやるベ きですが、S.CAP>特にアメリカの指 導と援助は、この際何といつても重耍で t ま た i 々 ® の 先 藥 f し て 、 ね れ くは*'方幾多®^ねばならぬ も f 持 つ H ^ ^ T が 、 塞 舉 し、アメリカの選何か敎irてい たゾく點についどう御考へですか。 キヤ氏「アメリカ選舉民の大S四分の 三 表 で は 確 た る i の - i M l u ^ 票 致 し ま す。むろん、政治家はいマヌー ヴ ア丨やトリックを使ふものもあり表す が、それI超越して§の信する政黨 に投票します。 メリカは御存じのやう に、今ストラィキの頻出を見ております し 、 そ の ： ^ ^ 後 の i な 間 黽 を 持 つ てゐぷす。しかし、その政洽は長年少數 の特殊階級ょりも多數の者の意見にょつ て 行 は れ て ゐ る こ と は w * で あ り 表 す 。 唯アメリカの選舉から學•ふ可き®は、大 多 數 に * 任 を 持 た せ る こ と で す 。 編 ® * . 「 ア メ リ カ で は 投 票 は 黨 C P政 策 に 對 し て 行 ^ ^るか 、 個 人 に 對 し て 行 は れるか 、どうですか。 午ャ丨氏「1般的には勿論、戴の政策で すoしかし、演說のう表い人とかチヤ丨 ミ ン グ な 人 物 に 投 ！ ^ る 入 も あ り ま す 原 則 と し て は 黨 Q . 政 策 で す 。 社穩«1そこにデモクラシ1の本領があ るわけでせうね。デモクラシ—は確乎た • る 政 策 を 有 し 、 そ ‘ § 寳 行 f 責 任 あ る 政 黨 の 存 ^ ® ^ ^ ^ ら P と こ ろ で 、 最 後 に 日 - ^ に ^ ^ 總 選 擧 に 當 り 、 1 言 何 か 忠 言 ^ ？ ヤ ： ^ ^ ^ ^ ん か 。 、 キ ャ 丨 氏 「 最 初 Q r n m w 々 義 化 選 擧 t ぃ _ で $ 、 果 レ p ^ t t が 適 切 で あ る と か 、 な い A J ^ A J t n H こ - ^ 別 と し て 、 申 上 げ る と > 日ゑいはゆる新人が 的 に き わ ： ！ ： ^ K 恐 ら く 何 人 も そ の̂いかなるか、その資 質 と ^ ！ n ^ 冬 い ふ fフな こ と に つ r s f 奔^^^いでせう。それで り ま せ ん が 、 た ゾ こ の 選 擧 は ぃ ふ 圭 で も ？ 日 ^ < は こ れ ら 新 人 に っ ぃ ^ ^ ^ 究 を ( 1 2 ) 、の0 y^^J^tdvch Recollecting Aftermath of Wona War I The calamity of warfare is indeed ope of the greatest disasters of human Kind.-We are now experiencing this disaster in our daily life. Warfare plays a train of powder to convoke political reformation. to competent countries, despite of either victory or defeat. The great reformation of the world witnessed after the termination of World War I, brought forth to the world's politics greatest changes next to the French Revolution of 1789. Thus the outcomes of World War I I i t is very difficult to depict how these outcomes are bringing reformation to the world's as well as Japan's politics, because the post-war situation is too vivid to our life. However, i t is true that o!d order is losing the reliance of the general public, while the new order— —the nature of which is still not known is appearing to the surface of politics. Though th^ appearances of reformation ar笱 not §till clear, i t is true that political tints are mani- festing a new era in the management of politics. I t is uot our objective to scrutinize various problems in connection with the direction to which the pontics of Japan is moving, but we want to contribute towards the future development of Japan's politics, Dy depicting the various changes in politics of the world, especially those in Europe, witnessed in recent era, as 'a result of World War II. , Collapse of Monarchy I t is clearly understood in the examples of Germany and Italy after World War I I that mpnarcny i3 generally losing the faith of the nations, The Rgmanoff Monarchy wa§ dispe- lled by itミ popple from the throne of power, th^ House pf Jiapsburg collapsed resulting in §plit of it^ ya$t Empire upon which the House had long been exercising its dominating influences. The House of Hohenzoliern which waged the war in order to attain to its established objective to place the whole world under its influence, failed, and tj ie sovereign was compelled his retirement and flight. The sovereigns of Turkey and Bulgaria, which were under the domination of Germany and Austria, lost their despotic powers, and succumed to the drastic reformation oi their politic? ana territories. Jjj thi§ way, in the post-war Europe after the first Great War, collapse of monarchy was undergone in succe- ssion. On the other hand, over ten minor countries whicn were admitted independence as a result of the war Poland, Czechoslova- kia, Lithuania, Latvia, Esania, Finland, Austria, Turkey, Ukraina, Spain and others trans- formed from monarchy to requblic. Conseque- ntly, their politics changed from absolute monarchy to democratic, and their assemblies were emancipated for their peoples. As its concrete measures, assembly seats were re-ass- igned, rational representative systems were introauced, the system of §tate ministers was enacted, and the freedom of the people^ was reinforced. The ciost chai-acteristic$ of the political revolution after the end of World War I was the transformatloii Of absolute monarchy into political structure of repubjics. President Wilson's prophet that such politics which can reveal the right oi self-expressipn of the human kind wi l l to the future be ‘ materialized throughout the wor ld manifested its flash after the prat Eurooean War, In the Dost-war Europe, major countries changed their political structure intp those of republics, bnX the political enthusiasm Of their peoples made A progress from republican to democratic polit ic^ ea ^ manl f^ te i j in tht^ examples of democratic politics ta France an0 the United States of America, puch countries as Finland. Estonia and Yugoslavia, by expan- ding their suffrage, accorded suffrage privile- ges not only to men but also to women. The woman-hood suffrage movements launched prior to the First World War in