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British Columbia History
Vol. 46 No. 1
52 pages
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HISTORY t€t> Publication of the British Columbia Historical Federation | Spring 2013 | Vol. 46 No. 1 | $7.00 Agriculture and Food Stories about BC's history of food production, agriculture, and commercialization. miya | HBC Farming | Selling of BC Fruit | Stanley Park Brewery | and more HISTORY British Columbia History is published four times per year (Spring, Summer, Fall, Winter) by the British Columbia Historical Federation. ISSN: print 1710-7881 online 1710-792X Subscriptions: $20.00 per year USA: $32.00 (US Funds) International: $44.00 (US Funds) British Columbia History welcomes stories, studies, and news items dealing with any aspect of the history of British Columbia, and British Columbians. Please submit manuscripts for publication to the Editor, British Columbia History, Andrea Lister PO Box 21187, Maple Ridge BC V2X 1P7 email: bcheditor@bchistory.ca Submission guidelines are available at: bchistory.ca/journal/index.html Book reviews for British Columbia History, K. Jane Watt, Book Review Editor, BC History, Box 1053, Fort Langley, BC VIM 2S4 email: reviews@bchistory.ca Subscription & subscription information: Alice Marwood, BCHF 1400 Guildford Town Centre, PO Box 42011 Surrey BC V3R 1N0 Phone 604.582.1548 email: subscriptions@bchistory.ca Single copies of recent issues are for sale at: - Caryall Books, Quesnel, BC - Gray Creek Store, Gray Creek, BC - Otter Books, Nelson, BC - Royal British Columbia Museum Shop, Victoria, BC - Touchstones Nelson: Museum of Art & History, Nelson, BC ISSN: 1710-7881 Printed in Canada. Production Mail Registration Number 40025793 Publications Mail Registration No. 09835 We acknowledge the financial support of the Goverrnment of Canada through the Canada Periodical Fund of the Department of Canadian Heritage. 1*1 Canadian Patrimoine Heritage canadien Canada British Columbia Historical Federation A charitable society under the Income Tax Act Organized 31 October 1922 PO Box 5254, Station B., Victoria BC V8R 6N4 www. bchistory.ca Under the Distinguished Patronage of The Honourable Judith Guichon, OBC Lieutenant Governor of British Columbia Honorary President: Patricia Roy | 00IDE TO BRITISH COLUMBIA. DIOnONABI OF THE CHINOOK JARGON. Indian Trade Language of the North Pacific Coast. Vua L Chbooe—Esqlibh. Ah-ha, ado. Tea. Ahn-kut-te, or Ahn-kot-tie. Formerly; before now. Withlhe accent prolonged on the unit syllable, a long time ago. Ex. Alinkntto lakit son, four days ago; Tonus ahnkatte, a little while since. Al-ah. Expression of surprise. Ei. Akh mika chahko! ah, yonVe come! Al-kie. Presently; in a little while; hold on; not so fast. Al-ta. Now; at the present time. A-mo-te. The strawberry. An-ah, inter). An exclamation denoting pain, displeasure or depreciation. Ex. Anah nawitka mika halo shorn; ah, indeed you are without shame. Ats, n. A sister younger than the speaker. A-yah-whol, v. To lend; borrow. B. Re-be. A word used toward children; a kiss; to kiss. Bed, n. A bed. Bit or Mil. A dime. Bloom, n. A broom. Mamook bloom, to sweep. Boat. A boat, as distinguished from a canoe. Bos-ton, n. adj. An American. Boston Ulahie, the United States. Bur-dash. An hermaphrodite. C. Cal-li-peen, n. A rifle. Ga-nim, n. A canoe. Canim stick, the cedar, or wood from »Mal suam '"■" —Bi v.i.t1.. An excerpt from a dictionary of the Chinook jargon taken from Guide to the Province of BC for 1877-8: Compiled From the Latest and Most Authentic Sources of Information. (Victoria: T.N. Hibben, 1877) page 222. Courtesy of Vancouver Public Library's online hosting of old directories of British Columbia. See the story of Ovid Allard and the farm at Fort Langley starting on page 6. Cover Image: Split Salmon, by Lyle Wilson, 1993, Acrylic on rag matboard, 11 x 13 Vi inches. Read the story on page 5. photographer: Jenn Walton Editorial Advisory Committee Anne Edwards Jan Gattrell Don Lyon Catherine Magee Ramona Rose While copyright in the journal as a whole is vested in the British Columbia Historical Federation, copyright of the individual articles belongs to their respective authors, and articles may be reproduced for personal use only. For reproduction for other purposes permission in writing of both author and publisher is required. *_StV WWds i-&4*444& Published by the British Columbia Historical Federation | Spring 2013 | Vol. 46 No. 1 t^et&fogsrt&i. 5 Lyle Wilson and the miya by Andrea Lister Lyle Wilson's art has ancient origins in the Haisla artistic traditions and also honours how the miya (salmon) have sustained the Haisla people for generations. 6 Farming, Fort Langley, 1867 by K. Jane Watt "The weather here has now changed at last and is now all we can desire to make hay," writes fifty- year old Ovid Allard from Fort Langley in the midsummer of 1867. 12 How the Japanese Orange Came toBC by Ann-Lee Switzer Who brought the first Japanese orange — also known as mikan or mandarin orange — to British Columbia, and when? IX Ranching at the Tranquille O Sanatorium by Wayne Norton On the north shore of Kamloops Lake, one ranch has the distinction of having played a role in BC's medical history. ^ ^ Dorothy Britton: Home ^ ^ Economist by Mary Leah de Zwart and Linda Peterat Consumer acceptance of processed food, in particular fruits and vegetables of the Okanagan Valley, came from Britton's grassroots work between the food industry and the home. ^ X The Stanley Park Brewery ^ O bvBUl WUson The Stanley Park Brewery has achieved a near- mythical status among those interested in Vancouver history but left many unanswered questions for brewery historians. ^ C Behind the Scenes at James O U Inglis Reid Limited by M. Anne Wyness The delicious, smoky smell created by the curing and smoking element of the food production at James Inglis Reid Ltd. is remembered by many who shopped there. 39 Archives & Archivists by Brad Nichols; edited by Sylvia Stopforth The Last Retort. The Whistler Museum and Archives has digitized the newspaper that was the voice of the squatter ski bum — the Whistler Answer. 48 Cabinets of Curiosities by Andrea Lister Andrea Lister, grand-niece of champion plowman David B. Reid, tells the tale of how her grandfather's winning horse plow returned to win again. 3 Editor's Note Satisfy your Appetite 41 From the Book Review Editor's Desk K. Jane Watt Rare Indeed Join the BCHF for Historic Grasslands, May 9-12, 2013. BRITISH COLUMBIA HISTORY | Spring 2013 | Vol. 46 No. 1 1 British Columbia Historical Federation A charitable society under the Income Tax Act Organized 31 October 1922 PO Box 5254, Station B., Victoria BC V8R 6N4 0 www.bchistory.ca 0 info@bchistory.ca Under the Distinguished Patronage of The Honourable Judith Guichon, OBC Lieutenant Governor of British Columbia OFFICERS PRESIDENT Barb Hynek Phone 604.535.9090 president@bchistory.ca FIRST VICE PRESIDENT Barry Gough Phone 250.592.0800 vpl@bchistory.ca SECOND VICE PRESIDENT Gary Mitchell vp2@bchistory.ca SECRETARY Jean Wilson Phone 250.652.0452 secretary@bchistory.ca TREASURER Kerri Gibson Phone 250.386.3405 Fax: 250.361.3188 treasurer@bchistory.ca PAST PRESIDENT (EX-OFFICIO) Ronald Greene pas tpres ©bchistory.ca HONORARY PRESIDENT Patricia Roy DIRECTORS Mary Campone directorl@bchistory.ca Marie Elliott essays@bchistory.ca Jacqueline Gresko publications@bchistory.ca Frances Gundry archives@bchistory.ca Derek Hayes director2@bchistory.ca Ron Hyde membership@bchistory.ca John MacFarlane director3@bchistory.ca Alice Marwood subscriptions@bchistory.ca William R. Morrison writing@bchistory.ca EDITORS Andrea Lister, British Columbia History Editor bcheditor@bchistory.ca K. Jane Watt, Book Review Editor, British Columbia History reviews@bchistory.ca Sylvia Stopforth, Archives & Archivists Editor, British Columbia History Ron Hyde, Newsletter Editor newsletter@bchistory.ca R.J. (Ron) Welwood, Website Editor webeditor@bchistory.ca Derek Hayes, Online Encyclopedia Editor director2@bchistory.ca COMMITTEE CHAIRS PUBLICATIONS Jacqueline Gresko HISTORICAL WRITING AWARDS William Morrison MEMBERSHIP Ron Hyde SUBSCRIPTIONS Alice Marwood W.KAYE LAMB ESSAY SCHOLARSHIP Marie Elliott RECOGNITION Gary Mitchell HISTORIC TRAILS AND SITES Tom Lymbery Phone: 250-227-9449 Fax 250-227-9449 trails@bchistory.ca For awards and scholarship information see inside back cover. MEMBERSHIP The British Columbia Historical Federation has been working since 1922 with historical sites, societies, groups, museums, archives, etc. throughout British Columbia preserving and promoting British Columbia's history. The British Columbia Historical Federation is an umbrella organization embracing a variety of membership categories which are interested in the preservation and promotion of British Columbia's history. Member Societies: Local and regional historical societies with objectives consistent with those of the Federation. All dues paying members of the local or regional society shall be ipso facto members of the Federation. Affiliated Members: Groups, organizations and institutions without dues paying members with specialized interests or objectives of a historical nature. Associate Members: Individuals may become members of the Federation. Corporate Members: Companies are entitled to become members of the Federation. ANNUAL MEMBERSHIP DUES Member Societies: one dollar per member with a minimum membership fee of $30 and a maximum of $75 Affiliated Members: $35 Associate Members: $35 Corporate Members: $100 For further information about memberships, contact Ron Hyde, Membership Chair BCHISTORY.CA: THE FEDERATION WEBSITE AND COMPANIONS BOOK STORE The website Book Store now has over 85 books on its shelves from the British Columbia Historical Federation and member societies. Books can be purchased through bchistory.ca using PayPal. Purchase books about BC history: www.bchistory.ca/publications/store/index.html DIGITAL ARCHIVES Federation publications from 1923 - 2007 can be accessed from the main page. Click on the Publications link from www.bchistory.ca Or go directly to the university library website at http://bchistory.library.ubc.ca/?db=bchf# The archive of BCHF Newsletters can be found at http://bchistory.ca/publications/newsletter/index.html ONLINE ENCYCLOPEDIA OF BRITISH COLUMBIA HISTORY BCHF has begun a project aimed at creating a comprehensive database of British Columbia history, available free to all online in a "Wikipedia"-style format.This online encyclopedia will be, as they say, "moderated," that is, submissions will be reviewed for accuracy (as well as reasonably correct grammar and spelling) and, we think very importantly, the name of the person who wrote the piece will be attached. This makes you, as an author, responsible for what you have written and also gives you the credit. We hope this will encourage people to make sure that what they have written is correct. Be a part of this exciting new project today! http://bchistoryonline.com BRITISH COLUMBIA HISTORY | Spring 2013 | Vol. 46 No. 1 Editor's Note Satisfy your Appetite Sub mission Guideli nes The smells and flavours of food evoke strong memories. I can thumb through one of my recipe books and know by the state of the page which recipes are the favourites. This issue celebrates food and agriculture but it does not have any features on cookbooks and/or recipes. Sharing recipes is now often done on websites, but there is a huge history to be found on our own bookshelves. Many years ago I compiled a recipe book for a friend; it contained instructions for food we had made together living in residence for a summer. With limited outlets and electrical capacity we relied on a plug-in pot that boiled happily in the hallway outside my door, an electric frying pan in another room, and a microwave and shared fridge at the opposite end of the hall. The fridge itself could be a frightening place as the other residents who came and went left their own concoctions behind. As I prepared this issue I borrowed copies of the British Columbia Women's Institutes 1958 Centennial cook book Adventures in Cooking and Buckskin Cookery. Both cookbooks provide interesting glimpses into a specific time and place. Adventures in Cooking profiles each Women's Institute district in BC and you can see the mix of ethnicities in the recipes. The history of the BC Women's Institutes and some of its officers and directors is also included. When reading the history written by Stella E. Gummow, Superintendent of the provincial board of the BC Women's Institutes, I came across the name Mrs. W.V. Davies of Chilliwack who was on the first advisory board. Mrs. Davies was also president of the Chilliwack Hospital Auxiliary in 1928. Women like Mrs. Davies inspire me. They gave so much of their time and energy to various volunteer organizations; organizations that were a vital part of their communities. Buckskin Cookery tells a different sort of history. It is a "souvenir cookbook of recipes donated by old timers and natives of BC" published by Gwen Lewis of Quesnel, BC in 1957. It includes homestead hints, instructions for tanning, medicines, and even a tale from a witch doctor. British Columbia's identity is strongly associated with salmon and both cookbooks reflect this fact. Adventures in Cooking contains eleven salmon recipes from the Fraser Valley North district and Buckskin Cookery has six recipes in its slim binding. Amongst my own recipes is one for creamed salmon, passed down orally from my mother. BC's connection to salmon goes back hundreds of years before these recipes were published evoked by the cover illustration by Lyle Wilson. Enjoy, Andrea Lister, Editor Manuscripts that have been published elsewhere or are under review for publication elsewhere, will be considered at the editor's discretion. • Word Count 1000 to 5000. • Electronic version, with file extension (either .doc or .rtf), will be required should the article be accepted for publication. • Endnotes must follow Chicago Manual of Style, do not insert notes in text. I* Photocopies/scans of research material/ quoted material (pages from books, documents, or journals you have used) for fact checking are appreciated. • Illustrations are encouraged: ° submit copies of permissions (or assurance of permission) for the images; ° sufficient resolution for high-quality reproduction, 300 DPI (dots per inch) minimum or a pixel dimension of 1200x1500 pixels, (with the exception of images such as coins; minimum 600x600 pixels) preferable in jpg or tif format; ° Not embedded in text—send as separate files; ° Please provide suggested captions for the illustrations; ° Image credit information must be provided with all illustrations; ° Low-resolution images may be sent with initial submission in cases where images would need to be purchased from an institution. • A two-three sentence biographical note about the author and photo. If a manuscript is accepted for publication, major changes will be cleare' with authors before publication. Authors will also have the opportunity to do a final proof check prior to publication. You agree to grant the BCHF First Rights (the right to be first to publish your material in North America) or Reprint Rights (your material has been publishei before and this is now a reprint; the original publisher will be credited at the time of reprint), and Electronic Publishing and Multimedia Rights (the right to publish the work on the internet) and to publish that work in British Columbia History for no payment. Future online publication of your work and the right to reprint it in a future publication is included in your granting of publication rights to the BCHF. The British Columbia Historical Federation assumes no responsibility for statements made by contributors. ed - BRITISH COLUMBIA HISTORY | Spring 2013 | Vol. 46 No. 1 3 Inbox Letters from Readers CPA Cansos to and from Rupert I much enjoyed your Winter 2012 cover story about the Canso wreckage near Tofino. Your author is too young to know that in Prince Rupert in the 1950s, the only way to fly to or from Vancouver (the airport on Digby Island not having been opened until 1961) was via Cansos operated by Canadian Pacific Airlines. Heading for Vancouver, for example, you boarded the aircraft on the tarmac at Rupert's Seal Cove marine air terminal. The plane then rolled down a ramp into the water, retracted its wheels, and took off from the Harbour. The aircraft flew 90 miles (145 km.) to Sandspit on the Queen Charlotte Islands, where, after the Canso landed on the Sandspit airport strip, you changed planes to a DC-4 for the rest of the flight to Vancouver. The Canso flight was quite exciting for a young boy like myself (I lived in Rupert from when I was seven in 1952 until I was fourteen). When the plane started to rev up for takeoff, I remember the water absolutely pouring over the bubbles on either side of the plane toward the rear of the fuselage (where the plane's guns had been, before the aircraft were converted from military to civilian use). I wasn't sure, amid the engine noise and airframe vibration, if we were going to lift off from the inlet and fly or were in fact nosing ever deeper into the chuck. But once airborne, I remember the airline let you look straight down from the bubble at the waters of Hecate Strait below the aircraft. Staring directly down from an airplane through Plexiglas is a very different experience than seeing the ground far underneath you obliquely via the porthole window of a modern jetliner. I was reminded of my youthful Canso experiences because your story about the Tofino crash brought to mind the two fatal accidents involving these aircraft at Prince Rupert when I lived there. On 11 May 1953, a scheduled CPA passenger flight bounced several times while landing on the water in the Harbour and the nose section of the Boeing-Canada Canso A was torn off. One stewardess of the three-person crew and one of the sixteen passengers died. And on 30 June 1959, an RCAF PBV-1A Canso of 121 Flight, Sea Island hit something in the water on landing and one of the aircrew was killed. I remember being at Seal Cove, walking out to board what turned out to be my last flight in a Canso (there were no jetways in those days), and having to pass by where the salvaged remains of the RCAF Canso were spread out in a hanger while investigators probed the fatal crash. Since I was immortal at that age, observing close up the wreckage of a plane more or less identical to the one I was boarding I found fascinating, rather than such an experience being the cause for nervousness it would be for me today (although in our sanitized contemporary world, I doubt passengers would ever be routed past a crashed aircraft as part of the boarding process). Back then, the incident was simply part of the adventure of flying in those Cansos. Sincerely, Tom Wayman Thrilled Dear Andrea, I am writing you to say that I was thrilled to discover the article — The Lower Mainland's First Settler-Built Trail, by John Macdonald. I was thrilled because James and Caroline Kennedy are my great-grandparents. They are my grandfather's parents. My partner was waiting for me in Otter Books, in Nelson and while leafing through the magazine he recognized the picture because I have it on my wall at home. Thanking you, Sincerely Josana Starbuck Send us your thoughts. British Columbia History welcomes reader's letters and emails, while reserving the right to edit them. Email your story to: bcheditor@bchistory.ca, or mail it to: Editor, British Columbia History, PO Box 21187, Maple Ridge, BC V2X 1P7. BRITISH COLUMBIA HISTORY | Spring 2013 | Vol. 46 No. 1 Lyle Wilson and the miya by Andrea Lister Lyle Wilson's art has ancient origins in the Haisla artistic traditions and also honours how the miya (salmon) have sustained the Haisla people for generations. While Wilson's work is contemporary it speaks of ancient roots. Lyle Wilson is a Haisla artist from Kitamaat Village, which is near the town site of Kitimat, BC. He is now based in Vancouver, BC. The Haisla people have a history dating back thousands of years in what is now known as British Columbia. Salmon, oolichan, and other species of fish were abundant and were the staples of the Haisla diet. First European contact is believed to have occurred around 1792 via sailboat up the Douglas Channel. The arrival of Europeans meant the growth of the commericalization of fishing and distribution of canned salmon. The Haisla word for salmon is miya, which is also the general term for most fish. There are six species of miya in British Columbia waters: g°axanis (chum), zawen (coho), fcapi (pink), hisen (sockeye), qabis (spring), and fliax°alamas (steelhead). All species are traditional staple foods of the Haisla people.1 Growing up in Kitamaat, Wilson has fished for food, sport, and commerical purposes. He reflects on lost connections to our environment through moderization. Whereas my ancestors had to create tools and locate a school of miya (fish) somewhere in their vast territory before they could catch and kill the salmon for food, we are now more likely to see miya in television nature programs and buy them pre-packaged in our local supermarkets.2 His painting, Split Salmon, graces the Spring issue of British Columbia History. It depicts a male and a female miya surrounding their single egg. Wilson incorporates traditional Haisla forms and narrative themes into his work. He is considered a leading Northwest Coast aboriginal artist with works in the collections of the Royal BC Museum, Museum of Anthropology at the University of British Columbia, Vancouver Art Gallery and Vancouver International Airport, as well as numerous private collections. Countless news articles over the past several decades have talked about the declining salmon stocks. Wilson's paintings and writings speak to the importance of the salmon and the the impact of modern life on the salmon stocks. Haisla elders recall earlier times "when you could almost walk on the miya's backs and cross a river without getting your feet wet."3* Endnotes 1. Lyle Wilson, Paint: the Painted Works of Lyle Wilson. (Maple Ridge, BC: Maple Ridge Pitt Meadows Arts Council, 2012), 33. 