CONTENTdm
Northwest bookshelf. Vol. XIX
British Columbia Historical Books Collection
Ireland, Willard E.
Provincial Archives of British Columbia
British Columbia Historical Association
"Supersedes the association's Annual report and proceedings. Table of contents, index in each volume. Indexed in Canadian index. Last number appeared in 1958."-- Lowther, B. J., & Laing, M. (1968). A bibliography of British Columbia: Laying the foundations, 1849-1899. Victoria, BC: University of Victoria, p. 193. "Published by the Archives of British Columbia in co-operation with the British Columbia Historical Association. Superseded the Association's Annual report and proceedings. Table of contents and index in each volume. Also indexed in the Canadian Index. Publication suspended with vol.21, Jan., 1957-0ct., 1958, i.e. 1963. Includes many articles and reviews of publications on the precolonial period."-- Strathern, G. M., & Edwards, M. H. (1970). Navigations, traffiques & discoveries, 1774-1848: A guide to publications relating to the area now British Columbia. Victoria, BC: University of Victoria, p. 32.
254 pages : coat of arms, tables, portraits ; 25 cm
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THE BRITISH COLUMBIA HISTORICAL QUARTERLY VOLUME XIX 1955 VICTORIA, B.C. Published by the Archives of British Columbia in co-operation with the British Columbia Historical Association Willard E. Ireland, Provincial Archives, Victoria, B.C. Editorial communications should be addressed to the Provincial Archives, Parliament Buildings, Victoria, B.C. CONTENTS OF VOLUME XIX Articles: After Bering: Mapping the North Pacific. By Stuart R. Tompkins Esquimalt: Defence Problem, 1865-1887. By D. M. Schurman Sir Joseph Trutch: British Columbia's First Lieutenant-Governor. By John Tupper SayweU : 71 Convict Colonies for the Pacific Northwest. By Richard H. DiUon 93 Henry Press Wright: First Archdeacon of Columbia. By Donald H. Simpson :_:i_i!_L_____ 123 Documents: Harry Guillod's Journal of a Trip to Cariboo, 1862. Edited with an introduction and notes by Dorothy Blakey Smith 187 Notes and Comments -**--- 103, 233 The Northwest Bookshelf: Rae's Arctic Correspondence, 1844—55. By Morris Zaslow 115 Solomon Mussalem. From One to Seventy. The True Life Story of a Pioneer. By Willard E. Ireland 118 Mountains, Men and Rivers. By James K. Nesbitt 119 The History of the 6th Field Company, R.C.E., 1939-1945. By R. H. Roy ~ 243 The Dufferin-Carnarvon Correspondence, 1874-1878. By John T. SayweU 244 In Search of the Magnetic North. By R. H. Roy 246 Index , 247 ERRATA Page 6, line 25: For Nicholas read Nicolas. Page 16, line 6: For Atkha read Atka. Page 17, line 30: For Teretii read Terentii. Page 17, line 34: For Potasov read Protasov. Page 18, line 15: For Chebayevskii read Chebaeskii. Page 20, line 29: For Predtecha read Predtechya. Page 24, line 4: For Stahlin read Staehlin. Page 24, line 10: For Protod'yakanov read Protodyakanov. Page 29, line 5: For Yakov Protassov read Jakob Protasov. Page 34, line 32: For Lityua read Lituya. Page 43, line 34: For Macao read Macao. Page 44, line 5: For Macao read Macao. Page 44, line 15: For Cope read Cape. Page 46, line 26: For Houston-Stewart read Houston Stewart. Page 48, line 15: For Macao read Macao. Page 49, lines 37 and 40: For Cook's read Cook. BRITISH COLUMBIA HISTORICAL QUARTERLY "Any country worthy of a future should be interested in its past." Victoria, B.C., January-April, 1955 CONTENTS Page After Bering: Mapping the North Pacific. By Stuart R. Tompkins 1 Esquimalt: Defence Problem, 1865-1887. By D. M. Schurman 57 Sir Joseph Trutch: British Columbia's First Lieutenant-Governor. By John Tupper SayweU 71 Convict Colonies for the Pacific Northwest. By Richard H. Dillon Notes and Comments: British Columbia Historical Association 103 Kamloops Museum Association 110 Rossland Historical Museum Association [>,; 111 New Westminster Historic Centre 111 Royal Canadian Navy Maritime Museum, Esquimalt 112 Plaque to Commemorate David Thompson on the Columbia River 112 Peace River Historical Society. ^ 113 Contributors to this Issue 114 The Northwest Bookshelf: Rich: Roe's Arctic Correspondence, 1844-55. By Morris Zaslow. 115 King: Solomon Mussalem. •Grigg: From One to Seventy. Mclntyre: The True Life Story of a Pioneer. By WiUard E. Ireland 118 Reid: Mountains, Men and Rivers. By James K. Nesbitt 119 AFTER BERING: MAPPING THE NORTH PACIFIC* The first successful attempts to determine whether Asia was joined to America and to ascertain the geography of the adjacent parts of these two continents were made by Bering in his two memorable sea voyages of 1728 and 1741. But it required more than fifty years to complete the map of the Northern Pacific. This work was accomplished through a long series of voyages between 1741 and 1800—some by private traders and others sponsored by the governments of various states. Unfortunately, the first-hand accounts of the traders' voyages, if ever there were any, have for the most part disappeared, and we must rely largely on secondary authorities. Their results have been embodied in various works dealing with the history of Alaska and of the Russian-American Company. Some years ago in the Washington Historical Quarterly (January, 1913) Professor Golder compiled a list of these voyages in so far as he was familiar with them. That is the only one we have to date. It must be borne in mind that any list is bound to be incomplete, for there is little doubt that records of some of them have disappeared. Innokentii's Zapiski ob ostrovakh Unalashkinskago Otdyela (3 vols, in 2, St. Petersburg, 1840) gives the names of Russian explorers of whom nothing else is known, a fact which compels the author to accept the view that the entire story can never be told. Since the advance of Russian exploration in turn threatened to encroach on Spanish possessions and ultimately threatened conflict with Great Britain, it is of some importance to know the part played by the voyages of various nations in the progress of discovery. I have therefore combined with the Russians who can be identified the official Spanish expeditions which began in 1774 and extended to 1792, and the memorable voyages of Cook and Vancouver (1778-1779 and 1790-1794 respectively), as well as the voyages of English and American commercial companies after 1785. A glance at the area which remained to be mapped in the years 1741 to 1795 and at the people who inhabited it shows something of the magnitude and diversity of the problems of the early voyagers. The * The author wishes to acknowledge the assistance he received from his secretary, Elizabeth Harper John, in the preparation of this article, more particularly in that part dealing with the natives. British Columbia Historical Quarterly, Vol. XIX, Nos. 1 and 2. 1 Stuart R. Tompkins Jan.-Apr. Aleutian Islands form a chain extending some 900 mUes westward from the tip of Alaska Peninsula, in reality a continuation of the Alaska range of mountains. The five major groups which they comprise are the Near Islands (i.e., those nearest Kamchatka), the Rat Islands, Andreanof Islands, Islands of Four Mountains, and Fox Islands. The three large islands of Unimak, Unalaska, and Umnak are members of the Fox Islands group. The Aleutians possess a tremendous advantage in that they are ice-free and the surrounding waters are open to navigation the whole year around. Unalaska, visited for the first time probably in 1759, was for many years the principal centre of the Russian fur trade, though it became a permanent post much later. Not until Sarychev came to the area with the Billings expedition of 1790-1792 were detailed charts of the Aleutians compiled. The early explorers discovered that the ordinary dangers of landing on an exposed, unknown coast were, in Aleutian waters, compounded by the uncertainty of the tides and the presence of countless pinnacle rocks. Rip tides were a frequent hazard. Not only are the Aleutians exposed to the full force of the Pacific, with very few sheltering harbours, but the islands are the meeting-ground of two conflicting sea areas and two conflicting weather areas, a circumstance which makes stormy sailing at almost any time of the year. The coastal region of Alaska fronts upon waters almost equally treacherous. Together with the Aleutians, it forms a great arc of some 1,500 miles. The dominant feature of the southeasterly coast of Alaska and of the British Columbia coast is the submerged mountain chain which crops out to form countless islands, with the inundated vaUeys creating a maze of passages among them. The complex task of mapping this coastal labyrinth was slowed by the dense fog and snow-storms which make winter sailing hazardous. The Pribilof Islands, discovered by Pribylov in 1786, are the breeding-place to which the fur-seals migrate in the spring from the southern coast, passing through the Aleutian chain, and whence they return every fall. Uninhabited by man but swarming with animal life, they were a bonanza for the Russian hunters. The natives whom the Russians first encountered were the Aleuts, although the term itself does not appear in Russian sources until 1747. The Aleuts inhabited the Aleutian and Shumagin Islands and the Alaska Peninsula eastward to the Ugashik River on the north and to Pavlof Bay on the south. They are subdivided, chiefly on dialectal grounds, into two groups: the Unalaskans, who live on the Fox Islands, Shumagin 1955 After Bering: Mapping the North Pacific Islands, and the western part of Alaska Peninsula; the Atkhans, who inhabit the Andreanof, Rat, and Near Islands. They are members of the Eskimoan linguistic stock, but their language and the mainland dialects are not mutually intelligible. The western Eskimo, interspersed with Aleuts in only a few areas, occupied the Alaskan coast from Prince William Sound and parts of the Alaska Peninusla, thence along the shores of Bering Sea and the Arctic Ocean as far as Point Barrow. All the islands in the Bering Sea except the Aleutians and Pribilofs were also peopled by Eskimos. Those who figured most prominently in contacts with the early traders were the Aglemiut Eskimos, who occupied the upper part of the peninsula and Nushagak Bay, and the Kanagmiut Eskimos, who inhabited Kodiak and surrounding islands, and the adjacent coast of the peninsula. An Athabaskan group, the Tinnehs, occupied the coast of Cook Inlet and much of the interior of Alaska to the east, including the valley of the Yukon. To the south along the coast were the tribes which comprise the culture area of the Northwest Coast, falling into the following linguistic divisions: The Tlingit, the Haida, the Tsimshian, the Bella Bella, the Bella Coola, Kwakiutl, Nootka, and the Salish on Vancouver Island and around the delta of the Fraser. The Tlingit appear in Russian sources as the Kalush (variants—Kaliuzhi, Koloshi, or Kaloshi). They appear also on occasion under clan names such as Agalagmut, Kenai, and Mednovtsi. Certain aspects of the general aboriginal culture of the areas had a marked bearing on the course of their relations with the early traders. The social organization was quite loose, with the village as the largest political unit, although there were some casual natural groupings according to language and contiguity. Thus there existed no tribal, or even band, organization to co-ordinate resistance to Russian exploitation. Subsistence was drawn largely from the sea, so the natives were accomplished seafarers and, particularly in the case of the Aleuts, had the highly developed skills needed for hunting the sea-otter. This made them perhaps the most valuable natural resource which the Russians found—a reservoir of skilled labour at hand to be utilized in large-scale hunting operations. The natives were used to long trading voyages and were sophisticated traders well before the Russians arrived. In the Northwest Coast culture area proper, great emphasis was placed upon the accumulation of material wealth, although the prestige of the chiefs and leading men rested ultimately upon the generosity with which the Stuart R. Tompkins Jan.-Apr. wealth was given away. The European voyagers had therefore not to introduce a radically new trade economy, but only to adapt to their own uses an already established culture pattern. Bancroft, in his Alaska, suggests that the astuteness displayed by the natives in trade and barter was the reason for the development by the Russians of the elaborate coercive methods for obtaining furs without having to cope with then- equals in bartering. The natives fell into the trade quite readtfy, and later navigators found that the coastal natives had assumed the role of middlemen between the inhabitants of the interior and the white fur- traders. One such instance was in August, 1786, when Dixon was told by natives on Cook Inlet that they had sold out of marketable skins but would soon obtain additional supplies from inland tribes. The Aleuts seem at first to have taken the Russians for supernatural beings, to whom they rendered homage and made offerings. A series of Russian atrocities soon corrected that notion, and the early story of Russian-Aleut relations is a grim one. The Russians first merely traded with the natives for furs, but they soon devised more effective methods for large-scale fur collection. They impressed natives to hunt for them, having discovered that it was not only needless but dangerous for themselves to disperse in small hunting parties. The Aleuts were made to give hostages, usually women and children, for the safety of the Russians and the performance of their obligations. They were then issued traps and sent out to hunt for the season while the Russians loafed about the villages. Returning hunters surrendered their traps and furs in exchange for trade goods, and the Russians moved on to another island to repeat the operation. Still another method of getting furs was to furnish supplies to the Aleuts during their periodic famines, taking a lien on the following season's catch. As the Russians moved southeast down the coast in search of fresh sources of fur-bearing animals, they took large numbers of Aleut hunters with them. The Tlingit and western Eskimo bitterly resented the Aleut intruders, failing to realize that they were only the helpless tools of the Russians. A state of warfare developed, so terrifying the Aleuts that even armed Russian escorts failed to save them from panic, especially when intruding in the Tlingit areas of Comptroller, Yakutat, and Lituya Bays. The Russian methods coloured the relations of the coastal inhabitants with the traders of all nationalities. The custom of interchanging hostages while engaged in trade was carried eastward by the Russians and 1955 After Bering: Mapping the North Pacific 5 became so well established that it was forced upon the English, Americans, and Spaniards. Portlock found it necessary to conform to the custom at various places in order to obtain trade, but as a rule he demanded four or five natives in exchange for one or two sailors from the ship. The Russians extended to Northwest America the practice already prevalent in Siberia of claiming as tribute, or yassak, a portion of the fur-catch. Actually, the Crown received only a very small share, often none at all, and the collection of yassak proved to be a convenient cloak for all kinds of demands upon the natives. Bancroft states that in early times at least half of the trade was probably collected in the form of tribute by means of force or threats, while at the same time the authorities at home were being asked to relinquish its collection " because it created discontent among the natives." The collection of yassak in Siberia had grown up as a substitute for the payment of the soul's tax exacted from peasants in Russia. The excesses and irregularities of the traders who had extended the practice to the Northwest Coast so distressed the Empress that she moved to correct the evil by abolishing altogether the coUection of tribute by the traders and Cossacks. Bancroft, in his Alaska, cites an imperial ukaz of 1779 prohibiting the collection of tribute by the promyshlenniki and Cossacks, a reform measure stemming directly from the representations of Krenytsin to the Empress. The prohibition apparently was not rendered effective at that time, for in 1787 the Empress inquired by what decree a tribute was being levied upon the Aleutian Islands and forbade collection of any tribute not established by the authorities. In 1788 the collection of tribute on all islands was forbidden under severe penalties. That the suspension of yassak was designed only to stop the excesses of the traders, and not to relinquish the government's right to levy tribute, is shown in the instructions to Captain Billings in 1785 to take a careful census of the male population of the islands and to lay the foundation for the levying of tribute in the future. The commander of the companion vessel, Chernyi Orel, made agreements with the Aleuts for the future collection of yassak. It is from Sarychev's account that we learn that " up to this time yassak had been determined in every settlement and village by the election of promyshlenniki, not more than two or three men who were called yasashnye " (II, pp. 122-123). The permanent settlement of the yassak question came only in 1799, when the Russian-American Company was granted the right to use the services of the natives in lieu of the tribute which was the prerogative of the Russians. Stuart R. Tompkins Jan.-Apr. The founding of permanent Russian posts came quite late in the period under consideration. Shelekhov established the first known Russian post in Alaska on the southeast side of Kodiak Island at Three Saints Bay in August, 1784. A rival fur company established a post at Cook Inlet in 1786, and another at Nuchek on Hinchinbrook Island, Prince William Sound, in 1793. English, French, Spanish, and American competition in the fur trade caused the Russians to extend their sphere of operations to the southeast. Baranov established a post at Yakutat in 1796 and another, New Arkhangel, 6 miles north of present Sitka, in 1799. A strange, complicating factor in the exploration of the Northwest Coast was the accumulated geographical misinformation which had grown out of the much publicized apocryphal voyages. A Greek pilot, Juan de Fuca, alleged that he had been the pilot of a vessel which had sailed from Mexico in 1592 to discover the Strait of Anian, and that he had found the fabled passage between latitudes 47 and 48 degrees. The story gained some credence in England, where Michael Lok spent much of his fortune in financing voyages to rediscover the passage. In the following century a London magazine editor created and published as true the "Memoir" of Bartholomew de Fonte, reporting a voyage from Callao, the port of Lima in Peru, to discover the Northwest Passage, which he found in the latitude of 53 degrees. The fantasy was poorly constructed and aroused no great excitement at the time. The tales might have died out harmlessly, but in 1752 the French geographers Joseph Nicholas Delisle and Philippe Buache published a map which embodied the " discoveries " of de Fuca and Fonte, and included for good measure another strait just north of Cap Blanc, alleged to have been discovered by Martin de Aguilar in 1603. Also included were the mythical lands of Jeso and Gama Land, said to exist in the western Pacific Ocean. The maps met heavy criticism at once, but they circulated widely and had much influence on ideas of geography. It was not until the explorations of Vancouver and the Spaniards in 1792 that it was conclusively proved that there was no northwest passage in the Strait of Juan de Fuca, and even then there remained the possibility of Fonte's passage in 53 degrees north latitude which required investigation. The fruitless search for Gama Land drew many Russian vessels, including those of Bering, to the south on hazardous voyages which cost the lives of many men. The noted navigator Andrean Tolstykh lost his life in the search for Gama Land. 1955 After Bering: Mapping the North Pacific Geographers were further misled in 1788 when there was published in Madrid, in Almodovar's Historia, the account of the alleged voyage of discovery of Captain Lorenzo Ferrer Maldonado in the year 1588. Maldonado had sailed from the Atlantic through the 290-league Strait of Labrador to the Pacific, where he emerged at 75 degrees north latitude. He then sailed southwest to 60 degrees, where he found the Strait of Anian, an excellent short cut, since it was only 15 leagues long and could easily be passed with the tide in six hours. The information was seized upon by Philippe Buache de la Neuville, the son of the associate of Delisle, who in 1790 read a paper on it before the Academy of Sciences in Paris. This stir caused the Spanish Government to order the voyage of Malaspina to the Northwest Coast to search once more for the elusive strait. The inconvenience, not to say the hazards, caused the explorers of the Northwest Coast by the circulation of false maps constituted one more obstacle to the completion of their tremendous task. In this account of the voyages from 1741 to 1795 there is necessarily some overlapping with Henry R. Wagner's Cartography of the Northwest Coast, but, inasmuch as Wagner paid little attention to Alaska and the Aleutian Islands, I feel that I am not duplicating his work. I might also add that no attempt is made to give a bibliography covering the Spanish voyages, which can be drawn from Wagner. Judge F. W. Howay, in the Transactions of the Royal Society of Canada, 1930 to 1934, has compiled with great care a list of the commercial vessels trading into the North Pacific after 1785, and while these voyages are included with our list, no effort has been made to give the full sources. The reader is therefore referred to Judge Howay's articles in that connection. II In view of the unsatisfactory and confused nature of the materials on which it is based, this list will inevitably be incomplete and will contain inaccuracies. All that can be hoped is that it will approximate the truth, and that it will enable the reader to form a clearer idea, not only of the way in which the various voyages gradually introduce some measure of clarity into the prevailing views on the geography of these regions, but also of how the explorations of the nationals of various countries interlocked with one another and brought the several governments into conflict for possession of these regions. Stuart R. Tompkins Jan.-Apr. In the accounts of the voyages, sources are given in an abbreviated form. We give below a complete entry for each title:— Andreyev, A. I. (ed.): Russkie Otkrytiya v Tikhom Okeane i Severnoi Amerike v XV111 i XIX Vyekakh, Vsesoyuznoe Geograficheskoe Obshchestvo, Izdatel'stvo Akademii Nauk, Moscow and Leningrad, 1944. [Cited as Andreyev.] Bancroft, Hubert Howe: The History of Alaska [Works, XXXIII1, San Francisco, 1886. [Cited as Bancroft, Alaska.] Bancroft, Hubert Howe: History of the Northwest Coast {Works, XXVII and XXVIII] (2 vols.), San Francisco, 1886. [Cited as Bancroft, Northwest Coast.] Beniowsky, Moriz August, Graf von: Memoirs and Travels of Mauritius Augustus, Count de Benyowsky, Written by Himself (trans, by William Nicholson) (2 vols.), Dublin, 1790. [Cited as Beniowsky.] Berkh, V. N.: Khronologicheskaya Istoriya Otkrytiya Aleutskikh Ostro- vov, St. Petersburg, 1823. [Cited as Berkh.] Cook, James: A Voyage to the Pacific Ocean . . . , (3 vols.), London, 1784. [Cited as Cook.] Coxe, William: Account of the Russian Discoveries between Asia and America, to Which Are Added the Conquest of Siberia, and the History of the Transactions and Commerce between Russia and China, 3rd ed., London, 1787, and 4th ed., London, 1803. [Cited as Coxe.] Dixon, Captain George, R.N.: A Voyage Round the World in 1785- 1788 [in a series of letters, edited], by George Dixon, 1789, n.p. [Cited as Dixon.] Espinosa, Jose de, y Navarrete, Martin Fernandez de: Relacion del Viage Hecho por los Goletas "Sutil" y "Mexicana" en el A no 1792, Para Reconocer el Estrecho de Fuca; Con una Noticia de las Espediciones Executadas por los Espanoles, Madrid, 1802. [Cited as Navarrete.] Fleurieu, Charles Pierre Claret, Comte de: Voyage Round the World Performed During the Years 1790, 1791, and 1792 by Etienne Marchand, Preceded by a Historical Introduction (2 vols.), London, 1801. [Cited as Fleurieu.] Greenhow, Robert: The History of Oregon and California, Boston, 1845. (First edition published in London, 1844.) [Cited as Greenhow.] 1955 After Bering: Mapping the North Pacific 9 Howay, F. W.: "A List of Trading Vessels in Maritime Fur Trade, 1785-1794," Proceedings and Transactions of the Royal Society of Canada, Section 2, Third Series, XXIV (1930), 111-134. [Cited as Howay, 1930.] Howay, F. W.: "A List of Trading Vessels in the Maritime Fur Trade, 1795-1804," Proceedings and Transactions of the Royal Society of Canada, Section 2, Third Series, XXV (1931), 117-149. [Cited as Howay, 1931.] Jane, Cecil (trans.): A Spanish Voyage to Vancouver and the Northwest Coast of America, Being the Narrative of the Voyage Made in the Year 1792 by the Schooners Sutil and Mexicana to Explore the Strait of Fuca, London, 1930. [Cited as Jane.] J.L.S.: Neue Nachrichten von denen neuentdekten Insuln in der See zwischen Asien und Amerika . . ., Hamburg and Leipzig, 1776. [Cited as J.L.S.] Jochelson, Waldemar: History, Ethnology, and Anthropology of the Aleut, Washington, 1933. [Cited as Jochelson.] Khlebnikov, Kiril Timofeyvich: Zhizopisanie A. A. Baranova, Glavnogo Pravitelya Rosiiskikh Kolonii v Amerikye, St. Petersburg, 1835. [Cited as Khlebnikov.] La Perouse, J. F. G.: A Voyage Round the World in the Years 1785- 1788 (3 vols.), Boston, 1801; New York, 1835. [Cited as La Perouse.] Mackenzie, Alexander: Voyages from Montreal on the River St. Lawrence, through the Continent of North America, to the Frozen and Pacific Ocean; in the Years 1789 and 1793, London, 1801. [Cited as Mackenzie.] Martinez y Zayas, Juan: "Viage a la Costa comprehendido entre la Boca Sur de Fuca, y el Puerto de San Francisco . . . 1793," MS., in Henry E. Huntington Library, San Marino, Calif. [Cited as Martinez.] Meares, John: Voyages Made in the Years 1788 and 1789 from China to the Northwest Coast of America, London, 1790. [Cited as Meares.] Morse, Hosea Ballou: Chronicle of East India Company Trading to China, 1635-1834 (4 vols.), Oxford, 1926. [Cited as Morse.] Pallas, Peter Simon: Neue Nordische Beytrage, trans, by James R. Masterson and Helen Brower in Bering's Successors, 1745-1780, Seattle, 1948. [Cited as Pallas.] 10 Stuart R. Tompkins Jan.-Apr. Polonskii, A.: List of Journeys of Russian Hunters in the Pacific Ocean from 1743 to 1800. MS. of 99 sheets in the Archives of the Geographical Society (in Russian). [Cited as Polonskii.] Portlock, Captain Nathaniel: A Voyage Round the World; but More Particularly to the Northwest Coast of America . . . 1785- 1788, London, 1789. [Cited as Portlock.] Russia—Archives Department: Papers Relating to the Russians in Alaska, 1732-1796 (21'vols.). Photostat copies of originals in Russian Archives in the University of Washington Library, Seattle. [Cited as Papers Relating to the Russians in Alaska, 1732-1796.] Sarychev, Gavrilo: Puteshestvie Flota Kapitana Sarycheva po sieverno- vostochnoi chasti Sibiri, . . . flota Kapitan Billings s 1785 po 1793 god (2 vols.), St. Petersburg, 1802. [Cited as Sarychev.] Sauer, Martin: An Account of a Geographical and Astronomical Expedition to the Northern Parts of Russia, London, 1802. [Cited as Sauer.] Shelekhov, G. I.: Rossiiskago Kuptsa Imenitago Ryl'skago Grazhdanina Grigor'ya Shelekhova Pervoe Stranstvovanie s 1783 po 1787, St. Petersburg, 1793. [Cited as Shelekhov, Stranstvovanie.] Shelekhov, G. I.: Rossiiskago Kuptsa Grigor'ya Shelekhova Prodol- zhenie Strantsvovaniya v 1788 godu, St. Petersburg, 1792. [Cited as Shelekhov, Prodolzhenie.] [Sokolov, A. P.]: Proekt Lomonosova i ekspeditsiya Chichagova, St. Petersburg, 1854. [Cited as Proekt Lomonosova.] [Staehlin von Storcksburg, Jakob]: " Kratkoe Izvestie o novoizobryeten- nom Syevernom Arkhipelagye " in Mesyatsoslov istoricheskii i geo- graficheskii, St. Petersburg, 1774. [Cited as Mesyatsoslov.] Strange, James: James Strange's Journal and Narrative of the Commercial Expedition from Bombay to the Northwest Coast of America, together with a Chart Showing the Tract of the Expedition [Records of Fort St. George], Madras, 1929. [Cited as Strange.] Tikhmenev, P.: lstoricheskoe obozryenie obrazovaniya Rossiisko-Amer- ikanskoi Kompanii (2 vols.), St. Petersburg, 1861-1863. [Cited as Tikhmenev.] Tompkins, Stuart R., and Moorhead, Max L.: " Russia's Approach to America," British Columbia Historical Quarterly, XIII (April, July- October, 1949). [Cited as Tompkins & Moorhead.] Vancouver, George: A Voyage of Discovery to the North Pacific Ocean and Round the World . . . , (3 vols.), London, 1798. [Cited as Vancouver.] 1955 After Bering: Mapping the North Pacific 11 Veniaminov, I.: Zapiski ob ostrovakh Unalashkinskago Otdyela (3 vols. in 2), St. Petersburg, 1840. [Cited as Innokentii.] Wagner, Henry R.: The Cartography of the Northwest Coast of America (2 vols.), Berkeley, 1937. [Cited as Wagner.] Wickersham, James: A Bibliography of Alaskan Literature, 1724-1924, Cordova, Alaska, 1927. Ill Commercial voyages by the Russians began immediately after the return of Bering's second expedition. The unusually high prices commanded in the Chinese market by the sea-otter skins brought back by Bering were probably the principal stimulus for the voyages. 1743 Yemel'yan Basov of Tobolsk, in partnership with the Moscow merchant Serebrennikov, built a small shitik named Kapiton, in which he sailed to Bering Island, returning to Kamchatka in the following year. [Berkh, pp. 2-3.] 1745 Again Basov, now in partnership with the merchant Trapeznikov of Irkutsk, sailed in the Kapiton. He apparently made a rich haul of sea-otters, seals, and blue foxes at Bering and neighbouring islands. In 1746 he went farther east, sighting many islands but never landing because of very stormy weather. [Berkh, pp. 2-3.] Basov's success on his first voyage prompted a group of merchants, Yakov Chuprov, Chevaevski of Ladoga, and Trapeznikov of Irkutsk, to emulate his example. In September, 1745, Chuprov sailed as skipper of the Evdokia, with the peasant Mikhail Nevodchikov of Tobolsk as navigator. This vessel, the first commercial expedition to reach the Aleutians proper, probably got as far as the island of Agattu. They also visited Attu, where they committed outrages against the natives, the memory of which is perpetuated in the name of Massacre Bay on the south side of the island. Another bay is called Nevodiskov, an obvious corruption of Nevodchikov. On the return journey, in September, 1746, the vessel was wrecked on Karaginskii Island, off the coast of Kamchatka, losing the entire cargo. The crew wintered there and made their way home in July, 1746. [Berkh, pp. 2-3.] Ivan Rybinskii, of Moscow, and Stepan Tyrin, of Yaroslavl, were members of the company which dispatched the shitik loann to Copper 12 Stuart R. Tompkins Jan.-Apr. Island under the command of Andrei Vsevidov. There is some disagreement as to the date; Berkh gives as the date of departure 1747, while Bancroft, on the authority of Neue Nachrichten, gives the date of 1746. [Berkh, pp. 13-14; J.L.S., pp. 18-19; Bancroft, Alaska, p. 109.] A group of merchants, including Rybinskii, Fedor Kholodilov of Totemsk, Nikifor Trapeznikov and Vasilii Balin of Irkutsk, Kozma Ner- stov of Totma, Mikhail Nikilinich of Novoyanski, and Fyodor Zhukov of Yaroslavl, petitioned successfully for permission to send an expedition in search of furs. Andrean Tolstykh, of Selenginsk, was named to command the ship Sv. loann. The expedition wintered on Bering Island and returned to Nizhne-Kamchatsk August 14, 1747, with a good catch of furs. [Berkh, pp. 11-12; J.L.S., pp. 18-19.] 1747 Another shitik, loann, went in 1747 to the nearer Aleutians, returning in 1749 with a valuable cargo of sea-otters and foxes. [Berkh, p. 13.] Basov set out again, this time in his own vessel, Sv. Petr, going to Copper Island, whence he returned apparently in the same year with a substantial catch. [Berkh, p. 14.] These voyages started a " fur-rush." Merchants who had come east to Siberia to make their fortunes trading with the natives abandoned that pursuit and turned to the sea. A group composed of Ivan Zhilkin, of Solvychegda, Afanasii Bakhov, of Ustyug, and Novikov, of Yakutsk, constructed a vessel, the Perkup i Zant, on the Anadyr, whence it put to sea in the summer of 1747. The expedition, commanded by Bakhov, reached Bering Island in September. In October the vessel was wrecked by a storm while it lay at anchor off Bering Island, but the crew constructed a small boat from the ruins of Bering's ship which had been wrecked there in 1741, named it the Kapiton, and put out to sea in it in the summer of 1748. Sailing northeast, they sighted land, and Berkh speculated that if they had continued to it, they would have been the first to discover the American mainland, of which information up till then had been based merely on conjectures. The expedition returned to Kamchatka in August, 1749. [Berkh, p. 16.] 1749 It is rumoured that Basov made a fourth voyage, probably to Copper Island. [Berkh, pp. 2-3.] The Sv. loann, under Vsevidov, made a trip to the nearer Aleutian Islands, returning in August, 1752. [Berkh, pp. 18-19.] 1955 After Bering: Mapping the North Pacific 13 Also in 1749, some Cossacks made the voyage to Bering Island in baidars. Tolstykh made another voyage in 1749, going to the islands discovered by Nevodchikov—Attu and Agattu. He spent two winters on Attu, and returned to Kamchatka in 1752. [Berkh, p. 17; J.L.S., p. 26.] In August, Nikifor Trapeznikov sailed in the Boris i Gleb, which he had built, operating under the agreement that, in addition to levying yassak, he would give the government one-tenth of his catch. He discovered the island "Atkhu " (probably Atka), which seems to be the farthest point east that had been reached, and returned in 1752. [Berkh, p. 18.] Rybinskii and Tyrin sent out the shitik Sv. loann to the Near Islands, whence it returned in August, 1753. [Berkh, pp. 18-19.] 1750 The Sv. loann, belonging to Yemil'yan Yugov, of Irkutsk, came to grief on the shores of Kamchatka, where the crew wintered. [Berkh, pp. 20-21.] Trapeznikov's vessel, Petr, sailed under command of Nakvashin to the Andreanofs and visited Atka Island. [Polonskii, cited in Jochelson, p. 3.] The Jeremiah, under the navigator Bashmakov, of Arkhangel'sk, sailed to the Aleutian Islands, where it was wrecked off the island of Adak, in 1752. The Russians remained on the island hunting till July, 1754, when they returned. [Polonskii, cited in Jochelson, p. 3.] Rybinskii sent the ship Sv. Simeon i Anna, under the Cossack Vor- ob'ev, to Copper Island. The ship was wrecked on one of the smaller adjacent islands, and a smaller craft, the Jeremiah, was constructed from the wreckage. The Jeremiah made its way back to Kamchatka. [Berkh, pp. 23-24; Coxe (4th ed.), p. 124, refers to the original vessel as the Simeon and John.] 1751 Yugov again set out in the Sv. loann. Apparently Yugov hunted for three years around Bering and Copper Islands, on the latter of which he died. The vessel returned in July, 1754. [Berkh, pp. 20-21; Coxe (4thed.),pp. 120-121.] It was in 1751 that Mikhail Nevodchikov drew a map of the newly discovered islands (Attu, Agattu, and Semichi) and forwarded it to the Russian Senate. 14 Stuart R. Tompkins Jan.-Apr. 1752 Trapeznikov sent out the Boris i Gleb under Alexei Druzhinin. The expedition twice suffered shipwreck, but the crew was rescued by Trapez- nikov's ship Sv. Nikolai. [Berkh, pp. 24-25.] It was in 1752 that the first authentic information of the Bering expedition (the second Kamchatka expedition of 1741) was given to the world and the map published at Paris by Joseph Nicolas Delisle. Since some of the information given in Delisle's map was incorrect, the Russian Government instructed the historian Gerhard Frederich Mtiller to publish in Berlin a reply. It is contained in Lettre d'un Officier de la Marine Russienne a un seigneur de la Com, published at first separately and later in the Nouvelle Bibliotheque Germanique (Berlin, 1753). 1753 The merchants Andrei Mikhailov Serebrennikov, Fedor Kholodilov, and Semen Krasil'nikov decided to buUd a ship and send it out on a voyage of exploration and discovery, to seek new islands and, if possible, the mainland of America. The ship put to sea in July under the command of Petr Bashmakov, of Arkhangel'sk, and sailed to the east, visiting some unknown islands. A storm carried it farther to the east, where it was wrecked, according to Berkh, near the island of Umnak. Although the crew clashed with the natives there, they remained on Umnak until 1754, when they built a boat out of the wreckage of their own vessel and returned to Kamchatka. [Beniowsky, pp. 27-28, credits Serebrennikov with the discovery of Fox Islands, although he underestimated the distance traversed to the 29th meridian east of Bolsheretsk, falling 5 degrees of longitude short. See also Berkh, pp. 25-27. Their evidence is contradicted by Veniaminov, who denies that this vessel reached Umnak.] Fedor Kholodilov sailed in his own ship in August, 1753, to Bering Island, where he wintered. Putting to sea again in June, 1754, he went eastward to an unknown Aleutian island, where he wintered, returning to Kamchatka in 1755 with a catch of 1,600 sea-otter skins. [Berkh, pp. 27-28.] 1754 Semen Krasil'nikov put to sea in 1754, wintered on Bering Island, and in 1755 proceeded eastward to an unknown Aleutian island. Intimidated by an overwhelming number of natives, he turned back to Copper Island, where the vessel was wrecked by a storm and part of the crew perished. The survivors managed to get to Bering Island in a baidar, 1955 After Bering: Mapping the North Pacific 15 where they were rescued by Trapeznikov's ship. [Berkh, pp. 28-29; Coxe (4thed.),pp. 134-136.] Trapeznikov's vessel was the Sv. Nikolai, commanded by the Cossack Durnev. It proceeded to the Near Islands, then farther east, returning in 1757 with a cargo valued at 187,268 rubles. [Berkh, pp. 29-30.] 1756 In August, Trapeznikov, Balin, and Zhukov commissioned a ship, the Sv. Adrian i Natalia, under the command of Andrean Tolstykh. Toltsykh wintered on Bering Island, then proceeded to Attu, where he encountered the Sv. Nikolai under Durnev. Tolstykh remained at Attu a year, returning to Kamchatka in 1757. [Berkh, p. 31; Coxe (4th ed.), pp. 136-137. Coxe called the island "Ataku."] 1757 The small ship Kapiton, built by Basov and Novikov on Bering Island in 1747 [see above; see also Berkh, pp. 2-3; and Coxe, p. 126], was confiscated by the government because it was built of the wreckage of a government-owned vessel, and its use was given for seven years to Ivan Zhilkin, of Solevychegda. Sent out on a voyage of exploration under the Cossack Studentsov, it was driven ashore on Kamchatka. After some difficulty it was refloated, but not in time to proceed this year on its voyage to the Aleutians. [Berkh, p. 32.] 1758 The Kapiton again set out under command of Studentsov. It proceeded first to Bering Island, whence they sailed in August to the Near Islands, thence eastward to anchor at an unknown island, where the vessel was wrecked by a storm. The survivors fought off the hostile natives, passed two winters on the island, and finally managed to build from the wreckage a new boat. Putting to sea in their makeshift craft, they reached another island, where they found the wreckage of Serebren- nikov's vessel, which they repaired and used for the return voyage in 1761. [Berkh, p. 32.] The Vladimir, owned by Nikifor Trapeznikov and Semen Krasil'nikov and commanded by Dmitrii Paikov, set out in 1758 and wintered on Bering Island. Setting out again in 1759, Paikov sailed to the south in an unsuccessful search for land, then turned back north to the island of Atkha. Finding no suitable harbours there, he went on to the Amlia, 16 Stuart R. Tompkins Jan.-Apr. where he wintered. To facilitate hunting operations, Paikov divided his crew into three parties: the first proceeded to the island of "Sigdak"; the second, under the Cossack Shevyrin, went to Atkha; the third remained with the vessel. The second party was exterminated by the natives, and Paikov recalled the first party, preparatory to returning to Kamchatka. At Atkha he encountered Bechevin's Sv. Gavrilo, outward bound, and the two captains decided to pool their resources. The Vladimir started home in June, 1761, while the Sv. Gavrilo moved on to Umnak and then the Alaska Peninsula, wintering in Isanotski Strait. [Berkh, pp. 37-40; Coxe (3rd ed.), p. 68; Jochelson, p. 3.] A merchant named Nikiforov built at Nizhne-Kamchatsk the ship Julian, for which he selected as navigator the myeshchanin of Yar'ensk, Stepan Glotov. Glotov sailed to the east on September 2, 1758; contrary winds forced him to Copper Island, whence he proceeded to Bering Island to winter. From there he set out in August, 1759, on a voyage of discovery, putting in at the islands of Umnak and Unalaska, where his crews found excellent hunting. It was necessary at first to fight off the natives, but peace was made and gifts were exchanged; the natives pledged their fealty to Elizabeth and agreed to pay yassak, which the Russians collected for the years 1761 and 1762. On the return of the vessel in 1762, the Cossack Ponomarev, who had gone along to levy yassak, drew up a map showing eight large islands northeast of Unalaska. In 1764 one of the merchants who had been interested in the voyage was sent to the imperial court at St. Petersburg, where he presented some fine fox-skins to the Empress and gave her an account of the fur trade in the North Pacific. He exhibited a map, probably that prepared by Ponomarev, which was deposited with the Admiralty. See Tompkins and Moorhead, " Russia's Approach to America," for the international repercussions of this voyage. [Berkh, pp. 35-37; Mesyatsoslov, 1774; Ponomarev and Glotov, Report in Andreyev, pp. 23-29.] It was in 1758 also that G. F. Miiller published his Nachrichten von Seereisen, together with a map, to further correct Delisle's erroneous account of the discoveries made by Bering. 1759 The Petr i Pavel, commanded by A. Serebrennikov and owned by the merchant Rybinskii and his associates, set out in search of lands thought to lie south of the Aleutian Islands. Nothing is known as to where they prosecuted their search for furs, but they returned to Nizhne- Kamchatsk in 1761 with 2,000 sea-otter skins. [Berkh, p. 40.] 1955 After Bering: Mapping the North Pacific 17 The merchants Shuiskii Postnikov, Krasil'nikov of Tula, and the Kul'khovs of Vologda sent out the Zakharii i Elizaveta under Captain Stepan Cherapanov. The vessel sailed from Okhotsk to the Aleutians, and it is assumed that it visited the Near Islands. It returned to Okhotsk in 1762. [Berkh, p. 40.] 1760 The Sv. Gavrilo, sent out by the Irkutsk merchant Bechevin in 1760, has been mentioned above in connection with the Vladimir, which set sail in 1758. Apparently it was commanded by Ponomarev, but it is uncertain whether it sailed from Bolsheretsk or Okhotsk. After parting company with the Vladimir in 1761, it proceeded to Unalaska and the island of Unga. The excesses of the crew there provoked retaliation from the natives, who drove the vessel away from Unga. The Sv. Gavrilo then put in at Umnak, and the outrages of this party were among the chief causes of the native rising on the Fox Islands in 1764. The vessel returned to Kamchatka in 1762 with a cargo valued at 52,000 rubles. [Berkh, pp. 41-42; Innokentii, I, p. 116.] Andrean Tolstykh was owner and commander of the Adrian i Natalia, which wintered in 1760-1761 on Bering Island and the next year visited Attu, Agattu, Adak, and " Semichu." Proceeding under an imperial sanction, Tolstykh carried out a thorough reconnaissance of the Andreanof Islands. Upon his return in 1764, in recognition of his services, the government remitted its customary 10-per-cent levy on the profits of the voyage. The Cossacks Lazarev and Vasyutinski, who had accompanied the expedition for the purpose of levying yassak, wrote a description of the Andreanofs (see Andreyev) and were raised to the level of " local nobles " as a reward for their services. [Berkh, pp. 52-57; Coxe (4th ed.), p. 79.] Berkh mentions also an expedition to the Aleutians of the Lala merchant Teretii Chebaevskii, who returned in 1763 with a cargo valued at 104,218 rubles. 1762 A large joint-stock company, including Nikifor Trapeznikov, Vasillii Popov, Jakob Potasov, and Ivan Lapin, dispatched four vessels, three of which were lost. The Zakharii i Elizaveta, under the command of Alexei Druzhinin, wintered in Petropavlovsk and proceeded in July, 1763, to Umnak, where she met the vessels of Glotov, Korovin, and Medvyedev. [See below.] Druzhinin then directed his ship's course to Unalaska, where two of his three hunting parties were wiped out in an 18 Stuart R. Tompkins Jan.-Apr. uprising of the natives. He was forced to abandon vessel and take refuge on the ship of Korovin. [Berkh, p. 63; Tikhmenev, I, p. 3.] The second of the vessels, the Svyatata Troitsya, under Ivan Korovin, reached Unalaska in August, 1763, in company with Medvyedev's ship. After he picked up the survivors from Druzhinin's ship, his own vessel was wrecked, and his company had to escape in baidars to Umnak. There they found the wreck of the third vessel, name unknown, and the bodies of the captain, Medvyedev, and the crew, all murdered by the natives. The fourth of these ill-fated vessels, name and captain unknown, proceeded to Unalaska and the Alaska Peninsula, and was lost in Isanotski Strait. [Berkh, p. 58; Innokentii, I, pp. 118-119; Veniami- nov's discussions of these early voyages suggest that in addition to the above there were a number of others, of which all records have been lost.] The merchants Terentii Chebayevskii, Ivan Lapin, and Ivan and Vasillii Popov sent out the Adrian i Natalia under the command of Glotov. This vessel proceeded to Umnak, where Glotov joined forces with Druzhinin for a little while. He soon went on to Kodiak, where the hostility of the natives prevented effective hunting operations. Returning to Unalaska, he found that Korovin had just picked up the survivors of Druzhinin's party, and for a short time he joined forces with Korovin, then later with Glotov. In 1766 he returned to Kamchatka. [Berkh, p. 63; Tikhmenev, I, p. 3.] Shalauroff set out in 1762 from the Kolyma River, but his expedition was forced to turn back to Nizhne-Kolymsk because of unfavourable weather. He tried again in 1764 under the sanction of the government, but he never returned and his fate is unknown. [Sauer, p. 96; Coxe (3rd ed.), pp. 263-269, says that Shalauroff set out in 1761, wintered at the mouth of the Kolyma, and came back to the mouth of the Lena, 1763-1764. He speculates that Shalauroff and his crew were killed about 1767 near the Anadyr by the Chukchi.] 1764 The merchant Olednikov sent out the Petr i Pavel under Solov'ev to the Aleutian Islands. Solov'ev proceeded to Umnak, Unalaska, and the Alaska Peninsula. Returning to Unalaska he picked up the survivors of the crews which had been massacred by the natives [see above, 1762], and exacted a frightful vengeance from the natives. He returned to Kamchatka in 1766. [Berkh, pp. 47-62; Beniowsky, I, p. 267.] 1955 After Bering: Mapping the North Pacific 19 Another Petr i Pavel, sent out by Grigorii and Petr Panov, had a less eventful voyage to the Fox Islands, whence it returned in 1766. Delarov commanded the ship. [Berkh, p. 72.] Under orders of Saimonov, then Governor of Siberia, Lieutenant Synd, who had been a member of Bering's party, sailed from Okhotsk on a voyage of discovery. His vessel, the Sv. Pavel, proved unseaworthy, and he set out again in 1765 in the Sv. Ekaterina. He may have convoyed some commercial vessels, though this point is uncertain. The territory which he covered is also uncertain, but he may have reached the American mainland, touching it on or about Seward Peninsula. He returned to Okhotsk in 1768. [Coxe (4th ed.), pp. 264-266; Bancroft, pp. 157-158.] It was in this year also that three vessels were secretly dispatched from Arkhangel in the hope of finding open sea that would enable them to pass around the northern coast of Europe and Asia to enter the Pacific through Bering Sea. This voyage was promoted by the Russian scientist Lomonosov as part of an ambitious scheme to explore the sea routes between the Atlantic and Pacific. They were to meet another expedition to be sent from Okhotsk to carry out the thorough exploration of the Aleutian Islands. The above three vessels, commanded by Chichagov, Panov, and Babayev, reached the northwest coast of Spitz- bergen and returned without fulfilling their mission in 1766. [Proekt Lomonosova, pp. 142 ff.] News of this leaked out to the Spanish Ambassador, who reported it to his home government. [See Tompkins and Moorhead.] 1765 The merchants Blasov and Mostovskii, backed by Lapin, Oryekov, and Shilov, were this year authorized by decree of the Empress, issued by the chancery of Okhotsk, to send out an expedition. In view of irregularities, elaborate instructions for the conduct of the expedition were given the commander, Gerasim Izmailov, and the peredovchik, Lukanin. They sailed first to the Fox Islands, then to Unalaska, where they had considerable trouble with the natives in 1766. Attempts to collect yassak had caused difficulty with the natives, but in spite of that they returned with a substantial catch of fur. [Berkh, p. 45.] The newly formed company of Lapin, Shilov, and Oryekov built two vessels, the SV. Petr and the Sv. Pavel, at Okhotsk. The Sv. Petr, under command of Andrean Tolstykh, sailed southward from Bolsher- etsk, searching for the mythical Gama Land. The vessel was wrecked 20 Stuart R. Tompkins Jan.-Apr. in a storm off the coast of Kamchatka, and Tolstykh was drowned. The Sv. Pavel, under Ocheredin, sailed to the Aleutians, passing one winter on Umnak and another on Akutan. Hunting operations were constantly hampered by the hostility of the natives, and in 1768 the natives made concerted onslaughts on the vessels of Ocheredin and Popov, both then trading at Unalaska. The Sv. Pavel returned in 1770. [Berkh, pp. 76-80; Bancroft, Alaska, pp. 153-154.] 1766 The Tula merchant Semen Krasil'nikov and his company dispatched the ship Vladimir under the command of Sapozhnikov. He is supposed to have visited the Fox Islands, where he obtained a catch of sea-otters, blue foxes, and fur-seals. [Berkh, p. 81.] It was in 1766 that Shilov went to Moscow, where he was presented at court to tell of the Pacific trading activities. He gave Catherine skins and a map of the Aleutian chain east to Umnak. In recognition of his services she remitted the customary government tax of 10 per cent on his catch. 1767 Grigorii and Petr Panov again sent out the Sv. Petr i Sv. Pavel, which returned in three years with a rich cargo and at once set out on a third voyage, for which no return is recorded. [Berkh, p. 82.] Ivan Popov sent out the newly constructed ship loann Ustyuzhskii. Her captain and destination are unknown, but she is supposed to have passed a year in the Aleutian Islands. She returned at an unknown date and was sent out on a second expedition, from which she returned in 1770 with a substantial catch. She immediately made a third voyage, from which she returned in 1772. [Berkh, p. 82.] Peloponisov (obviously the first Greek who appears as a participant in these voyages) and Popov formed a company and sent out a ship, the Sv. loann Predtecha, which left Nizhne-Kamchatsk in 1767, possibly reached the Aleutian Islands, and returned in 1772. [Berkh, Appendix.] 1768 Ivan Zasypkin, Afanasii Oreykhov, and Ivan Mukhin sent out the ship Nikolai, which returned in 1773. Where its catch was obtained is not recorded. [Berkh, p. 85.] An official voyage was undertaken this year under the express instructions of the Empress Catherine, who felt that exact scientific information 1955 After Bering: Mapping the North Pacific 21 should be obtained with regard to the location of the Aleutian Islands and the mainland of America. This voyage was part of the scheme fathered by Lomonosov to complete the mapping of the northern and eastern coasts of Siberia and the Aleutian Islands and to complete the work of Bering. Two vessels were commissioned — the galliot Sv. Ekaterina, under Lieutenant Krenitsyn, and the hooker Sv. Pavel, commanded by Lieutenant Levashev. Krenitsyn was in supreme command. The expedition seems to have made a false start in 1766, but did not finally carry out its task until 1768-1769. It proceeded eastward along the Aleutian chain to Unalaska. Krenitsyn seems to have wintered in Isanotski Strait, while the Sv. Pavel wintered at Unalaska. The expedition encountered the Sv. Pavel, of Ocheredin, which was entrusted with a dispatch to the home government. One of the chief tasks of this expedition was the compilation of a chart marking the track of the vessels both going out and rerarning. In the harbour of Unalaska and Isanotski Strait, careful observations were made and distances accurately computed, thus clearing up for the first time the confusion in the geography of the Aleutians. It might be noted that previous expeditions had been under the impression that one had to reach the Aleutians by proceeding northeast, and thus the Fox Islands and the Alaska Peninsula were presumed to be far to the north of their actual locations. Lomonosov conjectured that this error was due to the ignorance of the inexperienced pilots of the local variations of the magnetic compass. [Coxe (4th ed.), pp. 248-263; Proekt Lomonosova 143, letter of Lomonosov to Cherny- shev, September 15,1765.] 1769 Peloponisov and Popov sent out the ship Sv. Adrian. The vessel suffered partial shipwreck on its return trip in 1773, but managed none the less to limp back to Kamchatka. [Berkh, p. 85.] A company made up of Matvei Okoshnikov, of Vologda, and Pro- kopii Protodyakanov, of Yakutsk, sent out from Okhotsk the Prokopii, which returned in 1773 with a very meagre catch of fur. [Berkh, p. 85.] 1770 Vasilii Serebrennikov, of Moscow, dispatched the ship Sv. Aleksandr Nevskii, which returned four years later. [Berkh, p. 86.] Vasilii Shilov, Ivan Lapin, and Afanasii Oryekhov selected Ivan Maksimov Solov'ev to command the ship SV. Pavel, which sailed from Okhotsk in July, 1770. It visited Unalaska, Umnak, and neighbouring islands and returned in 1775 with a good catch of furs. [Berkh, p. 86.] 22 Stuart R. Tompkins Jan.-Apr. 1771 Gerhard Friedrich Miiller this year published a new map of the Russian Empire to correct mistakes in his earlier map of 1758. [MuUer, Istoriya Sibiri, I, p. 105.] This map incorporated discoveries made by Bering. This year saw one of the most fantastic incidents in the history of naval activity in these regions. A prisoner of war captured in the disturbances in Poland in 1768, Mauritius Augustus, Count de Beniowsky, succeeded in organizing a conspiracy among his fellow prisoners at Bolsheretsk. The prisoners revolted, secured arms, overpowered the garrison, and killed the commandant, Captain Nilov. They then seized a ship in the harbour, the Sv. Petr i Pavel, upon which they embarked for a voyage to freedom. With Beniowsky were a number of Russians, at least one of whom, Izmailov, had made previous voyages. It is quite impossible to trace the exact course followed, but Beniowsky claimed that they sailed across the Bering Sea, touched on the coast of America, and then turned southward, entering the Pacific and proceeding southward until they finally reached the port of Macao. Here the party apparently broke up, and Beniowsky and some of the crew proceeded to Europe—how is not known—and the others found their way back as best they could. Ismailov had been put ashore on one of the Kurile Islands to find his way back to Siberia. Beniowsky's expedition contributed little to maritime discovery, but it created a profound impression in administrative circles, since it disclosed the comparative ease with which determined prisoners could escape from exile and led to a shake-up in the administration. [Beniowsky, Vol. I.] 1772 The company of Oryekhov, Lapin, and Shilov this year fitted out the Sv. Vladimir under the command of Potap Zaikov. Zaikov left Okhotsk on September 22, 1772, and put into the mouth of the Borov- skaya River, 16 versts north of Bolsheretsk. The following year he saUed again on June 12, 1773, and passed through the Kurile Islands in a southeasterly direction in search of Gama Land. Unsuccessful, of course, he turned back to winter on Copper Island, which he explored very carefully. Putting to sea again in July, 1774, he sailed to the island of Attu, where he decided to spend the winter hunting for fur. In July, 1775, he left Attu, and sailed along the Aleutian Islands to Umnak, where he met the Sv. Evyel, commanded by Burenin, with whom 1965 After Bering: Mapping the North Pacific 23 he joined forces. Leaving a party on Umnak with Burenin, Zaikov proceeded eastward in August to make further discoveries. On August 3, 1775, he entered Isanotski Strait, where he wintered. Zaikov apparently spent three years at Unimak. In May, 1778, he started home. Putting in to Umnak he found Burenin and divided the catch with him. He wintered in Umnak and set out again in May, 1779, stopping at Attu to pick up a party which he had left behind. On June 12 he reached Bering Island and in September finally put into Okhotsk. The seven years' voyage was remarkably successful. Zaikov apparently had some nautical training, for he was able to correct the observations of Krenitsyn, which had placed the Aleutian Islands 5 degrees too far west, and it was Zaikov who drew up the first accurate charts of the Aleutian chain. [Berkh, p. 87 ff.; Pallas, III, 274-288.] Petr and Grigorii Panov sent out a vessel of unknown name in 1772; there is no information as to the destination or the success of this voyage. [Berhk, p. 94.] Dmitrii Polutov sailed from Bolsheretsk on September 8, 1772, in command of the Arkhangel Mikhail, a ship owned by the Totem merchant Alexei Kholodilov. A storm on September 20 drove him on the shore of Kamchatka, but the vessel was relatively undamaged. In July, 1773, he again put to sea, reaching Bering Island, where he wintered. Polutov set out again on July 17, 1774, and on September 7 dropped anchor off Unalaska. There he spent two years hunting among the neighbouring islands. June 15, 1776, he proceeded to Kodiak, where he put into a bay on the eastern side of the island which penetrated the land 15 versts. The hostile attitude of the natives boded ill for his trade with them, and he decided to return to Unalaska. Thence he proceeded to Attu, August 2, where he wintered. He departed on July 25, 1777, and reached Nizhne-Kamchatsk that summer. [Berkh, pp. 94—96.] Baidars frequently went from the mainland to Bering and Copper Islands, but records of such trips were rarely kept. However, Berkh records that in 1772 and 1774 the baidar of Ivan Novikov made two trips to the Near Islands and brought back rich cargoes. 1773 The Sv. Evyel, sailing under command of her owner, Fedor Burenin, set out from Nizhne-Kamchatsk. Burenin put in at Copper Island, Attu, and finally Umnak, where, as we have seen, he joined forces with Zaikov. He returned home in 1779. [Berkh, p. 97.] 24 Stuart R. Tompkins Jan.-Apr. A new map of discoveries in the North Pacific was issued in 1773 by the Geographical Department of the Academy of Sciences. 1774 This year Jakob von Stahlin published in the periodical Mesyatsoslov an article, "A New Northern Archipelago," accompanied by a map which purported to give the results of recent explorations in the North Pacific. This publication found its way to Spain through the Spanish Ambassador and did something to stimulate Spanish interest in Russian exploration. The merchants Protod'yakanov and Okonishnikov dispatched the Sv. Prokopii on its second voyage. It returned in 1776 with a catch which barely paid the expenses of the voyage, and the discouraged owners got out of the business. [Berkh, p. 99.] The merchant Osokin, of Tobol, sent out his own Sv. Pavel, but it suffered shipwreck at some unknown location and became a total loss. [Berkh, p. 99.] News of the Russian explorations in the region induced the Spanish Government to send its first recorded voyage into the North Pacific. The expedition was headed by Juan Perez in the vessel Santiago, which sailed from San Bias, on the west coast of Mexico, January 25, 1774. Although ordered to explore north to the 60th parallel, Perez reached only 55 degrees north latitude. He apparently put in at Nootka Sound (although there is some question as to the accuracy of this observation), then proceeded northward along the west coast of Vancouver Island and the mainland to 55 degrees. He turned back south on July 22 and reached San Bias in September. [For the numerous authorities for this voyage, the reader is referred to Wagner, I, pp. 172-174.] 1775 A second Spanish expedition occurred in the year following Perez's first voyage. Bruno Heceta, in the Santiago, headed the expedition. A second vessel, the Sonora, was commanded by Juan Francisco de la Bodega. The expedition sailed from San Bias on March 16, 1775. On August 17 the mouth of the Columbia River was discovered, but so many of his men were ill that Heceta could not dispatch a party to explore it. The vessels had separated about August 1 in latitude 47 degrees, Heceta turning back south and Bodega continuing north in an effort to carry out his orders to sail to 65 degrees. The Santiago 1955 After Bering: Mapping the North Pacific 25 anchored in Monterey on August 29. Bodega reached approximately 58 degrees on August 22; there heavy weather and illness of much of the crew forced Bodega to turn back to the south. The Sonora reached Monterey on October 7. [For an account of the voyage and of the six extant accounts of the expedition, see Wagner, I, pp. 175-179.] 1776 Grigorii and Petr Panov sent out the Sv. Aleksandr Nevskii to the Aleutian Islands, whence it returned in 1779. No further information on this voyage is available. [Berkh, p. 100.] Oryekhov, Lapin, and Shilov sent out the Sv. Pavel under the command of Gerasim Izmailov. Ivan Lukanin was peredovchik; i.e., the leader of the hunting parties. We have no information from Russian sources as to their destination, but the fact that Captain Cook encountered Izmailov at Unalaska in 1778 indicates that the expedition made its headquarters on that island. Izmailov, who had sailed with Beniowsky as far as the Kurile Islands in 1771, was extremely well informed on the geography of the North Pacific. He and Cook exchanged information from which both profited. Cook speaks as though the Russians had a permanent post at Unalaska, but this is somewhat open to doubt. Izmailov returned in 1781. [Berkh, p. 101; Bancroft, Alaska, p. 183; Cook, II, 496-504.] Grigorii Shelekhov, in partnership with Luka Alin, sent out another Sv. Pavel, from Nizhne-Kamchatsk with Sapozhnikov in command. It returned from the Aleutian Islands in 1780 with a cargo valued at 75,240 rubles. [Berkh, p. 101; Bancroft, Alaska, p. 183.] Shelekhov also formed a partnership with Lebedev-Lastochkin for the purpose of hunting and trading on the Kurile Islands. They dispatched at least one vessel to the Kuriles, but no specific records of the voyage are extant. [Berkh, p. 100; Bancroft, Alaska, p. 182.] 1777 Grigorii and Petr Panov, Shelekhov, and Solov'ev sent out the Varfolomei i Varnava from Nizhne-Kamchatsk in the summer of this year. It returned in 1781 with a small cargo. [Berkh, pp. 101-102; Bancroft, Alaska, p. 183.] Grigorii Shelekhov and Ivan Golikov built the Sv. Andrei Pervoz- vannyi and sent it to the Aleutian Islands. The vessel was wrecked, but its very valuable cargo (133,000 rubles) was saved. This seems to have been the first venture in which Shelekhov and Golikov, who were 26 Stuart R. Tompkins Jan.-Apr. afterwards to organize the Russian-American Company, were associated. [Berkh, p. 102.] Yakov Protasov sent out the Zosim i Savvatiya, which returned in four years with a small cargo. [Berkh, pp. 102-103.] 1778 This year occurred the first of the explorations undertaken by the British in the North Pacific. Captain James Cook was placed in command of two vessels, the Discovery and the Resolution, with the principal objective of locating, if possible, in these regions some passage which would provide a route between the Pacific and Atlantic Oceans. The quest was stimulated by an account of the voyage alleged to have been made by Admiral de Fonte through the River of the West," in which he was alleged to have passed through the continent from the Pacific to the Atlantic. [See above, Introduction, for discussion of the apocryphal voyages.] Cook's orders were to search for this passage as far north as the latitude in which it was assumed that the River of Fonte entered the Pacific. If he failed to locate it, he was then to proceed north to the 60th parallel, work his way along the coast of Alaska to Bering Sea, and pass northward into the Arctic Ocean. Cook left England in 1776 and arrived on the Northwest Coast in March, 1778, at Nootka Sound. Turning northward, he examined the various inlets in search of the supposed " River of the West," finally coming to the conclusion that no such passage existed. He then sailed farther north to about the 60th parallel, and entered and explored Prince William Sound and Cook Inlet. From Cook Inlet he passed east of Afognak and Kodiak Islands and continued southwest to Unimak Pass and Unalaska Island, where he found evidence that Russians had been there before him. Sailing north from Unalaska, he entered the estuary of the Kuskokwim River, where shallow water compelled him to set his course southwestward to the open sea. As a result, he missed the mouth of the Yukon River. He finally passed through Bering Strait into the Arctic, heading northwest until he was stopped by ice. Tacking back south to clear the ice, he then turned to the northeast until he was again stopped by ice. Since it was now late in the year, he decided to leave these northern regions. But before doing so he reconnoitred the coast of Northeast Siberia and the northwest coast of the North American Continent, taking care to fix the position of all the prominent landmarks in and about Bering Strait. Coming down through Unimak Pass, he called at Unalaska, where he at last encountered the Russians. It was 1955 After Bering: Mapping the North Pacific 27 his impression, probably erroneous, that the Russians had a permanent settlement there. He managed a series of interviews with Izmailov, with whom, as we have seen, he exchanged information on the geography of these regions. Cook then sailed for the Hawaiian Islands, where, unfortunately, he was killed in 1779. Cook, a competent navigator and very shrewd student of geography, cleared up most of the map difficulties that navigators and geographers had experienced. He sketched in a general way the outline of Alaska, the Aleutian Islands, and the adjacent coast of Siberia in pretty much the form that they exist on modern maps. The first navigator to attempt the Northwest Passage from west to east, he exploded the myth of Fonte's " River of the West." Cook's work was resumed by his men in 1779 under command of Captain Clerke. They passed northward through Bering Strait into the Arctic in an attempt to force their way through the ice to the east, but they failed. On the return they put in at Petropavlovsk, where Clerke died and was buried. The vessels then began the return voyage to England, where they arrived in 1780. The journals and reports of Cook were sent back overland across Siberia to St. Petersburg, where they were delivered to the British Ambassador. It is quite likely that the Russian scholars had access to them, whether openly or clandestinely, since Pallas, in a map published in 1780, showed the outline of Alaska pretty much as Cook had proved it to be. [Cook, Vols. II and III.] The Panov brothers, associated with Arsenii Kuznetzof, constructed the Sv. Nikolai, which they sent out from Petropavlovsk. It returned after seven years with a rich cargo. [Bancroft, Alaska, p. 184.] The same firm also sent out the vessel Kliment, commanded by Ocheredin, to the Aleutian Islands. The vessel wintered off Kodiak (where the natives refused to permit a landing) in 1779, when the expedition suffered heavy loss from disease. In the spring they hastened to the Fox Islands. Details of the rest of the voyage are lacking, but the Kliment returned to Kamchatka in 1785 with a profitable load of furs. [Berkh, p. 104; Shelekhov, Stranstvovanie.] Shelekhov and the Kamchatka merchant Kozitsyn sent out another ship named Sv. Nikolai, which made three successive voyages to the Aleutian Islands. No further information appears for any of the voyages. [Berkh, p. 105.] 1779 Shelekhov and Golikov sent out the Sv. loann Predtechya, which seems to have proceeded as far as the Near Islands. Over a period of 28 Stuart R. Tompkins Jan.-Apr. six years a substantial catch was collected, and the vessel returned to Okhotsk in 1784. [Berkh, p. 105.] The third Spanish expedition, which had been ordered by the Spanish Government for the year 1776, was delayed until 1779. It consisted of two vessels—the Princesa, under command of Ignacio Arteaga, and the Favorita, under command of Bodega. They sailed from San Bias on February 11. After reconnoitring part of the Alexander Archipelago, they continued northward, making a landfall off Cape St. Elias. They apparently crossed the entrance to Prince William Sound, called in the accounts the " large ensenada," then sailed south and west past the Kenai Peninsula. On August 7 they began the return voyage, probably passing within sight of Afognak and Marmot Islands. They reached San Bias on November 21. [Wagner, I, pp. 191-196.] 1780 The Panov brothers this year again sent out the Sv. Evyel from Kamchatka to the Near Islands, where it spent five years. It was finally wrecked, but its cargo was rescued, brought back, and sold. [Berkh, p. 105.] Shelekhov dispatched the Sv. loann Ryl'skii, which proceeded to the Aleutian Islands. She was wrecked on the shore of Kamchatka on her return voyage in 1786. [Berkh, p. 106.] Two Moscow merchants, Zhuravlev and Krivoroshov, sent out the Sv. Prokopii from Okhotsk. It, too, was wrecked on the shores of Kamchatka. [Berkh, p. 107.] 1781 In July, 1781, a Greek, Evstratii Delarov, sailed for the Aleutian Islands, perhaps on the Aleksandr Nevskii, owned by the merchants Oryekhov, Lapin, and Shilov. He passed his first winter out at Bering Island, the second at Unalaska, and the third at Prince William Sound, and the winters of 1784 and 1785 at Unga. He returned to Okhotsk in 1786. [Berkh, pp. 108-109; Sauer, p. 197.] Delarov was to become a leading figure in the eastward expansion of the Russian fur trade. Three other vessels sailed in 1781. The SV. Pavel, dispatched by Alin and Shelekhov, and the Sv. Alexei, sent out by the merchant Popov, each returned after five years with a valuable cargo. The Sv. Georgii, fitted out by Lebedev-Lastochkin and Shelekhov, was commanded by Gerasim Pribylov, who is credited with the discovery of the islands which bear his name. He discovered the island of St. George in 1786 and left a party 1955 After Bering: Mapping the North Pacific 29 of promyshlenniki there to winter. He discovered the near-by islands of Peter and Paul in 1787. Pribylov stayed out for eight years, returning home in 1789. [Berkh, p. 107.] 1782 Yakov Protassov sent out from Nizhne-Kamchatsk the sole vessel whose departure was recorded in this year. It returned in 1786 with a cargo consisting largely of fur-seals. [Berkh, p. 109.] 1783 The commanders of three vessels meeting at the Fox Islands decided that hunting resources there had been exhausted and banded together to go to Prince William Sound. The ships were the following: The Sv. Alexei, owned by Kholodilov, Oryekhov, and Panov and commanded by Evstratii Delarov; the Mikhail, owned by Kholodilov and commanded by Polutov; and the Aleksandr Nevskii, owned by Oryekhov, Lapin, and Shilov and commanded by Potap Zaikov. The latter had seen Cook's map, which showed the existence of the sound. They made their way to Prince William Sound, but, so far as is known, none of the vessels actually entered the sound proper. Zaikov anchored off Kayak Island, from where he prosecuted his trade with the natives, but without significant success owing to their suspicion and hostility. He did, however, reconnoitre the mouth of the Copper River and learned from his interpreters the names of most of the tribes living along the coast to the south and east. Weighing anchor early in September, he proceeded westward along the coast to the island of Katalla, where he encountered further difficulties with the natives. The other vessels of the expedition met with no greater success; indeed, more than one party of hunters was cut off and annihilated. Despairing of prosecuting a successful trade, the crews concluded to cut their losses and return. They made their way back separately to Okhotsk. We know that Delarov did not return till 1786; the time of the arrival of the others is not known accurately. Polutov and his crew left behind a record of cruelty in their treatment of the natives which was to bode the Russians no good in their future relations with the Indians. [Berkh, p. 112; Shelekhov, Stranstvovanie, pp. 20-21; Tikhmenev, II, Prilozhenie, pp. 1-8.] Lebedev-Lastochkin sent out the Sv. Pavel, under the command of Stepan Zaikov. After first going to the XVIII Kurile Island to rescue the 30 Stuart R. Tompkins Jan.-Apr. brigantine Natalia, which had been cast ashore there by an earthquake, he returned to Okhotsk; then he went on to the Aleutian Islands in the next year. The ship was finally wrecked on the Pribilof Islands in 1789; the cargo was saved, but was not sufficient to pay the expenses of the voyage. [Berkh, p. 109.] This year Shelekhov and Golikov, who had formed a momentous partnership for establishing a permanent post in the fur-hunting area off the American mainland, made their first venture toward that end. Shelekhov himself took charge of the expedition of three ships—the Three Saints, or Trekh Svyatitelei, commanded by Izmailov; the Sv. Mikhail, under Olesov; and the St. Simeon and Prophetess Anna, which was lost the first winter out. The two remaining ships became separated, and Shelekhov, in the Three Saints, went on to Bering, where he wintered. Leaving there on July 16, 1784, the Three Saints proceeded eastward to Kodiak, where they landed and laid out a permanent fort on Three Saints Bay on the southeastern coast of the island. Shelekhov remained on Kodiak through 1785, sending out parties in all directions to look for furs. In the spring of 1786 the Sv. Mikhail, which had been delayed for two years, finally reached Kodiak, where Shelekhov, dissatisfied with its pilot, turned the vessel over to Samoilov, to whom he gave instructions to continue his explorations eastward. In the spring of 1786 Shelekhov sailed homeward, reaching Petropavlovsk in the late autumn. He left at once by land for Okhotsk, then proceeded westward by stage to European Russia, where he met the Empress Catherine, to whom he presented an account of his voyage and a request for exclusive trading privileges. [Shelekhov, Stranstvovanie, pp. 19-63.] 1784 No ships were sent out by the Russians in this year. 1785 The Totem merchant Panov sent out the Sv. Georgii from Nizhne- Kamchatsk. It returned two years later with a cargo of 1,388 seals and 183 blue foxes. [Berkh, p. 114.] The return of the Cook expedition in 1780 had apprised English merchants of the valuable furs to be obtained in the North Pacific, and in 1785 a vessel, the Sea Otter, sailed from China under command of James Hanna. It crossed the Pacific and reached the coast of America, where Hanna was eventually able to establish friendly relations with the natives and obtained a considerable cargo of furs. Hanna is known to 1955 After Bering: Mapping the North Pacific 31 have been at Nootka and to have named Fitzhugh Sound, which lies just north of Vancouver Island. He located and anchored in Sea Otter's Harbour, of which no positive identification is now possible. The success of Captain Hanna soon tempted other English vessels to make the venture. [Meares, Voyages, Introduction, p. li; Howay; Bancroft, Alaska, p. 242.] 