Newzealand, Austria and Norway, were accelerated after the end of the war, and in Poland and Baltic countries admitted the sex-equality by their constitutions. Czechoslovakia, Turkey -and Germany suffrage was afforded to rair sex. In this way, the most characteristics in political reformation common to European countries after the First European War, was “ the parliamentarism, the system of district delegation, and the majority system." Moreover, the Weimar Constitution promulgated in 1919 was regarded as the most representative of the new political ideals at that time. Autocracy—Its Appearance and Failure We are now daily experiencing the iailure, nay sorrow of autocracy. We cannot define the appearance of autocracy in Germany and Italy after the First World War as the evils of dictators' ideologies. The appearance of Hitler and Mussolini, and the responsibilities which let them again provoke such a misera- ble warfare as World War I I in the history of the world's human kind, are to be assumed not only by Germany and Italy, but also by the Japanese nation. I t is only the outcome of the blind submission of the nation to politics. By the wholesa^ defeat in World War I, the German nation were placed in a spiritual vacuum, and were in a most distre- ssed condition, suffering frcm the malicious inflation booms, acute food shortage and unemployment. This distressed conditions made them easier to participate in politics. Who anticipated that the tragedy of autocracy would turn out such a great sacrifice as this? Here, we want to point out again the crisis of autocracy. The greatest proa丨em against the controlled society which accompa- Eles autocracy, wil l be the curtaiment of reedom. Fascists and Communists believed that the soverdgn would exist in the society organized as a state. They thought that their individual self-expression or originality—name- ly the most precious property of democracy— should be sacrificed so that they may adjust themselves to fit the vessel v/liich the state (jSee page 14) ふ . - 講_丨_, ベ 1 i —_人.」」丄丨: • ^ い . ： , - ... • . . . . . 、 . ， . . ' mmm ROYAL TYPE A サル） TYPE RG - S42vS52 El象最高最大o活動离眞梶製造I搗 SOUND PROJECTOR OF ALL TYPES THE BEST AND THE LONGEST HISTORICAL NANUFACTURES FOR JAPAN Washizu Factory No.1 Tel. Washi^u 126 Washizu Factory No. 2 TeL Washizu 56 Washizu machi. Hamana gun Shizuoka-ken Japan The Allied Forces are already using this. 本品は旣に聯合軍司令部用として採用せられたり 窩 密 工 業 跦 式 會 東京：!:場f東京都豐島區®••鴨町一丁目 竝事務所丨電話大塚（86) 1042 • 4123 镙 律 第 - 工 場 靜 岡 縣 濱 名 郡 « 琪 • 電 話 鬵 津 1 2 6 番 鶯津第二 I 場靜岡縣濱名郡踅車町•電話鷲津 5 6 番 ( 1 3 ) p rg “ 7/7a/-5 n/?r <JemoCfYicy ( pop! A/a! Wa! , / 、）、包妇ト香”マ，”" •^ウ••勺：J片サン‘、• o 7 M^nia, /15十em We tjaue no njrhfar(5m np p/atocra^s. IA^P ore -fr^c peop/e a/7C/ OASOJ -free/ crais. free /?/e nj oAso/ofe/y _ We a/so fya\/e ^trec speeches and' frxse press. Veby goxjcf, marna / Dorit you ir7//7k so f Pemocra キキ r - f Y •軍固主或々金ネ汸ハ巧疒” -ダ芝 ,全グ自由 ダ /ダ：言論‘そ就、”レダナダ： "かド劝ネ,自轧自杯民圭々幕 ン胁产料ル•⑷rv LGナ、naue a Ar/55/ ソレテ•/、キス&窆ブヤ••/ヲ made. Autocracy compels the uncondi t ional submission of t he publ ic, and freezes ths ind iv idua l opinions. However , the his tory has shown us the fact t ha t the best f ru i t s of arts, l i terature, poli t ics, and phi losophy are on ly the products of ind iv idua ls by the i r un to i l i ng efforts. I f people say tha t the indi- v idua l ism and t hs r i g h t of self-expression are wrong , al l t he intel lectual, progressive move- ments w i l l lead us in to the w r o n g way, and w i l l have to deny al l our efforts and toi ls. Fur ther , class or rac ia l supression based upon the class and racial opposit ion, is another cnaracter i t ics of autocracy w h i c h does not agree with democracy. People are spl i t by opposi t ion and supression based upon race, rei igeon, or occupation. I n the Reich, Jews were persecuted and the labor classes were suppressed. Such persecution or supression are being compeled on ly for the pol i t ica l and economic benefi t of the dictators. I f such phenomenon is permissible on the ideal of righteousness of h u m a n k ind , the rei igeon, ideals or hopes w h i c h cu l tu ra l people entertai- ned, being fostered du r i ng the past several centuries, w i l l become useless. I t w i l l be not necessary t o exp la in f u r the r the crisis of autocracy. W a r is cer ta in ly the most disasterous t ragedy of the human k ind , bu t at the same t ime i t creates a new history. T h s s i tua t ion af ter the te rmina t ion of W o r l d W a r I s t imula ted the development of democracy and admi t ted tha advance of autocracy. Bu t the i r outcomes were clear ly manifested. Au tocracy convoked ths unpre- cedented disaster, and we are n o w feel ing most keenly such t ragedy. H is to ry gives us the most precious instruct ions. T h i n g s o ld w i l l be destroyed, wh i l e th ings new come out to l ive. We should no t repeat the same foll ies, on the ground tha t i t is on ly a mat te r of course, f o r democracy based upon the indiv i - dual o r ig ina l i t y is the supreme command entrusted to the human k i n d as we l l as the Japanese nat ion. 