2. Wilson, Paint, 12. 3. Wilson, Paint, 33. Andrea Lister had the pleasure of working with Lyle Wilson at the Museum of Anthropology (MOA) at the University of British Columbia developing products for the MOA Gift Shop in the 1990s. This photo was taken in 1995 by Lyle Wilson of Andrea at her desk at MOA. Dugout Canoe Filled with Eulachon, Kitamaat, circa 1941. BRITISH COLUMBIA HISTORY | Spring 2013 | Vol. 46 No. 1 5 Farming, Fort Langley, 1867 by K. Jane Watt 'The weather here has now changed at last and is now all we can desire to make hay/'1 writes fifty-year old Ovid Allard from Fort Langley in the midsummer of 1867. Writer and editor K. Jane Watt is principal of Fenton Street Publishing. She is the author of Milk Stories: A History of the Dairy Industry in British Columbia (2000), High Water: Living With the Fraser Floods (2006), Places of Her Heart: The Art and Life of Barbara Boldt (2012) and a new children's book called The Boy Who Paints (2013) illustrated by Richard Cole. Agricultural production at Fort Langley waxed and waned in the years following the fort's establishment in 1827 on the foreshore of the Fraser River at a place known as Chuchul.2 At its height, farming operations at the first Fort Langley were modest, limited by the boggy nature of the surrounding land and the seasonal fluctuations of the Fraser. Total land under cultivation was between 30 and 45 acres of forage crops for livestock and food crops to provision the HBC workers and to barter with local First Nations people for labour. Nevertheless, the establishment of this small permanent settlement had implications far beyond its size — its presence secured territory on the Pacific for Great Britain against the expansionist aspirations of the United States. When, in 1839, the Fort was moved five kilometres upstream to its present location on the upland beside the Fraser River, this new site capitalized on its nearness to the transportation corridor and food reservoir offered by the Fraser River and managed by local First Nations people — especially its abundant salmon runs. It also depended on the possibilities for agriculture that lay on open ground just outside the palisades as well as well as further away on fertile "prairies" linked by the Salmon River to the fort. While the extent and focus of Fort Langley's farming operations would change as company policy, local manpower, and regional economics dictated, for many years, annual increases in acreage under cultivation were expected by Company brass, and until almost the twentieth century it remained a truism that the farm fed the fort. For a decade after 1839, Fort Langley's purpose was to supply agricultural commodities for international trade as Fort Langley wheat, butter, and pork were combined with the output of forts in western Washington to secure a trading monopoly on the Pacific Coast. It was with the gearing up of agriculture in 1839 to service this deal with the Russian American Company that "The Farm" was further developed on the Milner plateau south of Fort Langley — the site of Trinity Western University and on both sides of Highway 10 as it cuts through the municipality from Highway One, swinging north-south on Glover Road. The foundation stock of 29 animals for the Fort Langley herd, what Yale called Wild California Cows, were shipped to Fort Langley on board the Beaver in 1839. Wheat, peas, oats, barley, and potatoes were sown in that year, and a herd of pigs numbering between 200 and 250 animals was kept through the decade.3 In 1849, the combined beef and dairy herd numbered 240 head; the following year, it was 430.4 Because of the enormous expenditure of labour required for land clearing, the Company preferred the superior economics of open space on this higher land to heavily timbered tracts closer to the Fort as well as lands subject to the seasonal flooding of the Fraser River. While nowadays it is important for farmers to consolidate land into a single holding to allow for efficient use and movement of farm machinery, the view of the HBC was quite different. With labour for clearing land in short supply, throughout the west the Company sought meadowland linked to forts by waterways large and small and relied on the movement of people, farm tools, and livestock between sites. The ability of Company workers to get the prairie land at Milner under cultivation with a minimum of work was worth the paddle, or five kilometre walk, from the Fort. Always, HBC agricultural operations in Langley were tied to the global aspirations of the Company and to its interrelated economic activities on the Pacific Slope managed until the 1840s from Fort Vancouver on the Columbia River. Work at Fort Langley, too, was dependent not only on HBC employees, but also on the labour offered by their First BRITISH COLUMBIA HISTORY | Spring 2013 | Vol. 46 No. 1 Nations families amid the complex network of affiliations that held between the men of the Fort and the indigenous people of the region. Kwantlen people — men, women, and children — assisted not only in the HBC's farming operations, but also in the day-to-day operations of the Fort and its work on and around the Fraser River. By the 1850s, Fort Langley was creating enough surplus to provision coastal forts and interior brigades. It was working to keep up with its export trade in salmon and cranberries, and was urged to grow more grain to send to the fledgling colony on Vancouver Island, whose rapid growth meant that agricultural production had not kept pace. The economic boon of the Gold Rush in 1858 galvanized the Fort into action to keep up with the demands of the miners and others who travelled the Fraser River that year. But the promise of the Gold Rush did not "pan out" over the long term for Fort Langley: the influx of people into the interior profoundly changed the dynamics of fur production and the position of the HBC at the head of distribution. Its sudden loss of trade monopoly meant new ways of operating had to be divined. Locally, the uncertainty of its land base meant its incentive to farm was lost, and its prominence in the region as the primary depot and store evaporated as larger steamers working the river began to bypass Fort Langley and head directly upriver to the settlements of Hope and Yale. Ovid Allard seemed to be the man who might find a way to make the diversified operations at Fort Langley relevant once again to a society and government in radical transition. Born in 1817 in St. Roch, Montreal, Allard entered the HBC service at age 17 leaving an articling position in Lachine to become a middleman in Fort Vancouver, but spent most of his forty — year career at Fort Langley.5 According to historian Bruce Watson, "Allard's education and competence posed a problem for an insecure James Murray Yale who, from the 1850s tried to keep Allard subservient through apparent mean spiritedness and a short temper."6 Between early 1858 and 1864, Allard was Clerk at Fort Yale, establishing an HBC presence and offering stores to the new mining communities in the Fraser Canyon. He was returned to Fort Langley in the fall of 1864 # Although Ovid Allard lived with his second wife, a Cowichan woman named Justine, from the early 1840s onward, they were not formally married in the European tradition until 1853. Together they had six or seven children, including Jason Ovide Allard, fur —trade era raconteur and translator. In the multi —lingual household he was raised in, young Jason, it is reputed, learned the French and English of his father as well as "five native languages" from his mother, likely including the Hul'q'umin'um (or Island Halkomelem) of her people, the Hun'qumyi'num (or Downriver Halkomelem) of her adopted town of Fort Langley, and the Halq'emeylem (or Upriver Halkomelem) spoken by those living in Matsqui and beyond. It's likely he was also ' conversant in the trading jargon ' of Chinook, a stable means of r communication between the men of the HBC forts and the diverse peoples they engaged with. I| Justine died in 1907 at age 79 and is buried in the Fort Langley g etery, her place marked by *% and was Clerk and Postmaster until his death a decade later. Allard worked to bring rich farmland at two locations near Fort Langley back into peak production. "The Fort" farm stretched to the east along the Fraser River, its potato patch almost a mile long.7 "The Farm" lay to the south on higher "prairie" ground, on each side of the Salmon River, or "little river," as it was commonly called. Now Langley's Milner neighbourhood sits in the centre of this farmland. Both farm sites had been neglected as for six years after the 1858 creation of the crown colony, the Company retrenched in the Fraser Valley to pursue land Inset: This headstone stands in the Fort Langley cemetery and commemorates the Allard family. According to the research of historian Warren Sommer, Ovid Allard is buried in the grounds of St. George's Church in the Hudson's Bay Company cemetery. See his Frail Memorials: The Cemeteries of Langley published by the Township of Langley in 2005. BRITISH COLUMBIA HISTORY | Spring 2013 | Vol. 46 No. 1 This map prepared by the Township of Langley shows the locations of HBC farm sites. The site on the Fraser River labelled A at top left is the site of first Fort Langley at Derby. B represents Lot. 19, now partially covered by the village of Fort Langley. C represents lot 35. The extent of farming activities in this area is unclear at this time. D represents The Farm, subdivided in 1877. The white road that transects the map is Highway 1. BRITISH COLUMBIA HISTORY | Spring 2013 | Vol. 46 No. 1 claims in British Columbia. Historian Mary Cullen suggests that the renewed interest in farming in the mid-1860s that returned the energetic Allard to Fort Langley was related to both the newfound sense of security the Company had experienced after its land base was secured in 1864 and the "new confidence"8 in the BC economy generated by the Cariboo gold rush in 1862 and 1863. By the time of Allard's return, the HBC's "moral right"9 to land in Langley had been acknowledged primarily by gifts of land from the colonial government — although far short of what the Company hoped for. It acquired by crown grant almost two hundred acres adjacent to the fort itself, including river frontage (Lot 19); two acres at the mouth of the Salmon River that had been used as a salmon station and wharf (Lot 20); and 500 upland acres it had previously cultivated, land now occupied in part by Trinity Western University (Lot 21). The Company was allowed to buy 1,500 acres on the Milner plateau (Lot 22). This landscape remains largely intact, and is still farmed within the Township of Langley, protected by the Agricultural Land Reserve (ALR) from the pressure of a growing municipality. The fifteen years that followed the proclamation of British Columbia in 1858 fractured the operations of the HBC on the Pacific Coast across diverse new realities. From operating in the Columbia Department, an internal division of the HBC which was almost a nation-state in its own right, Fort Langley was sequentially enclosed in various new iterations of government, including the new Crown Colony of British Columbia (1858), the amalgamated Crown Colony of British Columbia (including Vancouver Island) (1866), the province of British Columbia within the fledgling Dominion of Canada (1871), and the Township of Langley (1873). Its former partner posts of Vancouver, Nisqually, and Cowlitz became part of the state of Washington in the 1850s. The HBC struggled in the new milieu of fluctuating government oversight and economic competition to find a new niche for its business, "between a population daily increasing and a Corporation yet unaccustomed to competition"10 as noted editor Edward Mallandaine reflected in his publication, the First Victoria Directory of 1868. Although accounts by gold miners and passers-by in 1858 had ridiculed the backwardness of the place, the slowness of trade, and the "old fogyism"11 that seemed to be the hallmark of the HBC operation at Fort Langley during the Gold Rush, it seems certain that Allard's management encouraged a decade of optimism and solidity. His letters of the period offer a window into daily life at the Fort as he sought to adapt to the change that occurred around him as settlement increased and as a new British Columbia was created around the city and new economic hub of New Westminster. He worked to expand the offerings of the place, to service old relationships and to attract new customers. He continued farm gate sales, worked to provision the steamer trade, continued to develop the Company's dairy and beef herds, engaged in custom feeding of beef stock, wintering of pack animals, and feed sales. He worked to get the infrastructure of the two farming operations back into shape by building fences, repairing roads, re-seeding, and tried to returning the post to some of its previous pursuits, such as salmon and cranberry packing for export.12 Of particular note was Fort Langley's relationship with the town of Yale, burdened by feeding its thousands of pack animals used on the Cariboo Road, yet locked in by canyon walls from good forage in summer or wintering grounds when the season was over. Pack animals, both bullocks and mules, were fed Fort Langley hay in summer and wintered at The Farm, a far more hospitable locale than the cold Fraser Canyon. Allard writes a letter to HBC Clerk, F.W. McKay of Yale, in the spring of 1868, clearly part of an easy, ongoing correspondence: I note what you have to say to keep a short stock on the Onions: I regret we have not Red Cabbage; but I have a fine lot of Cucumbers and Onions pickled in salt only which are very Good. Would you wish for one keg - please let me know, as I have one keg + a half of them - It's of my own curing - we have plenty Beets and Carrots and Pumpkins. I send six (of the latter) by this steamer along with the apples. BRITISH COLUMBIA HISTORY | Spring 2013 | Vol. 46 No. 1 9 Old apple tree outside Fort Langley, 2013. Allard and his crew of First Nations labourers worked to make agriculture pay — and in the spring of 1868 he notes with pride that "All the crops are looking well, with the Exception of the barley; as for the Turnips, the[re] never was such."13 And they also worked to fix and extend fencing to keep the herd on the prairie under control. This, however, wasn't always possible: a letter of 9 December 1867 Allard details the job of bringing cattle off the steamer at the wharf in Fort Langley and driving them to the upland Farm, along the way losing many of them in the bush. The previous summer, Allard and his crew, with their links to the vast sheep herds at Fort Nisqually, had tried their hands at sheep raising for the emerging settler market centred in New Westminster, but they could not generate good enough margins to continue. "We have sold but one sheep," comments Allard wryly in August of 1867, "and I don't think we can sell any more the price being as high as $6.50. Butchers sales them at New-West for $6.00 just what them I have here cost."14 In 1867, the farm produced 25 tons of oats and 100 tons of hay15 — some likely for wintering the diary herd, and some for sale upriver since beef cattle under HBC management were almost feral — they calved unassisted and fended for themselves on the prairie at Milner in winter and summer. A piece of a letter from Allard to the HBC Board of Management in Victoria on 2 August 1867 gives a hint of the scope of the work that summer: Mr Wark and I are much pleased that the document reporting the Improvements etc on the farm furnished You last week are giving satisfaction. Wee have omitted to mark down in the Information list the labour dun on a road, and also some Expenses on the field at the little River. The weather here has now changed at last is now all we can desire to make hay. Besides the Mowing Machine; wee have five men cutting with the scythe on the farm, and two mowing here at the Fort.... The moschetto are very troublesome here this season - This is the third day that I have been unable to get Salmon; the Indians Informs me that there are a big run below coming up. If so, I am prepared to take all they will give me. But Allard's tenure at the helm of HBC Fort Langley, his desire to make hay while he could, marked the end of concerted Company efforts to farm here. In 1871, the Company reduced its herd, determined that "Langley's substantial returns from hay, cattle, butter, and sundry vegetables barely covered its outlay in labourers' wages and provisions. In fact, produce could be purchased more cheaply from California and Oregon than it could be raised locally."16 After Allard's death in 1874, strong management was lacking under W.H. Newton who died the following year. Finally, Henry Wark was put in charge, becoming the last HBC employee to run the diversified farming operation. It was Wark who presided over the dispersal of the herd and assets and the subdivision and sale of The Farm in the decade that followed 1877. With new settlers, the area became the agricultural heartland of an emerging Langley — a municipality which would eventually extend from the Fraser River on the north to the international border on the south. It also became home to families - such as the Davis family — who continue to farm 10 BRITISH COLUMBIA HISTORY | Spring 2013 | Vol. 46 No. 1 today. The Fort farm, too, was sold. In 1885, Alexander Mavis bought the old fort site and its associated land when HBC retail operations were moved from its hilltop location to the riverfront at the foot of Fort Langley's main street. However, the days of the HBC store were numbered as a new generation of cutthroat grocers arrived who were willing to barter directly with farmers. In the early years, the HBC farming operations fostered the development of European agriculture with the introduction of seed stock — from the potatoes, cucumber, wheat, and peas introduced in the late 1820s, to the apples introduced slightly later that by the 1850s formed a mature orchard outside the palisade walls. By the time of Allard's tenure in the 1860s, much had changed, and although the Company worked to meet the demands of a changing world, its ways of being were too slow to react with the nimbleness required to prosper in an era in which the HBC no longer had special jurisdiction. And the Langley the HBC had put on the map had changed as well. By century's end, the multicultural affiliations that had been the hallmark of HBC agrarian society were being tested, as the muscular, perhaps evangelical, view of agriculture that would shape the settlement era had taken hold. A growing network of roads was developed that linked towns east to west across the Fraser Valley, taking traffic inland from the Fraser River. But this was all in the past. What does it matter today? The land cultivated by the HBC in the Milner valley had been continuously farmed since long before the Province of British Columbia or the nation of Canada came into being. This intact and vital cultural landscape is part of the story of our collective past — and hopefully a thread in the story of our future.* Endnotes 1. Letter Ovid Allard to HBC Board of Management, 2 August 1867. HBCA 1M183. 2. A Stodo-Coast Salish Historical Atlas. Ed Keith Thor Carlson (Vancouver: Douglas & Mclntyre/Chilliwack: Sto:lo Heritage Trust, 2001): 148. Later, this site was called Derby or sometimes Old Langley. Today it is part of Metro Vancouver's Derby Reach Regional Park in the Township of Langley. 3. Mary K. Cullen, "The History of Fort Langley, 1827 —96." Parks Canada: Canadian Historic Sites Occasional Papers in Archaeology and History 20 (1979), 33. 4. Cullen, 49. 5. Biographical information about Ovid Allard is from Bruce Watson's Lives Lived West of the Divide: A Biographical Dictionary of Fur Trade Biographies. Kelowna: Centre for Social, Spacial, and Economic Justice, University of British Columbia, 2010,148. 6. Watson, 148. 7. This information is from the map that forms the endsheets to Don Waite's The Langley Story. Maple Ridge: Don Waite Publishing, 1977. 8. Cullen, 64. 9. Cullen, 64. 10. Edward Mallandaine. Prefatory Remarks to First Victoria Directory, Second Issue, and British Columbia Guide. Comprising a General Directory of Business —Men and Householders in Victoria and the Districts; Including A Large Portion of the Mainland of British Columbia; and An Official List, Postal Arrangements, Custom House Tariff and Municipal Bye —Laws; with Prefatory Remarks on the Commercial and Political Prospects of the Colony, 1868. Victoria: E. Mallandaine, April 1868. 11. Editor of the Alta California in Harper's Weekly, 9 October 1858. Cited in Cullen 56. 12. In the summer of 1867, Allard's letters mention the ongoing processing of fish. By 30 August 1867, he notes he requires no more salt as the fishing season is done. 13. Letter 2 May 1868 from Ovid Allard to F.W. McKay of Yale. HBCA 1M183. 14. Letter 9 August 1867 from Ovid Allard to the Board of Management, Hudson's Bay Company, Victoria VI. HBCA 1M183. 15. Letter 18 December 1867 from Ovid Allard to the Board of Management, Hudson's Bay Company, Victoria V.I. HBCA 1M183. 16. Cullen, 71. 