1786 English Voyages The Sea Otter, under command of Captain William Tipping, and the Nootka, under Captain John Meares, left Bombay in March, 1786, and traded in Alaskan waters that summer. Meares visited the Russian establishment at Unalaska, where he was entertained by Delarov. From Unalaska he proceeded east to Prince William Sound, where he spent the winter of 1786-1787, he and his men suffering great hardships from the cold and scurvy. In the spring, Captain Dixon, in the King George, encountering him there in great distress, did what he could to relieve him and his crew by lending him supplies, but he reminded Meares that he was engaged in illegal trading since he was violating the monopoly exercised by the East India Company and the South Sea Company in these waters and exacted a promise from him that he would immediately quit the coast. This promise Meares broke, continuing to trade off the coast of Alaska after the departure of Dixon. The Sea Otter, under Captain Tipping, was hailed by Captain William Laurie in Prince William Sound in September, 1786. This was the last seen of Tipping or his vessel, which was either wrecked or taken by the natives. [Howay; Wagner, I, p. 206; Bancroft, Alaska, p. 260.] Another Sea Otter, under Captain James Hanna, from India arrived at Nootka in August, 1786. Hanna followed the coast as far as Cape Scott, and collected furs, leaving for China on October 1. [Strange; Bancroft, Alaska, p. 243.] Two vessels were sent out by the King George's Sound Company— the King George, under Captain Nathaniel Portlock, and the Queen Charlotte, under Captain George Dixon. They left England in 1785, wintered in the Hawaiian Islands, then proceeded to Prince William Sound, where they hunted for furs during the 1786 season without success. They wintered again in the Hawaiian Islands and were back on the coast in 1787. [Bancroft, Alaska, p. 262; Wagner, I, pp. 206-207.] This year the Lark, a vessel of the East India Company commanded by Captain William Peters, reached Petropavlovsk in August on its return 32 Stuart R. Tompkins Jan.-Apr. from Kodiak. Shelekhov met Captain Peters and made arrangements to purchase his entire cargo. Peters then set out on his return voyage, but the vessel suffered shipwreck on Copper or Bering Island and all but two of the crew were lost. [Dixon, p. xvii; Howay.] The Captain Cook, commanded by Captain Henry Laurie, and the Experiment, under Captain Guise, sailed from Bombay on December 8, 1785, and reached the west coast of Vancouver Island in the early summer of 1786. They then proceeded northward across Queen Charlotte Sound and the Gulf of Alaska to Prince William Sound, which they left in September to return to Bombay. The trained seamen in command of this expedition took accurate observations throughout their voyage. [Wagner, I, p. 206; Howay; Strange, p. 32.] French Voyages A French Government expedition consisting of two vessels — the Astrolabe, under de Langle, and the Boussele, under La Perouse—appeared on the Northwest Coast in 1786. They located and entered Lituya Bay, but their landing parties came to grief in the rip tide at the entrance to the bay. La Perouse then proceeded across the Pacific to Petropavlovsk, whence he dispatched Count de Lesseps with his report across Siberia and Europe to Paris. The expedition then made its way southward and was lost in the South Sea Islands. [La Perouse, pp. 167— 169, 202; Wagner, I, pp. 199-200.] 1787 When Portlock and Dixon left the Hawaiian Islands in March, they sailed to Prince William Sound, where they found Captain Meares' ship Nootka frozen in and the crew in great distress. Meares was helped with supplies of various kinds and was warned that he had no right to trade, but was encroaching on the monopoly of the South Sea Company and the East India Company, from which Portlock and Dixon held licences. It appears that he promised to leave the coast, but apparently he did not keep his promise at once and continued to purchase furs before his return to China. [See under year 1786.] Turning southward, Port- lock and Dixon encountered the vessels of Captains Charles Duncan and James Colnett near Nootka. They continued their voyage to England, by way of the Hawaiian Islands, and reached London in 1788. [Port- lock, pp. 102-117; Dixon, pp. 60-69.] The King George's Sound Company sent out from England in 1786 the Princess Royal, commanded by Captain Charles Duncan, and the 1955 After Bering : Mapping the North Pacific 33 Prince of Wales, commanded by Captain James Colnett. They arrived in Nootka Sound in July, 1787, then proceeded northward through Hecate Strait and through various passages of the Alexander Archipelago. They gathered furs around the Queen Charlotte Islands, then returned to winter in the Hawaiian Islands. [Howay.] The Austrian East Indian Company, which consisted of supercargoes in China in the service of the East India Company and several directors of the latter company in England, sent out the Imperial Eagle from Ostend under the Austrian flag on November 23, 1786. The vessel arrived in Nootka Sound in June, 1787. Its commander, Captain Charles William Barkley, is generally credited with the discovery of the Strait of Juan de Fuca (July, 1787). He also discovered Clayoquot Sound and Barkley Sound, but he traded largely south of the strait and apparently never reached Alaskan waters. [Howay.] The Zosim i Savvatiya, owned by Jakob Protasov, sailed in 1787 from Kamchatka and returned four years later with a rich cargo. The region in which it traded is not known. [Berkh, p. 115.] Another Russian vessel, the galyut Sv. Georgii, sailed in 1787. But, although it stayed out until 1793, its cargo did not even pay the expenses of the voyage. [Berkh, pp. 114-115.] 1788 The first American vessels — the Columbia, under Captain John Kendrick, and the Lady Washington, under Captain Robert Gray—were financed by Boston merchants. The ships arrived in Nootka Sound in September, 1788, at the end of the season, and wintered there. In 1789 they traded along the Northwest Coast in the neighbourhood of the Queen Charlotte Islands. They returned to Clayoquot Sound, on the west coast of Vancouver Island, in July. The Columbia sailed at once for China under command of Gray. Kendrick remained behind for a time in the Lady Washington, but he later sailed for China, where he arrived on January 26, 1790. Their northernmost point was 55 degrees 43 minutes. [Wagner, I, p. 209.] A fourth Spanish expedition was dispatched northward in 1788— the Princesa, under Captain Esteban Jose Martinez, and the San Carlos, under Captain Gonzalo Lopez de Haro. The new expedition was inspired by reports of the English and French voyages and rumours of renewed Russian expansion. The instructions were to proceed northward with a view to discovery and to find out, if possible, how far the Russian settlements extended. They sailed northward to the neighbourhood of the 34 Stuart R. Tompkins Jan.-Apr. 60th parallel of latitude, where they took possession of the country in the name of the Spanish monarch. Near the entrance to Prince William Sound they encountered natives who handed them two documents—one in Russian dated 1784 and the other in English dated 1787—and informed them that there were Russian establishments on Kodiak. A longboat was sent ashore at Kodiak, and de Haro met the Russian com- andant, Delarov, who had arrived there November 12, 1787. Delarov informed de Haro, among other things, that the Russians intended to occupy Nootka Sound in the following year. De Haro then left Three Saints Bay, the scene of the meeting, to rejoin Martinez, who had sailed westward, passing along the southern coast of the Alaska Peninsula. Upon reaching Unalaska, they again took formal possession of the country. Martinez encountered Potap Zaikov, who apparently represented the Lebedev-Lastochkin Company at that point, and was given the same information that de Haro had received: that he had been advised by an Englishman, " Grek," who visited there in 1785 that the Russians purposed to occupy Nootka the following year. From Unalaska, Martinez and de Haro sailed for San Bias, where they arrived in October. [Martinez, MS.; Wagner, I, pp. 202-206.] The only expedition of this kind that is known to have been considered by Catherine was that proposed by Captain Trevenen in 1787, but its execution was prevented by the outbreak of the Swedish War, followed by the Turkish War, the troubles in Poland, and the outbreak of the Napoleonic Wars. As we have seen, Delarov had been commissioned by Shelekhov to take full charge of the affairs of the company. In April, 1788, the Three Saints, owned by Shelekhov and Golikov, arrived at Kodiak with Izmailov and Bocharov on board. Acting under Delarov's instructions, Bocharov put to sea to explore the entrance to Prince William Sound, whence he proceeded eastward along the Alaskan coast to Yakutat Bay, which he explored thoroughly and claimed for Russia. The farthermost point reached was Lityua Bay, already discovered by La Perouse. From there the vessel returned to Kodiak. [Shelekhov, Prodolzhenie, p. 42.] In 1788 John Meares arrived off the Northwest Coast with two trading-vessels. After visiting the Alaskan coast in 1786 and 1787, he had returned to Canton and organized a new company, the Merchant Proprietors. The company placed two ships—the Felice Adventurer and the Iphigenia Nubiana—under command of John Meares and William Douglas respectively. To circumvent the monopolies of the East India Company, the vessels were provided with Portuguese papers, Portuguese 1955 After Bering: Mapping the North Pacific 35 flags, and Portuguese commanders, with the English captains to appear in the capacity of supercargoes. The vessels left China in January, 1788, and arrived at Nootka Sound in May. There, ship carpenters who had been brought along began the building of a small tender. While this boat was under construction, Meares proceeded south to the Strait of Juan de Fuca and penetrated along the coast of what is now the State of Washington as far south as Tillimook Bay. On the return voyage in July, he dispatched a longboat to reconnoitre the strait. Meares returned to Nootka Sound, where he was joined by Douglas, who had just returned from Prince William Sound on September 20. The tender, christened the Northwest America, was successfully launched—the first ship built on the Northwest Coast. A few days later Meares departed for China in the Felice Adventurer, while the Iphigenia and Northwest America sailed for the Hawaiian Islands. [Meares, pp. 306-311.] The Princess Royal and Prince of Wales, having wintered in Hawaii, spent the 1788 season on the coast trading for furs. Their navigators drew up an important chart of the Strait of Juan de Fuca; although they did not penetrate beyond Claaset, the chart contained the first really definite information about the strait. Meares, not always reliable, claims to have encountered the Prince of Wales, under a Captain Hutchins, at Prince William Sound, and that the vessel anchored in Spring Corner Cove in 1788. [Howay; Meares, Introduction.] An American vessel, the Eleanora, under Captain Simon Metcalfe, is said to have arrived off the Northwest Coast from China, but there is no record of its activity. [Howay.] 1789 On Meares's return to China, a new deal was made with the Etches brothers of the London Company, effecting a consolidation of the London Company with the Merchant Proprietors. The Felice Adventurer was sold, and a new ship, the Argonaut, was purchased. Meares remained in Canton to act as manager of the company, and two vessels were sent out—the Argonaut, under Captain James Colnett, and the Princess Royal, under Captain Duncan. Their instructions were to establish a post, presumably at Nootka Sound, although there is some doubt of this. [Meares Memorial.] The Iphigenia Nubiana, under Captain Douglas, and the Northwest America, under Captain Robert Funter, having wintered in the Hawaiian Islands, returned to the Northwest Coast in the early spring of 1789, arriving at Nootka Sound late in April. [Howay.] 36 Stuart R. Tompkins Jan.-Apr. Gray and Kendrick, who had wintered at Nootka Sound, sailed southward on a trading trip. Gray returned to Nootka Sound on April 22 to find Captain Douglas and the Iphigenia; the Northwest America had left for the north. Captain Gray also departed for northern waters. On the way out of Nootka Sound on May 3, he met the Princesa, commanded by Martinez, and, some days later, the San Carlos, under de Haro. In Nootka Sound on May 6 Martinez found the Iphigenia in considerable distress, which he endeavoured to relieve. On the following day, however, reinforced by the arrival of de Haro in the San Carlos, he took possession of the Iphigenia as a prize of war and made its crew prisoners. On May 26 he released Captain Douglas and restored the Iphigenia to him, on the understanding that he would sail for the Hawaiian Islands. Douglas also agreed that the case should be submitted to the Viceroy to decide whether the Iphigenia was a lawful prize, and that in case the decision was in the affirmative, its owner should make payment. He further agreed to instruct the commander of the Northwest America to discuss with Martinez the sale of that vessel to him. The Iphigenia sailed on June 2, ostensibly homeward bound; but after leaving Nootka Sound, Douglas proceeded northward on a trading voyage. Meanwhile, on June 9 the Northwest America returned and was taken over by Martinez, who renamed it the Santa Gertrudis. He placed it under command of R. D. Coolidge, a former first mate of the Lady Washington, and dispatched it on a trading voyage, apparently with a Spanish crew, since the British crew was shipped on the Columbia to China. On June 14 Captain Hudson arrived in the Princess Royal from China, with the information that the owners of the Iphigenia were bankrupt and the bills given to Martinez for supplies purchased were worthless. Hudson then sailed on north to trade. On July 3 the Argonaut, under Captain Colnett, reached Nootka Sound, and two days later Martinez took possession of the vessel as a prize and made the captain and crew prisoners. When the Princess Royal returned under Captain Hudson on July 14, it, too, became a prize of war and its crew were taken prisoners. Both vessels were sent southward to San Bias with Spanish crews, carrying the English crews as prisoners. Meanwhile, during the season of 1789, Martinez carried out some explorations in the Princesa, the San Carlos, and a third vessel, the frigate Aranzazu, which had arrived from the south. On the arrival of the Columbia in Canton, Meares heard of the events that had been transpiring at Nootka. He therefore left Canton 1955 After Bering: Mapping the North Pacific 37 at once for London, where he arrived early in 1790, and shortly presented to the House of Commons a memorial relating the incidents and asking the British Government to support his interests. The Spanish Government had already been informed of the incident, and so were not taken by surprise when the British Ambassador at Madrid lodged a protest. The result was an international crisis which was not finally settled for some months, and in which the decision was never very clear- cut.1 The Fair American, under Captain Metcalfe, also visited Nootka and was captured by Martinez, who later released it. The vessel then sailed to Hawaii, where she was again captured and her crew murdered by the natives. [Howay.] The Eleanora seems to have been on the coast again in 1789. She was sighted around the Queen Charlotte Islands iri September and off Nootka in October, when she would not come within hailing distance. [Howay.] The ship Mercury sailed from the Baltic under Swedish registry, but with an English captain, Coxe, on a voyage around the world. Since Sweden and Russia were then at war, Coxe carried instructions to raid the Russian settlements in the Aleutian Islands. He called at the Pribilof Islands and at a post on the Aleutian Islands, where, instead of raiding, he succoured the population. [Sauer, p. 212.] 1790 A new Spanish expedition was ordered in 1790 to occupy and fortify Nootka as soon as possible. The leader of the expedition, Francisco Eliza, commanded the Concepcion; Salvador Fidalgo commanded the San Carlos; and Manuel Quimper was in charge of the Princesa Real. The three vessels sailed from San Bias on February 3, 1790, and in the following month established the required fortification at Nootka. It was now deemed necessary to check into Russian activities in Alaska, so Fidalgo was dispatched northward in the San Carlos, leaving Nootka on May 4. JFidalgo sailed to Prince William Sound, where he took possession of these closely staked regions in the name of the King of Spain. He then proceeded to Cook Inlet, where he spent some time cleaning and repairing the ship and sending out longboats to contact (1) There are many accounts of the Nootka Sound incident. Readers are referred to W. R. Manning, The Nootka Sound Controversy (Annual Report of the American Historical Association, 1904; this work includes Meares's memorial to the House of Commons). 38 Stuart R. Tompkins Jan.-Apr. two posts of the Lebedev-Lastochkin Company in the area. He later called on Delarov at Three Saints Bay on Kodiak, and there learned of the presence of Billings's vessel on the coast. Fidalgo then returned to San Bias, which he reached on November 13, where he reported that bad weather had prevented his reaching Nootka. The original intention of the Spaniards had been to deliver the Princesa Real (the former Princess Royal, seized in 1789) to Captain Colnett at Nootka. But Colnett did not arrive at Nootka until January, 1791, so Francisco Eliza seized the opportunity to send the vessel south to make a detailed examination of the Strait of Juan de Fuca. Quimper set out from Nootka on May 31. Since his orders allowed him only two months to accomplish the task, his reconnaissance was necessarily hurried, but he paused to take possession of the area for Spain at several points. Quimper left the Strait on August 3, but fearing that the strong west wind would prevent his reaching Nootka, he sailed back to San Bias, where he arrived on November 13. [Wagner, I, pp. 219-222.] According to the records of the East India Company, the Princess Royal, with a cargo and Spanish crew, arrived at Macao from Manila on August 11,1791. They had with them an " order from the Governor and Captain General of the Philippine Islands to deliver here to Messrs. James Colnett and Thomas Hudson the Princess Royal in the same state as she was when she was detained by an officer of the Royal Navy in the port of St. Laurence in Nootka situated in the Septentrional Coast of California." Unfortunately the vessel was driven on shore and lost her mast; and when the proposal was made to the English Select Committee to accept the vessel as she was, they refused to accept delivery. It would seem, therefore, as though the vessel was returned to the Northwest Coast under its Spanish crew, for we find a vessel listed by Menzies called the Princesa, under Salvador Fidalgo, present on the coast in 1792. This is the only information that we have on the former English vessel the Princess Royal. [Morse, II, pp. 183-186.] The brig Argonaut, seized by Martinez in 1789, was restored to Captain Colnett on June 4, 1790, together with $40,000 of compensation. The latter spent the summer trading on the coast, wintered at Clayoquot Sound, and returned to Nootka in February, 1791, then sailed via the Hawaiian Islands for Canton, where he arrived in the summer of 1791. [Morse, II, p. 183; Howay.] The American schooner Grace, owned and commanded by William Douglas, formerly of the Iphigenia Nubiana, is recorded as appearing on the coast in 1790. The Polly, another American schooner, is also listed 1955 After Bering: Mapping the North Pacific 39 as appearing there under the command of William Douglas. Howay suggests that either Douglas was the owner and erroneously reported as commander of the Polly or that the Polly and the Grace were actually the same vessel listed under different names. We know at any rate that Douglas died on board the Grace while she was returning to China in 1791. [Howay.] The Eleanora, previously on the coast in 1788 and 1789, may also have traded there in 1790, but there is again no record of her activities. [Howay.] This year Captain Joseph Billings, in command of the Slava Rossii, left Petropavlovsk on a voyage of discovery along the Alaskan coast. Billings had been commissioned by the Empress Catherine to complete the exploration of the northeast coast of Siberia and the neighbouring mainland of America. The years 1785 to 1789 had been spent in an unsuccessful attempt to follow the Asiatic coast from the easternmost point reached by previous explorers to Bering Strait. Admitting failure there, he returned south to Petropavlovsk, where he constructed two vessels, the Slava Rossii and the Chernyi Orel, for his Alaskan venture. Billings's first voyage eastward did little more than go over the ground previously traversed, as far as Cape Saint Elias. On reaching this point, in accordance with his instructions, Billings assumed the title of commodore and turned back. [Sauer.] It was in 1790 also that the Trekh Svyatitelei left Okhotsk, bringing Alexander Baranov to supersede Delarov, who had been established on Kodiak as manager of the Shelekhov-Golikov interests since 1788. The vessel was wrecked at Unalaska, and Baranov had to continue his voyage by baidarka with native crews the following spring. After exposure to great perils and after being sick almost to death, he succeeded in reaching Kodiak. [Khlebnikov, pp. 5-8.] Another Lebedev-Lastochkin vessel, the Sv. Pavel, had sailed from Okhotsk in 1786, presumably under command of Petr Kolomin. In 1789 Kolomin had put ashore a party of some thirty-eight men to establish a post on Kasilov River, emptying into Cook Inlet. Then, in 1790, there arrived the Sv. Georgii Pobyednosnyi under Grigorii Konovalov. Although it, too, was a Lebedev-Lastochkin ship, Konovalov would not join forces with Kolomin; on the contrary, he committed outrages against the other post which finally caused Kolomin to appeal for aid to Alexander Baranov, the manager of the Shelekhov post at Three Saints Bay, who finally had to intervene in the interests of peace. [Tikhmenev, II, Pril., pp. 49-53.] 40 Stuart R. Tompkins Jan.-Apr. 1791 One of a series of scientific expeditions sponsored by the Spanish Government after the peace with England in 1783 came to the Northwest Coast in 1791. Alejandro Malaspina and Jose Bustamente y Guerra, both commanders in the royal navy, were placed in command of the Descubierta and the Atrevida respectively. They left Cadiz in 1789 and departed from Acapulco in 1791 for the Northwest Coast. Malaspina's instructions to explore the coast at 60 degrees north latitude were inspired by Buache's report in the Academy of Sciences in Paris on the alleged discovery of a northwest passage at that latitude by Maldonado. [V. supra, pp. 6-7, for a discussion of the apocryphal voyages.] Malaspina examined Yakutat Bay at about 59 degrees, then sailed west to Hinchinbrook Island and south to Middleton Island; he then turned back east and south, returning to San Bias on October 10. [Wagner, I, pp. 225-229.] Eliza, still in command at Nootka, was ordered to undertake further explorations in 1791. He set out from Nootka on May 4 in the San Carlos, accompanied by the Santa Saturnina under Jose Maria Narvaez. Rough weather and the lateness of the season convinced Eliza that he could not begin his explorations at 60 degrees north latitude as ordered, so he proceeded to Clayoquot Sound, where he made extensive explorations. The final result of his efforts was fairly reliable information about the east end of the Strait of Juan de Fuca, the Rosario and Haro Straits, the Gulf of Georgia up to Texada Island, and the coast of Vancouver Island below Hornby and Denman Islands. [Wagner, I, pp. 223-224.] There occurred in this year the only commercial voyage undertaken by French nationals. A ship, La Solide, owned by the House of Baux and commanded by Captain Etienne Marchand, left Marseilles on December 14, 1790. Its first landfall on the Northwest Coast was within sight of Cape Edgecumbe, a point of Kruzof Island in latitude 57 degrees, but it seems to have traded mostly in the neighbourhood of the Queen Charlotte Islands and as far south as Barkley Sound. La Solide left for Macao early in September and finally reached Toulon on August 14, 1792. [Fleurieu, Voyage Round the World Performed during the Years 1790, 1791, and 1792 by Captain Etienne Marchand, cited by Wagner, I, p. 212.] The former British ship Mercury appeared on the coast this year as the Gustavus HI, under Swedish colours. [See above, 1789.] Howay lists her owner as John Henry Coxe and her commander as Thomas Barnett. 1955 After Bering: Mapping the North Pacific 41 The British ship Fairy, owned by William Douglas and commanded by William Rogers, traded on the coast during the season of 1791, then sailed to Canton. [Howay.] The Felice Adventurer may have been on the coast in 1791, for there is a record that she sailed for the coast from Macao on May 4, 1791. [See Jane.] The British brigantine Venus, under Captain Hervey, was also active on the coast this year. [Howay.] There seems to have been a brig Nootka on the coast in this year, owned by John Henry Coxe, associated with Henry Beale, sailing under Prussian registry. This apparently was the Nootka, which was originally fitted out by the Bengal Fur Company and sent to the Northwest Coast under Captain John Meares in 1786. After Meares's voyage, she was sold at Macao to a Portuguese merchant, who then sold her to Coxe. The vessel appeared at Canton on July 19, 1791, under English colours. [Morse, II, p. 184.] The Lebedev-Lastochkin Company sent out the Sv. loann, under command of Stepan Zaikov, whose own Sv. Pavel had been wrecked. Alexei Popov was peredovchik. The instructions were to proceed to Cook Inlet to join the Sv. Pavel and Sv. Nikolai, vessels of the same company which were supposed to have preceded the Sv. loann there. [Berkh, p. 117.] The Billings expedition reassembled at Petropavlovsk in the spring of 1791. The new vessel Chernyi Orel, under Captain Robert Hall, was to rendezvous, if possible, with Billings at Bering Island. Billings did not encounter Hall there, however, and proceeded to Unalaska in the hope of finding him there. Disappointed again, Billings left provisions there and left for St. Lawrence Bay on the coast of Siberia. From there he proceeded into Bering Strait as far north as latitude 65 degrees 23 minutes 50 seconds, then returned to St. Lawrence Bay. Billings turned the Slava Rossii over to Gavrilo Sarychev and set out overland through the Chukchi country to the mouth of the Kolyma River. Sarychev returned to Unalaska, where he found Hall. The two vessels wintered in Uiuliuk Harbour under conditions of severe privation, then returned to Petropavlovsk in 1792. [Sauer; Sarychev, II.] The Grace, having traded on the coast again in 1791, sailed in the autumn for China. Her owner and captain, William Douglas, died en route and was succeeded by R. D. Coolidge. [Howay.] Crowell and Creighton's brigantine Hancock sailed from Boston in November, 1790, and arrived on the coast in July, 1791, after an event- 42 Stuart R. Tompkins Jan.-Apr. ful passage via Cape Horn and the Hawaiian Islands. She sailed to China in the fall of 1791 and returned to the coast in 1792 and 1793. [Howay.] The Columbia Rediviva, which had returned to Boston from her northern voyage, was fitted out once more and sailed from Boston on September 28, 1790, again under command of Captain Gray. After reaching Clayoquot on June 5, 1791, Gray plied up and down the coast between the 54th and 56th parallels of latitude, and explored Portland Canal, which he took to be Admiral de Fonte's " River of the West." He left the Queen Charlotte Islands on August 19, going to Clayoquot to winter. [Wagner, I, p. 211.] The Lady Washington, under Captain Kendrick, was back on the coast in 1791, arriving from China on June 13 at the Queen Charlotte Islands, where the natives tried to capture the vessel. Kendrick sailed south to Nootka, where he purchased a considerable area of land, then to Clayoquot, whence he departed for China late in September. [Howay.] Joseph Ingraham, in command of the Hope, left Boston on September 7, 1790. He discovered four islands of the Marquesas group and called at Hawaii before he arrived on the Northwest Coast in June, 1791. There he traded in the neighbourhood of the Queen Charlotte Islands. Thence he sailed to China, where he arrived on December 1, 1791. [Greenhow, pp. 226-227; Howay.] Other American ships on the coast in 1791 were these: The Eleanora, a veteran of the 1788, 1789, and 1790 seasons, and the Argonaut [Howay]; the Jefferson, commanded by Captain Roberts of Boston, and the Margaret, commanded by Captain Magee of New York [Greenhow, p. 226]. We have no record of the movements of these vessels. 1792 This year was memorable for the expedition of the British Admiralty commanded by Captain George Vancouver. Since Vancouver not only visited Nootka Sound, but made a very workmanlike examination of the Strait of Juan de Fuca, and of the Strait of Georgia, as well as the passages of the Alexander Archipelago, he had ample opportunity to inform himself on the movements of commercial vessels and to record them for posterity in the published account of his voyage. Vancouver had two vessels—the sloop Discovery, under his own command, and the Chatham, under command of Broughton. He proceeded by way of Tahiti and the Hawaiian Islands, and sighted the 1955 After Bering: Mapping the North Pacific 43 American coast in latitude 39 degrees 27 minutes on April 27, 1792. Coming north along the coast of present Oregon, he encountered Captain Robert Gray in the Columbia and learned of his alleged discovery of a river (the Columbia) which so far he had been unable to enter. Vancouver entered the Strait of Juan de Fuca and followed its south shore to Admiralty Inlet. From there the Discovery's boats were dispatched for reconnaissance; the result was a thorough exploration of Puget Sound. The vessels then proceeded into the Gulf of Georgia and reconnoitred its east coast. On June 24 Vancouver met and joined forces with Captains Galiano and Valdes in the Sutil and Mexicana. Passing up the coast, the two companies co-operated in exploring the intricate passages at the north end of the Strait of Georgia. Leaving the Spaniards, Vancouver then found his way into Discovery Passage and Johnstone Strait, finally emerging into Queen Charlotte Sound. He doubled back by Nootka to the Strait of Georgia, where he now resumed examination of the mainland side, following it on north and west of Johnstone Strait as far as Burke Channel. There he encountered Captain Shepherd, of the brig Venus, who informed him that Bodega awaited him at Nootka, and that the British ship Daedalus was also at Nootka with new instructions for him. Vancouver returned to Nootka, where his negotiations with Bodega failed. Both commanders then turned south. Vancouver, leaving the Chatham to examine the estuary of the Columbia River, sailed to Hawaii via San Francisco and Monterey. [Vancouver, I, and pp. 1-51 in II.] The Fenis and St. Joseph was a brig which sailed from Macao under Portuguese colours. Howay lists her commander as either Joseph Andrew Tobar or John de Barros Andreada, and Robert Duffin, formerly of the Felice and Argonaut, as her supercargo; but Menzies recorded Duffin as captain. This was the vessel on which Lieutenant Mudge sailed on October 1,1792, to carry Vancouver's dispatches to China. [Howay; Menzies, p. 124.] The Felice Adventurer (Meares's vessel which had sailed under the Portuguese flag in 1788) appeared in distress at Queen Charlotte Islands in July, 1792. She had sailed from Macao, lost much of her crew in Prince William Sound, and eventually put into Nootka to appeal for aid. [Howay; Menzies, p. 124.] Vancouver recorded the presence of the Iphigenia, which he described as a British ship under Portuguese colours, commanded by Captain Viana. This leads Howay to suggest that it may be the same ship which Menzies called the Felice Adventurer. 44 Stuart R. Tompkins Jan.-Apr. But, since Viana's captaincy was only a legal fiction adopted by Meares and associates, his name might well have been used on the papers of either vessel; so it is quite likely that both the Iphigenia and Felice Adventurer were on the coast in 1792. The Florinda, a sloop out of Macao under Portuguese colours, appeared on the Northwest Coast under a Master Coles. [Menzies, p. 124; Howay.] Probably the "Portuguese" vessels listed above were all actually British vessels sailing under Portuguese colours in order to evade the monopolies claimed by the British East India Company and the South Sea Company. There was also much legitimate British commercial activity on the coast in this year. The Jenny of Bristol, owned by Siden- ham Teast and commanded by Captain James Baker, traded up and down the coast in 1792. She put in at Nootka on October 7 and shortly thereafter set out for Bristol via Cope Horn. She was back on the coast in 1794. [Howay.] The Butterworth, under Captain Brown, and her companion vessels —the Prince Lee Boo, of Master Sharp, and the Jackal, of Master Alexander Stewart—traded principally in the vicinity of the Queen Charlotte Islands. The three vessels wintered in Hawaii, whence they returned to the coast the following season. [Howay; Menzies, p. 124.] The Halcyon, under her owner, Charles William Barkley, traded in Alaskan waters in 1792. Her consort, the Venus, under Henry Shepherd, had also been on the coast in 1791. The Venus traded this year in the vicinity of Vancouver Island and the Queen Charlotte group. [Howay; Menzies, p. 124.] The Three Brothers, under Lieutenant William Alder, and the Prince William Henry, of Master Ewen, traded on the coast together without a licence from the South Sea Company. They wintered on the coast, and the crew of the Three Brothers built a tender, whose name is not known. [Howay; Menzies, p. 124.] The British barque Phoenix, out of Bengal, under Master Hugh Moore, was on the coast in 1792 and returned in 1794. [Menzies, p. 124; Howay.] The Spanish Government sent out two experienced navigators— Dionisio Alcala Galiano, in the Mexicana, and Cayetano Valdes, in the Sutil—to examine the continental shore at the east end of the Strait of Juan de Fuca, with a view to a settlement. In the Gulf of Georgia they encountered Vancouver, as we have seen, and worked with him in an examination of the mainland coast of the gulf. On July 13 they parted, 1955 After Bering: Mapping the North Pacific 45 and while Vancouver went through Johnstone Strait and Discovery Passage, the Spanish vessels worked their way through the maze of islands and channels closer to the mainland, without entering Queen Charlotte Sound. [Jane; Wagner, I, pp. 231-233.] Colnett had stated to Eliza that he thought he had discovered the strait of Admiral de Fonte in approximately 53 degrees north latitude. To investigate that possibility, the Viceroy of New Spain sent Jacinto Caamano north in the frigate Aranzazu, under orders to explore the coast in the neighbourhood of latitude 53 degrees. Caamano sailed to Bucareli Bay, off Prince of Wales Island, and began a meticulous examination of the bays in that neighbourhood. His quest took him across Dixon Entrance several times and led to a reconnaissance of Clarence Strait as well as a number of bays. Caamano then reconnoitred the mainland coast and adjacent islands pretty thoroughly as far south as latitude 52 degrees. He then broke away from the mainland to sail south, passed the north end of Vancouver Island, and anchored in Nootka on September 7. He then proceeded south to Monterey in October. [Wagner, I, pp. 233-235.] Other Spanish vessels present on the coast are listed by Menzies as follows: The Princesa, under Salvador Fidalgo; the Santa Gertrudis, under Alonso de Torres; the Activa, under a Captain Menendez. The latter may possibly have been Salvador Melendez Valdes, who, according to Wagner, was a prominent Spanish navigator on the Northwest Coast in this period. La Flavie, flying the new French tricolour and commanded by a Captain Magon, appeared on the coast in 1792. Her actual owner, according to Sauer, was a Russian subject named Torckler, whose purpose was to supply provisions for the distant Russian outposts. La Flavie arrived at Kamchatka in September, 1792, with liquor as her principal cargo, and Mr. Torckler as her supercargo; the Russian Government had earlier notified the officials of Russian America of his impending arrival and recommending full co-operation with Torckler. Oddly enough, La Flavie passed as just another French vessel when she encountered other vessels, although the Spaniards [see Jane] thought she seemed delinquent in pursuing her announced objective of discovering the fate of La Perouse. [Sauer, p. 287; Howay.] The year 1792 marks an epoch in Russian activities on the Northwest Coast, for in that year sailed the last ship of the independent traders. The Zosim i Savvatiya, owned by the merchant Kiselev, of Irkutsk, put to sea in 1792 and returned only in 1797. She went out again, spending 46 Stuart R. Tompkins Jan.-Apr. time off Bering and Copper Islands, and then off the " Nearer " Aleutian Islands. The discoveries made on the second voyage are described as " notable," but are not specified. She returned from the latter voyage in 1803. [Berkh, pp. 119-123.] Baranov, in the ship Mikhail, encountered Captain Moore's Phoenix in Prince William Sound. [Tikhmenev, II, Pril, p. 36.] The Gustavus, previously on the coast in 1789, 1790, and 1791, seems to have been there again in 1792. [Howay.] Most important of the American activities on the coast in 1792 was that of Gray's Columbia. He had wintered at Clayoquot, where he set up the Adventure, which was placed under command of Captain Robert Haswell. Late in March the two vessels sailed to the south. Gray, in the Columbia, entered and named the present Grays Harbor, where he remained from May 7 to May 11. On May 12 he crossed the bar at the mouth of the Columbia River, which Gray named in honour of his own vessel. He gave up the ascent of the river when the ship ran on to a shoal; concluding that he had missed the channel, he turned back and left the river on May 20th. Sailing north, he anchored, May 28 to 30, in " Columbia's Cove " near Woody Point. On June 5 he entered Queen Charlotte Sound. He continued along the north shore of Vancouver Island until May 12, when he headed for Columbia's Cove, where he had appointed a rendezvous with the Adventure. He encountered the companion vessel near the rendezvous on June 17. Together they sailed for the Queen Charlotte Islands, where, on July 1, they passed Cape St. James, turned north, and passed the entrance to Barrel Sound (Houston-Stewart Channel). The Columbia now lost the Adventure and turned back south to Nootka, where she remained from July 24 to August 23. She then returned north to Barrel Sound and met the Adventure on August 30. The two ships proceeded north to Port Montgomery on Moresby Island in latitude 52 degrees 30 minutes. They then returned to Nootka, then to Neah Bay, where on September 28 Gray sold the Adventure to Bodega. Leaving the Northwest Coast, he went to China and then to Boston, where he arrived on July 25, 1793. [Wagner, I, pp. 211-212.] Three other American vessels, all veterans of previous seasons, sailed together from China in April, 1792—the Grace, under Captain Coolidge; the Hope, under Captain Ingraham; and the Hancock, under Captain Graham. Since the Grace had no legal papers, she planned to trade to the north to avoid capture. Her two companions traded in the Queen Charlotte area. [Howay; Menzies, p. 124.] 1955 After Bering: Mapping the North Pacific 47 The Margaret, owned by T. H. Perkins, James Magee, J. and T. Lamb, R. Sturgis, and E. Johnson, sailed from Boston in October, 1792, under command of James Magee. She arrived on the coast in April, 1792, collected furs around the Queen Charlotte Islands, then went on to China via Hawaii. She was on the coast again in 1793. [Howay; Menzies, p. 124.] Menzies lists two other American vessels present on the coast in 1792—the Jefferson, out of China, under a Captain Roberts, and the Lady Washington, of Captain Kendrick, also arriving from China. 1793 Vancouver, having wintered in the Hawaiian Islands, now made his second exploration of the Northwest Coast. He arrived at Trinidad (41 degrees 31 minutes) on May 2, 1793, then proceeded up the coast, correcting the previous year's observations of latitude as he went. On April 26, at Restoration Bay in Burke Channel, he met the Chatham, which had carried charts, etc., back to England. The company together now examined Fisher's Channel and Johnstone's Channel up to Roscoe Inlet. Johnstone, master of the Chatham, examined the extremities of Burke Channel, and probably Seaforth Channel; he then proceeded north to examine Tolmie and Finlayson Channels. The two vessels then moved up Principe Channel, across Browning Entrance to Chatham Sound. There they encountered Captain William Brown with the Butter- worth, Prince Lee Boo, and Jackal, and named Brown Passage for him. They now explored Portland Canal and Observatory Inlet, Revillagigedo Channel, and Behm Canal, where they anchored at Port Stewart. The ships next proceeded up Clarence Strait to the north end of Prince of Wales Island, where they anchored at Port Protection. Whidbey took a small boat on to Affleck's Canal on Kuiu Island, the farthest extent of the 1792 voyage. Vancouver now brought his ships down the west side of the Prince of Wales and Queen Charlotte Islands to Nootka, thence south and west to Hawaii, where he again wintered. [Vancouver, II, pp. 240-431.] News of Gray's rediscovery of the Columbia River inspired a renewal of Spanish exploration. The Viceroy dispatched the Activa, under Francisco de Eliza, and the Mexicana, under Juan Martinez y Zayas, with orders to explore the coast from Juan de Fuca Strait to San Francisco, and to explore the Columbia River. The river was to be examined to its source, for the Viceroy meant to found a settlement there to maintain Stuart R. Tompkins Jan.-Apr. Spanish rights if the source of the river were in or near New Mexico. Eliza, in the Activa, turned back after reaching 44 degrees, blaming high winds and lack of water for his failure. Martinez y Zayas went further north, sighting Vancouver Island on July 24 and reaching Neah Bay on the 26th, then proceeded to Puerto de San Juan (Port Discovery) on the north coast. Returning south, he examined Grays Harbor, moved down the coast to Baker Bay, and on August 11 started up the Columbia River. He had gone only 14 miles when he ran aground; unable to find another channel, he turned back on August 12, and by September 17 reached San Francisco. [Wagner, I, pp. 236-238.] L'Emilie was a French brig of 150 tons which had left France in July, 1792, assuming American colours because of the impending war between France and England. She spent the 1792 season on the Northwest Coast, then sailed for China. Her master, Mr. Owen, died and was succeeded by Mr. Trotter. At Macao the ship was seized by the British. [Howay.] Several American vessels made their initial appearance on the Northwest Coast in this year. The Amelia, of Providence, R.I., commanded by Mr. Trotter, arrived at Nootka in May, 1793, and sailed for the Alaskan coast on June 29 in the company of the Jefferson. The Jefferson, owned by J. and T. Lamb et ah, of Boston, and commanded by Josiah Robert, had been at St. Ambrose Island for the 1792 hunting season. She then wintered in the Marquesas Islands, where her crew built the schooner Resolution. The two vessels spent the seasons of 1793 and 1794 on the Northwest Coast, then proceeded to China. The Jane, owned by Ebenezer Dorr, of Boston, and commanded by Elias Newbury, traded in the vicinity of the Queen Charlotte Islands in 1793, meeting the Jefferson at Cloak Bay on July 20. At the end of the season she sailed to China and thence to Boston, where she arrived on August 10, 1794. [Howay.] There were also a number of vessels which were veterans of previous seasons on the coast. The Butterworth, Prince Lee Boo, and Jackal were the vessels of Captain Brown's British expedition which had spent the 1792 season on the coast. The Butterworth returned to England at the end of the 1793 season. There was also the Iphigenia, the British ship under Portuguese colours, which had been present in 1788, 1789, and 1792. The British schooner Prince William Henry, under Captain Ewen, which had been on the coast in 1792, traded along the coast again in 1793, then sailed for China, whence it returned in 1795. With the Prince William Henry was a consort, the Three Brothers, which had 1955 After Bering: Mapping the North Pacific 49 also been there in 1792, and a tender (name unknown) which the company had built while wintering at Friendly Cove in 1792-1793. [Howay.] La Flavie, which had wintered at Kamchatka, traded along the coast during the season of 1793, then sailed for Canton. The American brig Hancock, a veteran of the 1791 and 1792 seasons, reappeared in 1793. The Margaret, of Boston, which during the winter had taken the furs collected in 1792 to China, now returned to trade along the coast during the 1793 season, tended by a small schooner (name unknown) which her crew had built at Friendly Cove during the preceding winter. The Lady Washington, active on the coast in 1788, 1789, and 1791, returned to the field in 1793. [Howay.] The year 1793 was memorable for the arrival on the coast of the intrepid fur-trader Alexander Mackenzie, the first explorer to make the traverse from the great plains to the sea. Mackenzie, who had some years earlier followed the Mackenzie River to the Arctic Ocean, in May, 1793, left his post at the junction of the Smoky and the Peace Rivers and began the arduous journey by canoe across the CordiUera by way of the Peace River pass, Giscome portage, and the Fraser. Finding the descent of the Fraser too perilous, he abandoned his canoes and found his way on foot across country to the Bella Coola River, where, having procured canoes from the Indians, he followed that river to the point on Dean Channel now known as Mackenzie's Rock, where his observations gave him a latitude of 52 degrees 20 minutes 48 seconds; his observation for longitude, admittedly inaccurate owing to the loss of his chronometer, placed him 128 degrees 2 minutes west of Greenwich. Though the relative defencelessness of his party and the hostility of the natives forced him to turn back when he might conceivably have gained contact with Vancouver, then on the coast, Mackenzie rightly claimed that this voyage across the Rocky Mountains, as well as his former descent of the Mackenzie, conclusively proved, if proof were needed, the non-existence of de Fonte's " River of the West" or any passage that could be traversed by ships through the continent from Atlantic to Pacific. [Mackenzie.] 1794 In mid-March, 1794, Vancouver set out from the Hawaiian Islands, purposing to explore Cook's Inlet thoroughly and then move east to connect that survey with the ones of the preceding years. Sailing northeast from Hawaii, on April 3 he passed Chirikof Island, then between Barren Islands and Cape Elizabeth up Cook's Inlet. Upon discovering the end of the inlet, he changed the name from Cook's River, which 50 Stuart R. Tompkins Jan.-Apr. Cook had given it, to Cook's Inlet. The northernmost latitude which he reached was 61 degrees 29 minutes. Vancouver found the Russians thickly established in this area. He visited a Lebedev-Lastochkin establishment at North Foreland, and thought the Russians there strove to impress upon him that the American Continent and adjacent islands as far east as Kayak Island belonged exclusively to the Russian Empire. [A petition of Ivan Golikov to the Empress Catherine, giving incidents of Vancouver's visit in 1794, states that Vancouver was told that in two years a naval force of four or five vessels would occupy the coast up to Prince William Sound; Golikov's claim was that the Russian-American Company's rights extended beyond Lituya Bay to Chilkat and Beaver Bays. See Papers Relating to Russians in Alaska, 1732-1796, XV, p. 117.] From Cook's Inlet, Vancouver went east to Prince WiUiam Sound, which he examined. He then came past Kayak Island to Yakutat Bay, which he called "Behring's Bay." Puget, in the Chatham, made a thorough examination of Yakutat Bay; at Port Mulgrave he encountered George Purtov, leading a party of 9 Russians and some 900 Indians from Kodiak and Cook Inlet. From Yakutat Bay he proceeded southwest along the coast past Mount Fairweather to the entrance of Cross Sound. The latter was entered at the first favourable weather, and Vancouver anchored off the south shore of the sound. From here he dispatched three boats under Captain Whidbey to reconnoitre the continental shore to the east. Whidbey proceeded along the coast, explored Glacier Bay to its farthermost recesses, and issuing from the bay he passed through Icy Strait, keeping to the northern shore and turned up into what is now Lynn Canal, which was penetrated as far as possible. Returning, Whidbey proceeded south along Chatham Strait as far as he felt safe and then rejoined Vancouver. Now coming south with both his vessels along the west side of Chichagof and Baranov Islands and around Cape Ommaney, Vancouver sent boats to explore Chatham Strait and neighbouring waters. He anchored at Port Conclusion, an inlet of Kuiu Island, which had been the farthest extent of his operations in 1793. Two parties were dispatched—one under Whidbey and one under Johnstone—to explore the maze of waterways and islands which had hitherto not been examined. On return of these parties, his mission accomplished, he returned to Nootka on September 2, and remained there until October 15. He entered the mouth of the Shannon in September, 1795. [Vancouver, III, pp. 83-489.] 1955 After Bering: Mapping the North Pacific 51 Purtov reported to Baranov that he had contacted not only the Chatham under Puget, but also the Jackal, of Captain Brown, when he came to Yakutat Bay on a hunting expedition. The natives there captured a number of his Kodiak hunters, and, at his request, Captain Brown sent along an armed yawl with six sailors to assist in recovering the prisoners. This is only one of several instances of co-operation between the British and Russians in areas of contact. Purtov reported also that the Yakutat Bay people were supplied with firearms and powder, which they had obtained from European trading-vessels along the coast. [Yegor Purtov and Demidov Kulikalov to Baranov, August 9, 1794, Tikhmenev, II, Pril, pp. 60-67.] There were only two new-comers among the vessels on the Northwest Coast in 1794—the Arthur, a British brig out of Bengal under Captain Barber, and the Nancy, of New York. [Howay; Vancouver, III.] The Eleanora, previously on the coast in 1788, 1789, 1790, and 1791, returned in 1794 and was captured by the Indians while trading in Houston Stewart Channel in the Queen Charlotte Islands. The Jackal and Prince Lee Boo, having made a winter voyage to Clhina, returned to the coast for the 1794 season. They then sailed for China via Hawaii, where Captain Brown was killed and the two vessels were held by the natives for a short time. The Jenny, which had been reported on the coast in 1792 as a three-masted schooner, returned in 1794 as a 78-ton ship, commanded by John William Adamson and owned by Sidenham Teast, of Bristol. She traded up the coast from Cape Disappointment to Kaigahnee, Alaska, then sailed for China at the end of the season. The Phoenix, formerly there in 1792, returned to the coast in 1794, trading around Sitka, the Queen Charlotte Islands, and on down to Friendly Cove. Howay believes that she probably wintered in the Columbia River. The Prince William Henry, a veteran of the 1792 and 1793 seasons, was on the coast again. [Howay.] The Lady Washington, on the coast in 1788, 1789, 1791, and 1793, traded there again through the 1794 season. Her captain, John Kendrick, was killed accidentally by a shot fired in salute from the Jackal in Honolulu Harbor on the way to China at the end of the season. The Jefferson and its tender, Resolution, having wintered at Clayoquot, traded largely around the eastern and northern shores of the Queen Charlotte Islands during 1794. The Jefferson sailed for China and Boston via Hawaii in August, 1794; the Resolution sailed in March, 1794, for the Columbia River and disappeared. Howay deduces that the Fairy, of Boston, owned by the estate of William Douglas and commanded by 52 Stuart R. Tompkins Jan.-Apr. Captain William Rogers, which had been on the coast in 1791, was there again in 1794. [Howay.] 1795 Only four British vessels appeared on the Northwest Coast in 1795. The Jane, of Bristol, was at Nootka, Cape Scott, and Cook's Inlet late in the season, then sailed on to Hawaii, China, and on back to England. The Phoenix, which had wintered in the Columbia River, resumed her trading voyage in March. She spent the summer in the vicinity of the Queen Charlotte Islands and left in September for China with a large cargo of furs. The Prince William Henry, now commanded by William Wake, reappeared on the coast. Kow, the chief at Cloak Bay, complained that he had piloted the vessel into Kaigahnee (Dixon Entrance) and had then been held by Wake for ransom. The Ruby, of Bristol, owned by Sidenham Teast and commanded by Charles Bishop, traded in the Queen Charlotte Islands area during 1795. She wintered in the Columbia and was badly damaged in leaving that river when she sailed for the Hawaiian Islands and China, where she was sold in 1796. [Howay.] American commercial interests were represented by three vessels. The Dispatch, of Boston, owned by Dorr and Sons and commanded by Elias Newbury,2 arrived on the coast in May and traded through the season. She sailed to the Hawaiian Islands in October, and thence to China and Boston. Newbury was killed on July 10 at Kaigahnee by the accidental discharge of a pistol held by Chief Ettarge. The Mercury, of Providence, R.I., commanded by Captain Barnett, was a hard-luck vessel which traded on the coast in 1795 with a crew composed in part of captured Hawaiians, seized to replace crewmen who had deserted the ship in Hawaii. The captive sailors were returned to Kauai Island at the end of the season, as the Mercury made its way to China. The Union, of Newport, R.I., owned by Crowell Hatch and Caleb Gardiner and com- (2) There is some confusion as to the spelling of the surname of the commander of the Dispatch. Many of the commercial papers relating to this expedition are to be found in the Ebenezer Dorr Papers acquired some years ago by the Archives of British Columbia. In an insurance policy placed by Dorr on the master's share of the proceeds of the venture after the death of the latter, the name is given as " Norberry." In the ship's contract with the crew, his own signature could be deciphered as either " Nordbery " or " Nordberry," and in the agreement itself it is " Nordbery." Since, in this latter document, the master appears to have corrected the spelling himself by inserting a " d " and making no correction of the single " r," it would appear that his correct name was Nordbery. 1955 After Bering: Mapping the North Pacific 53 manded by John Boit, traded successfully through the season from May to September. The vessel then sailed for Boston by way of the Hawaiian Islands and China. [Howay.] IV The year 1795 seems to be a good point at which to conclude this account of the voyages and expeditions which finally cleared up most of the cartography of the Northwest Coast and Alaska. Many details had still to be filled in; toward this, the major countries interested—Russia, Great Britain, and the United States—all made their contributions during the nineteenth century; but the major part of the work of mapping the adjacent parts of the American and Asiatic coast had already been done. The year 1795 also saw the death of Shelekhov, who had already accumulated a fortune in the fur trade and had been pressing for a grant of monopoly from the Russian Government. This ambitious project was now taken up by his widow, Natalie, and his partner, Ivan Golikov. The Empress Catherine had shown great reluctance to meet the wishes of Shelekhov, but the accession of a new sovereign in the person of the Emperor Paul opened up fresh possibilities. While Paul had an ungovernable temper and seems to have been both hated and distrusted, his extremely emotional nature exposed him to influences that could be brought to bear on him through persons in his confidence. It is not surprising, therefore, that the first success attained by the Shelekhov- Golikov interests was a merger of their interests with those of Mylnikov in 1797. Two years later the further grant of the monopoly to the new company excluded all rivals from the trade in the Aleutian Islands and Alaska and made their monopoly complete. The chief factor of the company in America, Alexander Baranov, had already done much to put their fur trade on a sound basis. But, as a matter of fact, as Sauer tells us, the Shelekhov interests had ever since 1790 exercised a de facto monopoly of aU the trade to the east of Unalaska. Only two independent trading-vessels are mentioned after that period: one owned by a man named Sukhanin [Sauer, pp. 275-276], of whom nothing else is known, and the other that of Kiselev, the Zosim i Savvatiya, which put out from Okhotsk in 1792 and returned in 1798 [Berkh, p. 120]. The period from 1741 (the last voyage of Bering) to 1799 (the grant of the charter of monopoly to the Russian-American Company) is a unique interlude in the history of Russian economic development. From the time of the acquisition of Siberia in the late sixteenth century, the exploitation of the fur trade and to a large extent of the natural 54 Stuart R. Tompkins Jan.-Apr. resources had been through government monopoly [Fisher, Russian Fur Trade, 1550-1700]. In European Russia similar trends are seen in the means adopted by Peter to promote Russian industry and commerce, either through direct government control or in government-granted monopolies to private individuals and other measures of government intervention. Private enterprise was not highly developed, either because of an absence of the urge among the population themselves, or because the government discouraged it; but after the discovery of the fur resources of the Aleutian Islands and Alaska, this long-hidden and discouraged private initiative took an astonishing spurt. It was the Siberian merchants and their hirelings, the promyshlenniki, who provided the capital and built the ships to fare forth on these venturesome voyages into relatively unknown and stormy waters of the North Pacific. The vessels they constructed were crude, and their seamanship was of the most amateur kind, but their daring, resourcefulness, and hardihood were astonishing. The control of the government, so absolute within the boundaries of the land portion of the Russian Empire, did not reach across the sea; and while they were nominally subject to the Russian Government, the Russian State had no maritime laws or courts or any government agency such as the British Board of Trade to keep their lawlessness within bounds. They killed and plundered and exploited the natives without pity. Many of them lost their lives or suffered shipwreck, but some accumulated substantial fortunes, and up to almost the end there was no lack of fresh recruits in the fur trade. It was under Catherine that this private enterprise flourished under official patronage, but after Catherine's death the normal Russian urge to bring everything under governmental control reasserted itself. An extensive monopoly was granted to the Russian-American Company, which exercised almost despotic control for a quarter of a century. By replacing, in the office of the chief factor, merchants like Baranov by naval officers, the company and its operations really became a branch of the government, and its activities a means to further Russian expansion rather than to collect dividends on its shares. But Russia was in no position to assert her control through naval power, and eventually when this fact was brought home to them, the government disposed of its American possessions in order to concentrate on its efforts on the Asiatic mainland. There are other reasons why the year 1795 marks the end of one era and the beginning of another. The Nootka Sound incident of 1789 and the subsequent treaties with Spain were, in effect, the abdication by 1955 After Bering: Mapping the North Pacific 55 Spain of her pretensions in the North Pacific. This was not realized at first by the Spanish Government, but her inability to rally the support of revolutionary France compelled her to come to terms with Great Britain, and subsequent negotiations disclosed the British Government's interpretation of the agreement of 1790 as giving her a definite foothold in the Northwest Coast. With the appearance of the fur-traders of the North West Company, beginning in 1812, and later of the Hudson's Bay Company, Great Britain made her claims effective, and the Spanish flag disappeared from this part of the Pacific Coast. It is to be noted that the year 1793 saw the outbreak of war on a world-wide scale between Napoleon and the first coalition; Britain was involved in war with France for over twenty years, and the exigencies of war compelled the British merchant marine to curtail its far-flung activities. The way was thus left open to the vessels of the cities of the United States eastern seaboard, particularly Boston. Indeed, with the Russians the word "Boston man" became synonymous with "American" during the two decades that followed, and there developed a profitable three-cornered commerce between New England, the Northwest Coast, and China, which lasted down to 1835. Stuart R. Tompkins University of Oklahoma, Norman, Okla. ESQUIMALT: DEFENCE PROBLEM, 1865-1887 Esquimalt, situated on the southern tip of Vancouver Island, British Columbia, is to-day the west coast headquarters of the Royal Canadian Navy. One hundred years ago it was nothing but a good harbour conveniently near the growing town of Victoria in the days when gold was British Columbia's chief attraction. The next year it became a base for the Royal Navy, and by 1865 it had become headquarters for the North Pacific Squadron. Strategically, its location was not fortunate, as British trade with the west coast of North America was slight and the main Pacific trade routes from the Horn to Asia and Australasia passed well to the south of the equator. Its chief merit lay in the fact that, although not the best position, it was the only position from which the Royal Navy could operate in the northwest Pacific, as Great Britain possessed no territory on the western side of the Americas and the Falkland Islands were 7,280 knots away via Cape Horn. The isolation of Esquimalt was bad enough in the days of sailing-vessels that could keep at sea for long periods; the advent of steam, when cruising range depended upon coal, made it even worse. Furthermore, there was no regular contact overland between the new Dominion of Canada and British Columbia, and it was generally agreed that British North America was indefensible against attack from the United States. Nevertheless, the Royal Navy, believing that an unfortunate base was better than none at all, kept Esquimalt as the headquarters for the North Pacific Squadron until the turn of the century. In 1871 British Columbia entered the Canadian Confederation on terms that included the promised construction of a transcontinental railway. This railway, it was expected, would add greatly to Esquimalt's strategic importance, for it would mean cable connection with England and rail connection with the Imperial post at Halifax.1 To improve facilities at Esquimalt, it was proposed, shortly after British Columbia joined the federation, that a graving-dock should be established,2 to be (1) Even so, the fact that the route finally selected for the railway ran close to the frontier in several localities rendered traffic disruption by hostile American overland action a relatively simple military operation. (2) G. P. de T. Glazebrook, Canadian External Relations, Toronto, 1942, p. 281. British Columbia Historical Quarterly, Vol. XIX, Nos. 1 and 2. 57 58 D. M. SCHURMAN Jan.-Apr. financed jointly by the Dominion, Provincial, and Imperial Governments. The graving-dock was eventually taken over completely by the Canadian Government and was officially opened on July 20, 1887.3 The Canadian Pacific Railway was completed in 1885, and the first through traffic began in 1886. Thus it was not until 1887 that the Admiralty could see any advantage in enlarging the naval base at Esquimalt. In that year the defence of this point was tentatively apportioned between the Imperial and Dominion Governments: the War Office assumed responsibility for the proposed armament, and the Dominion Government for the proposed works. Students generally have found little between the years 1865 and 1887 to interest them in the history of Esquimalt. For the historian of Imperial defence, however, the events of these years, between the establishment of North Pacific Naval Headquarters and the time when Canadian and Imperial Governments agreed to share responsibility for land defences, are interesting and instructive. In 1865 Esquimalt was a matter of interest to the naval authorities alone; in 1887 it concerned not only the Admiralty, but the War Office, the Colonial Office, the Federal Government in Canada, and, to some extent, the Provincial Government of British Columbia as well. Aside from the obvious fact that Esquimalt became Canadian territory with British Columbia's entry into Confederation in 1871, this was the result of new trends in Imperial defence between 1865 and 1877; trends which were, in many respects, the direct result of the coming of steam to the Navy. Although there were some who claimed that the advent of steam had "bridged the Channel," others4 argued that steam did not really make England more accessible to an invading force, owing to the problems of supplying fuel to warships with restricted coal capacity. Nevertheless, it was generally agreed that steam, with its attendant problem of filling empty coal-bunkers, had introduced new problems of commerce protection to a nation extremely dependent upon overseas trade, and that a serious effort should be made to grapple with these problems rather than to accept them, in an unenlightened manner, as insoluble. (3) F. V. Longstaff, Esquimalt Naval Base: A History of Its Work and Defences, Victoria, 1941, p. 39. This pioneer work, though limited in scope, is invaluable as a source book of information about Esquimalt. (4) Notably Lord Palmerston. For a treatment of these problems, see W. C. B. Tunstall, " Imperial Defence," Cambridge History of the British Empire, Vol. XI, and Howard D'Egville, Imperial Defence and Closer Union, London, 1913. Tunstall treats the transition period as a unit and D'Egville pays special attention to the brothers Colomb, naval tractarians. 1955 Esquimalt: Defence Problem, 1865-1887 59 The serious nature of the coal problem became apparent during the Franco-Prussian War, when the Admiralty5 realized that many coaling- stations in foreign hands would be virtually useless in war-time. From this it was but a step to the realization that the Royal Navy's traditional role as the protector of British commerce was imperilled by the defenceless condition of those overseas bases in British hands upon which the Navy depended for its coal. Accordingly, at Admiralty instigation, the War Office began to look seriously into the problem of coaling-station defence. In 1875 a memorandum containing recommendations for the defence of British coaling-stations was prepared by the Office of the Inspector-General of Fortifications;6 these recommendations were apparently given only summary consideration; they were not acted on by the Secretary of State for War.7 This initial recognition of the great importance of overseas coaling-stations, although it did not stimulate Government action, brought to the fore the intimate connection between coaling-stations and commerce protection; it also made it clear that the Royal Navy did not consider that it should be held responsible for the defence of those stations.8 Esquimalt was referred to in the 1875 memorandum, but only incidentally as one of eleven overseas bases.9 However, mention was made of the fact that Esquimalt was, at this time, wholly undefended both by men or by guns. (5) Granville to Admiralty, July 12, 1870, states that ships of the Royal Navy could coal in neutral ports only once in three months. Milne Papers, MIN/141/1, National Maritime Museum. (6) Memorandum by Colonel Sir W. F. D. Jervois, K.C.M.G., C.B., R.E., with reference to the defenceless condition of our Coaling Stations and Naval Establishments abroad, January 7, 1875, Carnarvon Papers, Public Record Office, 30/6-122. (7) Ibid. This memorandum was passed to Mr. Gathorne-Hardy, January 9, 1875, and to the Cabinet, January 12, 1875. The Jervois memorandum was, however, supported by H.R.H. the Commander-in-Chief and was seen by the Secretary of War and First Lord of the Admiralty in December, 1875, according to a memorandum dated December 12, 1875. (8) Ibid. Jervois pointed out the cardinal Admiralty rule regarding fixed defence, viz.: "the fleet is required for cruising, and cannot be kept in harbour to guard its own supplies." This is henceforth herein referred to as the " freedom of action doctrine." (9) The others included: (1) Port Royal, Jamaica; (2) Antigua; (3) Ascension; (4) Simons Bay, Cape of Good Hope; (5) Port Louis, Mauritius; (6) Trin- comalee, Ceylon; (7) Singapore; (8) Hong Kong; (9) King George's Sound, Western Australia; (10) Falkland Islands. 60 D. M. SCHURMAN Jan.-Apr. In 1877 the coaling-station question was again revived, this time as a result of the deterioration of Anglo-Russian relations to a point where war seemed to be a distinct possibility. On this occasion the Defence Committee10 was inclined to give more than cursory consideration to the defence of coaling bases. The protection of the overseas bases was regarded almost as important as that of seaports in the United Kingdom.11 The several stations were grouped in order of their importance, excluding the four Imperial fortresses of Halifax, Bermuda, Gibraltar, and Malta, which were traditionally placed in the same category for defence purposes as fortified positions in Great Britain itself. Priority was determined by utility of location in relation to the protection of sea-borne commerce and other naval requirements. Esquimalt posed special problems. It was admittedly remote from the main lines of commerce and yet it was readily defensible in the physical sense and it was the only naval base on the west coast of the American continents. Furthermore, negotiations with regard to the proposed graving-dock were in progress and could not be dropped or ignored. The War Office, preferring to act on the principle that those stations close to the trade routes should receive the greatest attention, would have placed Esquimalt low on the priority list, but owing to the insistence of the Admiralty, Esquimalt was finally placed eighth on the list of priority.12 Two schemes were put forward for the defence of the north Pacific base. The first, intended only to meet a temporary situation, proposed that one gun-boat be based on Esquimalt, and that six heavy and six light guns and other works, at an estimated cost of £9,000, be provided, along with a garrison of 688 men.13 The second, more permanent scheme, contemplated the provision of eight heavy and six (10) A permanent War Office Committee originally set up to put into effect the recommendations of the Royal Commission on the Defences of the United Kingdom, 1859-60. The Duke of Cambridge, Commander-in-Chief, was Chairman. (11) Memorandum by the Defence Committee at their meeting of the 5th of June, 1877, with reference to the Defence of Commercial Harbours at Home, and of Coaling Stations Abroad, Public Record Office, 30/6-122. (12) The priority of importance was, as follows: (1) Simons Bay, (2) Hong Kong, (3) Singapore, (4) Jamaica, (5) King George's Sound, (6) Trincomalee, (7) Mauritius, (8) Esquimalt, (9) St. Lucia, (10) Falkland Islands, (11) Ascension, (12) Fiji. (13) Public Record Office, 30/6-122. See table attached to a memorandum drawn up by Inspector-General of Fortifications approved by the Defence Committee in May, 1877. The total estimated expenditure on the twelve stations was £243,000. 1955 Esquimalt: Defence Problem, 1865-1887 light guns and expenditures amounting to £120,000 out of a total sum of £2,297,412 intended for all twelve bases.14 No immediate action was taken to implement either of these schemes. By 1878, however, as the Anglo-Russian situation appeared to grow worse, the coaling-station problem again became urgent,15 and a special interdepartmental Colonial Defence Committee was formed to reexamine the problem in the light of the changing international situation. This committee, called the Milne Committee, after its Chairman, Admiral Sir Alexander Milne, was appointed to deal only with the emergency,16 but it continued to deal with problems of naval-base defence until the spring of 1879, when it was dissolved. A Royal Commission was then appointed at the instigation of the Colonial Secretary, Lord Carnarvon, "to enquire into the Defence of British Possessions and Commerce Abroad."17 This Commission, like its predecessor, the Colonial Defence Committee, was interdepartmental in composition, a fact which attests to the importance now attached to the whole question of coaling-stations. Another development of significance was the role of the Colonial Office, not only as a participant in these inquiries, but, in both the Colonial Defence Committee and the Royal Commission, as the originating and controlling body. The purposes of the Colonial Defence Committee or Milne Committee and the Carnarvon Commission differed in that the former was set up to recommend emergency measures in 1878, while the latter was set up to deal with various problems of Imperial defence on a permanent basis; both, however, may be looked upon as joint contributors to the final reports of the Royal Commission.18 (14) Ibid. Appendix B attached to Defence Committee memorandum of June 5, 1877. (15) In 1877, when the Inspector-General of Fortifications was asked to estimate the speed of a possible Russian advance on Turkey, he concluded his memorandum with a strongly worded warning about coaling-station defence. This memorandum is dated April 18, 1877, Public Record Office, 30/6-115. (16) Colonial Office to War Office, February 16, 1878, Public Record Office, 30/6-124, p. 1. (17) Public Record Office, CO. 323/356 General, 1884. The purpose, progress, and significant dates in the Commission's first year of existence were set out in a memorandum drawn up for Lord Kimberley on June 1, 1880, by Under- Secretary Blake at the Colonial Office. The Commission was appointed September 8, 1879. (18) The Royal Commission issued three reports, the last one on July 22, 1882. See Public Record Office, 30/6-126. 62 D. M. SCHURMAN Jan.-Apr. To its surprise, the Milne Committee found that there was not sufficient ordnance available to arm all the coaling-stations, of whose importance there was now no question.19 Furthermore, there were no Regular Army troops stationed in, or free for service in, British Columbia. Nevertheless, some defence measures had to be taken. The international situation appeared critical, and the Admiralty was prevailed upon to loan naval guns from their Esquimalt stores for land defence,20 although it did so with reluctance, accompanied by suggestions that, since the Canadians were concerned over the defence of Victoria, they might possibly be asked to assist in the defence of the naval base.21 The Milne Committee considered that such a request was not unreasonable; but the Colonial Office, although it agreed to approach the Canadian Government, was pessimistic of the outcome22 and pointed out to the War Office that Esquimalt was by definition a purely Imperial responsibility.23 The Canadian reaction was clearly unexpected. Surprisingly enough, Canada not only offered to supply men, but also to construct works at Esquimalt as an emergency measure.24 Words were followed by action, and in May, 1878, Lieutenant-Colonel de la Chevois T. Irwin, Canadian Assistant Inspector of Artillery, went to Victoria to supervise work on the earthwork and batteries until their completion at the end of August. As the threat of war gave way to peaceful settlement at the Congress of Berlin in June, 1878, the enthusiasm aroused by the emergency quickly waned on both sides of the Atlantic. No provisions had been made to pay Canada for its assistance25 or for the naval guns, and by September Sir Michael Hicks Beach, the Colonial Secretary, was writing (19) Milne to Colonial Office, March 14, 1878, Public Record Office, 30/6-124, No. 9. (20) Admiralty to Colonial Office, May 15, 1878, ibid., No. 101. These guns were old worn naval guns whose return to England had been delayed on the advice of Major-General Sir Edward Selby Smyth, General Officer Commanding the militia in Canada. See F. V. Longstaff, op. cit., p. 43. (21) Colonial Office to Admiralty, April 10, 1878, Public Record Office, 30/6-124, No. 36. (22) Colonial Office to the Governor-General, May 15, 1878, ibid., No. 100. (23) Colonial Office to War Office, May 18, 1878, ibid., No. 109. (24) Governor-General to Colonial Office, May 11, 1878, ibid., No. 88a, and same to same, June 19, 1878, ibid., No. 124. For details concerning the military aspects of the situation, see Reginald H. Roy, " The Early Militia and Defence of British Columbia, 1871-1885," British Columbia Historical Quarterly, XVIII (1954), pp. 1-28. (25) Colonial Office to War Office, June 13, 1878, Public Record Office. 30/6-124, No. 171. 