政治の變貌 第一次大戰後を囘顧して §の慘醞.は人類の一大不祥事と云は ねばならぬ, 0われくはその慘禍を今日 々切々と體驗してゐる。しかし-Kfc、戰 爭はその國の勝敗如何に不拘政治的に大 革命を招來する一大導火線ともなり得る 0である。：!:;|1大戰後に生じた世界の大變 革は一七八九年に勃發したフランス大革 命に次ぐものとして世界政治に一 謹 を 簡 し た 。 . か く て 第 〗 一 次 大 戦 の 結 果 は _ _ と 宏 っ て戰後の諸.事件があiりにも記憶になほ 生々しすぎて、こ0結果が世界政治上否 日本の政治に如何なる變貌を脔しづ>あ るかを記述することは極め 至難のこと である。けれども少くとも次の一事は確 だ。すなはち、古い秩序が民衆®信賴を 失 ひ 、 新 し き 秩 序 — — と い つ て そ o i は “ K だ 判 然 と し な い が — 政 治 の 表 面 B里しつ、あることだけは確かであ 。 とまれ變化の樣相が未 完全でないまで も政治的色彩などその蓮營に新時代を劃 しつ、あることは事實である。しかしわ れくは今日本の政治が如何なる動向を 迪りっ、あるか七云ふ諸問題を分祈する こ と が 目 的 で は な く 、 近 世 殊 に 第 _ ー ， 次 大 戰©結果世界、-就中m丨ロッバにおける 政治的諸變革を關說して、わが政洽の將 來 の た め に 資 せ む と す & も 0 . . & 。 君-王國家の必诹 君主政治が一般的にそ©信aを失墜しつ 、ある事實は第一次大戰後の镯逸、伊太 利によつても明瞭である。ロ.マノフ王朝 は人民.Q手によってその權力の王座より 逭はれ、ハッブスブル•ク家は崩壞しかつ て廣大なる地域に亘つて强權を振った帝 國も分割された。また世界制覇を夢想し て國蓮を賭して戰つたホ丨ペン•ッオVレ ン家も遂に成就せす退位蒙塵の止むなき に茧つた。また镯埂の支配下にあつた。 トルコ及ブルガリャの君主はその獨裁® を失ひ政治及領土 0根本的變革に屈從す るに至つた。かくして第一次大戰0ョ丨 ロッバ.における政砠め變革は君主制©沒 落が相次いで行はれた。そしてこ©大戰 の所產として獨立した大小十餘の國家群 ——•ホ一ランド、チェッコんロ‘バキヤ、 リスアニァ、ラ.トヴイヤ、ェIノトilヤ、 ブインランド、才—ストリI、トルコ、 ウクライナ、スべイン等の翼國家群は 君主制より共和制へと移行した。從つて 政治は君主基制より民主的となり、靆會 «人iために解放された"そして具镫 的には籤席の再分配が行はれ、比例代表 制が導人され、國務大臣制が採用され、 市民の自由が擴大された。第一次大戰後 における政治的革命の第一©特资は古き 君主專制政治が新たなる共和政6|へと變 革移行されたことである。かつてウイル ソン大§が、世界政治上纏て人類©有 する自己表現0權利を表現し得る政治が 全世界に具現されるであらぅ占豫言した 事實は、第一次大戰後におぃて漸くその 曙光を見出したのであ 。 戰後0ョ丨ロッバはその多くが1應共 和政治に落着ぃたもの，，市民の政治的 意欲は共和 より民主々義政治へと發 展し、新たなる政治制度としてフランス および合衆國におぃて發展甘る民主々義 政治が現はれ-U。就中フインランド、エ ストニヤ、ユウゴウスラヴイア等の諸國 は選擧權を擴張し、男子のみならす女子 にも參政灌が賦與された。戰行はれ た、ニユ Iジ—ランド、才 Iストリ.ヤ、 ノ—ルウエイ、スエIデン等0婦人參政 捆運動は•において漸く活潑となり•ホ 丨ラ ン ド お よ び パ ルチック諸國は憲法に 於て男女共_を定め、チHッコスロバキ ヤ、トルコ、镯逸は女子に對し男子と同 樣に選擧_を賦與した。かくの如く第一 次大P後におけるョ丨ロッバの政治の變 革に共通せる重要な§は「翳會政治、 地域代表及び多數箱制度である。」しかも 一九一九年に制定レたヮイマ—ル憲法は 當時新政治觀念として代表的なものであ つたと云はれてゐた。 獨裁政治の出現と失敗 獨裁玫治0失敗否その悲哀はわれくが ひ し - ^ と 身 を も つ て 體 驗 し て . 0 る 。 • 第 一次大戰後における镯、伊に於ける镯栽 政治0出現は镯裁者©イデ才ロギ丨の罪 悪なりと一言に片附ける譯！iはゆかな い。ムッソリニ丨やヒットラ丨©出現と 彼等をして再び世界人類史上に悲慘な戰 爭を惹起せしめた責任はまた、獨、伊、 否日本國民にもその責任0一 端が果せら れてゐる。それは政治に對する國民©盲 目的迫隨である。第一次大戰後獨逸は戰 爭の無慘な敗北にょり獨逸國民は敗 と い‘.ふ精神的衝擎©ため只芒然自失とな り、加ふるに悪性ィンフレ丨シヨンと盒 糧_と失業0ため慘澹たる生活に喘いで ゐた。こ0客觀的i事が彼等をして政 玲，へ，0介入を容县ならしめ 。獨裁玫治 ©慘渦がかく迄多くの犧牲を生せしめや うとは果して何人が豫想し居つたであら うか。こ、で、われくは重ねて镯裁政 洽の危機を指摘して置きたい"獨裁政治 に伴つて發生するi社會に對する最も 大きな®は自由の縮滅であ フアシ ストや共産主義者達は主擢が國家として 組織された社會に存在するも©だと信じ てゐた。かれらは、個人の自己表現や創 見I卽ち民主々義の最も*重なる財産 ——を犧牲にし、自己を國家が作つた容 器に適應せしめねばならない 獨iは 民衆に對し何等反間#5ぬ眼從を强制 し、個々の意見を封鎖する。しかるに、 歴史は我々に藝術、文學、政治、哲學に おける最上の所産は不屈の個入が醸し出 したものである**を敎へてゐる。も 個人主義や自已表現の權利が誤りである と！Kふ©ならば、知的進步の動向は全面 的にわれくを誤導せしむるものであ り、われく©一 切の努力と苦闘は否認 せざるを得なくなるのである。 更に階級的ないし民族的對立に基く階 級的抑壓こそ民主々.義と相容 ない镯裁 政治の今一つの特徵であ 。暴は人種、 宗敎又ぬ職藥を基癍として對立、抑壓、 分離される。獨逸に於てはユダャ人が迫 害され、勞働階級が抑®された。たゾ镯 栽者©政洽上、經濟上の便宜のため、服 從抑壓を强ひられるのである。若し夫 斯くの如き現，象が人類正義の觀念上から 許さる、もの.とすれば、幾世紀に苴り啓 蒙されて来た文化众抱いた宗敎や理想 將又希望は空虚なも0となつてしiふで あらう。 镯栽制の危險はこれ以上縷說の必要は あるまい。戰爭は確かに人類_の悲劇 だけれども、戰爭は新たなる歴史をも創 造 す る 。 • . 第 一 次 大 . 囊 は 民 主 々 義 の 發 S を促し獨栽政治の連出を許容した。だが、 その結果は自ら明だ。镯裁政治は史上 前の大慘事を惹起 .た そしてわれく も又泌々と瞪驗してゐる。歷史は贵重な 敎訓を與へて吳れる。古きも© 亡び、 新たなるものが生きる。これは理の當然 だとは云へ、再び§を踏んではならぬ。 個人の創意にょる民主ヵ義、これこそ人 類否われくに踝せられた至上命令であ るからである。 (宮鳴) ( 1 4 ) UNIFICATION OF CHINA AND HER FUTURE Unification of China and U. S. A. In the previous number, we discussed the international situation after ths termination of World War II, in which we pointed out conspicuous phenomenon of the amendment of capitalism and the advancement to socialism in advanced countries, and the completion of the unification and active independence move- ments in backward countries. I t is a matter for great pleasure for us that the Republic of China, which has long been split, and which has baen tha threatre of internal strifes, is now a new start as a unified, modern democratic state, the fact of which is apprehended as an example of tha world's great historic progress. The Political Chnsultative Conference whi- ch was held in Chungking since Januaiy 10 on, and which came to stalemater sometimes during its course came to ths conclusion after a lapse of twenty days. Thus the unification of China has baen realized. The unification of China is due largely to the earnest demand of the general public of the country, but we can not determine that it was accomplished solely by it. Firstly, as we repeatedly emphasied, it owes largely to the historic general tendency towards democracy sweeping throughout the world. Especially, for China, which is now being counted among the four big powers together with the United States, Great Britain and tha Soviet Russia, it was indispensable element to establish the structure of a modern State by her unification, from the standpoint of leading status among the United Nations. The completion of the unification of China, however, is not attributed to solely to tha general world situation. She largely owes h unification to the guidance and