17. Watson, 148. Wheat grown Fort Langley 2011 from heirloom seed. BRITISH COLUMBIA HISTORY | Spring 2013 | Vol. 46 No. 1 11 How the Japanese Orange Came to BC by Ann-Lee Switzer Who brought the first Japanese orange — also known as mikan or mandarin orange — to British Columbia, and when? Ann-Lee Switzer is a historian and writer. Recently she and her husband Gordon Switzer published Gateway to Promise: Canada's First Japanese Community (Ti- Jean Press, 2012). She also has a long-standing interest in Emily Carr, editing the artist and author's late stories, published as This and That: The Lost Stories of Emily Carr (Touchwood Editions, 2007). We do know Japanese goods were being sold long before any Japanese immigrants arrived in Canada. Victorians read of the first shipment of Japanese goods in September of 1860: "ARRIVAL FROM JAPAN, The Brig Orbit, Captain Shearman, arrived this week 31 days from Hakodaki [sic], Japan, in ballast. She went for a cargo of notions, but found the Japanese so unwilling to observe the treaty, that she did not obtain a cargo . . . We are indebted to Mr. Pendergast for a sight of a few curiosities brought by private hands in the Orbit — painted candles made from vegetable wax, tooth powder that will put Rowland's Odonto entirely in the shade, toys and lackerer ware for the ladies, paper made entirely from cotton, showing the fibre entire when torn and many other things both curious and interesting."1 Later shops with names like Ichi Ban and King Tye began selling curios, porcelain, bolts of silks and other household items. And of course, the tea for the Victorian hot beverage of choice was imported in large quantities from Japan as well as China. Many Japanese men must have passed through Victoria in the early days of the Crown Colony. By the 1870s some would have found employment as deckhands or cabin boys on Western ships. Perhaps some stayed for a few days on furlough. Between 1868 and 1875, over 1,100 passports were issued to Japanese to travel to North America and Europe. No doubt many people left Japan unrecorded during this decade as well. During the 1870s direct shipping routes connected Victoria with San Franciscian, Hawaiian, and Japanese ports. In June 1880, the Tsukuba, a Japanese naval training ship, dropped anchor in Esquimalt Harbour, exposing Japan to Victoria as a modern and powerful nation.2 The exact date of the arrival of the first Japanese immigrant to Victoria to seek work is not known because official records were not kept until 1896. Likely a few sailors jumped ship in the 1870s, perhaps finding jobs as houseboys to learn English or taking rooms in Chinatown where they would not be noticed by the wider population. However, we are left only to speculate as no records have been found of Japanese immigrants arriving with the intention to sink roots in Canada before the 1880s. By 1884 we find Japanese working at Charles Gabriel's store, the Japanese Bazaar, on Government Street.3 The trickle of Japanese immigrants became a stream after 1890. At first, mostly men arrived but after 1908 more women than men came from Japan, either to join their husbands or as picture brides, and more rarely as single women seeking a new, freer life.4 By the end of the 1880s ships from Asia were delivering and loading goods on a weekly basis. It is not unthinkable that an enterprising merchant, realizing there would be a ready market for them, would bring in some Japanese oranges—along with green tea, soya sauce and other comestibles. The Daily Colonist of November 10, 1889 had the following announcement on page 8 under "Trade Notes": The steamer Islander last night brought a carload of butter and eggs, five carloads of mixed merchandise, mostly Christmas goods, and fifty packages Japanese oranges. First of the season. This is the first specific mention of Japanese oranges I have been able to uncover in the public record. However it seems reasonable to assume the Islander would not be delivering 50 packages of Japanese oranges on speculation, but as an expected product, "first of the season." The very next year, on December 19, 1890, the Colonist notified readers that the Islander had "brought over 375 packages of Japanese oranges and 45 large cases of Japanese ware." Mikans had become an instant success and quickly became part of the West Coast 12 BRITISH COLUMBIA HISTORY | Spring 2013 | Vol. 46 No. 1 Christmas tradition, almost as eagerly awaited as Santa Claus—in fact for a while in the twentieth century the first shipment to Vancouver was greeted at dockside by the jolly old elf himself. It would seem that Japanese immigrants and mikan oranges arrived at about the same time. The popularity of the soft squat little oranges is not difficult to explain; they arrived fresh in November, when other produce had finished their season. Besides, they were sweet, juicy, seedless, fragrant, brightly coloured and easy to peel and separate into segments. For Japanese customers, the mikan placed atop the mochi (pounded rice cakes) bought from the Shimizu Rice Mill store at New Year's was a memory from home.5 For non-Japanese, oranges at Christmas created their own memories, passed on through generations. Many British Columbians remember as children finding Japanese oranges in their Christmas stockings. By 1892, mikans were found all over town: JAPANESE ORANGES - The Empress of China which arrived from the Orient early this week brought the first consignment of the year's crop of Japanese Oranges. The delicious fruit can now be seen in the window of almost every fruit and confectionery stand in Victoria. Victoria Daily Colonist, November 25,1892 Mikan season usually lasted from mid- November till the end of February. On March 8, 1894 the Colonist posted a short notice: "Reported that Japanese Oranges having entirely disappeared from the market." This ad of the December 13,1896 Colonist was more emphatic: "Howling Sucess" Jap. Oranges, 56 cents Dixi H. Ross & Co., Government St. The Japan Connection The Japanese connection was established early on when David Oppenheimer was councillor and then mayor of Vancouver, promoting trade with the new Asian powerhouse. Somewhere during the late 1880s # What are Mikans? Mikans, Citrus reticulate, belong to the genus Citrus that also includes similar fruit such as satsumas, Clementines and tangerines. The trees, cultivated in China for thousands of years, are known there as Wenzhou migan or "honey citrus of Wenzhou." The small trees (or perhaps a rare seed or two) were Irought to Japan from China, supposedly by the Buddhist monk Chie, passing through Wenzhou on his way back from Wutai Mountain. One can imagine the intrepid monk taking a bite of the migan someone put into his begging bowl—he was hooked! Another story has the ruling Satsuma clan bringing the trees into Kyushu, the southernmost Japanese Island, from China in the mid-seventeenth century. In any case, Japanese agriculturalists got to work, selecting trees with the best-tasting fruits over the years. As a result of those breeding efforts, mandarins are not only tasty but resistant to disease, cold and drought, making them ideal for export. \ The arrival of the first shipment of mikans from Japan was accompanied by much publicity, as this "photo opportunity" shows, early 1970s. BRITISH COLUMBIA HISTORY | Spring 2013 | Vol. 46 No. 1 13 "Promotional Geishas" pose at the dock where bundles of mikans are being unloaded, late 1950s. David, as the founder of the BC Fruit Growers Association, saw Japan as not only a doorway of imports but also the export of BC grown fruit to Japan.6 Oppenheimer Brothers entered into an agreement with the Japanese Fruit Growers Association to establish a joint fruit importing business with them, starting with the mandarins —a partnership that continues to this day. The Nichienren logo (Nichienren is the national association of fruit growers), Nippon Fruit Council and Sun brand still appear on the label of the mikan boxes. Needless to say, trade in Japanese oranges ceased with the outbreak of the Pacific War in 1941. Before the war, the grand-nephew of David Oppenheimer had entered the trade of his grandfather and uncles. David Godfrey Oppenheimer grew up in Brentwood Bay in Victoria. Eventually he became CEO of the corporation and served for over 50 years. Following the traumatic war, he moved quickly to re-establish the longstanding business partnership; knowing the Japanese way of doing business he did so on a person-to-person level. What better symbol of peace and cooperation through trade than the little mandarin orange? As early as 1947, Godfrey visited Japan as the guest of Mr. Gotoh, Chairman of Seitaro Arai, the first of many exchange visits across the ocean, which often included members of their families.7 Our partnership with Seitaro Arai and the Japanese Fruit Council is our longest-lasting partnership and is going strong today. The grand- nephew of our founders, David Godfrey Oppenheimer, can be credited with solidifying and strengthening that bond especially in the period between the 1930s and the 1970s, as he had not only a close business but also a close personal relationship with many members of the association and took countless trips to Japan in his 50+ years working for Oppenheimer. He and his wife, Donalda, were such close friends with Seitaro Aral's president and his wife that she accompanied Donalda down the aisle at David's funeral in 1988s Kinley Engdahl-Johnson, archivist of The Oppenheimer Group, Seattle As trade resumed between Canada and Japan in the early 1950s, the arrival of Japanese mandarin oranges once more became an eagerly anticipated event. It was announced in the newspapers and on the radio. TV clips depicted scenes at the dock, giant cranes unloading strings of wooden boxes lashed together with rice rope. Sometimes two cute little Japanese girls dressed in kimonos would be seated with Santa at dockside to enjoy the first orange fruits. Lifted onto trucks and railcars, the boxes made their way speedily 14 BRITISH COLUMBIA HISTORY | Spring 2013 | Vol. 46 No. 1 across the country as far as Halifax to great fanfare. When emptied of their green-tissue- wrapped treats, the small wooden boxes became treasures in themselves. Who among us does not have a box or two in the attic or closet somewhere? Many people have told me of their creative reuse of the boxes, as holders for tools, support for shelving, even a doll-clothes closet. The labels, sturdily glued on the sides of the boxes, tell a story of trade between Japan and Canada over the years that has fortunately blossomed into a renewed friendship in recent times. Alas, modern container shipping and economic restraints have subdued the fanfare. Wood has been replaced by cardboard for packing, and even the green tissue (another useful product to re-use) sometimes dispensed with. The fruits now arrive in 10-kilo boxes and are sorted and re-packed into cardboard in Pitt Meadows on the Fraser River, 30 km east of Vancouver. Ironically, the fruit tree that originated in China centuries before was bred to perfection in Japan, then the strain reintroduced to China. Now mandarins from China come on the market for half the price of mikans. Mikan loyalists, though, claim the Japanese fruit are sweeter and more tender.* Endnotes 1. Victoria Weekly Gazette, September 15, 1860. Although U.S. Commodore Perry's famous Black Ships arrived in Japan in July 1853 to press for the opening of Japan's ports to international trade, internal civil war and government upheavals made for a long road to free trade. Even after the Meiji restoration of 1868, restrictions and civil war carried on for several years. Victoria was the main port until 1887 and the completion of the railroad opened up transportation to Vancouver. 2. The visit of the Tsukuba was recorded in florid detail in the Daily Colonist of June 23,1880. The ship was actually a former British corvett, the HMS Malacca. 3. Charles Gabriel's Japanese Bazaar, with its fan-shaped sign, opened in December 1884, but he began advertising in the Daily Colonist as early as October. A court case involving Gabriel's Japanese employees was reported in that paper in March 25,1885, indicating Japanese had already settled into the city by then. 4. After 1908, Canada entered into the Lemieux- Hayashi Gentlemen's Agreement with the Japanese government restricting the number of passports issued to Japanese males. The restriction did not apply to women and children. 5. Information about the Shimizu Rice mill is from Tsutomo (Stum) Shimizu, who wrote in 2008, "For more than 25 years in the early part of the 20th century, 1625 Store Street in Victoria was the location of the Shimizu Rice Mill. Started by my grandfather Rinbei Shimizu, it was carried on by my father Kiyoshi after Grandfather's death in 1927." They also manufactured mochi and other Japanese food items (personal communication, also appearing in Nikkei Images [Summer 2004, Vol. 9, No. 2 ] 6. Three serious fires destroyed the Oppenheimer company's earliest records (Kinley Engdahl-Johnson of Oppenheimer Group, Dec. 19, 2007 email). 7. Seitaro Arai, Importers & Exporters since 1888, Yokohama, www. seitaroarai.co.jp 8. Kinley Engdahl- Johson, Media Relations, Oppenheimer Group: email and postal correspondence, 2007-2008. The coveted wooden mikan boxes had a useful afterlife long after the sweet fruit was eaten. Nowadays they have nearly reached the status of family heirlooms. BRITISH COLUMBIA HISTORY | Spring 2013 | Vol. 46 No. 1 15 Ranching at the Tranquille Sanatorium by Wayne Norton On the north shore of Kamloops Lake, one ranch has the distinction of having played a role in BC's medical history. Wayne Norton is a resident of Victoria and a former vice-president of the Vancouver Historical Society. His most recent book, Women on Ice: The Early Years of Women's Hockey in Western Canada, was published by Ronsdale Press in 2009. Kamloops is situated at the heart of British Columbia's premier ranch lands, a vast territory that stretches from the Cariboo in the north to the US border in the south. Several ranches in the region have achieved fame approaching legend in the agricultural history of this province. One property, located on the north shore of Kamloops Lake, played a unique role in British Columbia's medical history. Tranquille Ranch existed solely to satisfy the food requirements of the patients and staff of what was British Columbia's first medical facility dedicated exclusively to the provision of care for victims of tuberculosis. At the beginning of the twenty-first century, awareness of tuberculosis (in all its forms) has effectively vanished from our collective memory in Canada. Yet, just 100 years ago, no other disease brought to its victims a greater chance of death or a more profound sense of shame. There was no known cure. Also known as consumption and, more menacingly, the White Death, tuberculosis was the number-one killer in the country, but the public health care system in British Columbia provided no specialised treatment and no glimmer of hope to those suffering from the disease. A small group of medical activists found this situation intolerable. Failing to secure commitments from the government of the day, they took matters into their own hands by founding the British Columbia Anti-Tuberculosis Society (ATBS) in January 1904. The society's avowed purpose was to establish and to operate a sanatorium for tubercular patients until such time as the provincial government acknowledged its own constitutional responsibility to provide that care. In modern terms, the proposed sanatorium would best be described as a private clinic having to collect fees for services provided in order to sustain its operation. Despite inadequate financial backing, and ignoring widespread local opposition, the ATBS purchased an established ranch of some 560 acres (226 ha) in size with rights to extensive adjacent grazing lands just west of Kamloops. The two existing houses were quickly renovated and the facility admitted its first seven patients at the end of November 1907.1 A location at a high altitude in a dry climate and a strictly regulated diet were deemed essential in the treatment of the disease. The ATBS purchased the property at Tranquille in the interior plateau hoping to provide that diet without the expense of outside purchasing. The responsibility of satisfying food requirements fell initially upon the shoulders of Ranch Superintendent W.W. Shaw. Quickly re-named in honour of the queen, the Alexandra Ranch faced significant challenges. Its resources were essentially those acquired with the purchase of the property. There were numerous mature fruit trees, 600 beef cattle, 65 horses, 200 chickens, 18 sheep and 12 pigs. The number of cattle was found to be excessive, so many were sold off over the next few years, providing a much needed source of profit for the ranch. Within two years, a boarding house, barn and a slaughterhouse (abattoir) were constructed, the beginning of a dairy herd acquired, and the number of chickens tripled. The first superintendent of the sanatorium subscribed to the belief—then broadly shared within the medical profession—that a diet of milk and eggs was essential for recovery. Patients were told to consume as much of these foods as possible and, to encourage appetite, were ordered to rest on the verandahs of the sanatorium for several hours each day, regardless of the weather. Put to the test, however, the emphasis on eating as many eggs as possible was quickly found to be misguided. One compliant patient consumed two dozen eggs daily only to have his condition 16 BRITISH COLUMBIA HISTORY | Spring 2013 | Vol. 46 No. 1 deteriorate. It was also found that, after a few weeks of consuming only half a dozen raw eggs each day, most patients lost their appetites entirely. Following the death of King Edward VII, the sanatorium was renamed in his memory. The facility was soon boasting of food production on the ranch, featuring a photograph of blossom-laden branches in a promotional pamphlet issued in 1912.2 Profits from the operation of the ranch were also a source of pride. Although occasional outside purchases were required, their own fruits and vegetables, eggs, meats, and milk were generally sufficient for the needs of the sanatorium. Revenues from the sale of excess stock provided much needed funds for the sanatorium and for improvements required by the ranch itself. For example, an arrangement was made in 1912 to take advantage of the Canadian Northern railway's construction equipment to fill ravines and level the ground to eliminate the serious rattlesnake problem. At a board meeting in March 1913, Shaw recommended that the ranch shift further into dairying and put most horses and beef cattle up for sale. The board agreed, and prepared to seek government assistance for the acquisition of thoroughbred stock. However, Shaw would not oversee future developments. At the same board meeting, he announced his intention to retire. His successor, David Strachan, began his duties in April 1914. He was a dairyman and was pleased to direct the expansion of the dairy herd. He sent several beef cattle from the Alexandra Ranch to Colony Farm at Essondale in exchange for eight pedigreed dairy cows and a bull. The sheep and pig stocks were also improved. In 1915, Strachan planted the first alfalfa crop with such success that the acreage under alfalfa was steadily expanded, and, in good years, would later provide three or even four crops annually. One Vancouver newspaper credited Strachan with having "turned the Alexandra Ranch into a show place."3 Every year, Strachan was proud to report to the ATBS on awards for fruits and vegetables and prizes for livestock received at both the Kamloops and Vancouver exhibitions. The ranch was also proud to be able to continue s to satisfy food requirements even as the number of patients and staff grew substantially. Water for irrigation purposes was drawn from behind a dam that was built about a mile from the mouth of Tranquille Creek. There was an ample supply of water in spring and early summer, but it was inadequate in late summer and fall. With the cooperation of the adjacent Cooney ranch, Strachan and his staff built a new dam in the late summer of 1918 to create a reservoir at the headwaters of Tranquille Lake, some thirty miles (48 km) from the sanatorium. The dam was a success, but was washed away in the spring. A stronger and more durable dam was then constructed, providing the Cooney and Alexandra i\iiV° - *§f\% I?Tvy?r4 nn §,gf =m i_,Lf ViJAKiJ — ^ i li_/i 1UK1 J\Lj ^=~ y FOR THE TREATMENT OF TUBERCULOSIS TRANQUILLE KAMLOOPS BRITISH COLUMBIA ranches with all their irrigation I requirements for many years. Because of confusion I resulting from the proliferation B of institutions across the 1 country named after King Edward VII, the ATBS returned to the original name of Tranquille Sanatorium early in 1919. Although the name of the Alexandra Ranch was officially retained, increasingly it too was referred to by its former designations as the ED1CAL SUPERINTENDS C. H. VROOMAN. M. D.. C. M. 1912 King Edward Memorial Sanatorium pamphlet and image from last page. BRITISH COLUMBIA HISTORY | Spring 2013 | Vol. 46 No. 1 17 Interior of dairy barn with cows, Tranquille Sanatorium, circa 1930. Tranquille Ranch or Tranquille Farm. However it might be named, the ranch simply could not cope with the additional demands placed upon it in late 1919 when the sanatorium was expanded substantially to accommodate 102 soldiers who had returned from Europe with tuberculosis. Daily milk requirements, for example, rose from 60 gallons to 100 (272 L to 454 L). Despite considerable financial help from the federal government for the soldier- patients, ATBS calls for a provincial take-over became more desperate.4 Finally acknowledging that responsibility, the provincial government assumed all obligations of the ATBS in April 1921. One of its top priorities was to return the institution to food self-sufficiency. The ATBS had long eyed the extensive Cooney ranch adjacent to their own, but they had not the funds and the property was not for sale even after the death of owner Charles Cooney in 1917. The government approached the widow Elizabeth Cooney and secured her agreement to an arrangement to purchase in late 1922.5 Now responsible for a ranch that had effectively doubled in size, Strachan set to work re-organising and integrating the former