1955 Esquimalt: Defence Problem, 1865-18 63 to the Governor-General for a detailed report on Canadian efforts and suggesting the suspension of all work until that report could be studied in England.26 Later in the year an uneasy War Office suggested that Canadian efforts might be checked by an Imperial officer.27 The Colonial Office warned the War Office that Canada's prompt help in the emergency ought not to be lightly dismissed,28 and in the end both a Canadian and an Imperial officer were sent jointly to inspect the Esquimalt defences.29 Meanwhile the Canadian Government had made it quite clear that its assistance at Esquimalt was not to be taken as a precedent, and that the Dominion had no intention of becoming deeply involved in any scheme of Imperial defence on a permanent basis.30 Hence, when the Carnarvon Commission was appointed in the summer of 1879, the actual armament situation at Esquimalt was really little improved over what it had been in 1865. The Commission's report on Esquimalt, issued in 1882,31 was based mainly on the appreciations of Lieutenant-Colonel J. W. Lovell, R.E., the Imperial officer sent to investigate Esquimalt in 1879, and that of his Canadian-appointed colleague, Lieutenant-Colonel T. Bland Strange; on a War Office memorandum drawn up to assist the Commission in December, 1880; on the report of Colonel William Crossman, a special War Office investigator; on the evidence given to the Commission in 1882 by Sir Astley Cooper Key, First Sea Lord; and that of Sir John A. Macdonald, Prime Minister of Canada, given earlier in July, 1880. There was little of the startling or the original in the final report. The soldiers did not display much grasp of the strategic significance of Esquimalt. They agreed that it was useful and should be fortified, but their reasons were varied and uninspired. Strange thought the base important but argued for strengthening the fortress as necessary for the protection of the graving-dock.32 Lovell admitted that Esquimalt was poorly (26) Colonial Office to Governor-General, September 6, 1878, ibid., No. 325. (27) War Office to Colonial Office, December 10, 1878, ibid., No. 357. (28) Colonial Office to War Office, December 19, 1878, ibid., No. 359. (29) This was in the summer of 1879. They were Lieutenant-Colonel R. A. Strange, the Canadian appointee, sent from Kingston, and Lieutenant-Colonel J. W. Lovell, R.E., the British appointee, sent from Halifax. (30) Governor-General to Colonial Office, May 19, 1879, Public Record Office, CO. 812-14, No. 33. (31) Third and Final Report of the Royal Commission appointed to enquire into the Defence of British Possessions and Commerce Abroad, 1882. Public Record Office, 30/6-126. (32) Strange's report, November 7, 1879, ibid., Appendix 4, No. 124. 64 D. M. SCHURMAN Jan.-Apr. located but urged strong fortifications on the basis that it was the only northern Pacific naval station.33 Lovell thought the Milne Committee's recommendations, based as they were on the possibility of attack by small unarmoured ships, inadequate and indicative of the small importance attached to the base by the Committee. He envisaged that in a future war the North Pacific Squadron would probably join the China Squadron and be continually at sea, thus leaving Esquimalt open to attack by enemy ironclads.34 Lovell did not eliminate the idea of war between the United States and Great Britain, and therefore emphasized the need for continued Canadian participation in this aspect of Imperial defence. The fact is that Lovell, not putting forward any weighty arguments for the defence of Esquimalt, simply urged that if it were to be fortified at all, it should be fortified strongly. On the basis of the evidence of Strange and Lovell, but not on their conclusions, the War Office issued a preliminary memorandum35 on the defences of Esquimalt in December, 1880. It declared Esquimalt indefensible against a determinedly hostile United States, and only suggested that we " throw troops and stores into Esquimalt in a comparatively short time " in an emergency.36 The memorandum went on to say that if the Royal Navy insisted on its land defence, provision should be made, but only against possible attack by Russian cruisers. Unenthusiastically it concluded that as far as the United States was concerned, Esquimalt's security must be gambled on peace between the Americans and the British. It was on this basis that Colonel Crossman recommended that works costing £194,500 be provided, to be manned by a garrison of 1,300 men.37 The evidence given by Sir John A. Macdonald before the Carnarvon Commission38 strongly influenced the Commission's view with regard to (33) Ibid., Appendix 4, No. 124, Enclosure 2. Lovell's report was received by the Colonial Office, March 18, 1880. See Public Record Office, CO. 812-16, No. 177. (34) If the North Pacific Squadron were to join the China Squadron, it is difficult to understand (a) of what importance Esquimalt would be to naval operations, and (b) how its destruction could benefit an enemy. (35) Third and Final Report of the Royal Commission . . . , 1882, Appendix 4. (36) This, of course, anticipated the early completion of the Canadian Pacific Railway. (37) Third and Final Report of the Royal Commission . . . , 1882, Appendix 4, p. 24. (38) See Alice R. Stewart, " Sir John A. Macdonald and the Imperial Defence Commission of 1879," Canadian Historical Review, XXXV (1954), pp. 119-139. 1955 Esquimalt: Defence Problem, 1865-1887 65 Esquimalt, even as it vitally affected the Commission's attitude to Canadian defence generally. Sir John began with the realistic premise that the possibility of war with the United States was so remote that it should not enter into the Commission's considerations. His view was that any attempt to define proportionate colonial and Imperial defence responsibility in peace-time would only lead to colonial opposition to defence commitment, on financial grounds, and that such unfavourable peacetime publicity might well restrict what otherwise might be a generous colonial response to Empire defence requirements in an emergency. Throughout his evidence he refrained from discussing Canadian coast defence, except to indicate that in an emergency the Canadians could be expected to render a good deal of assistance. As far as Esquimalt was concerned, it was, to Macdonald, a base from which Canadian grain- shipping could be protected when the Canadian Pacific Railway should be completed. However, when asked why Esquimalt should be fortified, he gave the stock Admiralty answer: "It is supposed that Esquimalt is the proper place for a rendezvous for the North Pacific Squadron. It is a good harbour, and defensible, and it is in immediate proximity to the coal-fields of the island."39 When asked whether it would be worth while defending Esquimalt if Canadian produce did not ship from British Columbia in quantity, he properly refused to comment on what was clearly a more general Imperial strategic problem. General Sir Lintorn Simmons, a member of the Commission, attempted to persuade Macdonald to agree with the view that, should another port in British Columbia carry the bulk of Canadian commerce, it would be better to defend that port instead of Esquimalt, but Macdonald was persistently the politician rather than the strategist, and his answers were noncommittal. In brief, the Canadian Prime Minister made it clear that, to his mind, Esquimalt was a matter of Imperial and not of Canadian concern. Refusing to discuss strategic details and degrees of responsibilities, he simply confined himself to presenting non-military factual evidence and speculating realistically upon political possibilities, arriving at the general conclusion that Esquimalt was, although useful for ensuring Canadian trade protection, fundamentally a British problem. In contrast with those of Sir John, the views of Admiral Sir Astley Cooper Key, given to the Commission almost two years after Macdonald (39) Third and Final Report of the Royal Commission dix4,p. 126. , 1882, Appen- 66 D. M. Schurman Jan.-Apr. had given evidence, were blunt and simple. 40 Another naval base was badly needed in the north Pacific but Esquimalt, at least, was in existence and was available. It should be strongly defended; strongly enough, that is, to resist attack from any source, including the United States. If Esquimalt was to be a British fortress, it should be heavily armed. What other argument could there be? The final recommendations of the Royal Commission were not unanimous. In the opinion of the majority of the members,41 Esquimalt was strategically indefensible and almost valueless. This conclusion was not, at the time, unreasonable; the main British trade routes were well out of reach of Esquimalt; the base itself was extremely vulnerable to attack from the United States; there was little in British Columbia which was likely to invite aggression on the part of the distantly based Russian fleet; and, in the event of war, the ships based upon Esquimalt would be moved away to join the China Squadron. It was difficult, the Commission stated, to justify the expenditure of the £194,500 and 1,300 men required to maintain Esquimalt in a proper state of defence. Despite the cogency of these arguments, the Commission would not go as far as to urge that Esquimalt be wholly abandoned. There were too many political considerations which could not be ignored, such, for instance, as the delicate question of British-Canadian relations and the money and time spent on investigating the base. The members of the Commission fully appreciated Canada's undertakings to British Columbia both to construct the transcontinental railway and to use Federal influence in persuading Great Britain to maintain Esquimalt as a naval base, particularly in view of the Admiralty's promise to construct a graving-dock there. It was because of these frankly non-military features that the majority of the Royal Commissioners recommended that, if the Canadians would construct the works and provide a garrison, the British Government should supply the actual guns and professional assistance. This compromise, however, was rejected by two of the Commissioners, who submitted a minority report. They were Sir Alexander Milne and Sir Henry Barkly. One of them, Sir Alexander Milne, who had chaired the Committee which had preceded the Royal Commission in 1878, argued that the proposal to remove the squadron from Esquimalt was beyond the scope of the Commission and " an interference with (40) Ibid., Digest of Evidence, p. Admiralty. (41) Ibid., pp. 23, 24, and 25. Key was then First Sea Lord at the 1955 Esquimalt: Defence Problem, 1865-1887 67 the Executive Departments of the State." He returned to the views which he had advocated previously, and stated that Esquimalt should be defended to the degree recommended by his Committee in April, 1878. Milne's arguments—and they really reflected the views of the Admiralty—included Esquimau's value in peace-time as a base from which to show the flag and from which to ferry diplomatic representatives to the Orient. In war he agreed that it would probably be advisable for the Royal Navy ships based on Esquimalt to join the China Squadron; in this respect he accepted the principal contention of the majority report.42 The determination of the minority Commissioners to defend Esquimau's usefulness in peace-time may have sprung from some sense of conviction, but a more likely explanation is to be found in the interdepartmental rivalry which existed within the Commission, and the firm resolution of the Admiralty not to let the War Office have it all its own way. This idea emerges from Sir Alexander Milne's remark in a letter to Barkly that, despite his desire not to disrupt the unanimity of the report, " it is Simmons43 versus the Navy that I won't stand."44 What was the true significance of Esquimalt in view of the fact that the efforts of the defence planners between 1875 and 1882 produced so little in the way of concrete defences? For contemporaries, perhaps, the lessons were slight, but for the historian, writing in a defence-conscious era, the subject is not without interest and importance. To begin with, it illustrates some of the basic problems of British-Canadian relations which were to emerge with greater emphasis and clarity a generation later during the Laurier regime in Canada. Both the Canadian Government's statements disclaiming financial responsibility for Esquimalt's permanent defences after the crisis of 1878 had passed and the views of Sir John A. Macdonald underline the deep-lying aversion of colonial governments to any binding permanent responsibility with regard to Empire defence. At the same time, that Government's action during the 1878 crisis and Macdonald's evidence indicated the reserves of Imperial sentiment in Canada that could be tapped in an emergency, providing rigid definition were not attempted beforehand. From the view-point of Imperial de- (42) Because of the prevailing winds and lack of coal-supplies, Milne thought that this journey would be made by sailing south of the equator and then proceeding to Hong Kong, completely under sail propulsion. (43) General Sir John Arabin Simmons, G.C.B., R.E., Governor and Commander-in-Chief at Malta, was at this time a member of the Royal Commission. (44) Milne to Barkly, May 20, 1882, Milne Papers, MIN/141/1, National Maritime Museum. D. M. Schurman Jan.-Apr. fence considered as a whole, this apparent contradiction between policy and sentiment was a source of strategical weakness, since no British long- term plans could include Canada, except in so far as they might contemplate some vague and undefined assistance in time of crisis. Indeed, in the British Government's handling of the Canadian defence problem, political considerations, of necessity, had to take precedence over military ones, and the emphasis was placed upon the maintenance of political friendliness at the expense of immediate military efficiency. This is clearly apparent in that section of the majority report of the Royal Commission concerning Esquimalt. Such a policy, however satisfactory from the standpoint of the politician, for the moment did nothing to relieve the anxiety of the soldiers responsible for Imperial defence. However, the discussions which arose out of the coaling-stations problem brought to the forefront the lack of sympathy and co-operation between the departments of government involved in them. It was in frank recognition of this fact that both the Milne Committee and the Royal Commission were organized on an interdepartmental basis. Yet neither the small Committee nor the more imposing Commission succeeded in resolving conflicts that a century of departmental exclusiveness had produced. Recommendations might be worked out in some harmony (although in the case of Equimalt even that hope became barren), but recommendations were useless as long as the power to give them effect was lacking. What appeared to be missing was not technical advice, but rather co-ordination of the kind which would result from the presence of a strong political personality who could guide the work of the technical advisers toward a common purpose without keeping both ears tuned to the rumblings or grumblings within any one department. Most of the obstacles to effective interdepartmental co-operation came from the Admiralty. The sailors had their own standards of what constituted naval necessities, and whatever one may suspect, it is impossible to determine whether those standards were arrived at by inductive or deductive reasoning. The War Office, on the other hand, sprawling and divided as it was, did attempt to deal with the coaling-station problem in a reasonable way. In fact, the work performed in the Fortifications Department between 1875 and 1877, involving, as it did, a whole conception of maritime defence adapted to modern needs, while at the same time recognizing the special role of the Navy, was a tribute to the understanding of the soldiers. The Admiralty, however, was prepared to accept the views of the soldiers just as long as they were in agreement with 1955 Esquimalt: Defence Problem, 1865-1887 69 those of the sailors, but no further: when a prominent soldier in a Royal Commission should go so far as to recommend the abandonment of Esquimalt as a serious naval base, further co-operation, discussion, or agreement was impossible. But a strong directing political head was absent, and the tide had been running against further expenditures on Imperial defence since Edward Cardwell had withdrawn the Imperial garrisons. Why should any politician be expected to take a firm stand when, to the public in general, the defence of colonial ports meant only further expenditure outlays of British moneys with no corresponding repayment in votes? D. M. Schurman. Sidney Sussex College, Cambridge, England. SIR JOSEPH TRUTCH: BRITISH COLUMBIA'S FIRST LIEUTENANT-GOVERNOR* A recent issue of this Quarterly honoured Professor Walter N. Sage, the dean of Provincial historians and one of the most ardent advocates of the study of local history. As a young man, Professor Sage took an active interest in the history of British Columbia, and for over a quarter of a century he has maintained his interest. His enthusiasm he has passed on to his many students; he has convinced them that Provincial history is not only fun and full of intrinsic interest, but also that it is an admirable training-ground where young scholars can learn and practise the rudiments of historical method. A good deal of Professor Sage's own work was on the transition period in Provincial history when the people of British Columbia, frustrated by recession and stimulated by Canadian federation, examined possible alternatives to their unhappy political and economic state. In the course of his researches, Dr. Sage discovered that Sir Joseph William Trutch, the first Lieutenant-Governor of the Province after confederation, played an important part in the transition to responsible government.1 This article covers much of the same ground; it should be viewed not as a successor to his work, but as a supplement. It is perhaps fitting to record that it was Professor Sage who first suggested to the author a study of the office of the Lieutenant-Governor, a study of which this is but a minor part. British Columbia was the second Province to enter the Canadian confederation. The Manitoba experiment had not been a happy one, and even while the terms of union were being negotiated with the British Columbians, the Federal Government could not be certain that it had succeeded. British Columbia was in every way better fitted for its new * This paper was read, in part, before the Victoria Section of the British Columbia Historical Association in May, 1954. It is the first of three short essays on interesting and important periods in the history of the office of the Lieutenant- Governor in British Columbia. The author would like to thank the Social Science Research Council, Washington, D.C., the Canadian Social Science Research Council, and the Humanities Research Council for grants that have made possible a study of the office of the Lieutenant-Governor in Canada. (1) Walter N. Sage, "The Position of the Lieutenant-Governor in British Columbia in the Years Following Confederation," in R. Flenley (ed.), Essays in Canadian History Presented to George Mackinnon Wrong for His Eightieth Birthday, Toronto, 1939, pp. 178-203. British Columbia Historical Quarterly, Vol. XIX, Nos. 1 and 2. 72 John Tupper Saywell Jan.-Apr. status as a Province of Canada than Manitoba had been. There were no serious racial or religious antagonisms to obstruct the normal functioning of representative and responsible government, although it must be admitted that society was not as stable, mature, or cohesive as was that in the eastern Provinces. Partial representative government had been enjoyed for a number of years in the Crown Colony and, peopled as it was from Great Britain, Canada, and the United States, there was abroad a fair amount of political experience. An administrative machine of sorts, which had extended its control over most of the Province (although spasmodically and perhaps ineffectively in the Interior), was in full operation. The Colonial Governor was, to be sure, the most powerful political figure in the Colony, but the basis was there for responsible self-government within the confederation. Demands for responsible government had been heard in British Columbia for a long time; in fact, the drive for confederation with Canada was intimately related to it. " The most prominent Agitators for confederation," Governor Musgrave informed the Colonial Secretary, " are a small knot of Canadians who hope that it may be possible to make fuller representative institutions and Responsible Government part of the new arrangements." Musgrave, who had been sent to British Columbia to accelerate confederation, condemned responsible government as ". . . inapplicable to a Community so small and so constituted as this—a sparse population scattered over a vast area. . . ."2 He realized, however, that government by Governor and Council could not continue for long, and gained the approval of the Colonial Office to a constitutional amendment that gave the elected members of the Legislative Council a majority. (2) Musgrave to Granville, October 3, 1869, MS., Archives of B.C. A year later he informed Sir John A. Macdonald that "notwithstanding all the boasted eagerness of the Community for Confederation the only men I can depend on are the officials. DeCosmos and the leading Demagogues . . . would throw Confederation to the winds tomorrow if without it they could obtain 'Responsible Govt.', which to them does not mean rational self-government ... but official plunder and possession of public office." Musgrave to Macdonald, November 24, 1870, Macdonald Papers, Vol. 342, Public Archives of Canada. Musgrave was not alone in this opinion; Philip J. Hankin, his Colonial Secretary, wrote in a similar vein to the Duke of Buckingham, under date of March 11, 1870: " What they all try to hold out for here, is Responsible Governt; & that they certainly are not fit for. Some of them hope by that means to get into Office." Willard E. Ireland, "An Official Speaks Out: Letter of the Hon. Phillip J. Hankin, Colonial Secretary, to the Duke of Buckingham, March 11, 1870," British Columbia Historical Quarterly, XIII (1949), p. 37. 1955 Sir Joseph Trutch 73 An attempt to have responsible government included in the terms of union was narrowly defeated in the Legislative Council when the terms were being discussed. During the negotiations with the Macdonald Government in Ottawa it was agreed that this constitutional change should be introduced simultaneously with confederation or very soon thereafter. This does not appear to have been the work of the three British Columbia delegates, none of whom were particularly enthusiastic about responsible government, but has generally been attributed to H. E. Seelye, a Victoria newspaper-man. Seelye had been sent to Ottawa by the British Colonist, the owner and editor of which were prominent leaders in the struggle for responsible government and confederation, to impress upon the Federal Government the people's desire for the former, as well as to cover the negotiations. He succeeded, so we are told, " in convincing the Dominion Government that his contention that the province was sufficiently advanced to entitle it to representative institutions was correct."3 J. S. Helmcken, one of the colonial negotiators, wrote in his diary that the Federal Government was not " particularly anxious about Responsible Govt." but would put " no objection in its way."4 In a dispatch from Ottawa on the same day, Seelye reported that " the utterances of every member of the Cabinet are ' the colony must have free and popular government.' . . ."5 It is a little difficult at this date to imagine confederation without responsible government, at least, in theory if not in fact. If responsible government were not effected, the Lieutenant-Governor would have much more power than his colleagues in the other Provinces; since the Lieutenant-Governor was a Federal officer, this would mean that the Province would be in great part governed from Ottawa. This would mean in turn that it would not be a province, in the sense that the others were, but a pseudo-province or a partially seff-governing territory, not unlike the Northwest Territories before 1905. Macdonald and his colleagues doubtless realized this, even if British Columbians, to whom neither responsible government nor the federal system was familiar, did not. The decision, however, had been formally reached, and Musgrave, the diligent official that he was, began to prepare the way for the constitutional changes that were soon to come. In the spring session of (3) W. A. Harkin (ed.), Political reminiscences of the Right Honourable Sir Charles Tupper, Bart., London, 1914, p. 88. (4) Willard E. Ireland, " Helmcken's Diary of the Confederation Negotiations, 1870," British Columbia Historical Quarterly, IV (1940), p. 125. (5) Victoria British Colonist, July 21, 1870. 74 John Tupper Saywell Jan.-Apr. the Legislative Council in 1871, he secured the passage of an Act which provided that upon union with Canada a new constitution, with a fully representative Assembly and a responsible Executive Council, would become operative.6 This did not necessarily mean that responsible government in fact would be introduced at once, for that feature of our governmental system is an unwritten part of the constitution. Indeed, British Columbia gained provincial status on July 20, 1871, but it was some time before fully responsible government was established in practice. In choosing the first Lieutenant-Governor the Federal Cabinet was seriously hampered by its ignorance of conditions and people on the West Coast. Musgrave was the logical man to initiate the new dispensation, despite his disapproval of responsible government, but he had injured his leg and wished to return to England as soon as possible to receive first-rate surgical treatment.7 Although a member of the Macdonald Cabinet may have been momentarily considered,8 the Prime Minister came to the conclusion that only a native could successfully inaugurate the new system, as an intimate knowledge of the Province was considered essential. Macdonald had been much impressed by Joseph Trutch when the latter had been in Ottawa discussing the terms of union, particularly since he had shown himself to be a determined and informed advocate of the transcontinental railway. As a former government surveyor and Chief Commissioner of Lands and Works, Trutch had gained an unsurpassed knowledge of the Province and had shown some capacity as an administrator. After leaving Ottawa in July, 1870, Trutch had corresponded with Macdonald and had become, in a sense, his chief adviser in British Columbia. In March, 1871, Macdonald decided that Trutch would have to be connected with the Federal Government " in some way or other,"9 and in June concluded that he (6) "An Act to amend and alter the Constitution of this Colony," cap. 3, Acts passed by the Legislative Council of British Columbia during the Session from 5th January to 28th March, 1871, Victoria, 1871. See also Musgrave to Kimberley, February 18, 1871, MS., Archives of B.C. (7) Musgrave to Lisgar, April 17, 1871, G. 20, Vol. 137, Public Archives of Canada. (8) Tilley, for one, wanted the position. Macdonald to Cartier, March 11, 1871, Confidential, Macdonald Papers, Vol. 518, Public Archives of Canada. (9) Macdonald to Cartier, March 17, 1871, Private, ibid. "Trutch is going to England he says at Mr. Musgrave's request to push the matter through the Colonial Office. I told him that he must return via Canada so that I might be at Ottawa and settle his future relations with the Canadian Government. I said that I still felt 1955 Sir Joseph Trutch 75 would be most useful as Lieutenant-Governor. There were, however, a number of factors that qualified his availability:— I thought it best to discuss the Trutch matter in Council. Our colleagues seem to have a great deal of doubt as to the policy of appointing him, even for a time, as Lieut. Governor. It could not be announced that the appointment was only a temporary one, and therefore the effect of it must be considered as if it were for five years. They say, and there is much force in the objection, that Trutch is known to have strong opinions as to the Terminus of the Pacific Railway, and that he has property the value of which will be affected by the selection. His speech also as to the Railway has caused great indignation in British Columbia, and his appointment it is feared, might cause the first elections to go against us. This would be most disastrous. On the whole I think we must not make up our minds to appoint Trutch until you are up here again when we can discuss the matter in all its bearings. But if we do not want Trutch as Lt. Governor, we shall certainly want him as Senator or in some other public capacity. If therefore you think it well to bring him out with that object there can be no harm in sending him a telegram asking him in general terms to come over, without specifying the object.to Macdonald and Cartier, the duumvirate of the Conservative Party, either succeeded in persuading the rest of the Cabinet or overrode their objections, for Trutch was appointed Lieutenant-Governor. He accepted the appointment reluctantly and only on the understanding that it would be temporary, as he wished to play a more grandiose and lucrative role on the railway that was to be built from coast to coast.11 Macdonald did not see any complications in British Columbia, and there were none. " He will have an easier time than you have had," he informed Archibald, the first Lieutenant-Governor of Manitoba, "but his task will not be nearly so interesting."12 Cold comfort this for Archibald, who, when he received that letter, faced a Fenian invasion in Manitoba. Trutch's appointment was not very well received in British Columbia, although one can hardily reach a sound conclusion by reading the Victoria newspapers, the editors of which were his political enemies. He was placed in the uncomfortable position of having to initiate a system the importance of his being connected with the Dominion Government in some way or other, and for the reasons given to him by you and myself at Ottawa. To this he assented." (10) Macdonald to Cartier, June 5, 1871, Private and Confidential, ibid. Cartier agreed to this suggestion and Trutch was asked to come to Ottawa. See Victoria British Colonist, June 25, 1871. (11) Macdonald to R. W. W. Carrall, October 5, 1872, Private, Macdonald Papers, Vol. 521, Public Archives of Canada. See also Macdonald to Archibald, July 12, 1871, ibid., Vol. 519. (12) Ibid., Vol. 519. 76 John Tupper Saywell Jan.-Apr. of government that, as a member of the Legislative Council and a negotiator of confederation, he had strenuously opposed. Macdonald had attempted to pave the way and had let it be known in British Columbia that the new Lieutenant-Governor was "fully prepared to adminster Public Affairs under the principles of Responsible Government."13 After his arrival in Victoria from Ottawa, where he had been long closeted with Macdonald and Cartier, Trutch took the first opportunity to outline his policy. He referred to his previous opposition to responsible government but declared that" having now undertaken to carry that system into operation in our Province it is not only a matter of duty but a point of honor for me to strive to the utmost to ensure its successful working."14 There were, however, many difficulties that made inexpedient any immediate changes:— I regret that under the peculiar transition state in which we now are I do not see the practicability of immediately forming a responsible ministry. In the first place because there are no constituted representatives from whom such a ministry can be selected, and also because it would be a presumption in me, as I think, to anticipate the votes of the people of British Columbia by naming any one individual as possessing their confidence beyond others. I propose, therefore, as I am now advised, and unless a necessity not now foreseen should occur, not to make any such selection until the election which will take place at the earliest practicable date, and in the meantime to take mainly on myself the responsibility of carrying on the necessary current business of the country, trusting that my action whilst so doing will be favorably considered.15 Trutch also made it clear that few appointments would be made until a responsible administration was formed. Disappointed politicians, already grasping for the spoils of office, complained a little, but his was a logical course of action. 11 quite approve," wrote Macdonald, " it puts our position in a proper light & beyond mistake."16 The matter was hardly as simple, however, as Trutch suggested in his statement of policy. He did plan to appoint several ministers to assist him until the elections had been held, and it was inevitable that these men, if they wished to make use of the opportunity, would have secured a head start in the race for more permanent political office. Macdonald at least realized this. He attempted to get Dr. J. S. Helmcken to become Trutch's first minister, despite the former's intimation that he planned to retire from political life. (13) Macdonald to Helmcken, July 17, 1871, Private, ibid., Vol. 519. (14) Victoria British Colonist, August 16, 1871. (15) Ibid., August 19, 1871. (16) Macdonald to Trutch, September 12, 1871, Private, Macdonald Papers, Vol. 519, Public Archives of Canada. 1955 Sir Joseph Trutch 77 I can, from my own experience, quite understand that political life is not conducive either to domestic comfort or pecuniary advantage; still someone must undertake the task and make the sacrifice. I hope sincerely that you will do so. It will give Trutch very great confidence in the performance of his responsible task, if he has you as his chief adviser. Let me take the liberty of urging you very strongly in the interests of British Columbia, and, I may say of the Dominion, to come to the rescue and aid Trutch in the formation of his first Government. Your first and principal duty will be to endeavour to get competent men to come forward as representatives of the people, and to use all legitimate influence in getting honest men returned. If the Government succeeds in this respect, they may count upon holding the reins of power for four years, during the existence of your first Parliament.17 This letter was obviously written on Trutch's request; he hoped and planned that the minister to be selected would become his Premier after the first election. Helmcken refused the call:— Educated under a very different system to that now introduced, I feel that I cannot change to suit the alteration and indeed loathe the very idea of having to become obsequious, if nothing more degrading, to keep a number of supporters together. . . . There are several here more capable than myself of advising the Governor should he require any advice. ... I do not think that any Ministry will be allowed to do much wrong—whatever the faults of the inhabitants may be, they are sufficiently moral and highminded to stop any grossly wrong legislation. The Governor can at all events kick the Ministry out. Rely upon it the respectable classes will give a hearty support to the Governor whenever it may become necessary and nothing will make him as popular as putting his foot upon any immoral proceedings. You may be sure that I will give Gov. Trutch all the support I can, and may have more influence outside than in the Government.^ Following Helmcken's emphatic refusal, Trutch had to look elsewhere. Two members of the old Legislative Council were appointed to temporary positions in his first Executive Council, and he succeeded in persuading John Foster McCreight, a leading Victoria barrister,19 to fill the essential post of Attorney-General. McCreight was the key man; in the Lieutenant-Governor's opinion he commanded "the respect and confi- (17) Macdonld to Helmcken, July 17, 1871, Private, ibid., Vol. 519. (18) Helmcken to Macdonald, August 23, 1871, ibid., Vol. 343. (19) The original Executive Council, appointed August 18th, 1871, included Charles Good, Colonial Secretary; E. Graham Alston, Attorney-General; and B. W. Pearse, Chief Commissioner of Lands and Works. Book of the Oaths of Office, M.S., Department of the Provincial Secretary. McCreight took his oath of office as Attorney-General on August 24, 1871. For biographical data regarding McCreight see Patricia M. Johnson, " John Foster McCreight," British Columbia Historical Quarterly, XII (1948), pp. 79-92, and her second article, "McCreight and the Law," ibid., pp. 127-149. 78 John Tupper Saywell Jan.-Apr. dence of the community to a greater extent than any other members of the profession—although he has hitherto consistently abstained from politics."20 These appointments, Trutch emphasized, were only " for the time being, and until the Elections, which will be held at the earliest possible period, admit of more permanent arrangements being made."21 Premier as well as Lieutenant-Governor, Trutch set his assistants to work preparing for the elections—establishing electoral divisions, appointing Returning Officers, and the like. His hands were full during his first few months in office: a number of Indian tribes were upset and threatened to become troublesome; the San Juan Island dispute had blossomed once again; British authorities decided to remove the last naval vessel from Esquimalt; and the Province was bankrupt. All attention was focused on the elections, however, and Trutch was just a little uneasy as to the result. " I think I can manage to get some decent men to take a hand in the government," he wrote, "although most of our representatives will be a queer kittle cattle I fear."22 The Lieutenant-Governor does not seem to have taken a hand in the elections themselves. Doubtless he used his influence to secure Mc- Creight's election at the head of the poll in Victoria, thus vindicating his policy and securing added justification for asking McCreight to head the first responsible ministry. Although some candidates labelled themselves " reformers," the election saw a contest of personalities, not of parties. There were no party lines in British Columbia, and there were to be none during the nineteenth century. As a consequence, Trutch was able to choose McCreight as his Premier, and on the latter's recommendation he appointed two other of the elected members of the Legislature to the Executive Council.23 The Lieutenant-Governor unquestionably had a (20) Trutch to Macdonald, August 22, 1871, Macdonald Papers, Vol. 278, Public Archives of Canada. Another Councillor had been appointed a day or two before, but he was dismissed as soon as McCreight consented to take office. Minutes of the Executive Council, August 24, 1871, Archives of B.C., and McCreight to Trutch, August 22, 1871, MS., Archives of B.C. (21) Trutch to Charles Good, August 17, 1871, Lieutenant-Governors' Papers, Miscellaneous Letterbook, Archives of B.C.; Trutch to the Secretary of State, August 26, 1871, Despatches to Ottawa, Archives of B.C. (22) Trutch to Macdonald, October 9, 1871, Macdonald Papers, Vol. 278, Public Archives of Canada. (23) On November 14, 1871, A. Rocke Robertson was sworn in as Colonial Secretary and Henry Holbrook as Chief Commissioner of Lands and Works. Trutch to the Secretary of State, November 14, 1871, Lieutenant-Governors' Papers, Despatches to Ottawa, Archives of B.C., and Minutes of the Executive Council, November 14, 1871, Archives of B.C. 1955 Sir Joseph Trutch 79 share in the formation of the Government, but McCreight was recognized as Premier and the choice of Ministers an act for which he was responsible.24 Trutch believed that his Executive Council was satisfactory, as honest, capable, and representative as could be expected. His feeling was not too widely shared in the Province, however, particularly in Victoria, where the editors of the two daily newspapers, both members of the newly elected Legislature, desired a place in the sun. These men, Amor deCosmos of the Standard and John Robson of the British Colonist, were individually the two strongest political figures of the day largely as a result of their instruments of propaganda and influence; both had been instrumental in securing confederation and both had fought for responsible government. The three Cabinet Ministers, on the contrary, had little political experience; all three (and the Lieutenant- Governor) had opposed responsible government, and two of them had even opposed confederation. On the whole, the Cabinet was extremely weak. There was a good deal of truth in Robson's assertion that " the present Ministers will be cob-webs for the next House to sweep away."25 The Lieutenant-Governor continued to direct the ship of state until the Assembly met in February, 1872. The Minutes of the Executive Council show that he attended every meeting, as indeed in theory the Lieutenant-Governor still does, and that he took a significant part in its work. Informally he shared with McCreight and the Cabinet the work of preparing legislation for the approaching session. Trutch was in doubt as to his own position and sought Macdonald's advice. I wish you would also if you please give me a hint as to how far my speech in opening the House is supposed to express my own opinions or to be simply an expression of the policy of my responsible Ministers, as I confess I am somewhat puzzled on this point—of course I know how this would be in the House of Parliament at home—or at Ottawa but are we under the same understanding here?26 (24) H. P. P. Crease to C. W. Frank, November 13, 1871, Crease Papers, Letterbook, Archives of B.C. (25) Victoria British Colonist, November 15, 1871. In addition to McCreight, the Cabinet then included only A. Rocke Robertson and Henry Holbrook. The latter was Chief Commissioner of Lands and Works, but on January 19, 1872, George A. Walkem was sworn to this office and Holbrook continued in the Cabinet as President of the Council without salary. (26) Trutch to Macdonald, October 9, 1871, Macdonald Papers, Vol. 278, Public Archives of Canada. John Tupper Saywell Jan.-Apr. He later apologized for troubling the Prime Minister, but justified his request on the grounds that:— I am so inexperienced as indeed are all in this Province in the practice of Responsible Govt . . . that I step as carefully and as guardedly as I can—and while teaching others I feel constantly my own extreme need of instruction on this subject. . . .27 Macdonald answered that if the Lieutenant-Governor had formed a responsible ministry before the Legislative Assembly convened the Speech from the Throne should be on the advice of his Ministers. " This is the Constitutional doctrine," he rightly observed, but " at the same time from your position you can exercise a legitimate influence in pressing upon them the various topics that should be mentioned or avoided."28 Macdonald was a little concerned about the stability and permanence of the McCreight Administration and took an early opportunity to deliver another lecture on responsible government, fearing, perhaps, that Trutch might be inclined to play an overzealous role. I congratulate you on your Administration. Mr. McCreight's reputation stands high, and you were very fortunate in securing him. When your Legislature meets, however, you will ascertain whether they have the confidence of the people or not, and you will gracefully accept any Ministry that may be indicated by a vote of that august body. In anticipation of a defeat generally considered inevitable, the Prime Minister outlined the procedure to be followed by the Lieutenant- Governor. If your present Ministry is defeated, you will of course send for the person who acts as leader of the Opposition. If there is no organized Opposition with a leader, but only a number of individuals dissatisfied with the existing Ministry, and each acting on his own hook, I think your course will be to assume that the mover of the Resolution which amounts to a vote of want of Confidence, is the man to be sent for, if his Resolution carries. Give him Carte blanche as to the individuals composing his Council and accept with perfect equanimity his nomination. The responsibility is his and not yours, and it will be for the Legislature to approve or reject the new Government.2^ The Cabinet, ably and persistently aided by the Lieutenant-Governor, drafted a legislative policy that pleased even the factious opposition. The British Colonist described the Throne Speech as " an able State Paper. . . . Bold and liberal . . . loyal and statesmanlike."30 (27) Trutch to Macdonald, November 21, 1871, ibid., Vol. 278. (28) Macdonald to Trutch, October 27, 1871, Private, ibid., Vol. 519. (29) Macdonald to Trutch, December 18, 1871, ibid., Vol. 519. (30) Victoria British Colonist, February 17, 1872. 1955 Sir Joseph Trutch 81 Trutch was not unwilling to take a good measure of the credit: " I have done all I could to place my Ministry fairly before the House and before the country," he boasted, " and unless they make any compromising mistakes there is every reason to expect that they will continue to be supported as they now are by at least two thirds of the Members."31 Once the session began, Trutch seems to have considered his essential task almost completed. At Council meetings, which he still attended, few political matters were discussed; all the work of government was being done in cabinet. Although ineffectively led in the Legislative Assembly, the Government struggled through the session. In the absence of anything remotely resembling party lines or party discipline, the Government was dependent upon a constantly fluctuating number of supporters. Generally fortunate enough to secure good majorities, McCreight refused to accept an adverse vote as a sign of lack of confidence—and rightly so. Some Bills, obviously inspired by the Cabinet, were introduced by private members, and in this way was avoided the stigma that would result from a defeat of the Government. Robson and de Cosmos vigorously denounced this system in their editorials, and to call their bluff McCreight finally stated that any interference with the Budget would be treated as a vote of non- confidence. The Budget passed unscathed. The session on the whole was as successful as could be expected. Macdonald congratulated his officer: "... the Province of British Columbia may now be considered as fairly launched, with a responsible crew on board; so that hereafter the duties of Lieut. Governor will be rather of a sinecurist character."32 Although Judge Crease observed early in May, 1872, that " Trutch still runs the mill . . . it's a one man government still (in disguise),"33 there is little evidence to suggest that the Lieutenant-Governor interfered at all in political or " party " affairs after the close of the session. No (31) Trutch to Macdonald, February 20, 1872, Macdonald Papers, Vol. 278, Public Archives of Canada. The policy was as much the Cabinet's as his, in all probability, but the speech appears to have been his own. Just a day before the session began, he laid before Council the speech " which he proposed to read to the Legislative Assembly and the same was approved of by Council." Minutes of the Executive Council, February 16, 1872, Archives of B.C. (32) Macdonald to Trutch, April 16, 1872, Private, Macdonald Papers, Vol. 520, Public Archives of Canada. (33) H. P. P. Crease to the Honourable Hector Langevin, May 1, 1872, Crease Papers, Letterbook, Archives of B.C. 82 John Tupper Saywell Jan.-Apr. doubt his influence and advice were important and at times invaluable, but he appears to have left his Cabinet to itself. Formal Council meetings were held over which he presided, but only routine matters were discussed, Minutes of Council approved, or subjects peculiarly within his competence as a Federal officer—defence, Indian affairs, relations with Canada—introduced. In the Province, however, as Crease's comment suggests, it was still believed that he continued to exercise the power behind the throne—as well as to occupy the throne itself—that he had assumed during the first nine months of office, and that suspicion has persisted up to the present. Robson attempted to imitate the Upper Canadian Reformers of the 1830's and raised the cry of irresponsible government. The Lieutenant-Governor was accused of using Federal patronage for the benefit of his Government, of influencing and dictating policy, and using his influence to pervert the normal functioning of the political and constitutional system.34 The Cabinet had no awareness of its proper position: " The Premier has been dancing attendance on his ' Master,' as if he were a mere lacky. There is not a Minister, who, even if he had an opinion of his own (an extremely problematical proposition), would dare to express it. And this is called Responsible Government! "35 A year earlier such assertions would have been reasonably accurate. But by October, 1872, Trutch was less inclined to take an active part in political affairs than some of his colleagues in the eastern Provinces. He informed Macdonald of the press attacks being made on him and took time out to point out how inaccurate they were. And I may further tell you that although during the initiation of this new system of govt, in this Province and up till the end of the Session of the Assembly I took of necessity a more direct part in the management of public affairs than under ordinary circumstances belongs to a Lt. Governor—during the past six (34) Victoria British Colonist, October-November, 1872. McCreight did not lose sight of the importance of the Lieutenant-Governor and his influence: "I believe that nearly every person who has been obliged by circumstances to watch closely the working of responsible institutions in this Province will be inclined to admit that whilst their success is a problem which is yet unsolved, legitimate means may at times at least be wisely and properly used for the purpose of strengthening the executive. It seems also clear that a Lieutenant Governor of ability and in a position to dispense hospitality especially during the session of the Legislative Assembly might both properly and constitutionally be of great service in promoting harmonious action in that body." McCreight to Trutch, Bay 10, 1872, Attorney- General's Letterbook, Archives of B.C. (35) Victoria British Colonist, November 10, 1872. 1955 Sir Joseph Trutch 83 months I have kept carefully aloof from the discussions and confidence of the Ministry in their political or party matters being well aware that it is not expedient that I should be or supposed to be—a partizan in such matters within the Province.36 Trutch was, in fact, becoming bored. The office, he said, " is becoming less interesting as its duties are less responsible and give less occupation. ... It presents no inducements for the exercise of mental energy." It was " an honorable leise becoming and acceptable " to an old man, but " tedious and irksome to one at my time of life—of naturally active mind, and habituated for years past to such exciting business avocations as are characteristic of all new countries."37 The Legislative Assembly was to meet on December 17, 1872, in its second session, and the British Colonist of that morning made its final bitter attack on the Government: " The Ministers are the appointees of an appointed Governor. They are not the legetimate [sic] offspring of the new constitution. They are the results of accident,—peradventure the offspring of personal prejudice! "38 Behind this vicious attack was an alliance of Robson and de Cosmos to defeat the McCreight Administration. The Premier was fully aware of this combination of disappointed journalists but made no attempt to evade defeat. In fact, in the Throne Speech was inserted a statement deliberately designed to call forth a vote of confidence. McCreight was defeated by one vote. There was no recognized Leader of the Opposition, nor did the mover of the resolution seem to be a likely prospect for Premier.39 Trutch at once sent for de Cosmos, editor of the Victoria Standard and a member of the Federal Parliament. Although the selection was as wise as any, the Lieutenant-Governor realized that he had not secured a stable government. His acute perception of the political situation was shown in a letter to Macdonald:— There will be a grand fight throughout the Session I expect as the House is divided into three nearly equal sections, McCreight's, De Cosmos' and Robson's the latter having (to his infinite disappointment) not been included by De Cosmos in his Cabinet. Whether De Cosmos's Ministry will stand depends on McCreight as Robson's friends will oppose bitterly. I fancy McCreight will in general help De Cosmos—although on some questions he must with his friends vote against him— and if the Robson wing of the House join McCreight on any of these points as I think they will try to do De Cosmos will be in a minority. (36) Trutch to Macdonald, October 24, 1872, Macdonald Papers, Vol. 278, Public Archives of Canada. (37) Trutch to Macdonald, November 25, 1872, ibid., Vol. 278. (38) Victoria British Colonist, December 17, 1872. (39) Thomas Basil Humphreys, the member for Lillooet. John Tupper Saywell Jan.-Apr. | My great object," concluded the Lieutenant-Governor, " will be to maintain the strictest impartiality."40 This incident may be taken as the final step, the convincing proof, that the transition to responsible government had been made. The Lieutenant-Governor willingly accepted the defeat of the Government he had originally appointed and toward which he had felt very kindly; he accepted as Premier a man for whom, in times past at least, he had had little use, whom he had bitterly opposed politically, and who had recently attacked him vigorously and bitterly in the press. All this occurred at a time, it should be remembered, when it would have been an easy matter indeed to assist McCreight in a Cabinet reconstruction— an easier matter actually than the formation of a new ministry. What is notable in this period of transition is not that the Lieutenant-Governor exercised considerable political and administrative power for eighteen months, but that he ceased to be politically effective so soon. In the absence of organized and disciplined political parties, with the political scene dominated by personal feuds and factional rivalries, in a political society where few men would refuse office under any circumstance, it would have been relatively easy for the Lieutenant-Governor to play a key role for a much longer time. Many Lieutenant-Governors have attempted to do so under much less auspicious circumstances. Using the records of the Executive Council as his authority, Dr. W. N. Sage suggested that the transition to responsible government was not accomplished for many years after 1872. The Lieutenant-Governor's attendance at Council meetings, however, has very little bearing on the subject. In theory the Lieutenant-Governor still presides at Council meetings; that is why they are seldom, if ever, held. In other Canadian Provinces the Lieutenant-Governors continued to attend meetings long after responsible government had been introduced—we know, for example, that the Lieutenant-Governor of Nova Scotia attended such meetings at least until 1873, while the Council records suggest that he remained in Council until 1876. As far as responsible government is concerned, the real significance lies in the distinction between the Executive Council and the Committee of the Council, less formally known as the Cabinet. Until Trutch formed his responsible ministry the two were synonomous; from that time they began to separate; and by the end of the first session they were quite distinct. The Cabinet had become the (40) Trutch to Macdonald, December 31, 1872, Macdonald Papers, Vol. 278, Public Archives of Canada. 1955 Sir Joseph Trutch 85 governing instrument, and the Council had been relegated to a purely formal meeting. Very little of a political nature was discussed in Council; the Lieutenant-Governor was presented with the recommendations of the Cabinet in the form of Minutes or Orders in Council; only such matters with which he was specifically concerned as a Federal officer were discussed. This brings us to the second major feature of Trutch's activities as Lieutenant-Governor. The office is a Federal office, and the Lieutenant- Governor is a Federal officer charged with some specified and many unspecified duties on behalf of the Federal authority. For all his actions, he is responsible to the Central Government, which appoints, pays, and can dismiss him. When an administrative system exists through which the Federal Government can work, the functions of the Lieutenant- Governor, except in time of crisis, are more or less routine and uninteresting. In British Columbia, on the morrow of union, there was no Federal administrative machinery at all; even the Provincial machine was extremely loosely organized. Moreover, the political machinery of the party in power in Ottawa had not yet been extended to British Columbia, and the Conservatives lacked political contacts in the West. The appointment of Trutch indicated that Macdonald and Cartier had a good deal of confidence in him, and he became, in fact, Macdonald's chief political adviser in British Columbia. There is no point in detailing all the work that Trutch did as a Federal administrative officer; the Macdonald-Trutch correspondence and the latter's communications with the Secretary of State for the Provinces are in Ottawa, available to all who wish to see them. His advice on the mails, customs and excise services, local taxation, Courts and Judges, and the like was all the Federal Government had to go on, and was, as a consequence, carefully considered and generally followed. The administrative burden of the Federal elections in 1872 and 1873 was thrown upon his shoulders, although he was not asked to assure the return of men "good and true," as was Archibald in Manitoba. As he had replaced the Colonial Governor, he was, in one sense, responsible for Imperial matters as well, and corresponded not only with Macdonald, but also with the Governor-General and the Foreign Office on the San Juan dispute, naval and military defence, and the pensioning of Imperial troops. Trutch paid special attention to Indian affairs and defence. He laboured for two years, with varying success, to get the Federal Govern- 86 John Tupper Saywell Jan.-Apr. ment to adopt an intelligent and consistent Indian policy. An elaborate memorandum that he prepared on the subject was cited as late as 1920 as the sole authoritative pronouncement on Indian affairs.41 His concern for Provincial defence began in the winter of 1871-72,42 when the Province was thrown into an uproar by rumours of a Fenian invasion. The rumours were credible, for it was in October, 1871, that the Fenians had attempted to take Manitoba. Trutch at once consulted the Royal Naval officers at Esquimalt and worked out an elaborate plan for the defence of the capital. He succeeded in preventing the projected withdrawal of all Royal Naval vessels from Esquimalt and convinced the Federal Government that it was high time the militia was organized in the Province.43 Trutch's work as a political adviser is naturally of more interest, although it was much less important. Before leaving Ottawa in the summer of 1871, he had been long closeted with Macdonald and Cartier and had been informed, one may imagine, that he was to be minister of patronage in British Columbia. Soon after his arrival he assured one eager aspirant for whatever offices might be going that his opinion would be asked, he felt, on all appointments; and indeed it was. The most important appointments were those to the Senate. Sir Hector Langevin had come to British Columbia to size up the situation, and he and Trutch worked together on this matter. Langevin sent the results of their discussions to Ottawa for Macdonald's consideration in a long letter, which, because of the personalities discussed, deserves quotation in full. Since my arrival here, I have had a long conversation with Mr. Trutch about the Senators for British Columbia. He agrees with us that there should be one for the main land and two for the Island. The gentleman he suggests for the main land is Mr. Clement Francis Cornwall, Barrister, who lives on the main land about 80 miles from Yale, is a man of good position, a good confederate and certainly in every way the best man in that quarter. He is an Englishman and conservative. Mr. Carrall, it appears, does not wish to go into politics again. He is under the impression however that the Ottawa Government would be disposed to do something for him, on account of his share in the confederation arrangements. Mr. Trutch says that Mr. Carrall would be content and pleased if we were to do for his friend, Dr. Powell, what we might be disposed to do for him, viz: to appoint him a (41) Memorandum by Sir Joseph Pope, 1920, attached to Trutch to Macdonald, October 14, 1872, ibid., Vol. 278. (42) See Reginald H. Roy, " The Early Militia and Defence of British Columbia, 1871-1885," British Columbia Historical Quarterly, XVII (1954), pp. 1-28. (43) Papers of the Deputy Minister of Militia and Defence, File 6278, Public Archives of Canada. The author would like to thank Mr. Reginald H. Roy, of the Provincial Archives of B.C., for drawing his attention to this point. 1955 Sir Joseph Trutch 87 Senator. The question about Powell is, in so far as I am concerned, whether he would be a supporter of ours. His brother, the Dy. Adjt. Genl, being an old Grit of the Brown crew, we must be careful. I shall however see him to day. He is to meet me on some other business. I shall know better after this his political leanings, and moreover Mr. Carrall will meet me at Cariboo or on my way there, and I shall also ascertain quietly from him how things are. The third name suggested for a Senatorship is Dr. John Sebastian Helmcken, our friend. He expects to be offered the position as I know by Mr. Trutch and by a letter he wrote to me yesterday. I shall have an interview with him today and know better how matters stand. He is very popular here and Mr. Trutch is very anxious to have him as his chief adviser; but the question with Dr. Helmcken just now is money. He is not a wealthy man, and has a large family. He does not see how he can support his family in politics. However I believe that after talking quietly with him to-day, I shall be able to put matters in such a shape that, should we be disposed to give him the Senatorship, he may be sure to accept it. He is the son in law of Sir James Douglas, and his appointment would be a hundred times more popular than that of the Knight Commander who besides is old and would be quite satisfied with Mr. Helmcken's appointment. Sir James comes to see me today also. . . M On September 18, after consultations with all those involved and with Trutch, Langevin wired Macdonald that Helmcken, Cornwall, and Carrall should be appointed.45 Macdonald was in full agreement and asked Trutch to offer the position to Helmcken,46 but the doctor refused and the appointment went to W. J. Macdonald, upon whom Trutch and Langevin had agreed if any one of the three refused. Although Trutch did not openly campaign or intrigue in the first Federal elections in British Columbia, one may safely assume that he used his considerable influence to secure the return of candidates pledged to support the Macdonald Administration. Before the members-elect left for their first session in Ottawa, Trutch spoke at length to their leader, de Cosmos. The latter "asked Trutch for a programme of what he thought he ought to do or not to do on behalf of B. Columbia in the Commons and he was fully posted with Mr. Trutch's general ideas on the subject and took notes of the various points. He promised very fairly among others, to support the Ministry and if he only keeps his word you will find him as useful as any three members of the B.C. i Lot.' "47 In the (44) Langevin to Macdonald, August 21, 1871, Private, Macdonald Papers, Vol. 226, Public Archives of Canada. (45) Langevin to Macdonald, September 18, 1871, Private, ibid., Vol. 226. (46) Trutch to Helmcken, October 9, 1871, Helmcken Papers, Archives of B.C. (47) Crease to Langevin, January 20, 1872, Private, Crease Papers, Archives of B.C. John Tupper Saywell Jan.-Apr. second election, in 1873, he had a good deal more to do. He promised Macdonald that he would do all in his power to secure the re-election of Henry Nathan, since Macdonald seemed to desire it.48 He also secured a seat for Sir Francis Hincks, one of Macdonald's key colleagues, who had been unable to win a seat in Ontario. When asked by Macdonald to find a seat for Hincks, Trutch asked Arthur Bunster to withdraw, and the latter, although sure of his election, did so " on my assuring him that I would acquaint you and Sir Francis that such was the case so that should you feel so inclined and have an opportunity to acknowledge in a material shape the action taken on this occasion you should be made aware who is the person to whom such obligations are really due."49 With the elections over, Trutch looked forward to a period of peaceful repose, but Macdonald soon had more for him to do. After his failure to reconcile the groups competing for the glory and gold in constructing the railway that was promised in 1871, Macdonald decided to create a third group, composed of members of the two other groups with a little new blood added, and grant the charter to it. To give the company legal existence—an existence that was essential before the London money market could be approached—the Government decided to raise 10 per cent of the proposed $10,000,000 by subscription. Of this million dollars, $77,000 was to come from British Columbia. Early in November, 1872, Macdonald informed Trutch of the project and asked him to get two or three people to raise the required deposit. " The Shareholders must be good friends of the Government," he wrote, " and must look forward to profitable contracts in the construction of the Railway."50 Trutch had little difficulty in accomplishing this task. The mere mention of the railway, however, fired his enthusiasm and stimulated his ambition. What about Joseph Trutch, asked the Lieutenant-Governor? He reminded Macdonald that he had only accepted the office of Lieutenant- Governor on the understanding that it was to be temporary, that it would be held only until the inaugural period was over, and that his services would be rewarded by high office on the transcontinental railway. The time, so it seemed, had come, and Trutch laid his position before the Prime Minister. (48) Trutch to Macdonald, July 16, 1872, Macdonald Papers, Vol. 278, Public Archives of Canada. (49) Trutch to Macdonald, August 28, 1872, ibid., Vol. 278. (50) Macdonald to Trutch, November 9, 1872, Confidential, ibid., Vol. 522. 1955 Sir Joseph Trutch As I understand that you are now engaged in arranging definitely for the construction of our Railway this appears a proper occasion for me to revert to the desire I expressed when I last saw you in Ottawa to be actively connected with that great undertaking in some fitting position and to recall the expectations which I was led by assurances from yourself and Sir George to entertain that I would take charge of this Government during its initiation last year and this, my wishes in this respect should be realised when the plans for carrying out the enterprise were matured.51 Moreover, now that responsible government was working satisfactorily, the position of Lieutenant-Governor bored Trutch. It also cost him money. The Prime Minister was sympathetic and assured Trutch that there would be no difficulty in meeting his wishes. However, the Lieutenant- Governor took no chances and had the Federal members of Parliament working actively for him.52 By the middle of February all seemed settled; Nathan informed Helmcken that Trutch was to become an engineer, and urged him to take the office of Lieutenant-Governor.53 Macdonald wrote, as follows, to Trutch:— I have gathered from you that your ambition is to be charged with the very interesting work of constructing the Railway through British Columbia and the Rocky Mountains. I have not a doubt of being able, from my influence with the Board, to secure you this appointment and I have as little doubt that the remuneration will be fixed at a satisfactory rate.54 Trutch was extremely pleased, as one may imagine, and planned to visit Ottawa as soon as Sir Hugh Allan returned from London. He was not exactly certain what " supervision" meant, however, and suggested that he might best " seek for an extensive Contract on the Railway for the economical working out of which any past experience would give me special facilities."55 Trutch also inquired whether he could not continue as Lieutenant-Governor as well! All this should not be taken at face value. Macdonald was a canny Scot, at his best in politics rather than finance. " Old Man Tomorrow " he was called, and for good reason. Who knew what the future held? What harm was there in keeping Trutch happy? What position Trutch (51) Trutch to Macdonald, November 25, 1872, Private, ibid., Vol. 278. (52) Nathan to Helmcken, February 1, 1873, Helmcken Papers, Archives of B.C. (53) Nathan to Helmcken, February 24, 1873, ibid. (54) Macdonald to Trutch, February 13, 1873, Private, Macdonald Papers, Vol. 522, Public Archives of Canada. (55) Trutch to Macdonald, March 12, 1873, ibid., Vol. 278. 90 John Tupper Saywell Jan.-Apr. might have obtained had not the Pacific scandal broken the Government, it is impossible to say. It should not be forgotten that before appointing him Macdonald and Cartier had given careful consideration to his position as regards the railway, for it was well known that he possessed property, the value of which would be affected by the selection of the western terminus. While Nathan was at Ottawa it was unlikely that the Conservative chieftains would forget this. A letter to Helmcken suggests that Trutch was very closely involved, too closely perhaps for Macdonald's liking. Whom do I represent—the interests of Victoria or Trutch? That is easily answered. . . . Did I come here to spend 4 months to destroy what chance Victoria might [have] of becoming the Terminus? Our first duty is to our constituents. ... I did not come here at Trutch's expense to advocate his wishes alone. You are one of thirteen to carry on a work for the benefit of the whole Dominion. Therefore be friendly but be very very cautious.56 The whole scheme collapsed when the Conservatives left office later in the year. Even had Mackenzie followed in his predecessor's footsteps, Trutch had nothing to hope for from him. Mackenzie no sooner took office in Ottawa than he publicly and officially repeated his previous statements made while in opposition, that Macdonald's pledge was absurd and impossible. British Columbia was outraged, and talk of secession was in the air. As soon as he learned of Macdonald's fall, Trutch's first thought was to resign, but from this course he was dissuaded, and in fact he spent the last two years of his term as Lieutenant-Governor attempting, as a Federal officer and as an individual sincerely desiring the fulfilment of the terms of union, to secure some reconciliation between Ottawa, and Victoria. While the Federal Government laboured to find some settlement of the dispute, some acceptable means of escaping from a promise that it had neither the courage nor the vision to uphold, Lord Dufferin, the Governor- General, asked Trutch " to keep the pretensions of his people within reasonable bounds."57 It is needless for me to add that the Imperial Government would regard with extreme uneasiness and regret anything approaching to a disturbance of the har- (56) Nathan to Helmcken, February 24, 1873, Helmcken Papers, Archives of (57) Dufferin to Carnarvon, February 26, 1874, Private, B 119, PRO 30/6/26, Public Archives of Canada. 1955 Sir Joseph Trutch 91 monious relations which have been so happily established between Canada and the noble province over which you preside.58 Macdonald, too, whose statesmanship often overrode petty political feuds and personal rivalries, urged Trutch to stay on "in the interests of B.C. and the Dominion generally."59 Although he failed to see how he could influence the course of events in any way, Trutch did agree to serve out his term: "I shall make it my aim to bring about something approaching to a harmonious understanding in order to secure the commencement as soon as possible of the construction of the Railroad."60 To this task he turned his attention. Although in reality in complete agreement with the claims of the Province (and with the Conservative opposition in Ottawa), the Lieutenant-Governor did what he could to keep discussion on a sane and rational level. Mackenzie later stated that the Liberal Government received no assistance from Trutch, but J. D. Edgar, who went to British Columbia in the summer of 1874 to try to arrange a settlement, reported that Trutch:— . . . throughout the whole of my visit, was always most obliging in giving me upon all public questions very full information, which his large experience in the Province rendered of the highest value. He also manifested an earnest wish to see a definite and amicable settlement of the railway question speedily arrived at between the General and Provincial Governments.^1 No such settlement was really possible as long as Mackenzie reigned in Ottawa; and when Macdonald returned in 1878, Trutch had long since been replaced by A. N. Richards, an appointee of the Liberal Administration, who, within a few months of his appointment, had destroyed his usefulness by making several public statements in which he dogmatically, almost belligerently, supported the policy of the Mackenzie Administration. Trutch was an extremely able Lieutenant-Governor. Knowing very little about responsible government, he successfully introduced that system in British Columbia, in a society where political experience was at a premium. Charged with integrating the new Province into the Federal (58) Dufferin to Trutch, February 21, 1874, Private and Confidential, Mackenzie Papers, Vol. 2, Public Archives of Canada. (59) Trutch to Macdonald, March 10, 1874, Private, Macdonald Papers, Vol. 278, Public Archives of Canada. (60) Trutch to Macdonald, May 25, 1874, Private, ibid., Vol. 278. (61) Edgar to the Secretary of State, June 17, 1874, cited in William Leggo, The History of the Administration of the . . . Earl of Dufferin . . . , Montreal, 1878, p. 337. 92 John Tupper Saywell Jan.-Apr. system, he did as he was bid, quietly and efficiently, and flooded Ottawa with extremely sound advice. Asked to keep Dominion-Provincial relations reasonably free from hostility and bitterness, he did all in his power to do so, while his own views, if given free rein, would have led him to take a much different attitude. During his five years of office he committed no major political, administrative, or constitutional blunder. When his term expired in 1876, Trutch could look back with pride to a series of outstanding accomplishments. John Tupper Saywell. University of Toronto, Toronto, Ont. CONVICT COLONIES FOR THE PACIFIC NORTHWEST Plans for the settlement of convicts as colonists in North America are of very early origin, dating back to the time before Jacques Cartier sailed for New France. When the court favourite, Francois de la Rocque, Seigneur de Roberval, was given the task of founding a French colony in Canada, he was not only authorized to recruit volunteer settlers, but also to send over convicts should voluntary emigrants be difficult to find. Eventually in April, 1542, he sailed from France with three ships, bringing a mixed group of freemen and convicts. After vain attempts to find a passage to the Orient, he abandoned the enterprise since no supplies nor reinforcements arrived from France and, in consequence, he sailed home, defeated.1 A second attempt to found a lasting colony in New France met with similar failure. In 1578 Troilus de Mesgouez, Marquis de la Roche, was commissioned to occupy the Canadian territories. His first expedition in 1584 ended in shipwreck, but he tried again in 1598. Since the French peasantry and yeomanry did not flock to the recruiting agents, he was forced to carry prisoners as colonists. Sixty of these unfortunate wretches were landed on Sable Island as the nucleus of what was expected to be a great settlement. Five years later they were rescued, and this effort at permanent settlement came to an end.2 Across the continent both American and British traders early hoped to make settlements on the Pacific Northwest coast. John Meares in 1789 had some seventy Chinese artisans on the Argonaut who were to form the kernel of a colony at Nootka Sound, but Spanish interference brought his plans to nought. In 1809 the American ship Albatross, commanded by Captain Nathan Winship, left Boston on a voyage to the Columbia River on an expedition interested not only in the fur trade, but also in the establishment of a settlement. She carried all the necessaries for such an enterprise, for in addition to her crew of twenty-two an additional twenty-five Kanakas and domestic animals were taken aboard in the Sandwich Islands. Had not the Indians been so hostile, (1) H. P. Biggar (ed.), A Collection of Documents relating to Jacques Cartier and the Sieur de Roberval, Ottawa, 1930, passim; George M. Wrong, The Rise and Fall of New France, Toronto, 1928, I. pp. 68-74. (2) Ibid., I, pp. 134-136. British Columbia Historical Quarterly, Vol. XIX, Nos. 1 and 2. 