the support oi the United States. That the United States has a great influence economically, and stratagi cally in Orient, we mentioned in the previous number. Later on, President Truman announ- ced throughout the world the United States' policy toward China, and despatched General Marshal to China as his special envoy. This United States' China policy was reported in daily newspapers, but it is directed to the following points: The National Government is the only central Government of しtuna, and the unification of China should ba conducted under it. However, the monopolistic adminsitra- tion by a single party of the Kuomintang should be abolished, and tha administration should be conducted by collaboration of vari- ous political parties. It is needless to say that the recent unification has been done in line with this fundamental policy. Ever since the course of the recant war, it was generally anticipated that the United States would show economic and political concerns toward the Far East. That the United States specially contributed toward the unification of China, in view of the outcome of the war, and especially in firm conviction and ideal that the world's peace can be maintained only by the international coopera- tion of democratic states, deserves high esteem. Outcomes of P. C. C. Diversified views were entertained by observers as to the future development of China after the termination of the Pacific hostilities, and some anticipated even the spread of civil strifes. Especially at the time of the collision between the National and the Communist troops staged in North China and Manchuria after the disarmament of the Japanese troops, such ‘ observation was in current. However, by the Soviet-China com- promis3, and especially by the above-mentioned United States' promotion, the situation took a sudden turn, and the compromise between the national Government and the Communists has baen established, and the unification has come into existence. Tha Political Consulatative Conference, which materialized the unification of China, as stated above, was held on January 10, and brought to an end on January 31,dur ing which t i e confab was prolonged three times. Those who were present at the meeting were eight representatives from the Kuomintang including Chang Kuri, seven representatives from the Communists including しhou En-lai, two from tha Democratic League, five from the Youth Party, two from the National Socialists, two from the Third Party, and others from the Salvation and Village Autono- mous Associations, totalling 29 from nine parties, plus nine from non-partisan body aggregating 38. The main subjects which were discussed at the confab included: 1.ProDlems concerning the enlargement of the foundation of the National Government, and the platform of the adminstrative policies. 2. Military problems with the treatment of the Communists troops as their centre. 3. The problem concerning the summo ning of the National Assembly. 4. The gist of the draft bill and the drafting of the Constitution. It is clear that these problems were vital to decide the future of a new China. The conference ended its general discussion on these vital problems on the 19th, after which sub-committees were held in which hot discussions were conducted. As a result of the coference, it is reported that the Kuomintang and ths Comunista would hold -the Central Committee and tha People's Assembly mee- tings respectively to approve the following ag- reements : 1.Government structure——-The Supreme National Defence Conference wiU P3 abolished^ and as the supreme organization Xo decide the administrative policies the State Council, with the Kuomintang having 20 seats and other parties and non-partisans 20, wil l be organised, (A) the power of appointment now being held by the Central Executive Commi- ttee wil l ba transferred to the State Council, (B ) the emergency powers of the President of the Republic must ba approved by the State Council before they can ba exercised, (C) the President's veto powers may be oves-ridden by a tnree-fifths majority of the State Council,(D) the State Council will be an interim body which wi l l function until the draft constitution has been adopted by the National Assembly. 2. Military problems The Government wil l reduce its forces to 90 divisions within six months, and the Communists will reduce their army to 20 divisions within three months. 