Cooney property with the Tranquille operation. With new provincial money for construction over the next three years, he also oversaw the construction of new silos and root cellars, a dairy and horse barn, and a boarding house for ranch workers. BRITISH COLUMBIA HISTORY | Spring 2013 | Vol. 46 No. 1 Strachan's reputation was such that he was given some freedom to experiment agriculturally. He expanded the poultry farm to include the raising of turkeys and his tobacco crop of 1928 was also considered a success. By the end of the decade, Strachan had been so long in charge of the Tranquille Ranch that he was himself practically an institution. Active in local agricultural organisations, his renown extended far beyond the Thompson Valley as his dairy herd set national milk production records. Pedigreed Holsteins Alexandra Verona May and Alexandra Orne Mack were two of his most widely recognised champions.6 Nevertheless, accomplishment did not save Strachan from the purge of Liberal Party supporters launched by the new Conservative provincial government at Tranquille in 1929. He was replaced by William Jackson in a shake- up that gave the medical superintendent more direct responsibility for the management of the ranch. However, by that time administration of the property had become simpler. The sheep operation, which had long interfered with the cattle herd, had been discontinued in 1926 when the flock was plagued with poisonous weed problems. Just a year later, the poultry farm was discontinued due to health concerns. Apart from fruits and vegetables, Jackson was expected to focus upon swine, beef, and dairy cattle. He did not apparently repeat Strachan's successful attempt at growing tobacco. Jackson's preferred focus was clearly the beef herd, which he hoped to see increase to one thousand head in order to provide all the requirements of the sanatorium. The goal was soon met and exceeded. In 1933, the medical superintendent was pleased to report that not only had the sanatorium sent its first shipment of beef to Colony Farm, it also hoped to supply the Old Men's Home in Kamloops with all its beef requirements.7 He also noted that the whole ranch had a well-kept appearance "quite the opposite of that of a year or two ago." The Kamloops Sentinel newspaper agreed, reporting favourably upon Jackson's sixteen miles (26 km) of whitewashed fencing all "as straight as a string." Also applauded were the newly planted orchards, the successful introduction of bee-keeping, and the operation of a slaughterhouse that could handle 550 carcasses a year with "a complete absence of any vexatious odour."8 Despite all the improvements, the ranch continued to face the difficulty of retaining staff. Of the 19 hands employed at the ranch in 1931, none had been there longer than three years.9 This particular problem was exacerbated by petty provincial politicians. Following upon their electoral success in the election of 1933, the Pattullo Liberals soon declared Jackson to be performing inadequately and replaced him with R.I. Davis of the University of British Columbia. Like his predecessor, Davis devoted much of his time and attention to the beef herd. He was also able to pursue his related academic interests. An experimental farm had been opened by the federal Department of Agriculture in 1935 adjacent to Tranquille Ranch specifically because the laboratory at the sanatorium could provide the facilities required for research. Ranch staff cooperated with the experimental farm in efforts to improve livestock and methods of weed control. Pete Moore, then in charge of Colony Farm at Essondale, was sent to Tranquille in February 1940 to provide an assessment of a perceived decline of the swine and dairy operations. He was not impressed by the dairy herd under the stewardship of Davis. Moore attributed the decline to the inclination of the ranch manger to focus upon what he knew best: beef. He acknowledged that Davis had improved the cattle operation immensely. However, he also noted that the once great dairy herd of Holsteins and Friesians had been reduced to just 46 animals, 18 of which were dry. Because the swine would become "an absolute menace to the Sanatorium" when the heat of summer returned, he suggested the piggery be relocated. He urged an end to the arrangements with the experimental farm and argued that the beef requirements of the sanatorium could be more economically met by purchasing on the open market. Sale of the entire beef herd and a renewed concentration on dairy and swine were Moore's fundamental recommendations. Davis was highly displeased and became even more so when Moore was appointed senior supervisor of both Colony Farm and Tranquille Ranch.10 # \i \ Colony ■arm Tie first pose-built spital for lentally 11 people ned in New estminster 1878. Due >roblems of ircrowding the turn of ie century provincial ivernment chased land then-rural uitlam for onstruction Overview ospital and the cent Colony Lrm lands. ie new hospital ras named ssondale. ormation it Essondale the Colony rm refer to :rie Adolph, ie History overview," ish Columbia tory Vol. 45 a. 2 (2012): 26-36. f BRITISH COLUMBIA HISTORY | Spring 2013 | Vol. 46 No. 1 19 KAMLOOPS LAKE Tranquille Sanatorium in the 1950s. Map adapted from BCARS GR2645, Box 2 File 20. The government acted quickly on nearly all Moore's recommendations. Much to the annoyance of the federal government, the arrangement with the experimental station was unilaterally cancelled. The dairy herd was bolstered by ten cows from Colony Farm and arrangements were initiated to auction nearly 700 Hereford cattle by the end of the year. Davis voiced his objections, but was reluctant to alter his methods and priorities. His resignation was accepted by the provincial government in August 1940. To oversee the conversion to dairy production, Robert Sutton from the provincial Department of Agriculture was appointed on Moore's recommendation in November. The money raised by cattle auction was set aside for ranch improvements. A tractor and bulldozer were acquired, an indication that the days were numbered for the six teams of horses that left the barn every morning ready for work. With the renewed focus on the dairy herd, the construction of a pasteurization plant was approved in 1941. The milk requirements of the sanatorium stood at 80,000 gallons (363,688 L) annually by the early World War II years, and the new plant ensured that safety and quality standards would be sustained. A new modern dairy was constructed during the summer of 1942. Although a small beef herd remained, the conversion to a focus on dairy production was complete. However, due to ill health, Robert Sutton was unable to continue and an acting manager was appointed in the spring of 1942. Just a year later, a cannery was opened next to the new dairy barn. Well equipped with a boiler, juice extractor and juice press, a syrup vat, capper, and a retort oven, the cannery had the capacity to process up to 500 U.S. gallon 20 BRITISH COLUMBIA HISTORY | Spring 2013 | Vol. 46 No. 1 (1,892 L) cans daily. Soon it was providing canned tomatoes, Swiss chard and other vegetables, cherries, and apple juice. After a second short-lived appointment as manager proved unsatisfactory, the government followed Pete Moore's advice once more and placed David Caldow from Colony Farm in charge at Tranquille early in 1947. Caldow found the operation he inherited unsatisfactory in certain respects, complaining that not only were his workers too numerous, they gathered the hay improperly and were reluctant to learn new methods. He succeeded in having a new irrigation system installed and in convincing the government that the piggery should be located at a much greater distance from other ranch buildings. The new piggery was built in 1951 and the old one converted into a slaughterhouse. Although his relations with his labour force were not always harmonious, Caldow brought a welcome stability to the ranch that had been missing since the resignation of Davis in 1940. Caldow was transferred back to Colony Farm at the end of 1953. His successor, 32-year- old Les King, had worked at Tranquille as a ranch hand for several years before accepting a transfer to Colony Farm. Upon his return in early 1954, King noted one significant change. The teams of workhorses were gone. Only saddle horses remained as the ranch had become almost completely mechanized. Otherwise, the functioning of the ranch complex in its final years followed well established patterns. The small beef herd was increased once again, but the focus on dairy production remained. The 65 head of registered Holstein cattle needed milking three times daily, still successfully producing all the requirements of the sanatorium. The piggery and the cannery also continued to provide a substantial proportion of the institution's food needs. At least a dozen Yorkshire hogs and two cows were slaughtered by abattoir workers every week. Though much of the fruit canned at Tranquille was not produced by the small orchard there, the vegetable gardens provided more than the sanatorium required. When he accepted his appointment, Les King may have guessed he could be the last manager of "the ranch at the san." New drugs, surgical techniques and treatment procedures were combining to sharply reduce death rates from tuberculosis. The opening of additional facilities in the Lower Mainland also contributed to the realisation that, after 50 years of service, the sanatorium at Tranquille had outlived its purpose. As the institution rapidly wound down in 1957-58, so too did the agricultural operation. When the last medical staff left the property in September 1958, remaining ranch employees were retained for maintenance purposes only. A fascinating chapter in the history of what was certainly a unique ranch had come to an end.11 Epilogue In the summer of 1959, the sanatorium complex re-opened as the Tranquille School and Farm, a residential facility for individuals with mental disabilities. Agricultural work and animal husbandry were central to the programmes provided. The facility was closed amidst controversy in 1985 by the Ministry of Human Resources as a part of its philosophical decision to house patients in community surroundings rather than in institutions. In the quarter-century following the second closure, the farm buildings suffered much less than the sanatorium complex from neglect and vandalism. They were also untouched by a farcical plan to establish a multi-faceted resort at Tranquille in the 1990s. The barns have been recently restored and today are at the heart of the first phase of ambitious plans to develop the site as a residential subdivision with "urban farming" and recreational opportunities. Apparently, the history of agriculture at Tranquille is not all in the past. • Endnotes 1. For the history of the British Columbia Anti- Tuberculosis Society and the Tranquille Sanatorium, see Wayne Norton, A Whole Little City by Itself (Kamloops, 1999). 2. BC Archives, King Edward Memorial Sanatorium pamphlet (Victoria, 1912). 3. Vancouver Province, 5 June 1916. 4. Kamloops Standard-Sentinel, 7 October, 1919; Vancouver World, 8 Octoberl919; Vancouver Province, 8 October 1919. 5. The terms and conditions of that transaction remain controversial to this day. See Eric Norfolk, Cooney and His Clan (Prince George, 1979) and Ashlynn Harris, "Tranquille Developments: Past Influences, Current Realities," Small Cities Imprint, volume 2 (2010) no. 1. 6. Kamloops Sentinel, 27 October 1925 and 28 December 1928. 7. BC Archives, GR 108, box 2, file 6, Medical Superintendent to Provincial Secretary, 25 February 1933. 8. British Columbia Sessional Papers 1932, Tenth Annual Report on Tranquille; Kamloops Sentinel, 23 July 1934. 9. BC Archives, GR108, box 2, file 3. 10. BC Archives, GR 497, box 8, file 7; GR 496, box 51, file 5. 11. One of the many ideas concerning the future of the property that surfaced as the sanatorium prepared to close was a proposal to establish an agricultural college. Given the variety and success of operations at Tranquille Ranch over five decades, one cannot help but wonder if the failure to explore that option properly was a missed opportunity in the agricultural history of this province. BRITISH COLUMBIA HISTORY | Spring 2013 | Vol. 46 No. 1 21 Dorothy Britton: Home Economist by Mary Leah de Zwart and Linda Peterat Mary Leah de Zwart holds B.Sc. from the University of Alberta and an M.A. and Ph.D. from UBC. She is a sessional lecturer and retired secondary school teacher, living in Vernon. Her research interests include women's history, food history, and postcolonial study. Linda Peterat is Professor Emerita of Curriculum Studies, UBC. She holds a B.Sc, B.Ed., and Ph.D. from the University of Alberta. She has directed the home economics teacher education program and graduate programs at UBC and taught graduate courses. Retired and living in Vernon, she continues research in food history and garden based learning. Consumer acceptance of processed food, in particular fruits and vegetables of the Okanagan Valley, came from Britton's grassroots work between the food industry and the home. Dorothy Britton's story is deeply relevant to a discussion of agriculture in British Columbia. Her work on solving practical problems with food has had long-lasting effects on people's food choices and has influenced growers, processors, wholesalers and retailers. As the home economist at Agriculture Canada's Summerland Research Station between 1952 and 1980 Britton mediated between the emerging food industry and the food practices of British Columbia homes. The notice that appeared in the Summerland Review1 upon her retirement credited her with answering over 2,000 telephone inquiries a year on topics such as, "Why did the garlic pieces in my pickles turn blue?" and baking and judging over 2,000 pies. Domestic talents aside, Dorothy Britton's contribution to the promotion and industrialization of British Columbia's food supply has been understated. Dorothy Britton was born in Vernon, BC, in 1919, the only child of John Edgar Britton and his wife Edith Miskin Corrigan, who had married three years earlier in Toronto, Ontario.2 In 1928 the family moved to Summerland, BC, where J. Edgar was employed at the Summerland Research Station, working his way up to Assistant Superintendent. Dorothy attended St. Michael's School for Girls in Vernon, counterpart to the Vernon Preparatory School for Boys. In 1939 she graduated from Macdonald Institute, Guelph, Ontario, with a two-year diploma in home economics. For the next decade or so, she worked for the Vancouver Daily Province Modern Kitchen as a food technician. Under the direction of Margaret Henderson, the home economics division of The Province tested recipes and produced regular cooking columns, seasonal supplements and weekly radio broadcasts on CKWX.3 It is possible that Dorothy Britton started working at the Research Station through her father's influence. In 1940 J. Edgar Britton had called for improvements in the human relationships among growers, packers, dealers and consumers, as well as further study on product acceptability.4 At any rate, the atmosphere at the Research Station was like a family, and it was not uncommon for fathers and adult children to both work at the Research Station. Dorothy Britton's broad education in home economics included everything from chemistry to physiology to food preparation techniques enabled her to focus on what homemakers needed and wanted in processed food. She ran the Test Kitchen as part of the Fruit and Vegetable Processing Laboratory at the Station and worked as an equal with the all male staff of food technologists, bacteriologists, chemists and technicians. Female assistants such as Rita Hermiston, later Mayor of Summerland, and summer students were occasionally hired. The mandate of the Research Station was to provide service to industry.5 Crop availability, surpluses, and requests from growers and suppliers determined what projects were undertaken. Excerpts from the annual reports for the Fruit and Vegetable Processing Laboratory show the variety in Britton's research that frequently tested the viability of commercial production of popular homemade recipes. For example, in the 1957 report, mention is made of testing that Britton conducted on "cherry olives", a form of pickled cherries. Two different types of cherries were used with varied sugar and spices and the most popular formula was made available for distribution.6 Similarly she experimented with two different processes trying to simplify procedures and create a quality Green Tomato Pickle. Encouraging off-season fruit consumption was a constant goal. In an undated article Britton and co-author J.A. Kitson provided recipes for frozen fruits in apple, cherry, peach, pear, prune, rhubarb, blueberry-apple and blueberry- rhubarb crisps.7 With Kitson, she developed a process for freezing baked apples that at least for a time was adopted by Metcalfe Processing in Burnaby and marketed to institutions as a 22 BRITISH COLUMBIA HISTORY | Spring 2013 | Vol. 46 No. 1 new frozen convenience food.8 Britton also responded to industry requests such as one from the Okanagan Valley Honey Producers Association for experiments to be undertaken to produce a satisfactory mead.9 A second focus of Dorothy Britton's work was the preparation of recipes for the homemaker, perhaps as a means of encouraging homemakers to accept commercially prepared mixtures. One such project involved home processing of fruit pie fillings, a procedure that had long been problematic. Although canned ready-to-use fruit pie fillings were introduced to the Canadian market in 1946, homemakers and commercial kitchen-operators were cautious of the product that was unreliable and unstandardized. With two food technologists, C.C. Strachan and A.W. Moyls, Britton developed the commercial processes that made many different types of pie fillings available.10 She developed a home process for making Apple Butter and recipes that used Apricot Concentrate, a new commercial product.1112 She experimented with frozen uncooked jams13 and developed a process for the home production of glace cherries.14 This last development provided an interesting anecdote for the Summerland Review: it seemed that two sealers of cherries in brine had been set aside in 1932. When they were found twenty-five years later, they were turned over to Britton who found them "quite firm and in perfect condition for candying".15 Recipe books that promoted home canning were part of a marketing strategy begun when BC Tree Fruits Limited, the marketing arm of the BC Fruit Growers Association, was created in 1936. This endeavour had expanded into a cooperative effort with the Research Station by Britton's time in the 1950s. The writing of instructional manuals and recipe books showcased her persuasive writing skills. Britton's 1954 report on Home Processed Fruit Pie Fillings exhorted the satisfaction gleaned from a "fruit cupboard well stocked with luscious fruit products, such as preserved fruit, jams, jellies, and pickles".16 A number of recipe books developed by Britton were well-received by the public. Two bulletins "B.C. Fruit Preserving Guide" and "The B.C. Apple Recipe Book" were distributed by BC Tree Fruits Limited to the homemaker through retail outlets, women's groups, and home economics classes. The Test Kitchen compiled, edited, and tested 75 recipes for these two booklets.17 The 1964 publication, Recipes Using British Columbia Fruit, included over 175 tested Okanagan fruit recipes and is still a treasured recipe source in many people's collections. Cover of Recipes Using British Columbia Fruit and image of Dorothy Britton on the left with Rita Hermiston, first female mayor of Summerland. The recipe book is on the table with Rita, 1964. BRITISH COLUMBIA HISTORY | Spring 2013 | Vol. 46 No. 1 23 Variety of booklets published in partnership with the BC Fruit Growers Association, and edited by Dorothy Britton.. As a dedicated worker, Dorothy Britton was almost without equal according to some of her colleagues. She was reliable, dependable (although perennially late) and thorough. She often acted as the informal hostess for the Research Station for Ted Atkinson, the Research Director and a close friend of her father's.18 One time she participated in the making of a Ritz cracker pie that tasted exactly like apples and fooled her taste panel.19 In her retirement, Dorothy Britton volunteered for St. Stephen's Anglican Church in Summerland and was a frequent judge of home baking at fall fairs throughout the Okanagan Valley. She had made some wise financial investments along the way, and in her will left a reported $1.2 million to her alma mater.20 Every year University of Guelph doctoral, master's and undergraduate students in home economics (now known by several other names) continue to benefit from her largesse. By focusing on interpreting what homemakers needed and wanted, Britton's research led directly to consumer acceptance of processed food, in particular fruits and vegetables of the Okanagan Valley. She authored pamphlets and booklets aimed at BC households that promoted the preservation and use of BC fruits, developing one of the earliest, most concentrated forms of marketing in BC food history. While the tree fruit industry in British Columbia has different issues today than in Dorothy Britton's time, it is clear that Britton's practical problem solving skills were a boon to the industry.* 24 BRITISH COLUMBIA HISTORY | Spring 2013 | Vol. 46 No. 1 Endnotes 1. "Home economist retires", SummerlandReview,30 January, 1980. Pacific Agri-Research Library Collections Summerland, BC [PARLC]. 2. Record for John Edgar Britton and Edith Miskin Corrigan, Ancestry.com and Genealogical Research Library (Brampton, Ontario, Canada). Ontario, Canada, Marriages, 1801-1928 [database on-line]. Provo, UT, USA: Ancestry, com Operations, Inc., 2010. Her obituary in the Summerland Review, December 15,1988 supplied biographical information. 