93 94 Richard H. Dillon Jan.-Apr. there is little doubt that the Albatross would have planted the first white settlement on the north Pacific Coast two years before the Astoria venture, but as it was she remained up the Columbia River only a few days in June, 1810.3 As early as 1788 the idea of colonizing nascent British Columbia with felons and debtors occurred to certain gentlemen in England. Richard Cadman Etches, who, with his brother John, had fitted out the Prince of Wales and Princess Royal for trading on the sea-otter coast, was one of the first to make such a suggestion.4 On July 17, 1788, he wrote to Sir Joseph Banks, president of the Royal Society and prime mover in many of Britain's eighteenth-century voyages and expeditions, humbly submitting a plan which he hoped Sir Joseph would endorse and bring to the attention of the Government. Etches proposed the settlement of the British Columbian coast with convicts as was being done in New Holland, as Australia was then called. He strongly believed that the Government should extend the New South Wales programme to the Pacfic Northwest, sending out a certain number of convicts—perhaps 100—with a few soldiers to keep an eye on them. The convict-settlers would have their way paid and all regulations laid down, for the colonization of New Holland would be adopted in North America. Etches candidly admitted that his interest arose from a commercial point of view and carefully added that his organization should be " given such power over the Commercial part, for a limited time as they should approve." From this it would appear that Etches was concerned, if not jealous, of the hold of the Hudson's Bay Company on British North American trade. He further urged Banks to support his programme, stating that his plan "would not only secure the complete discovery of that extensive and unexplored part of the World, but would open and secure a source of commerce of the most extensive magnitude to this Country." (3) Anna Jerzyk, " The Winship Settlement in 1810 was Oregon's Jamestown," Oregon Historical Quarterly, XLI (1940), pp. 175-181; H. H. Bancroft, History of the Northwest Coast, San Francisco, 1886, II, pp. 130-135; Harold W. Bradley, The American Frontier in Hawaii: The Pioneers, 1789-1843, Stanford University Press, 1944, p. 29; S. E. Morison, The Maritime History of Massachusetts, 1783-1860, Boston and New York, 1923, pp. 58-59; "The Voyage of the Albatross reprinted from the Weekly Message of Port Townsend, Washington, January 9, 1868," in Papers of the Hawaiian Historical Society, No. 8 (Honolulu, 1909), pp. 20-23. (4) Letters outlining the proposal of Richard Cadman Etches were reproduced in F. W. Howay, " Four Letters from Richard Cadman Etches to Sir Joseph Banks, 1788-92," British Columbia Historical Quarterly, VI (1942), pp. 125-139. 1955 Convict Colonies 95 Banks listened to the Etches plan but thought that convict colonies for the carrying-on of the fur trade could not be established because of the great expense to the Government. Etches came back to the argument in a second letter dated July 20, 1788, to point out that the expenses would not be large and, in any case, a given number of convicts could be transported and maintained for as little expense in this manner as by any other means of disposal. Moreover, such establishments as he envisioned on the coast would be impossible without the protection and support of the Government. Once set up permanently, they would secure the commerce of the area and the convicts' labours would be of great service to a national objective. Elaborating on his plan, Etches suggested that the passage of a certain number of convicts be paid, with provisions, stores, arms and ammunition, and implements of husbandry sufficient to form one or two small factories. A small vessel should be appointed with a lieutenant to command, who would be granted full and ample powers to keep his convict-pioneers in subjection. This would not be expensive, and the ship could survey the whole coast and the islands from King George's Sound to Cook's River. Hogs could be brought from the Sandwich Islands, and fish were known to abound in the region to be occupied by the new colony, and timber was abundant. He felt that the two small factories with the armed cruising ship would be ample security for the whole area from 45° to 60° north latitude and would lay a firm foundation for opening communications with the Indians in the back settlements. The addition of four large armed shallops would make possible the survey of all outlets for trade from this area. Having heard that a British ship had landed in " Nyphon " and had been received in a friendly manner, Etches also suggested that these " Japanese Islands" might be tried as a market, once the fur trade was secured under his plan. In this second letter he suggested that the Government might prefer to do all the settlement entirely by contract—contracting for the passage, victualling, or even " taking the whole Establishment upon ourselves, provided we were protected, either by powers gave us, or an Arm'd Cruiser, which I presume wou'd be the most complete and ample security." Other individuals became interested in this proposal and entered into correspondence on the subject. Two letters have come to light in the Banks Papers in the Sutro Branch of the California State Library and are here printed for the first time.5 (5) Grateful acknowledgment is made to the Sutro Branch, California State Library, San Francisco, Calif., for permission to reproduce these documents from the manuscript material relating to Sir Joseph Banks in their collection. 96 Richard H. Dillon Jan.-Apr. Patrick Wilson, Professor of Astronomy in the University of Glasgow, supported the plan. In a letter dated September 12, 1789, directed to Dr. James Lind, physician of Windsor, he wrote of a friend, whom he did not name, who had plans that showed " with much seeming plausibility, the advantages that might arise in regard to disposing of Convicts in some settlement to be made about Nootka—or to forward them by the way of Hudson's Bay across the Continent; and about Nootka to embark them for New South Wales." Presumably this letter was brought to the attention of Sir Joseph Banks by Dr. Lind. Another native of Glasgow, Henry Robertson, M.D., wrote a letter to an unnamed friend, dated November 28, 1789, which eventually reached the attention of Banks, in which it was suggested that all proposals for the establishment of convict colonies in Canada should wait upon a thorough survey of that quarter of the globe to get a picture of conditions there. He pleaded imperfect knowledge of present " occur- rencies," including his ignorance of the arrangements of the Government toward the troops destined for the Botany Bay service. It was reported that the marines stationed there were to be ordered home, and Robertson hoped that the Government might be persuaded to order them to Nootka, as the readiest and least expensive way of beginning exploration on the Pacific side of the mountains, while another party might work westward from Hudson Bay and Nelson River. As for convicts as settlers, Robertson mentioned the importance of the chain of great lakes occupying vast distances of the inland country beyond Hudson Bay and felt that "by them Convicts would be separated & shut in from all Intercourse on the South Side & from the Nature of the Seasons & Climate there can be no communication on the North Side not by our permission." Should the strictest custody over the convicts be necessary, he suggested that they be taken to the islands in the lakes where useful employment in agriculture could be found for them. Robertson's high hopes for convict settlement of the western portion of British North America, unsupported as they were by any true idea of the physical characteristics of the country, were matched by his pessimism toward the New South Wales venture. He felt that Australia's wide open shores, together with its immense inland area to range over, would make the keeping together of any considerable number of convicts impossible and would prevent their being consolidated into any regular form of society. His abysmal ignorance of the North American Continent is evident by his suggestion that, should it prove necessary, the fur-traders could drive live stock from the eastern settled portions of 1955 Convict Colonies 97 British North America to the West, even as far as Nootka. Moreover, with grain and live stock in abundance there would be ample provisions for both convicts and troops as well as ordinary settlers. Once a strong colony had been established, the convicts might either be kept in North America or passed on to New Holland. The prospect of trade with the Russian settlements in Alaska and Kamchatka also appealed to him. He sketched a grand design in which convict colonies in what was later to become British Columbia would play a great part so that " the several Members of our Empire might fink & connect together & form a solid & compact whole, comprehending every thing from St. James' & even to Botany Bay." While none of the plans for convict settlements ever came to pass, largely because of their complete impracticability, none the less they are of interest as reflecting the state of knowledge concerning the northwestern portions of the American Continent and the imagination with which the potential development of this newly discovered region was projected. Richard H. Dillon. Sutro Branch, California State Library, San Francisco. Calif. Richard H. Dillon Jan.-Apr. I Glasgow 12 Sep 1789 College Dear Sir The author of the enclosed printed Sheet,6 of which very few copies have been circulated, is my particular friend, a Gentleman of the best character, and of a truly liberal and patriotick mind. Upon his seeing lately anounced in the publick Prints a new Attempt after the North West Passage under the Auspices of Sir Joseph Banks, he has begd of me to procure him, if I could do so with propriety, some information as to the Reality of such an Expedition. His curiosity proceeds entirely from being strongly impressed with the infinite Consequence of some practicable communication with the Pacifick, in that direction, either by Land or by Water. Then his impressions will more fully appear by the views insisted upon in his printed Sheet. As the Author is a Person of a very modest temper, and by no means wedded to his own Notions, so he is extremely desirous of having the opinions of competent judges in relation to any thing to be found in his printed Prospectus. Were his views, in the main, confirmed by any respectable authorities about London, in regard to the probable Utility of exploring the Tract between Hudson's House and the Pacifick I have some Reasons for thinking that an Expedition of Discovery would soon be set on foot by a Society of Gentlemen connected wt. the Author. Whether his views are well founded in regard to the Hudson's Bay Company I will not pretend to determine; but, without impinging upon them at all, much probable advantage seems to depend upon an inland Expedition towards the Pacifick, in the way of co-operating with those who shall explore the same Object from the Ocean— Captain Dixon found the Continent of America lying 150 miles to the Eastward of the Islands in Queen Charlottes Sound. Captain Cook by skirting said Islands to the westward saw nothing of the " true Continent," in their Extent, and the whole American Coast from Nootka, [itself an Island] to Cook's River, to say 10° Latitude, abounding so much with Islands, may it not be doubted how far the Main Land of America has been made known by Captain Cooks Attempts? At any Rate the Land Passage between Hudson's House, and the Pacifick is shortened 150 miles according to Dixon, and possibly might be found much further shortened, if explored by a Party Marching across the Continent westward. For the sake of my friend I have taken the Liberty of insisting so much upon his Ideas; begging as a particular favour that you will take the Subject under your consideration, and as soon as convenient write me yr. opinion, and concerning Capt Portlock's voyage. If you thought the previous topick worthy to be mentioned, or brought under the view of your friends Sir Joseph Banks, and Doctor Blagden, their (6) This item does not appear to have survived. 1955 Convict Colonies opinion, and your own, of the Authors views would, I know, be felt by him as a very high gratification—and if favourable I believe might soon give Rise to some Expedition. But I must refer the taking of so great a Liberty entirely to Yourself—I beg you will accept of my best compliments and that you will make the same acceptation to Mrs. Lind I ever am My Dear Sir Yours most faithfully Pat Wilson (turn over) Dr. Lind—See P.S. P.S. My friend has several other Papers in M.S.S. by him upon similar topicks—in one of which he shows, with much seeming Plausibility, the Advantages that might arise in regard to disposing of Convicts in some settlement to be made about Nootka—or to forward them by way of Hudson's Bay across the Continent; and about Nootka to embark them for New South Wales &c Ac- Endorsed: Doctor James Lind Physician Windsor Glasgow 28th Novemr ^ „■ 1789 Dear Sir I hope you reed, mine 25th Current as well as the parcel containing the papers for Sir J. B. both addressed for you to Care of I & A. A.—The parcel was accompanied by a letter to Sir J B from Mr. Wilson We are apprehensive that Sir J. B. may be looking for a scheme respecting the Convicts more in Detail; but on Reflection it will no doubt occur that much Detail might be premature in any Scheme relating to a Country unexplored—It seem'd more reasonable to abide by what is touch'd upon towards the conclusion of the Canada Mss; that all proposals may be made with better Effect by a previous Survey of that Quarter of the World " with a view to gain a full & accurate Information of the Actual State of circumstances there." I presume it will be allowed that on the general Principles of exploring every Motive & Reason will apply to such a survey equally as to the many Enterprizes which have now for a course of years been prosecuted towards various Parts of the Earth, known & unknown, & that it would be unaccountable if after seeming to take the utmost Extent of the Globe for the Range of our Discoveries, we should be found at last to come to a Stop at those Limits which ought to constitute a Part of our Dominions, & where there would fall to us immediately & of Course every Advantage of Power & Dominion for promoting Commerce or enlarging the Sphere of general Intercourse & Improvement.—Till the proper Search is made under Richard H. Dillon Jan.-Apr. the Direction of proper persons the utmost that can be expected are general Probabilities. Of these, I have taken it upon me to Cite same, & hope not without some Reasonable ground of Authority; & hope further that it will Do me no Prejudice with Men of Judgment, that I wish'd for the present to rest in these, & to wait for more Light & Information before venturing to offer any Specifick Plan in Detail. Besides being baulked in Regard to what remains to be begun, my Distance from the general Centre of Intelligence has hitherto precluded me from a perfect Knowledge of present & actual Occurrencies. You will recollect different Instances of this Nature. One is our Ignorance of the Arrangements of Government respecting the Troops destined for the Botany Bay Service. It has been Reported that the Marines now there are to be ordered home. Were this true there might be a Hope that Government might be persuaded to order them towards Nootka as the readiest & least expensive Mode of beginning a Search on that Side, while Measures were taking to set on Foot another to meet it from this Side. A Party from this Side thro' Nelson River might be at Hudson's House before Autumn next, then the Distance between the Two must be so moderate as to render their Junction practicable & certain. We are to remember that the Hudson's Bay Co. have never had above 30 Men in any one Station, & that according to Dr Smith & others they have not had at any Time 150 Persons in all over an Extent larger than the half of Europe. This is one Proof that the natives cannot be formidable. Another is that Capt. Cook found such as he met with without the Use or Knowlege of Fire Arms. In Regard to Convicts besides the Favour of Sail & Climate (as mentioned elsewhere) let it be observed that a Continuation of great Lakes, some of them larger than those of Canada, occupy a vast Extent of Inland Country beyond Hudson's Bay. These lye to the Southward, & by them Convicts would be separated & shut in from all Intercourse on the South Side & from the Nature of the Seasons & Climate there can be no communication on the North Side but by our permission. Should even the strictest Custody of Convicts be required, it might be found in the Islands of those Lakes, which might at the same time afford means of useful Employment for them in Agriculture or otherwise. Circumstances seem far different in New Holland the Shores of which are open on all sides & in all Seasons & with an immense inland Range it does not appear how any considerable Numbers can ever be kept together or consolidated into any regular Form of Society. It would seem no less hopeless than difficult & expensive to effect every thing by Troops alone. To create a Society from Soldiers & Convicts must be looked upon as a questionable Experiment because without a Precedent. Is is not as in America where Convicts were kept & reclaimed without any Interference of Troops. This happened by those parts attracting a Stock of all the civil Ranks & Orders of Society, an Advantage which from the Distance of New Holld. can hardly be expected there. Thus have we to Desiderate a proper Ground of Success in that Quarter. Within Hudsons Bay Circumstances may prove more favourable. There the Vicinity of Canada may turn to good Account. In upper Canada two 1955 Convict Colonies 101 Classes of People, the Fur-Traders & Farmers may be expected to concur cordially in forwarding a direct Search towards Nootka thro' Nelson's River; & both with good Effect. The Fur-traders knowing the interior Regions to an immense Extent, understanding the language & familiar to the Habits of the Natives as well as to the labours & Means necessary for traversing unpeopled Countries would be able & compleat Guides, & the more might be expected from them, since in acting this Part instead of their being diverted from their usual Traffick & Occupations, they would acquire new Advantages for both, by a nearer & more direct Approach to China, the chief Mart of the World for Furs. The Class of Farmers in upper Canada would likewise give and receive Benefit by becoming Furnishers of Supplies for Subsistence Stores for which might be erected by them in the Bottom of the Bay accessible to shipping. Live Stock in particular might easily be drove by them to that Quarter, to be from thence conveyed at once by Water, thro' Nelson's River to Hudsons House. Should it be thought necessary, the Fur-Traders might Drive Live Stock thro' the interior Country to any Point desired, even to Nootka: & with regard to Live Stock let it be remembered that whatever may be the Trouble in the first Instance it need never recur again, since by providing a sufficient Number for breeding, each Station might in all future Times have a Sufficiency for its own Demands. A sufficiency of Grain might in due time be had in like Manner, in a Country said to be fertile & kindly. Thus there might soon be ample Provision not only for Troops & Convicts but for general Settlers, or a Colony properly constituted & thro' the strength of a Colony, Convicts might be either passed on to New Holland, or retained in North America, with much Advantage both in respect to Expence & Management. A Resort of general Settlers for the Establishment of a regular Colony may be reckon d on as the natural Consequence of the Trade which would immediately take place on opening a Communication between the Waters of the Atlantic & Pacific.—Here seems to be the most inviting Point of Connection—the Nexus utruisq Mundi—where in Process of Time a Trade may centre proportioned to the Extent & Magnitude of both Oceans Furs offer a certain & immediate Beginning for Trade & in those we have the best medium for introducing the commodities of the East, those of China & Japan more especially for which we may have the Demand or Consumpt of the whole continent of North America. In the Consideration of secondary or lesser Circumstances there seems to be a prospect of an Accession of Trade by a Communication with the Russian Settlements on the Pacific which beginning at Kamtschatka are continued all along to the American Coast in the Neighbourhood of Cooks River. We learn from Cooks Journal & Coxes History how necessitous & feeble these Establishments are & a Glance of the Map may satisfy us that the best Conveyance for their Supplies must be thro' Hudsons Bay & that of Course their Dependence on us may be what we please to make it.— Indeed a solid permanent Establishment on the Pacific towards Nootka duly RAw 102 Richard H. Dillon Jan.-Apr. connected with the Atlantic by a Land Passage seems to be the only thing wanting to render our Authority & Sway supreme thro' the whole of the Pacific. In such a Station we shall be possessed of a fixed Point, a Fulcrum, on which we may be able to poize & weigh up a World. By beginning in the South-Pacific we are on the wrong Side & must labour unsuccessfully, because working against Nature. Our Province is the North. It is the native & proper Seat of our Strength, whence it may spread far & wide, & be every where effectual. All this is independent of certain local Advantages peculiar to Canada to be look d for in a different Quarter, as to which the Mss; particularly wrote on that Subject must be left to speak for itself: only let it be observed here, that if this Part of the design should be brought to bear, the several Members of our Empire might link & connect together & form a solid & compact whole, comprehending every thing from St. James' even to Botany Bay—A Consummation surely most devoutly to be wished for, but must be wished for in Vain, if confining ourselves to such Means as are common to, & may be assumed by, every Maritime Power, we neglect those which are peculiar to us, & which may be improved so as to preclude all scope for Competition against us Thus do we dream in obscure Corners, & while we give you who are present with the great World, an Opportunity of laughing at us, let us beg with the antient Poet Si quid noville in rectius istis, Candidus imperit. Yours in haste [signed] H R Endorsed: Copy of a Letter from Henry Robertson Esqr. of Glasgow to a friend at London to whom were forwarded the Papers lately delivered to Sir Joseph Banks. MS. 1789 Nov. 28 HB1:4 SUTRO NOTES AND COMMENTS BRITISH COLUMBIA HISTORICAL ASSOCIATION The annual meeting of the British Columbia Historical Association was held in the private dining-room of the Grosvenor Hotel, Vancouver, B.C., on Friday evening, January 21. The President, Captain C. W. Cates, was in the chair and some sixty members were present, including representatives from Victoria, Vancouver, Nanaimo, West Kootenay, and Boundary Sections, who were all welcomed by the President. Reports from the various sections were presented as follows: Victoria, by Mr. Russell E. Potter, Chairman-elect; Vancouver, by Mr. Bruce Ramsey, Secretary; West Kootenay, by Mrs. A. D. Turnbull, Secretary; Nanaimo, by Miss Patricia Johnson, Secretary; Boundary, by Mrs. Rupert Haggen, Secretary; East Kootenay and Fort St. James, by Mr. Willard E. Ireland. In addition, greetings were brought from the Kamloops Museum Association and the Cariboo Historical Society. The outstanding feature of the President's report was the continued extension of the Association with the admission of the Boundary Section, which Section was visited by the President during the year, and the admission also of the East Kootenay Section. The Treasurer's report indicated that after all accounts had been paid there remained a bank balance of $461.65. Membership rose appreciably during the year from 435 to 461, as follows: Victoria Section, 121; Vancouver Section, 108; West Kootenay Section, 17; Nanaimo Section, 19; Fort St. James Section, 40; Boundary Section, 83; East Kootenay Section, 9; and members-at-large, 64. While the latter group had declined, it was pointed out that once the Quarterly became available it was anticipated that delinquent members would renew. The Editor greatly regretted the delay in publication, but every effort was being made to bring the Quarterly back on schedule. The thirty-second report of the Marine Committee was presented by Major F. V. Longstaff. A number of items of new business were discussed, including a resolution to continue efforts to secure the appointment of a Provincial Historic Sites Board and the endorsation of plans to commemorate suitably the centenary of the founding of the Mainland Colony of Btitish Columbia in 1858. The 1st Vice-President, Mrs. A. D. Turnbull, took the chair while the President delivered the annual address on Reminiscences of Sailing Day Experiences of the Cates Family. Captain James Warren Cates, father of the speaker, came of an old sea-faring family, who first arrived in North America in 1623 and settled on the coast of Maine. In 1862 the family moved to Nova Scotia. During the elapsed period of 239 years every male member of the family was a sailor. In consequence, Captain Cates was well qualified to discuss sailing. The sea is the oldest of all routes of travel. In the ancient pyramids of Egypt are to be found models of ships in use in pre-Biblical times. The Mediterranean was one of the first waterways. Later larger and better ships of the western and northern European regions replaced the vessels of the Egyptian and Phoenician traders. The British Columbia Historical Quarterly, Vol. XDC, Nos. 1 and 2. 103 Notes and Comments Jan.-Apr. speaker pointed out how man's ingenuity had served in the development of better ships—reacting to the stimulus of war as in the case of the Merrimac and the Monitor in the American Civil War and to the stimulus of mass migrations of peoples in times of peace. Another stimulus was the development of the first steamship: in 1800 the Charlotte Dundas plied the waters of the Firth of Forth. Sailing-men despised the first dirty, unreliable, strange steamers and set out to prove that sail was in every way superior to steam. As a result, the ocean packets emerged, and for eighty years were successful in meeting the competition of steam. Some of these packets achieved enviable records for speed, the Champion of the Seas logging 21 knots for twenty-four consecutive hours. The McKay brothers, of Shelbourne, Nova Scotia, began building their famous clipper ships in Boston, which soon proved themselves the swiftest ocean-going vessels in the world and held their own against steam until the late 1840's. The clipper ships were aided by the California gold-rush of 1849, which provided passengers and cargoes in abundance. When that rush was over, the Fraser River gold-rush began, and once again ships were in demand. By 1866 the main gold-rushes were over, but the development of the fisheries, forests, and coal mines took up the slack in shipping and kept vessels coming to British Columbia. A new type of ship appeared, however—a type of schooner which was better adapted to British Columbia's irregular coast-line with its many channels and inlets. The clipper ship remained the queen of the seas, but the schooner was the queen of the inner waterways. Tugs were developed to aid the ocean-going vessels to navigate the inland waterways and harbours. Tugs such as the Alexander, Mogul, and Lome went out to meet the sailing-ships and assist them into harbours. The Cates family was active in this field, developing their own tugboat company and thus contributing to the commercial development of the Province. One of the interesting features of this address was the sea chanties which Captain Cates sang in a strong, nautical baritone. He explained that the chanties usually had their origin in a shipboard task or event, such, for example, as that used when turning the capstan or unloading cargoes. The " Stately Southerner " described the encounter of Captain John Paul Jones' ship of that name with a British man-of-war. In addition, Captain Cates illustrated his lecture with excerpts from books, journals, and newspapers to reveal the hardships, perils, and unusual experiences endured by sailing-ships and the men who manned them. He also explained the derivations of some nautical terms. A vote of thanks was moved by Mr. William Barraclough and seconded by Mr. Russell Potter. The report of the scrutineers was then read; a total of 179 valid ballots were returned. The new Council met immediately following the adjournment of the annual meeting, when considerable business was transacted and the following officers for 1955 were elected:— Honorary President Hon. Ray G. Williston. President Mrs. A. D. Turnbull. 1st Vice-President Dr. W. N. Sage. 2nd Vice-President .... Mrs. J. H. Hamilton. Honorary Secretary Mr. Russell E. Potter. Honorary Treasurer - Miss Patricia Johnson. 1955 Notes and Comments 105 Members of the Council— Mr. H. C. Gilliland. Dr. J. C. Goodfellow. Dr. M. A. Ormsby. Mr. Norman Hacking. Mr. J. K. Nesbitt. Mrs. R. B. White. Councillors ex officio— Captain C. W. Cates, Past President. Mr. Russell E. Potter, Chairman, Victoria Section. Mr. W. Erskine Blackburn, Chairman, Vancouver Section. Mr. James Armstrong, Chairman, West Kootenay Section. Mr. William Barraclough, Chairman, Nanaimo Section. Mrs. David Hoy, Chairman, Fort St. James Section. Mrs. Jessie Woodward, Chairman, Boundary Section. Mr. W. A. Burton, Chairman, East Kootenay Section. Mr. Willard E. Ireland, Editor, Quarterly. Victoria Section The regular meeting of the Section was held in the Provincial Library on Friday evening, November 28, with Miss Madge Wolfenden in the chair. The speaker on this occasion was Mr. C. P. Lyons, of the British Columbia Parks Service, who presented an illustrated lecture on The Alaska Highway. The history of the building of the road was traced. Completed twelve years ago, it was originally opened for military use, but five years ago it was opened to the public. Behind it lies a story of discovery, exploration, hardship, and peril. The coloured illustrations were much enjoyed, providing ample evidence of the great scenic beauties along the route. Mrs. J. E. Godman proposed a vote of thanks to the speaker. The annual meeting of the Section was held in the Provincial Library on Friday evening, December 17, with Miss Madge Wolfenden presiding. In the absence of the Honorary Treasurer, Mr. A. F. Flucke, the financial statement was read by Mr. W. W. Bilsland, and indicated a paid-up membership of 133. Other reports on the year's activities were submitted and approved. The chairman's address, The Adventures of Captain W. H. McNeill, was an excellent outline of the career of one of the worthies of the fur trade. At the beginning the maritime fur trade was exclusively British, but gradually it was absorbed by American traders, and by 1800 became practically a monopoly of the City of Boston. It was there that William Henry McNeill was born in 1801, and at an early age he went to sea. His first voyage of which a record survives was to the Sandwich and Marquesas Islands in the Paragon in 1819. By 1823 he had become a master mariner and was given command of the ship Convoy in the autumn of 1824. Since no logbooks have survived for the period 1820-24, it is not possible to trace his movements, and it is conceivable that he may have visited the Northwest Coast before 1825. During 1825-27 McNeill, in the Convoy, cruised and traded between the Sandwich Islands and the Northwest Coast, visiting the Queen Charlotte Islands, Notes and Comments Jan.-Apr. the coastal region near present-day Port Simpson, and Sitka and other Alaskan ports. He thus became thoroughly conversant with these northern waters and familiar with the lives and habits of the native peoples. By midsummer of 1832 the Hudson's Bay Company was in desperate straits in so far as suitable ships for the coastal trade was concerned. Chief Factor Duncan Finlayson was sent from Fort Vancouver to Honolulu to try to secure a ship and crew. There he found McNeill and his brig Lama, which he bought for the company for £1250 and engaged McNeill and his two mates. Soon after reaching Fort Vancouver the Lama and Captain McNeill were busily engaged in the business of the company. In 1838 he was given command of the steamer Beaver. Although he never became a British subject, he sailed the seas, made extensive examinations of the east and southern shores of Vancouver Island, and in 1849 was placed in charge of Fort Rupert, the new post then being built at the north end of Vancouver Island because of the coal discoveries in the vicinity. McNeill received his chief factorship in 1856, and five years later he was appointed to Fort Simpson, where he remained until his retirement in 1863. His remaining years were spent quietly in Victoria, where he died in 1875. Miss Kathleen Agnew expressed the appreciation of the meeting to Miss Wolfenden. The report of the scrutineers was read, and at the conclusion of the meeting the newly elected Council met, when the following officers were elected for 1955:— Chairman Mr. Russell E. Potter. Past Chairman Miss Madge Wolfenden. Vice-Chairman Mr. J. K. Nesbitt. Honorary Secretary .... Mr. W. W. Bilsland. Honorary Treasurer Mr. A. F. Flucke. Members of the Council— Miss Kathleen Agnew. Mr. H. C. Gilliland. Mrs. K. C. Drury. Mrs. J. E. Godman. Mr. Wilson Duff. Mr. G. H. Stevens. Miss W. A. Copeland (co-opt.). Mr. E. G. Hart (co-opt.). . Miss K. Graham (co-opt.). Major H. C. Holmes (co-opt.). Mrs. G. M. Welsh (co-opt.). Mr. R. P. Wilmot (co-opt.). The first regular meeting in the new year was held on Friday evening, January 28, in the Provincial Library, with Mr. R. E. Potter in the chair. A resolution passed by the Council outlining a new procedure for the election of the Council was presented to the effect that the Council should consist of fifteen members who may serve a maximum of three consecutive terms; that the retiring chairman shall be the chairman of a nominating committee of three (the other two members being named by the Council) to present a slate of fifteen names to the annual meeting of the Section, with the right of nominations from the floor preserved. This procedure was endorsed by the meeting and ordered to be followed in the election of Councillors for 1956. It had been arranged that the Past President, Captain C. W. Cates, would be in attendance to read his presidential address as presented at the annual meeting in Vancouver, but due to the inclement weather it had not been possible for him to reach Victoria, and in his stead Mr. Willard E. Ireland, Provincial Librarian and Archivist, read a paper entitled Rumours of Confederate Privateers Operating in Victoria, Vancouver Island, prepared by Pro- 1955 Notes and Comments 107 fessor Benjamin Gilbert, of the Social Science Division of San Jose State College, California, for publication in this Quarterly. The threat of privateering by Confederate vessels in the Pacific during the American Civil War was a major problem for the United States Government. One such threat arose from the appearance of the Confederate warship Shenandoah in the Pacific. Her activities gave rise to rumours that other Confederate vessels were being outfitted at Victoria for depredations against American ports and shipping. Professor Gilbert traced the origin of these rumours, outlined the manner in which Confederate activities in Victoria, real or imaginary, caused alarm, giving rise to friction between the United States, British, and colonial governments, as well as some harsh words between British and American subjects. Fortunately, no Confederate privateer appeared or was outfitted in British Columbia waters. The only real damage inflicted Confederate plots along the entire Pacific Coast was the delay of gold shipments and additional expense to the American Government in guarding her commercial route to the Isthmus of Panama. Dr. T. B. Williams moved a vote of thanks to the reader and the author of this interesting paper. A meeting of the Section was held in the Provincial Library on Friday evening, February 25, with Mrs. J. H. Hamilton in the chair in the absence of Mr. Russell E. Potter. The speaker was Mr. Wilson Duff, Provincial Anthropologist, who spoke on Historic Backgrounds of British Columbia's Indians. In covering the history of the native Indians, Mr. Duff took his audience back into pre-history. To assist him he drew from a wide range of sources—the geologist, the archaeologist, the physical anthropologist, the atomic physicist, and the linguist. During the Ice Age, approximately 11,000 years ago, this Province was covered by the main glacier accumulation, and as the area was more heavily glaciated the ice took longer to recede in British Columbia than in any other area of North America. When the ice had disappeared and the climate had become warmer, large areas were at last fit for human habitation. Migratory tribes moving on foot across the Bering Strait came into the valleys of Alaska and down the ice- free corridors as they opened up. The story of the evolution of the culture of these people of Mongoloid origin who were living in British Columbia when the white man arrived was outlined. It is a story which could be as old as 10,000 years. A vote of thanks was moved by Mrs. K. C. Drury. Mr. J. K. Nesbitt presided at a meeting of the Section held in the Provincial Library on Thursday, March 31, when Mr. A. F. Flucke, of the staff of the Provincial Archives, spoke on The Progress of Mining in British Columbia. The history of mining was outlined from the first discovery of coal in 1836 at Beaver Harbour, Vancouver Island, to the present day. The social effects of mining were stressed, particularly in the way in which the various mineral discoveries contributed to the development of the Province in the increase in population, the growth of towns, the expansion of government services, and the wealth derived from profits, wages, and taxes. After his address a number of interesting slides were shown depicting a wide variety of mining activity in different regions of the Province. Mr. J. H. Hamilton moved a vote of thanks to the speaker. A regular meeting of the Section was held in the Provincial Library on Thursday evening, April 28, with Mr. Russell E. Potter in the chair. The speaker on that occasion, Mrs. John Hope, a granddaughter of the Honourable Robert and 108 Notes and Comments Jan.-Apr. Mrs. Dunsmuir, was introduced by Mrs. J. E. Godman. Mrs. Hope, in an informal manner, gave some interesting and amusing reminiscences of the Dunsmuir family. In thanking the speaker, Mr. J. K. Nesbitt read a number of newspaper accounts dealing with the social activities of the family. Vancouver Section The regular meeting of the Section was held in the private dining-room of the Grosvenor Hotel on Friday evening, November 26, with Dr. M. A. Ormsby in the chair. The speaker on that occasion was Mr. Willard E. Ireland, Provincial Librarian and Archivist and editor of this Quarterly, who had chosen as his subject Your Archives. Despite general interest in the history of British Columbia, many people were relatively uninformed as to the objects of the Provincial Archives and the richness of the collections that it has acquired. In an informal address, Mr. Ireland outlined the work of the department, illustrating it with many amusing anecdotes on the means whereby material is acquired. He outlined the function of the various divisions of the institution: the Northwest Library, which attempts to acquire everything in print written by a British Columbian, about British Columbia, or published in British Columbia; the Photograph Division, containing now over 35,000 identified photographs of people, places, and events; the Map Division, now being reorganized; the Manuscript Division, containing, as it does, private as well as official records of historical events from the era of discovery onwards. In addition to its collecting activities, Mr. Ireland also outlined the services it offers to the public—searches in response to inquiries, reproducing photographs for illustration, and publications, including, in addition to the British Columbia Historical Quarterly, the Memoir series and the B.C. Heritage Series of brochures undertaken for the Division of Curriculum of the Department of Education. The annual meeting of the Section was held in the Grosvenor Hotel on Tuesday evening, December 14. Reports of the year's activity were received and indicated that the affairs of the Section were in a satisfactory condition. The speaker at the meeting was Mr. Norman Hacking, marine editor of the Vancouver Daily Province and one of the leading authorities on marine history in British Columbia, who had chosen as his topic Bodega y Quadra: Spanish Explorer. Earlier in the year Mr. Hacking had been visiting in Mexico, and in Acapulco had his interest in Spanish maritime activity on this coast renewed, for it was from this port that in 1792 the Sutil and Mexicana sailed for the Northwest Coast on the expedition that was to bring them into close contact with Captain George Vancouver. The commander of the port of Acapulco for many years was Don Juan Francisco Bodega y Quadra, and later he became the last Spanish governor at Nootka Sound. He was a descendant of a famous beauty and heiress named Dona Juana de la Quadra, who married Don Pedro de Ulloa, a ranking officer in the army of Cortes, who had conquered Mexico. Quadra was born in Lima, Peru, and educated at the Royal Naval Academy at Cadiz in Spain. He was a sailor at heart and spent much of his time on the sea. In 1775 he sailed into North Pacific waters in command of the 27-foot schooner Sonora, reaching the shores of Alaska. Later he became the naval commander of Acapulco, which he fortified against English pirates. In 1792 he was sent by the King of Spain to Nootka Sound as governor 1955 Notes and Comments 109 to arrange the evacuation of the Spanish fort under the terms of the Nootka Sound Convention, and there he met Captain Vancouver. They became good friends, an indication of which was Vancouver's decision to name the great island he had just circumnavigated Quadra and Vancouver's Island. After the evacuation of Nootka Sound, Quadra returned to Acapulco, where he died about two years later at the age of 50. He has been described as " brave, courteous, honourable, noble in appearance and charming in manner." His estate at Taxco remained in the possession of the family until 1835, when most of the noble Spanish families in Mexico returned to their homeland. The report of the scrutineers was received, and the following officers were elected for the ensuing year:— Honorary Chairman ... Mr. E. G. Baynes. Honorary Life Member - - - Dr. W. N. Sage. Chairman Mr. W. Erskine Blackburn. Past Chairman Dr. Margaret A. Ormsby. Vice-Chairman Honorary Secretary - Honorary Treasurer Members of the Council— Mr. J. A. Byron. Captain C. A. Cates. Mr. T. H. S. Goodlake. Mr. Norman Hacking. - Mr. Bruce Ramsey. Mr. J. E. Gibbard. Mr. G. S. Hugh-Jones. Mr. D. A. McGregor. Dr. D. L. McLaurin. Rev. F. G. St. Denis. Nanaimo Section The regular meeting of the Section held on November 9 was attended by representatives of the Pioneer Society, the Native Sons of British Columbia, Native Daughters of British Columbia, St. John Ambulance Brigade, Boy Scouts, Girl Guides, Sea Cadets, and Ladies' Guild of St. Paul's Anglican Church to consider final plans for the celebration on November 27 of the centenary of the landing of the passengers from the Princess Royal. Reports on the progress to date was outlined by Mr. George Molecy and included a pageant re-enacting the landing at Pioneer Rock in the morning, the dedication of the time capsule in the afternoon, and a dinner at the Plaza Hotel in the evening. The meeting of the Section held on December 7 was principally for the purpose of clearing up details in connection with the very successful Princess Royal celebration. The annual meeting of the Section was held on Tuesday, January 11, when the following were elected for the ensuing year:— Chairman .... Mr. William Barraclough. Vice-Chairman - - - Mr. R. J. Walley. Secretary-Treasurer - Mrs. A. Yates. Corresponding Secretary - - Mrs. William Barraclough. Treasurer .... Ven. Archdeacon A. E. Hendy. At a regular meeting held on Tuesday evening, March 8, the speaker was Captain C. W. Cates, Past President of the British Columbia Historical Association, 110 Notes and Comments Jan.-Apr. who repeated for the benefit of the members of the Section his presidential address delivered at the annual meeting of the Association held in Vancouver. East Kootenay Section Although one of the smaller sections of the Association, interest has been keen in the East Kootenay Section, and through the efforts of the Recording Secretary, Mr. John F. Huchcroft, a great deal of pertinent historical data for the region has been drawn together, particularly in relation to the explorations of David Thompson and early placer gold-rush days. Officers of the Section for 1955 are:— Honorary Chairman Honorary Vice-Chairmen Chairman Recording Secretary Corresponding Secretary Treasurer - Directors— Mrs. W. A. Burton. Mrs. M. E. Jorden. Mrs. F. W. Green. - Mr. J. A. Byrne, M.P. Mr. Leo Nimsick, M.L.A. Mr. R. 0. Newton, M.L.A. Mr. William Burton, Cranbrook. - Mr. John F. Huchcroft. Mrs. Viola Wilson. - Mr. J. W. Awmack. Mr. Donald A. MacDonald. Mr. Alfred B. Smith. KAMLOOPS MUSEUM ASSOCIATION The annual meeting of the Kamloops Museum Association was held in the City Hall Committee Room on Friday evening, January 21, to hear reports on the year's activity. During the past year the museum had undergone its first redecorating since its conversion to this purpose, and much of the credit for this accomplishment was given to Mr. R. B. A. Cragg, former House Committee convenor. During the tourist season the museum was open six afternoons and evenings a week, and during the off-season it was open Wednesday afternoon and evening and Saturday afternoon. A total of 2,719 persons registered, coming from nine States of the American Union and ten other countries. Plans are under consideration to make it possible to secure the services of a paid curator during the summer months. Many additions to the collection were reported by the Photography and Natural History Committees, and it is becoming increasingly apparent that the present quarters are inadequate. During the year the civic grant of $600 was renewed, and the Treasurer reported a bank balance of $596.15, even after the renovation costs had been met. The President, Mr. J. J. Morse, in his report, paid tribute to the late George Brown, who, with Burt R. Campbell, David Power, and T. S. Keyes, had been the first to take active steps to preserve the historical material connected with the area. Officers for the year 1955 were elected, as follows:— Honorary President President - Vice-President Secretary-Treasurer City Representative Mr. Burt R. Campbell. Mr. J. J. Morse. Mrs. Earle Lehman. Mrs. David Arnott. Alderman T. J. O'Neill. 1955 Notes and Comments 111 Committees were appointed, as follows: The executive officers to constitute the House Committee; Mr. J. J. Morse to chair the Indian Artifacts Committee; Mr. Burt R. Campbell and Mr. R. G. Pinchbeck jointly to chair the Photographic Committee, and David Arnott to chair the Natural History Committee. ROSSLAND HISTORICAL MUSEUM ASSOCIATION The first annual meeting of the Rossland Historical Museum Association was held in the banquet-room of the Bowling Alleys, Rossland, on Thursday evening, March 31. Mr. F. Etheridge, President of the Rossland Rotary Club, was present and handed the key to the museum to Mr. Gordon German along with a cheque for $100 as a gift from the club toward the operating expenses of the Association. He took the occasion to thank the many individuals who had assisted in bringing into existence the organization which will fill an important need in the life of the community. Mrs. A. D. Turnbull, President of the British Columbia Historical Association, spoke briefly in complimenting Rossland for the establishment of the first historical museum in the district. The Chairman, Mr. Gordon German, outlined a number of projects that could be undertaken. The speaker on this occasion was Mrs. A. F. Coombes, whose subject, Things I Remember, was a most interesting series of reminiscences of one of Rossland's native daughters. She recounted vividly such events as the powder-house explosion, the building of the water reservoir and installation of the water system, the coming of electricity to the city. She told of the mines and the life of the miners; the winter carnivals with the skating and toboggan races, hockey games, and ski jumping; the Miners' Union Day celebrations with the drilling contests. In closing she recalled the pioneers, both men and women, all of whom contributed to make Rossland a bigger and better community. The following six Directors were elected by acclamation: Mrs. A. F. Coombes, Mrs. L. Couture, Mr. G. T. German, Mr. R. F. Mitchell, Mr. J. D. McDonald, and Mr. D. D. Martin. Immediately following the annual meeting the Directors met, when the following officers were elected:— Chairman Mr. Gordon German. Vice-Chairman Mr. J. D. McDonald. Secretary-Treasurer Mrs. A. F. Coombes. NEW WESTMINSTER HISTORIC CENTRE The year 1954 witnessed considerable improvement in the administration and physical resources of the Irving House. New resident caretakers were appointed and living accommodation was redecorated. The museum room was rearranged, with the addition of a display cupboard. A special collection of Indian baskets and of birds and animals has become a focal point of interest. The exterior of the house was redecorated, retaining the original colours, and a site set aside for a proposed coach-house to accommodate the historic Dufferin coach. On June 15, in commemoration of the ninety-fifth anniversary of New Westminster becoming a port of entry, a new flag was presented and raised. During the year 1,825 visitors signed the register and an increasing number of groups have made arrange- 112 Notes and Comments Jan.-Apr. ments to visit the centre. Many gifts were received during the year, including financial contributions to the trust fund set up for extension work. The dining- room facilities have been well patronized, and many pleasant social gatherings have been held in the House. On November 20, in connection with the Douglas Day celebrations, Dr. W. N. Sage, retired head of the Department of History at the University of British Columbia, was the guest speaker. At the annual meeting the following officers were elected for 1955:— President Mr. H. Norman Lidster. 1st Vice-President .... Mr. William Murray. 2nd Vice-President Miss Janet Gilley. Secretary-Treasurer .... Mrs. Stephen Young. ROYAL CANADIAN NAVY MARITIME MUSEUM, ESQUIMALT One of the last official acts of His Honour the Lieutenant-Governor was to officiate at the formal opening of the Royal Canadian Navy Maritime Museum on Signal Hill, Esquimalt, on Monday afternoon, April 18. A royal guard was paraded for the occasion, with the band of H.M.C.S. Naden in attendance. His Honour was welcomed by Admiral J. C. Hibbard. Provincial and civic dignitaries were invited for the function and were given the opportunity of examining the material already acquired. The Museum building is itself a museum-piece, for the ten-room red brick structure was originally built toward the end of the last century to house a corps of the Royal Engineers then stationed at Esquimalt. The bricks were brought round Cape Horn from England in a sailing-ship, as were the fittings for the fireplaces. The Museum is open to the public from 10 a.m. to noon and from 1 to 4 p.m. daily except Monday and Tuesday. Authority to establish the Museum was received from Ottawa late in 1953, and a Naval Maritime Museum Committee was struck under the chairmanship of Commander W. F. T. McCully. This action had been stimulated by the presentation of a number of historic items by the National Maritime Museum, Greenwich, which had been informed of interest in the area by His Royal Highness the Duke of Edinburgh, who had visited H.M.C. Dockyard in 1951. A wide range of materials has been acquired, much through the generosity of private donors, and is very effectively displayed. This includes relics of such early naval officers as Captains Cook and Vancouver, photographs of early days on the Pacific station, and many items of interest from World Wars I and II. There are eighteen ship models on display and many examples of early firearms and cannon. Recently Commander McCully turned over the chairmanship of the committee to Commander C. H. Little. Volunteer curator is Mr. H. L. Cadieux, a master mariner employed in H.M.C. Dockyard as a harbour-craft operator and a reserve officer. PLAQUE TO COMMEMORATE DAVID THOMPSON ON THE COLUMBIA RIVER On Sunday, November 7, 1954, more than 250 persons assembled near the Castlegar ferry-slip to participate in the dedication of an 8-foot cut-stone monument with attached bronze plaque commemorating the work of David Thompson 1955 Notes and Comments 113 in the discovery and exploration of the Columbia River. The monument, constructed by Mike Guercio and Gino Nutini, of Trail, was erected by the Historic Sites and Monuments Board of Canada. The ceremony was sponsored by the Castlegar and District Chamber of Commerce, whose president, Mr. N. T. Oglow, was chairman on this occasion. Rt. Rev. F. P. Clark, Bishop of the Diocese of Kootenay of the Church of England, performed the dedication. Mr. H. W. Her- ridge, member of Parliament for Kootenay West, performed the ceremony of unveiling and spoke on the career of David Thompson, whom he described as " a great Canadian whose life should be an inspiration to all, particularly to the younger people who are growing up in the Columbia River valley." Mr. Herridge reviewed the events in Thompson's life leading up to his historic descent of the river from its source to its mouth in 1811, during which undertaking he passed the site marked by this cairn on September 5, 1811. Dr. C. H. Wright, of Trail, then introduced Dr. W. N. Sage, British Columbia and Yukon representative on the Historic Sites and Monuments Board of Canada, who spoke briefly on the achievements of David Thompson, whom he noted was not only one of the greatest land geographers of North America, but also " one of the finest Christian gentlemen who ever lived and a courageous explorer and fur-trader." During the course of the ceremony a framed photograph of the monument was presented to Dr. Sage, and a copy of Thompson's map of the Columbia River compiled on the basis of his explorations was on display. The inscription on the plaque reads, as follows:— David Thompson on the Columbia The Columbia was the mystery river of the Pacific Northwest. Captain Robert Gray, American fur trader, discovered its mouth, 1792. Lewis and Clark explored its lower waters, 1804-06. David Thompson of the North West Company discovered the headwaters in 1807, and in 1811 by circuitous routes traversed the whole main stream of the river. On his way back from the Pacific he explored from Kettle Falls to the Big Bend by way of the Arrow Lakes. He passed this spot, Castlegar, 5th September, 1811. The riddle of the Columbia was solved. PEACE RIVER HISTORICAL SOCIETY This Society was organized in March, 1952, and holds its meetings in the Dawson Creek district, usually meeting on the first Sunday afternoon in each month. It has as one of its objects the collection of stories from old-timers of the district and has been successful in securing the publication of many of them in the local newspaper. In addition, it co-operates with the Women's Institutes of the Peace River Block in the writing of local histories. It has also secured tape recordings of interviews with a few old-timers, and four of these interviews were released over radio station CJDC. In August last, at the exhibition in Dawson Creek, the Society set up a display reminiscent of pioneer days in one of 114 Notes and Comments Jan.-Apr. the rooms in the high school. Efforts are also being made to secure space from the Village Commission for a museum in the proposed civic centre. Officers for the current years are:— President - - Mr. A. Davie. Vice-President ----- Mrs. M. C. Simmons. Secretary-Treasurer Mrs. Alice Carlson. Directors— Mrs. A. Knoblauch. Mr. D. McFee. Mr. J. A. McKenzie. Mr. M. C. Simmons. CONTRIBUTORS TO THIS ISSUE Stuart R. Tompkins, Ph.D., of the University of Oklahoma, has been a frequent contributor to this Quarterly, particularly in the field of Russian activity in the Pacific Northwest. D. M. Schurman is a Nova Scotian by birth and attended Acadia University, graduating in 1950 with his Master of Arts degree. In 1950 he proceeded to England for further study as a research student at Cambridge University, and from 1952 to 1955 was a Research Fellow of Sidney Sussex College, receiving his Ph.D. degree in 1955. The subject of his particular investigation was " Imperial Defence, 1868-1887." John T. Saywell is on the staff of the Department of History at the University of Toronto and currently is at work on a doctoral dissertation on the role of the office of Lieutenant-Governor in Canadian constitutional practice. Richard H. Dillon is in charge of the Sutro Branch of the California State Library situated in San Francisco. THE NORTHWEST BOOKSHELF Rae's Arctic Correspondence, 1844-55. Edited by E. E. Rich, assisted by A. M. Johnson, with an introduction by J. M. Wordie and R. J. Cyriax. London: The Hudson's Bay Record Society, 1953. Pp. cvi, 401, xiv. 111. and maps. Dr. John Rae's correspondence is the first volume from The Hudson's Bay Record Society to deal with the company's long and honourable association with the course of Arctic exploration. Judging by the great value to scholarship and the reader interest of this volume, it is to be hoped that this venture will merit an encore and in due course other volumes on this general theme will flow from the archival treasure-house of the Hudson's Bay Company. From the physical point of view, the volume is well up to the high standards of printing, binding, and illustration set by other volumes of the Society. Mention should be made in particular of the two fine folding maps locating places mentioned in the text. As the title suggests, the volume is primarily a collection of letters, but of almost equal importance is the lengthy, erudite introduction by J. M. Wordie and R. J. Cyriax, eminent British authorities on Arctic exploration. The bulk of this section, intended as a background for the letters that follow, is an extensive biography of Dr. John Rae. From this account it appears that Rae came to America, the fur trade, and to exploration almost by accident (or was it fate?). The son of a well-to-do Orkney businessman who was the Hudson's Bay Company's agent in Stromness, Rae studied medicine at Edinburgh and gained his Royal College of Surgeons licence at the tender age of 19. He accepted the position of surgeon on the Hudson's Bay supply ship for the summer of 1833, only to be stranded at Moose Factory by the freezing-in of the vessel, and by the following summer he had joined the company's service. Ten years later saw him still at Moose Factory, when Governor (later Sir) George Simpson appointed him leader of a company expedition to explore the remainder of the Arctic coast of America, a sector lying between Castor and Pollux Rivers (reached by Dease and Simpson in 1839) and a point south of Hecla and Fury Straits on the west coast of Melville Peninsula. Thus an exploring career was launched which a decade later brought Rae fame and fortune. In four great expeditions Rae explored virtually the entire remaining Arctic coast-line and the southwest and south coasts of Wollaston and Victoria Lands, and, again by accident, learned the fate of the long-overdue Franklin expedition which had sailed in 1845 in an attempt to discover the Northwest Passage. Rae's greatest feats on these expeditions were his speedy " dashes " over snow and ice on snowshoes; from his bases at Repulse Bay in 1846-47 and 1853-54 and Fort Confidence in 1849-50 and 1850-51 he executed four such movements, often traversing better than 20 miles a day. As far as possible, the expeditions lived off the country, collecting supplies of food and fuel at the bases. They travelled lightly, even sheltering in snow houses to reduce the weight of bedding carried. Small boats were also Rae's forte; he used these in his explorations of 1848 and 1851 as well as in travelling to and from his bases. British Columbia Historical Quarterly, Vol. XIX, Nos. 1 and 2. 115 116 The Northwest Bookshelf Jan.-Apr. After his first voyage Rae spent the winter of 1847-48 in England, and again in 1851-52 he spent approximately a year on leave. During these intervals he arranged the publication of a book, received the gold medal of the Royal Geographical Society, and obtained company approval for his fourth expedition to map the west coast of Boothia and complete the exploration of the Arctic coast. This expedition met with many delays, but during its course Rae encountered Eskimos who reported that some years earlier a large band of white men had travelled south from King William Land toward the mouth of Back's River leaving members of the party dead of starvation all along the way. At the end of the season, his exploring task uncompleted, Rae returned to England with the tragic news, substantiated by personal articles purchased from the Eskimos. His was the first report of the fate of the Franklin expedition, and after some delay Rae and his men received the Admiralty's £10,000 reward. Rae, who had been promoted to chief trader in 1847 and chief factor in 1850, had already given notice of retiring from the company's service on his return, and now he was able to carry out his desire in comparative affluence. Later he travelled to Red River (1859), Greenland (1860), and British Columbia (1864), married, published scientific papers, was elected to the Royal Society in 1880, and died in London, aged 79, in 1883. The introduction is rounded out by a section on Rae's exploring techniques and achievements, a fine summary of the course of Arctic coast explorations from 1818 to 1839, and a history of the Franklin expedition and the search. These are useful both for the purposes of the volume and for students of Arctic exploration, while the biography of Rae, so far as this writer is aware, is the most detailed hitherto published. This reviewer, however, cannot help but wish that the authors, who display such skill in tracing obscure men and obscure ships, had devoted a little of their erudition to an evaluation of the character of their main subject, his attitude toward exploration and the fur trade and to his place within the company and his relations with the company's hierarchy, questions raised but left unanswered in the correspondence. At the very least, such loose ends as the outcome of Rae's demands for a gratuity for his fourth expedition or his relations with the company and its personnel subsequent to his retirement ought to have been discussed. The intended purpose of the volume, however, is to present part of the correspondence of Dr. John Rae rather than his biography. Rae's letters, eighty- eight items, constitute the text, while some twenty letters to or about Rae are included in Appendix A. A second appendix contains lists and biographical notices on Rae's expedition companions. The correspondence is almost entirely with George Simpson or Archibald Barclay, secretary of the committee in London. The letters vary from brief notes to five- to twenty-page reports of his travels, these latter being the most important items of the collection. While the contents of many of them were published in contemporary journals, this volume makes them readily available to modern readers in their original form. Repetition is unavoidable in view of Rae's having to report the same news in separate letters to Simpson and to the committee, but both accounts have their value since those to the committee are detailed and precise while those to Simpson contain more personal anecdotes and comments. Most of the other letters deal with preparations for, or interim reports on, the four expeditions. Other letters, notably two from 1955 The Northwest Bookshelf 117 Portage la Loche in 1850, discuss fur-trade matters—Rae was in charge of the Mackenzie River district in 1850-51—and throw much light on the organization and operation of the trade in the remote Mackenzie, Yukon, and Liard posts of a century ago. Finally, a few letters deal with the Admiralty reward and the gratuity for the final expedition. For the most part, the correspondence deals with concrete practical matters, with few scenic descriptions, pen portraits, or even few comments on the hardships of exploration. Many of Rae's letters to Simpson, with whom he was on intimate terms, contain extremely frank opinions of rival explorers, metis employees, many of the men of his expeditions, his fellow-traders, and " their Honours in Fenchurch Street," the committee. Rae, " a pushing energetic character," was certainly not an easy man to please, and Simpson usually replied by adroitly flattering Rae on his ability to surmount such human frailties as well as natural obstacles. Simpson's seventeen letters, many of them brief notes, show a knowledge of the intricacies of exploration which accounted to a degree for Rae's success, and they illustrate his concept of the company's role, which led him to encourage and support Rae's exploratory journeys. He was Rae's patron and strongest supporter, selecting him for his first expedition, arranging for his promotions, advising him on dealings with his publisher, looking after every request for supplies and equipment, and in 1854 even campaigning for a knighthood for his protege. He had only few criticisms of Rae's conduct—once at the apparent failure to be credited sufficiently by Rae for his role in the first expedition's success and again on some unguarded remarks by Rae in a letter to Richardson which found its way into print. Rae's decision to retire from the company appears to have been a genuine disappointment to the ageing chief, and in later letters he offered Rae the management at York Factory or Red River if he would reconsider his decision. The main questions, unresolved by the correspondence or the introduction, are the circumstances surrounding Rae's retirement. Monetary considerations undoubtedly played a part in Rae's timing of his retirement. Under the deed poll a chief factor of four years' standing was entitled to receive the equivalent of four years' returns from the senior employees' pool of company profits, and Rae's retirement was planned to take place on his return from the fourth expedition for, as he said, " next spring I shall have been four years a C.F. which I suppose will entitle me to the retired allowance and I suppose their honors will give me something extra" (p. 249). By this time—whether a cause or an effect of Rae's impending retirement— the tone of correspondence was deteriorating visibly on both sides. Rae's letters lose something of their courtesy and display an irritability, if not quarrelsomeness, over such incidentals as the quality of wine provided for the expedition or the placing of company supplies for York Factory in his boat, while Simpson's reply gives vent to sarcasm: "I hope your Esquimaux friends may furnish you with better drink." When Rae returned to England in triumph, he embarked on an impatient exchange of letters with the Admiralty and an angry one with the committee over its coupling consideration of a gratuity for the exploration, with the results of Rae's claim for the Admiralty award. Undoubtedly there lay behind this disagreement in 1854 a long history of resentments and misunderstandings The Northwest Bookshelf Jan.-Apr. between Rae and the committee (hinted at in numerous deprecatory comments by Rae on the committee), presumably over his devotion to exploration. One has an uneasy feeling that the correspondence might have offered something further on this aspect of Rae's career as Arctic explorer—for example, on the committee's reception of Rae's proposal for the fourth expedition, on the reason why Rae in May, 1853, already anticipated difficulty in collecting a gratuity for the expedition, or the letter to Rae of December 15, 1854, which elicited so angry a reply (pp. 290-291). This small gap should certainly not diminish the sincere appreciation which students of Canadian exploration must express to the company, the society, the editors, and the authors in making available in a convenient and readable form such a wealth of archival material and of academic research. Rae's Arctic Correspondence, 1844-55, is a real contribution on an interesting but often overlooked aspect of Hudson's Bay Company history and on one of its most famous servants. Morris Zaslow. Department of History, University of Toronto. Solomon Mussalem. By Herbert Baxter King. Mission City: The Fraser Valley Record, 1955. Pp. ix, 143. Map and ills. From One to Seventy. By D. H. Grigg. Vancouver: Mitchell Printing and Publishing Co. Ltd., 1953. Port. $1.65. The True Life Story of a Pioneer. By Fred Mclntyre. Syracuse, Indiana: Nonpareil Press, 1955. $5.50. In the recording of local history, as in historical writing generally, biography and autobiography may well be considered as significant ancillary fields. In so far as British Columbia is concerned, in recent years relatively little material of this sort has appeared in print, and for that reason alone the three books under review, though differing widely in interest and in competence of production, are none the less of some considerable interest. Dr. H. B. King has rendered a real service in writing the biography of Solomon Mussalem, who for twenty-two years served as Reeve of the Municipality of Maple Ridge and took an active part in the development not only of that district, but of the Lower Fraser Valley generally. It is more than just a biography, for Dr. King had a secondary object in mind, of sociological interest, in recording something of the making of a Canadian in the first half of this century. For that purpose Solomon Mussalem was a perfect subject, for here is the life story of a Canadian born in Syria of an ancient Lebanese family, richly endowed with the traditions of his race, who emigrated to this continent under the impetus of three great forces—the lure of great wealth reputed to be characteristic of life in America, the love of adventure, and the search for freedom from the oppression and tyranny in his native land under Turkish domination. His first Canadian home was Carleton Place, Ontario, where he soon became a pedlar working out of Arnprior. Then he moved westward to Winnipeg and ultimately in 1909 to Prince Rupert, then in the throes of the boom consequent upon the construction 1955 The Northwest Bookshelf 119 of the Grand Trunk Pacific Railway. At the end of the First World War, after a temporary sojourn in Vancouver, Mussalem settled in Haney. There he put his roots down, and the process of Canadianization began to bear fruits in terms of public service to his adopted land. This book is written in a delightful manner, is well illustrated, and creditably produced. From One to Seventy is the autobiography of D. H. Grigg, now a resident of White Rock, who came to British Columbia in 1892 and has lived almost his entire life in the Lower Mainland area. It is naturally a highly personal narrative but has some significance in representing the activity and thinking of what for want of a better term we call " the common man." There are portions of the book that are of particular value, for Mr. Grigg was long associated with the logging industry on the Lower Mainland, and some of his descriptions of logging techniques and life in the logging camps are extremely informative. Fred Mclntyre has been for the last fifteen years a resident of Cranbrook. There is much more adventure in his autobiography, The True Life Story of a Pioneer, than in that of Mr. Grigg, and in many ways it is a better-written narrative. Born in Michigan, at an early age he moved with his family to South Dakota, where he grew up and eventually became a school-teacher. The lure of the sea drew him, and there is an interesting chapter covering his life on a sailing-ship from Tacoma to Great Britain by way of Cape Horn. He served in the Caribbean with the American Navy during the Spanish-American War, and upon demobilization returned to school-teaching in South Dakota. However, again the call to adventure led him to the Klondike for two years, which is related in a chapter full of interesting details of the rugged life in that gold-crazy region. Upon his return from the North, Mclntyre married and homesteaded in northern Michigan, but in 1910 pulled up stakes and joined the trek of homesteaders to Saskatchewan, settling not far from Moose Jaw. There he remained until his removal to Cranbrook in 1941, and his account of homesteading experiences is told with great honesty and provides a wealth of detailed information. This book is well worth the effort it takes to read it, for, unfortunately, it is printed in cramped type, two columns to a page. Like the biography of Solomon Mussalem, it is a study in the process of Canadianization—a field so frequently ignored. Willard E. Ireland. Provincial Library and Archives, Victoria, B.C. Mountains, Men and Rivers. By J. H. Stewart Reid. Toronto: The Ryerson Press, 1954. Pp. x, 229. $4. Mountains, Men and Rivers is another book on British Columbia history. It is not a terribly exciting book, but it is filled with interestng anecdotes, some of them brought to light for the first time, which is welcome, for one of the curses of most of our books on British Columbia history is that old stuff is always hashed up and warmed over. Dr. Reid is professor of history and chairman of the Department of History at United College, Winnipeg. He is Scottish born, educated at New Westminster and the University of British Columbia, and has taught in the schools of this Province. He won the Native Daughters of British Columbia 120 The Northwest Bookshelf Jan.-Apr. prize for research in British Columbia history and in 1947-48 a Rockefeller travelling scholarship. With Edgar Mclnnis he co-authored The English-speaking Peoples. In his foreword Dr. Reid gives some of the reasons why he wrote his book. One of these was the " sincere hope that it may bring to the attention of some more skilled craftsman than I am the rich mine of material for historian, novelist, dramatist, or just plain journalist, which exists in the story of British Columbia." This, it must be admitted, is a most generous reason for doing all the hard work Reid obviously did for his book. It is evident, too, that he is one of those who believes that what is needed is a first-class fictionalized history of Britsh Columbia —a story that will excitingly portray all the glamour in which our history abounds. So far most of our books have been too thesis-like; in other words, while interesting enough to the serious student and those who make a hobby of history, far too dull to appeal very much to the average reader. Dr. Reid most certainly loves British Columbia, is fascinated by its background. His research is magnificent and quite splendid in his desire to share his research with others. In this way he is doing a very great service to the Province. He tells of the importance of men and women in the evolution of British Columbia. " The real story of the founding of British Columbia is, of course, not the one which tells of its discovery or of its exploration, or even of the establishment of government and law, and the complex machinery of modern living. The real story is that of the pioneers themselves. About the men and women who first came to British Columbia not nearly enough has been said. For example, pages and pages have been written describing the establishment of law in the new colony, but the whole story could probably better be told by a few words about the chief law enforcer, Judge Matthew Baillie Begbie, and a few more about one of the best- known law-breakers, the notorious Ned McGowan." This is quite true, for no history book can be made truly exciting, made to come to life, unless it is filled with flesh and blood, with the goings and the comings and the daily doings of human beings, what they were like, how they lived—all this painted in words before a massive backdrop of the times in which they lived. Readers of books are human beings, and they are first and foremost interested in other human beings. Men and women who lived a century ago must live again through the skill of the writer's words. Dr. Reid does a very good job of bringing to the fore, if not to life, the pioneers of British Columbia, and he tells of them simply and sympathetically, if not thrillingly. His is a quite pedestrian way of presenting these pioneers, proving once more that pioneers to live for everyone must be cleverly fictionalized. One of his chapters is " The Founding Fathers—and a Mother or Two," and here are mentioned many of those who helped put British Columbia on its feet. The author, who has studied much of this Province's past, is unbounded in his appreciation of those who laboured here and have gone: " The pages of pioneer history in British Columbia are filled with the names of thousands of others, of men and women who travelled the road to the gold fields, met varying fortune there, and lived to establish a new Canadian province. They had to face the mountains which dominate the whole of its area; they had to run the rivers which provided the only convenient passes through these mountains. In scaling those 1955 The Northwest Bookshelf 121 mountains, and taming those rivers, the pioneers had written a story so full of romance, so rich in human interest that it should be told again and again, and yet again." Dr. Reid pays a tribute to the staff of the Provincial Archives, and all those who have been helped there will whole-heartedly agree: "In my experience, I have found no better organized, better administered, and more generally helpful provincial archives department than that of British Columbia." Mountains, Men and Rivers, while by no means in the best-seller class, which does not necessarily mean that a best seller is always a good book, certainly deserves a place on the shelves of those who have a British Columbia section in their libraries. Victoria, B.C. James K. Nesbitt. Printed by Don McDiarmid, Printer to the Queen's Most Excellent Majesty in right of the Province of British Columbia. 