3. The draft consitution problems The so-called May 5 consittution promulgated on May 5,1936, wi l l be revised within the next two months by a commission consisting oi o5 persons. I t wi l l comprise five each represen- ting the Kuomintang, the Communist Party, the Democratic League, the Youth Party and the non-partisans and others selected by common choice. The sub committee dealing with the draft constitution made several impor- tant decisions as follows: (A ) the Legislative Yuan is to become a House of Representatives, ( B ) the Control Yuan wi l l become a Senate, (C) the Executive Yuan is responsible to tha Legislative Yuan. 4. The problems on National Assembly —The first session of the National Assembly wil l be opened in May for five days as schedu- led, and the numbers of seats wi l l be apportio- ned to parties other than the Kuomintang, etc: 1 . T h e so-called monpolistic adminis- tration by the sole party of Kuomintang has much been restricted, and the participation in by other minor parties has been realized. 2. At the same time the power ot the power of the President has also been remarka- blly restricted. 3. The five-Yuan system of the Kuomin- tang has been abolished, and the system of the House of Representatives has taken its. place. Tliese fundamental reforms manifest the advancent of the a new ftepublic of China towards a modern democracy. However, we can not overlook the fact that some of these impending important problems have not come to the settlement. Firstly, the problem of the disorganization of the Communists troops. The curtailment of the army has been decided as we have stated above, but its wholesale dissolution has not bsen made clear. In this connection, unless this has been made clear, it wil l not bring forth the wholesale settlement of the problem. Concerning the self-governing structure in the districts under the influence of the Communists, no definite measure has been decided. President Chiang made the following spee- ch at the closing of the conference on Janu- ary 31,which may ba regarded to manifest these points: ”What we wanted to fulfil have been realized. I earnestly desire the elaborate collaboration shown by all present at this con- ference wi l l be continued forever. Where there is no true unification of a State, there wil l not exist the true democracy. I am confident that there will no longer exist privately owned troops as local government, which are harniful to the unijwation of administration and supreme command. Peace and stability are vital for. China at present. I assure here that all deci- sions adopted at the conference wil l ba respec- ted, and wil l be put into force as aoon as ne- cessary procedures have been completed, I t is a mosi important progress that the assurance of the individual liberty has b^sn established as a result of the confra, bat I earnestly desire that this assurance wi l l be realized, and at ths same time I do not entertain any d'oub that n will be observed as well and all restri- ctions will be removed, in the territories where- the Communists troops station. Further, mili- tary problems were forcuss of discussions as vital matters to establish peace and unifica- tion, but the reorganization of the Communists army, in view of the fact that this is a task to be settlea in line with the unification of military administration and military command, which the State requires, will be materialized in accord- ance with the decision of the conference. Future heavy task oi rebuilding tha nation rhsted not on the Kuomintang alone, much less on me as an individual, but rest on the shoulders of all present here, as well as on all the nation • • . ” (italics made by the writer, from the Asahi dated February 3). Future of a New China How wil l become ths future of a new born China? Who wil l rule it? In the past, what ruled China have been, needless to say, the two major parties of the Kuomintang and the Comunists, and what wil l become of the ralation- ship beween the two? Judging from the curr- ent situation, it may be assumed that the former is holding rather conservative stand, while the latter is taking a progressive attitude. As a matter of fact during the course of the recent conference, the Kuomintang insisted upon the establishment of the coalition gov- ernment after the enactment of the dissolution of the Communist army, while the Communists adovocated that the establishment of such government should first be decided, it was reported. In the long run, th3 Kuomintang conceded, and the structure of the National As- sembly was first decided, as we have mentio- ned above. The dissolution of the Commu- nists Army, however, ssems to have not come to a definite decision. Notwithstanding these situation, the Kuo- mintang is guaranteed to hold a half of the total seats in the National Assembly, which is the supreme administrative organization, whila the Communists are given only a quarter seate, the remaining quarter seats are provi- ded to the Democratic League, the Youth Party and non-partisans. Thus the dominating po- wer of the Kuomintang has not besn lost. The party is placed in the situation to do anything, if it desires. In this sense, it wil l not b3‘an unreasonable observation to assume that the Kuomintang esteemed real ability more than mere title. The political relationship between the two parties in this way, is very delicate, and for the sound development of China, democratic sensiti- veness and virtu re of tolerance are essentia， (See Page 8 ( I I ) 脅 ( ま 美 使' ROTTEN BCCS (Candid^ -for Diei- membe^hip) AfZt GOOD fOR. NOTMmGri “ fflする• 5中阈元首の非描は發励に先 立ち國民政洽會鼓の承認を要する ^元苜の徂否描は國民政治#錢五 分の三以上の投票で否認される。 