3. "Time proven recipes: Modern Kitchen spring supplement", The Vancouver Daily Province, 24 April, 1951. p.2. 4. "Growers going scientific: Technique behind B.C. production of fruit", Vancouver Sun, 10 January, 1940. 5. J.A. Kitson, "Golden anniversary for food processing research", 1979 Progress Edition, Supplement of the Penticton Herald, p. 24. Pacific Agri-Research Library Collections [PARLC], 6. D. Britton, "Cherry Olives", Annual Report, 1957. PARLC. 7. D. Britton and J. A. Kitson, "A new line of frozen desserts for 'Offseason' pack", n.d., PARLC. 8. J. A. Kitson & D. Britton, "Frozen baking apples", Canner/ Packer, 1 September, 1957. PARLC. Collections. 9. F.E. Atkinson and D. Britton, "Mead", Summary report of research 1961. PARLC. 10. T.H. Anstey, "One Hundred Harvests: Research Branch Agriculture Canada 1886-1986", Historical Series No. 27. PARLC. 11. Apple butter is a jam-like spread made by cooking apple sauce for a long time until it caramelizes and turns a dark brown. It has a longer shelf life than apple sauce. 12. D. Britton, "AnnualReport", 1958. PARLC. 13. D. Britton, "AnnualReport", 1963. PARLC. 14. D. Britton, "AnnualReport", 1958. PARLC. 15. "Brined cherries keep a long, long, long, time". Summerland Review, 15 Jan. 1958. Summerland Museum and Archives [SMA]. 16. D. Britton, "Home Processed Fruit Pie Fillings", 1954, PARLC. 17. D. Britton, "BC fruit preserving guide", (Kelowna, BC: B.C. Tree Fruits, Ltd., 1957,1958). 18. "D. Britton passes suddenly", 15 December, 1988. Summerland Review. SMA. 19. S. MacGregor, telephone interview, 27 September, 2012. 20. A.L. Moyls, interview, 20 September, 2012. # % IL« issue of 'ritish Columbia History History Lives Here Kilby Historical Site tells the story of Harrison Mills during its heyday and decline (1906-1972) through the lives of the Kilby family who later donated their assets to BC in perpetuity as a living museum and a provincial park. by Julie Ferguson Left: Jessie and Acton Kilby, image courtesy: Kilby Historical Site First Directory, Edward Mallandaine: 1860 The first directory of Victoria provides a fascinating snapshot of pioneer Victoria while it was still in its early days. by Nick Russell The Life of Thomas Francis Hurley Thomas Hurley has been overshadowed in history by his wife, Maise Hurley, but his dedication to law deserves its own place in BC's stories. by Janet Mary Nicol % J BRITISH COLUMBIA HISTORY | Spring 2013 | Vol. 46 No. 1 25 The Stanley Park Brewery by Bill Wilson The Stanley Park Brewery has achieved a near-mythical status among those interested in Vancouver history but left many unanswered questions for brewery historians. Bill Wilson is a real estate appraiser in Nanaimo, and is the author of Beer Barons of B. C. and co-author of Pioneer Soda Water Companies of B. C. His family came to Vancouver in 1889, and his greatgrandfather (of the same name) helped to construct the first Lumberman's Arch in Stanley Park. Former city Archivist J.S. Matthews certainly recognized its significance when, on July 24, 1944, he took the time to interview John Benson, the last person to operate the brewery. Benson's interview provided some key answers, but questions still remained about this intriguing and iconic Vancouver business. Then in the summer of 1993, a few more tantalizing tidbits emerged in an article by Rosamond Greer in the British Columbia Historical News.1 Unfortunately, the details were again left out — the article actually created more questions than answers. Brewery historians still wondered about some of the basic questions regarding the company. Was the brewery actually in the park? What was the Royal Brewing Company's involvement? Who actually brewed the beer? Was ginger beer actually made at the brewery? When did the company cease business? What exactly happened to the brewery and when? These questions still had no answer. In 2009, the brand was unexpectedly resurrected by the Turning Point Brewing Company, an innovative firm located beside the Fraser River in Delta. They created a new beer, 1897 Amber, a Belgian-themed brew. The beer is sustainably brewed, meaning that a huge wind turbine on the brewery site provides power to the brewery. The famous Stanley Park Brewery photograph, seen in so many histories of Vancouver, is featured on the label. The beer has sold well around the province, a tribute to the enduring appeal of the Stanley Park Brewery and to the new brew. Turning Point's label for their new brand has a superb design and overall appeal, but also a couple of errors. It states that the brewery was "established in 1897 by Belgian brew master Frank Foubert..." Unfortunately, Frank Foubert was never a brew master and he certainly wasn't Belgian. It all began on October 11, 1888, when a vacant piece of land that would become the site of the brewery sold for a then-substantial $1,000.2 The seller was James. G. Smith and the purchaser was Jessie Simson MacKay, wife and cousin to George Grant (GG.) MacKay, a Scottish civil engineer and park commissioner for Vancouver. There were actually three small lots, triangular in shape, containing just one- third of an acre in all.3 The prime waterfront location facing Stanley Park, and the fact that Lord Stanley had officially opened the park only two weeks before the sale, added up to a premium price for the empty lot, despite the small size.4 By early the next year, G.G. MacKay had built a two-storey house overlooking the park, shown in the now famous photograph of it taken in 1889. His son-in-law, A.P. Home, said in an interview many years later that MacKay had planned to rent or sell the property.5 MacKay passed away on January 1st, 1893 at the age of 67. His son Harry, who had joined his father in the real estate business in Vancouver, carried on, but he soon developed kidney disease. Harry died just three years later at the age of 25. After that, the two-storey home at Stanley Park fell back into the hands of the mortgage-holder, the Law Union and Crown Fire & Life Insurance Company of London, England.6 It was at this point that Francis (Frank) Foubert entered the story of the Stanley Park Brewery. On June 9, 1896, he purchased G.G. MacKay's property from the mortgage holders for just $2,000 approximately $47,800 in today's money,7 and began converting the seven year old home into a brewery. When Foubert bought the house in June 1896 and began the conversion to the Stanley Park Brewery, he had no known background in making beer. He was an experienced contractor and hotel operator, but he was no brewer. Fortunately for Foubert, an English brew master named John Dyke came to Vancouver 26 BRITISH COLUMBIA HISTORY | Spring 2013 | Vol. 46 No. 1 right at that time looking for work as a brewer. Dyke had been unable to find work at his trade when he first came to Canada, so he had tried farming instead, first in Manitoba and then in Pitt Meadows, but with little success.8 He arrived in Vancouver just when Foubert needed him. By 1897 Charles Doering and the other German brewers in British Columbia largely controlled the British Columbia hotel and saloon trade with their lager beer and the demand for ale brewers like John Dyke was in general decline. Foubert either planned an ale brewery from the start or he opened that type of brewery because of because of John Dyke's past training and experience. At any rate, John Dyke became an integral part of the brewery operations for the next seven years, working under three different owners of the Stanley Park Brewery. As the brewery conversion took place, there was a key civic improvement which greatly improved the chances of success for the fledgling brewery.9 In 1897 a streetcar line was built down West Georgia Street, right to the entrance of Stanley Park, providing easy access to the park for Vancouver residents. This new line dropped off potential customers almost at the brewery's front door. No doubt Foubert was counting on this new traffic as he prepared to open the brewery. This famous photo shows MacKay's home shortly after it was completed in 1889. The raw forest background is a startling contrast to the dense development there today. BRITISH COLUMBIA HISTORY | Spring 2013 | Vol. 46 No. 1 27 Foubert was born in Lancaster, Cornwall County, Ontario on February 13,1852, of French descent.' He madi his way west during the construction of the C.P.R., obtaining a number of subcontracts as a clearing contractor for the railway, and arrived in Vancouver in 1888. The year of his arrival, Foubert was 36 years old and in his prime — in 1889 he took over the Charles Hotel in downtown Vancouver. Foubert remained a hotel-keeper for most of the 1890's. After the Charles Hotel, he operated the Arlington Hotel at 506 West Pender from 1890 to 1893, then in partnership with the Marquis of Queensbury, built the Clarence Hotel at the southwest corner of Pender and Seymour by the end of 1894. That same year Foubert also worked as a butcher at 118 Hastings Street, perhaps to generate some income while awaiting the completion of his new hotel. Frank Foubert was a busy man, in fact too busy to participate in the 1891 national census. The enumerator, T.L. h Wilson, tried several times to persuade him to comply with the law but failed, so on April 21,1891, Foubert was brought into court over the matter."13 Defendant Foubert readily admitted his refusal but justified his position, saying to the judge that: "he had no time to be bothered answering so many questions and did not see why they were asked." I The judge took a dim view of the case, advising Foubert that: "it was the duty of every man to answer the questions put to him, and that he must do it promptly." The judge then summed up the importance of answering the questions, noting that it was the will of Parliament, and not too much to ask since (at that time) the census was conducted but once every decade. He fined Foubert the sum of $10 and commented further that: "..it was the first case of the kind that had come before him, and he hoped it was the last." Before he left, Foubert was warned that: "Any further infractions of the kind would receive the full penalty of the law." As a self-described busy man, it must be asked how much time Foubert actually lost by his refusal and subsequent appearance before the magistrate. That his case was also widely reported in the local papers could only have added salt to the wound. Ten years later, Foubert had learned his lesson and participated in the 1901 census, reporting a substantial salary at $2,000 per annum. i Vancouver Province July 22,1903 pg. 6; also Foubert's 1889 marriage certificate; BC Archives # 1889-09-114464 File # B-11381. ii Williams &Henderson British Columbia and City of Vancouver Directories 1888-1894; also Vancouver Province July 22,1903 pg. 6; also an article "Frank Foubert A Business History" on Frank Foubert in the August 1986 issue of the Fraser Valley Antiques and Collectible Club newsletter by Geoff Jacob. ^ Goad's 1901 City of Vancouver Insurance map clearly shows how Foubert converted the 2Vi storey home. The second floor was used as a bottling room, while the basement was used for general storage and hop storage purposes, leaving the main floor for brewing. There was also a small outbuilding down by the shoreline. An insurance map at the City of Vancouver Archives suggests that the Stanley Park ginger beer bottles were likely not bottled at the brewery — the land was only 1/3 of an acre, and there was no separate building for making soda pop. Other small breweries like the Fairall Brothers in Victoria had to build a separate building to house the specialized machinery used for that purpose. The map indicates that the converted dwelling was fully utilized for the brewery operations, and certainly there was no extra room for bottling soft drinks. John Dyke's background was not in soft drinks, and no soft drink manufacturer is known to have worked for the brewery. These facts add up to the most probable conclusion — the ginger beer was made somewhere else. During the 1988 dig by antique bottle collectors at the Meikle Brothers bottling plant 28 BRITISH COLUMBIA HISTORY | Spring 2013 | Vol. 46 No. 1 site on Gore Avenue in downtown Vancouver, literally hundreds of complete and broken Stanley Park Brewery bottles were found.10 Before that time, only a dozen or so examples had been found despite years of exhaustive effort by dozens of serious collectors around the province. The Meikle Brothers only bottled soft drinks, and they operated at the same time (1899 to 1908) that the Stanley Park Brewery was open. The most likely conclusion is that a business relationship existed between the two firms, with the Meikle Brothers bottling the Stanley Park Brewery's ginger beer sometime between 1899 and 1908. Foubert's brewery was modestly successful compared to competitors like Charles Doering and John Williams. Although Foubert lacked their considerable advertising budgets, he did advertise in Rowland E. Green's 1899-1900 Vancouver City Directory. That same year, 1899, he also left the hotel business, selling his interest in the Clarence Hotel to J. W. Seaton." With more time to devote to the brewery, Foubert attempted to expand his business. He went to Vancouver Island to see if he could sell his product there. The March 27, 1901 edition of the Victoria British Colonist reported that: "F. Foubert of the Stanley Park Brewery, Vancouver, arrived on the Charmer last evening and is registered at the Dominion Hotel." The next day the paper reported: "F. Foubert, of the Stanley Park Brewery, Vancouver, who has been in the city introducing his now famous English ales and stout, returned to the Terminal City by this morning's Charmer. His trip was quite a successful one." Foubert followed up this brief mention in the paper with an ad that ran from March 31 to May 22,1901 for English Ales and Stout. He claimed that The Stanley Park brand was the equal of any Bass's Ale or Guinness' Stout, and it was fully guaranteed to be brewed from pure malt and hops. It further stated that they were available on draught or bottle at Steele's Saloon & Lunch Rooms at Bastion Square. In the April 19, 1901 edition, Foubert repeated his claim that his ale and stout matched that of Bass and Guinness, there was a further offer: "....it can be obtained at reasonable rates shipped to any part of the province, either in quart or pint Stanley Park Brewery Brewers of ENGLISH ALES & STOUT K<)mil to any rtasn' Ale or Guinea*' Btout. Guaranteed to b<? brewed from pure malt and bops. On draught anil bottle at. Steele's Salooni'Liincli Rooms [lasfion ^wire, Victoria, I). C. Family order* delivered to any addroaa. Adiln^s nil orders STANLEY PARK BREWERY, 1*. (>. Itox 'SM, Vancouver, It. C. V. FOUBERT, l'ropr. Ad from March 31, 1901 Victoria Daily Colonist, page 2. bottles or on draught, by addressing J. Joubert [sic], Stanley Park Brewery, Vancouver, B.C." This is the only known reference to the Stanley Park Brewery bottling beer in both quarts and pints. To date, no pint bottles have been found, and only one labelled quart has turned up. Frank Foubert had turned his vision of a brewery beside Stanley Park into a reality, but it would be short-lived. Between 1901 and 1902, after operating the brewery about four years, he leased it to F.E. (Frank) Hose and T. Allen, Vancouver wine and liquor dealers. Frank Hose was one of the founders of the Gold Seal Liquor Company, a business that gave him an ample cash flow to operate the Stanley Park Brewery.12 Still, he was a questionable choice to lease Foubert's brewery, as one of his Gold Seal partners was John Williams, also of the Vancouver Breweries, who were in direct competition with the Stanley Park Brewery. In fact, Gold Seal sold "Jack O' Hearts" beer made by the Vancouver Breweries, so there was no reason for Gold Seal to promote a competing brand like the Stanley Park Brewery's India Pale Ale. Hose and Allen temporarily took charge of the brewery, but by 1902 both the business BRITISH COLUMBIA HISTORY | Spring 2013 | Vol. 46 No. 1 29 *°YAl BREWING GO Vancouver* Stanley Park Brewery beer label. The bottle was reportedly found in a hotel in Cumberland, and is the only known complete example of this label. and the property were available for sale. John Dyke stayed on under the new ownership group and kept the beer flowing, but he fell out with Frank Hose, and in May 1903, Hose had a writ issued against Dyke in the amount of $210.13 This was not a small sum at the time — it was equivalent to several months' wages. There is no known record as to the outcome of the suit except that Dyke disputed it. With the Stanley Park Brewery available for sale by late 1901, two separate companies quickly incorporated in early 1902, each hoping to take the prize. The first was the "Royal Brewing Company Limited" that included a group of Vancouver businessmen: John Benson, E. Fenwick Smith, William Ritchie Robertson, Francis M. (Frank) Robertson and William B. McKinnon. Benson, McKinnon and Smith all described themselves as "Gentleman" on the incorporation documents.14 The Robertsons owned "Robertson Bros. Financial and Insurance Brokers". Fenwick Smith worked as a solicitor for this same firm. The Royal Brewing Company Ltd. was incorporated with a capital stock of $25,000 in $25.00 shares on January 6,1902. Seven weeks later, a rival group incorporated, calling their firm the "The Stanley Park Brewery Limited".15 It was registered on February 24, 1902 with $50,000 in capital stock in $100 shares. The most notable shareholder of that group was none other than John Dyke, head brewer for Foubert and Frank Hose. Other shareholders included Assistant City Treasurer Harold Martin Henderson, Broker R. L. (Leigh) Spencer, Machinist Thomas W. Spencer, and Albion Iron Works Engineer J. Bowden. The two groups sought control of the Stanley Park Brewery, each planning to purchase the business and the property, but there could only be one winner. Both incorporation documents stated that the object of the company was to purchase the brewery property along with carrying "on the business of brewers and maltsters". In the end, instead of selling the property and the business, Foubert leased the brewery to the Royal Brewing Company Ltd. In the July 24, 1944 interview with city Archivist J.S. Matthews, Benson noted that their company had started out elsewhere: Our first brewery business was started out at what was the Cedar Cottage; ...the old Cedar Cottage up on what was then Westminster Road, now Kingsway. We bought the building from George Raywood and started a brewery. We got our water from a well; we had a pump and a tower, and we had to do our pumping by hand. We brewed for about a year ... then we were offered the Stanley Park location and we moved down there. 