1958 We BRITISH COLUMBIA HISTORICAL ASSOCIATION Organized October 31st, 1922 PATRON His Honour Clarence Wallace, Lieutenant-Governor of British Columbia. OFFICERS, 1955 Hon. Ray Williston - Mrs. A. D. Turnbull - Captain Charles W. Cates Dr. W. N. Sage Mrs. J. H. Hamilton - Russell E. Potter - Miss Patricia M. Johnson Hon. President. President. Past President. 1st Vice-President. 2nd Vice-President. Honorary Secretary. Honorary Treasurer. MEMBERS OF THE COUNCIL H. C. Gilliland. Dr. J. C. Goodfellow. Norman Hacking. J. K. Nesbitt. Russell E. Potter W. Erskine Blackburn (Victoria Section). (Vancouver Section). William Barraclough Mrs. David Hoy (Nanaimo Section). (Fort St. James Section). W. A. Burton (East Kootenay Section). OBJECTS To encourage historical research and stimulate public interest in history; to promote the preservation and marking of historic sites, buildings, relics, natural features, and other objects and places of historical interest, and to publish historical sketches, studies, and documents. Dr. M. A. Ormsby. Mrs. R. B. White. James Armstrong (West Kootenay Section). Mrs. Jessie Woodward (Boundary Section). Willard E. Ireland (Editor, Quarterly). SJ4.CI MEMBERSHIP Ordinary members pay a fee of $2 annually in advance. The fiscal year commences on the first day of January. All members in good standing receive the British Columbia Historical Quarterly without further charge. Correspondence and fees may be addressed to the Provincial Archives, Parliament Buildings, Victoria, B.C. THE BRITISH COLUMBIA HISTORICAL QUARTERLY JULY-OCTOBER, 1955 BRITISH COLUMBIA HISTORICAL QUARTERLY Published by the Archives of British Columbia in co-operation with the British Columbia Historical Association. EDITOR Willard E. Ireland, Provincial Archives, Victoria. Editorial communications should be addressed to the Editor. Subscriptions should be sent to the Provincial Archives, Parliament Buildings, Victoria, B.C. Price, 50^ the copy, or $2 the year. Members of the British Columbia Historical Association in good standing receive the Quarterly without further charge. Neither the Provincial Archives nor the British Columbia Historical Association assumes any responsibility for statements made by contributors to the magazine. BRITISH COLUMBIA HISTORICAL QUARTERLY "Any country worthy of a future should be interested in its past." Victoria, B.C., July-October, 1955 CONTENTS Page Henry Press Wright: First Archdeacon of Columbia. By Donald H. Simpson 123 Harry Guillod's Journal of a Trip to Cariboo, 1862. Edited, with an introduction and notes, by Dorothy Blakey Smith 187 Notes and Comments: British Columbia Historical Association ... Okanagan Historical Society Rossland Historical Museum Association . . 233 . 237 . 239 Plaque to Commemorate the Birthplace of Emily Carr 239 Contributors to This Issue 241 The Northwest Bookshelf: Flatt: The History of the 6th Field Company, R.C.E., 1939-1945. By R. H. Roy 243 de Kiewiet and Underhill: The Dufferin-Carnarvon Correspondence, 1874-1878. By John T. Saywell 244 Stanley: In Search of the Magnetic North. By R. H. Roy 246 (Photo courtesy Gernsheim Collection, London.) Henry Press Wright. HENRY PRESS WRIGHT: FIRST ARCHDEACON OF COLUMBIA I Among the notable clergymen who served the Diocese of Columbia in its pioneer days, few had as varied a career or as forceful a personality as Henry Press Wright, first Archdeacon of Columbia and later Archdeacon of Vancouver Island. Some of his descendants still live in the Province whose great future he foresaw and proclaimed, but he himself has been unjustly neglected in the work of historians and biographers.1 He was born in India on December 9, 1816, and his early years were spent with the 59th Regiment, of which his father, Captain John Wright, was Paymaster.2 He commented, when an elderly man: " In days long past, as a boy, I longed for adventure and travel."3 His circumstances encouraged this very natural ambition, for not only did he travel with his father's regiment in the east, but one of his brothers was an officer in the regiment, and another served in eastern seas: Lieutenant E. D. Wright was wounded when leading the forlorn hope at the taking of Bhurtpore in 1826, and Captain C. M. M. Wright, R.N., (1) I would like to thank all those whose co-operation, as indicated in footnotes, has made this article possible. The Society for the Propagation of the Gospel has given permission to consult and quote from documents in its Archives and books in its Library, and its staff have been unfailingly helpful. The Rev. L. E. M. Claxton, the Rev. R. W. Tyler, several of Archdeacon Wright's descendants, and officials of the War Office Library, Public Record Office, and British Columbia Archives have also given considerable assistance. (2) Captain Wright's name appears on his son's marriage certificate, and his service, commencing on October 31, 1799, is recorded in the Army List, October, 1829, p. 37. According to Manuscript Location Returns in the War Office Library the 59th Regiment was in the East from 1806 to 1829, being based in Bengal from 1815. H.P.W.'s date of birth has not been traced in any register, and that given is derived from the retirement of Army Chaplains at the age of 60; in his case this was on December 9,1876. See also note 260. (3) Portsmouth Times, May 8, 1877. British Columbia Historical Quarterly, Vol. XIX, Nos. 3 and 4. 123 124 Donald H. Simpson July-Oct. took part in such actions as the attack on the pirate stronghold of Ras-al-Khyma in the Persian Gulf, where he was wounded, in 1819, and in similar operations in the Straits of Malacca in 1832.4 The 59th Regiment returned to England early in 1829. On October 24 Captain Wright died at Weedon.5 Details of Henry's early education have not survived, but in 1833 he entered the newly established University of Durham. This university was primarily designed for those preparing for the ministry of the Church of England; it therefore seems likely that his future career had been decided by that time.6 The Divinity Lecturer there was the distinguished theologian, the Rev. Hugh James Rose, whom he later described as " a leader in everything high and heavenly . . . one from whose lips it was my privilege to receive many a learned lesson."7 His progress at the university was satisfactory, and in 1836 he was awarded the University Essay Prize.8 Perhaps the most significant aspect of his years at Durham, however, was the beginning of his friendship with George Hills, a man of his own age who was to have a profound effect on his life.9 Another friend was James Skinner, two years his junior, whose erratic and rather un- (4) Wright, Portsmouth, p. 93. (H.P.W.'s books are cited in these footnotes by short titles, as indicated in the list of his works at the end of this article.) He had a sister Sophia (Mrs. Wroughton); G. A. Wright, B.C.S., and Capt. W. B. Wright, B.C.S., to whom he erected memorial windows at Greatham, may also have been brothers. (5) Army List, November, 1829, p. 83. It is not clear if H.P.W. came home earlier than this, but references in Church in Army, p. 2, and Crimean Chaplain, p. 24, suggest that he spent some years in India. (6) Registrar of Durham University to author, April 5, 1955. He signed the Matriculation Register in that year, but there is no other record of him at Durham. (7) Wright, Portsmouth, pp. 52-53. Hugh James Rose (1795-1838) was ordained in 1818 and soon attained a high reputation as scholar, writer, and preacher; he was a friend of most of the leading Tractarians. In 1833 he was appointed to the Chair of Divinity at Durham, but ill health compelled his resignation after only a few lectures. (8) Crockford's Clerical Directory, 1884, p. 1362. (9) O. R. Rowley, The Anglican Episcopate of Canada and Newfoundland, London, 1928, p. 37. In 1878 H.P.W. referred to " my old friend of 50 years standing," so their acquaintance may have begun earlier. George Hills (1816- 1895) was ordained in 1840; in 1841 he became a Curate at Leeds and in 1846 incumbent of St. Mary's. From 1848 to 1859 he was Vicar of Great Yarmouth, and Bishop of Columbia from 1859 until his resignation in 1892. 1955 Henry Press Wright 125 studious disposition gave little hint of his later eminence as scholar and divine.10 In 1836 Henry Wright moved to Peterhouse, Cambridge, where he was admitted on October 1; he obtained a Gisborne Scholarship in 1838, and was Classics Prizeman.11 Two years later he was rusticated for twelve months,12 but employed part of that time in translating six lectures by Bishop Luscombe and writing a long historical introduction. The Church of Rome, compared with the Bible, the Fathers of the Church, and the Church of England was published in 1841,13 and he proceeded to a B.A. the next year. Ordained Deacon by the Bishop of Bath and Wells in 1841, with a title to the curacy of Croscombe in Somerset, Henry Wright spent two years in this beautiful village below the slope of the Mendips, with its mediaeval church furnished with a profusion of Jacobean carved oak. His ordination to the priesthood by the Bishop of Gloucester and Bristol took place in 1842; the following year he was appointed one of the three curates of Frome Selwood, but on April 27 returned to Croscombe for his marriage to Anne, eldest daughter of Isaac Nalder, a silk manufacturer in the neighbouring hamlet of Darshill.14 St. Peter's, Frome Selwood, the parish church of a market town of over 10,000 inhabitants, was built on the site of a church founded in (10) Maria Trench, James Skinner; a Memoir . . . , London, 1883, pp. 11-12 (note by H.P.W.). James Skinner (1818-1881) was a foundation scholar of Durham University in 1833 and eventually became a Fellow. He was ordained in 1841, and from 1846 to 1850 was Officiating Chaplain at Corfu. Bad health limited his activities for the rest of his life, but he wrote a number of theological works arid hymns, and was a pioneer of the English Church Union. (11) T. A. Walker, Admissions to Peterhouse 1615-1911, Cambridge, 1912, p. 456. His mother was then living at 16 Marshall Place, Perth. His tutor was Mr. Hind, MA. (12) Professor H. Butterfield to author, November 21, 1955. It is recorded that on " 3 February 1840 it was agreed at a meeting of the Master and Fellows that H. P. Wright be required to leave the University until 13th of January 1841," but no reason is given. (13) According to the preface, he had read this attempt to explain the position of the Church of England to the French, while in France in the summer of 1839. Bishop Luscombe, British Embassy Chaplain in Paris, had the oversight of British congregations on the Continent. (14) Crockford's Clerical Directory, 1884, p. 1362; J. A. Venn, Alumni Can- tabrigienses, 2nd series, VI, Cambridge, 1954, p. 593; Certificate of H.P.W.'s marriage, of which a copy is in the author's possession. His M.A. dates from 1861, when he went to British Columbia. 126 Donald H. Simpson July-Oct. Saxon times by St. Adhelm; Bishop Ken was buried near its walls. After a year there, Mr. Wright moved to a vastly different parish as Curate of Guiseley, a busy manufacturing town in the West Riding of Yorkshire which had sprung up round what was once a quiet village.15 When he left, the esteem he had gained was shown by the presentation of a beautiful little travelling communion set in a cone-shaped case. The chalice was inscribed: " Presented by the teachers of the Guiseley Sunday Schools as a token of love to their clergyman, the Revd. H. P. Wright B.A., Easter 1845." It was indeed a suitable gift for one who was to travel so many thousands of miles as a military chaplain and missionary.16 His new appointment was as Perpetual Curate of St. Mary's, Quarry Hill, Leeds.17 This was in the gift of Dr. Hook, Vicar of Leeds, one of the outstanding parish priests of the nineteenth century, who was doing much to counter the spiritual desolation of the great manufacturing city.18 It was said that he never made an error of judgment in selecting clergy for work in the city or for his staff of curates, and many men who later attained eminence in the Church began under his supervision.19 One of his curates at this time was the Rev. George Hills.20 Though Mr. Wright now had an independent charge, with a curate to assist him, his stipend was miserably low and the work most arduous. He later wrote:— In the year 1845 I became incumbent of a manufacturing district, containing 17,000 operatives. Of necessity thousands of the people were never seen by myself or curate, and every street possessed its haunts of vice and blasphemy. It seemed, however, that this overwhelming population was not sufficiently oppressive; for, shortly after my induction, I received a War Office letter, addressed to me as the officiating chaplain in charge of a regiment of foot, a troop of horse artillery, and a troop of cavalry. The endowment of my living being only 68/ 5s., I was glad to receive an additional 20/ a year for the troops, and I felt justified in taking the money, inasmuch as, every Sunday, I accommodated in my church sev- (15) J. A. Venn, loc. cit. (16) Mrs. K. Mitchell (H.P.W.'s granddaughter), who now owns this gift, to author, March 8, 1955. (17) Clergy List, 1846, p. 258. (18) Walter Farquhar Hook (1798-1875) was ordained in 1821. His strong personality soon made its mark, and in 1837 he became Vicar of Leeds, a city with a population of 123,000 and totally inadequate religious provision. He succeeded in dividing the parish into smaller districts with their own parish churches. In 1859 he became Dean of Chichester, and died in that office. (19) D. W. Duthie, A Bishop in the Rough, London, 1909, p. xi. (20) Rowley, The Anglican Episcopate, p. 37. 1955 Henry Press Wright 127 eral hundred soldiers, and, during the week, visited the sick in hospital, and superintended the military school. I need scarcely observe, that, all I could do, under the circumstances, was unworthy the name of spiritual care; the minds and souls of men, who of all others required my special attention, were of necessity neglected. As to church parade, it was literally hated by the troops: they had to march, nearly a mile, through streets crowded with a noisy rabble, and then, after divine service, to return under the same escort.2! This military duty, however, was the means of introducing Mr. Wright to the main sphere of his clerical life. At that time the religious care of the army had devolved, through years of neglect and parsimony, on four commissioned chaplains, all elderly, and a number of officiating clergy, who in most cases had civil duties as well and did not regard the army as their career.22 In April, 1844, a new Principal Chaplain, the Rev. G. R. Gleig, had taken over the direction of the Chaplains' Department, and was already laying the foundation of knowledge that was to result in its complete transformation.23 Mr. Gleig was gravely concerned at the evils arising from expecting overworked clergy such as Mr. Wright to give adequate service to the troops for an additional pittance, and in 1845 he introduced a scheme for soldier curates, at a stipend of £75 per annum, who would make attendance on the troops their main concern, and thus take a greater interest in the work than was possible under the existing scheme.24 Mr. Wright was given this appointment for Leeds in the autumn of that year.25 He did not lose his connection with general parish fife, however, and in 1846 was first editor of a new publication, the Church Sunday School Magazine, which contained such items as a serial, Piety and Prosperity, notes on Scriptural geography, paragraphs on the meaning of Holy Days, and accounts of overseas missions.26 His stay at Leeds was not a long one. Mr. Gleig had obviously marked him as a suitable man for full-time military service, and when (21) Wright, England's Duty, pp. 3-4. (22) Journal of the Royal Army Chaplains' Department (hereafter cited as J.R.A.C.D.), HI, p. 519; IV, pp. 34-42. (23) George Robert Gleig (1796-1888) was Principal Chaplain 1844-46, and Chaplain-General 1846-75. His remarkable career is described in J.R.A.C.D., IV, pp. 14-77, 320-358; V, pp. 9-29, 95-114. (24) Ibid., IV, p. 47. (25) Gleig to Dr. Hook, August 12, 1845. W.O. 4/348, p. 429. (This letter and the other official letters subsequently quoted are in the Public Record Office.) (26) Crockford's Clerical Directory, 1884, p. 1362, says 1845, but Vol. I begins in 1846. The contributions are unsigned. 128 Donald H. Simpson July-Oct. a vacancy for an officiating chaplain occurred in the Island of Cepha- lonia in June, 1846, he offered it to Mr. Wright, who accepted.27 The Chaplain-General described him, in a letter to the outgoing chaplain, as I earnest, devout, & sincere."28 He sailed in August with his friend, the Rev. James Skinner, who was appointed officiating chaplain at Corfu.29 Corfu and Cephalonia are the most important of the seven Ionian Islands off the coast of Greece, which at that time were under British protection. There were British troops on four of the islands, and Mr. Wright, in addition to his duties on Cephalonia itself, had to pay a monthly visit to the regiment on Zante, and an occasional one to the detachment on Ithaca. The conditions he found were startling. " When I landed in Cephalonia, in September, 1846," he wrote, the soldiers worshipped in a barrack-room, a part of which was curtained off for two married men, so that we were liable to be interrupted, periodically, by the cries of a sickly or newly born child—there were no vessels for Holy Communion, not even a surplice for divine service.30 He wrote to Mr. Gleig, and received a sympathetic but bracing answer:— Do not however permit a disappointmt. of this sort however keen to damp yr. zeal. St Paul had neither surplice nor Communion plate yet in synagogues & market places & wherever else he cd. find an opening he spoke the truth with power & brought over daily converts to the truth. You must consider yourself as a Missionary in Cephalonia & bear all manner of privations for the sake of Him whose minister you are. The time must come wherein the indecency of having no place wherein a British Garrison may assemble to worship shall force the Governmt in office, whatever it may be to build one.31 Mr. Wright settled to his task and within two years produced a scheme for building a church on Cephalonia by subscription among the officers. The Chaplain-General reluctantly rejected this plan, since the action of one garrison in this way might give the authorities an excuse to justify taking no steps on other cases. This point of view, while understandable as a long-term policy, must have been discouraging.32 (27) Gleig to H.P.W., July 2, 1846. W.O. 4/349, pp. 164-165. (28) Gleig to Rev. W. Hare, July 2,1846. W.O. 4/349, p. 163. (29) Trench, James Skinner, pp. 32-33; Gleig to Skinner, June 26, 1846. W.O. 4/349, p. 156. (30) Wright, England's Duty, p. 5. (31) Gleig to H.P.W., December 8,1846. W.O. 4/349, p. 215. (32) Gleig to H.P.W., August 3, 1848. W.O. 4/349, p. 418. 1955 Henry Press Wright 129 In 1851 he was transferred to Corfu in place of Mr. Skinner. Here there was a handsome new church, built in the Greek style. During his duty in the " lovely island," he found much gratification in the support he received, not only from leading officers such as General Tylden, R.E., but from N.C.O.s and men, led by Sergeant Gibbon, who met every Sunday in his house.33 For him personally, however, it was tragic, for three of his four children died there, and in 1853 he returned to England on leave to save the life of the fourth, his daughter Mary, who was ill.34 While the family was in England his son Frederick was born.35 During this leave, too, he joined the small band of commissioned chaplains, his appointment dating from May 6, 1853.36 II During the closing months of 1853 there was an increasing likelihood that Britain and France would go to war with Russia in support of Turkey, and preparations began. The Chaplain-General, in spite (33) Wright, Crimean Chaplain, pp. 59-60, 67, 74-75. (34) Ibid., pp. 2-3. The children of Henry Press and Anne Wright were:— Mary Jane Pearson, born Cephalonia, January 17, 1847. Married Captain (later Major-General) Henry Spencer Palmer (1838-1893) in New Westminster, October 7,1863. There were four or five children. She died in Victoria, January 10, 1934. Frederick George, born November 17, 1853. Married Jane Kathleen Good (died 1893) in Victoria, September 16, 1880. There were eight children of this marriage, and one of his second marriage. He died at Barholme, March 22, 1926. For his career see note 253. Nina Geldart, born Canterbury, December, 1856. Married Rev. Robert Stewart Hare, M.A., later Vicar of Beighton, May 30, 1885. There were seven children. She died at Mickleham, October 1, 1948. Alice Alford, born Canterbury, 1860. Died unmarried in Victoria, February 9, 1879. Ernest Augustus, born Victoria, May 16, 1862. Died unmarried in Saskatchewan, 1929. Three children, name and sex unknown, were born between 1844 and 1852, and died in the Ionian Islands, 1846-1853. It is possible that there were two other children, but if so they did not survive infancy. This information has been derived from the British Columbia Archives, from Mrs. Mitchell and Mrs. Kirkham (children of the Rev. F. G. Wright), the Rev. A. N. Hare and other children of Mrs. Nina Hare, from Somerset House, and other sources. H.P.W.'s many descendants have travelled all over the world, including British Columbia, China, Central America, South Africa, Australia, and India. (35) J.R.A.C.D., II, p. 264. (36) Army List, December, 1854, p. 82. 130 Donald H. Simpson July-Oct. of great efforts, had only seven commissioned clergy, and all save one were at key posts.37 The remaining man was Mr. Wright, and when he returned to Corfu he was warned to hold himself in readiness to proceed to the seat of war as Principal Chaplain if hostilities seemed imminent.38 He left London for Newhaven on February 9, 1854, and had a pleasant journey through France, Piedmont, Rome, and Naples, his route including the battlefields of Marengo and Cannae. He finally reached a little fishing village, Molfetta, on the eastern coast of Italy, and thence sailed by Austrian Lloyd's steamer to Corfu. Hardly had he arrived than he received orders, issued on February 23, to proceed to Constantinople.39 War was declared on March 28. Mr. Wright now prepared for active service, reducing his baggage to two portmanteaus and a hand-bag, a saddle and bridle, metal plates, a gridiron and, thanks to the ingenuity of a sapper friend, a folding bed which could be reduced almost to pocket size. Early in April he left by steamer, voyaging by Zante, Syra, the Piraeus (whence he paid a short visit to Athens), Smyrna, Mitylene, and Tenedos to the Dardanelles. At Gallipoli he saw the lines of tents that indicated part of the British expeditionary force, but the main base was at Constantinople, and after a brief halt the steamer continued to its destination. Mr. Wright was assigned a lofty and spacious room in the Turkish barracks at Scutari, across the Bosphorus from Constantinople. This accommodation, he found, had to be shared with all manner of vermin. More and more troops arrived, and encamped on the plain behind Scutari. A small staff of chaplains, drawn from officiating clergy hastily selected and sent out, also arrived—five of the Church of England, one Presbyterian, and two Roman Catholics. These numbers were small for the minimum duties required, and quite inadequate when there was sickness to contend with. At the end of May an allied force was sent to Bulgaria to strengthen the Turkish resistance to the Russians, who were invading the Balkans. (37) J.R.A.C.D., IV, pp. 64-65. (38) The author has utilized his own unpublished history of the work of Chaplains to the Forces in the Crimean War for most of the background material in the following pages. The account of H.P.W.'s experiences until October, 1854, is derived from his Recollections of a Crimean Chaplain unless other sources are indicated. (39) H.P.W. to Gen. Windham, April 12,1856. W.O. 28/191. 1955 Henry Press Wright 131 Mr. Wright found a friend in a French Protestant pastor, M. Roerig, and was also able to befriend a lonely French midshipman who, feeling very homesick, found in the chaplain someone who not only treated him with understanding kindness but could speak his tongue fluently.40 The other chaplains also accompanied the forces, and he shared with the Cavalry Chaplain the only servant they could obtain, a drunken Irish lad. There was very little fighting in the ensuing months, but there was great distress due to the ravages of sickness among the troops. Mr. Wright took charge of the hospital at Varna, the headquarters of the allies, where the lack of beds and proper equipment added to the sufferings caused by disease. " The mortality at Varna was quite appalling," he wrote. " I buried twice, and sometimes thrice, daily; and my average, including deaths in two small encampments, was nine." The other chaplains did valiant work in the camps, and the Morning Post correspondent commented: "How these clergymen stand the work I cannot imagine; they are from morning to night in hospitals, or on horseback, or burying the dead."41 To add to the perils of disease, there was a disastrous fire on August 10 in which half the town of Varna was destroyed. Mr. Wright was in the area at the time, and hurried to the scene, where he took his share in handing buckets to quench the flames—a dangerous task, since the magazine was threatened, and a terrible explosion only avoided by the gallant work of those who checked the spread of the fire. At the end of August the weakened armies left the tragic scenes of Bulgaria to engage the enemy in open conflict by invading the Crimean peninsula and attacking the naval base of Sebastopol. The troops were embarked at Varna; Mr. Wright sailed on the Georgiana, leaving behind on the wharf his grey horse, ready saddled and bridled, since there were no official instructions for its transport. The armies began to land in the Crimea on September 14, and by the 17th disembarkation was completed. Mr. Wright was assigned to headquarters, but when he found that the 4th Division had no chap- (40) Mrs. Kirkham (Archdeacon Wright's granddaughter) to author, May 27, 1955. This episode was told to her about fifty years later by the Frenchman, then a retired admiral. The date is not definite, but the period when Britain and France were both using Varna seems probable. (41) Colonial Church Chronicle (hereafter cited as C.C.C.), VIII (1854-55), p. 116. 132 Donald H. Simpson July-Oct. lain, he volunteered to act in this capacity as well, and the troops were paraded on the sands for divine service. He then proceeded to the small group of tents that housed the staff, and took a service for the devout Commander-in-Chief, Lord Raglan, and his officers. The next day the march south towards Sebastopol began; there was a brief cavalry encounter in the afternoon of the 19th which came to nothing, and later the army pitched camp for the night. Mr. Wright was fortunate enough to fall in with a friend of Corfu days who had the rare luxury of a bell tent. After a meal he was invited to share this covering, and with a number of officers " packed closely together like herrings in a barrel" spent a rather unsettled night. A battle was obviously imminent, and before going to sleep all joined him in prayers. At 2 a.m. he was roused by the entry of a messenger bringing orders for his left-hand neighbour to make preparations to meet the Russians, who were known to be ahead in strength. The armies were astir early on the morning of September 20 and advanced to the River Alma, which was to give its name to the battle fought that day. The Russians were on the heights on the other side, but after a gallant and keenly-fought action were forced to retreat. The British 4th Division was in reserve, so Mr. Wright was not closely involved in the action; but as soon as he could he waded the river and helped to tend the wounded, including the mortally-wounded Russian General Karganoff. As it grew dark he rejoined his Division, first meeting the 3rd Division and noting with concern that its Chaplain, the Rev. George Mockler, who had been ill in Bulgaria, looked extremely unwell. The next day, after many hours among the wounded, Mr. Wright conducted the burial service over the 200 dead of the Light and Guards Divisions, buried in a common grave on the spot which had seen the fiercest fighting. It was too dark to read, but he spoke the impressive words of the service from memory and gave a short exhortation to those present to prepare for a soldier's death. The armies marched again on the 23rd, and disease began to strike down men on all sides. Mr. Wright's friend and helper, General Tylden, R.E., died of cholera and was buried before the march began. " I buried the old warrior in the vineyard close to the Burliuk bridge," wrote the chaplain, " and when I left,—a wild plum-tree hung mournfully over the grave." 1955 Henry Press Wright 133 Camp was pitched that evening by the River Katcha. Mr. Wright commented on his appearance at this time:— Since the night of the 19th my bed had been the bare ground, of which I had nothing to complain, save that it acted very disparagingly upon black cloth . . . nothing could defend my dress; by night and by day it gathered not dust but dirt; as to changing, that was impossible, for my baggage was far away on board the "Georgiana." My hat was the most curious article; it had often been found under nests of pickaxes and shovels and other heavy things, and more than once I had reduced it to the pancake form by the all night weight of my own body; indeed, it was only by the most delicate manipulation that I could get it into wearing condition: so that altogether my costume was in a very dilapidated state; I believe I was very much like a broken-down waiter on a begging expedition. The next morning he was delighted to meet members of the 57th Regiment, friends from his Corfu service. That evening he had his first glimpse of Sebastopol. At this point there was some possibility that the city would be attacked from the north, but it was finally decided to by-pass it to the east and attack from the south, and on the 25th the armies moved, in blazing heat, towards the plateau where the rest of the campaign was to be fought. In the evening camp was pitched by the Traktir Bridge; Mr. Wright, after some foraging, found tomatoes, beetroot, and cabbage, and with these and some salt ration meat, seasoned with pepper " of which I always carried a supply in my waistcoat- pocket," cooked an agreeable stew in his camp-kettle. The following day the advance continued to Balaclava, which was easily captured and became the very inadequate port for the entry of British supplies. Three days later the little band of chaplains suffered its first loss; the Rev. George Mockler, who had completed the journey on a stretcher, died of cholera. Mr. Wright hurried to his bedside and read the service for the Visitation of the Sick; his stricken comrade murmured "Beautiful prayers, beautiful prayers" and shortly afterwards died. It was hoped that a rapid campaign would reduce Sebastopol before the winter, but this hope was frustrated by two Russian counter-attacks. The first, aimed at Balaclava, was delivered on October 23, a day famous for the charges of the Light and Heavy Brigades and the " thin red line " of Highlanders.42 The Russians gained some ground by this action, and on November 5 delivered a heavy attack on the British right flank. This battle, known as Inkermann, ended with the Russian (42) It is possible that Mr. Wright witnessed this incident, as Lord Raglan and his staff were on the heights overlooking the battle. 134 Donald H. Simpson July-Oct. repulse; but the allied casualties were such as to prevent any possibility of a successful assault on Sebastopol, and a winter campaign, for which the armies were inadequately prepared, became inevitable. . A number of senior officers fell at Inkermann, including General Cathcart, commanding the 4th Division, and General Strangways of the Artillery. The summit of a hill formerly used as an observation post by the dead General, and known as Cathcart's Hill, was chosen as their burial place, and this became the chief British war cemetery in the Crimea. Mr. Wright conducted the funeral late in the afternoon of November 6; he was deeply moved by the death of one whom he described as a | true nobleman."43 November 14 brought a great storm, which demolished and destroyed much of the shelter available for the troops and sank a number of supply ships. The winter was a time of terrible hardship. The miserable road from Balaclava to the camp became almost impassable; such supplies and comforts as there were could hardly reach the troops; and disease, cold, and hunger took a terrible toll. Conditions in the base hospitals at Scutari were also very bad. The public indignation and concern aroused in England resulted in the mission of Florence Nightingale and her nurses to Scutari, the Times Fund for comforts for the troops, and the establishment by the S.P.G. of a fund for paying part of the cost of additional chaplains to the forces, of whom twelve were sent out between October and the end of the year. This timely assistance, together with a small increase in the number of Government-appointed clergy, enabled Mr. Wright to go to Constantinople in mid-December, to see something of the work of the chaplains in the hospitals, and to have a short leave.44 He was very much gratified by what he saw and, though anxious to have the maximum number of clergy in the camp, realized the great need of the hospitals and arranged for a reasonable proportion of new arrivals to remain there.45 Mrs. Wright had travelled to Constantinople with her family and had remained there to await the arrival of Florence Nightingale and her party. She then travelled home on a small ship, the only woman (43) Wright, Portsmouth, p. 73. (44) Rev. T. Freeth to S.P.G., January 15, 1855; Rev. G. Proctor to S.P.G., December 24, 1854. (All quotations from S.P.G. correspondence are from manuscripts.) (45) Rev. W. E. Hadow to S.P.G, December 26, 1854. 1955 Henry Press Wright 135 on board. It was an adventurous voyage; the captain was a drunkard, and half-way home the crew came to her to beg her to ask the captain to delegate his duties to the first mate, as otherwise they would mutiny. She accepted this task, persuaded the captain to agree, and the first mate brought the ship home safely.46 Mr. Wright returned to the Crimea on January 25, 1855, on the Melbourne, where an unfortunate incident occurred when he found that his cabin was also claimed by a doctor. The ensuing dispute, pardonable in men who had done much to strain their nerves, was soon amicably settled; they shared the accommodation, and Mr. Wright helped to put up shelves for the doctor's belongings. Unfortunately Mr. MacDonald of the Times, already resenting Mr. Wright's action in forbidding one of his chaplains to act as a distributor for the Times Fund without official sanction (and ignoring the fact that he had also made immediate application for such permission), described the incident in most offensive terms in a report which appeared in the Times. Fortunately the Chaplain-General made an immediate investigation and was able to submit a complete reply which was duly published.47 Mr. Wright's visit to Scutari had convinced him of the value of women nurses. As a result of his report Lord Raglan asked for some to be sent to Balaclava, and this was done.48 As the bitter weather continued, the self-sacrificing work of the chaplains took its toll: of twenty of all denominations who served during the winter eight eventually died and eight were invalided.49 Between November, 1854, and March, 1855, two clergy of the Church of England (the Rev. W. Whyatt and the Rev. G. H. Proctor) and three of the Church of Rome (the Rev. J. Wheble, the Rev. M. Canty, and the Rev. D. Shehan) died in the Crimea. The sharing of hardships and of a great task brought clergy of different denominations together in friendly co-operation: Mr. Whyatt watched by the dying Father Canty only a few weeks before his own death. In later years, when correspondents in the Times made overmuch of denominational differences in the Chaplain's Department, Mr. Wright commented indignantly:— (46) Rev. A. N. Hare to author, December 3,1955. (47) London Times, February 8,1855, p. 8; March 20,1855, p. 10. (48) I. B. O'Malley, Florence Nightingale 1820-1856, London, 1934, p. 275. (49) Wright, Crimean Chaplain, p. 83. 136 Donald H. Simpson July-Oct. Should we ever have another war in the Crimea (which God forbid), and [the critics] will join the chaplain department of our army, they will find the thermometer at 7° below zero an effectual cooler of all " wretched theological disputes," and a dripping bell tent peculiarly calculated to put a damper upon all unkind feeling.so In spite of these losses, new volunteers were forthcoming. Between March and the late summer the S.P.G. sent out thirteen more chaplains, and there were some additional government appointments. With the spring came renewed military activity and minor engagements— Mr. Wright wrote in April: " There is just now a sharp firing of musketry, but it is so common that we think nothing of it."51—but the armies were not yet ready to launch a major assault. Improved weather brought visitors to the Crimea. Mr. Wright may well have been one of the chaplains who welcomed Florence Nightingale at Balaclava when she landed in May to visit Crimean hospitals.52 He certainly met the eccentric and flamboyant but warm-hearted chef, Alexis Soyer, who came out to improve army cooking.53 Another traveller was Roger Fenton, the pioneer photographer; he took a photograph of Mr. Wright, whose face showed an unaccustomed grimness, presumably due to the unfamiliarity of posing for this new medium, and a more relaxed group of the Principal Chaplain with eight of his colleagues.54 Another photograph taken by Fenton was of Lord Raglan conferring with the French and Turkish commanders. They were completing plans for the long-delayed assault on Sebastopol, but when this was launched on June 18 it was defeated with heavy casualties. Bitterly disappointed, Lord Raglan fell a prey to the cholera and seemed to have no resistance. On June 28 Mr. Wright read the service for the Visitation of the Sick by the Commander-in-Chief's simple camp bed. "At the close of the heart searching service," he wrote, " I placed my hand upon the broad, handsome forehead of the noble soldier, and commended the departing soul to the keeping of God. A few minutes after the great man went to his rest."55 Whatever his defects as a commander, Lord Raglan was an (50) London Times, October 29,1857, p. 11. (51) C.C.C, IX (1855-56), p. 20. (52) O'Malley, op. cit., p. 304. (53) Alexis Soyer, A Culinary Campaign, London, 1857, p. 287. (54) Roger Fenton's own prints are now in the possession of Mr. and Mrs. Helmut Gernsheim, through whose kindness copies of these photographs have been obtained. (55) Wright, Portsmouth, p. 62. 1955 Henry Press Wright 137 honourable and kindly man and, as his chaplain well knew, a devout Christian and reader of the Bible.56 Additional chaplains arrived, but there was much illness during the summer, and several died or were invalided home. Early in August Mr. Wright had only seven of the nominal strength of nineteen fit for duty.57 It was not until the end of the year that the position was really satisfactory. The campaign continued after the failure of the June attack; there were many small encounters and trench raids, and on August 16 the Russians launched a heavy attack on the allied right flank at the Traktir Bridge. This sector was now held by the French, who defeated the attack without British troops being engaged, but Mr. Wright visited the scene to assist the wounded after the battle.58 The final assault on Sebastopol was planned for September 8, when the French succeeded in taking the Malakoff, though the British were unable to establish themselves in the other principal fortification, the Redan. The next day the city was evacuated; the campaign was over. There was some outcry at the fact that the last action of the British forces had been a failure. Mr. Wright, however, commented: "Had our army assailed as at Badajoz the failure wd. have been lost in the success but John Bull cannot bear to be in a lowly place even though a mighty blessing is vouchsafed him."59 It fell to him to draw up the official order of service for the thanksgiving for victory on November 4.60 There was no precedent for the exact status of a principal chaplain in wartime, and it was a matter of some delicacy to establish it. Roman Catholic chaplains (who came directly under the military authorities) and Presbyterians were under his supervision only for making certain official returns; his personal contact was with those of the Church of England.61 He was responsible for their allocation to the camps in the (56) Wright, Crimean Chaplain, pp. 28-30. (57) W. H. Russell, The War from the Death of Lord Raglan . . . , London, 1856, p. 47. (58) Wright, Crimean Chaplain, p. 75; letter to London Times published in issue of November 13, 1855, p. 7. (59) H.P.W. to S.P.G., October 16, 1855, regarding London Times article of September 29, 1855. (60) General Orders Issued to the Army of the East . . . , London, 1856, p. 179. (61) Adjutant-General to H.P.W., September 3 and October 19, 1855, and to Rev. J. Campbell, September 3 and October 10, 19, and 22, 1855. W.O. 28/110 & 111. 138 Donald H. Simpson July-Oct. Crimea and, through the Military Commandant at Scutari, to the base hospitals. He had a marquee near headquarters, and a soldier clerk to assist him.62 Another of his duties was the organization of books for the troops. Through the S.P.C.K. he obtained a supply of Bibles and Prayer Books ("the small limp-covered Prayer-book . . . as it is easily carried in the knapsack or breast")63 for issue through the chaplains, and in the Times he appealed for comforts and recreational reading: "I would therefore strongly press upon the generous-hearted the plan of sending goods to us at cost price for the use of the body, and amusing books gratis for the improvement of the mind."64 Unfortunately the books were not always attractive; an officer visiting Headquarters commented: "I suspect some old ladies and gentlemen have been weeding their libraries, and getting a reputation for benevolence at small expense."65 Mr. Wright, in a second letter to the Times, appealed for well-filled boxes, but added: When I say well-filled, I do not mean crowded, as some were last year, with old annual reports of the many religious societies, almanacks of 1817, dark mysterious divinity, heavy controversial tracts, last volumes of novels, Armenian bibles, trigonometrical tables, Loo-shoo grammars, pamphlets on turnpikes &c, but nicely packed with tales, novels, biography, Chambers's many publications, Dickens's works, and such like, all of which are read with intense pleasure.66 Though his clergy were not numerous they came from varied backgrounds, and tactful supervision was required. Its success was borne out by the tributes of some of the chaplains. One wrote to the S.P.G.: "... you are much indebted to him, for his accurate judgment of the soldier's character, his thorough knowledge of the world, added to a simple faith, and a laborious energy in his work, give him an authority which no man can wield more impartially, & to which all most readily submit."67 Another recalled " the readiness with which Mr. Wright has entered into our difficulties, the alacrity he has always displayed on (62) Adjutant-General to Sir R. England, May 20,1855. W.O. 28/109. (63) CCC, IX (1855-56), p. 19 (letter of April 22,1855). (64) London Times, July 31,1855, p. 9. (65) A. I. Shand, The Life of General Sir E. B. Hamley, Edinburgh, 1895, Vol. I, p. 76. (66) London Times, August 30, 1855, p. 5. (67) Rev. H. Robinson to S.P.G., October 31, 1855. 1955 Henry Press Wright 139 matters of business and above all his affectionate manner towards all the Chaplains."68 His own view of his chaplains was summed up in the report he sent to the S.P.G. in October, 1855, a year after the appointment of their first chaplain. In his covering note he commented: " I have given you the truth in a plain print dress." The report did not make exaggerated claims for the results achieved—the task was uphill and the disappointments were many, but " while war hardens the heart of some it calls forth the best of feelings in others & with all that I have said my firm conviction is that God has wonderfully blessed the ministrations of the Military Chaplains whose privilege it has been to accompany the Army in the East. . . . " He gave the highest praise to the S.P.G. for the work it had done, particularly in selecting clergy " known for piety and not for party."69 Soon after this he had to enter into a much less gratifying correspondence. One of the Assistant Chaplains at Scutari wrote to the Times complaining that chaplains were accorded too little respect there, that quarters were dirty, and that the dress of some of his colleagues was too informal. The other chaplains in the hospitals indignantly denied that their treatment was unsatisfactory, and on October 30 Mr. Wright wrote:— With regard to quarters, chaplains fare as princes and nobles have patiently fared, and therefore cannot justly complain. The Quartermaster-General has no control over the insects of the East. ... In the field the clergy have shared the heavy trials of a noble army, but, while patiently enduring them, they have never failed to receive the kind consideration of all under whom it has been their privilege to serve.70 Mr. Wright's health had been unsatisfactory for some time, and he was granted leave; he sailed to Scutari on the Bahiana early in January, 1856. On the quayside at Balaclava he was surprised to see the Irish lad, Dennis, whose drunkenness had made him such an unsatisfactory servant in Bulgaria, but who now claimed to be a reformed character.71 At Scutari he visited the great cemetery by the General Hospital and saw the grave of General Karganoff, whom he had assisted after he (68) Rev. T. Coney to S.P.G., January 12,1856. (69) H.P.W. to S.P.G., October 16, 1855 (report and covering letter). (70) London Times, October 9, p. 10; November 9, p. 5; November 13, p. 7, 1855. (The whole correspondence is reprinted in J.R.A.C.D., IV, pp. 70-73. (71) Wright, Crimean Chaplain, p. 18; Adjutant-General to H.P.W., November 14, 1855 (W.O. 28/111); Sir J. H. Lefroy, Autobiography, 1895, p. 183. 140 Donald H. Simpson July-Oct. received his fatal wound at the Battle of the Alma.72 On January 10 he sailed for England.73 He spent some time at Reading, undergoing surgical treatment for a painful internal illness,74 and since peace was signed on March 30 he did not return to the Crimea. He retained the post of Principal Chaplain, and wrote to the Times to give information about the Crimean cemeteries for the benefit of relatives of those buried there.75 At the end of the war he was awarded the Crimean Medal (with bars for Alma, Balaclava, Inkermann, and Sebastopol) and the Turkish Medal. He was also one of the British recipients of the Turkish Order of the Medidjie, of the Fifth Class.76 The period of his illness and convalescence was by no means a time of stagnation. While still in the Crimea he had submitted to the Chaplain-General a scheme for the permanent enlargement of the Chaplains' Department to twenty Chaplains to the Forces and forty Assistant Chaplains, the latter to be promoted when vacancies occurred and to receive, meanwhile, increases of salary in proportion to their length of service. He took up the plan again with Mr. Gleig, who submitted it, with the exception of the portion regarding pay, to Lord Panmure, Minister for War. The plan was accepted.77 On October 1, 1856, the Chaplains' Department was increased to twenty Commissioned Chaplains and thirty-five Assistant Chaplains, with Crimean veterans well represented in both categories.78 Ill On recovering his health Mr. Wright took up his first appointment to a British garrison, that of Canterbury.79 The state of affairs there was most depressing. There were 1,800 recruits, a larger proportion (72) Wright, Crimean Chaplain, p. 50. (73) H.P.W. to Gen. Windham, April 12, 1856, from 7 Coley Hill, Reading. W.O. 28/191. (74) Ibid. (75) London Times, May 20, 1856, p. 10. (76) Crockford's Clerical Directory, 1884, p. 1362. These bars were given for service in the Crimea at the time of these battles, and not only to participants in them. See note 42. (77) Wright, England's Duty, p. 11-12. (78) Army List, December, 1856, p. 102. (79) Ibid. His letter to the London Times in May was written from Canterbury. 1955 Henry Press Wright 141 than on most home stations. Looking round the dreary barrack-rooms with only one candle for every twelve men, the small and inadequate library, and the oil-lit barrack-square, the only places provided for off- duty hours, the chaplain found it easy to understand the appeal of the warm and well-lit public house, the frequent convictions for drunkenness, and the general low level of conduct. With these and other problems in mind he wrote a pamphlet in the form of an open letter to the Secretary for War. England's Duty to England's Army. A Letter addressed to the Right Hon. General Peel, Secretary of State for War, on Matters affecting the Body, Mind, and Soul of the British Soldier was published in 1858 at one shilling, and went into at least three editions. The Very Rev. A. C. E. Jarvis, Chaplain-General from 1926 to 1931 and historian of the Department, has called it a "remarkable document";80 it is indeed remarkable, not only for its wise and enlightened outlook, but for the amount of cogently argued material in its 8,000 words. Mr. Wright opened with a survey of the bad state of religious provisions for the army, illustrated from his own experience, and of the improvements already effected. From this he passed to urging the need to provide mihtary chaplains for the troops in India, in the proportion of one to each regiment. On this basis, the total number of chaplains of the Church of England for the army would be ninety-two. He then proposed that a proportionate number of chaplains of the Church of Scotland (eight) and of the Roman Catholic Church (twenty-five) should be appointed. " When the fight becomes fierce and bloody, there is no cry, ' Presbyterians and Roman Catholics to the rear,' but the one universal shout is ' Forward! forward!'" he commented. Next he surveyed the deplorable and gloomy conditions of most barracks, and made a plea for well-lit barrack-rooms, club-rooms with canteen facilities, and the opening in all garrison towns of Soldiers' Institutes, with War Office contributions towards the rent. He quoted the experience of such buildings at Scutari in the Crimean War as evidence of their value. Other measures proposed for the moral welfare of soldiers were to grant the first good-conduct badge after two instead of five years, to issue all recruits with Bibles in the form most acceptable to their religious (80) J.R.A.C.D., V, p. 95. The pamphlet is reproduced in its entirety on pp. 95-109. 142 Donald H. Simpson July-Oct. persuasion, and to encourage a greater interest by regimental officers in military schools. Conditions for married men were deplorable: "... hundreds of girls who, when they married into the army, were quiet and modest, have been sacrificed by a system unworthy of South Sea islanders, much less of a Christian people renowned for common sense and refinement." He therefore pleaded for decent married quarters at barracks. Throughout he denounced the old cry "The greater the rascal the better the soldier " and urged the development of qualities of moral courage and strength. The closing paragraphs of the pamphlet put the case for encouraging clergy to serve in the army by commissioning Assistant Chaplains and increasing their pension facilities. The fact that ideas in this pamphlet have now become commonplace should not obscure their foresight and enlightenment in relation to their time. They played their part in the gradual improvement in the status and condition of soldiers. The proposals regarding chaplains were largely followed in developments of January, 1859, when a new system of grading them into four classes, with promotion and increased pay following length of service, came into force, and Presbyterian and Roman Catholic clergy were given commissions.81 The former Assistant Chaplains were, for the most part, made 4th Class Chaplains, and the Chaplains placed in the 3rd Class. There were no appointments to the 1st Class, but the 2nd contained two names: John Edward Sabin, formerly Senior Chaplain at Scutari Hospital, and Henry Press Wright.82 Mr. Wright's interests were by no means limited to his connection with the army; he gave lectures in St. George's Hall, two of which—on his Crimean experiences and on Prince Daniel of Montenegro—were printed in a small book.83 He was a man of many friends, amongst them Dean Alford. When a daughter was born to the Wrights in the late summer of 1860 she was christened Alice Alford, the Dean presumably acting as godfather.84 (81) J.R.A.C.D., IV, pp. 327-328. (82) Army List, February, 1859, p. 116. (83) Wright, Crimean Chaplain. (84) Rev. A. N. Hare to author, December 3, 1955. Henry Alford (1810- 1871) was Dean of Canterbury from 1857 until his death. He was a man of many friends, as well as being a prolific author and a classical scholar, and is widely known as a writer of hymns. 1955 Henry Press Wright 143 IV The nineteenth century was a period of great missionary expansion, and Mr. Wright was keenly interested in the spread of the Church of England overseas. He had acted as a local secretary for the S.P.G. from the early days of his ordination, and declined a salary for his work in this respect at Canterbury.85 When, at the close of the Crimean War, the Society was initiating a Mission at Constantinople, he gave valuable if cautious advice, advocating that a beginning should be made with " stray members " of the Church amongst sailors and workmen, rather than an over-ambitious plan for evangelising Moslems, Greeks, and Armenians.86 In England's Duty he wrote:— I am no wild enthusiast, ready rashly to violate all the prejudices of the Hindoo, and so invite the Almighty to remove from us our Eastern empire; but this I would do: I would be true to Him who has entrusted that empire to us for a holy purpose. I would, most respectfully but urgently, press upon our rulers the bond we are especially under, to preach the Gospel to all nations entrusted to our care.87 His interest in Africa was shown by his Early History of the African Church and its Missions, published in 1858.88 It was therefore with particular pleasure that he heard in 1859 of the appointment of his old friend the Rev. George Hills, Vicar of Yarmouth, as first Bishop of Columbia, with the spiritual oversight of the colonies of Vancouver Island and British Columbia.89 The See had been endowed by Miss Burdett-Coutts, who had also given £10,000 to provide a stipend for two archdeacons.90 Mr. Wright followed with great interest the early days of the diocese, commenting: "The Bishop of Columbia is my dearest friend and I would do anything in the world to support him," but observing with some concern the dispute between the Bishop and the S.P.G. about the proper supervision of mission funds.91 Then, on February 19, 1861, he received a letter from the Bishop appointing him Archdeacon of Columbia. "At this hour yesterday," (85) H.P.W. to S.P.G., December 7, 1861. (86) H.P.W. to S.P.G., November 16, 1855. (He suggested the Rev. George Hills as a suitable man to advise.) (87) Wright, England's Duty, p. 16. (88) Crockford's Clerical Directory, 1884, p. 1362. No copy has been traced in the British Museum, the Bodleian Library, or the libraries of the C.M.S. or S.P.G. (89) C.C.C., 1859, p. 119. (90) CCC, 1858, p. 480. (91) H.P.W. to S.P.G., December 2, 1860. 144 Donald H. Simpson July-Oct. he wrote to the S.P.G., " I had no idea that I should ever see B.Columbia—should it please God to spare me I shall ere long have the high privilege of standing among the pioneers of the church." Later in the letter he commented, with typical bluntness:— There is no great sacrifice made in serving the Church in Columbia where the climate is good and hardships comparatively few—so I can lay no claim to a Missionary Spirit but should I be permitted to be useful in the new Colony to the Church & the Bishop most thankful shall I be.92 He secured his release from army duties and having been placed on the seconded list, so that, though drawing no pay, he retained his commission and seniority, he prepared to leave England with his family.93 There was some initial difficulty with the S.P.G. about his stipend. The Bishop, who had assumed the right to dispose of the Archdeaconry Fund as he thought fit, assigned the whole of the interest (£400 per annum) to Mr. Wright, adding £100 annually for four years from the £800 accumulated interest and allowing him the balance for his passage.94 The S.P.G. Committee did not agree with this, as Miss Burdett-Coutts had intended two Archdeacons. She herself was content to abide by the Committee's decision, but felt that any plans made should be limited to three years.95 Mr. Wright wrote that £200 would be a reasonable annual augmentation of an existing stipend for archidiaconal duties, but would not suffice for a special appointment. His own position was quite clear:— To me personally the decision of the Society will signify nothing as I have agreed to go & go I must. . . . Were I a man of property I should not write upon the question but leave it for the Bishop himself to consider with the Society. Not that I think unpaid Missionaries of whatever rank they be, are to be deemed prizes. The Labourer is worthy of his hire and the man paid as a general rule is best kept to his work because he has no temptation to take liberties with it.96 In a later letter he added: " . . . if it be said that the family is not a necessary part of a missionary's kit I answer and I think you will agree with me that a missionary without a family in such a colony as Columbia (92) Bp. Hills to H.P.W., December 20, 19,1861. 1860; H.P.W. to S.P.G, February (93) His transfer to the seconded list does not appear in the Army List; he appears in italics in November, 1861, p. 130, and his promotion to the 1st Class in 1864 describes him as " on Seconded List" (February, 1864, p. 330). (94) Bp. Hills to S.P.G., December 20,1860. (95) Miss Burdett-Coutts to S.P.G., March 1, 1861. (96) H.P.W. to S.P.G, February 21, 1861. 1955 Henry Press Wright 145 has not nearly the happy influence upon society that a married man has."97 In March, 1861, the matter was settled by the decision of the Committee that Mr. Wright should draw £300 per annum from the Archdeaconry Fund, £100 as a missionary, and receive £200 passage money from the General Fund and £200 from the Colonial Fund of Columbia.98 He sailed on the Tasmanian across the Atlantic to St. Thomas, which was reached on July 1, and came to Colon on the 6th. After a four-hour journey by train across the Isthmus, the party was delayed for two weeks at Panama. Here the Archdeacon conducted a service in the American Clubroom, for there was no British chaplain there. Eventually the journey was continued to San Francisco on the Sonora." A further delay took place at San Francisco, but the time was pleasantly spent. A six-day visit to the Big Trees in Lady Franklin's carriage took in some hundred miles of California, " a state teeming with riches," including Stockton and Sacramento. Sunday was spent at the Big Trees, where the Archdeacon arranged for Divine Service to be held " on the stump of one of those giants of the forest, for the protection of which a circular building has been raised. I measured the stump accurately, and found it thirty-three feet in diameter. A congregation of a hundred can worship upon it very comfortably." Many of the hotel visitors were otherwise occupied, but he gathered about fifteen for morning and evening prayers.100 The Sierra Nevada sailed on August 17.101 The journey from San Francisco to Portland, Ore., took a week. The Archdeacon was able to call on Bishop Scott, with whom he discussed church matters, and the journey was resumed at 5 p.m. on the 24th. Esquimalt was reached on the 26th, and the last stage of the journey, across the 3-mile neck of land to Victoria, began. " When near the half-way house," wrote the Archdeacon, (97) H.P.W. to S.P.G., March 2, 1861. (98) Journal of S.P.G. Committee, 1859-64, pp. 140-141. (99) CCC, 1862, pp. 9-11. (Pp. 9-14 of this volume contain a long letter from H.P.W., written on October 7, 1861, from Victoria, and headed " Voyage of Archdeacon Wright.") As a result of the Archdeacon's suggestion, the Rev. W. E. Smith, R.N., wrote to the S.P.G. asking for their help for a chaplain at Panama (Smith to S.P.G, July 22, 1861). No action appears to have followed, but by 1865 a South American Missionary Society clergyman was there (Report of the Columbia Mission, 1864, p. 15). (100) CCC, 1862, pp. 10-11. (101) Victoria Colonist, August 27, 1861. (He was accompanied by Mrs. Wright and three children.) 146 Donald H. Simpson July-Oct. two horsemen greeted us with a heartiness not to be described; the one was the Bishop, who looked the picture of health and high spirits; the other, his valued chaplain, Mr. Dundas.102 I at once alighted from the carriage; and my joy grew more and more full, as I more and more realized that God had brought me and my family to my future home, and permitted me to become a worker in this blessed portion of His vineyard. 103 The diocese presented many problems and difficulties. In later years the Archdeacon summed up its atmosphere and paid tribute to the work of Sir James Douglas and Sir Matthew Begbie:— Thousands had flocked to it, daring and adventurous gold seekers; men of all nations, of all ranks, of all creeds and of no creed;—men with noble hearts and men of dark doings, good men and true, bad men and false. Here they were in a strange land; bowie knives and revolvers abounded, and not a few thought that lynch law would soon be at work. But, happily, there was a Governor who, while he had a generous heart, possessed a determined will—one who ruled with gentleness the honest and upright, but with a daring firmness, all who presumed to defy authority. The colony had further strength in the judge whose high intelligence was only surpassed by that strict sense of justice which always commands the respect of the right thinking and drives home terror into the heart of evil doers. 104 He soon became acquainted with the state of the church in the colonies, and was favourably impressed by the progress made:— Victoria is beautifully situated, and I was agreeably surprised by the extent of the town. Several of the streets are well macadamized. Brick buildings are fast taking the place of wooden; and country-seats are dotted about on spots, which in England would, with their views, command fabulous prices. I rejoice to say that I found the state of the Church far more advanced than I expected. The oldest church is Christ Church, of which Mr. Cridge is rector. 105 it has a large congregation; the responses and singing are heard from all the pews; and there are more communicants, considering the number of worshippers, than in any of the churches I have attended at home. At the other side of the town stands St. John's Church, a capacious iron building, brought out by the Bishop. The interior is very striking, and affords accommodation to a congregation about the same in number as that of Christ Church. The choir is of a high character, and the service is altogether beautiful. To show the influence of the Church in Victoria, I may observe that these two churches are self-supporting; the offertory alone at Christ Church having produced during the last year 240 Z.106 (102) Robert James Dundas, M.A. (1832-1904), arrived in British Columbia as the Bishop's Chaplain in 1859, and took services at New Westminster, Victoria, and Esquimalt. Rector of St. John's Church, Victoria, 1860-65. Returned to England and later became Rector of Albury and Canon of Winchester. (103) CCC, 1862, p. 12. (104) Wright, Synod Sermon, pp. 6-7. (105) Edward Cridge, B.A. (1817-1913), was Hudson's Bay Company Chaplain at Victoria, 1854-65, and Dean of the Cathedral, 1865-74. Joined the Reformed Episcopal Church in 1874 and became a Bishop the following year. (106) CCC, 1862, p. 13. 1955 Henry Press Wright 147 In the parish of Christ Church were the two Collegiate Schools; the Principal was the Rev. C. T. Woods,107 and the Vice-Principal the Rev. Octavius Glover,108 " a Fellow of Emmanuel College, Cambridge, who has nobly given his services for five years to the Mission."109 The older boys evidenced that they had suffered from the irregularity attendant upon a wandering life. Mr. Woods said that while he could wish his older boys had not suffered so much from the breaks so constantly made in their education, he had the highest expectations from his younger boys, and could give the school altogether a good name for diligence. I was particularly pleased with the English bearing of the school. The Principal has evidently inspired his pupils with a deep respect for his office, and while he is notorious for great decision of character, his rule is one of love.no In the girls' school there are between thirty and forty scholars, who attend regularly, and find the Bishop's early provision for education a great boon.m The Collegiate schoolroom was used for Christ Church Sunday School. The attendance was larger than I expected to find it. As a new comer I was not aware that many married families in the service of the Hudson's Bay Company have lived in the colony for years. Much credit is due to Mr. Cridge, the rector of Christ Church, for all he has done in Victoria. He is the father of the Church in the colony, and possesses the respect of all for his faithfulness, especially in the care of the young, u2 About a mile from the town, across the harbour, was the Indian reserve, containing an octagonal mission school presided over by the Rev. A. C. Garrett,113 " a most amiable hard working pains taking missionary with more than ordinary talent."114 (107) Charles Thomas Woods, MA. (1826-1895), was Principal of the Collegiate School, 1860-68, and ministered in country districts. He was Rector of New Westminster, 1868-89; St. Mary Sapperton, 1889-95; Archdeacon of Columbia, 1868-95. (108) Octavius Glover, B.D., Vice-Principal Collegiate School, 1860-62. Later Rector of Emmanuel Church, Loughborough. (109) CCC, 1862, p. 13. (110) Third Report of the Columbia Mission . . . , 1861, pp. 31-32. (Pp. 27-32 contain "Extracts from the Journal of the Archdeacon of Columbia." Subsequent references to these reports, whose titles vary slightly, are given as Report followed by the year concerned.) (111) CCC, 1862, p. 13. (112) Report, 1861, p. 29. (113) Alexander Charles Garrett, D.D., was Principal of the Indian Mission at Victoria, 1859-67; and also served at Cedar Hill to 1865; Esquimalt, 1865-68; and Nanaimo, 1868-69. Became Bishop of North Texas (later Dallas), 1874. (114) CCC, 1862, p. 13; Report, 1861, p. 28; H.P.W. to S.P.G., December 29,1861, and January 19, 1864. 148 Donald H. Simpson July-Oct. He speaks freely the Chinook, a curious jargon, known very extensively among Indians of various tribes, and has evidently gained the good-will of his charge. The reading, writing, sewing, and knitting would not be surpassed in any village school in England. Of the spiritual progress of the children it is very difficult to speak. Some are certainly impressed by the Gospel so far that their lives are somewhat influenced by its rules. These are few in number, but quite as many as we could reasonably expect. I grieve to say that the vices of Christians are the destruction of these poor heathens. With the grown-up Indians who live in the neighbourhood of Victoria, drunkenness and worse than drunkenness are the rule, sobriety and purity the exception. Against all this array of temptation presented to his poor charge by the white man, Mr. Garrett has to contend; but he has never been cast down, and God has so blessed him in his labours, that he may fairly hope, with time, to see some of his scholars intelligent and consistent Christians. Two superior Indian boys are now being prepared for the Collegiate School, with the hope that one or both may eventually be sent to St. Augustine's College, Canterbury.115 The clergy engaged in educational work in Victoria also assisted the parochial clergy, Mr. Garrett at St. John's Church and Mr. Woods at Christ Church.116 The latter also visited the Esquimalt district. Another town on Vancouver Island was Nanaimo, " the Newcastle of the Pacific," with a population of 300, where the Rev. J. B. Good ministered to white men and Indians with marked success.117 Saanich was served by the Rev. R. L. Lowe.118 In October Archdeacon Wright sailed to the mainland on the Otter, which took nine hours to cover the 70 miles to New Westminster, the capital. I The scenery, as you thread the several islands, is very much that of Scotland," he wrote. It is difficult to realize that you are not steaming upon a lake, so smooth is the water, and all so seemingly land locked. In the distance was seen the ever beautiful, though ever varying Mount Baker, capped with its eternal snow. The entrance to the Fraser is very grand. It is commonly thought in England that the navigation of the mouth of the river is intricate and dangerous. It is quite the reverse. The passage is narrow, but can be made with ease at all seasons of the year, provided ordinary care be taken. Even admitting danger, it would be entirely avoided by means of a steam tug. (115) CCC, 1862, pp. 13-14. (116) H.P.W. to S.P.G, December 29, 1861. (117) H.P.W. to S.P.G, December 29, 1861, and February 28, 1862. John Booth Good (1833-71918) served as an S.P.G. Missionary in Nova Scotia, 1859- 61; at Victoria in 1861; Nanaimo with the Indian Mission at Comox, 1861-66; Indian Mission at Lytton, Yale, and Hope, 1866-82; Nanaimo, 1882-99. Canon of Christ Church Cathedral, 1892-1906. (118) Richard Lomas Lowe served at Nanaimo, 1859-61, and at Saanich with Lake, 1861-65. He was later Vicar of Bradeley. 1955 Henry Press Wright 149 As we reached the wharf about six o'clock, there was little to be seen in the dusk but dark-looking buildings, backed by a still darker-looking forest. The Colonial Hotel received me with a glowing fire, and well-supplied table. It is quite surprising how well these establishments are managed out here. My board and lodging were, I should say, better than at many town hotels in England, and the prices very moderate.119 The following day, October 10, he rose early and visited the church. The site of New Westminster is noble indeed, and the plan of the city, as designed by Colonel Moody, R.E., is spoken of as a great success. Considering that three years ago New Westminster was a forest, its progress has been something incredible. Already it has the appearance of a large town, and having the advantage of the waters of the giant Fraser, one feels that it must in time become a wealthy city. The church, designed by Captain Lempriere, R.E., has architectural beauties beyond anything I have yet seen in these colonies, and they are the more striking as the building occupies a central and commanding position. The internal arrangements are all good—everything simple, substantial, comfortable, decent and in order. With the assistance of the Royal Engineers, Mr. Sheepshanks,!20 the rector, has an excellent choir, and I am told he has that which is much more important, a large and earnest congregation. The military settlement is situated about a mile from New Westminster. I found only a few men under one officer; the main body is up the country making roads to the interior. The thoroughly English character of the capital of British Columbia is attributed largely to the influence of this small body of troops. The officers are spoken of in the highest terms, and those under them as noble specimens of intelligence, manliness, and Christian bearing.!2* The population of the interior consisted of about 4,000 people spread over an area 500 miles by 300. Small towns of from one to three hundred inhabitants were scattered at points where the depots for supplying the miners with food and implements required them. In spite of the difficulties, a number of missionary clergy were at work, and churches were being erected.122 On November 7 the Archdeacon accompanied the Bishop to Hope for the consecration of its church. "As you ascend the Fraser the scenery becomes charming,'' he wrote. Dark mountains hang gloomily over the rushing stream, their sides far up thickly studded with trees. Pines of various kinds, curled maple, juniper, birch, and poplar, are mingled together—the pine ever the most abundant. At this season the (119) Report, 1861, pp. 29-30. (120) John Sheepshanks, D.D. (1834-1912), arrived in British Columbia in August, 1859, and was Rector of New Westminster, 1859-67, though absent from the colony for part of that time. He paid several visits to the mining districts, described in D. W. Duthie, A Bishop in the Rough, London, 1909. He was Bishop of Norwich, 1893-1909. (121) Report, 1861, p. 30. (122) H.P.W. to S.P.G., December 29, 1861. 150 Donald H. Simpson July-Oct. autumn tints, although fast disappearing, add largely to the beauty of every turn of the river. We touched at Fort Langley, anchored for the night at the mouth of Harrison River, and reached Hope about noon. November 8.—Hope is for all practical purposes the head of navigation, and must therefore become an important place. At present its population is small for want of roads to the interior of the country, but soon a way will be opened to Kamloops, when the prosperity of Hope will commence. The site of the town is most picturesque. As I looked from the window of the parsonage, I could easily have fancied myself in the heart of Switzerland, had not my eye fallen upon the camp of the Royal Engineers, of whom a few were in British uniform. All preliminaries having been arranged, we proceeded without delay to the church, a neat wooden structure, ecclesiastical in character, externally and internally. The houses and stores are all after the American fashion; but the church gave the place an English look. It was a cheering sound to hear the much-respected magistrate, Mr. O'Reilly, reading the petition for consecration. Highly as I value the daring of the British soldier, the solemn request made this day at the door of Hope Church assured me for the colony a protection far beyond that of the most daring earthly arm. The Rev. W. B. Crickmer, Missionary from Yale,i23 presided at the harmonium, and led the choir, which was formed chiefly of soldiers. The Rev. J. Sheepshanks, rector of New Westminster, read the Lessons, the Prayers being read by the Rev. A. D. Pringle,i24 the incumbent of Hope. I preached a short sermon as applicable as I could make it to the circumstances of the place and day, and the Bishop consecrated. At all these new stations communicants are few. They have to be made by the steady perseverance of God's ministers, who have cause indeed to walk by faith, and not by sight. The church was well filled, and my prayer went forth to God, that He would in mercy bless the labours of His Church in this rising colony, and give to the people of Hope a teachable spirit to learn the things belonging to their peace, and to value highly their house of prayer.l25 Later experience led him to make some interesting comments on Mr. Pringle:— He is an earnest and able Clergyman and has been at all times an exemplary Missionary save in one thing his love of politics. Even in that his failing is on virtue's side. He believes that the Colony is shamefully oppressed and desires that its interests temporal as well as spiritual should be defended. That is well and as a Clergyman of perception and warm heart he yearns earnestly for a change political but unfortunately he is inclined to be a little too active and perhaps so hurts his position as a Minister of God.126 (123) William Burton Crickmer, M.A., was the first missionary on the mainland, where he arrived in December, 1858. He served the Colonial and Continental Church Society at Langley, Yale, and Lytton, 1858-62. (124) Alexander St. David Francis Pringle, M.A., (1829-1908), was at Hope from 1859 to 1864. He was later Vicar of Blakeney. (125) Report, 1861, pp. 30-31. (126) H.P.W. to S.P.G, December 29,1861. 