1國民政治會翳は國民大會にょつ て想法が採擦されるまで©臨時政 府1咼機闢とする。 2.軍車——國民政府は六ヶ月以 杓に九十箇師に縮小し、中共軍は三 4 . E民大會間埋——第ー囘國民大會 は豫定逋り艽月五日開催する、代表 .は、指名による謎席數を國民越以外 0黨派にもII合て、新たに殇荮、東 三省からも選出される外、別に補缺 選擧を行ふ。 (一月卅日讀0、ニ月三日朝日所© 參照) すなはち、こ、で決定された重耍なる問 a は 、 I た、共產地HQ自治的組掛についてもm 棵明白なる措®は決定してゐないやぅに 思 は れ る 。 蔣首席は、一月册一日の®終會aに當 り、翳長として右の如き挨拶を行つ が、それはこれらの點を總括して、極め て示唆に富むものと貝られる。 「われくが完遂せんとしたことはま さに成就された。余は、本會翳におい て示された一致協力が永久に繼績され ることを衷心から希望する。眞の國家 統一なきところに眞0民主々義は存在 しない、余はもはや中國には行政、と統 帥の統一、を害する如き私有軍隊や地方 玫權は存在しないこと 確信す 。平 和と安定は現下中國©喫緊の耍件であ る。余は、本會議の決鍈が遵守され、諸 股の手續きが完了次第直ちにWtli移 されることを約束する、結果 個人の自由に對 保證が確立したこ とは最も重大な進步であるが*余はこ 0保證が達成されることを希むと同時 に中共軍駐屯地域においても守られ、 すべての制限が除去されることを信じ て疑はない。更 4た軍事問題も平和 と統一を確保するため 重翦問題とし て論議の中心となつたが、中共軍P再 編は國家0耍請する軍政、軍令Q統一 に關する命題であるに鑑み會議©決定 に從つて遂行されるであらぅ、 今日以後再建の重資は國民黨ないしは 余0みに懸るもの あらす、この重點 は諸君等全員のみならす全國民0双肩 に 懸 つ て - 0 る 」 ( 傍 點 筆 者 • 朝 日 一 ー 月 三 R所載) 新中國の將來 ヶ月以闪に廿箇師に縮小する‘ 山憲法草豸㈣®__一九三1 パ年五月 五日作成したいはゆる五•芄滠草修 正のため三十五人よりなる憲法草案 修正委員會を設立し、今後ニヶ月以 杓に修正憲法を作成する、三十五人 の委員は國民、共產、靑年各黨、民 主同盟および無黨無派より各五名、 他の十名は一般選擧に り決定す る、なほ分科委員會では次の諸®が 決定された® ィ立法院を改めて下院とする、 ロ監察院を改めて上院とする、 行政院は裔會に對して«任を负 ふ 、 1國民黛のいはゆるー 黨專政が著し く制限され、各黨各派の參政o.實が えられたこと、 1同時に元首の描限が著しく制限3 れ たこと、 3.國民黨從來の五院制度が廢？れて 上下兩院制がとられたこと、 であり、佣れも新中國の近代的民主々義 への大なる前進を示してゐる。と同時 に、他方懸案とされてゐた重要問®で、 事宵上解決©運延されたも© あること も見逃せない。そQ第一は共產軍の解5® 間题である。軍の縮少はSET述の如く決定 されたが、解is©問題はなほ明かでな い。そして、これが定らなければ問題0 全面的な解消とはならない らう。i 新生中國の今後は如何、誰がこれを支 配するであらぅか。從來中國を指導せる ものは、いふ4 もなく、國民黨と共産 黨のニ大政蕙であるが、そ0消長は果し てどぅなるか。當面の形勢から貝れば、 國民黨は守勢的立場にあり、共產黨の進 出的態度は爭へない。 現に、今次會鞔でも、國民戴は、共產 軍の1解體後でなければ、聯合政府のIS立 は問題にならないといひ、共產黨 政府の樹立こそ最初0間題 あるとて 對立した傳へられたが、結果としては、 國民黨が讓步して、前述の如く國民政治 會11の構成が先づ決定された。しかも、 共産軍の解figは明白なる決定を見たとは 思はれない。 たゾ、それにしても、例へば、s«政 治機關たる國民政治#餞0榴成々 見れ ば、國民黨は半數を獲得し、共iは四 分の一、殘る四分の一は民主同®、W年 X な ら び ！ i 無 黨 無 ® と な つ て . 0 て 、 f : « 上 國 民 黨 の 镊 位 は 爭 へ ， な い 。 國 民 域 | ~ - 、 依然として、行はうと思へば恐らく何舉 もなしうるであらう。この窻味では、國 民戴は名をすて、赏をとつたといふ觀察 も不可能で ない。 兩贤を中心とする政治關係は、かくし て、頗る徴妙であり、中_の健全な0# 展のためには、そ©何れに對しても、民 主々義的なる聰明と览容の美德が耍|3さ れ る 。 たゾ、これを歷史的に見れば、今日i での中國と今日以後の中國との問には、 恐らく非常なる變化を生するであらう。 當面若干の期間は、他の諸國と同！T 國も圭た苦しい復活と再建 ^^^營の 時期を轾過しなければならない。現に蔣 首席は、ニ月五日記者圑との會見におい て、中國の當面する最も重耍なる問題は 交通、敎育、衞生の問黽であると語つ と傳へられる。 しかし、そ©後0中國は、米國を中心 とする先SHS國の積極な 投资にょり、 急速なる資本主義的發展の道を示すであ らう。それがなければ、中國の强大なi 發展はありえない。世界、なかんづくァ メリ力はまさに、これを中國に期待して >0る。この意味において新中國©この復6 興、發展の指導的政策を持するものこそ、(1 次の中國の支配的政黨たるであらう。そ の限り、若し 民黨がこの現寅的なる資 本主義のリ|ダ|たりうるならば、そ© , 支配力は强化されるとも弱化されること はないであらう。 たゾ、しかしながら、中國のこの資本 主義化は、かつての先進國における資本 主義の發達とは當然に異つてゐる。第一 に、中國の廣汎なる農村は、いまや、劃 期的なる農業改革いな農業革命を行はね ばならない狀勢 直面してゐるが、果し て國民黨はょくこれを指導しうるであら う か 。 また第二には、資本主義©發達は、同 時に都市勞働階級の發展、その組織と發 言猫の擴大を意味し、組合、政黨の發展 を招來する。とすれば、この潮流を代表 するも®として、中國共產黨の今後が希 望に滿ちて-0ることは明かである。 編輯後記 1、劃期的總選擧と新職生活！こ>に 生日本の異常なる緊張と飛躍が期待さ セねばならぬが、宵際は果してどう 1、本號は御覽の如く充寊せるものとな り編のスべ丨スさへなくなつて 熟讚玩味を乞ふ。 一 、 一 ー 月 號 ょ り 定 價 五 圜 に な り 主 し / i - 中國の铳 中國統一と合衆國 第二次後0國際情势として、先進 國における袋i義Q修正、社會主義へ のIと共に、後進地域において、統一 閃家の完成ないし獨立運動の勃興が顯著 なることは前號に論じたところである が、この偉大なる世界史的進步0一環と して、多年分裂し、抗爭しつ、あつた中 阈が、いiや統一せる近代的民主々義國 家として新生しつ、あることは 吾人の 限りない喜びである。すなはち、本年一 乃十日よ(11|薩に開催された政治協商會 翳は*若干©彼瀬を1/Kしたが、つひにニ 句にして協翳の妥結を見、こ、に中國© 統ーは現& 達成されることゝなつたの で あ る 。 中國の銃一は、もとより、中國々民Q 湃澎た.<H<衆的®皆に添ふも©ではある が、た>、それだけで成就したものとは 見ることをえない"第一には、われく •のくり返しカ說するやぅに*全世界に漲 ってゐる民主々義へ©歷史的大勢に促進 されるところ多大であつた。こどに中國 としては、米芬ソと共に世界四大國0一 たる立場にあり、.その世界聯合！iおける 指導的立場よりしても統一により近代國 家としての髖制を砘 することは 不可 缺の翦件だった である。 今次統一の達成を促fflしたものは、け れども、か》る、いはゾ一般的な•情 勢0みでは.ない。それは特に、アメリカ 合衆阈0指導と吏技によるところ頗る大 きかったのである。合衆國が，東洋に對 し て 、 經 濟 上 、 軍 事 上 、 絕 大 な る 影 _ を 有すべきことについては われくは前 Kに一冒したが、そ©後トル丨マン大統 餌はこの合衆國の對茭政策を®に公宣 し、マ丨シヤル特使を中國に派遣 た。 この合衆國仪態度は、新聞 も報導され たが、嬰するに、國民政府は中國の唯一 の中央政府で 中國の統一はその下に行 はるべきこと、た>'し 11^の一黨豸政 はやめ、Btく國內各黨派の協力にまっべ 与Cことにあり 今度の統合がこ 恶本線 に添つて行はれたことはいふまでもな ， e h v っ し - . - 笫 ニ 次 大 戰 中 よ り 、 合 衆 S が 戰 伎•㈣^上•政治上•東洋 大なる關心 を 一 ; / J . : P ベ 条 は 各 方 面 か ら iされたとこ と今後 ろであるが、大戰©結果に鍤み、特に世 界平和は民主々義國家の國際的協調によ つてのみ保持されるといふ信念と理想か ら 、 彼 が か く の 如 く 中 ！ ： 統 一 に 特 別 の S 與をなしたことは、高く轩傻さるべきで あ ら ぅ 。 政治協商會議の成果 太平洋戰爭終了後、中國が果してどぅ なるかについては、一部に愛つた見方が あり、その杓亂化を見透すものさへなく なかつた。特に日本軍の武装解除後、華 北、滿洲に國共兩軍の衝突が行はれた頃 には、こんな觀察も相はれたが、中 ソの妥協および、何よりも前記の如きァ メリ力の促進を契機として つひ 情勢 は急展開を示し、國共の妥結が り、こ 、に統一が宵現されること、なつた。 この統一を成就した政治協商會睡は前 にも一言せる如く、一 月十日開會され、 途中三度延長されて、同舟一日に閉會し た。出席者は、國民黛張群氏以下八名、 共產黨周恩來氏以下七名、民主同盟ニ名、 靑年黨五名、國社黨ニ名、第IIIニ名 その他救國會、鄉村_洽會等九黨の代表 者二十九名に無黨無派九名を加へて三十 八名だつたと傅へられるが、その餞題は 1.國§府の基盤擴大および政綱領 の問題 2.共産軍の措置を中心とする軍事問 題 3 .國 民 大 會 • の 間 題 4. 憲法草案0骨子ならびに起草の問 題 であり、統一の成杏、新中國の興廢を決 するものたるは自明であつた。 かくして、會襞は、この蜇耍問題に對 する一股的討議を十九日に終了、«後は 分料委負會を開いて激烈なる討餞を重ね た結果、大體次の如き決定を見、近く國 民黨は中央委員會、共產黨は一一中全會を SSiてそれぐ承認することによつたと 傅へられる。 L政府組織——最高國防會翳を酹 し、最高政i定機關として國民政 治會竊を創骰し、國民糍廿、その他 の政黨および無搣無派代表卄で棉成 す る 。 ⑷政府役：3の任免§を阈民黨中央 S 行 委 員 會 よ り ！ ： 民 I 會 憩 に 委 ^a^^^zci 日 i j J t u c i A t c s t j c k i i J ^ i a ^ r Ryunostikt Akutagawa (1892-192T) Famous novelist. Graduate of the Literature Department of Tokyo Imperial University. While still a student, published original works in “ Sntn- shicho {New Trend of Ideas、” with Kan Kikucnt and Masao Kums. Was a student of Soseki Natsume. After graduating, became a teacher of English at the Naval Engineering College bat retired and spent the rest of his life writing. His unique style of writing made him famous but he suddenly committed suicide. Works ： Rnshyo-mon {Gate of Rashyo Nose A Gear-wheel, etc. No one hitherto has wri t ten on the psy- chology of a suicide. This may be because of the suicide's pride or his lack of psycholo- gical interest, I don't know. In my last letter, I should like to show you this psycho- logy plainly, though i t is unnecessary for me to tell you the motive of my suicide. Regnier, in one of his short stories, describes a suicide. The hsro of this story does not know why he is committ ing suicide. You wi l l sse in ths papers these suicidal motives, such as hard l iving, or mental disorder. However, these, according to my experience, are not all of the motives. In fact, they are only courses leading to the motive. Suicides in general, els Regnier describes, would not know why he is taking his life. As there are complicated motives- in our actions, so are there exceed- ingly complex motives in suicides. But, in my case, at least, i t is only a vague sense of anxiety. Some kind of indefinite uncertainty concerning my future. You may not balieve my words, but my ten years' experience has taught me that to my dear ones, who do not live in nearly the same circumstances with me, my words disappear like a song in the wind. So I shan't reprove y o u r During these few years all I have thought about was of death. My reading Mainlander with a weakly sentimental feeling was also during this period. Mainlander describes in skilful metaphysical words the course leading to death, but I should like to describe the same thing in more concrete words. Sympathy for my family compared to this sort of aspiration is nothing. You may say I 'm too “ i nhuman , ” but if you call this inhuman I am, in a way, i n h u m a n . — I am obliged to put down everything honestly. ( I have also analysed the vague anxiety concemfng my future. I t is writ ten completely, I think, in “The Confessions of a Fool.” Only my social conditions — I deliberately omitted those concerning the Feudal Age that has thrown upon me a dark shadow. The reason being that we are sti l l l iving, more or less, in a Feudal Age. I have writ ten all my actions—the scene, background, l ighting, characters一almost eve- rything here. Though, even to me who is l iv ing in the same social conditions, i t is doubtful whether I really understand them or not.) The first thing that came to my mind was how I could die without suffering. To hang myself would be the most suitable method. But when I imagined myself being hanged, i t was too particular of me, but I felt a sense of aesthetic repugnance. ( I was in love, wi th a certain woman and I remember having suddenly stopped loving her because she had a bad handwriting.) Drowning myself, too, to me a good swimmer is out of the question. Besides, even if I was to achieve my purpose, i t would be more painful than hanging. Being killed by a train also gave me the sense of aesthetic repugnance before anything else. Using a pistol or knife has the possibi- l i ty of ending in failure because my hands tremble. Jumping down a building wouldn't look so well. Owing to the above reasons, I decided to die by means of drugs. Dying by drinking poison may bs more painful than hanging, but at least i t is not so unsightly as hanging, and moreover, i t has the advantage of sure death. Only i t is difficult for me to get this drug. I sscretly made up my mind to die and tried every means to get i t and at the same time tried to acquire the knowledge of poison. Then ths next step was the place. My family had to depend upon my estate after my death. My estate consists of a hundred tsubo ⑴ of land, my house, my copyright, and my savings of 2,000 yen. I thought of my house for sale not wanted because I commited suicide in i t Consequently, I envied the bourgeois class who had a vil la or two. You may be amused at my above words, for I too, feel ridiculous now, but at the time I really felt seriously inconvenienced. This inconvenience I couldn't avoid at all. I 'm only th inking of dying without any outsider seeing my body. However, even after deciding the method, I felt half loathe to die, so I needed a sort of springboard to jump into death. As foreigners think, I don't think of suicide as a sin. Buddha, in his Agama reachings(2) recognizes his disciples' committ ing suicide. A sycophant scholar may say, in explaining Buadha's approval that i t only applies to the cass when it is “ inevitable." But looking at i t f rom