30 BRITISH COLUMBIA HISTORY | Spring 2013 | Vol. 46 No. 1 The Royal Brewing Company Ltd. had succeeded, and Dyke's group had failed, but for John Dyke, there was still hope. The new group installed John Benson as the new manager of the business, but Dyke's brewing skills were still needed, so he kept his job. On July 7,1903, Frank Foubert died at only 50 years old. The July 22,1903 Vancouver Province noted that he had been: "ailing for some time, and had been confined to his house for several weeks. The end, though expected, came rather suddenly..." The paper also noted that Foubert had just completed a new home at 1544 Barclay Street, and: "Mr. Foubert had recently leased the brewery to others, and with Mr. J.C. Conlin entered into business as a wholesale merchant at the corner of Pender & Howe streets." This final and short-lived business was called F. Foubert & Co., Wholesale Wine & Spirit Merchants at 751 West Pender. When Foubert died, the Royal Brewing Company was in the process of closing down the Cedar Cottage Brewery and moving down to their new Stanley Park location.16 In the July 24, 1944 interview with city Archivist J.S. Matthews, Benson noted that: FrankFoubert died, and we, the Stanley Park Brewery, leased the property from Mrs. Foubert. By we, I mean, the Royal Brewing Company, which was an incorporated company. Of us, there were Frank Robertson, and Fenwick Smith, and myself. We got our water from the city water pipes. Recalling these events almost forty years later, he omitted the other two partners, although it's possible that Benson recalled only the most active partners. As manager and secretary of the company, John Benson may have resided at the brewery, as he had no other known address in the directories until he moved back to live at the Royal Brewing Company's old Cedar Cottage Brewery in 1907." Benson had one other memory to share with Matthews about the period that his group owned the Stanley Park Brewery: It used to be amusing. People used to take a long walk around Stanley Park, and then call at our place to quench their thirst. And then, the Royal Navy, the jack tars, they used to have sports at the Brockton Point Grounds, and the sailors — when the visiting warships were in port — would come over from the Point and — and droves of them — have a beer or a ginger ale. On September 6, 1941, J.S. Matthews also spoke with the Vancouver Parks Board Chairman R. Rowe Holland who had his own story about the Stanley Park Brewery: Louis Wicker appeared at the Royal Vancouver Yacht Club around 1904 or 1905, as a sailorman who knew knots and splices...he was employed by various yachtsmen. During the summer months he would sail the yachts and during the winter months he acted as caretaker of the old Stanley Park Brewery, and on his own say so came out with Joe Fortes on the same ship, namely the Robert Ker. In 1905, 1906, and 1907, he was employed by RW. Holland and W.S. Holland on their yacht Pastime, and during the summer months each year would take the boys of the two families and their friends, away on a sailing cruise. In the evenings Louis would go to the keg filled with beer which he always took with him, and which he obtained from the single vat that on his say so had been left in the old brewery, and which constituted his purse, plus a small wage as caretaker. He would fill a can up and put the beer on the shipmate's stove, and after trucking in his young charges, would proceed by heating beer, to fill the cabin with the fragrant fumes of alcohol, lulling them into deep slumber. He would then sit and drink can after can of this nectar. He was always up bright and early in the morning to see that his charges had, with him, a swim in the cool waters of Howe Sound... He was a barrel chested, red-faced, pointed bearded fine type of Cockney sailor, who endeared himself to everyone he met. BRITISH COLUMBIA HISTORY | Spring 2013 | Vol. 46 No. 1 31 In 1906 there was a sad episode in the Stanley Park Brewery story. The August 8, 1906 British Colonist reported Walter Travis, a travelling salesman for the Stanley Park Brewery had gone missing. Friends of Travis had become concerned for him after several days with no contact. The provincial police had been contacted to search for him: Mr. Travis is the representative of the Stanley Park Brewing company and went from Vancouver to Nanaimo on a business trip on June 25th. He arrived safely in Nanaimo and transacted some business for his company, which supplies beer to Nanaimo houses. Later he was seen at Duncans [sic], but all trace of him has been lost after he was seen on July 5th... A week later Travis was found, having hung himself in his room at the Quamichan Hotel, Duncan, where he had been staying since his business in Nanaimo. Travis was just 55. When Frank Foubert died in 1903, he left his wife Charlotte, as she now called herself, a healthy estate. She was financially solvent enough to keep her new home at 1544 Barclay Street for many years after his death. Even when she re-married farmer Thomas Simpson in 1911, he moved into her home.18 The brewery property generated lease payments to Charlotte from Benson's group, but this came to an end in 1908. At that time another notable character entered the story of the Stanley Park Brewery. He was a rising businessman whose family would eventually put a permanent stamp on British Columbia history, Jacob ("Jake") Grauer. Jake Grauer arrived in Vancouver in 1886 and opened a butcher shop on Cordova Street called the City Market.19 It was a success, and was later followed by two others, one in Richmond and another in Steveston. In 1892 he purchased three hundred acres on Sea Island near Eburne. The land was heavily timbered and had to be cleared by hand, but with hard work, Grauer eventually built the 480 acre "Frasea Farms", famous for the family's Jersey and Holstein herds. In 1900, he also purchased a 640 acre farm near Boundary Bay which he used for raising sheep. In early 1908, Charlotte Foubert turned to Jake Grauer to assist her in the sale of the Stanley Park Brewery. For Grauer, it was a great opportunity — the brewery was about to be purchased by the City of Vancouver. City Council minutes of March 23,1908 reported: Recommended to Council for acceptance the following report of the sub-committee: 1st that the following properties, bordering on Coal Harbour be purchased at once: A number of the property owners had already agreed to sell, including Sir Charles Hibbert Tupper, who sold his house on two city lots for approximately $7,000. The second item on council's agenda that day was: 2nd Recommend that the city offer, without prejudice, J. Grauer, the sum of $20,000 for his property on Coal Harbour, being lots 14 to 16, Block 65, D.L. 185. Unlike the other owners, the city had been unable to convince Grauer to sell, even though it was by far the most expensive parcel among the other waterfront properties that the city wanted. Jake Grauer was holding out for more money. Although it was Grauer who negotiated with the city, in fact Charlotte still owned the brewery. A month later, after all the negotiations were concluded, Charlotte sold the property to Grauer on April 22, 1908 for $16,000; Grauer then re-sold it to the city the next day for $23,000, a tidy profit for the sharp businessman.20 The city's purchase of the Stanley Park Brewery in 1908 did not immediately shut down the brewery, as it was listed as being in business until 1909 in the Vancouver city directory. For John Dyke, he was last named in the directory as a brewer for the Stanley Park Brewery in 1904, but remained a brewer until 1912 while living at his home at 1822 Comox in the West End. John Benson claimed that he was a brewer on his marriage certificate in 1909, so it is possible that he took over Dyke's duties after 1904. For some reason, Benson's "Royal Brewing Company Limited" and John Dyke's "The Stanley Park Brewery Ltd." both kept 32 BRITISH COLUMBIA HISTORY | Spring 2013 | Vol. 46 No. 1 filing annual shareholder reports to the Registrar of Companies until 1909. It could have been to retain the rights to both names, as it is believed that Dyke's company merged with the Royal Brewing Company when he failed to gain control of the property in 1903. After November 1909, no further annual reports were filed by the directors of either firm. Both companies were struck from the register by the Registrar on August 25, 1912, after the standard period of two years had elapsed without an annual report. John Dyke had a long and full life, passing away May 11, 1933 at the age of 88 years. His obituary in the Vancouver Sun two days later noted his association with the brewery. John Benson also lived a long and eventful life. He had already returned to live at the old Cedar Cottage Brewery in 1907, where he resided for more than 40 years, and after the Stanley Park Brewery closed in 1909, the next year he went to work for H.H. Abbott & Co., manufacturer's agents for coal & coke as well as wholesale liquors. He spent his last 10 years working (until 1932) as a caretaker at the Jericho Country Club (defunct by the time of his death). He died on September 8, 1956, also at the age of 88. Widow Charlotte Foubert remarried Lulu Island farmer Thomas Simpson in Vancouver on June 21, 1911 at the age of 42; Simpson was 50 years old. Charlotte passed away in Vancouver on July 8,1942 at the age of 72. So ended the lives of the main characters of the Stanley Park Brewery. The city owned the brewery site at the foot of Chilco Street, and gave it no further thought for the next 77 years. Lost Lagoon was created, the famous fountain was built during the Depression, and Stanley Park itself matured into a world- famous attraction. The old brewery site faded into history until 1985. At the regular meeting of Vancouver City Council on October 29, 1985, there was a bit of mundane business to attend to. This council was comprised two future premiers of the province in Mike Harcourt and Gordon Campbell; alderman Harry Rankin, anti- poverty advocates like Bruce Eriksen, Bruce Yorke and future MP Libby Davies, as well as a number of long-serving and highly regarded politicians like George Puil, May Brown, Bill Yee, and Don Bellamy. The mundane business at hand was to close a city-owned road and consolidate it with 14 other lots to make one new parcel of 1.63 acres. However, when Alderman Campbell put forward a motion, seconded by Alderman Bellamy, he was actually correcting an oversight that should have been corrected 77 years earlier. By approving Alderman Campbell's motion, closing the road and creating the park, council had actually just completed the last addition to Stanley Park. All 14 parcels had been owned by the city since the 1908 council meeting but they were never actually added to Stanley Park. For 77 years, it was assumed that this land was already was part of the park. Among the 14 parcels were the two lots owned by Sir C.H. Tupper; and of course, the three lots that had once comprised the Stanley Park Brewery site. This would have closed the final chapter in the story of the Stanley Park Brewery, but when the Turning Point Brewery created their 2897 Amber Ale in 2009, a Vancouver icon was brought back to life. • Endnotes 1. Rosamond Greer, "Stanley Park," British Columbia Historical News, Volume 26, No 3. (Summer 1993): 19. 2. Land Titles Office search on July 18, 2006. Historical Land Title Search of all real estate transactions of the brewery site 1888-1985, commissioned by the author. Search completed by Terry Tawse of Dye & Durham Ltd. 3. Calculated by the author using a BC Assessment digitizer slate on Plan 20640, New Westminster District, also on Plan 17885 X, the road closure plan at the foot of Robson Street. 4. Alan Morley. Vancouver, from Milltown to Metropolis (Vancouver: Mitchell Press, 1961) 104. 5. City of Vancouver Archives (CVA) Stanley Park Brewery & Royal Brewing Co fonds. 6. Land Titles Office search on July 18, 2006. Select Bibliography Mike Hocevar, Historian and Collector, of North Vancouver; Annie Goodwyne, Records and Research Clerk at the City of Vancouver; Terry Tawse at Pacific Coast Total Solutions Inc (merged with Dye & Durham as at May 2011) - Land Titles Search of the Stanley Park Brewery Site, from 1888-1985. BRITISH COLUMBIA HISTORY | Spring 2013 | Vol. 46 No. 1 33 7. First source: Land Titles Office search on July 18, 2006.Conversion to current dollars is a rough calculation. Second source: It took one Canadian dollar to buy United States dollar in 1913. Source: Lawrence H. Officer, "Exchange Rates Between the United States Dollar and Forty-one Currencies", MeasuringWorth, 2009. URL: http://www.measuringworth. org/exchangeglobal/. (accessed November 22, 2012). In 2010, the relative value of $1.00 from 1896 ranges from $23.90 to $938.00. Third source: Lawrence H. Officer and Samuel H. Williamson, "Purchasing Power of Money in the United States from 1774 to Present," MeasuringWorth, 2011. URL http://www.measuringworth. com/ppowerus/ (accessed November 22, 2012). 8. Rosamond Greer, "Stanley Park," British Columbia Historical News, Volume 26, No 3. (Summer 1993): 19. 9. Robert A.J. Macdonald, "Stanley Park: Vancouver's Forest Playground", British Columbia Historical News Summer 1982, Volume 15, No 4: 6-8). 10. This was an excavation by antique bottle diggers who had been waiting to excavate the site for twenty years. In 1988 an old gas station on the property was finally abandoned. While the vacant building underwent a conversion in late October 1988 for use as a movie prop for the movie Bird on a Wire, the site was excavated thoroughly, and the Stanley Park Brewery ginger beer bottles were among the hundreds of bottles found at that time. 11. Geoff Jacob, on Frank Foubert in the August 1986 issue of the Fraser Valley Antiques and Collectible Club newsletter. 12. BC Archives (BCA) - Gold Seal Liquor Co. Ltd. Corporate records file # QE0000713: 4,16. 13. The Mercantile and Legal Record for British Columbia" by R.G. Dun; May 30,1903; Vol VII, No 21. "Writs Issued - Vancouver; F.E. Hose Liquors vs J. Dyke"; rare credit report obtained from author from collection of Bill Bokstrom. 14. BC Archives (BCA) - Royal Brewing Co. Ltd. Corporate records file # QE0000745, many pages. 15. BC Archives (BCA) - The Stanley Park Brewery Ltd. Corporate records file # QE0000760, many pages. 16. Mount Pleasant Early Days; Memories of Reuben Hamilton Pioneer 1890 City Archives (1957); pg. 19... with reference to a story dated August 7,1944 referring to John Benson who was still living in the former Cedar Cottage Brewery building: "says that the brewery was discontinued when it was moved to the foot of Georgia St., Coal Harbour, now Lost Lagoon, and known as the "Stanley Park Brewery". " 17. Henderson's 1907. City of Vancouver Directory pg. 311 for John Benson. 18. 1911 marriage certificate; BC Archives # 1911-09-066362 File it B-11376; also 1913 Henderson City of Vancouver Directory pg. 1286: Thomas Simpson, Farmer, residing at 1544 Barclay. 19. Bruce Ramsay, A History of the German Canadians in British Columbia, (National Publishersl958) 42-43; also City of Vancouver Archives Jacob Grauer fonds. 20. Land Titles Office search on July 18, 2006. Brewer/ Vancouver. Stanley Park beer was made and bottled in Vancouver, but the special ginger beer bottles were made in England. Where the ginger beer was made is still a question though it most likely was not made onsite at the Stanley Park Brewery. 34 BRITISH COLUMBIA HISTORY | Spring 2013 | Vol. 46 No. 1 Behind the Scenes at James Inglis Reid Limited by M. Anne Wyness The delicious, smoky smell created by the curing and smoking element of the food production at James Inglis Reid Ltd. is remembered by many who shopped there. After arriving in Halifax in April 1906, James Inglis Reid boarded a colonist car on a CPR train and stepped off in Vancouver to seek his fortune. In his pocket was a letter of introduction written by the Lord Provost of Glasgow. Mr. Reid found work at H. A. Edgett & Co., Grocers at 153 West Hastings Street. In 1908, he opened his own grocery business at 938 Westminster Avenue (now Main Street). He moved the business to Harris Street (now Georgia Street) in 1912 and in 1913, listed his business in the city directory as James Reid, ham curer.1 Previously he had listed his business as either grocer or meats.23 Foreseeing that Granville Street would offer him greater opportunities, he moved the business to rented premises at 559 Granville in 1915. By 1922, he had completed the purchase of the property. James Inglis Reid Limited became known for high quality products with a Scottish flavour until it closed in 1986. To the many customers, from Vancouver and elsewhere, the retail aspect of the business was familiar. However, the less obvious production aspect of the business was essential to its success. The outside canopy proclaiming we hae meat that ye can eat, the words value always on the door step, the marble counters, the sawdust on the floor, "The meaty, smoky redolence..." all became hallmarks.4 A diverse choice of products was offered for the discerning. They included fresh meats, cured hams and bacons, haggis, fresh sausages, black and white puddings, bran scones, oatcakes, and meat pies. Over the years, as the processing, packaging, and marketing of food products changed, elements of the production process took on an historic character. At the time Mr. Reid established his business, pickling or curing of meats was an integral part of the retail meat trade carried out mainly in small independent shops. Refrigeration systems, to keep fresh meat and other products at an acceptable temperature and prevent spoiling, were limited except for the use of ice. Douglas, an inter-war period meat trade specialist, stated that, for a satisfactory retail meat business, premises with a shop in front, a workroom behind, and a properly fitted cellar were desirable.5 He advised that anyone carrying on a retail meat business should first of all ensure that the cellar accommodation for the curing of meats of different kinds was sufficient for their requirements. The extent of the production areas in the Main Street and Harris Street stores is unknown. In the space Mr. Reid initially rented at 559 Granville Street the cellar area was used for making fresh sausages and possibly for curing and smoking operations.6 After purchasing the building, Mr. Reid undertook a major renovation to suit both the retail and production elements of his expanding business. When it was completed, three key production areas were established: the back shop, with delivery access from the lane, for butchering sides of beef and hogs and for preparing other fresh meats and poultry; the cellar with a small work area, two large coolers for curing operations, a smokehouse, and refrigeration equipment; and the third floor with a bake shop and a kitchen, known as the sausage kitchen, for making sausages, haggis, and other products.78 An elevator facilitated efficient production operations. The curing and smoking processes were carried out year round. A wet or liquid curing method was used. The pickle or brine solution was prepared in oak barrels stored in the cooler at 38°F (3.3°C).9 Classic curing ingredients were used including salt, sodium nitrite, sugar and water.10 The specific curing recipe was a business secret known only to family members who worked at the store. William Reid, Mr. Reid's nephew, was responsible for the cellar operations for many years. He mixed the dry cure ingredients in the second floor office using a scale behind a screen for privacy. The recipe was adjusted from time-to-time as practices M. Anne Wyness is a retired nursing professor. She enjoys examining, documenting and sharing the history of her family's business in the context of Vancouver past and present. James Inglis Reid Limited, established by her grandfather, was managed from 1945 to 1986 by her father, Gordon Young Wyness. BRITISH COLUMBIA HISTORY | Spring 2013 | Vol. 46 No. 1 35 Interior of the James Inglis Reid store about 1919, prior to the 1922 renovations. It shows various bacons and hams ready for sale. Mr. Reid is standing in the centre of the open area at the back. The sign "You may go further and fare worse" was a feature in the shop until the store closed. changed; for example, to reduce the use of nitrates and salt. Each cured product was handled differently and the following are two examples. Fifty hams were put in an 80 gallon (364 L) barrel and held for one week in a strong pickle and 2 weeks in a weaker pickle. Different barrels were used for pork hams and for beef hams. Various types of bacon were cured including side bacon, back bacon and Ayrshire bacon. Back and side bacon were prepared from pork middles, also called Wiltshires.11 Twenty-four middles or Wiltshires were put in one barrel and a weaker pickle was used over a shorter period of time than for the hams. Small tags were placed on each barrel and a complex method of recording the pickle strength was used.12 After each use, the barrels were washed; this necessary work took time and energy. Once the product had been cured, it was prepared for smoking. The exception was the Ayrshire bacon which was not smoked. A wooden pounder was used to shape the hams, cottage rolls, and pork middles after they had been taken out of the pickle and soaked in water for an hour. Following this shaping, the hams and cottage rolls were tied with string. The exact smoking process is now unknown; however, it is known that chips of hardwood, mainly oak, were used. A hot smokehouse was required for hams and was referred to as a number 1 smokehouse. A number 2 smokehouse was created when some of the fuel had burned and less intense smoke was produced. It was used to smoke, for example, 36 BRITISH COLUMBIA HISTORY | Spring 2013 | Vol. 46 No. 1 A Breakfast Fit lor a King CAN BE DAD BY USING Ham and Baeon AS CURED BV James Reid 559 Granville St. Wiltshire Bacon, QA#» Sliced; pe.- lb. ...... Out Ayrshire Bacon, 0>X/» 811c.'; per lb. ...... £«JC Belfast Itodcd Bacon, . Of- Sliced: per lb. £aw\j Boneless Bams, QAn Sliced; per. lb GUI/ Salt Pork—No. 2. t(\n 1'vr lu. J "f- Wiltshiro Bath Chaps. «j J» I'er io. .' ■ • Vork Tenderloin, QKa per lb. m<>hm .....Qui/ Wiltshire Bacon, wholi OJHT0 or half sides: per lb. £t)L Ayrshire Bacon in cuts; ac- . cording to cut, per ()f . lb. .... 2Ur, Mo and AUV Belfast Bacon, in «hole AAA or half rolls; per lb. £JUC Boneless Hams, fir whole; per lb. ...... ^OC Salt Pork; \ OK» 2 lbs. for *dOC Spare Ribs, OK« S lla. for . a£uC 11 • ' ' [. ' ) k '- PHONE SEVMOUR 3511 bacon and cottage rolls. The type and amount of product in the smokehouse varied with retail demand. A typical daily smokehouse would contain 8 to 10 hams and 3 middles and the smoking time would be between 12 to 24 hours. The maximum capacity for the smokehouse was 50 hams.13 After smoking, the products were ready to be hung in the retail area. Prior to being sold, the pork middles were cut into side and back bacon. Some of the smoked hams were cooked in the sausage kitchen and then sliced in the retail area for sale. Haggis production was important and reached its height in January of each year as it was essential for Burns Night celebrations. In early days, because of demand from Scottish customers, Margaret Reid made haggis at home for her husband to sell. It was sold in bowls not casings.14 In 1917, Mr. Reid persuaded Nelson Menzies, who had gained experience in Glasgow with fresh meats, haggis and sausage production, to join the staff. Menzies' son recalled the first haggis production: ".. .my dad decided he would make 50 pounds of haggis.... he put it on sale for Saturday morning before Robbie Burns Day and the haggis sold out before noon and almost caused a riot ...when in the afternoon there was none to be had, there were certainly a lot of unhappy customers...."15 An emphasis on using all products fully was part of the production process. For example, head cheese or potted head was made from cuttings of ends of meat including pork, beef, veal, and lamb. The scraps were stored in pickle (curing mixture) until there were enough to make head cheese. They were then cooked in batches of about 45 lbs. (20 kg) with gelatin used for a binder if needed. Another example is that a good business was done with customers in Chinatown. They bought pork including pigs' tails and hocks. In Mr. Reid's time, he gave them pork that he did not use but in later years they were charged for this pork.16 Skills, gained through years of experience, went into the successful creation of many of the store's products, particularly those that were cured and smoked. Today, while some of these skills survive and others are being rediscovered, they are less common. It can be a challenge for a small independent business to maintain the type of labour intensive and space occupying production methods that were used over more than 70 years at James Inglis Reid Limited. As times change, so do the foods we produce and eat. • January 28, 1916 ad in The Vancouver World, page 2. 