1955 Henry Press Wright 151 Other clergy on the mainland were the Rev. W. B. Crickmer (Colonial and Continental Church Society) at Yale and the Rev. J. Gammage of the S.P.G. ("a good servant well worthy your confidence")127 at Douglas. North of these were the Rev. R. C. Lundin Brown128 at Lil- loett and, working voluntarily among the miners,129 the Rev. Christopher Knipe.130 On the north-west coast, at Fort Simpson, the C.M.S. had established a mission to the Indians in 1857 under a very remarkable layman, William Duncan, who had been joined in 1860 by the Rev. L. S. Tugwell.131 The general quality and zeal of these missionaries was high, and the Bishop, in addition to visiting remote areas himself, had shown foresight in placing clergy at key points, so that all significant centres were served by the Church. Archdeacon Wright summed up his impressions: "... the Bishop of Columbia has done wonders and his work is being blessed largely."132 By December, 1861, the Archdeacon had secured the gift of 5 acres of land on the banks of the Fraser River, on the outskirts of New Westminster, for an Archdeaconry House, with room for a church and school. He estimated that it would cost £125 to clear the land, £75 to fence it, and £500 for a house. He and the Bishop gave £250 each, and the S.P.G. advanced the remainder.133 The work did not proceed without setbacks, for the winter of 1861-1862 was unduly severe, and construction was stopped in November. It was a worrying time. We have had snow and frost since 17th Novr. and it is now snowing hard," he wrote in February, 1862. The degree of cold has not been so low as in Canada but seven below zero is quite cold enough. The Nn. shores of the Pacific have suffered terribly. Throughout (127) Ibid. James Gammage (1822-71896) arrived in British Columbia April, 1859, and served at various places, especially Douglas, until 1864. (128) Robert Christopher Lundin Brown, M.A., Chaplain at Lillooet (Cay- oosh), 1860-65, visited other mining centres. He died in 1876. (129) H.P.W. to S.P.G., February 28, 1862. (130) Christopher Knipe, M.A. (1834-71896), was in the mining areas, including Cariboo and Alberni, from 1860 to 1865. (131) William Duncan (1832-1918) started missionary work under the C.M.S. at Fort Simpson in 1857, and was joined by the Rev. Lewen Street Tugwell from 1860 to 1861. In 1862 Duncan founded the Indian town of Metlakahtla. After disputes with the C.M.S. he founded New Metlakahtla in United States territory in 1887. (132) H.P.W. to S.P.G., December 29, 1861. See also Report, 1861, p. 31. (133) H.P.W. to S.P.G., December 7, 1861. Journal of the S.P.G. Committee, 1859-64, pp. 224-225, February 21, 1862. 152 Donald H. Simpson July-Oct. California the large towns have been utterly destroyed by the floods—Sacramento the Capital, Stockton etc. etc. have been swept away—property worth millions of dollars destroyed. In Oregon the mills have been so much injured that flour which three months ago was 5 Doll, a barrel is now 10 Doll, and there is every prospect of an advance. Cattle to Oregon, British Columbia & Vancouver I. have been starved by hundreds, so that in all directions meat is scarce & therefore dear. These severe winters occur I am told once every 20 years. This island from its salubrity and mildness of climate has been called the Madeira of the Pacific. I certainly cannot endorse the comparison. The high price of provisions will be felt more during 1862 because of the numbers coming up to the B. Columbia mines. Already the steamers from California are bringing their hundreds and as soon as the weather breaks we may expect an influx of at least 10,000 miners— common opinion says 40,000. If more than 10,000 come we shall not be able to feed them as all our foodstuffs & cattle are from Oregon & Washington Territory. We shall be sadly in want of Missionaries to meet the demand of this vast immigration and know that the good old Society will help us to the utmost.134 The general picture of church life, however, was still favourable. There were two losses—Mr. Crickmer and Mr. Tugwell—and some sickness amongst the clergy, but the churches at Victoria were flourishing and plans for new ones continued. Those at Lillooet and Douglas were ready for consecration; that at Nanaimo, where Mr. Good was making valuable progress, would be ready in about two months, and tenders were being received for two more. Plans were being made for another visit to the Cariboo gold-fields by the Bishop and two or three of his clergy. He himself was very content, and concluded his letter: " My children are playing around me so take these scraps as they are—mere jottings hastily put down mid much chattering singing etc. Thank God we have excellent health and are very happy."135 The spring brought renewed activity to the Diocese, and on June 3 the Bishop, accompanied by the Archdeacon and Lieutenant Verney, rode out from Victoria at 7 a.m. on a beautiful day to open the new church at Saanich, the first to be erected in the rural districts. A cart with provisions had been sent the previous day, but the travellers found it by the wayside, broken down. "We took up some of the lighter articles," wrote the Bishop. " I carried the butter, the Archdeacon the bread, Mr. Verney something else, and afterwards other friends who came by gathered more, and brought them on." A good congregation of villagers, augmented by visitors from Victoria, attended the Communion service, at which the Archdeacon read the Epistle.136 (134) H.P.W. to S.P.G., February 28, 1862. (135) Ibid. (136) Report, 1862, p. 12. See also Victoria Colonist, June 4, 1862. 1955 Henry Press Wright 153 Five days later another church, that at Nanaimo, was opened, though owing to the lack of title deeds it could not be consecrated. The Bishop and his party, including Archdeacon Wright, the Rev. C. T. Woods, and the Rev. R. L. Lowe, arrived on the Enterprise on June 7 and on the following day, Whitsunday, three services were held, including a confirmation.137 The Archdeacon preached in the afternoon.138 On Monday, June 16, the Bishop set out for the mines, leaving Victoria on the Enterprise with the Archdeacon and Mr. Garrett. At New Westminster they embarked on the Colonel Moody river boat, crammed with eighty-four passengers and forty horses. In the course of the journey the boat caught fire from the hot wood-ash; but this was a frequent occurrence, and the blaze was put out with little difficulty. The party landed at Emory's Bar and rode to Yale.139 The Rev. H. Reeve140 was stationed at Yale, undertaking mission work to white settlers, Indians, and Chinese. Services were held there on Sunday the 22nd, the Archdeacon preaching in the evening, and next day they set off again. One of the heavily-laden pack-horses slipped over a precipice and down the rocky slope into the river below, but the load on his back protected him, and the Bishop was able to pull him out. The Bishop's blankets and the Archdeacon's carpet-bag were amongst the baggage that was immersed, and the evening was spent drying blankets and clothing by a camp-fire. The next day they reached Chapman's Bar, and met Mr. Trutch,141 who was in charge of a road-making party. About eighty of the men assembled in the evening for prayers and hymns, with an address by the Archdeacon. Meanwhile Mr. Garrett was vaccinating local Indians. The journey was resumed the following morning, and by the 27th the party had reached Jackass Mountain, where the danger of falling rock from blasting operations during road-making caused delay. There were (137) A. E. Hendy, St. Paul's Church, Nanaimo, B.C. A Brief History . . . , [Nanaimo?], 1953, p. 8. (138) Report, 1862, p. 13. (139) Report, 1862, pp. 14-21. (This and the following three paragraphs are summarized from Bishop Hills' diary, printed in this report.) (140) Henry Reeve, formerly a missionary in Shanghai, was at Yale from 1862 to 1866. (141) (Sir) Joseph William Trutch (1826-1904), a civil engineer, went to British Columbia in 1859. He was later Surveyor-General and, from 1871 to 1876, Lieutenant-Governor. 154 Donald H. Simpson July-Oct. some anxious moments when, after taking the wrong trail, the horses had to be led back along a pathway which in places narrowed to 10 inches. The party reached Lytton at 3 p.m. on June 28, and were greeted by Mr. Knipe, who had been there for two weeks. On Sunday services were held in a store, as a court-house formerly used had not been well attended. Archdeacon Wright preached in the morning. They continued north to Foster's Bar on the 30th. On July 2 the Bishop and the Archdeacon parted, the latter going with Mr. Knipe to Lillooet. Thence he returned to New Westminster to take over the duties of Mr. Sheepshanks, who went up-country to join the Bishop in the Cariboo mining area.142 Archdeacon Wright was also responsible for the supervision of Vancouver Island. He arranged that Mr. Garrett should visit the new settlement of Cowichan every other week; on these occasions he took two services (6 miles apart) for the settlers and two for the Indians. On other Sundays he was at Cedar Plains.143 At this time New Westminster was making good progress, and the church was well supported—£400 was raised for church purposes in 1862, and there was an average congregation of 150. After Mr. Sheepshanks' return the Archdeacon continued to preach at New Westminster every other week, but his main concern was with the Royal Engineers' camp at Sapperton, not far away. Out of the 350 people living there about 220, including seventy young children, were at least nominally Church of England. In addition to parade services there was a voluntary service with about fifty present, a Sunday School with twenty-five children run by the Archdeacon, and a day school which he visited.144 Side by side with the Archdeacon's pastoral work went Diocesan administration. The Bishop valued his counsel and companionship as a man older and more experienced than the majority of missionaries. In conjunction with Mr. Edward G. Alston, the Diocesan Registrar, they invested the Archdeaconry Fund in mortgages and land in the colony and worked to raise local endowments, while church building steadily continued.145 In the hope of eventually organizing a synod, a Diocesan Church Society was planned as an initial step in diocesan unity.146 (142) He had intended to go there in March. H.P.W. to S.P.G, December 29,1861; February 28,1862. (143) The Mission Field, VIII (1863), pp. 11-12, 60. (144) H.P.W.'s report to S.P.G. on Sapperton, December 15, 1862. (145) H.P.W. to S.P.G., February 16, 1863. (146) H.P.W. to S.P.G., April 30, 1862. 1955 Henry Press Wright 155 Nevertheless, the Diocese was very large. On March 29, 1863, the Bishop sailed for England to attempt to arrange for its division and also to raise more interest and support for the Mission.147 Archdeacon Wright assumed charge of the Diocese.148 During 1863-64 he travelled 1,200 miles on the mainland (900 on horseback) and 400 on Vancouver Island.149 He established a mission at Comox, travelling there from Nanaimo with Rev. J. B. Good on June 21, 1864, to fix a site for a chapel, and arranging the transfer there of Mr. J. C. B. Cave as Catechist.150 Travelling was primitive: "... I always slept on the ground in the midst of miners, wrapped in my two stout blankets, a saddle for my pillow; the fare plentiful, but rough," he commented.151 There were lawless elements, and much crudity, but he summed up his impressions:— I have travelled the length and breadth of the colony, days and weeks utterly unprotected, save by the honesty and uprightness of those amid whom I passed. Never did I receive from white man or red man aught but the kindest expressions, often the most generous hospitality, the heartiest welcome.152 As a result of his travels he drew some conclusions on the future of British Columbia. Of the Kootenais, he wrote, one must " hope much and believe little." The areas west of the Fraser and from the Columbia to the Rockies were covered by forests. He did not expect much from the Cut-off Valley, and the area up to Alexander would need irrigation; there was also the danger of frost. Okanagan would not draw a large population. The development of agriculture would follow the settlement of the country. British Columbia, beyond doubt, teems with riches, but they are hard to reach. In good truth it is a hard colony to deal with, and nothing save its minerals can bring to it a population. . . . Develop our minerals, and my belief is British Columbia will prove in due time, not in a hurry, but steadily and surely, one of the richest possessions of the British Empire.153 (147) Report, 1862, pp. 53, 68-70. (148) Report, 1864, p. 52. (149) H.P.W. to S.P.G., October 13, 1864. (150) Report, 1864, p. 31. Jordayne Cave Browne Cave served the Nanaimo Indian Mission as a layman from 1862 to 1867 and was at Comox, 1864-67. Ordained deacon, 1867, he was at Sapperton, 1867-68, and as a priest served at Saanich with Lake, 1868-70. (151) Mission Life, VIII (1877), p. 531. (152) Report of S.P.G., 1865, London, 1866, p. 62. (153) Undated letter, printed in New Westminster British Columbian, October 5,1864. 156 Donald H. Simpson July-Oct. Mrs. Wright meanwhile stayed in New Westminster or Victoria. A child, Ernest, was born in 1862, and in August, 1863, Mr. Alston wrote to H. P. P. Crease: "Mrs. Archdeacon babby [sic], etc. have come down'upon us for a visit—a regular flight from Egypt & the plagues thereof—no small addition to our small establishment. Mary & Fred are distributed at Mrs. McCreight's & Nina at Mrs. Reece's. I never saw such a whopping big baby & a terrific roarer."154 Mary Wright married Captain Henry Spencer Palmer, R.E., on October 7, 1863.155 It is said that as a wedding present they were offered an oil painting or a piece of ground on the present site of Vancouver, and chose the picture.156 They returned to England before the end of the year. Early in 1865 the Archdeacon agreed to speak on the Crimea at the inaugural meeting of a series of lectures at the New Westminster Library. The meeting was postponed because of bad weather, and the series was eventually abandoned.157 The Bishop returned on March 10, bringing with him his wife, Maria, second daughter of Admiral Sir Richard King.158 He received a formal welcome from Archdeacon Wright and the clergy and laity of New Westminster on March 31,159 The Archdeacon soon returned to England, on his recall to military duty by the War Office. His reluctance to go was tempered by the thought that a Bishop would shortly be appointed to the See of New Westminster, and that Mr. Sheepshanks would soon return to his parish. Neither of these hopes, unfortunately, was realized.160 Before he sailed, the Archdeacon had the pleasure of seeing the Church of St. Mary, Sapperton, whose erection he had done much to promote, consecrated by the Bishop on May l.161 The congregations of Sapperton and New Westminster united to bid him an affectionate farewell, and after his last service and sermon the two church committees presented him with an address:— (154) Alston to Crease, August 3, 1863, in British Columbia Historical Quarterly, XH (1948), p. 89. (155) Victoria Colonist, October 8, 1863. (156) Mrs. Mitchell to author, March 8, 1955. (157) British Columbia Historical Quarterly, XI (1947), p. 171. (158) Report, 1864, p. 25; Burke's Peerage, London, 1953, p. 1187. (159) Report, 1864, p. 27. (160) Ibid., p. 53. For the projected division of the Diocese see Report, 1862, p. 69; 1863, pp. 5-6; 1866, pp. 9-15. Mr. Postlethwaite of Coatham was designated Bishop, according to CCC, 1865, p. 462. (161) Report, 1864, p. 57. 1955 Henry Press Wright 157 We acknowledge with grateful feelings the deep interest you have steadily manifested through the whole of your career amongst us in everything which could tend to promote the material and spiritual welfare of our church. Prominent in all educational matters, your views, at once sound, liberal and practical, have commended themselves to other religious denominations besides our own, and will leave their mark, and, we trust, bear fruit abundantly, long after you have ceased to be among us. . . . Receive also our acknowledgment of the hearty readiness with which you have aided us in every good word and work that could tend to promote the welfare of British Columbia and its inhabitants, for your sympathy indeed with everything British Columbian. In his reply the Archdeacon said:— Though absent in body I shall continue with you in spirit, and of this you may be assured, that my every exertion shall be made at home to further the well-doing of a colony which has such vast resources, and in which we all take so deep an interest. You truly observe that my sympathies have been with everything British Columbian. I trust that they will never cease to be so.i^2 Archdeacon Wright and his family sailed on the mail steamer Sierra Nevada at 6 p.m. on May 25, seen off by the Bishop and Mrs. Hills.163 On his arrival in England, the Archdeacon preached a sermon in which he summed up his impressions of church life in the Diocese. In every place where men have gathered, there a house of God has been erected, and a resident clergyman stationed. At Langley, Hope, Yale, Douglas, Lillooet, Cariboo, Sapperton, and in New Westminster, houses of God have been built. . . . Five of those churches have been served by resident ministers, whose work it has been to deal with souls gathered together from various nations of the earth, of all creeds, and no creed. Many who once had a creed and a love of God, by long wandering have lost their faith and forgotten their God. . . . The general influence of the Church upon the white man has been great, and with the red man not a little has been effected.ifi4 Mr. Wright's attention had now to be directed to military duties. While in British Columbia he had been promoted to the First Class, and now headed the list of chaplains with a rank equivalent to colonel.165 His first station was Gosport, but by the end of the year he had been posted to Portsmouth, and another period of fruitful work began.166 (162) Report, 1864, pp. 52-53. (163) Report, 1866, p. 16. (164) Report of S.P.G., 1865, London, 1866, pp. 61-62. He also did other preaching for the Columbia Mission Fund (Report, 1866, p. 86). (165) Army List, February, 1864, p. 330 (with effect from January 1, 1864). (166) Army List, September, 1865, p. 137; January, 1866, p. 137. 158 Donald H. Simpson July-Oct. The Garrison Church of Portsmouth was a building of unusual interest; it consisted of the hall and chapel of the ancient hospital or | Domus Dei" founded early in the thirteenth century. With the passage of time, however, the group of buildings surrounding it had been demolished, and what remained was in a deplorable condition. | Externally and internally it offered every deformity which ages, ignorant of all laws of ecclesiastical architecture, could supply," wrote the chaplain. The roof had been so frequently lowered that it was nearly flat; a parapet of brick ran completely along the north and south sides of the nave and chancel; eight long repulsive windows in the nave admitted a flood of light from the north and south, while at the west end was a curiously hideous window, which when designed was deemed, I doubt not, a marvel of talent. The windows of the chancel were equally bad, save those at the east end. These were a part of the original building, but unhappily had been so shortened that they looked stumpy and uncomfortable. Add to this a shabby hovel for a vestry attached to the north aisle at the west end, a huge box for a porch before the west entrance, and a lofty thick unseemly wall, effectually shutting out worship, save on Sundays; and you will have some idea of the appearance of God's House outwardly, after well intentioned ignorance had for generations laboured to preserve it. Around it was the church-yard:— Brick graves abounded; some tottering, some in ruins; lofty iron railings covered with rust and sadly mutilated, stood round begrimed tombs, of which much was hidden by accumulated dirt and rank grass; head stones were everywhere and in every direction; deep hollows and irregular mounds alternated; and round all stood a thick, high wall, inviting the thoughtless to use God's Acre as a receptacle of dead animals and old kettles. Within, the appearance was little better, in spite of some attempt at cleaning and rearrangement; it was smoky and dingy, with shabby chocolate-coloured pews and yellow walls.167 The first positive step towards something better was made in 1861, when the noted architect G. E. Street surveyed the building and made suggestions for its restoration; but nearly four years elapsed before, through the efforts of Colonel Shadwell and the Rev. J. E. Sabin, the Senior Chaplain, a public meeting was held to set up a Committee and start a fund for the work. The objects were to provide a new roof and new windows, clean and repair the walls, rebuild the west front to give an extra bay, renew floors and seats, build a bell turret, and fence the graveyard. The original estimate was for £3,500, to which the War Office undertook to contribute £1,500. (167) Wright, Portsmouth, pp. 1-39, 43. 1955 Henry Press Wright 159 Preliminary plans were still being made when Mr. Wright succeeded Mr. Sabin (though the latter remained a member of the Committee). Before the end of 1866 it was possible to place orders for the work on the walls, roof, windows, and west end. Early in 1868 the bell turret and boundary wall were authorized, and this was followed by the flooring of chancel and nave. On October 30, 1868, the building was reopened at a crowded service, at which the Bishop of Winchester preached. Rising costs had made it necessary to spend £4,700 on this work, and though the War Office grant was increased to £2,000, nearly £1,000 was unpaid. The debt was steadily reduced, however, and in 1870 a new Committee undertook the reseating of the church in oak, and the completion of the building by erecting a porch and vestry.168 In addition to the work which was undertaken from the general funds raised by the Committee, the furnishing and decorations were provided entirely by direct gifts, including the altar (presented by Mr. Sabin), organ, pulpit, and lectern. Forty-two oak stalls were given as memorials, including one by the Chaplains' Department in memory of their comrades fallen in the Crimea. The twenty-three stained glass windows also included one to commemorate the Crimean chaplains, and one depicting David and Jonathan which Mr. Wright erected to his brothers Captain C. M. M. Wright, R.N., and Lt. E. D. Wright of the 59th.169 A smaller set of communion vessels was obtained and the large Queen Anne plate reserved for great occasions.170 Mr. Wright's account of the work of restoration paid tribute to the Rev. John Sabin, " one of the very first movers in the work (they so often are forgotten while others get the credit)," but made no mention of his own share.171 He was, however, the only member of the Committee to serve from the early days to the completion of the work, and, as his gravestone records, " to his large hearted zeal, their Garrison Church owes its successful restoration."172 The restored church was architecturally and artistically a transformation, but what chiefly gratified the chaplain was the fact that | the soldiers now speak of their church with pride, and many of them find it a true (168) Wright, Portsmouth, pp. 39-49. (169) Ibid., pp. 54-117. (170) London Times, September 30, 1885, p. 4 (letter of H.P.W., September 26). (171) Wright, Portsmouth, pp. 42, 48, 57-58. (172) Rev. R. W. Tyler, Rector of Greatham, to author, March 28, 1955. 160 Donald H. Simpson July-Oct. house of peace to them."173 He had become very much interested in the past of the Domus Dei during the years of restoration, and embodied the result of his researches in a volume published early in 1873, The Story of the " Domus Dei" of Portsmouth, which recounted its fortunes from the earliest times and gave a full description of the restoration and present appearance of the building.174 The research necessary for this book had interested him in Christian work for the sick. When in the spring of 1875 he took a holiday in France and Germany, he not only made inquiries into the methods of the chaplains' departments of continental armies, but sought out old hospitals, with varied success. "Among other classic places," he wrote, I went to Bayeux, Caen, Sens, and Chartres, hoping to find some relics of those noble hospitals, of which Frenchmen were once so proud. To my deep sorrow, not one stone was left upon another. At Bourges I found a lovely Gothic building fast going to destruction; Ourscamp, a magnificent remain, partly a church, partly a cotton store; the Maladrerie du Tourtoir, a barn, cottage, and squire's house; whilst Angers, the hospital of which city was built by our own Henry H, presented the saddest picture of all. Its universally admired grange is now a brewery and its Gothic hall, unsurpassed for chaste beauty, was threatened with immediate destruction to make way for a new road. ... I visited with delight the fine hospitals of Tonnerre, Dole, and Beaune, and can only pray that they may long remain in their present substantial condition. He also visited Lubeck: " The journey was long, but I was amply repaid by the sight of a fabric unsurpassed as an example of mediaeval charity."175 During his years at Portsmouth Mr. Wright did not limit his interest to military affairs. His work in the restoration of the Domus Dei brought him into touch with the leading men in the public life of the city; he preached at local harvest homes, and was a widely known and popular figure in the area.176 His kindness of heart was exemplified by the assistance he and Mrs. Wright gave to a stevedore and his family of eleven children; they gave particular help to one of the boys, paying for his education, securing him a post as clerk in a London office, and afterwards (173) Wright, Portsmouth, p. 50. (174) He dedicated the book to the Commander-in-Chief, the Duke of Cambridge, whose Chaplain he had been since 1857. The Church continued in use until 1941, when the nave was badly damaged, chiefly by fire bombs, in a German air raid. (175) Wright, Stamford, pp. vii-viii; Chichester, pp. xxvii-xxix; Church in Army, pp. 7-8. (176) Portsmouth Times, May 8, 1877. 1955 Henry Press Wright 161 assisting him to emigrate to Australia, where he became very prosperous.177 A photograph of Mr. Wright taken at this time shows him with greying hair, but straight-backed and firm-jawed, proudly wearing his Crimean medals and grasping his umbrella like a sword, though his eyes give a pleasant hint of humour behind his spectacles.178 In April, 1875, a great change came to the Chaplains' Department, when Prebendary Gleig retired at the age of nearly eighty. It was generally anticipated that Mr. Wright would succeed him as Chaplain- General, but there had been some feeling that episcopal orders would be an advantage in the post, and it was filled by the appointment of the Rt. Rev. Piers Claughton, former Bishop of Colombo. Apart from his status Bishop Claughton, kindly, devout, and hard-working though he was, seemed little suited to the work. He was sixty-one, had only the slightest knowledge of military life and its problems, and retained outside posts which took up much of his time.179 The new Chaplain-General presided over a session of the Church Congress at Stoke-on-Trent on October 6, at which an address, " The Church in the Army," was given by the Rev. H. P. Wright.180 One wonders what Bishop Claughton thought of it, for though it opened with a friendly tribute to his own qualities, there followed a careful consideration of the office of Chaplain-General, leading to the conclusion that episcopal rank was not a necessity, but that experience of soldiers was essential. "He should be an experienced chaplain . . . who has long lived with the soldier and studied closely his many virtues, and not less his special vices and the way to meet them." Such a man might well, thought Mr. Wright, be over sixty, but should retire at seventy. Though there may have been a touch of personal feeling in these remarks, the argument had much force in it. The rest of the address was on less delicate ground. It urged that ability alone should decide appointments, and that able clergy would be attracted to the Chaplains' Department if some of the livings in the gift of the Lord Chancellor were reserved for those who had served in it. (177) Mrs. Kirkham to author, May 27, 1955. She met the emigrant in Foo- chow in about 1910. The date is not certain, but Portsmouth is a more likely place than Canterbury for this episode. (178) Now in the possession of Mrs. Vellacott (Archdeacon Wright's granddaughter), of Victoria, B.C. A copy is in the B.C. Archives. (179) J.R.A.C.D., IV, pp. 357-358; V, pp. 420-425. London Times, December 12, 1876, p. 6. (180) London Times, October 8, 1875, p. 5. 162 Donald H. Simpson July-Oct. Extreme men of any sort were undesirable, since church attendance in the army was compulsory. Other suggestions included an annual synod to promote unity and consistency in work, greater continuity between successive chaplains on a station, and the provision of better chapels. Finally Mr. Wright turned to the welfare of the soldier, reiterating some of the arguments of England's Duty. Some soldiers' institutes had failed because they had been | that miserable mingling of the conventicle and the club." He urged the need for attractive canteens, entertainments, sports grounds, and decent married quarters.181 During his last year in the army Mr. Wright endeavoured to gain a wider public for some of his ideas on army welfare by a series of letters to the Times. After careful discussion with N.C.O.s, he suggested that more recruits would be attracted if barracks were warmer, rations better, and new, instead of second-hand, uniforms issued to recruits. Men were required to be in barracks at 9 p.m., which was very early, and the procedure for obtaining passes was far too elaborate. To set aside 3d a day for every man serving six years would result in £30 deferred pay being available at the end of his term, and this could be issued in six-monthly instalments of £10. Discharge pensions should be permanent.182 In a second letter he took up the case of N.C.O.s. They too were hedged about with petty restrictions on passes; lights had to be out in sergeants' bunks by 9 p.m. in the winter. Pay was small in relation to extra responsibilities, and the gratuity after eighteen years' service, ten as a sergeant, had been reduced from £15 to £5. Promotion to commissioned rank was theoretically possible, but the small number who sought it were unable to obtain fair treatment. Official appointments should, he thought, be available to retired N.C.O.s.183 These proposals were severely criticized by officers and other correspondents, but Mr. Wright stoutly defended his views, urging that comfort for soldiers did not mean absurd luxury, but conditions that would attract worth-while men. Conscription was no answer; in Prussia this policy harmed the national economy by taking men away from everyday work, and drove many able-bodied men to emigrate in order to avoid military service. Britain, as the head of a rich and prosperous Empire, must calculate the cost of an effective army and pay it. The (181) Wright, Church in Army, passim. (182) London Times, December 30, 1875, p. 8. (183) Ibid., January 1, 1876, p. 10. 1955 Henry Press Wright 163 great need was for a period of steady working out of recent army reforms, the wise spending of money, " and a grateful care of old and deserving soldiers."184 In a final letter, after his retirement, he again put the case for setting aside one or two Crown livings annually for retired military chaplains.185 On December 9, 1876, he retired from the Chaplains' Department after more than thirty-one years, a time which had seen immense changes in the army as a whole and in the work of army chaplains in particular.186 He had a pension of 17/6 a day, with a special award of £100 per annum for his Crimean services, but he did not contemplate an idle retirement.187 Bishop Hills welcomed the idea of his return to British Columbia, and appointed him Archdeacon of Vancouver Island and Canon of Christ Church Cathedral. "At sixty years of age, strong and well, thank God, I gladly go to spend the rest of my days in the service of the great Head of the Church," he wrote. " Having my pensions and other means I shall require no stipend from Missionary societies, nor shall I be a cost to the good and faithful Bishop."188 Before he left England he accepted Bishop Hills' request to raise £1,000 for missionary and educational work.189 In seven months he travelled as far afield as Manchester, Porlock, and Norwich, addressing ten meetings and fifty-eight services, as well as obtaining personal subscriptions, and collected £1,633.190 Tribute was paid to his work at a meeting of the S.P.G., at which Bishop Claughton presided.191 The people of Portsmouth also expressed their regard. A testimonial was set on foot in April by the Mayor, under distinguished patronage, including that of the Commander-in-Chief, the Duke of Cambridge;192 on May 7, 1877, a gathering was held at the George Hotel to make the (184) London Times, January 11, 1876, p. 8; January 22, p. 12; April 10, p. 4. (185) Ibid., December 15, 1876, p. 3. (186) Army List, January, 1877, p. 870. (187) J.R.A.C.D., IV, p. 327; Crockford's Clerical Directory, 1884, p. 1362. (188) Mission Life, VUI (1877), p. 41. (189) Ibid. (190) Report, 1877, pp. 49-50. (His expenses were £57.) (191) Mission Life, VIII (1877), p. 96. (192) The original Committee included the Mayor (Chairman); Sir Francis Hastings Doyle; Lord H. Scott, M.P.; Cowper Temple, M.P.; Sir J. D. Elphin- stone, M.P.; Mr. Bruce, M.P.; and Viscount Templetown. (London Times, April 19, 1877, p. 9.) 164 Donald H. Simpson July-Oct. presentation. The Mayor spoke of the work done by Archdeacon Wright in restoring the Domus Dei and of his concern for the welfare of the soldier; he then handed him a purse, an elaborately chased service of plate, and a salver. The latter was inscribed:— Presented to the Ven. Archdeacon Wright, M.A., Chaplain to the Forces (1st Class), together with a service of plate and a purse of 125 guineas, on his leaving England for British Columbia, as a memento of his long and valuable services, but especially of his eleven years of untiring exertions for the restoration of the Royal Garrison Church, the old Domus Dei of Portsmouth.—William Pink, Mayor of Portsmouth, chairman; R. W. Ford, hon. secretary. In replying, the Archdeacon spoke of the restoration of the Domus Dei and the work of others in this project. Of his own share he added:— Well, indeed, was I repaid by daily watching the marvellous change from deformity to beauty; and now I am repaid a thousand times over when standing in the midst of this gathering—the recipient of public thanks. ... To a man who never in his life had one penny left him the money will be extremely useful, and the salver and tea and coffee service will, I am sure, be ever valued by my family as a treasure of inestimable worth. . . . Yesterday [he concluded] I spent my hours—from eight in the morning to eight in the evening—chiefly in the old " Domus Dei"—that soldiers' House of God so valued by us all. To-day I am the object of your generous consideration, and on Holy Thursday I shall, after Divine service in the church of a distinguished missionary, once my close friend and neighbour in British Columbia, embark for my new home to join the good Bishop of Columbia, the friend of my boyhood, of my manhood, and of my old age. Many have said that I ought to have had provided for me a quiet retreat where the old soldier priest might have had rest. I value their kindness and thank them. To me, Mr. Mayor, the best rest is that which comes from the respect of those mid whom I have laboured. Being still hale and strong, my truest repose will be in busy doing, without which life would be a burden to me. The kindness of the citizens and garrison of Portsmouth, and of my many friends, so generously expressed this day gives me renewed vigour, and I do indeed feel grateful to all who have so liberally dealt with me. I can simply again thank them, and may every blessing be on them. In the concluding formalities, several speakers expressed the hope of seeing the Archdeacon again on a visit, the Mayor adding that " with the advance made in science, he might some day come over in a great hurry by means of a pneumatic tube."193 (193) Portsmouth Times and Naval Gazette—County Journal, May 8, 1877. A complete transcript of the account of the ceremony has been supplied through the kindness of the City Librarian of Portsmouth. 1955 Henry Press Wright 165 VI Archdeacon Wright sailed from Liverpool on May 10, accompanied by Mrs. Wright, two sons and two daughters, and by Miss Alice Perceval, who was to be Lady Principal of Angela College. The ship left Moville on the 11th and reached Quebec on the 19th.194 From there the route lay to Montreal, Chicago, and thence across the continent. " Crossing the Sierra Nevada Range presents grand mountain views, but oh, the dreary days of sage grass desert, teeming with alkali, or of uninteresting prairie land as level as a croquet ground!" he wrote. They reached San Francisco on May 28 and two days later left for Esquimalt, where they arrived on June 2. The Archdeacon attended Divine Service at Christ Church Cathedral the next day, and a week later was instituted to his new post. The same afternoon, June 10, there was a confirmation at Metchosin.195 On June 14 the Church of St. Peter at Cowichan was consecrated. The Bishop and his party, including Archdeacon Wright and the Rev. H. H. Mogg,196 left Victoria by the specially chartered steamer Cariboo Fly at 6.30 a.m. and landed at Cowichan Bay. Here they were met by wagons to take them to the church. But oh, the waggons! If ever divines were much shaken, the Bishop and his clergy were that day. Mr. Mogg and I sat immediately over the hind wheels, and as there were no springs the jumping, jolting, and jogging were terrible to endure. At last we could bear it no longer, and took to our feet and comfort. The walk was delightful, and we reached the church just in time. The Archdeacon preached (from 2 Sam. vii: 2) and after the service about 200 sat down to a lavish open-air meal in the shelter of the trees. The Bishop stayed for a few days, but most of the party returned to Victoria by steamer that evening, singing hymns as the vessel crossed the moonlit waters.197 On July 5 the Archdeacon was one of the party that rode to Saanich with the Bishop for the consecration of St. Stephen's Church and ceme- (194) Mission Life, VHI (1877), p. 433; Report, 1876, p. 43. (195) Mission Life, VTH (1877), pp. 434-435. (196) Henry Herbert Mogg, B.A. (1850-1929), was Principal of the Collegiate School and Curate of the Cathedral, 1876-80, Rector of Esquimalt in 1880, and Secretary of the Diocesan Synod. He was Deputation Secretary in England for Bishop Sillitoe. He was Vicar of Bishop's Cannings, 1907-27, and Prebendary of Salisbury, 1919-29. (197) Mission Life, VHI (1877), pp. 436-437; Report, 1877, pp. 20-21. 166 Donald H. Simpson July-Oct. tery. The chaplain was the Rev. F. B. Gribbell.198 Archdeacon Wright took over his earlier charge, St. Paul's Church, Esquimalt, which had recently been redecorated after being damaged in a storm.199 A Diocesan Synod had been established in 1875, and at its third session, which opened on July 12, 1877, the Bishop welcomed back his old friend: " The Archdeacon of Vancouver comes amongst us, full of interest and zeal and old love for the Master's work here, to assist us with the experience and energy which have won for him honour and gratitude from those best capable of forming an estimate of character and usefulness in our mother-land," he said.200 The Archdeacon preached the opening sermon of the Synod, recalling the early days of the colony and the share of clergy in its moral and spiritual progress, as well as discussing the successes and difficulties of the present.201 September brought a visit by the Bishop and Archdeacon to the mainland, to see at first hand the work being done by the Rev. J. B. Good and his assistant, the Rev. G. Ditcham,202 at the Indian Missions at Yale and Lytton. They sailed for New Westminster on the Enterprise early on a crisp sunny morning, and the Archdeacon wrote: " . . . as we skirted our own picturesque shore, or threaded our way among lovely islets, memory went back to scenes I had so often revelled in while steaming over the blue Mediterranean." At New Westminster they were met by Archdeacon Woods and other old friends. From there they set out for Hope, Yale, and Boston Bar and on the fourth day, after lunch with a party of men surveying the line for the Canadian Pacific Railway, they reached Lytton, where they were met by at least 200 Indians.203 The first event of the visit was an open-air service at which the Bishop spoke. He was followed by the Archdeacon, who was some- (198) Frank Barrow Gribbell, B.D., C.M.S. Missionary at Metlakahtla, 1865- 67; at St. John's, Victoria, 1867-68. Principal of Collegiate School, 1868-75; Rector of Esquimalt, 1868-75; and of Saanich, 1875-77. Later Vicar of Ringmer. (199) Report, 1877, pp. 10-11; Bp. Hills to S.P.G., February 16, 1878. (200) Report, 1877, p. 13. (201) Wright, Synod Sermon, passim. (His text was Acts xv: 23 & 25.) (202) George Ditcham was a lay catechist at Yale and Hope, 1875-77, and on his ordination remained there another year, subsequently serving at Chilliwack, 1878-81. Ordained priest, 1881, he was at St. James Granville (Burrard Inlet), 1881-87; a missionary on the Fraser River, 1887-1901; and Superintendent, New England Indian Boys' School, Lytton, 1901-10. He then retired to Sapperton. (203) Mission Life, VIII (1877), pp. 530-532 (the visit was Sept. 8-10); Bp. Hills to S.P.G., February 16, 1878. 1955 Henry Press Wright 167 what embarrassed by Mr. Good's preliminary remarks to the Indians. " I was now introduced as the Bishop's friend, and one who had gone forth into great battles—a patriot and a warrior," he wrote. " That seemed to move my hearers powerfully towards me. Possibly some deemed me the hero of a hundred fights, while to the mass I must have seemed a mystery, a mingling of priest and general." In any event, he secured their earnest attention.204 Saturday was spent in preparing candidates for confirmation. There was a celebration of Holy Communion, with 110 communicants, on Sunday morning, and later a long service of addresses, prayers, and singing. Archdeacon Wright spoke on 2 Kings xix: 14. At 2.30 there was a baptism service for thirty-five Indians (one child receiving the names " Henry Press ") and fifty-seven were confirmed. The next day the Archdeacon baptised nine more, and the Bishop conferred with some of the leading Indians about Christian life in their villages.205 The whole visit greatly impressed the Archdeacon, who wrote: " I went an unbeliever in it with the Bishop to see for myself on the spot and never did I behold a more glorious sight."206 Mr. Good came to Victoria with his catechist, Silas Nalee, to work on the translation of the liturgy into the Thompson Indian dialect, and the Archdeacon saw a good deal of him. Soon after his arrival he had heard from Mrs. Good of the financial distress of the family, which included eight children of whom the eldest son, aged seventeen, had a diseased hip bone.207 To relieve them he had circulated an appeal which had raised over £100, and early in 1878 he urged the S.P.G. to waive repayment of a loan they had made to Mr. Good. If they did so, " a faithful Missionary—possibly not always discreet as regards money (who is?) will be restored to peace and comfort."208 Unfortunately the Society was unable to do this.209 In his letters and articles the Archdeacon had at first written enthusiastically about events and activities in the Diocese, but he became increasingly aware that all was not well. When visiting New West- (204) Mission Life, VIII (1877), pp. 532-533. (205) Ibid., pp. 533-536; IX, pp. 157-162. (206) H.P.W. to S.P.G, February 23, 1878. (207) Ibid.; Bp. Hills to S.P.G., February 16, 1878. (208) Mission Life, VIII (1877), p. 437; H.P.W. to S.P.G., February 23, 1878. (209) Standing Committee of S.P.G., XXXVIII (1877-79), pp. 247-248 (meeting of April 18, 1878). 168 Donald H. Simpson July-Oct. minster he noted changes in his old friends and commented: "My habit is to fancy that all grow old save myself, but then I was compelled to say, if I am as altered in appearance as they are, surely my looks must tell well of sixty summers."210 The trouble, however, was that he had changed too little and the Diocese had changed too much, with setbacks and problems which had not existed twelve years before. There were several factors in this. Perhaps the gravest was the dispute between the Bishop and Dean Cridge. The Dean, who had arrived in 1855, was widely known, loved, and respected, and as an old Hudson's Bay Company servant had a special status in the eyes of its officials. His religious outlook, however, was extremely evangelical and congregational, and he objected to the higher churchmanship of the Bishop and to his proposals to establish a Synod. Existing tension came to a head in December, 1873, when Archdeacon Reece211 preached an unwise sermon, commending ritual, in the Cathedral, and the Dean rose after it to express his opposition. This conflict was the beginning of months of bickering and dispute. The exchange of acrimonious notes between Bishop and Dean ended in the trial of the latter before an ecclesiastical tribunal, whose proceedings were later declared valid by the civil courts. Mr. Cridge seceded from the Church of England and established in Victoria a church of the Reformed Episcopal denomination; he was made a Bishop in 1875.212 There was a severe split amongst church people in the city, Sir James Douglas and many leading members of the Cathedral congregation siding with Mr. Cridge.213 The effect was also felt outside the capital; at Metlakahtla, William Duncan pursued his zealous course, but on fines that caused the C.M.S. many doubts, since he refused to admit his converts to Holy Communion on the grounds that they would regard (210) Mission Life, VHI (1877), p. 530. (211) William Sheldon Reece, M.A., was Vice-Principal of the Collegiate School, 1862-66, visited Leechtown in 1865 and moved to Cowichan in 1866. He was appointed Archdeacon of Vancouver in 1868 and left British Columbia in 1873. (212) There is no full modern account of this dispute, but see British Columbia Historical Quarterly, XII (1948), pp. 298-304. There is much material in Trial of the Very Reverend Edward Cridge . . . , Victoria, 1875. (213) See, for example, British Columbia Historical Quarterly, XII (1948), pp. 301-302. 1955 Henry Press Wright 169 it as a fetich.214 His links with the Diocese had never been strong— ". . . the distance of Victoria from these Northern Indians and the rarity of the Bishop's visits would have been quite sufficient to prevent any very active sympathy," commented the Archdeacon—and his support was entirely given to Mr. Cridge, who had always shown great interest in his work.215 Hopes that the Synod would promote Diocesan unity were lessened when Archdeacon Woods attended the first session to move its dissolution (a proposal for which only he voted) and later refused to attend its meetings. This lessened the already meagre representation of the mainland in its deliberations.216 Finally, there was friction over one of the clergy, the Rev. F. B. Gribbell, who roused considerable hostility amongst leading laymen, and seems to have had little clerical support apart from the Bishop.217 At first Archdeacon Wright had hopes of acting as a peacemaker. His address to the Synod touched on many of the major problems. His reference to the Cridge schism was firm but sympathetic:— Schism did its desolating work, and one who, by his moral life and kind heart had long been universally respected and admired fell into its snare; so that he, who began his career an honored clergyman of our primitive and apostolic branch of Christ's Church, is now cut off from her communion and forbidden to minister in any one parish church of his native land. He went on to urge support for the Synod, citing scriptural and other authority for its existence, and stressed the need for increased funds for mission work.218 Already, however, he had forfeited any chance of exerting real influence by a false step soon after his arrival. Before leaving England he had dined with Mr. Trutch, formerly Lieutenant-Governor of British Columbia, who " urged the Bishop through me to get rid of Mr. Gribbell as no peace could ever exist in the Diocese so long as that clergyman remained. I knew nothing of the poor man & simply conveyed , Lon- (214) E. Slock, The History of the Church Missionary Society don, 1899, HI, pp. 249-253. (215) Mission Life, X (1879), p. 258. The Bishop visited Metlakahtla in 1863 and 1866; Dean Cridge, in 1867. (Report, 1862, pp. 53-64; 1866, pp. 29-45; 1867, pp. 44-53.) (216) Report of the Synod, 1875, p. 23; J. B. Good to S.P.G., May 18, 1878. (217) See, for example, Executive Committee to S.P.G., March 28, 1878. The cause of dispute is not clear. (218) Wright, Synod Sermon, p. 10. 170 Donald H. Simpson July-Oct. the message of one who in all Xtn. matters had been the Bishop's faithful and influential supporter. My fate was sealed. ..." The Bishop and Mrs. Hills were staunchly on the side of Mr. Gribbell, and the old friendship was broken.219 As the months passed the Archdeacon found other things to worry him. The clergy (except for the Rev. H. H. Mogg, headmaster of the Collegiate School and Curate of the Cathedral) seemed to him less effective than their predecessors; the Bishop was, in his view, remote from his clergy and autocratic in financial matters, including the use of S.P.G. funds and the money the Archdeacon had collected in England. The religious state of the mainland was deplorable. For New Westminster there were Archdeacon Woods and the Rev. C. Baskett;220 the Rev. G. Ditcham, a deacon, was at Chilliwack; and Mr. Good had moved his headquarters south to Yale, " leaving an area almost as large as France without a clergyman! Wesleyans and Presbyterians have been busily engaged taking positions which we have not been able to occupy, and the feeling towards the Church which years ago was so warm is now fast growing cold, I may add even careless." Church buildings were deteriorating. " The past liberal assistance of the Bishop and his frequent visits years ago seem to be utterly forgotten."221 Matters seemed better on Vancouver Island, but some of this success was superficial. In Victoria the Cridge schism had gravely hampered school work. Of church life the Archdeacon wrote:— I regret to say that our churches in Victoria scarcely know artisans as worshippers. We are, alas! too respectable. Dignitaries abound; intelligence and position are represented; but we cannot set forth that among our flocks the " common people hear Christ gladly." We have a Bishop, an honorary Dean (the only one, I believe, in the colonial empire), an Archdeacon, and two Parish Priests; and as their supporters we have the Governor, Chief Justice, and Puisne Judges, the Mayor, leading professional men, and a certain number of our chief storekeepers. Further we cannot go, for the artisans and hand-workers generally are not with us.222 (219) H.P.W. to S.P.G, May 8, 1878. (220) Charles Robert Baskett, A.K.C., was at Victoria, visiting the country districts, 1875-77; New Westminster, in a similar capacity, 1877-80; Hastings, 1880-81; Chilliwack, 1881-83. He was later Rector of Winterbourne Monkton. (221) H.P.W. to S.P.G, May 8, 1878; Good to S.P.G, May 18, 1878; Mission Life, X (1879), pp. 258-259. (222) Mission Life, X (1879), p. 261. 1955 Henry Press Wright 171 Even his efforts to help Mr. Good seemed fruitless since, when he thought all was well, he learned of other debts which had not been mentioned to him.223 Matters came to a head at the Synod of 1878, when, to quote Mr. Good, the acrimony between Bishop and Archdeacon led " to a wide estrangement between them, very distressing to contemplate when one considers the circumstances under which the Archdeacon of Vancouver came out to join us only last year & which is working so much mischief with no prospect of any speedy change for the better."224 The Synod did, however, result in the passing of two important motions. One, moved by Archdeacon Wright, appointed a Committee to obtain all possible information to help in planning to relieve " the great spiritual destitution of the vast mainland portion of this diocese." The other ran:— That this synod is of opinion that a division of the diocese into three separate dioceses, viz. (1) Vancouver Island, (2) New Westminster, (3) Caledonia, with a view to forming a provincial organization for British Columbia, is very desirable, and that this synod cordially supports the endeavour of the Lord Bishop to carry out the scheme when in England.22^ After the Synod, the Archdeacon wrote to the secretary of the S.P.G.:— As to Church matters of which in my ignorance I used to speak so hopefully and so confidently nothing could be worse. It is simply Gribbell & the Bishop & wife or no Gribbell & the Bishop with wife bitterly arrayed against the unbeliever. ... On my arrival Mrs. Hills refused to receive us and never have I spent one evening with my old friend of 50 years standing. He the Bishop is entirely under the dominion of a warm hearted but virulent woman. The whole cry is we can never have peace & a blessing as long as " that woman " remains in the Diocese. At first I dreaded the retirement of the Bishop—now I say it is our only hope. . . . The sad part of the story is that the Bishop is a truly good man but as ignorant of his fellow man as he is obstinate in having his own way. Of this I am quite certain that G. Columbia can never more do any real good on this coast. You will have an application for a division of the Diocese—May God speed the proposal for at present the mainland is in a state of wretched spiritual destitution. As I said at the Synod gathering for 400 miles square there is not a clergyman to plead with white men. If the Diocese be divided good must come as a new Bishop must bring with him some clergy whereas now there are none. Metlakatla may well be given over to the Bishop of Athabasca as neither the Indians nor Mr. Duncan &c. will have anything to do with the Bishop of Columbia. (223) H.P.W. to S.P.G., May 8, 1878. (224) Good to S.P.G., May 18, 1878. (225) H. H. Gowen, Church Work in British Columbia, Being a Memoir of the Episcopate of Acton Windeyer Sillitoe . . . , London, 1899, p. 4. 172 Donald H. Simpson July-Oct. They have behaved badly to the Bishop but Duncan's sympathy is entirely with the Cridge schism. . . . As for myself I never endured greater misery than during the past twelve months.226 While matters had reached this bitter climax in the Diocese, the Archdeacon had been greatly worried by the illness of his daughter Alice; though she recovered after her life had been almost despaired of, her health was impaired and she died in Victoria on February 9, 1879, at the age of 18.227 The Bishop left for England in May, 1878, to further the plan for a division of the Diocese, leaving the Rev. G. Mason (Honorary Dean) and Archdeacon Woods as his commissaries.228 Archdeacon Wright energetically supported the division. A mainland diocese including New Westminster, was, he wrote, absolutely essential. What we really want is a devoted, zealous, hardy Bishop, about forty or forty-five years of age, of sound learning and possessed of a large stock of common sense— one who among other qualifications is able to ride from twenty-five to thirty-five miles day after day, and ready to make his home in the houses of his few and scattered people.229 In April, 1879, he was invited by Bishop Morris, of Oregon, to a Missionary Convocation at Seattle, " a young but promising town lying some little distance up Puget Sound." He was very much impressed by the Bishop who, though sixty, was constantly travelling about his Diocese, sleeping where he could, and only at home for two Sundays in the year. " I was particularly pleased with the free and friendly bearing of the Bishop towards his clergy, who, while paying him every possible respect, were as loving sons, bright, happy, and confiding," he commented, adding that New Westminster needed "just such a man as Bishop Morris, only fifteen or twenty years younger." The Convocation was very enjoyable for the Archdeacon, who preached at the morning service on the second day, and in the evening, (226) H.P.W. to S.P.G., May 8, 1878. (227) Ibid.; Colonist, February 11, 1879. (228) Report, 1878, p. 51; Good to S.P.G., May 18, 1878. George Mason, M.A. (71829-1893), was a missionary in Honolulu, 1862-73, and came to Holy Trinity, New Westminster, in 1873; the following year he was appointed Principal of the Collegiate School, but almost at once became Rector of Nanaimo; he left this post to become Dean in 1878, and after the Bishop's return in 1880 was Assistant Rector of the Cathedral and Archdeacon of Vancouver. He returned to England in 1881. See A. F. Muir, " George Mason, Priest and Schoolmaster," British Columbia Historical Quarterly, XV (1951), pp. 47-70. (229) Mission Life, X (1879), pp. 301-305. 1955 Henry Press Wright 173 at a meeting concerned with foreign missions, spoke on the history of missionary work in Africa from the earliest times. He also spoke at a meeting of Sunday School scholars on the final day, and gave some farewell remarks at the end of the closing meeting. He found the Americans loud-voiced—" a body of clergy who one after the other shouted forth good matter "—but generous, active, and kindly.230 By the end of the year the Diocese had been divided. Bishop Ridley, of the Church Missionary Society, took over the difficult task of supervising and building up Caledonia, which included Mr. Duncan's Mission at Metlakahtla, the Rev. R. Tomlinson (Skeena Forks), and the Rev. W. H. Collison (Masset).231 To the Diocese of New Westminster, with its four clergy, the Rev. A. W. Sillitoe, a man of thirty- nine, was appointed. Archdeacon Wright wrote to him, sending a report on the state of the mainland. " The letter is a gloomy one," commented the Bishop, " but it has not made me gloomy. I am prepared for trials and for disappointments, but I don't believe we shal^ overcome them any the easier by magnifying them or dwelling too much upon them."232 The Bishop was such a man as the Archdeacon had hoped for, and during his episcopate he achieved a great deal, but the work and worry ruined his health, so that he died at the age of fifty- four. At times the support he received seemed so feeble that he may well have realized that Archdeacon Wright had not been unnecessarily gloomy.233 The Diocese of Columbia was now limited to Vancouver Island, and contained, besides the Bishop, eight clergy: Archdeacon Wright, Dean Mason, the Rev. H. H. Mogg (Headmaster of the Collegiate School and Curate of the Cathedral), the Rev. P. Jenns (St. John's, Victoria), the Rev. D. Holmes (Cowichan), the Rev. J. X. Willemar (Comox), the (230) Mission Life, X (1879), pp. 487-492. (231) Report, 1878, passim. Robert Tomlinson was originally a C.M.S. missionary at Metlakahtla, Nass River, and Kispiox, 1867-1883. He then supervised an industrial mission at Meanshkinisht until his death in 1913. William Henry Collison was also a C.M.S. missionary, being at Metlakahtla, 1873-76, and Masset, 1876-78, as a layman, and after his ordination in 1878 at Metlakahtla and, from 1883, Kincolith. He was appointed Archdeacon of Caledonia in 1891 and died in 1922. (232) H. H. Gowen, Church Work, pp. 6-8, 9-10. (233) Ibid., passim, and especially pp. 86-89. The Bishop used the former Archdeaconry House, but it required much repair (Violet E. Sillitoe, Early Days in British Columbia, Vancouver, 1922, p. 8). 174 Donald H. Simpson July-Oct. Rev. H. S. Newton (Nanaimo), and the C.M.S. Missionary the Rev. A. J. Hall at Fort Rupert.234 The Bishop did not return until May 3, 1880.235 In spite of the disputes which marred his diocesan activities, Archdeacon Wright found considerable pleasure in his parochial work. Soon after 9 a.m. on Sundays a buggy came to the door. " It is exceedingly light, with spider wheels, and specially fitted for colonial work," he wrote. "A thick rope and a bag of oats having been carefully placed under the seat, and a paper of sandwiches snugly cared for, we make for St. Paul's, Esquimalt, some four miles from the capital." The drive was along good roads, amid delightful scenery. The congregation included many men from ships of the Royal Navy which had no chaplains, and the choir had a strong representation of sailors and marines. About 12.30, after the service, he went to the Naval Hospital, and at 2.45 there was a Sunday School some 2 miles away. At 4 p.m. he returned to Victoria. Evening service was at 6 p.m., and he returned home at about nine. During the week there was parish visiting, such activities as a working party for the Indian Mission, and visits to the Royal Hospital on Wednesdays. His son, Mr. F. G. Wright, acted as Lay Reader to the gaol.236 As his pension was adequate to his own needs, Archdeacon Wright devoted the income of his post to the enlargement and embellishment of St. Paul's Church; an organ was shipped out from England, transepts were built, and a triple window depicting the childhood of Christ, " in memory of our loved and loving Alice," was presented. In December, 1879, the church was reopened after these improvements, and addresses from the congregation to the Archdeacon laid stress on the value of his work, not only materially, but in the improved congregations and trebled (234) Report, 1878, passim. Percival Jenns was at New Westminster, 1865-66; Nanaimo, 1866-68; and Rector of St. John's, Victoria, 1868-1915. David Holmes came out as a layman in 1867 and was ordained deacon 1868, priest 1872; he was stationed at Yale, 1867-73; Cowichan, 1873-85; and Chemainus, 1890-94. Jules Xavier Willemar was a Roman Catholic priest received into the Church of England in 1868 and then stationed at Alberni. He was moved to Comox in 1871 and was appointed Vicar of St. Andrew's Church there in 1906; he retired in 1913. Henry Swift Newton was catechist at Cowichan, 1874-75, and was ordained deacon, 1875, when he moved to New Westminster. Ordained priest in 1878, he then served for two years at Nanaimo. Alfred James Hall, B.D. (1853-1918), was at Metlakahtla, 1877-78; Fort Rupert, 1878-81; and Alert Bay, 1881-1911. (235) Victoria Colonist, May 4, 1880. (236) Mission Life, XI (1880), pp. 20-22. 1955 Henry Press Wright 175 Sunday School. In his reply he expressed his pleasure at the very happy atmosphere that had always prevailed amongst the congregation.237 But the Archdeacon's work in British Columbia was almost at an end. On the division of the Diocese the S.P.G. diverted most of the grants to the mainland, and the Bishop, whose cavalier treatment of these in the past had always been opposed by the Archdeacon, turned on him, saying that the balance must be made up by diverting the income of the Archdeaconry Fund to the purpose, and that he should therefore resign.238 The exact course of events that followed is not clear, but apparently Archdeacon Wright, feeling that he could achieve no real good in the face of the Bishop's hostility, determined to resign,239 and early in 1880 he returned to England, visiting Salt Lake City on the way.240 The Bishop, who in 1876 had written: " My old friend Archdeacon Wright is coming back as Archdeacon of Vancouver," now commented: " There is a general feeling of relief amongst Clergy & laity at the departure of Archdeacon Wright."241 In spite of this unhappy atmosphere the Archdeacon retained his faith in the future of British Columbia, commenting, "As to the Colony itself I believe in it thoroughly."242 His son Frederick remained there for three more years; he was ordained deacon and priest by Bishop Hills and served at St. Stephen's, Saanich.243 (237) H.P.W. to S.P.G., December 18, 1879, and enclosed cutting of December 13. Rev. F. C. Chapman, Diamond Jubilee Historical Sketch 1866-1926; St. Paul's Royal Naval Station and Garrison Church, Esquimalt, 1926, pp. 7, 13. The name /. P. Wright on p. 7 should be H. P. Wright. (238) H.P.W. to S.P.G., December 18, 1879. (239) Victoria Colonist, December 31, 1879 (letter of H.P.W., December 30, 1879). His letter of December 18, written ten days before he decided to resign, was read by the Standing Committee of the S.P.G. on March 18, 1880, but no action was noted. See S.P.G. Standing Committee, XXXIX (1879-80), p. 317. (240) Wright, Siena, p. xxxvi. (241) Bp. Hills to S.P.G., October 11, 1876, and July 1, 1880. It may be noted that by September, 1880, he had lost two other clergy, the Rev. H. S. Newton and the Rev. H. H. Mogg (Bp. Hills to S.P.G., September 22, 1880), and, although Mr. Mogg retained his interest in British Columbia, he became Deputation Secretary for Bishop Sillitoe. In 1881 the Rev. George Mason also returned to England, and there is some indication that he was not on the best personal terms with the Bishop. British Columbia Historical Quarterly, XV (1951), p. 69. (242) H.P.W. to S.P.G., May 8, 1878. (243) Bp. Hills to S.P.G., June 29, 1880. 176 Donald H. Simpson July-Oct. VII In April, 1880, the Rev. H. P. Wright took up his duties as Rector of Greatham in Hampshire, a village of 285 inhabitants about 24 miles from Portsmouth.244 The old Church of St. John the Baptist had been built in the 13th Century; in 1875, owing to its dilapidated condition, it was partially demolished, and a new church built a short distance away.245 The parish was in the Diocese of Winchester, and the new Rector's relations with his Bishop were very cordial, to judge from the dedication of one of his books: " To the Right Rev. Edward Harold, Lord Bishop of Winchester, D.D., &c, &c, my deeply respected Father in God, whom to know is to love and revere. . . ."246 Hardly had he settled at Greatham than Mrs. Wright died, at the age of sixty. She was buried on June 12 by the Rev. F. H. Freeth, Rector of the neighbouring village of Lyss. Neither this bereavement nor his own advancing years would seem to have lessened Mr. Wright's activities. He was a vigorous and outspoken parish priest, as his entries in the service book indicate. On the Sunday after Ascension, 1882, he wrote:— The privilege of alsmgiving is but little felt in this Parish. A collection is deemed an affliction instead of a cause for thanksgiving. The rich give feebly, very feebly; and the poor have so much done for them by the Church that they miss the point that it is more blessed to give than to receive. We are all called upon to give according to our means but with too many the giving of a sovereign— or a penny, is like the extraction of a tooth. At the Harvest Festival on October 4, 1884, he recorded: " Congregation so crowded that many could not get seats. Excellent singing for a country village "; but on April 13, 1885, he noted: " Good congregation—disgraceful alms." He was no respecter of persons. On October 10,1886, his comment was: " Seats of the well-to-do empty. God gave them great worldly advantages, and therefore has special places for them in heaven. It is just possible that empty seats in Church mean no seats in heaven." In the following January he wrote: " To my disgust 2 gentlemen? & 2 ladies? from my Parish were going skating—passed Church as people (244) Rev. R. W. Tyler to author, March 28, 1955. No formal induction is recorded, but H.P.W. took his first services in that month. (245) Crockford's Clerical Directory, 1884, p. 1362; article in Hampshire Chronicle, September, 1954. The net income was £305, but this later declined to £250. (246) Dedication of Leprosy and Segregation. 1955 Henry Press Wright 177 were corning in. What an example. Six days for skating but must have the Lord's Day also. And in the morning these same rebels called to this same Lord—' Have mercy upon us miserable sinners.' "7A1 He had not been many years in the parish before he began to fill the windows of the church with stained glass. In 1883 he erected a window in memory of his brother, Capt. C. M. M. Wright; in 1888-1889 three more windows on the north side were added in memory of Lt. E. D. Wright, Capt. W. B. Wright, and G. A. Wright. In 1890 a threefold window was placed on the south side: to commemorate his sister Sophia and her husband, Major Wroughton; " in loving memory of Anne the devoted wife of H. P. Wright . . . and of their loved and loving Alice "; and to commemorate his niece Isabella and her husband Capt. Fulton. Finally in 1891 the threefold west window was filled with Old Testament scenes in memory of Brigadier-General and Mrs. Herring, John Nalder, and Surgeon-General and Mrs. Bass.248 His interests were by no means limited to his parish; he read and corresponded widely, had many friends and acquaintances, and was a member of two London clubs, the Wanderers' in Pall Mall, and the Clergy in Bond Street.249 It was perhaps as a result of his membership of these that he was moved to a vigorous denunciation of falsely labelled sherry in a letter to the Times in 1888: " Such vile productions, shipped from Cadiz as honest juice of the grape, not only seriously injure the sherry-growing districts of Spain, but must be terribly detrimental to the health of all those who use them."250 Though retired from military duty, Mr. Wright no doubt followed events in the Chaplains' Department with interest. Bishop Claughton, with whom he had remained on cordial terms, died in 1884, predeceasing the nonagenarian Prebendary Gleig by four years.251 The new Chaplain-General was a serving chaplain, the Rev. J. C. Edghill.252 On April 7, 1885, the link between the Wright family and the army was renewed when the Rev. F. G. Wright, who had returned to England two years (247) Rev. R. W. Tyler to author, December 13, 1954, and September 5, 1955. (248) Ibid., March 28, 1955. (249) Crockford's Clerical Directory, 1885, p. 1335. The names later changed to the National Conservative and the Grosvenor. He was also, for a short time, a member of the New Athenaeum, Pall Mall. (250) London Times, February 4, 1888, p. 15 (letter of January 28). (251) J.R.A.C.D., V, pp. 24, 445. He dedicated Siena to the Bishop from " one who knows well and heartily esteems the British soldier." (252) Army List, March, 1885, p. 789. 178 Donald H. Simpson July-Oct. previously, received his commission as a Chaplain to the Forces. Appropriately enough he began his notable career with a period at the Domus Dei, Portsmouth.253 mlfj^fe Mr. Wright's main activity during these years was the resumption of his writing. As early as July, 1880, he published a translation of the Statutes of the Hospital of the Holy Virgin Mary of Siena, a.d. 1305. In connection with this work he became a corresponding member of the Royal Literary and Scientific Association of Siena.254 In a preface he outlined the history of Christian work for the sick, and in the following years he developed his knowledge of this. When in 1880 the Warden of the Stamford Domus Dei called his attention to the long and interesting history of that building, he began to study it,255 but his next published volume, based on researches in the Bodleian Library, the muniment room of Chichester Cathedral, and elsewhere, was a history of the Domus Dei of Chichester, to which he added an inventory of St. Mary's Hospital, Dover, made in Tudor times. The volume was published in 1885, and is an agreeably written record, with some pertinent comments on recent restorations.256 This study of mediaeval hospitals, combined with his interest in missionary work, aroused his concern about leprosy.257 It seemed to him that far too few people realized that the disease was still prevalent (253) Frederick George Wright was born November 17, 1853. He left St. Mary Hall, Oxford, to accompany his father to British Columbia in 1877 and became Lay Reader to the Gaol in Victoria and Vice-Principal of the Collegiate School. He was ordained deacon August 1, 1880, and was incumbent of St. Stephen's, Saanich, 1880-83. He was married to Jane Kathleen (d. of Capt. Henry Berkeley Good, l/24th Regiment) at Christ Church Cathedral on September 16, 1880. He was ordained to the priesthood on September 14, 1882. He returned to England in 1883 and was Curate of Purleigh for two years. As an Army Chaplain he served at Portsmouth, 1885-86; Devonport, 1886-90; Malta, 1890-96 (where Mrs. Wright died); Preston, 1896-98; Aldershot, 1898-1900; South African War, 1900-1902 (being twice invalided); Netley, 1902-10; and Cosham and Hilsea, 1910-13. After his retirement on November 17, 1913, he was Rector of Hopton Wafers, 1913-16; P.C. of St. John's, Chester, 1916-24; and Vicar of Barholme from 1924 until his death on March 22, 1926. J.R.A.C.D., II, pp. 315, 264; IH, p. 97; information from members of his family; Crockford's Clerical Directory, 1926, p. 1713. (254) Crockford's Clerical Directory, 1884, p. 1362. (255) Wright, Stamford, pp. vii-viii. (256) Wright, Chichester, passim, especially pp. 50, 80. (257) Wright, Siena, pp. xxxvi-xxxvii. 1955 Henry Press Wright 179 in many parts of the world, and was a particular scourge in India, while the possible danger to England was completely overlooked. In 1885, therefore, he published Leprosy and Segregation, in which, drawing freely on the writings of medical authorities, he outlined the extent of the disease and its history, and considered current views on the cause. He inclined to the theory of contagion rather than heredity. There seemed to him a real danger to Europe from those returning from countries where the disease was rife. It was at that time incurable, but he declared that much could be done by better feeding and care to ease the lot of sufferers, and their segregation would help to prevent its spread. He urged the formation of a " Society for the Segregation and Comfort of Lepers " and enjoined support for medical missions in India. " Millions have been spent, wisely or unwisely, I do not presume to say," he wrote, to defend our territorial rights, to extend our rule and our commerce, to maintain our honour, and, with all this delicate care of our interests and our renown, shall no heed be paid to the loud piteous wail of the leper heard from every corner of the earth? Shall nothing be done to help the bitterly afflicted, not in the hours, but in the years of their bodily and mental torture? No pen however powerful, no tongue however eloquent, can picture the misery of the despised and helpless leper. Let then, I say, finances public and private combine, that relief may be rendered, and that speedily.258 He also urged these points in letters to the press,259 and four years later he returned to the subject in a smaller volume, Leprosy an Imperial Danger, recapitulating most of the arguments of the former book, but citing fresh examples and opinions. The preface, as well as making his general views clear, contained a self-portrait of some interest:— Aristotle was very severe on old men. Nothing brave or decided about them; no large-heartedness and but little love; stingy, life-clinging, selfish and unscrupulous; not hopeful, and easily put out. The hard philosopher, seeing that the feeble totterer was of little use, wished him, we may be sure, quiet in the grave. Leaving the Stagyrite to his harsh judgment, we would say more gently of the aged, that they have not seldom two marked characteristics—they are garrulous and they are kind. Garrulous, because, it may be, the tongue is the only member of the body they can use freely; and kind because their own many short-comings lead them to look considerately on the failings of others. Upon this subject of leprosy I, certainly, in my seventy-fifth year, am inclined to be very garrulous, although still in rude health and active; and for this reason, I believe that leprosy is by far the most trying malady that has ever affected man, and that, in these (258) Wright, Leprosy and Segregation, passim, especially pp. 104, 106. (259) Times, November 8, 1887, p. 13, and November 19, 1888, p. 13; also " The Spread of Leprosy," in British Medical Journal, 1889. 