a third person's standpoint, this " inevi table casa“ does not always occur when one is forced to die a most tragic death, at a time of emergen- cy. Everyone, when he takes his life, do so when he himself confronts an “ inevitable case.” The person who kil ls himself boldly before that should sooner have gourage than anything els丄 The one who is to s^rve the purpose of a springooard is a woman. Kreist, before he killed himself, invited his fr iend (male) time and again to be his companion. Also, Racine had tried to drown ニ himself in the Seine with Moliere and Boileau. But, unfortunately, I have no such friends. Only, a certain woman tried to die toge- ther with me. But this became an impossibi- l i ty to us. Meanwhile, I summoned enough courage to die without using a springboard. This was not because I was discouraged by not having a companion in death, rather, gradually getting sent imental , I decided to be good to my wife even when I was going to leave her by death. At the same time, I learned that i t was easier for me to die alone rather than together with someone. This would also give me the advantage of choosing the t ime freely. The last thing I planned was to die secretly without attracting the family's atten- tion. This became possible after several month's preparation. ( I can't write these pre- parations in detail, for i t is too much for my dear ones. Although, even if I had written i t here, i t is certain that this wouldn't be considered the aiding and abetting of suicide f rom a legal point of view. There is no such ridiculous charge as aiding and abetting of suicide. If they were to apply this to the law, C 17 ) • how criminals would increase ！ Pharmacies, firearms stores, cut ler ies ,even if they "deny” i t , as long as the wi l l appear in the speech and passion of we human brings —should be under suspicion to a certain extent. Moreover, society and law in themselves form a suicidal aiding and abatting. Lastly, how kind hearts these criminals generally possess ！ I coolly ended my preparation. At present, I 'm just playing with death. My frame of mind, from here, resembles that of Mainlan- der’s. We humans on account of being human animals fear death like animals. The so-called power of l iving is, in truth, another name for animal power. I too am another human animal. However, seeing how I，m sick of eating and lust, I 'm afraid I must be gradually losing my animal power. I 'm l iv ing now in a world where the nerves are morbidly transparent like glass. Last night, I had a l i tt le talk with a prostitute on the subject of her wages (！) and felt the pathos of we human beings who were " l i v i n g for the sake of l iving." If we could submit our- selves to an everlasting sleep, we must at least become peaceful even if we couldn't acquire happiness. But I doubt when I am going to commit suicide. When I 'm in this mood, nature is always more beautiful than ever. You may laugh at my complicated mood that of loving nature and yet wanting to commit suicide. But, nature is beautiful because i t is reflected in my last look. I have looked, loved, and moreover, understood batter than other people. Although it has been a difficult life for me this thought only comforts me. Please withhold this letter from the public for several years more even after my death. I might k i l l myself as if I have died naturally. Supplement I have read the life of Empedocles and felt the staleness of the desire to make oneself a God. My letter, as long as l，m alive, is one that does not make me a God. On the contrary, this makes me a sinner. You may sti l l remember our discussion on "Empedocles of Etna “ held under the lindsn-tree twenty years ago. In those days I was one of the fellows who wanted to make myself a God. Annotat ion: ⑴ one tsubo a land measure of six shaku (one shaku about three feet three inches) square. (!) One of the famous books of Buddha. Agama means ‘ ‘ law ” that is the end of life and the world, and i t is usually translated as ‘ ‘ re tu rn to law “ or “ l i fe. , , Ths scriptures in this book generally tells about ths passing of the teachings of Buddha f rom generation to generation and i t is considered an indispensa- ble material for the study of Buddhism. •て直倚マ 日も接御配 本結本注給 出溝社文 版で發は曰柬 協す送御本京 會係希出神 A 々 に望版田 ニ員御に配區 二番申よ給淡 八號込り株路 〇 下 前 式 町 一 さ 金 會 T 三 つ で 社 义 手吿 ！®.料 〔行發日ー囘一月毎〕昭 デ 扱金 夷 一 冱曰等 五年 九赏 一通 s I信千 九社圓 モクラシ丨」第一 定價一部五圓(送料 半年分三十圓六十錢(： 一年分六十一圓=十錢(： 和二十一年三月一日益 發行人宮te 犏脾人伊藤 印刷人山田三 朿京棋撟區志村町右 印刷所凸版印刷地 束京京撟區銀座西女 發行所文華 常話銀座57)六‘ 振替*京一九四 _六株五一紅雄發ニ卷 s o ノ式番郞好楓行着§2第 s h 三 會 地 w 2 5 8 = 番 七 社 肚 太 道 治 己 © a I : - : : : : : : : : 、 • • • : • • • ; ハ.::/::： ム : : : . ： . : m ひCe'ひししe/^JxinceAy, QjM/huJayJ^latiy NISSAN LIFE INSURANCE CO. 東京•日It谷 ^ J d k ^ O - M l r i i / O ^ Voki^o ^okokamcu 東京•臈汝 NISSAN FIRE and MARINE INSURANCE CO,LTD 東京•丸,W ^/okt/o^ Thar mo ua
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