10<t CDN in 1916 converts to approximately 1.68 in 2012 money; 15<t = $2.52; 20<t = $3.37; 25<t = $4.21; 30<t ~ $5.05; and 35<t ~ $5.89. "Inflation Calculator," Bank of Canada, accessed February 6, 2013, http: 11 www. bankofcanada. calratesl related/inflation- calculator/. BRITISH COLUMBIA HISTORY | Spring 2013 | Vol. 46 No. 1 37 Endnotes 1. James Reid entry, Henderson's Greater Vancouver Directory Part 2 (Vancouver, Henderson Directory Co., 1913), 1226, Vancouver Public Library, https://vpl.ca/bccd/index/ php/browse/index.. 2. James Reid entry, Henderson's Greater Vancouver Directory Part 2 (Vancouver, Henderson Directory Co., 1912), 438, Vancouver Public Library, https://vpl.ca/bccd/index/ php/browse/index.. 3. James Reid entry, Henderson's Greater Vancouver Directory Part 2 (Vancouver, Henderson Directory Co., 1911), 1041, Vancouver Public Library, https://vpl.ca/bccd/index/ php/browse/index. 4. Denny Boyd, "Another Legend Bites the Sawdust," The Vancouver Sun, November 19,1986, B2. 5. Loudon MacQueen Douglas, "The Pickling of Meats," in The Retail Meat Trade A Practical Treatise by Specialists in the Meat Trade, Retail Meat Trade, vol. II. (London: Gresham Pub. Co., 1928), 125-134. 6. City of Vancouver Archives, James Inglis Reid Ltd. fonds, AM1451, Series Ephemera, Oral History Charles Menzies, 1996, 945-C-3 file 13. 7. Museum of Vancouver, James Inglis Reid Ltd., recipe notebook c. 1930-1950 (/node/122974), H2004.12.33a-b. 8. Museum of Vancouver, James Inglis Reid Ltd. recipe cards c. 1950-1980 (/node/122975) H2004.12.34a-i. 9. Gordon Young Wyness, manager James Inglis Reid Limited, 1945-1986, in conversation with M. Anne Wyness, notes held by M. Anne Wyness, Vancouver, 2002. 10. Frederick K. Ray, "Meat Curing" OSU Fact Sheets Oklahoma State University, Number ANSI-3994, http://www. osufacts.okstate.edu. (accessed January 7, 2013). 11. "The Cure for Bacon Lovers", The Independent, 26 February, 2000, http://independent.co.uk/life- style/food-and-drink/features/the- cure-for-bacon-lovers-726169.html. (accessed January 7, 2013). 12. Wyness, conversation. 13. Wyness, conversation. 14. Wyness, conversation. 15. AM1451, Oral History, Charles Menzies. 16. Wyness, conversation. Further Reading Kluckner, Michael. Vanishing Vancouver. Altona Manitoba: Friesen Printers, 1990, 45-47. Kluckner, Michael, Vanishing Vancouver the Last 25 Years, North Vancouver: Whitecap Books, 2012, 68-70. Barrels used for curing lined up in the cellar cooler at the time James Inglis Reid Ltd. closed, December 1986. 38 BRITISH COLUMBIA HISTORY | Spring 2013 | Vol. 46 No. 1 Archives & Archivists by Brad Nichols; edited by Sylvia Stopforth Sylvia is a Librarian and Archivist at Norma Marion AUoway Library at Trinity Western University. Brad Nichols is the Collections Manager at the Whistler Museum and Archives Society and was born in St. John's Newfoundland and studied Heritage Resources at Memorial University of Newfoundland. Left to right: Kevin Mikkelsen (hired for project) & Brad Nichols (Collections). The Last Retort. The Whistler Museum and Archives has digitized the newspaper that was the voice of the squatter ski bum — the Whistler Answer. The Whistler Museum strives to collect, preserve, document, and interpret the natural and human history of mountain life - with an emphasis on Whistler. The museum archives contains many documents, letters photographs, and publications related to early pioneer and lodge life in the community of Alta Lake (Whistler's original name), as well as life after the development of skiing in Whistler. The development of skiing in Whistler began in 1962, when Franz Wilihelmsen and other Vancouver businessmen began exploring areas around Garibaldi Provincial Park with the intent to build a ski resort and bid for the 1968 Winter Olympics. On January 15, 1966, Whistler Mountain officially opened. The age of the ski bum snowed down on Whistler during the 1970s in full force, as Whistler's wild and unruly teen years charged ahead with reckless abandon. In the 1970s, Whistler was a great place to be if you were interested in living an "alternative" lifestyle. An estimated 10% of residents lived in squats, often comprised of old logging cabins, and carried on the pioneering tradition of early residents. The Whistler Museum, with funding from the Irving K. Barber Learning Centre, completed digitizing the complete run of the Whistler Answer this fall. The Whistler Answer was the voice of alternative culture in Whistler. Running from 1977-1982 with a second run in 1992-1993 it was the expression of the squatter ski bum population of Whistler in the early BRITISH COLUMBIA HISTORY | Spring 2013 | Vol. 46 No. 1 39 days of the ski resort. The Answer was so- called because the only serious local paper in the area at the time was the Whistler Question. The Answer aimed to be the alternative voice to this paper, billing itself "For those tired of questions". The original run from 1977-1982 was hand-drawn, hand-lettered and hand pasted by the light of kerosene lamps in a local squat; the Answer was a labour of love. The content is witty and creative and is loved by all who have a chance to see it. The complete run of the Whistler Answer can be found on the Whistler Museum and Archives Society website www. whistlermuseum.org.* Whistler Answer Volume 2 Number 1. \SSN 070S-7l**8 Kamloops is proud to be hosting ihioric Cjra%&L£inciA the 2013 British Columbia Historical Federation Conference May 9- 12, 2013 http://bchistory.ca/conferences/2013/index.html 40 BRITISH COLUMBIA HISTORY | Spring 2013 | Vol. 46 No. 1 From the Book Review Editor's Desk K. Jane Watt Rare Indeed had the good fortune a month ago to spend some time in Ann and Brian Murdochs's bookstore in Mission. Specializing in rare and out-of-print books, Murdoch's Bookshoppe is, not surprisingly, crammed to the rafters with books. It does my heart good to wander among them. It is meticulously organized and one or other Murdoch is always on hand to ask questions and to give recommendations. Most of us have such a bookstore in our town, although they are fewer than they used to be. Nevertheless it is often through such places that we historians get our best information, gradually accumulating documents that serve us well and provide the foundations of our daily pursuits - not just standard imprints, but also works of art and photography, pamphlets, ephemeral publications - and the oddities that are published to mark centenaries or corporate or community milestones. I gravitate to those books with photographic plates. When I was a kid, I had an eclectic, and perhaps voyeuristic eye: I loved finding books illustrating human medical maladies or the human reproductive system, or finding old photos of distant places - the tenements of Great Britain, vacation spots of the nineteenth century and, of course, anything about BC. Today my research interests have changed and I now look for books chronicling diseases of cattle, heritage apples, old varieties of wheat — and always old photos of British Columbia and the prairie provinces. Snooping around amongst old books is partly work, but mostly pleasure, for me. Once at the BCHF conference, I perused the bookstand of a Victoria bookseller, touching the books that were his longstanding acquaintances, perhaps judging his friends as I opened book after book. As far as I knew, I hadn't left cookies in his display that would allow him to divine my interest areas as is standard practice on the web, but by the time I began talking to him, he had a firm grasp on my areas of interest anyway. "You like old photos," he remarked. I told him about a book I had seen many years before that had made a strong impression on me but that I had never been able to find again: Andrew Birrell's Benjamin Baltzly: Photographs & Journal of an Expedition through British Columbia, 1871 (Toronto: Coach House, 1978). I remembered being awestruck by the simple beauty of the object itself, doubly impressed by the luscious photos of the North and South Thompson rivers, and intrigued by their arduous methods of production. Baltzly accompanied the Geological Survey of Canada and photographed the landscape on 8 inch by 10 inch glass plates which had to be coated with light- sensitive emulsion, then exposed and developed before the emulsion had time to dry. His equipment, not to mention his requirement for stopping time, was considerable. This book man knew Baltzly right away, had it in stock, and was able to send it to me, so after a few decades I was able to have it again in my hands. I continue to treasure it and return to it. This kind of everyday miracle happens in diverse corners of the province each time a rare book finds its way home to an appreciative collector, each time a question of history is answered by an oddity or a limited edition that turns up out of the blue. We rely on used books as readers and as historians. I thank my lucky stars for the job these booksellers do and for the pleasure they give to us book lovers. So as we embrace the work of new writers and scholars, and as we support their work in the variety of media it can now be found, we need to cast an eye backward, too, to the books already published and to those people whose living is based on the stewardship of these inspired relics of the past. BRITISH COLUMBIA HISTORY | Spring 2013 | Vol. 46 No. 1 41 Book Reviews Books for review should be sent to: K. Jane Watt, Book Review Editor, British Columbia History Box 1053, Fort Langley BC V1M 2S4 British Columbia: A New Historical Atlas By Derek Hayes. ^(Vancouver: Douglas & Mclntyre, 2012) $59.95. This is ^certainly far more than a new edition of Derek Hayes's 1999 Historical Atlas of British Columbia and the Pacific Northwest. Only 33 of its 914 maps were included in the earlier work, and 65 percent of the maps are published here for the first time. Besides being prolific, Derek Hayes is meticulous. Not only does he undertake all his own research and writing, he takes and post-processes the digital images, and designs the layout. His education and early career - in the UK, at UBC, and with the City of Vancouver — was as a geographer and town planner, but he also ran his own businesses importing greenhouses and publishing books on gardening. But his vocation has long been in the history of maps. The author's design style — developed over the series — is frugal with white space. He first sizes and positions maps and other illustrations over 60 percent of the page then adds generous informative captions before filling the remainder with contextual narrative. The result, while rich in information, can seem somewhat crowded visually — a situation that is good for readers seeking knowledge, but may be less so for those after ornamentation for their coffee table, the intended purpose of many compilations of early maps. Hayes remarks that constraints imposed by marketing factors obliged him to omit from the published version one third of the map images he had collected for the book. Railway aficionados should feel particularly well served by the coverage in the atlas, with some 100 entries devoted to their interest. The main theme of British Columbia: A New Historical Atlas is the development of cartographic knowledge about the province, principally by the efforts of stalwart surveyors. It recognizes the contributions of many of BC's most renowned map makers: Vancouver, Pemberton, Tiedemann, Palmer, Richards, Launders, Thompson, Anderson, Morice, Mohun, Moberly, and Swannell. But it seems a shame that, in such an important volume, a few other major players did not make the cut: George Aitken, BC's chief cartographer 1912-1939 and the compiler of the province's first geographical gazetteer; A.O. Wheeler, the innovative trigonometric and photo-topographic surveyor of mountains, and a founder of the Alpine Club of Canada; and Gerry Andrews, forester and then surveyor- general, 1951-1968, the pioneer of aerial photography and the related science of photogrammetric mapping. Perhaps a couple of pages of branch line railways or remote, shortlived mines could have been sacrificed for the sake of including the likes of Aitken, Wheeler and Andrews. Also, and regrettably, receiving no mention is TRIM, the decade-long, multi- million dollar project for the complete digital photogrammetric remapping of the province. Any compiler of a book about historic cartography will face the difficulty of reconciling the large format of a map sheet with the constraints of a book-sized page, while preserving legibility — the dilemma of whether to shrink or crop. Hayes, on the whole, manages this aspect extremely well. He also uses a third device with good effect: judicious overlapping. The wide variety of sizes employed for his reproductions includes several magnificent double-page spreads. The quality of the bookbinding facilitates these spreads by allowing them to lie flat and to be shown without a blank gutter. The extremely fine lithographic screen used permits ultra-fine detail to be read even with reductions in scale, and subtle gradations in colour to be retained. The earliest map included is the relevant section of Waldseemiiller's world map of 1507, and the most recent is of the new Canada Line extension to the Sky Train, opened in 2009 — representing just over five centuries of BC's cartographic history. This splendid atlas was one of the last books to be published by Douglas & Mclntyre — just prior to coming under receivership. It would be a tragedy if such a pillar of local publishing were unable to recover or be rescued from oblivion. The structure of the atlas is chronological with some 80 thematic chapters, a few with multiple subsections; all clearly listed in the table of contents. Eight pages of nested index and a detailed catalogue of the maps facilitate navigation through the wealth of material. This is a substantial work — in both senses of the word. Hardcover, with 368 pages of slightly larger format than his 1999 small folio atlas, it weighs in at 2.72 kg. (6 lbs.), and is the culmination of a dozen or more years in developing and publishing a series of historical atlases and encyclopedias. Hayes earned prestigious recognition for some of his previous publications: the Bill Duthie Booksellers' Choice Award, Lela Common Award for Canadian History, the Lieutenant Governor's Medal for best BC history book, Heritage Toronto Book, and no fewer than three Alcuin Awards. This work well merits equivalent approval. More to the point, 42 BRITISH COLUMBIA HISTORY | Spring 2013 | Vol. 46 No. 1 however, is that this book should be in the library of everyone at all interested in BC history. Reviewer Michael Layland is president of the Friends of the BC Archives. His book on the history of mapping Vancouver Island will be published in the fall of 2013. Dim Sum Stories: A Chinatown Childhood By Larry Wong. ^(Vancouver: Chinese ^Canadian Historical Society of British ^Columbia, Gold Mountain Stories, L2011) $20.00. The Measure of a Man By JJ Lee. ^(Vancouver, McClelland & Stewart, 2012) i$29.99 Mothers slip into the shadows as father-son relationships are recaptured in these two very different memoirs with Vancouver settings. The authors of Dim Sum Stories and The Measure of a Man are a generation apart in revealing experiences and histories unique to Chinese-Canadians. Larry Wong's slim collection, Dim Sum Stories, depicts, in a charming, straight-forward manner, his childhood growing up in Vancouver's Chinatown in the 1940s and 50s. Each section of his book is titled after an item found in a dim sum meal — and each anecdote is indeed a tasty morsel. Family photographs appear alongside some of the stories too. Starting with the section called "Tea," we are invited into Wong's family home. Wong Quon Ho, the author's father, left behind his first wife and son when he immigrated to Canada. His second wife, Lee Shee, was chosen by business arrangement and traveled from China to marry Wong's father. The couple had four children. Wong was the youngest, born in 1938. In fact, Wong was the last child to be delivered by a midwife in Chinatown. He was still a baby when his mother became ill with tuberculosis and died. Wong's older sister by seven years, Jenny, and even older brothers, eventually left home. Jenny moved to Ontario, fell in love, and married a Caucasian man, or "lo fan," to her father's initial dismay. Wong grew up like an only child with his father watching over him. Father and son lived at the back of the tailor shop, where the elder Wong worked. Other characters living in the area included "F.P." — or "Friend of Pop." He was a bachelor, whose actual name was Gum Sing. As a child, Wong enjoyed walks with F.P. and listened to him talk about the men he knew who built the railway. Wong also describes F.P.'s decline with sensitivity. Wong's school days in the Strathcona neighborhood included making friends with Wayson Choy, later to become a celebrated author. Wong recalls the feel of wartime Vancouver, with the wailing of airraid sirens, the panic after the Japanese bombed Pearl Harbour and the subsequent disappearance of Japan Town on nearby Powell Street when Japanese-Canadians were removed to the BC interior. "When the last of the Japanese were gone, their properties were eventually sold at giveaway prices," Wong writes. People in Chinatown wore homemade badges on their lapels, Wong remembered, declaring themselves as Chinese, not Japanese. "They wanted to make it clear to the world that we were not Japanese." Threaded throughout these reminiscences are issues of family immigration and identity. Wong comes full circle after his father dies, as he describes a trip to his home village at Lung Tow Wan in southern China. "I want to bring my father back to his village, back to his son, and back to First Wife," Wong writes. "His last visit to the village was in 1929: he lived for another thirty-seven years, and never saw his family in China again." Wong re-unites with relatives, gaining a sense of completion while honouring his father's memory. Fashion columnist and broadcaster, J.J. Lee's beautifully layered and angst-ridden book, The Measure of a Man tells a complex story about his relationship with father, John Hing Foon Lee. The elder Lee died prematurely at age 52, just after the author moved to Vancouver from Montreal. Lee also chronicles the evolution of men's suits in a lively series of fashion history lessons — and central to the entire story is Lee's re-fashioning of his father's last suit. Lee plans to alter the suit, by his own hand, to fit his slighter frame. Time travelling in the telling of his growing up years, Lee begins by recounting his father's youth. Lee's father was sent to Montreal from China at the age of four to live with his grandparents. He left school and home at 13 and became a self-made man, working his way up in Montreal restaurants, from busboy to manager. For the elder Lee, clothes made the man and he was a sharp dresser. Lee's dad married young and as the children began to arrive in the 1970s, so did life's pressures. His father slowly went BRITISH COLUMBIA HISTORY | Spring 2013 | Vol. 46 No. 1 43 in to a downward spiral of alcoholism, domestic abuse and self-destruction. The nuclear family imploded as a result; Lee's mother moved out and Lee and his siblings were forced to cope with various parental and guardian environments until they finished their schooling. Lee found a surrogate father in Vancouver when he arrived on the coast. He apprenticed with Bill Wong, the tailor who owns Modernize Tailors in Chinatown along with his brother Jack. The Wong brothers have been the subject of a charming CBC documentary called Tailor Made as well as occasional local newspaper features. They were well past retirement age when Lee crossed the threshold of their shop. Modernize Tailors is, in fact, the last operating tailor shop in Chinatown. "Tailors are a collegial lot, "Lee observes, "and Modernize Tailors is often a clubhouse. Fashion students, wardrobe designers, even a leather jacket maker who makes costumes for a superhero TV show — they all come here to bask in the glow of a genuine operating tailor shop." Lee proudly notes the shop has a buttonhole machine dating back to the early 1900s. The machine is one of the few in the city able to make keyhole- shaped buttonholes. But Lee doesn't have a talent for the trade. His inadequacy and sense of rejection is relayed with a dose of humour, and it's part of a process which leads him to accept himself. When Lee finishes re-fashioning his father's suit and tries it on, he has also come to the end of recounting his story. As painful as some of his flashbacks have been, he has faced them. These two memoirs are informative and engaging stories of relationships and life journeys. Time and place provide the essential backdrops, enriching our understanding of Vancouver's rich social fabric, past and present. Reviewer Janet Nicol is a freelance writer who teaches history at a Vancouver high school. She blogs at janetnicol@wordpress.com. Juan de Fuca's Strait: Voyages in the Waterway of Forgotten Dreams by Barry Gough. ^(Madeira LPark: Harbour Publishing, l2012). $32.95. The Strait of Juan de Fuca dominates the landscape of Victoria, in what is now British Columbia, but few know the story of the man who gave it his name four hundred years ago. Fewer still know of the Englishman, Michael Lok, who perceived commercial opportunity in the place. Barry Gough chronicles the stories of men such as these, the explorers, merchants and map makers who searched for the postulated western entrance to the Northwest Passage which was thought to begin through the Strait. The Strait appears on early maps which beguile us with evidence that someone had visited the area, witnessed the Strait, and was able to roughly — but correctly — locate it on maps of the day. In 1592 Juan de Fuca was living in Venice and for a long time