180 Donald H. Simpson July-Oct. days of general travel and easy intercommunion of nations, there is a possibility, nay a great probability (unless due care be taken) of its again assailing Europe and the British Isles. As to one's own short-comings, that they exist all will take for granted—the louder the call for me to show a kind and loving spirit towards my fellow-man; and surely, one way of doing so is by my offering warning words in this great matter of leprosy. . . . Anyhow I will ask, in my efforts to be useful, the benefit of the good old proverb, " May he that means well, fare well." His main appeal was more cautious than before—" In vain is it, in the spirit of a wild zeal, to propose a scheme which cannot be carried out on account of its enormous expense."—but he urged the need for immediate help in India, and proposed the formation of a Leprosy Association to investigate the whole world-wide problem and report on possible means of combating it. I Liberavi animam meam," he concluded. I can only add, May God preserve my country from leprosy, and move the civilised nations of this earth to combine for its banishment from man! " If you wish to shoot high you must aim at the moon." Should only partial success follow, great good must attend great and determined efforts in so noble a cause. To England especially I appeal iccupdv yvcadi.'160 The final note was written on March 21, 1889, and the book was published at Easter.261 On April 15 Father Damien, the leper priest, died at Molokai, and world attention was drawn to the disease. In England a Father Damien Memorial Fund was launched with the aims of erecting a memorial at Molokai, caring for lepers in England, endowing two scholarships whose holders were to study leprosy in China and the British Colonies, and sending a commission to India to examine the position and needs of the lepers. All these objects were effected, and an era of greatly increased interest in the alleviation of the disease began.262 (260) Wright, Imperial Danger, pp. vii-ix, 121-123. The age given here disagrees with the date of birth suggested in note 2. Possibly there was a printer's misreading of 75th for 73rd. The age on his tombstone, 77, was probably derived from this book, since there was clearly some uncertainty on the point when he died (Times, September 20, 1892, p. 7, describes him as over 80, and this is amended to 77 the next day, p. 1). (261) Wright, Imperial Danger, p. 127. (262) C. J. Dutton, The Samaritans of Molokai, London, 1934, pp. 102-106. As an indication that H.P.W. was not needlessly alarmed about the danger to Britain, it may be noted that the Leprosy Review, XXI (1950), p. 3, stated that leprosy in England was increasing. 1955 Henry Press Wright 181 Mr. Wright must have been extremely thankful for these developments, but he wrote no more about leprosy. In 1890 he published his longest book, a history of the Domus Dei of Stamford, on which he had been working for ten years. The disposal of the endowments of the hospital gave rise to considerable controversy in the 1880's. Mr. Wright, with his detailed knowledge of the documents, may well have given advice to the Hospital Trustees, but his exhaustive though extremely interesting history preserves neutrality on this issue. His last literary work took a different form: he collaborated with the Rev. Samuel Kettlewell,263 a keen student of the life and work of Thomas a Kempis, in a translation of Meditations on the Life of Christ, attributed to that author. There is no indication of the share each took in the work, but Mr. Wright contributed some of the material in the historical and bibliographical preface written by Mr. Kettlewell, and in the early summer of 1892 was still actively engaged in research on the subject in the British Museum. The book, being intended as a devotional work for members of the Church of England, omitted some portions which the editors regarded as suitable only for the Church of Rome.264 Mr. Wright continued to be active in his parish until early July, noting "Lovely day, crowded congregation" on one of his last Sundays.265 He died at Laurel Bank, Hill Brow, near Petersfield, on September 18, 1892.266 He was buried in the churchyard near the old Parish Church of Greatham on September 25, the officiating clergy being the Rev. J. M. Clarke, Rector of Fenny Drayton, Leicestershire, and the Rev. T. D. Piatt, Vicar of Holy Trinity, Portsea; the church and churchyard were crowded with parishioners and friends of all classes.267 (263) Samuel Kettlewell (1822-1893) was educated at Durham University. Ordained in 1848, he became one of Dr. Hook's curates at Leeds. From 1851 to 1870 he was Vicar of St. Mark's, Leeds, but resigned to concentrate on literary work, notably the life and writings of Thomas a Kempis. (264) Wright, Meditations, passim, especially 2nd ed., pp. xvii, xlix. (265) Rev. R. W. Tyler to author, September 5, 1955. His last service was Evensong on July 11, 1892. (266) Times, September 20, 1892, p. 7. It is not clear why he was at this house, which was the residence of Mrs. Henry Kingsley (Rev. R. W. Tyler to author, September 5, 1955). (267) Rev. R. W. Tyler to author, December 13, 1954, and September 5, 1955. 182 Donald H. Simpson July-Oct. VIII On surveying the life and work of Archdeacon Wright,268 one can see many clear and consistent characteristics, notably a great energy and sense of purpose, allied to a practical outlook. In every post he undertook he found more to do than the obvious duties attached to it, so that church restoration, army reform, missionary work, historical research, and a campaign against leprosy were added to his pastoral work. Though keenly interested in the past, he was never blind to the needs of the future, and to the end of his life he tried to help coming generations. Though aware of the need for caution at times, he was a man of forthright views and did not mince his words when he felt strongly. This led to the unhappiest period of his fife, when his old friendship with Bishop Hills and his hopes of peaceful and constructive years in British Columbia were shattered by the strongly expressed criticisms he made at the 1878 Synod. However much one may regret this, it is not hard to understand his point of view. In most of his difficulties he found his sense of humour a great help. I God has mercifully given me a cheerful and hopeful disposition, which supported me at all times," he wrote, " and now and then something ludicrous, in spite of circumstances, dragged out a smile from beneath a heap of sorrows."269 He loved travel, and even when living in England took holidays abroad when he could.270 On his journeys he was always interested in talking to chance acquaintances and travelling companions, and he also corresponded widely.271 He believed in recording his experiences, and carried a notebook in which he could jot down items of interest, while some of his more unusual journeys were recorded in the form of a full diary. His writing was firm and vigorous; the report to the S.P.G. on (268) He seems to have used the title of Archdeacon from 1861 until his death, and it appears on his books. For clarity, however, it has been used in this narrative only when he was actually holding such a post. (269) Wright, Crimean Chaplain, p. 17. (270) For example, France in 1839, Northern Europe in 1875, Lausanne in 1885 (Times, September 30, 1885, p. 4). His comparisons of scenes in British Columbia with scenes in other countries also suggest wide travel. (271) His books on leprosy indicate this; he also wrote to many countries for information on Synod procedure, and even had a correspondent on Pitcairn Island. Mission Life, XI (1880), pp. 22-23. 1955 Henry Press Wright 183 the Crimean Chaplains, for example, was obviously written very rapidly, but it is clear, comprehensive, and free from verbiage. His historical books are largely collections of documents, the later works showing a greater ease in handling the material than the earlier ones. His own narrative style was clear and pleasing, with an occasional vigorous expression of opinion such as " The godless monarch promised largely, but lied as unblushingly" (Henry VIII), and "the latest, and dearest, and best of England's Queens."272 He was a linguist of some ability, with a knowledge of Latin, Greek, French, German, and Italian, and he read widely. Information on his outlook as a churchman is not plentiful. His books and surviving letters are chiefly on the practical application of Christian principles, and this in itself is not without significance. Many of his friends—Dean Hook, Bishop Hills, Dr. Pusey, Dr. Rose, Mr. Skinner, and Mr. Kettlewell—were men of the moderate wing of the Tracta- rian movement, and he seems to have sympathized with their position. On the other hand, Dean Alford was an Evangelical, and Mr. Wright, addressing the Church Congress in 1875, showed an appreciation of the distinctive contribution of that school of thought:— The Church of Christ in England can contain with safety the extreme Evangelical—one of a body ever to be respected, for they it was who fought the great and glorious battle of anti-slavery and boldly preached Christ when a mere cold morality was taught from our pulpits. It can also hold the never weary, ever zealous ritualist, who, we are bound in charity to believe, is as true to Christ's Holy Catholic Church as his fore-named brother. Neither of these points of view, however, commended themselves to him as an Army Chaplain, since the soldier who had no alternative to attending the service should not be compelled to listen to an extreme point of view.273 He had no time for missionary societies which considered " party and not principle "274 and the harm done to the Church in British Columbia by internal conflicts must have reinforced his dislike of extremes. He lived through a time of religious conflict, when the clash of scientists and theologians over the truth of the Bible, and disputes about the relations of Church and State, caused great controversy, but he seems to have been little affected by them. One of his few comments on such (272) Wright, Portsmouth, pp. 162, 209. (273) Wright, Church in Army, p. 15. (274) H.P.W. to S.P.G., February 28, 1862. 184 Donald H. Simpson July-Oct. matters was: " The rash speculations of Bishop Colenso will I fear do much harm with the unthinking & the ungodly—what I know of them only confirms me in my faith. Is it possible that such a mathematician can be so unreasonable? "275 Henry Press Wright was fundamentally a man of simple faith and forthright word and deed. The boy who dreamed of travel and adventure found it as he rode to war with his Guiseley communion vessels, and a screw of pepper in his waistcoat pocket; the pattern of service was continued by the mature man who worked in the mission field and championed the private soldier; and in the old country parson who reprimanded his errant parishioners and compaigned against leprosy an active and valuable fife came to a tranquil but still vigorous close. Donald H. Simpson. Royal Empire Society, London, England. (275) H.P.W. to S.P.G., January 12, 1863. 1955 Henry Press Wright 185 APPENDIX I Books and Pamphlets by Henry Press Wright The author is grateful to the librarians who have lent him copies of these books and enabled him to read them at leisure. The Church of Rome, compared with the Bible, the Fathers of the Church, and the Church of England, translated from the French of Bishop Luscombe. Nisbet, 1841. vi, xl, 119 pp. Recollections of a Crimean Chaplain: and the Story of Prince Daniel and Montenegro. Ward & Lock, 1857. iv, 141 pp. (Cited as Crimean Chaplain.) A Crimean Chaplain's Winter on the Heights above Sebastopol, mentioned in the preceding, does not appear to have been published. England's Duty to England's Army. A Letter addressed to the Right Hon. General Peel, Secretary of State for War, on Matters affecting the Body, Mind, and Soul of the British Soldier. Rivington, 1858. 3rd ed. 36 pp. (Cited as England's Duty.) Early History of the African Church and its Missions. 1858. No copy traced. The Story of the " Domus Dei" of Portsmouth, commonly called the Royal Garrison Church. Parker, 1873. iv, 211, xii pp. illus. (Cited as Portsmouth.) The Church in the Army: A Paper prepared for the Church Congress, 1875. Parker, 1875. 24 pp. (Cited as Church in Army.) A History of the Chaplains' Department of the Army, mentioned in Church in Army, p. 2, as being in preparation, does not seem to have been published. Sermon preached in Christ Church Cathedral on the 12 th July, 1877, at the Third Session of the First Synod of the Diocese of British Columbia. Daily Standard, Victoria, 1877. 23 pp. (Cited as Synod Sermon.) Statutes of the Hospital of the Holy Virgin Mary of Siena, A .D. 1305. Translated from the Italian. Skeffington, 1880. xlviii, 72 pp. (Cited as Siena.) 186 Donald H. Simpson July-Oct. The Story of the " Domus Dei" of Chichester, commonly called St. Mary's Hospital; with an Inventory of St. Mary's Hospital, Dover. Parker, 1885. xxx, 104 pp. illus. (Cited as Chichester.) Leprosy and Segregation. Parker, 1885. xii, 195 pp. illus. (Cited as Leprosy and Segregation.) Leprosy an Imperial Danger. Churchill, 1889. xii, 127 pp. (Cited as Imperial Danger.) The Story of the "Domus Dei" of Stamford (Hospital of William Browne). Parker, 1890. xvi, 519 pp. illus. (Cited as Stamford.) Meditations on the life of Christ by Thomas a Kempis. Translated and edited by the Ven. Archdeacon Wright, M.A. . . . and the Rev. S. Kettlewell . . . with a preface by the latter. Parker, 1892. liii, 354 pp. Also 2nd ed., 1892, xlix, 354 pp. (Cited as Meditations.) Also articles and letters published in the Times, Colonial Church Chronicle, the Mission Field, Mission Life, Notes and Queries, etc., and in the annual reports of the Columbia Mission. HARRY GUILLOD'S JOURNAL OF A TRIP TO CARIBOO, 1862 When the Cariboo gold discoveries of 1861 reached the newspapers outside British Columbia, another horde of prospectors, comparable in enthusiasm if not in numbers to the pioneers of 1858, was soon on its way from California and the Eastern States, from Canada, the Continent, and Great Britain. This second group, unlike the first, was predominantly British rather than American, for the couleur de rose descriptions of the Victoria correspondent of the London Times had " excited great attention."1 In the spring of 1862 hundreds of would-be miners from the British Isles arrived in Victoria on their way to the Cariboo, some to return home impaired in health and daunted in spirit, others to accept with cheerful courage and resourcefulness the hardships for which no newspaper account had prepared them, and to build for themselves, when the gold-rush was over, a new and stable life in British Columbia. Among this latter group of adventurers from Britain was Harry Guillod,2 whose " faithful and unvarnished record of the arduous journey " to the gold mines in 1862 is one of the most lively and, within its announced scope, one of the most informative documents of this lively period. Born in London on August 20,1838, Guillod had served his apprenticeship as a chemist before leaving for British Columbia. In May, 1862, he and his 17-year-old brother George sailed from Southampton aboard the Shannon, and travelling via the Panama and San Francisco arrived at Esquimalt on the steamer Oregon on July 3, 1862. There (1) Matthew Macfie, Vancouver Island and British Columbia, London, 1865, p. 75. The correspondent was Donald Fraser, who had come from California to Victoria in 1858 and had been appointed to the Executive Council. He returned to England in 1862. (2) His Christian name is given as Henry in the Lightning Creek mining records in the Provincial Archives of British Columbia, and in Bishop Hills' reports to the Society for the Propagation of the Gospel, but his own reports to the Department of Indian Affairs are signed Harry Guillod. Except as otherwise noted, the biographical details in this introduction have been drawn from the journal itself or from the obituaries of Guillod and his wife in the Victoria Colonist, July 1, 1906; Alberni Twin Cities Times, January 24, 1949; and Alberni West Coast Advocate, January 27, 1949. British Columbia Historical Quarterly, Vol. XIX, Nos. 3 and 4. 187 188 Dorothy Blakey Smith July-Oct. disembarked along with them one Philip Thomas Johnston,3 who was to share their adventures on the road to the Cariboo, and later to become a solid citizen of Victoria. After one night in comparative luxury at a hotel the three spent the next few days on "the campground " (for Victoria was again, though to a lesser extent than in 1858, a city of tents) laying in stores for their trip and getting thoroughly taken in over the buying of a horse, a sorry sort of animal which they finally lost for good somewhere between Lillooet and Alkali Lake, rather to Guillod's relief than otherwise: " I don't believe the beast would ever have reached Cariboo, and I only wish we had started at first with only our blankets & a change of underclothes and tramped it we should have saved some pounds." On July 8 the party left Victoria on the Enterprise for New Westminster, where they took the steamer for Port Douglas, at the head of Harrison Lake, on the first stage of their journey over the Harrison- Lillooet route. This was the trail which in the summer of 1858 the miners themselves had built with Government assistance, connecting the chain of lakes in the valley of the Harrison River and thus avoiding what at the time seemed the insuperable obstacle of the Fraser Canyon. Two years later this trail had been improved by the Royal Engineers, with the assistance of the Marines and of civilian contractors, into a wagon-road. Surveyed and built in haste to meet an emergency, the Harrison-Lillooet route proved a long, complicated, and expensive means of access to the upper country, and when the rush to the creeks of the Cariboo began the Government soon realized that a more direct approach to the mines would have to be provided, at whatever cost. Already in 1862 the road through the formidable rock bluffs of the (3) His full name is given in the Lightning Creek mining records. In the Oregon passenger list, Victoria Colonist, July 3, 1862, the three travellers appear as I P. S. Johnson, H. Guilford, G. Guilford." After his mining experiences in the Cariboo, Johnston established himself in Victoria in the horticultural business, his partner Henry Mitchell supplying the knowledge and Johnston the capital. The firm built the first hothouse in Victoria at what is now the corner of Fort and St. Charles Streets. In 1868, when Johnston had seen the new business safely established, he went back to England and married an earlier acquaintance, Miss Agnes Hamilton. The couple returned to Victoria the same year, and Mrs. Johnston, a trained musician and a childhood friend of Baroness Burdett-Coutts, became the art and music mistress at Angela College and also instructed the boys' choir at Christ Church Cathedral. She died in 1925 at the age of 83, predeceased by her husband. N. de Bertrand Lugrin, The Pioneer Women of Vancouver Island, 1843-1866, Victoria, 1928, pp. 238-243; Victoria Colonist, April 16, 1925. 1955 Journal of a Trip to Cariboo, 1862 189 Fraser had been commenced, and though for several years there was to be acrimonious rivalry between packers and innkeepers on the two routes to the Cariboo, by 1865 the tolls on the Douglas-Lillooet road had dwindled, most of the wayside houses had been closed, and Port Douglas's brief dream of prosperity was over. But in 1862 the Harri- son-Lillooet route still carried most of the traffic to the mines, and Guillod's journal is of considerable interest in that it documents, with a wealth of sharply observed and directly expressed detail, the hazards and discomforts of this route even during its most flourishing period. Guillod sets down the struggles of these inexperienced packers with their " Old Moke " on crowded steamer and slippery trail; the infinitely slow progress over roads that were nothing but " mud, stones, [and] trees fallen in every direction," the travellers often being forced to wade thigh-deep through streams or up to the knees in swampy mud (and Guillod's footwear was reduced at one stage to a single boot minus its top, which he had been obliged to make into a moccasin for the other foot); the never-ending and irritating warfare against the " buzzing and biting " of mosquitoes and flies of various sorts; the frequent necessity of making camp in a downpour and rolling up in wet blankets; even the deficiencies of the daily menu, which Guillod faithfully records, from the monotony of " Beans and Bacon! Bacon and Beans! " to the " decidedly original dinner [of] fish, flesh, fowl and pudding " all stirred up together in the one " billy." Guillod makes light of this way of life, and of the physical ailments which it often induced: he was even able to laugh at the swollen face that, he does admit, gave him " great pain," tied up " in a pair of drawers which, with a red handkerchief and my mosquito netting surmounted by a Scotch cap, made me look a bit of a fright." In spite of pain and discomfort Guillod was always keenly aware of the country through which he and his companions were passing and of the people they met along the way. Evidently he had had some training in drawing, and he took his sketching block with him on the trip, making use of it in spite of the attacks of flies and mosquitoes. But he also put his impressions into words. Even his first sight of Victoria falls into a neat composition: " a little bit of a lake and the bridge being in the foreground " and a church spire " the principal object in the landscape." In the more rugged country of the interior he describes I the rough and gigantic masses of rock," the swift running streams " dashing and spraying over the stones," and " the deep blue [and] the white foam " 190 Dorothy Blakey Smith July-Oct. of the Thompson River before it joins the Fraser. And there are many delightful vignettes too of the travellers encountered on the road, from the " middle-aged lady [with] a very fine pair of legs, red petticoat [and] a hat and feather," who was going with her husband " to open a house of refreshment at Cariboo," to the Chinese who " pack everything on sticks across their shoulders, as you see drawn on China jars." Towards the end of August the party reached Van Winkle, and there Johnston and Harry Guillod bought into a group of claims known as " the Doctor's," on Lightning Creek, a quarter of a mile down-stream from the settlement.4 They did not, it would appear, strike too happy a bargain, for although Johnston had been in Australia he found the Cariboo diggings quite another matter, and the Guillods of course knew nothing of mining. There were eight men in the original group, five of them miners, and the newcomers " paid $500 for two half interests, with the understanding that we worked the other two half interests . . . free of wages till we reach the bed-rock or paying dirt, (which may be forty or fifty feet down for all we know,) when we are to receive $5 each per day." Before the trio could begin work, however, George succumbed to an attack of " rheumatism or at least his old weakness in both his knees," and had to be sent back to Victoria; the brothers " did not like parting at all." For the next three weeks Harry Guillod and Johnston worked on the claim, and this part of the journal is of great technical interest, for Guillod describes in exact detail the methods used to keep the mine clear of water as the shaft was sunk. (4) See the Bills of Sale, Lightning Creek, Vol. II, June 1860-June 1880, p. 95, MS, Archives of B.C.: " 1862. Lightning Creek. August 25. Bill of sale Daniel Siddall transfers to Philip Thomas Johnston 8680 one half of his interest being 100 ft in the set of claims known as those of the ' Doctors' situated about 80 Rods below the town of Van Winkle. . . . Thomas Smithson transfers to Henry Guillod 8681 one half of his interest being 100 ft on the Co known as the Doctors. . . ." Thomas Smithson has not been traced, but Daniel Siddall is no doubt to be identified with the " Dr. Siddall" who in the first issue of the Barker- ville Cariboo Sentinel, June 6, 1865, advertised for patients " who wish to be cured of diseases of every kind, without the aid of mercury." Like many doctors of the period he also practised dentistry, and on March 16, 1872, the following advertisement appeared in the Sentinel: " Now is Your Time.—Something New.—The first false teeth ever set in Vulcanite in Cariboo can now be seen in the Dentist's window, Barkerville. It is the latest style of wearing false teeth, and is very easy and comfortable, and so cheap that it is within the reach of all. Parties can now be accommodated in all branches of Dentistry, up to the 10th day of April next, at Victoria prices. Then goodbye old Cariboo. . . ." 1955 Journal of a Trip to Cariboo, 1862 191 By the middle of September the original members of the group had worked "for six months, and spent all the money they had, without getting a grain of gold," and this, says Guillod, " is a common experience." So on September 19 the claim was laid over for the winter, and Guillod and Johnston, themselves now so short of money that they were glad to accept the loan of a sovereign from " old Dr. Evans, a Methodist preacher,"5 on their way down from the mines, started back to Victoria. This time they took the Yale route, for there was work to be had along the roads then under construction. At a road-camp near Lytton Johnston found employment, but Guillod, no doubt anxious about his young brother, pushed on to the coast, missing the steamer at Yale by half an hour and being obliged to hire an Indian canoe to take him down to New Westminster, where he boarded the Enterprise again. By October 18 he was back in Victoria, alone, " in the remnants of [his] clothes and without a cent in [his] pocket." During the winter Guillod could find no other work but stone-breaking, and that almost as a favour, but he was of stout heart, and the next spring he went back to Van Winkle to renew work on his claim. It is to be presumed that he had better luck this time, for there is evidence that some time in 1863 he became the owner of a one-third interest in a sawmill at Chemainus, and that he also pre-empted a piece of land known as Graham Prairie, a mile west of the mill. The following year he disposed of house, land, and interest in the mill to one T. G. Askew,6 and apparently returned to Victoria, for by 1866 he was established there as a catechist of the Anglican Church under Bishop George Hills, serving at the " Indian Mission and half-breed school" there until the spring of 1868.7 For the rest of Guillod's life he was to work among the Indians, though not always as a catechist. His interest in the native peoples is seen already in the Cariboo journal, where he records that the " romantic (5) Ephraim Evans, D.D. Ordained in 1833, he had arrived in Victoria via the Panama from Toronto on February 10, 1859 (Victoria Colonist, February 12, 1859), and had become the first Superintendent of Wesleyan Missions. George H. Cornish, Handbook of Canadian Methodism, Toronto, 1867, p. 26. (6) T. G. Askew to B. W. Pearse, n.d. (Endorsed: Reed 21/9/1871.) Askew Letters, MS, Archives of B.C. (7) For Guillod's work as a catechist see the Society for the Propagation of the Gospel, Papers Relating to the Diocese of Columbia, 1858-1874, Transcripts, Vols. II and III, MS, Archives of B.C.; and the Annual Reports of the Columbia Mission, published in London, for the period 1866-1872, Microfilm, Archives of B.C. 192 Dorothy Blakey Smith July-Oct. illusions " concerning " the ' Child of the Forest' " with which he had come from England were rapidly dispelled by the Indians whom he saw near Port Douglas: " dirty, immoral, and fond of tawdry finery," even the daughter of a chief wearing | armlets and anklets of plain brass, like twisted stair-rods and a very dirty blanket twisted round her." But that Guillod did not allow disillusion to harden into prejudice is shown by his subsequent description of a family of Siwash Indians on the Fraser who gave him shelter; he was greatly impressed by their hospitality and by their devotion to the practices of their Roman Catholic religion. It is more than likely that Bishop Hills found in Guillod an answer to his private plea to the Secretary of the S.P.G. for some " really good men " for Indian work: " There is no use, as you well know, to send inferior men. Our peculiar population requires not only earnest but intelligent and gifted men. For Indians firmness & tenderness are indispensable qualities for success."8 However that may be, Guillod was chosen by the Bishop in 1868 to accompany the Rev. J. X. Willemar, a recent convert from the Roman Catholic priesthood, who had been instructed to establish a mission among the Aht Indians at Alberni. The two started from Nanaimo by canoe to Qualicum on the 22nd of May, and then proceeded to Alberni by way of the Home Lake trail, returning to Victoria by schooner from Ucluelet at the end of their summer's work.9 In 1871 Mr. Willemar was transferred from Alberni to Comox, and Guillod served under him there as catechist at St. Andrew's Mission for several years. In 1881 the first Indian Agents for the Province were appointed, and Guillod was a natural choice for the West Coast agency, which he was to serve for the next twenty years. When he took up his new post the Indians at Alberni were, he says, " glad to see me, being no stranger to them."10 In 1885 Guillod was married, in St. Andrew's Church at Sandwick, which Mr. Willemar had built in 1877, to Mrs. Willemar's sister, Miss Kate Elizabeth Monro of Victoria, who as an infant had come from (8) G. Columbia to Rev. W. T. Bullock, private, October 20, 1865, S. P. G. Papers, Vol. n, p. 172. (9) J. X. Willemar, A Missionary Expedition from the East to the West Coast of Vancouver's Island by the Rev. J. X. Willemar and Mr. H. Guillod, S. P. G. Papers, Vol. Ill [21 pp., unnumbered]. (10) Canada, Department of Indian Affairs, Annual Report . . . for . . . 1881, Ottawa, 1882, p. 161. 1955 Journal of a Trip to Cariboo, 1862 193 England with her parents by clipper ship in 1863.11 She returned with her husband to Ucluelet, where a residence for the Agent had been completed in 1884, Guillod doing much of the work himself; his wife is said to have been the first white woman to live among the West Coast Indians there. Guillod's reports to the Department of Indian Affairs during the first years of his agency make interesting reading. Much of his concern, of course, was for the health of his charges in the face of ignorance and superstition; he writes of mass vaccination and of spending days in " visiting the sick and dispensing medicine "—a duty in which his early training as a chemist was no doubt invaluable. As well as giving population statistics and reporting on economic conditions, he describes the houses, the living habits, and the traditional dances and ceremonies of the Indians, and his comments on the " potlach," which the Government was then in process of abolishing, are both sensible and pointed. Occasionally the interest of the amateur artist in landscape breaks through the official crust, as when he speaks of leaving Actis " with a fleet of fifty Kyukaht canoes, many with two large square sails, wing and wing, . . . a pretty sight with a fair wind."12 In 1889, for the sake of their children's education, the Guillods were transferred to Alberni, living at first on the Somass farm. Later they acquired a 1-acre property on River Road, where they lived for many years, the veteran Alberni school-teacher, Mr. J. Howitt, boarding with them for a time. Guillod took a very active part in the establishment of All Saints Church in Alberni,13 and was for many years a church-warden. The musical talent of which there is some evidence in his Cariboo journal now had full scope: he played the organ and trained the choir, and was also " much appreciated," according to his Alberni neighbours, at social entertainments. In 1903 he retired as Indian Agent, and three years later he died, beloved and respected by both white men and Indians. The former spoke of him as " a jolly fellow, good-natured and true- hearted," and " ever ready to help those in need "; the Indians came in crowds to his funeral. Harry Guillod's widow died in 1949, at the age of 88. She was survived by three daughters, Mrs. B. J. Beckerleg, Mrs. Kate Mayers, and (11) Her father was H. D. Monro; her brother, Robert Ross Monro, was later well known in Victoria as Major of the 5th " British Columbia " Regiment, Royal Canadian Garrison Artillery. Victoria Colonist, June 19, 1884, and June 4, 1904. (12) Report, 1886, p. 82. (13) Victoria Colonist, October 23, 1898. 194 Dorothy Blakey Smith July-Oct. Miss Edna Guillod, and it is through their generosity that the manuscript of their father's journal has now been made available. It consists of fifty-two loose leaves of foolscap, blue-grey in colour and faint-ruled, written on one side only, in a firm, clear hand which Mrs. Beckerleg identifies as her father's.14 The manuscript has no cover and no binding; the first leaf is brown with age, and in places the edges of the leaves are torn. According to Guillod's own statement he kept" very short though actual notes " on his journey to the Cariboo, jotting down " a line or so each day "; and on his return to Victoria in October, 1862, he compiled from these notes a fuller account of the trip, which it would seem that he sent to his mother in England before he went back to his Van Winkle claim in the spring of 1863. Both the form and the style of the manuscript suggest that he may have had some thought of publication; it is certain that he envisaged the journal being passed round among his | numerous friends and relatives "; and it was probably for this reason that he added a few explanatory notes and a " Preface," all in the third person, and, with customary Victorian reticence, replaced the proper names in the text by dashes. After his mother's death the journal was sent to Guillod's brother George, who had returned to England after his unsuccessful venture in the Cariboo and had subsequently emigrated to the more genial climate of South Africa.15 In 1953 the journal was sent from Durban to Guillod's daughters in Victoria, and having been brought to the attention of the Provincial Archivist by Mr. Alfred Carmichael, who had known Harry Guillod in Alberni in the 1890's, it was finally placed in the Provincial Archives of British Columbia. Dorothy Blakey Smith. Victoria, B.C. (14) Mrs. B. J. Beckerleg to W. E. Ireland, August 11,1954. (15) Mr. Alfred Carmichael to W. E. Ireland, n.d. (acknowledged April 30, 1954). 1955 Journal of a Trip to Cariboo, 1862 195 JOURNAL OF A TRIP TO CARIBOO, 1862. PrefU.ce].1 The only merit that is claimed for the following pages, is that they are a faithful and unvarnished record of the arduous journey which they describe. It may however be well to mention, what however will be evident to the reader as he proceeds, that they are not written by a grumbler or disappointed man, but by one who met the difficulties and hardships of the undertaking with cheerful courage. That he was not disheartened by the unprofitableness of last years season and the roughness of a winter at Victoria where stonebreaking was the only work to be obtained by one who was not a mechanic and that only as a favour, is shewn by this that he has gone up again to Cariboo and we may hope is now reaping a golden harvest in the claim at Van Winkle. No doubt there are thousands of our city youths who would as readily leave the comforts of a quiet home and face the hardships of a mountain journey bad food and short commons, hail and rain and storm, mosquitoes and sand flies with as good a heart and as patient an endurance, shewing the sterling qualities of the Saxon race; but there are also thousands who would not be able to do so; and it will be well for every one who is tempted by the glittering prizes which are held out by Cariboo and its rival Goldfields, to consider deeply whether they have got the right stuff in them and will be able to bivouac in wet blankets and cook a pancake in a hailstorm, without regretting the snug featherbed and comfortable chophouse of the West end and the City. Introductory letter Sunday Oct. 19* 1862 Dear Mother, Here I am again in Victoria! Have seen the "Elephant" as Cariboo is called here: bought into a claim on Lightning Creek, got "played out" and arrived here per Steamer2 yesterday evening in the remnants of my clothes and without a cent in my pocket. I had to leave my watch in deposit for my Steamboat fare, and as I left Cariboo without a change of clothes, here I am without a shirt to my back; what remains being only a collar and the tattered front; in a dilapidated coat and with one boot between two feet, and all things considered in a pretty respectable plight to present myself at Church; (1) The manuscript is untitled and begins with the Preface. The right half of the top margin has been torn away. (2) The Enterprise was built in San Francisco in 1861 and bought by the Hudson's Bay Company the following year for the Fraser River trade. Norman R. Hacking, " Steamboating on the Fraser in the 'Sixties," British Columbia Historical Quarterly, X (1946), p. 21. She made her first trip from Victoria to New Westminster on April 4, 1862, under Captain W. A. Mouat. Hacking gives this date as April 3, but cf. Victoria Colonist, April 5, 1862. 196 Dorothy Blakey Smith July-Oct. in fact having rather a wild appearance for beside my rags my hair has not been cut since I left England in May. The Steamer did not get in till half past six, being too late to get letters, clothes or money, so I had to ask the proprietor of the Hotel to trust me till Monday, the rule being to pay everything beforehand. I have had my breakfast and walked out a mile or so, to the place where we camped in July; and am now dotting [sic] this down as I ruminate on my future prospects which I confess at present look not very bright, but I guess I'll fall on my legs somehow. There is great difficulty in getting employment anywhere here, and I am in a state of uncertainty with regard to George3 who came down a month before me. If he has gone to California which is not improbable I would rather follow him. It is now between nine and ten o'clock here and I reckon you are at dinner: I often picture to myself what you are all doing at home; and many a time when I have been cold, hungry, wet and tired, my thoughts have centered on a quiet cup of tea at Paddington: to walk in and see you all just then would have been the highest pinnacle of happiness; of course to make it complete it must be in the short days with closed curtains and a comfortable fire and then to my idea there is something superlatively cosy about it. My health has been firstrate, and in spite of my feet being constantly wet in the first part of my journey, my spirits were not at all damped. Today is a charming day and as I hear the bells going for Church I will close this introductory chapter and begin with my diary after, but I am afraid you will find it very dull, as I only found time to jot down a line or so each day. Saturday June 28th 1862. We got on board the Oregon4 at San Francisco and after a quiet passage arrived at Esquimault on Wednesday July 2nd finishing our sea voyage which you may be sure we were glad of. I could hardly realize that we were indeed in sight of Vancouver's Island. It is a pretty harbour at Esquimault rather than a fine one, consisting of a collection of small pieces of water opening into each other. In passing across to Victoria we saw several plants which put us in mind of home; blackberries—the same kind of plant as our own but different in leaf and flavour,—and several of our wild flowers: it was a winding road through tangled underwood; here a turn brought us in view of the bay there, we went round a large moss covered stone, or a fallen tree overgrown with grey lichens, contrasting with the green foliage of the trees and the red leaves of the underwood. (3) "His younger brother aged seventeen who had accompanied him on his journey up." [Foot-note in original MS.] (4) One of the pioneer vessels of the Pacific Mail Company. Built in New York in 1848 she arrived at San Francisco in March, 1849, and was for several years on the Panama route. During the Fraser River gold-rush she often brought between 500 and 700 passengers a trip from San Francisco to Esquimalt. In 1862 her captain was Francis Conner. Lewis & Dry den's Marine History of the Pacific Northwest, ed. E. W. Wright, Portland, 1895, p. 60, n. 12; Victoria Colonist, July 4, 1862. 1955 Journal of a Trip to Cariboo, 1862 197 We crossed a wooden bridge5 to reach Victoria, which as you approach looks like a pretty English village; the Church or as I found out afterwards the Methodist Chapel with its little spire6 being the principal object in the landscape, a little bit of a lake and the bridge being in the foreground—how much, prettier the slanting roofs are than the flat pasteboardy ones of San Francisco! A pony cart took our luggage across with some others for which we paid $1 Va . We stopped at the Royal Hotel7 that night paying %XA for our bed and the same for each meal. The next morning we packed up and got some of our goods stored; taking what we wanted with us down to the camping ground, where George and I found our first experience of life out of doors. We bought a tent of some men on the ground for five dollars. We had very fine weather while here and found provisions, good fresh meat and fish pretty cheap; bread was dearer than at home we paid %Vi for five small loaves. Saturday J 8 went into town with an old fellow Mr. A had recommended to him and bought a horse afterwards named "Old Moke." We had him home on Sunday evening intending to start for Cariboo the next morning when we found he had a sand crack on his fore hoof and was weak on the legs altogether, making him walk a little lame; so we deferred starting and went down to try and make a better bargain; however the dealer would have nothing to do with him " it wasn't his horse and he'd just sent the money along to the owner "; so we had no help for it, and decided to start with him and take our chance. The fact was J did not give enough to have a decent horse and was deluded (by the help of his friend) into buying him without having him out of the stable. I went with him and ought to have stayed but we were to meet Captn. J at the stable and I got tired of waiting and left and when I came back, the deed was done. A good many of our companions on the voyage were camping on the same ground with ourselves; all much discouraged by the news from Cariboo, which was very unfavorable: more men coming down than going up giving dismal accounts of the dearness of provisions everything being a dollar (5) The approach from Esquimalt was by way of the two wooden bridges built in 1861 to replace the old Victoria bridge between Johnson Street and the Indian Reserve, which was pulled down in May, 1862. One of these spanned the north arm of the harbour at Point Ellis [later Ellice], the other, Rock Bay at Constance Street, a block below Store Street. Victoria Colonist, October 30, 1860; May 28, 1861; May 14, 1862. (6) The Pandora Street Wesleyan Methodist Church at the corner of Broad Street, dedicated on May 20, 1860. Ibid., May 22, 1860. (7) One of the first brick hotels in Victoria, built in 1858 by James Wilcox at the corner of Wharf and Johnson Streets, and incorporated in 1877 in the Occidental Hotel, which was torn down in 1953. Victoria Gazette, October 13, 1858; Victoria Colonist, April 5, 1896, and April 23, 1953. (8) "A partner with the two brothers in the expedition, who had been in the Australian gold diggings." [Foot-note in original MS.] The name should be read as Johnston. See Introduction, foot-note 3. 198 Dorothy Blakey Smith July-Oct. a pound; continued wet and consequent mud; bad roads, horrid mosquitoes, &C&C. It seems to me that those who had gone up earlier were too soon, as from all accounts there is nothing to be done in the way of prospecting till July or August. Many of those coming back had never been to Cariboo, but finding the roads wretched, provisions scarce and dear and their money failing, had turned back either discouraged or from necessity and a queer looking set of fellows they are; rough and dirty, many having thrown away their things or otherwise got rid of them to lighten their swags. I seemed to have very little time here, what with chopping wood, going backwards and forwards to town and cooking the days seemed to go very quickly. We laid in a small supply of provisions—Barley for horse: 15 lb of Flour, 10 lb sugar, a ham, 8 lb cheese, 10 lb Biscuits, 3 lb dried Apples, 2 lb. Coffee, 4 lb Tea, a bottle of Curry, salt &c Our whole expenses since leaving England up to this date, reckoning horse, pack saddle, saddlebags, provisions and extra money paid for our fare from San Francisco is £50. We have deposited £100 at Selim Franklin and Co.9 at 1 pr Cent pr month which is not bad interest; and take £50 apiece up the country. We took as small a supply of clothes as possible and were off on Tuesday, July 8th getting on board the Enterprize at three o'clock, leaving a letter in our way with all information up to this date.10 When we went to embark, George took charge of the horse which we were entirely out of conceit with; and as we had to wait near an hour before he could be received on board, you must imagine the figure George cut with his lanky legs, dressed in a jersey and no coat walking about with this disconsolate-looking animal, who when his turn came to proceed on board, took it into his head to back, so there was George pulling one way and the horse most determinedly the other, till some fellow behind put the whip into him when he stepped the plank. I was on board with the luggage watching proceedings. We steamed up the channel with Vancouver's Island on one side and the Oregon snow-capped mountains visible over the islands on the other and going up the Frazer in the night arrived at New Westminster the next morning July 9th. We found an eligible spot and pitched our tent as we were told (9) Selim and Lumley Franklin had come from England to San Francisco at the time of the California gold-rush, and from there to Victoria, where they established themselves in 1858 as auctioneers and land agents and became prominent in public affairs, Selim being elected to the House of Assembly in 1860 and Lumley becoming Mayor of Victoria in 1865. David Rome, The First Two Years, Montreal, 1942, pp. 52-105. (10) "This was lost in the 'Golden Gate' which was burned between San Francisco and Panama." [Foot-note in original MS.] The paddle-wheel steamer Golden Gate left San Francisco for New York on July 21, 1862, and burned to the water's edge off Manzanillo, Mexico, on July 27. Victoria Colonist, August 15, 1862. 1955 Journal of a Trip to Cariboo, 1862 199 that there was no boat up the river till the next morning. New Westminster has one principal street with a hotel or two, a couple of dozen stores, a church and some pretty cottages along the bank of the river, among them a model Swiss Cottage: the military station is about a mile from the wharf, and enclosed by the forest which is being gradually cleared from around the town. There were Indians squatted on some swampy ground by the side of the river and we heard that the small-pox was bad among them; I saw one little wretch who was just getting over it, down by the water, where we went to have a bathe. As we returned a steamer came in and on enquiry we found she left again at 7 for Douglas; so we got some sausage and bread for dinner, packed up in all haste, and went on board the "Governor Douglas,"11 a queer-looking steamer, having the paddle wheels, minus boxes, in the stern. The passage up the river was beautiful, the banks being densely wooded down to the water's edge on either side, while now and then a snow capped mountain, towered high over us. Just as it was getting dark we passed a burning forest, a tract of land being cleared as we supposed; after which we rolled ourselves up in our blankets and went to sleep on the floor of the cabin. I was roused several times in the night by the noise made on board, for it being foggy, they had a job to find the way and kept sounding the whistle. July 10th The last part of the river was very narrow,12 quite closed in with bushes which grew in the water; and we ran into the sides several times; once a tree caught some boxes of bacon and turned them over on the deck, smashing one of the number; we had also to pass through a lot of drift wood, which was slow work it having to be pushed out of the way with long poles. We spoke with another steamer and took on board three or four chaps who had come with us in the Shannon from Southampton; they were going to Yale to get work, having been disgusted with the accounts from Cariboo which they had heard at Douglas. As we approached the town, we were struck with an Indian burying ground, which had the appearance of being hung with banners; the blankets and clothes of the deceased being hoisted on long poles. We arrived at Douglas at 9:30; there is nothing pretty in the town which is merely a row of log huts in a small clearing surrounded by the forest, with the road to the diggings perceptible up the hill behind. On landing we found the horse had cut his hind hock against a bit of sharp wood on board the steamer, and while waiting on the wharf, several fellows came up and gave (11) The first stern-wheeler built at Victoria, launched on October 30, 1858, and owned by the Victoria Steam Navigation Company, which by 1862 had passed into the control of the Wright brothers. Hacking, op. cit., pp. 4-5, 21. (12) Port Douglas, the southern terminus of the Harrison-Lillooet road, had been unwisely located on Little Harrison Lake, which was connected with the main lake by a narrow winding creek about half a mile long. This was originally named Ainsworth Inlet in honour of Captain J. C. Ainsworth of the Umatilla, the first steamer to penetrate as far as the site of the future Port Douglas in July, 1858. Victoria Gazette, August 17, 1858. 200 Dorothy Blakey Smith July-Oct. their remarks, free of cash upon our noble quadruped. One horse dealer looked at his leg and said it was an old sore, and found far more faults in the beast, than you would have thought possible to be concentrated in one animal; declaring that it would not take us five miles from Douglas, and wanting to sell us another, from, of course perfectly disinterested motives. I wished the creature at the bottom of the sea, or that he would give up altogether, as then we should have been obliged to buy a more decent animal; but as it was, we could not afford to pitch him into the river; so we got off as soon as we could, made three miles and then stopped to have dinner. Before we left the wharf we had a close view of a party of Indians, a man who had been up country being in the act of selling off some of his traps to them. A journey out here soon destroys all romantic illusions with regard to the Indians; instead of anything noble they are dirty, immoral and fond of tawdry finery: here are our illustrations. Take that old woman and the little girl who is playing with a baby in the woman's arms; the dress of the latter is a very dirty cotton gown shewing her form to perfection, ornamented with a bead necklace about an inch and a half deep; the papoose has on an apology for a shirt which I suppose has once been white; (I am not very clear on the subject of its clothing, but I remember it was as little as possible and very dirty:) the girl, who I suppose was the daughter of a Tyce [sic: for Tyee?] or chief, had armlets and anklets of plain brass, like twisted stair-rods and a very dirty blanket twisted round her. The favorite dress of the men seems to be a common cap with a band of tinsel paper round it a rusty black coat, cast off trousers of any colour and boots. When they want to be swellish, they streak their faces with vermillion and put on one of the wonderful large necklaces, the cloth coat with these additions making a "tout ensemble" difficult to imagine. The women are mostly in old gowns or dirty blankets; the more fortunate with an ornamentation of red paint and some even wear crinoline for I have seen them here and farther up with that adornment. The generality of them men and women are very ugly though you do occasionally see a respectable looking woman and on one of the boats there was an old man a chief with half a dozen squaws and some young men who was better looking than the majority, but put one in mind of a well favoured superannuated washerwoman. Formerly they wore their hair hanging in tangled masses down to their waists but they have now so far advanced in civilization, as to cut it above their shoulders and comb it, and some I should say use real Indian Macassar. As for the grace of the " Child of the Forest" I'm afraid I've not got eyes for it. We did eight miles more after dinner, making eleven from Douglas, and stopped at 8:30 in a deep thickly-wooded valley, with huge mountains on each side. Our road had been very stony and up and down hill. It was a fine night so we did not pitch our tent; but we thought it necessary to keep watch which we did in three turns from 10:30 to 1.0, 1.0 to 3:30 and 3.30 to 6:0. I was very sleepy in my watch, although it was a very romantic spot. The moon rose and shone out over the top of the mountains, giving a beautiful appearance to the trees, and throwing streaks of light across our camping 1955 Journal of a Trip to Cariboo, 1862 201 ground; while the noise of the streamlets rushing and spraying down from the neighbouring hills had a lulling effect on the senses. The night passed without any adventure. July 11th We started at 8:30 and had proceeded on our road about six miles, when as George was walking a-head of the horse, I being behind, the f Old Moke " took it into his head to roll over in the road, catching his foot at the same time in the halter. George was going on without the slightest idea of what had happened till 1 bawled out. The animal was not a bit hurt, but we had to unpack him and therefore stopped and had dinner. We started again at 2.0: The road was principally up and down bill, in deep vallies between the mountains: sometimes we were down so low among tall trees that the sun was entirely hid, and then the trail would lead for a little while through woods on level ground. We reached the Lake13 at 8.0 having made eighteen miles. We camped on a bit of open ground that had been cleared close to the Lake partly occupied by a few log huts: here we made a good fire and kept watch as before. The tarpaulin we took with us from Unite's [sic] was very useful to lie on, quite excluding the damp and the night being again fine, we were too lazy to pitch our tent. In the night we made some coffee which was very jolly July 12th J and I went down with our baggage to take the boat at 10:30; sending George along the trail with our nag and packsaddle. We had to wait some time before the boat started; and when it did move it was very slow, for it was a large river boat14 filled with freight which they had to row against stream and wind and in one place we had a stoppage to pass some rapids, so that we did not get out of the boat till four o'clock, the distance being about six miles; we found the sun very hot as we laid in the boat. When we got out we had to walk a mile to reach another lake and steamer;15 there we found a Restaurant and made a jolly meal of fresh meat &c for which we paid a dollar each. I put a piece of bread and meat in my pocket for George who was on the other side of the lake; he got there in two hours (13) Little Lillooet Lake, also called Tenas Lake, from the Chinook word for little. (14) The miners who in 1858 had constructed the Harrison-Lillooet trail had also built large boats for transportation on the lakes. Governor James Douglas to Sir Edward Bulwer Lytton, Secretary of State, November 9, 1858, Great Britain, Parliament, Papers Relative to the Affairs of British Columbia, Part H, London, H.M. Stationery Office, 1859 [Cmd. 2578, 1st series], p. 29. On the three larger lakes these were replaced by steamers in 1860, but it was not until three years later that there was steam transportation on Little Lillooet Lake. (15) Lillooet Lake. The steamer was the Marzelle, 60 feet, with a capacity of some 40 tons of freight; launched on June 12, 1860, for Goulding & Company. In 1863 she was replaced by the Prince of Wales, a steamer almost twice as large, and transferred for service on Little Lillooet Lake. Hacking, op. cit. 202 Dorothy Blakey Smith July-Oct. and had to wait till six o'clock when we took him up on the steamer; he was nearly famished, as he had no means of getting anything to eat, we having all the provisions with us, not thinking he would have been so much before us. Here we had our first experience of mosquitoes which was not very agreeable. We reached Pemberton at eleven at night and slept in a house.16 At all eating-houses on the road, there is a room where you may roll yourself up in a blanket and sleep free of charge. We tied up the horse outside and here I must relate an adventure which befel him after dark on board the Steamer; one of the oxen offended him, I suppose, and he kicked him overboard, and the poor beast was drowned. George heard this from the captain. I was surprized at his showing so much spirit, as he looks awfully quiet. July 13th We had breakfast in the house, and went on only about five miles, it being Sunday, to a good camping ground. On leaving I was so bothered with mosquitoes that I left my pocket knife behind, finding it out to my great regret when it was too late to go back. We had very little peace and J nearly went wild, for we were eaten up with mosquitoes, they were perfectly dreadful and I could never have believed that anything of the sort could be so bad. We had bought netting at Victoria, but it was of little use as we had not broad-brimmed hats to keep it off the face and wherever it touched they bit through We have no domestic pests in England to be compared with these. Here our horse had another adventure. I had tied the wretch to a stone which was in the road to give him the benefit of some hay left there by a team; we were having our meal when, looking round suddenly, we discovered that " the Old Moke " had made off, having slipped his halter from the stone; as this had evidently been dragged forwards on the road, I supposed that he had gone that way, so started off, and a mile or so on, luckily found some chaps who had caught him and put their packs on his back; they had found him going at a smart pace toward Lilooett and supposed he was running away. When I got back I found that J had started back to Pemberton to look for him and he did not get back till 10:30. We got scarcely any sleep that night because of the mosquitoes, and they seemed to bother J more even than us, which we wondered at, as he had made their acquaintance in Australia. July 14th We were glad to be off early at 6:30, and made two journeys in the day, doing eighteen miles. We amused ourselves with the gun on the way; I shot a squirrel—my first shot with that gun; and George got several small birds and missed more. We camped and cooked the squirrel, which we did not find anything extraordinary. We did not set up our tent, and just as we laid down it began to rain, and although we were under the trees, we got a pretty considerable sprinkling. I did not like my watch at all, having to grope about in the rain and darkness for wood to keep the fire up; in doing this I dropped my spectacles in the bush and had a rare job to feel for them. (16) Between Douglas and Lillooet there were a dozen or so "wayside houses" or "mile-houses" for the accommodation of travellers. 1955 Journal of a Trip to Cariboo, 1862 203 July 15th We now came to another lake, with a steamer to take us over;17 we had some bread and cheese and went on board at twelve o'clock; there were several English chaps on the other side returning; we went on to Lilooett.18 It was quite dark when we got in; the last part of our journey was across a level plain and as it came on to rain hard, you may suppose it was not very jolly; for my part I was miserable enough. However on reaching the town we found a house to lie down in which quite set us up; we tied the old horse up in the rain, and turned in and slept very well. A man and his horse accompanied us this part of the way, he belonged to a party which went up earlier, and had been particularly unfortunate. One of them had shot himself in drawing a loaded gun out of a tent. They had gone up with three horses which this man had taken back for a fresh supply of provisions, but two had died from over-driving; so that while they were expecting him with three loads, he was going up with only one. Besides this he was taking up to another of the party news of his brother's death, so that altogether he was very down in the mouth. The road up thus far had been through deep valleys with snowcapped mountains towering above the trees in the distance; every mile or two we came to a swift running stream of deliciously cold water from the mountains, dashing and spraying over the stones; or we crossed a rough bridge of pine- trees over a cascade which bounded over the rocks far below; then would come a level road through pine forests for a few miles; again we went up hill round the side of a mountain, only to descend again far down into the valley, shut in by large trees and cool even in the heat of the day, but never out of sight of huge mountains, principally covered with fir. George said it put him in mind of the Highland scenery, but altogether on a larger and grander scale. Wednesday July 16th We had a good breakfast, only short of vegetables, and paid a dollar apiece for it. We gave the old horse a feed of hay and went (17) Anderson Lake. The steamer was the Lady of the Lake, 72 feet, launched in the early summer of 1860 for Chapman & Company. Hacking, op. cit. Governor Douglas commented to the Duke of Newcastle on April 23, 1860: "Two stern-wheel steamers, intended to ply on Lakes Anderson and Seaton, are nearly completed by an association of settlers, who at much labor and expense packed the engines and boilers from Douglas over the Harrison road. To give an idea of the difficulty of the undertaking, I may mention that the boilers, being too heavy to carry on mules, were rolled over the trail, as far as the 28-mile house, in five sections." Papers Relative to the Affairs of British Columbia, Part IV, 1862 [Cmd. 2952], p. 5. (18) The diary is greatly condensed here. Between Anderson Lake and Seton Lake there was a road a mile and a half long, where a sort of wooden tramway for the passage of wagons was in operation by 1861. E. O. S. Scholefield and F. W. Howay, British Columbia from the Earliest Times to the Present, Vancouver, 1914, Vol. II, p. 93. The travellers next crossed Seton Lake in the Champion, 110 feet, launched in June, 1860, for Taylor & Company, and then walked 4 miles to Lillooet. Hacking, op. cit. 204 Dorothy Blakey Smith July-Oct. down to the ferry which here crosses the Fraser. The river has a rapid stream, and a rocky descending shore with a few bushes scattered here and there. We saw some Chinamen washing for gold; for there is some gold to be found along the whole course of the river, but not in paying quantities; the good Fraser River diggings having been worked out. I and j Went on to the store19 to buy provisions, and obtained 50 lb each of Flour and Beans; 10 lb of Sugar; 6 lb of Corn Meal, 5 lb of Salt and 23 lb of Bacon, which cost us about £10:0:0. George came across with the horse about twelve o'clock; he had to sit in the boat holding the bridle while the horse swam: the Old Moke did it well. We went up to the store and loaded him. We left a few things at Lilooett and packed swag to carry on our backs. Our journey today was over a pretty even trail; we made nine miles camping in a turn of the road20 with a creek running close by. July 17th We made two journeys doing about seventeen miles. Soon after starting the saddle shifted, and we were obliged to pack again, a thing which requires some practice to do properly, so that the man who was travelling with us went on and left us behind. We passed a horse left by the roadside in a dying condition. J and I went on before leaving George trying to shoot some birds; J was going forwards with the horse, when in some unaccountable manner we missed the road, and took a foot trail which led us down a very steep track into a valley and then we had to get up the other side which was a " burster ": when we had gone half way up, the steepness of the ascent shifted the saddle right on to our beast's hind quarters; so we had to unpack in a great hurry, take the animal up first and afterwards the goods which was no joke. We packed again and found George a little ahead, as he had gone by the right road and so passed us. Here we met with a middle-aged lady whom we had seen at Esquimault; she had come out with her husband, who looked sixty, to open a house of (19) Across the river from Lillooet was a small settlement sometimes called Lower Fountain, sometimes Parsonville. The latter name appears to have been derived from Otis Parsons, who operated a forwarding depot there before the building of the Lytton-Clinton road. He later operated steamers on the Fraser, which he is said to have sold for $40,000 in gold, and was drowned, together with his family, in the foundering of the Pacific in 1875. F. W. Laing, " Colonial Farm Settlers on the Mainland of British Columbia, 1858-1871," Victoria, 1939, p. 252, MS., Archives of B.C. In 1862 a collector of road tolls was stationed at Parsonville. B. G. Coney to Colonel R. C. Moody, September 8, 1862, Coney Letters, MS., Archives of B.C. (20) In March, 1862, the contract for a wagon-road | from a point across the Fraser from Lillooet up to Alexandria" had been awarded to Gustavus Blin Wright. Copies of this and of other road contracts referred to in these foot-notes may be found m the files of the Department of Lands and Works in the Archives of B.C. The road was completed by the middle of September, 1863. Douglas to Newcastle, September 14, 1863, British Columbia, Governors Douglas and Seymour, Despatches to London, 1863-1867, MS., Archives of B.C. 1955 Journal of a Trip to Cariboo, 1862 205 refreshment at Cariboo; they were going up with a pack train, but she had started on before by herself to reach the next house, having got tired of waiting for the rest, rather a courageous " old gal" wasn't she? When we caught her up she was trudging along leading her mule, shewing a very fine pair of legs, red petticoat &c though minus crinoline, which I need scarcely say, doesn't answer for riding; a hat and feather completed her costume. She was complaining that her mule was very lazy, and she had to keep whacking him to make him go; she walked a little way with us and then made off. We camped by a small stream, and as we had picked a lot of blueberries along the road, we mixed them with flour and water and frying in our bacon fat made very jolly fritters After dinner we went on up the Pavilion Mountain, by a good road winding right and left up the face of the hill which was very steep: the only objection to this zigzag was that we had to go so far to get a little way forward: after this we wandered on along a track which was hardly distinguishable from the grass and could not find any water. It was quite dark and we were very tired, when we saw the welcome glow of a fire in the distance, and soon came to a capital camping ground, where we found our former fellow- traveller and the lady as well, and had a jolly night here. No mosquitoes. July 18th The first part of today's walk was very pleasant although it rained, and it was thoroughly English looking; we were up among the hills on a large undulating plain with here and there a clump of trees or range of bushes and the whole covered with good green grass, which is very scarce here, the generality of the grass which covers the hills being yellow, dry and coarse. We then came to a beautiful spot; there was a stream winding along the side of our path, hidden among long grass and rushes and a literal bed of roses and other flowers: I never saw such a quantity of roses of all shades; they were growing on low bushes, and after the shower everything looked so fresh and smelt so sweet that it was quite a treat and afforded me as much pleasure as any garden I ever saw in England. Roses are plentiful all over the country, right up to Cariboo in the plains woods and hedges; and the hips must form the principal food of the birds in winter; but I did not meet with any so full of buds and blossoms in all their delicious stages as here. The nag went on with J and the other man and horse George and I stopping behind to try and bag some game, in which we were not very successful, only hitting two small birds. When we started on we came upon a very nasty bit of road through a wood; it was uphill and very greasy and slippery and as it came on very wet it was awful work. The trees here, especially those that fall, get covered with a beautiful greenish yellow moss which has a very pretty appearance: we also found Lupins growing in the wood in the greatest abundance, in leaf and flower identical with our English plant. After getting wet, we went along the new road which had been carried so far and then had to go down a horribly steep long slope, slippery from the wet: however we reached the bottom safely, passing the encampment of men Dorothy Blakey Smith July-Oct. at work on the road, which is being pushed on with all expedition. After this rs journey there was no road, but only a mule track, now winding through the wood in a single trail, and then spreading out into half a dozen according to the various obstructions in the way. When we reached the foot of the hill we found our Old Moke all safe, but as the horses had had a hard time of it, we concluded to camp there the rest of the day though we had only done ten miles. Here we had our first taste of beans for our flour was getting low, so we made a stew of beans, rusty Ham and the birds, one of which was very good, the other indifferent. July 19. We started along a winding path by the side of a lake; we had to stop and repack our horse, so our companion went on before us and we did not catch him up again. We pushed on again and then found we had left a billy or camp kettle behind us in the road; so I left George to carry my pack on a little way and went back about two miles after the precious utensil which I found all right. We stopped for dinner and soon after came to a regular bog, and not knowing the right place to cross, tried what seemed to be the best, and our old horse got part of the way through and then took it into his head to turn over on his side. He kicked and floundered but we could not get him up and had the pleasure of unpacking him up to our knees in mud. If the tarpaulin had not been over our grub, it would have been pretty well spoilt; as it was, our saddlebags and the edges of our blankets were covered with black mud; but the " Hanimal" was a picture smothered with mud from head to foot, while ourselves were not much better. We got the things on his back again at last, but the old chap seemed quite done up, and grunted awfully as he walked along, so we only went on a few miles and camped. We found the poor wretch was eaten up by small flies, which stuck to him by hundreds and we were advised to rest him and put bacon fat to the sores. July 20th Sunday. I was cook, which I confess took up nearly the whole of my time. I gave them an apple pudding made of the dried apples we brought from Victoria; it was pronounced first-rate; the only fault was that it was too dry, owing to the kettle it was boiled in being too small. George and I have turned into professed cooks at once and beat J hollow (so we think) throwing a fritter or "slap-jack" in firstrate style; we'll show you how to cook pancakes when we come back. I can say we have not spoilt anything we have undertaken in the cooking department; we soon got into the way of making decent bread with the baking powder; it must be mixed quickly and baked before a brisk fire. You make the dough into a flat cake fitting into the frying pan and putting it on the fire, heat it enough to stand up, when you take it out, by the aid of a forked bit of stick before the fire first scoring the top of the cake with a knife which helps it to bake quickly; then [if] not done sufficient underneath it may be turned; you may bake a number of cakes by taking them out of the pan as soon as they will stand and propping them up all round. 1955 Journal of a Trip to Cariboo, 1862 207 We stopped on this ground Sunday Monday and Tuesday when our Knacker seemed much better. While here we were much plagued with mosquitoes and large flies, which bit so as to bring blood. July 23rd We started again on our journey this morning through a grove of young trees, stones in any quantity, then open plain and boggy ground. The Mosquitoes worse than ever. Young O caught us up this evening on horseback, and camped the night with us trying our cookery. July 24th Horse had strayed and could not be found. J started off and went six or eight miles up the road without success. George went the same way in the evening with no better result, coming back nearly devoured by mosquitoes. July 25. J started off again, George and I stopping at the camp which was scarcely endurable for mosquitoes. George looked as if he had had the smallpox. At 3.45 I started off and went back on the road fifteen miles to our last camping ground, getting there after a jolly walk at 8.45. July 26th I had five hours sleep last night; I had brought my blanket with me and some bread, so I had my supper and rolled up under a tree, with the root of it for my pillow. It was rather hard and I was not very warm but I managed to get to sleep. I had my breakfast and was off again by 4:45 and got back by 9:40. J having come back also with no success we did not know what to do. I confess the loss was rather a relief to my mind, for I don't believe the beast would ever have reached Cariboo, and I only wish we had started at first with only our blankets and change of underclothes and tramped it we should have saved some pounds. George amused himself by shooting the ' billy' with his revolver; he had the latter in his hand and said in joke he would shoot the kettle, and afterwards aiming at something close by, he let daylight into both sides of it, much to the disgust of myself and J who said he did it on purpose. July 27. Sunday. We gave up all hope of finding our steed: so we settled to try and get some things packed for us, by someone going up and stopped here Monday and Tuesday. I took here my first lesson in sketching, doing the tent and accessories with George inside and J outside wiping a plate. I made something of it. You have no idea of the felicity of sketching under the superintendance of flies and mosquitoes. We found several sorts of large flies here which bite most voraciously, I send you a life-size sketch of one of of the most troublesome. Our tent was filled with them and we set to work to kill them, but after covering the floor with fallen warriors, the ranks were undiminished and at last we gave it up in despair. You cannot imagine what frights we were; our faces dirty and stained with blood from the slaughtered vampires We used to get close to the fire and be literally smoke dried to try and get rid of them, but as soon as a puff of wind came and sent the smoke 208 Dorothy Blakey Smith July-Oct. the other way they would pitch into us directly. We could clear the tent and get peace for a few minutes by burning rag; as long as the tent was full of smoke they made themselves scarce, but as soon as it was out, they were as thick as ever. They stick on one's back in hundreds and as fast as they are killed come on in fresh numbers. The wind was the only thing that cleared them off and with a bit of a breeze and a cool evening they would be nearly all gone; so we used to sing " Blow, gentle gales " with great feeling; you will see that the first few lines are particularly appropriate. July 29th A nigger stopped with us this evening, and as he mended our billy, being a tinsmith by trade, we gave him a meal and let him sleep in our tent. Also we let a fellow have a meal of bread and bacon today for a dollar; we served it up for him in style, giving him the fryingpan with the bacon in it; no knife, plate or tea, and he was glad enough to get it, for he was frightfully hungry and there was no house near. A wet night. The only excitement we got up here was running a race. July 30th We could not meet with any packers who would take our things on for us; so we made a handbarrow to put them on and set off to seek a better camping ground, as the water here was marshy and very bad for we had to take off our shoes and socks and wade in among the rushes to get it. We got on half a mile and then the barrow broke down, so we left George with the things and went on with a load; I stopped with what we took and J went back to help George with the rest; very showery all night and a wet day. We finished our flour, for we did not eat any beans till the flour was gone not caring about them and finding them a great bother to cook: there was no store near where we could get anything. You know what miners' beans are, I hope; if not for your information let it be said, that they are like our English horse beans, red and hard but not quite so big and want three or four hours boiling to make them eatable. July 31st Beans and Bacon! Bacon and Beans! Three men camped with us without provisions, sold them some beans and a bit of the ham. Sold another party 3 lb of beans. An old fellow called Mac slept in our tent; he had just come from Stickeen21 up the Salmon River,22 where four of our (21) In 1861 Alexander Choquette had discovered gold about 100 miles up the Stikine River [Victoria Colonist, November 15, 1861], and by the following summer there was a good deal of excitement in Victoria and a great number of vessels were plying between that port and the new diggings at Shakesville. Since the Stikine flowed partly through Russian territory the Government took the precaution of establishing " the Stickeen Territories" in July, 1862, and a year later the region was incorporated in the colony of British Columbia. (22) The Salmon River has not been positively identified, the name being widespread on the map of British Columbia and the journal somewhat ambiguous at 1955 Journal of a Trip to Cariboo, 1862 209 shipmates had gone just as we left for Cariboo. He told us that there were no great finds, but that provisions were cheap and that anybody could make a little money at mining. George shot a woodpecker. We saw a beaver here for the first time, and had several shots at it as it swam across the water, but did not succeed in hitting it. Another wet night. August 1st I had a bad swelling come in my face which gave me great pain. Beans and Bacon! Bacon and Beans! August 2nd George had a violent attack of Diarrhoea. My face gathered and was very much swollen, so I had to tie it up in a pair or drawers, which, with a red handkerchief and my mosquito netting surmounted by a Scotch cap, made me look a bit of a fright. It was good fun bathing here; the mosquitoes attacked us as soon as undressed, and we had to bolt into the water, and when out again, to put our things on in no time, dancing "the Cure" without any exertion. Things looked down today, we could not meet with anybody to take us on and had great difficulty in getting a few pounds of flour for which we paid sixty cents, but the beans had made two of us ill; I don't think we cooked them enough. We were determined however to get to Cariboo so we made up our minds to start next day and try and carry our traps. I felt rather queer and tried a pipe. And here I may say that my smoking ended in smoke; for George got through all my cigars on the voyage out except two or three I smoked or gave away and he finished my tobacco soon after we got on the road: so the extent of my smoking has been two or three cigars and two or three pipes; they had no unpleasant effect upon me, but I shall never be a smoker; I don't care about it. Aug. 3rd Sunday. " The better the day the better the deed ": so we planted our packsaddle and bags up a tree; and made a start late in the day with the rest of the things on our backs making awful big packs. We found it very strong work, but made about nine miles and camped at Big Bar Lake August 4th We went on a mile when George and I found our packs so heavy that we made a handbarrow and then went on four miles and camped in a this point. There was a Salmon River which flowed into the Stikine a few miles from the mouth; and on August 25, 1862, the Victoria Colonist published a letter from a prospector who was then working on a " Salmon Creek " near Shakesville. But it is also possible that " Mac " came up the Bella Coola Valley toward the Cariboo, for both the Dean and the Bella Coola Rivers, which flow into Bentinck Arm, were sometimes called the Salmon River (see, for example, John Arrow- smith's map of " The Provinces of British Columbia and Vancouver Island . . . ," 1859, in Papers Relative to the Affairs of British Columbia, Part II, which marks the "Belakoula or Salmon R."; and J. W. Trutch's "Map of British Columbia .. . ," 1871, which marks the "Deanor Salmon R.") The steamers for the Stikine, at any rate on the way north, made regular stops at Bella Coola. 