it was believed that he was its discoverer. Juan de Fuca related his story to Michael Lok in Venice. Lok was apparently unable to personally exploit the opportunities this information offered, but with the story of the place spreading, other British merchant mariners began to carry on business on the coast. These were quickly followed by American traders who competed for dominance with their British competitors. With economic opportunity follows geopolitical manoeuvering. The Spanish considered all the coasts their own and jostled with other nations to exert influence and their own brand of empire. The Spanish presence on the coast, and in the Strait, was significant, and was countered only by the arrival of captains Cook and Vancouver who drew new maps, named places, and fleshed out early maps built upon previous reports from Juan de Fuca and others. The struggles between Spain and Great Britain over Nootka brought the world close to war — and the Spanish withdrew from the area in 1792. The controversy was eventually completely settled when Napoleon's naval forces were defeated in the Battle of Trafalgar, after which the British lost focus on their commercial and geopolitical interests on the West Coast. This moment of British ambivalence completes the story of the Strait recounted by Gough, although he tantalizes the reader with a precis of subsequent history running to the present. It is a story I hope he plans to expand upon in a future volume. Gough rightly pays detailed attention to the story of Juan de Fuca throughout the book. Although de Fuca's name has often been mentioned in popular literature, almost never has there been any substantive expansion of his story. Further, Gough investigates the legitimacy of the claim that Juan de Fuca actually visited our coast. If the earliest visitor was not de Fuca then who, Gough asks, carried news of this strait back to early European map makers? Juan de Fuca's Strait: Voyages in the Waterway of Forgotten Dreams 44 BRITISH COLUMBIA HISTORY | Spring 2013 | Vol. 46 No. 1 supports the notion that the history of interaction between Europeans and the British Columbia coast has been a long one — that our modern history is not a "flash in the pan." He reminds us that there is history here with stories that rival, or surpass, those from other places in the world. Gough is a prolific writer and a specialist on the history of the Pacific coast. His style is widely acclaimed and award-winning. In Juan de Fuca's Strait, he has written an interpretive account of the relationships and people that link this place to broader world events. Gough includes a glossary of specialized language which will be useful especially for non-nautical history buffs. Here units of measure, ship rigs, naval ranks and other jargon are demystified in order to make the reading experience more enjoyable. As expected of a solid academic researcher, sources and references are well documented. Reviewer John MacFarlane conducts The Nauticapedia Project, an online database and archive of articles related to the nautical history of British Columbia. The project website is online at www.nauticapedia.ca. Vladimir Krajina: World War Hero and Ecology Pioneer By Jan Drabek. ^(Vancouver: Ronsdale, 2012) $21.95. I first (glimpsed Vladimir Krajina thirty years ago when he stood, somewhat unsteadily, and maybe a little stooped, to dissect a forester who was giving the annual MacMillan Lecture in the old H.R. MacMillan forestry building at the University of British Columbia. I had absolutely no idea who was standing formally and speaking in, as Drabek notes, perfect English, questioning the precepts of the entire lecture with regard to stated and achieved reforestation results. I wish I had known. Drabek's book, Vladimir Krajina: World War II Hero and Ecology Pioneer has filled the gaps in my own (and, I suspect, many others') knowledge of this determined, stubborn, intelligent, and brave individual. To myself and many, many undergraduate and graduate forestry students, Krajina was the icon of ecological knowledge and systematic land-based ecological classification. Drabek articulates his importance to forestry here in the second half of the book. Together with some of his most prominent students, Karel Klinka and Hamish Kimmins among them, Krajina definitively wrote the book of ecological classification, indicator plant species, and prescriptive reforestation practice for British Columbia. In addition, Krajina's work to establish the ecological reserves program in British Columbia was, and remains, a hugely important part of our natural heritage and scientific database. What, to many, was unknown was the story — ably captured by Drabek — of Krajina's life and family before he arrived in Vancouver in 1949 as a political refugee. He came from the recently subjugated country of Czechoslovakia, a country that was released from Nazi occupation only four years previously, but was quickly immersed in what has been shown to be an equally sinister and criminal occupation by Soviet Russia. Drabek chronicles how Krajina was not only a professor of botany in pre-war Czechoslovakia but also fought alongside good friends against the German occupation as a member of the Czech resistance. Kra jina lived through the execution of some of these friends — as well as his brother — at the hands of the Gestapo, and was separated from his beloved wife, Marie, for years (two of which she spent in the Ravensbruck concentration camp). In postwar Czechoslovakia, Krajina became an active member of a democratic Czech political party, living among a people steadily undermined by Soviet operators who tortured, imprisoned, terrorized and executed political adversaries. In 1948, along with his wife, mother-in-law, his teenage daughter and infant son, Krajina fled their homeland for the safety of the UK and eventually Canada. I think that my life and the lives of many of the students around me in that early 1980s lecture hall would have been changed, perhaps forever, if we had known the story of this man's previous life told by Jan Drabek in Vladimir Krajina: World War II Hero and Ecology Pioneer. Although Krajina was a man known in BC for an almost religious fervor of devotion to sound ecological land management principles, he was also a man who had been a part of — and survived — one of the most tumultuous and violent decades of human history. Drabek refers to Krajina's generation as the "Greatest Generation," people who lived through the Great Depression and survived World War II. As a middle- aged parent and participant in the very global community of the "wood business" I reflect that given today's many regional conflicts and great economic and political uncertainties, we as a people engaged in many layers of societal governance require the stamina, courage and integrity of a "Great Generation" in order to move forward and continue to celebrate the good in our world. Reviewer Greg Antle is a hardwood specialist who lives in Fort Langley. BRITISH COLUMBIA HISTORY | Spring 2013 | Vol. 46 No. 1 45 Call for Paper Proposals for Spring 2014 — Sports Do you have a story about sports in British Columbia? If so, then we want your stories. In Spring 2014 we will feature a special themed issue on British Columbia's sport history. Maple Ridge Archery club, 1950's. Image P02370 courtesy of the Maple Ridge and Museum Archives. British Columbia History publishes feature-length articles as well as documentary selections, essays, pictorial essays, memoirs, and reviews relating to the social, economic, political, intellectual, and cultural history of British Columbia. Articles for the Spring issue can vary widely in word length, from 1000 to 3000. We also accept submissions for Cabinets of Curiosity - do you have an object with an interesting story? Send us 300 to 400 words with a high-resolution image of the object, telling the story of the object. The ideal British Columbia History story is a pleasure to read and is informative. When readers have finished an article, they should feel that they have been engaged and have learned something about BC history that they never knew before. The publication is looking for articles with strong leads. The first few paragraphs must be able to capture readers and compel them to read on. Crisp, clear, and concise prose. British Columbia History is not an academic publication. No theses please. Avoid jargon, arcane language, and inflated prose. Accuracy. Readers of British Columbia History are well informed and expect names, places, and dates to be correct and based on credible sources. The deadline for article proposals is October 1, 2013. Contact the editor of British Columbia History at bcheditor@bchistory.ca. 46 BRITISH COLUMBIA HISTORY | Spring 2013 | Vol. 46 No. 1 ^BCHF 31st Annual Historical Writing Competition The British Columbia Historical Federation invites submissions for the 31s' Annual Historical Writing Competition for authors of British Columbia history. Eligibility • To be eligible for this competition, books must be published in 2013. • Non-fiction books representing any aspect of BC history are eligible. • Reprints or revisions of books are not eligible. • Books may be submitted by authors or publishers. • Deadline for submission is December 31, 2013. Judging Criteria Judges are looking for quality presentations and fresh material. Submissions will be evaluated in the following areas: • Scholarship: quality of research and documentation, comprehensiveness, objectivity and accuracy • Presentation: organization, clarity, illustrations and graphics • Accessibility: readability and audience appeal Lieutenant-Governor's Medal and Other Prizes The BC Lieutenant-Governor's Medal for Historical Writing will be awarded together with $1000 to the author whose book makes the most significant contribution to the history of British Columbia. The 2nd and 3rd place winners will receive $500 and $250 respectively. Certificates of Honorable Mention may be awarded to other books as recommended by the judges. Publicity All winners will receive publicity and an invitation to the BCHF Award's Banquet at the Federation's annual conference May 2014. Submission Requirements Those wishing to enter books MUST obtain a copy of the entry rules from the entries chair, William R. Morrison, at writing@bchistory.ca Submission Deadline: December 31, 2013 By submitting books for this competition, the authors agree that the British Columbia Historical Federation may use their name(s) in press releases and in its publications. Books entered become property of the BCHF. Judges' decisions are final and confidential. Dave Obee accepting his certificate for The Library Book: A History of Service to British Columbia, with President Barbara Hynek, May 2012. l Photographer: Derek Hayes \ BRITISH COLUMBIA HISTORY | Spring 2013 | Vol. 46 No. 1 47 Cabinets of Curiosities by Andrea Lister Andrea Lister, grand-niece of champion plowman David B. Reid, tells the tale of how her grandfather's winning horse plow returned to win again. Early settlers in the Fraser Valley from Europe, England, Ireland, Scotland, and Ontario tilled the soil with horse teams and walking plows to prepare the land to plant their crops. As with many aspects of agriculture, from who had the best cows to who made the best jam, plowing also became a competition. Chilliwack became the first district in British Columbia to initiate the custom of having annual plowing matches. On an early Wednesday in November 1931 19 year old Charlie Reid and his 22 year old brother George made their debut in the novice class at the 8th annual Chilliwack Plowing Match and second annual Provincial Plowing Match. According to the November 5th, Chilliwack Progress the match was one to remember. 'Altogether it was a picture one takes pleasure in recalling — the richness of a late autumn day with its clearness and freshness of air; its brilliancy of color in the sky and on the hills around; sturdy plowmen turning up the warm, fresh sod with a perfection and deftness which only those who love their work with an artist's soul could do." Each plowman had from 10:00 am to 12:00 noon to plow six rounds or twelve furrows laid back on l/3rd of an acre, or they forfeited 5 points off their total. When finished, the plowed land should be free of weeds, grass etc., well packed, straight as possible, uniform furrows, good ins and outs, and neat as possible. Charlie came first with 83 points winning the Horatio Webb cup and a choice of $15' or a walking plow donated by the Cockshutt Plow Company. Charlie chose the plow. He also won for best crown and best finish and took home the Vancouver Challenge Trophy for the most points in classes, 2, 3, 4 and 5. George Reid came second with 78 points and also won for the best decorated team. Charlie used the Cockshutt Punch horse walking plow on his farm until 1945 when he sold his farm and went into logging. The plow was purchased by Bill Dyble of Sardis. It was used for many years to compete in plowing matches by Bill and his brother Wilf, as well as, Norman Morrow of Agassiz. David Reid, younger brother of the Charlie, recounts in his book Fields of Seams and Dreams: Plowing in the Valley that he bought the plow about 1982 and using his blacksmith experience rebuilt it to new condition. The Cockshutt Punch was David's preferred sod plow and with his team of two Belgian-Percheron cross grades, Mindy and Queen, it enabled him to win 37 out of 38 plowing matches from 1987 to 2003. In 2003 David used the plow in competition for the last time and donated the plow to the Atchelitz Threshermen's Association to be put on display. Chilliwack is one of a handful of communities that still run plowing competitions. The 90th Annual Chilliwack Plowing Match was held on Saturday, April 14, 2012. • Above: Charlie and George Reid after placing first and second in the novice class. Left: The Cockshutt horse plow restored by David B. Reid. Every object has a story. Do you have an object of curiosity in your cabinet? Send me 300 to 400 words together, with a high-resolution image of the object, telling me the story of the object. Email your story to: bcheditor@bchistory.ca. 48 BRITISH COLUMBIA HISTORY | Spring 2013 | Vol. 46 No. 1 Awards and Scholarship Information for complete details go to http://bchistory.ca/awards/index.html W. KAYE LAMB Essay Scholarships Deadline: May 15 The British Columbia Historical Federation awards two scholarships annually for essays written by students at BC colleges or universities, on a topic relating to British Columbia history. One scholarship ($750) is for an essay written by a student in a first or second year course; the other ($1000) is for an essay written by a student in a third or fourth year course. To apply for the scholarship all candidates must submit (1) a letter of application and (2) a letter of recommendation from the professor for whom the essay was written. First and second year course essays should be 1,500-3,000 words; third and fourth year,l,500 to 5,000 words. By entering the scholarship competition the student gives the editor of British Columbia History the right to edit and publish the essay if it is deemed appropriate for the magazine. Applications with 3 printed copies of the essay should be submitted to: Marie Elliott, Chair BC Historical Federation Scholarship Committee, PO Box 5254, Station B, Victoria, BC V8R 6N4 Anne 6t Philip Yandle Best Article Award Deadline: To be eligible, the article must have appeared in the BCHF journal British Columbia History for that year. A Certificate of merit and $250 will be awarded annually to the author of the article, published in British Columbia History, that best enhances knowledge of BC's history and provides reading enjoyment. Judging will be based on subject development, writing skill, freshness of material, and appeal to a general readership interested in all aspects of BC history. BC History Web Site Prize Deadline: December 31 The British Columbia Historical Federation and David Mattison are jointly sponsoring a yearly cash award of $250 to recognize Web sites that contribute to the understanding and appreciation of British Columbia's past. The award honours individual initiative in writing and presentation. Nominations for the BC History Web Site Prize must be made to the British Columbia Historical Federation, Web Site Prize Committee, prior to December 31st each year. Web site creators and authors may nominate their own sites. Prize rules and the online nomination form can be found on the British Columbia Historical Federation Web site: http://bchistory.ca/ awards/website/index.html Best Newsletter Award Deadline: March 1 Newsletters published by member societies are eligible to compete for an annual prize of $250. They will be judged for presentation and content that is interesting, newsy and informative. - Only member societies of the BCHF are eligible - Only one issue of a society's newsletter will be evaluated - Submit three printed copies of this best issue from the previous calendar year - BCHF reserves the right not to award a prize in a given year should applications not be of sufficient quality Submit three printed copies of a single newsletter issue to: BCHF Recognition Committee, PO Box 5254, Station B, Victoria, BC, Canada, V8R 6N4 Certificate of Merit Deadline: March 1 Group or individual who has made a significant contribution to the study, project, or promotion of British Columbia's history. Certificate of Recognition Deadline: March 1 Given to individual members or groups of members of BCHF Member Societies who have given exceptional service to their Organization or Community. Certificate of Appreciation Deadline: March 1 Individuals who have undertaken ongoing positions, tasks, or projects for BCHF. Nominations Any member of BCHF may nominate candidates for Certificates of Appreciation, Certificates of Merit or Certificates of Recognition. Nominations, supported by a letter explaining why the nominee is deserving of a certificate, should be submitted to the Chair of the Recognition Committee by March 1 of each year. The Lieutenant-Governor's Medal for Historical Writing Deadline: December 31 Each year, the British Columbia Historical Federation invites submissions for its Annual Historical Writing Competition to authors of BC history; and the winning author is awarded the Lieutenant- Governor's Medal for Historical Writing. Eligibility - To be eligible, a book must be about BC history and be published within the competition year - Non-fiction books representing any aspect of BC history are eligible. - Reprints or revisions of books are not eligible - Books may be submitted by authors or publishers - Deadline for submission is December 31 of the year in which the book was published Submission Requirements - Those wishing to enter books MUST obtain a copy of the entry rules from the entries chair at writing@bchistory.ca - Authors/Publishers are required to submit three copies of their book - Books are to be accompanied by a letter containing the following: 1. Title of the book submitted 2. Author's name and contact information 3. Publisher's name and contact information 4. Selling price - Books entered become property of BCHF - Judges' decisions are final and confidential - By submitting books for this competition, the authors agree that the BCHF may use their name(s) in press releases and in its publications William R. Morrison: Email: writing® bchistory.ca Judging Criteria Judges are looking for quality presentations and fresh material. Submissions will be evaluated in the following areas: - Scholarship: quality of research and documentation, comprehensiveness, objectivity and accuracy - Presentation: organization, clarity, illustrations and graphics - Accessibility: readability and audience appeal Publicity All winners will receive publicity and an invitation to the Award's Banquet at the Federation's annual conference in May following the year of publication. Lieutenant-Governor's Medal and Other Awards The BC Lieutenant-Governor's Medal for Historical Writing will be awarded together with $1000 to the author whose book makes the most significant contribution to the history of British Columbia. The 2nd and 3rd place winners will receive $500 and $250 respectively. Certificates of Honourable Mention may be awarded to other books as recommended by the judges. Johnson Inc. Scholarship Deadline: September 15 Canadian residents completing high school and who are beginning post-secondary education. 100 scholarships of $1500 each for Canada, http://wwwl.johnson.ca/about- us/scholarships Return Undeliverable Canadian Addresses to Circulation Department. Canadian Publications Mail Product Sales Agreement No. 40025793 British Columbia History Publications Mail registration No. 09835 Alice Marwood, PO Box 42011, 1400 Guildford Town Centre, Surrey, BC V3R1N0 Pamphlet with recipes selected and tested by Dorothy Britton, home economist at Agriculture Canada's Summerland Research Station between 1952 and 1980. Includes recipes for Apricot nectar punch and Okanagan jellied Salad. Publisher and publication date are unknown. DELIGHTFUL RECIPES . *. USING APRICOT NECTAR Selected and Tested by DOROTHY BRITTON HOME ECONOMIST Iru'it I roaucts Laboraiory Dominion mini shoo J.C. TREE RIPENED B. C. APRICOTS IN LIQUID FORM
Titled "British Columbia Historical Association Report and Proceedings" from 1923-1929; "British Columbia Historical Quarterly" from 1937-1957; "BC Historical News" from 1968-2004; and "British Columbia History" from 2005 onward.
Periodicals
English
Vancouver : University of British Columbia Library
Victoria : British Columbia Historical Federation
Images provided for research and reference use only. Permission to publish, copy, or otherwise use these images must be obtained from the British Columbia Historical Association (info@bchistory.ca).
British Columbia--History
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