210 Dorothy Blakey Smith July-Oct. very heavy hailstorm. Imagine cooking fritters and having to hold a handkerchief over the pan to keep the hail out. We got pretty well wet through here, but went on, J going first. The trail was all mud and slush, and full of fallen timbers; so that we were constantly stepping over trees of all sizes, which lay right across the path: it was very tedious work, and after we left this, in a little open ground among the hills, the mosquitoes were worse than ever, it must be seen to be believed; they covered our clothes all over and kept up a continual buzzing and biting round all undefended parts; we seemed to be in a cloud of them. The worst of them is that they stick to you and follow you; you can run away and leave them behind, but directly you stop they catch you up, and yet you will not see any of them a distance away. To add to our annoyance our barrow broke down, and it was getting dark, and we wondered how far J who went on before to get a fire lighted, had gone: we had the pleasure of cutting a fresh stick for the barrow in the middle of these pests and fixing it all again: after we had gone on half a mile or so we heard somebody hallooing and there was J running after us; he had stopped just out of the trail, and had let us pass by, and if we had not luckily had the breakdown which was just after we passed him, we should have gone on I don't know where: he happened to look up from his fire and saw somebody on ahead[,] put on his specs and bolted after us. To pay him out, I let him help George carry the barrow back, and have the full benefit of the mosquitoes which made him call out I can tell you. August 5th We found we could not get on anyhow with all our things, so agreed to leave everything we could possibly do without; therefore we made up a parcel of our tent, gun powder and shot, part of the beans and several other articles, which we tied up securely in one of our tarpaulins and buried. We then made a fresh start with our diminished load, finding a considerable relief to our shoulders; we did not leave our ground till 4.30 but then walked five hours, making twelve miles over hilly boggy ground, covered with stones, and came down a steep hill after dark. Aug1 6th Were off at six o'clock, being out of grub. We walked eleven or twelve miles; first through a pass in the mountains with perpendicular sides and huge masses of rock; then there was some good ground among the hills where we saw several gardens, growing potatoes, turnips &c. We went down a steep hill to a house in Canoe Creek, on a little bit of ground by the side of the stream which lies right down among the mountains. Here we had a jolly breakfast, and started off again up a tremendously steep hill; we thought we should never reach the top, it was up, up, up, and no end to it. On this hill I left my unfortunate spectacles; after several narrow escapes they came to grief at last. Their first adventure was at Panama where going to bathe, I jumped into the sea with them on: next I cracked one of the glasses; then half of one spring broke off—another time I cracked the second glass and now they are gone for good. We made ten miles or so, having the pleasure of coming down another steep, muddy slippery hill after dark, reaching a house at ten o'clock. 1955 Journal of a Trip to Cariboo, 1862 211 Aug* 7th Made seventeen miles to Alkali house, the next house, without adventures. Had a good meal, lots of milk and vegetables, Potatoes, Carrots, Turnips Onions and Green Peas cooked in milk. Aug* 8th Had another terrific hill to begin with which quite winded me. Saw lots of Grouse. Had a pretty good road, up and down hill. We camped at a place where there was a little spring and somebody had put up on a tree close by " S* Peter's Spring " with a cross, &c executed in red chalk. George being rather lazy, stopped behind, saying he would catch us up; and quite forgetting that he had the " billies " stayed two hours talking to some packers; which was pleasant as we were to light a fire and get some beans on, which take several hours boiling. It was a wet night and J being cook George and I turned in and got him to wake us up when supper was ready, so he had a lonely vigil till twelve o'clock; luckily it soon cleared up a bit, and, barring our blankets being rather wet, we were all right. Aug4 9th We made seventeen miles to William's Creek23 where we stopped over Sunday in a house; we paid half a dollar a meal, and had two meals in the day. The dinner was first-rate; beef, mutton, pastry, pudding and wine- jelly; there was fresh butter, and you might drink milk instead of coffee if you preferred it. Here we heard something of our old horse, and sold the chance of finding him for ten dollars. Aug* 11th We began as usual by ascending a steep hill; afterwards the trail led us over ground such as we frequently meet with on this road; a muddy trail crossed at every step by trees of all sizes; which really seem as if they had been placed across the path on purpose; so that you have to go on, stepping, jumping and slipping as best you may. And here let me put in a protest against the process of packing on your back, which man was never meant to do. An Indian indeed will pack a hundredweight, and make money at the work but I found that I could not get along comfortably with more than thirty pound, and that was quite enough to destroy all the pleasure of walking on a trail of this sort, it would not be so bad on a level road, but here it was terribly hard work. It began to rain hard and then hail till the ground was white, and we got a regular soaker with the pleasing probability of sleeping in wet blankets, however we pushed on and it stopped raining, but began again just as we camped in a hollow under a large tree. We had bought a salmon of the Indians today and passed a jolly night. George is a much better hand at this sort of life than I am; tonight when we stopped it was quite dark and everything wet; however he soon got some sticks and chips of a turpentine tree and made a fire in no time. (23) Williams Lake Creek, which flows from Williams Lake into the Fraser. The hotel at Williams Lake was said by the Victoria Colonist, August 12, 1862, to be one of the two best-kept houses in British Columbia north of New Westminster (the other being at Beaver Lake). 212 Dorothy Blakey Smith July-Oct. Aug* 12th A fine day. Camped at Mud Lake24 and reached Fort Alexander25 on the Fraser at eight o'clock. Here we saw young O again and heard that our horse had followed him two miles the morning he left us; being unable to drive him back, he had tied him to a tree: there was a party of Chinamen by at the time and we suppose they untied him and after they had done with him let him loose again. The man who bought him of us at William's Creek offered to leave forty dollars for him at one of the houses, if he found him all right; but we thought that | a bird in the hand is worth two in the bush ", and so took the ten dollars. Aug1 13th We reached MacKenzie's ranch,26 and slept in the house but it was not floored and the ground being quite hard and lumpy does not make a comfortable bed; in fact it is pleasanter in the woods if you can get a respectable tree. An English fellow who was returning strongly advised us not to go up to Cariboo. Aug* 14th J went off by himself at dinner time, having got tired of waiting for George and me, whom he designated as very lazy. We went on about half an hour after and reached the Ferry house27 first, J came in an hour after, having got off the track; during his wandering he had seen two bears and had left a tin pannikin behind on the road. If I had a mind to cram you I might make a fine story of this; how he rushed down the hill with a face pale as a ghost, in his dismay throwing away our cooking utensils, while dismal growls re-echoed from the recesses of the forest, &c &c. We had (24) Corporal James Conroy's Rough Sketch of the Cayoosh District, 1861, MS., Archives of B.C., names this Mode's Lake. (25) Fort Alexandria was founded in 1821 and named in honour of Sir Alexander Mackenzie, for it was at this point that he turned away from the Fraser on his journey to the Pacific in 1793. It would seem that the site was originally on the east or left bank, but that the fort was moved to the west side in 1837. H.B.C. Archives, D. 4/116, fo. 52d; B. 188/b/l, fo. 30; ibid., fo. 35; John Maclean's Notes of a Twenty-five Years' Service in the Hudson's Bay Territory, ed. W. S. Wallace, Toronto, Champlain Society, 1932, p. 187. For these references, see a Memorandum on Alexandria from the H.B.C. in London, MS., Archives of B.C. In 1860, according to a letter in the Victoria Colonist, April 7, 1860, the fort was still a trading post of some importance, though there were only four or five men wintering there instead of the former forty or fifty; and opposite the fort had sprung up a small settlement consisting of a saloon, a restaurant, and several provision stores, which was also called Fort Alexandria. Both fort and town were often referred to as Fort Alexander, this being the common name in 1859, according to Henry De Groot, British Columbia, San Francisco, 1859, p. 12. (26) On Lieut. H. Spencer Palmer's map in Williams Lake and Cariboo, New Westminster, 1863, "McKenzie's" is marked between "Grand Prairie" and "Round Prairie," all three being identified by him as "wayside houses." Cf. Guillod's entry for September 25. (27) The ferry across the Quesnel River, also called the "Upper Ferry." 1955 Journal of a Trip to Cariboo, 1862 213 a meal here of tea, sugar, bread and beans, no meat and the fellow had the conscience to charge us two dollars each. Aug* 15. We crossed the ferry, and found a bad hilly road, a conglomeration of mud, stones, trees fallen in every direction, and every thing bad and disagreeable. We slept out. Along here we paid a dollar a pound for bacon and flour. Aug* 16th We reached Cotton Wood28 in the afternoon, passing along twelve miles of worse road than yesterday; we had to step on stones or pieces of wood or else went into the mud up to our knees. Aug* 17th Sunday. A quiet day nothing happening worthy of remark, except that I was cook and stewed a rabbit (which George shot yesterday with his revolver) with some steak and when the dish was served the rabbit was nowhere to be found but only the remains of his bones. J went and saw Judge Begbie29 to whom he had a letter of introduction, who advised him to look about up the creek. Chinamen were washing close to the town, but they work at diggings that do not pay a white man. Aug* 18th J and I went up the Creek30 and had a look at the working of several claims; one " Baxter's" wanted 400 dollars for a single claim of 100 feet. On several other claims the parties had been working all the season and got nothing having had their dams and wheels carried away; the last claim we saw was being worked by a Canadian party who were hauling timber and putting a dam into the bed of the creek; they made square frames of logs pinned together, and floating them into the creek, sunk them by filling them with stones and earth. During the rainy season and in the spring the water rises very high and has a swift current. In one claim the fellows were quite out of heart, some of them having bought in early in the season and as soon as they had got into working order the river rose and carried everything away. At another claim which had been paying; a man wanted to sell out for $1000, part paid down in cash and the other when we got it out of the claim. It was dark before we got back, coming six or seven miles along a muddy trail through the woods, and in crossing a log with the water rushing over it which formed the only bridge across the creek, I slipped and got a regular soaker. (28) At the junction of Lightning Creek and the Swift River, and consisting at that time of some half-dozen houses. Peter O'Reilly to W. A. G. Young, Colonial Secretary, August 15, 1862, O'Reilly Letters, MS., Archives of B.C. (29) Judge Matthew Baillie Begbie was " laid up with an attack of rheumatism" that summer (O'Reilly, op. cit.) and it was his quite natural desire in the circumstances to build a house of his own at Cottonwood that led to the famous Cottonwood Scandal. See Sydney G. Pettit, "His Honour's Honour . . . ," British Columbia Historical Quarterly, XI (1947), pp. 149-210. (30) Lightning Creek. Dorothy Blakey Smith July-Oct. Aug* 19th On Sunday night we slept under the canopy of heaven, but last night we got into a packer's tent, with whom George had struck up an acquaintance during our absence. George and J went off on a further voyage of discovery leaving me behind. I amused myself by tucking up my trousers over my knees and standing in the creek washing some clothes in a primitive manner. The boys did not return tonight. Aug* 20th My twentyfourth birthday, which I forgot all about till it was Was bothered today by the camels,31 of which there are about a dozen here, who have a neat idea of walking over your tent and eating your shirts. George and J came in about eleven with W and two friends whom they accidentally met with returning from their claim having had enough of it. George had raised W's spirits, by telling him I had letters for him in my possession, which was not the case, as I had left them at the Post Office Victoria. They came in very hungry, having been short of provisions the night before, with J and George as an un-looked-for addition to their party; so I set to work and cooked for the lot, and need scarcely say gave general satisfaction. W promised to let you know of our whereabouts, but was off too quickly to give us a chance of writing. We bought a good tent of him, an axe, some nails, yeast powder and other fixings. They went off in a canoe so narrow that the wonder is, how it ever reaches the opposite side32 without an upset. We bought a second hand coffee pot here for which we paid two dollars. August. 21st Started full march up the creek with tent and all our traps and went twelve miles to W 's claim. On the way we met two fellows who had come out in the ship with us: They had been round the creek but had done no good and were returning. Farther on we met another, a Scotchman, who was going down with a bad attack of Rheumatism; poor fellow! he looked very bad; he was carrying a heavy pack and the sweat ran down his brow in streams. Before we got to our journey's end we came upon a party (31) In the spring of 1862, Frank Laumeister had imported some twenty camels, hoping to lessen freight charges by employing animals which could pack twice as much as a mule, go for days without water, and browse on sagebrush. But his experiment failed, for the camels' feet were cut to pieces on the rocky trails, and their strange smell stampeded the other pack animals they met. They had to be taken off the roads and turned out to graze near the Thompson River and on Grande Prairie (the modern Westwold), where the last survivor is said to have died about 1905. W. T. Hayhurst, "The Camels in British Columbia," Okanagan Historical Society, Sixth Report, 1935, pp. 244-251; William S. Lewis, "The Camel Pack Trains," Washington Historical Quarterly, XIX (1928), pp. 277-278. (32) At Cottonwood the trail to the south crossed the Swift River, and the trail to the mines crossed Lightning Creek. 1955 Journal of a Trip to Cariboo, 1862 215 of Englishmen camped on the top of a hill, who had started up the country a long time before we did; they had lost their horses and so stopping several days at different places and had given up all idea of doing any good, but meant to push on to see " The Elephant," (the slang name for Cariboo) to go round the several creeks and then return to Victoria. They were in excellent spirits, indeed we found that generally the English had the most pluck; while Canadians were thoroughly down, and had not a good word to say for the country. Indeed the accounts we heard were enough to frighten anybody; mud up to the neck! Flour %W2 a pound! &c &c. Sometimes we met several hundred fellows in the course of the day among whom were a good many Chinamen who are not allowed in Cariboo. They pack everything on sticks across their shoulders, as you see drawn on China jars. We met several large parties of them down below, packing picks, shovels, buckets, baking apparatus, rice &c, & carrying very large loads. They shuffle along in a sort of run and seem to move the hips. Most of the others looked like broken disappointed men, and if you wished them good day, you did not always get an answer; except it was to a young Englishman when you were sure of a cheerful reply. We stopped with the remaining three who had been mining with W pitching his tent in its old place. Aug* 22nd J and I started for Van Winkle, leaving George behind with our traps; only taking a blanket each and a tin cup. We reached Beaver Pass33 where we had to pay $2 for 2 lb of flour; this we made into dumplings and polished off with a little sugar. The trail was pretty bad through the wood, now and then we came to swampy places over which we had to pick our way and if by chance a foot slipped, we had the pleasure of going in up to the knees: then it was downhill or across a small creek or a lot of stones. We reached the top of a hill about a mile from Van Winkle, where there was a house, and had supper, getting the best Coffee I ever tasted A fellow there said he took us for old miners, which was rather rich; for I fancy I looked very cockneyish. We slept there that night. Aug* 23rd Got into Van Winkle for breakfast for which we paid $2Vi each: we had a woman to wait on us, a pretty American, who with her husband kept the house having a little boy, two years old, running about. We found here also a man and his wife with a family of six, living in a tent; they presented a peculiar appearance on the march, three of the little ones being stuck on our horse. Van Winkle lies in a valley, shut in on all sides by high hills Lightning Creek running through the centre; you have the sun only for a few hours during the day. The town (every place with a dozen huts in it is a " town here)34 is one street of wooden stores, Restaurant, Bakery &c and a bit of a place with Dr Kennedy, Surgeon on a plate. On the side of the hill to the (33) About half-way between Cottonwood and Van Winkle, on the right bank of Lightning Creek. (34) Actually there were some twenty houses there. O'Reilly to Young, July 15, 1862. Dorothy Blakey Smith July-Oct. right is the Government Encampment consisting of a few tents. We looked about at the claims, and were told of one, part of which was for sale and which we were recommended to buy. We slept in a log cabin with some miners, one of whom an old man of the name of Noble has worked at his claim two seasons and not "prospected" yet. He is a regular old miner having nearly starved himself rather than sell out, I may here add that he went down again this season without having got any gold, but means to be up again next year. The miners generally are a pretty good sort of fellows, rough but hospitable withal. Aug* 24th Went to Service twice. The Minister was a young man (the Revd Mr Knipe)35 and gave a very nice address, so short that you could hardly call it a Sermon, there was a hymn and a few prayers. Cards were distributed to the men,36 of whom there was a pretty good room-full. Monday Aug* 25th I called it Black Monday, because we signed the agreement which put us in possession of our claim. The Doctor who pretended to know something about law as well as physic, was engaged to draw up an agreement, which as he did it consisted of nothing but saids and aforesaids &c intermixed with bad spelling; his idea of law seeming to be to sprinkle in these terms in every line without regard to repetition; however I revised and corrected it as best I might, and after spoiling several sheets of paper which cost a shilling each, I produced a fair copy at last, the composition of which was tolerable. Of course as I knew nothing about mining I left it to J to look at the claim, and make enquiries as to whether it was worth as much, and settle all preliminaries. After the experience I have since had, I would not buy into any claim without it was really paying; at least not to give any considerable sum. However the deed was done, and we went to Judge (35) In 1860 Christopher Knipe had " offered to devote himself for five years to assist in the work, without stipend, or any charge to the Mission Fund," according to the Report of the Columbia Mission, London, 1861, p. 103. In 1862 he took part in the " Mission to the Mines of Cariboo " headed by Bishop Hills, and wrote the report which the Bishop forwarded to the S.P.G. During this tour he did duty at Lillooet and Lytton, and then accompanied the Bishop to the Cariboo, remaining at Van Winkle while the Bishop proceeded to the more populous Williams Creek. Mr. Knipe points out that the services were conducted under considerable handicaps, for there were no churches, no bells to summon the congregation to worship (the clergyman was obliged to borrow a triangle or a hand bell from some restaurant), and no potential congregation except on Sunday when, even before the passing of the "Sunday Observance Act, 1862," proclaimed on August 22, 1862, some at least of the miners did not work. See S.P.G. Papers, Vol. II, pp. 82-94, MS., Archives of B.C. (36) " Service cards and hymn cards" were substituted for the prayer books and hymn books too heavy to be transported to the Cariboo, and according to Mr. Knipe they met the want " very successfully," the clergy being " agreeably surprised " by the assistance they met with in singing. 1955 Journal of a Trip to Cariboo, 1862 217 Riley,37 and got the agreement recorded,38 paying down what cash J thought we could spare and giving an order for the rest on the money left in Victoria. We paid $500 for two half interests, with the understanding that we worked the other two half interests, which belong to this man and his brother in law free of wages till we reach the bed-rock or paying dirt, (which may be forty or fifty feet down for all we know,) when we are to receive $5 each per day. We got some dinner and started off at one o'clock to fetch George, and I thought of returning to Victoria, leaving the other two to work. We reached W 's claim at 8.30 doing the twenty miles in seven and a half hours which was pretty good walking over a bad, hilly, muddy trail. Augt 26th We started off on our return to Van Winkle at twelve o'clock, carrying a pretty tidy load, for George had bought a pair of gum (india- rubber) boots and miners pan; and had had a present of two picks and two shovels. We counted up our money before starting and found we had only £45 left between us, which left us very short; J who as you know was cashier, having made some mistake in his calculations. I therefore settled to take ten pounds for my return journey and leave them the rest. We got on a few miles, when I thought George walked very stumblingly, and on coming to question him I found he had got rheumatism or at least bis old weakness in both his knees so that when he came to walk a few miles with a heavy load, they failed him entirely. I thought it would be best to pack him back to Victoria at once; so we held a council of war, and dividing the money equally sent him off with £15, and a blanket and jersey; his boots were out at the toes and pretty well all to pieces; and a shilling flannel cricketing cap of J 's, a jersey and an old pair of moleskins completed his attire and he carried little else down with him except his blanket. I can tell you we did not like parting at all. I made him promise to write home as soon as he reached Victoria. J gave him a letter to post, which with some letters of introduction I entrusted him with, some sketches we made on the road and my drawing block, he left at Lilooett in going down, also leaving his own Diary &c and though he was at Douglas a month or two and could have easily had them down, he— forgot it. J and I set off with the rest of the things, making, as you may suppose too big a load to be comfortable; while the having a pick and shovel each made it awkward travelling. We only made Beaver Pass tonight, where we pitched our tent and slept. (37) Peter O'Reilly had been appointed Justice of the Peace for the Cariboo, along with Thomas Elwyn, in the spring of 1862. They divided the district between them, Elwyn establishing himself at Quesnel and O'Reilly at Van Winkle. O'Reilly to Young, July 15, 1862. One of his duties was to issue mining certificates and record the transfer of claims. (38) Cf. Introduction, foot-note 4. 218 Dorothy Blakey Smith July-Oct. Augt 27th We reached Van Winkle at four in the afternoon after taking frequent spells, and were jolly tired. We slept tonight with the English fellow through whom we heard of this claim being for sale and who had spoken very highly of Siddall and of the claim generally when we first came to Van Winkle—we have heard since that he was offered ten dollars to persuade us into buying it. August 28th We took up our traps and pitched our tent temporarily at the claim and set to work, which we continued at till the 18th of September. I will now try and give you some idea of the kind of work we had to do. Our first job was hollowing out some felled trees on the side of the hill and then bringing them down which was done easily enough by setting them running down the steep; first putting on a rope with a timber hitch, which being fastened to convenient trees, pulled them up at the proper place. The next thing was carrying them across and up the creek, packing them along on short pieces of wood, held by a man on each side; we then hoisted them up on to stands some twelve feet above the ground, as they were meant to carry water on to the top of the wheel which stood in the side of the creek to work our pump, the source of the water being a small rivulet in the side of the hill. The first thing done in these claims, is to put in a " flume " which is a long trough put in on one side of the bed of the creek, sufficiently large to carry all the water which comes down it; into this the water is diverted by the aid of dams from the part thought suitable for sinking a shaft in: a water wheel is then put in, under or over shot, as the case may be, the pump rigged up in connection with it, and sinking commenced. The best plan is to timber the shaft as you go down which saves the necessity of sinking so large a hole as would otherwise be necessary. Our shaft or hole, which was twenty feet deep, and as wide across the top, was full of water when we came to the claim; for the pump had been worked by a common paddle wheel put in the stream on a long shaft attached to the drum of the pump, and there had not been water enough in the creek to work it effectually: they therefore had set to work and made an overshot or bucket water wheel: on to the top of which we now brought water along the hollowed trees above mentioned. Our next work was with pick and shovel in the bed of the creek, of course in indiarubber boots: then we put a platform in the shaft, and went on sinking, throwing up the soil first on to the platform, and thence into a barrow over-head. I got on first rate at pick and shovel, and then went to wheeling up an inclined plane, which as the barrows were very rough homemade things, with solid wooden wheels, was frightfully hard work, but I stuck to it like a brick. After a fortnight we could not get any farther down with the pump as it was not long enough. We then rigged up a smaller hand pump and tried to sink a smaller shaft, but were unable to manage it, as we got into sand and gravel which kept falling in as fast as we shovelled out: there was not time to rig up a longer pump as the season was just out, and therefore as most of the chaps including ourselves were short of money; one, in fact had been living on beans for the last few days; we concluded to give up work for this 1955 Journal of a Trip to Cariboo, 1862 219 year. On the 18th September we took out the flume, shaft, &c, and put away boards, troughs, sluice boxes, picks and shovels &c and on the 19th got the claim laid over till next season. Thus you see eight men, for that was the number of the party we joined, and five of them regular miners, had been at work for six months, and spent all the money they had, without getting a grain of gold; and this is a common experience; for the surface diggings are all worked out. There are a few easy diggings here and there but the generality of them are very difficult and expensive to work requiring capital; but then if you do strike the lead of gold it is bound to be big; and so it happens that now and then a man comes down with thirty or forty pounds of gold dust; while a thousand return without a cent, and many of them obliged to loaf their way down The diggings were quite different from anything J had been accustomed to in Australia; so we could not risk " prospecting " for ourselves but our only chance was to buy in as we did and I hope in the end our claim will turn out good. Our time for working was generally from six in the morning till half past five. We lived on bread and meat, making our bread with sour dough and baking it in the ashes. We got cheap meat, such as tongue, bullocks heart, or shin of beef, and without sugar or any other luxury, it cost us between five and six pounds per week to keep two of us. Yet we got to Cariboo at a time when provisions were comparatively cheap, flour being from 50 to 60 cents, fresh meat from 40 to 50 cents and bacon a dollar a pound; while earlier in the season everything, including flour, had been from one to one and a half dollars a pound. While there I made a little journey on my own account to W 's claim where I had left some things, thinking to call for them in going down to Victoria, but learning that the other chaps were going to start before us, I though it safest to fetch them at once, there being a thick coat, shirt, jersey &c. I set off one Sunday morning early, taking some bread and steak with me and reached Beaver Pass, ten miles, where I had dinner. In going along I knocked down a fat grouse with a stone which I left there and called for it as I came back. I got to the claim in the afternoon and found my things; but my boots were pretty well "played out," and I had to stop and mend them, so that I started on my return too late and when I had got halfway back to Beaver's Pass it was pitch dark, neither moon nor stars to be seen; and the trail most uncertain; however I stumbled on, determined to find my way as I had no blanket to sleep in. Of course I could not see but had to feel my way along, which you must experience before you can imagine it: first, feeling for the " blazes" on the trees; then down on my knees feeling for the path, then taking a small walk into the brush, stumbling over trunks of trees or sticking my head into a bush. I kept going back every time I lost the trail and after a while spent thus and in sitting down several times to collect my thoughts I managed to get to where the trail goes near the creek and then leaves it winding in and out; when I got here I gave up the trail as hopeless and kept on by the creek itself through brush over trunks of trees 220 Dorothy Blakey Smith July-Oct. and every imaginable hindrance, and reached Beaver Pass at ten o'clock just in time to get lighted into the house by the moon, which now came up. I had started at about five, got halfway at half past six and the other half took me till ten; not a very pleasant ending of a thirty miles which I did in twelve hours and a half: however I was off to Van Winkle before seven the next morning. Septr 20th Today was a very wet day, so we deferred our journey till the next, but got everything ready for starting. I employed myself in mending my boots; which I confess was rather an unsatisfactory operation, but in the decidedly failing state of our purse I did not feel justified in going to the expense of a new pair. Septr 21s* Sunday. We packed up, leaving our tent and various other things at a store in the town and started after dinner We made six miles and camped by a stream of water at the foot of a hill making up a jolly big fire. Three fellows joined us here; a Canadian, a Scotch and an Irishman. The Scotchman " Old Mac" was a bit of a character; an opinionated old man, who having read a little of all sorts, made an absurd jumble of his varied stock of knowledge, especially with regard to Scripture; making most ridiculous mistakes in Bible history while it was impossible to convince him that he was wrong. He believed in a God, but not the slightest reverence for Holy Writ, looking upon it as a mere history and talking of "old King David " as if he were a relation only a few generations removed. The Canadian was a rough foul-mouthed fellow, and the Irishman—an Irishman! So much for our companions. One of the things learnt out here is to accommodate yourself to any shade of society; in which I confess I have not found the slightest difficulty. My watch took it into it's head to stop today—worse luck! We slept very well under a big tree. Sep* 22nd We walked six miles to breakfast at Beaver Pass, and found that the rain had made the trail very bad; so that where you were not able to pick your way on stones or pieces of timber, it was walking in mud over the ankles, with an occasional bog to pass, in which if you did slip, you had the pleasure of sticking in the mud up to your knees. In the afternoon I got behind the rest of the party, as I did not walk very comfortably, but caught J up before reaching Cotton Wood which we did after dark. It was a cold, wet, dark night and we had difficulty in keeping the trail and finding the way across the creek. Slept in house. Septr 23rd We found the trail even worse than yesterday, and did not reach a good camping place, but when it was dark we stopped on a hill without any big trees, which, as it was a regular wet night, I need scarcely say, was not the most comfortable berth in the world. The first difficulty was the making a fire which with some trouble we managed, and after getting supper J and I turned in [,] our only shelter from the steadily failing rain being a meagre bush, which was a shelter indeed, the only effect it had being to promote the settlement of a puddle of water which I found round my head on walking in 1955 Journal of a Trip to Cariboo, 1862 221 the morning. Old Mac kept up the fire all night and considering the circumstances I had a pretty comfortable sleep. Poor J had a severe attack of diarrhoea all this first part of our journey. Sep* 24th We tied up our blankets wet as they were, for the morning not being fine it was useless attempting to dry them, although they seemed to be double the weight and as I walked along a tiny rivulet of water kept draining down my trowsers which had a most delicious sensation! We crossed the upper ferry in a canoe and stopped in the middle of the day to take advantage of the sunshine to dry our blankets. Old Mac's dinner amused me much today: we stopped at the bottom of a steep hill by a stream as usual, and Mac went to the stream with a big hook temporarily fixed to the end of a stick, and succeeded in a few minutes in spearing two small fish: these were forthwith consigned to a wonderful " billy " containing baconf at and the remains of a grouse; this was put on the fire with water and flour stirred in making "mush" which with the addition of a little sugar formed the old chap's decidedly original dinner; I might say, sumptuous, as there was fish, flesh, fowl and pudding; and when once in the stomach they were I presume quite as beneficial to the general health as if put in separately; though the getting them in would have been a trial to some palates however hungry. My boots now began to get dry for the first time since leaving Van Winkle and hurt my feet a good deal; so I stopped behind at the camping ground endeavouring to fix them a bit; J and our three companions going on. When I [had] done my job I started off and enjoyed the walk, barring the shoes; the first part being very jolly through young woods. Here I came upon a curious place which I had noticed in going up there were a number of dead trees standing in a pool in a bit of a valley surrounded by young trees, the contrast between the green of these, and the white wan- looking trunks with their reflections in the water being most peculiar, putting me in mind of a graveyard. If you find all this is hardly written like a bona fide Diary you must remember that I am now compiling it from very short though actual notes; the general circumstances under which we made our halts not being favorable to literary pursuits. I kept on expecting to tumble on the advanced guard every mile, but found it getting dark without any signs of them; while to make it more agreeable there came on a severe storm of hail with thunder and lightning. The trail was now through a dense forest of big trees and I think I should hardly have kept it, if it had not been for the hail which was thick enough in parts to render the path white and also the occasional flashes of lightning. I kept on as best I could, stopping occasionally to take up a handful of hah to quench my thirst, as I had been walking pretty quick; and in a more than usually severe shower took refuge under a thick tree; where I had a quiet think to myself and began to imagine that I should have to pass the night in the woods on my own hook; which as I had not any matches with me and was wet through, was not a very pleasant alternative. However I pushed on 222 Dorothy Blakey Smith July-Oct. a bit more and managed to keep the path, the trail here being ankle deep, I may say twice over, in mud, and at last was rewarded by seeing a light glimmering through the trees, at which I relieved myself by a loud halloa! which was answered by old J and right glad was I to find a large fire and supper ready; they had given me up and had quietly consigned me to a solitary bivouac, though after all I got in soon after they did. Septr 25. My shoes hurt me so that I was left quite behind; J waited for me at MacKenzie's Grand Prairie Ranch, where I got rid of my old shoes and bought a pair of moccassins of which I now had my first experience. The shoes had blistered the top of one foot and hurt me a good deal on the other causing a swelling of the tendon of the heel: the moccassins relieved me at once; the only thing is that they try the muscles of the foot, having no sole to support it, and till you get used to them you feel unpleasantly every stone or stick you tread on. We made sixteen miles today and camped under a big tree by ourselves in a hollow by the side of the Fraser. Septr 26th I slept as soundly last night as ever I did in a feather bed; waking up in the morning with a cold nose as it was a frost. We reached Fort Alexander at one o'clock, where we found Old Mac and the Irishman I tight." We started again after dinner and camped at five o'clock. Sep* 27th The ground was white with frost this morning when we roused ourselves but we did not feel the cold. We made Mud Lake where some fellows who started from Alexander this morning caught us up and we went on with them to the next house: where we slept in a log [cabin?] minus door and well ventilated in all respects, however, it kept the dew and frost off us. Sep1 28th Sunday. There had been a very sharp frost, and it was a splendid morning. We set off at eight o'clock and caught up a returning pack train: I began talking to the owner, who kindly caught a horse and put my pack on his back; so that I quite enjoyed my walk to Williams' Lake: there we afforded ourselves a good dinner and stopped to hear old Dr Evans, a Methodist preacher,39 deliver a discourse which he did out of doors, the fellows sitting round on benches outside the spirit store. We bought some flour, and went on our way; and having packed up the flour bag in our blankets to save trouble we put the flour in the " billy " We walked on by the side of Williams Lake on the Yale route40 as we heard there was work to be had on the roads that way;41 and kept on till near dark ex- (39) Cf. Introduction, foot-note 5. (40) At Williams Lake the River Trail, which the travellers had followed on their way up to the mines, joined the old Brigade Trail to Kamloops. The Yale route followed the Brigade Trail as far as Lac la Hache. (41) During the spring and summer of 1862 Oppenheimer & Company were advertising for " 1000 Laborers ... on the Great Trunk Wagon Road from Yale to Cariboo," and T. Spence was advertising for 300 men to work between Boston Bar and Lytton. See, for example, Victoria Colonist, April 3 and 5, 1862. 1955 Journal of a Trip to Cariboo, 1862 223 pecting to drop on a house, but in vain. At last we got on a trail round the face of a steep hill and as we kept slipping, stumbling and getting off the trail at the risk of taking a roll into the lake below, J came to grief in an unexpected manner as follows; I was on first, and hearing a sudden fall and an exclamation of " Moses!" I turned and by the help of the flour which he had been carrying saw J full sprawl on the ground; in falling the lid had come off the billy and the force of the concussion had sent the flour clean over him giving him an awful appearance in the dusk of the evening. After this catastrophe we agreed to camp for the night, water or no water, so we scrambled down the hill and found a middling flat piece of ground under a tree where we stopped. Here we were very much annoyed by a small sort of cactus which grew all about, covered with tufts of needleshaped prickles which being very sharp and thin and sticking in different directions, cling tenaciously to blankets and everything else much to one's personal discomfort. We were in a constant state of prickles so that the pleasure of sitting down after a day's travel was considerably abridged. We lighted a fire, but here everything round was so dry, that we were in danger of getting burnt out, or in, and therefore stifled it. Our endeavours also to reach the water were unsuccessful, for the bank was very steep and it was too dark to see our way, and we were unwilling to trust ourselves to a run or a slide which might land us in deep water. Sep* 29th We got to the water this morning, without difficulty as by daylight it was easy of access. It was clear with large stones at the bottom the edges covered with rushes. We bathed our feet, which was rather a luxury; and then walked on till dark without meeting with any adventure worthy of note, our course being across level plains by the side of a chain of small lakes. We reached a tent and small store, but there not being room inside, we slept round a fire under the canopy of heaven. Sep* 30th We were off at sunrise walking four miles before breakfast, to a house kept by a man with wife and family where we stopped and made some bread; the woman was a regular scold and kept on unceasingly at one or other of the children; which was something so entirely new that I found it rather an amusement than otherwise. I here met a man who had lived in the Southern States, of which he spoke very favorably with regard to the slaves &c. He was a wheelwright and had been in the employ of one of the richest planters and although merely a mechanic, always sat at table with the family and even rode out with the lady of the house when it was not convenient for her husband to accompany her. We had a decided piece of amusement here in watching the reduction of a refractory cow, which after a race in which all the family joined, was finally lassoed, after escaping out of the enclosure several times in a most determined manner. I was much amused at one little girl about nine years old who certainly displayed more "cow" courage than many young men fresh from London would have done, meeting the animal with undaunted spirit on its attempts to clear the hurdles. 224 Dorothy Blakey Smith July-Oct. After this sensation we proceeded on our way, skirting another lake42 some miles in extent. The trees about here had a curious appearance, the trunks being quite black, while occasionally you came to a big tree lying down, broken in several pieces, the limbs lying disjointed as they had fallen. At first I put it down to lightning, the blackened trunks and general desolate appearance giving one that idea; but as we went on and I saw that most of the trees were black and withered in the lower part but branched out lively and green at the top: I concluded it must have been owing to a large bush fire some years back when the undergrowth was much thicker; and the fire must have passed over the land destroying as it went, killing the fallen trees which some extra windy night brought down when decayed and leaving its marks upon others maybe more open at the base without destroying their vitality. It was dark when we reached a creek, and a house on the other side, and the only bridge being a slippery log, I had the pleasure of putting my feet in it or rather my knees. Octr Is* We slept in the house last night on a luxurious bed, having had the good fortune to get some hay to lie on. We made eleven miles to Bridge Creek43 and as my feet were sore we stopped there for the night. I sold a little bit of Quinine to a Doctor for a dollar. We had to pay 45 Cents per pound for flour. Oct1 2nd We walked twenty five miles today reaching Green Lake House. I managed to shoot a couple of grouse with my revolver, which made us a capital supper; with the exception of this, our fare from William's Lake down was bread and a taste of bacon and now having used up the last of our baking powder, we must put up with flour and water cakes. Here we stumbled on Dr Evans the aforesaid Methodist preacher, who was very kind to us, making J a present of a sovereign when he heard how short we were of cash; with the understanding that we paid him in Victoria if we could afford it; it was a pleasure to hear kind words and join the old man in his evening prayer. Octr 3rd We reached a house on Buonaparte River44 having done sixteen miles. My moccassins were coming to smash. The man here was very civil, giving us a turndown in a back room with a blanket or two: a partition, minus the door separated this from his bedroom, as was manifest from the fact of a baby making a dear little noise for its mamma. Octr 4th We started off with the bold intention of making for the next house eight and twenty miles, but were not a little out in our reckoning for we took the wrong trail. We went on till the path wound round a hill by a stream when it began to get rather undistinguishable; and I entirely lost sight of (42) LaclaHache. (43) Bridge Creek flows through Horse Lake and Tranquille Lake into the north branch of the Thompson. (44) The Bonaparte flows into the Thompson near the present city of Ashcroft. 1955 Journal of a Trip to Cariboo, 1862 225 j who was on first: he had reached a heap of impassable rocks and therefore had clambered right up the face of the hill, where I found him after some trouble and an immense deal of exertion. He had been holloaing away like fun but I had not heard him from below because of the particular steepness of the ascent while for the same reason I had not seen him. We sat here and considered a bit. We were all amongst the hills without a sign of the trail, but thinking we saw one at a distance and not liking to venture the descent, or to go back having come so far we went off on the other side, but after getting up right among the hills and seeing no sign of anybody or anything but rocks and trees we thought we had better get down again another way keeping in what we considered the right direction. The hills were so steep that it was impossible to walk down, so we managed the descent on a plan of my own I taking the lead. This was to sit down and let go steering for some trunk of tree or bush to check the motion when becoming too rapid; a way which proved successful, though nearly destroying the elements of my present labour, as my pocketbook with all my notes fell out of my pocket in an unusually quick rush which took me by surprise, and had I not at once observed it, I don't know that I should have had courage to attempt the reascent or if so whether I should have managed it. At the bottom we found a stream and forthwith divested ourselves of shoes &c and waded across: Just below we found a very pretty cascade rushing down in many trickling rivulets over the stones and moss, by the side of which we had our dinner, and then went up the hill on our uncertain way. In a short time we had the misfortune to strike a pretty plain trail which we forthwith followed, and after leading us over hill and dale it ended in an Indian fishing place on the Buonaparte River, so that it was not possible to proceed without consigning ourselves to the mercy of the stream which was from fifty to a hundred feet wide, we being on a tongue of land with the river on both sides of us. I shall not forget poor J 's dismay and how he beat his breast and loaded himself with uncomplimentary epithets, the general expression of his grief being heightened by his " specs ". I sat down and laughed at him, which was very aggravating I must allow, but I was rather amused at our stupidity than affected by our misfortune. Certainly our's was not a very pleasant predicament, as we had only a little bread and a few beans with us in the shape of grub and in the end this adventure pretty well swallowed up the help we had two days before from D* Evans. However there was no use in bothering ourselves and the only thing to be done was to retrace our steps, which we accordingly did. We met an Indian and boy on horseback as we returned of whom we endeavoured to make enquiries, but could not make him understand; so we followed the trail to the place where we had struck it on leaving the cascade and then shaped our course for the stream which we had come along by in the first part of our journey and crossed as before mentioned—we reached this and made several attempts to cross; and you imagine me with my trousers tucked up over my knees wandering about among the rushes, trying to find a fordable place; wading in the stream till the water reached my thighs and deepened every step, and giving it up at last. We kept that side of the stream and came to a 226 Dorothy Blakey Smith July-Oct. shallower river at nearly right angles with it which we waded and still kept on. At nightfall we reached a swampy place with several streams and stagnant water but there being plenty of dry timber scattered about, we resolved to camp there, and gathering some bushes and irishman's feathers,45 and cutting down the young fir trees around we made a bit of a covering or hut in which we went to sleep, lulled by the croaking of frogs and the distant cries of prairie wolves. Oct1 5th Sunday. We had had a good night's rest and were not disturbed; there were occasional screams and growls about but nothing very close and J kept in the fire all night. We had to fall back on beans for breakfast having nothing else and these same beans having been carried all the way from Van Winkle and not cooked till then, were not very choice. We started off with some misgivings as to our proper course, but we thought the only way was to keep in sight of the river, which we hoped was the Buonaparte and if so would lead us right; so we proceeded finding tracks of animals in the long grass, and one place in particular where it was plain that some bears had had tea or some equally congenial family meeting the grass being torn up and ground turned over, but whether to make a soft place for repose or for purposes of cultivation I am not bearish enough to know; however, the dear beasties had left their marks behind them, sure enough. We had a constant up and down journey, over high hills covered with brush and young firs and then down in a valley only to mount again, and at last we struck the trail where we had crossed the river soon after starting from the last house so we were now all right and reached there between one and two where we had dinner and bought some flour, and taking care to ascertain the right trail this time, started off afresh. We found that the false trail we had followed was only a mule track used for taking animals out to grass and the one which led us to the bend of the river only an Indian trail We now commenced by going up a long though not a very steep hill; the ascent must have lasted two or three miles; and got eight miles on our way when we were overtaken by the night; we stopped and tried to get some water from a marsh by the side of the road which we could not manage without getting wet, and in fact doubted whether there was any drinkable water at all: so we went on again for a quarter of a mile or so, but not coming to any stream and it getting quite dark and beginning to rain we went back again when by walking into the rushes barelegged, by the time I got up to my knees, I was able to reach forward and fill our billy with water: it was not very good and about the colour of Scotch Ale but we managed to get it down by the aid of tea. The rain left us after a short shower or two and we turned in as usual at the foot of a big tree. Octr 6. We found this morning that if instead of turning back last night we had gone a little further, we should have found a small stream of water. (45) This phrase has not been traced; but "mountain feathers," defined by the user as " lops of fir trees," occurs in contemporary correspondence. 1955 Journal of a Trip to Cariboo, 1862 227 A few miles on our road we reached Loon Lake which lies between two ranges of mountains and is ten miles long. It is a pretty place but plagued with an unusual amount of Mosquitoes in the summer; otherwise it would be a good place to squat in there being plenty of fish and birds and good pieces of land. We found here a camp of Indians, of whom we bought a bit of dried fish and some potatoes. One man here was more like the poetical idea of the Indian than any I have seen, being a splendid full-shaped man, with a majestic tread and bearing: he seemed to have a numerous family, there being some half dozen squaws, and children of all sizes and ages in abundance, crowded together in a small tent; mixed up mdiscriminately with dogs and dried salmon &c There was also another party of them, consisting of an old man, a half breed, rather a good looking fellow, dressed in cap and coat, with squaws, children &c &c We had a pelting shower, giving us a pretty considerable wetting, and then the weather was fine. We reached Scotie's House46 at nightfall. Oct. 7th Our journey today was over a good trail by the side of a creek. We met with some more Indians of whom we got another supply of potatoes. We crossed the river by a particularly slight bridge, our cautious proceeding over which afforded considerable amusement to some halfbreed women who were watching us. Here we struck the new wagon road to Yale which is finished in places.47 We stopped the night in an unfinished house building for an Englishman48 who has taken up a " ranch " there, and is going into farming. Octr 8th We travelled with a Canadian whom we met yesterday nothing occurred except the abstraction of some turnips by J and the Canadian who were ahead of me; the consequence of which was that I found the owner of the invaded garden in great commotion and was cross-examined as to (46) " Scotty's " was about half-way between Loon Lake and the Thompson. The establishment, described as " a single wooden house with one small window," was said to be " a much frequented place for rest and refreshment" and " a noted mining rendezvous." See W. Champness's account of his trip to the Cariboo in 1862, in " To Cariboo and Back," The Leisure Hour, [March?] 1865. (47) On April 2, 1862, Charles Oppenheimer, Thomas Lewis, and Walter Moberly were awarded a contract for a wagon-road from Lytton along the Thompson and up the Bonaparte Valley to join the Lytton-Alexandria road. They ran into various difficulties, and the road had to be finished by another contractor, William Hood, who appears to have completed it by the end of the summer of 1863. W. Hood to W. A. G. Young, February 16, 1864, Hood Letters, MS., Archives of B.C. (48) Most probably Clement Francis Cornwall, who with his brother Henry had come out from England in the spring of 1862 and pre-empted land in this vicinity. According to his diary the road passed right through the Cornwall ranch (later known as Ashcroft Manor), and the house, begun on August 11, was not finished until October 31. Diary of C. F. Cornwall, Entries for July 9, August 11, and October 31, 1862, MS., Archives of B.C. 228 Dorothy Blakey Smith July-Oct. whether I knew those 1 two fellows ahead ": of course I pronounced them incapable of such a misdemeanour, and when I caught them up had a good laugh at them, but confess I helped to eat the turnips. We struck the Thompson River today; it is not so large a river as the Fraser, but our first sight of it was very pretty as we looked down from the hills and saw it rushing along below, winding among perpendicular rocks and then opening out into the valley, with clumps of trees and bushes on the sides; what most struck me in my first impression of it was the deep blue of the water relieved by the white foam occasioned by rocks here and there in its bed. The blue appearance of the water is peculiar and I never noticed the Fraser having the same. We camped in some bushes by the side; the river murmuring our lullaby Oct 9th We got on our road at eight, crossed Cook's Ferry49 at twelve and reached Road Camp where Johnston stopped to work;50 this was by the side of the Fraser.51 I had supper and slept the night on some stones which did not make a very comfortable bed so that I woke several times to gaze at the moon and was pretty cold. Oct 10th After breakfast I started off with the Canadian leaving J behind. My moccasins had now pretty well taken themselves off bodily and for some days past I had had to collect pieces of rag &c in my march, with which to tie them up, so that, as a squaw compassionately observed my feet look I hy-you sick "; in fact, with a little starving I should have made a first- rate beggar for London Streets The doing up of these said feet in the morning was a work of art and patience, and the fixing had generally to be repeated several times a day; so you may suppose I was elated when the chap I was with proposed to lend me a pair of boots which he had at Lytton, to walk down in. We reached Lytton (49) Over the Thompson River, 24 miles from Lytton. By December 31, 1860, a ferry "worked with a Rope & Blocks" had been established there by Assistant Gold Commissioner H. M. Ball, and on January 1, 1862, this was leased to Messrs. Kimball and Cook of Lytton. When the firm was dissolved by the death of Kimball in March, 1862, Mortimer Cook, who was then living at the ferry, held the lease until his contract was annulled by the building of a bridge there by Thomas Spence. Ball to Colonial Secretary, December 31, 1860; to Charles Good, March 6, 1861; to Chief Commissioner of Lands and Works, January 1, 1862; Ball Letters, MS., Archives of B.C. The granting of a charter to Spence was approved by Douglas in February, 1864. Ball to Colonial Secretary, February 6, 1864. The bridge was open for travel from March 28, 1865. Edgar Dewdney to G. Hale, E[sq?], Thompson's Ferry, March 27, 1865 [copy of a copy], Dewdney Letters, MS., Archives of B.C. (50) " He was to receive $40 a month with board of an uncertain quality." [Foot-note in original MS.] (51) Presumably the Thompson is meant, for according to the next entry in the journal Guillod and the Canadian did not reach Lytton, and therefore the Fraser, until the following evening. 1955 Journal of a Trip to Cariboo, 1862- 229 at eight o'clock, and walking a mile or so out camped for the night, finding an old deserted mud hut on the side of a hill in which we passed a jolly night. Octr 11th On overhauling my friend's parcel, only one boot was to be discovered, the other having been stolen; however I at once proceeded to turn this one to account, by cutting off the top, out of which I manufactured a moccasin for one foot the other being provided for by the remainder so that I literally walked down to Victoria in one boot. But I certainly made a much pleasanter journey by means of it today. The greater part of the road is finished round the Jackass Mountain52 by the side of the Fraser, although now and then we had to take the old trail; the road is cut round the hills with an occasional bridge on coming to fallen rocks &c. The range of mountains of which we here passed a part is called " The Cascade Mountains ". The scenery here was splendid; rough and gigantic masses of rock of all colors rising up perpendicularly above the path, with here and there a solitary fir tree on some overhanging rock. The general appearance of the mountains at this season is beautiful in colouring as they are covered here and there with shrubs and small trees exhibiting every shade of colour from red through orange to pale yellow; which contrasted with the deep unfading green of the pines adds greatly to the beauty of the steep and majestic piles of frowning rocks. One place particularly struck me; it was a cleft in the mountain, an almost perpendicular fall, of zigzag shaped rocks of every variety of form, down which in the rainy season, a stream of water rushes forming a cascade which beginning far above our heads falls hissing and foaming into the river below. The road crosses this by a bridge built across from projecting masses of rock. We stopped the night in a house. Oct 12th Sunday. My companion stood breakfast. We then walked fifteen miles through shady woods over a good road to the camp on Truck's [sic] Road,58 where we stopped. I got a supper gratis and slept in one of the fellow's tents. Octr 13th My mate stayed here for work and I was [of?] a great mind to stop myself but being anxious about George and expecting to find letters at Victoria, I thought I would push on and so started at half past seven. I followed the road too far and so came to the end of the finished part where there (52) About 12 miles below Lytton. On April 3, 1862, Thomas Spence had been awarded the contract for the road from Lytton to Boston Bar; this was completed on October 28 that year. Department of Lands and Works, General Reports upon Works . . . 1862, signed R. C. Moody, MS., Archives of B.C. (53) On April 23, 1862, J. W. Trutch had been awarded the contract between Boston Bar and Chapman's Bar, 12 miles below, and on September 18, the contract between Chapman's Bar and Pike's Riffle, opposite Spuzzum. These portions of the road were completed the following year. Scholefield and Howay, British Columbia, Vol. H, p. 102. Cf. Robert Kerr, Acting Auditor-General, to Colonial Secretary, August 30, 1864, Audit Office (B.C.), 1861-1865, MS., Archives of B.C. 230 Dorothy Blakey Smith July-Oct. was no trail: I therefore clambered over the stones and went along the side of the hill, climbing and slipping. It was a very awkward place, for the hill was very steep and covered with loose stones and fragments of rock which on a touch of the foot went rolling and jumping down till they fell with a sullen splash into the Fraser below. With great care I managed to get safely round the hill and finally struck the road again, but after another mile or so had to take the old trail up another steep hill the track going up in zigzags so that there seemed no end to it. I made six and twenty miles to a house where I slept. Oct1 14th I exchanged my mining-pan, billy, &c for some bacon and flour, which I cooked and baked and then started and reached Yale in the middle of the day. I had to wait half an hour or so when within sight of the town, in order to allow some blasting to go off round Yale bluff,54 and go off it did like so many cannon, reverberating with a treble echo across the bay. The consequence of this delay was that I missed the steamer55 which should have taken me down the river. I slept in a shanty with a man I met with on the road. Oct115th I started in a canoe for New Westminster, one hundred and thirty five miles; for this we were to pay $2.50 each and as I had only $1.25 I had to make a bargain with the old " Klootchman " giving her what money I had, the red smoking cap the girls made me and jersey. With these the " tenas- man "56 was forthwith invested, and as he was a little fellow, he cut rather a queer appearance; for he was completely lost in the jersey and the red cap, from the size of it had a constant inclination to extinguish his face entirely. We paddled away till dark, and then put up at a Siwash's house whose name was Joseph, and Joseph was very hospitable, and lighted an extra fire for us, nearly driving us out of the place with the smoke for the Indian houses generally have no chimney, a loose board in the roof being the only outlet for the smoke. The inside of this one, was one largesized room, with a raised bench of boards three or four feet wide all round, which answered the purpose of seat, bed, table or anything else. The family consisted of Joseph himself, an (54) The Royal Engineers had surveyed the entire road from Yale to Lytton and beyond in 1861, according to the Public Notice issued by the Department of Lands and Works, calling for tenders for the Lytton-Cook's Ferry road, Victoria Colonist, March 11, 1862; and they had themselves assumed the difficult task of building the 6 miles between Yale and Pike's Riffle, which they completed between May and November, 1862. Department of Lands and Works, Report . . . 1862. (55) The Hope arrived at New Westminster on October 17, according to the New Westminster British Columbian, October 18, 1862. She had been launched in Victoria on September 22, 1860, for Charles Millard, and " proved to be one of the most successful boats built for the river, chiefly because she had sufficient power and shallow draught to reach the head of navigation at Yale at almost any time of the year." Hacking, op. cit., p. 14. (56) The Chinook for boy. 1955 Journal of a Trip to Cariboo, 1862 231 oldish good-natured looking chap; a wrinkled old woman all skin and bone who was very ill apparently dying; a younger man with his " Klootchman " and several papooses. Joseph got out a lot of papers he had had from different Englishmen testifying that he was " a jolly good fellow ", " kind and obliging to white people " " honest" &c These were all carefully preserved with his marriage certificate and one or two little religious prints although he could not read a word of them himself. We also gave him a testimonial signed by the whole party. These people were Roman Catholics, and before settling for the night all went into a corner and recited their prayers, as I suppose, men, women and children joining in a monotonous chant. Just as we turned in, there was a great excitement caused by one of the Indians hearing the cry of a deer, at which the two men jumped out of bed, and went off into the bush without anything on but a short shirt: they soon returned with a small deer, which had been caught and the hinder parts torn, by a wolf, whom the Indians frightened off and brought in the spoil. This unusual piece of good luck caused a general movement on the part of the whole family, and a tremendous chattering, in which they must have told the story over some dozen times. The deer was forthwith cut up, and then we subsided into quietness till the morning. Octr 16th After witnessing the peculiar ablutions of the squaw and papooses and when the family had again performed their prayers, we shook hands all round[,] a ceremony of which they think a great deal, and again got under way. Here we left the lulls behind us; the Fraser from hence running through a flat country with trees growing down to the water's edge. The ground and trees seem to be constantly undermined and fall into the water, making it difficult of navigation, but in places it is very broad. We noticed an echo in one part where on calling out, words were distinctly repeated three times. We stopped at twelve and got dinner and reached New Westrninster at four, not sorry to leave the canoe. Octr 17th I went to the Mansion Restaurant57 last night and asked leave to sleep there as I had some grub left; however the old chap there, an American, seeing I was broke, told me to come in to supper, and I had three meals there today for which I did about an hour's work. I had a long talk with his " missus " who is a goodnatured kind little body. (57) Presumably the Mansion House on Front Street, " a well known boarding house " which had just been taken over (September, 1862) by Samuel W. Herring, a New Westminster farmer, and his father John Herring. The family is said to have come from the United States in 1858. See Margaret L. McDonald, "New Westminster, 1859-1871," University of British Columbia M.A. thesis, 1947, pp. 291-292; New Westminster Mainland Guardian, August 27, 1879; Victoria Colonist, January 1, 1886. The Mansion House burned down in 1871. F. G. Claudet, Diary, entry for February 9, 1871, MS., Archives of B.C. 232 Dorothy Blakey Smith July-Oct. Octr 18th Today I went by Steamer58 to Victoria, and in what plight I arrived there is shown in my introductory letter. So here I conclude the plain and unvarnished tale of my journey to Cariboo and back, which I hope will afford some pleasure to yourself and my numerous friends and relatives. Whose humble servant I remain, Delighted at having ended writing about my own blunde[rs] H.G. (58) The Enterprise. Cf. foot-note 2, and Victoria Colonist, October 20, 1862. NOTES AND COMMENTS BRITISH COLUMBIA HISTORICAL ASSOCIATION Victoria Section In conjunction with the unveiling of the plaque to Emily- Carr by the Historic Sites and Monuments Board of Canada a meeting of the section was held on Wednesday evening, May 11, in the Provincial Library, with Mr. J. K. Nesbitt presiding in the absence of the Chairman, Mr. Russell E. Potter. The speaker on that occasion was Dr. Ira Dilworth, of the Canadian Broadcasting Corporation, who advised Miss Carr in much of her writing and is now engaged in editing her note-books. Before speaking of the characteristics of her work, Dr. Dilworth paid a tribute to many of the people who had been a source of inspiration and of help to Emily Carr, such people as Lawren Harris, Will Newcombe, Eric Brown, Marius Barbeau, Margaret Clay, Ruth Humphrey, Madge Wolfenden Hamilton, and others. It was pointed out that Emily Carr had been born in a storm and that her adult life was a continuation of that storm. She believed that Canadian art should be individually Canadian and not merely a copy introduced from elsewhere. She felt that one source of inspiration for the Canadian artist could be the art forms of the West Coast Indians and she proceeded to make herself familiar with them. She despised theoretical artists—the " arty-crafty " people, dabblers in art forms and theories—for her artists should work seriously at their profession. Dr. Dilworth described her prose style as earthy, direct, simple, and clean, which occasionally took on the aspects of poetic melody. He illustrated his ideas with some amusing entries from her journals and also gave samples of her more serious and equally effective prose writing. Dr. Dilworth mentioned some of the peculiarities of her personal life, her battles with others, her menagerie, her trailer, and pointed out how her solitary travels in the wilds contributed to her vast knowledge of nature, a knowledge on which she drew constantly in her work. Mrs. K. C. Drury moved a very hearty vote of thanks to the speaker. At the regular meeting of the section held in the Provincial Library on Friday evening, June 24, the Past President of the British Columbia Historial Association, Captain C. W. Cates, presented his presidential address for the benefit of the members of the section who had been unable to attend the annual meeting in Vancouver. This dealt with the association of his family with the sea and had much of the lore of seamanship woven into the story and interspersed with famous old sea-chanties sung in an inimitable fashion. The appreciation of the meeting was expressed by Mr. G. H. Stevens and Major F. V. Longstaff. The Annual Field Day of the section was held on Tuesday afternoon, August 23, and took the form of a visit to H.M.C. Dockyard and H.M.C.S. Naden. The members met at the Parliament Buildings, where buses were provided to transport them to the recently opened Naval Museum where they were greeted by Commander H. C. Little and taken on a tour of the museum. Service buses then took British Columbia Historical Quarterly, Vol. XTX, Nos. 3 and 4. 233 234 Notes and Comments July-Oct. them on a tour of the Dockyard, where a naval vessel was available for a tour of Esquimalt harbour as well. Following this they visited St. Paul's Church and the Naval Cemetery en route to H.M.C.S. Naden, where tea was served in the wardroom and Commander Little read a very interesting brief history of Esquimalt harbour. The first meeting of the fall season was held in the Provincial Library on Friday evening, September 30, with Mr. R. E. Potter in the chair. The speaker on that occasion was the Honorary President of the Association, the Hon. R. G. Williston, Minister of Education, who presented an illustrated lecture on The Expanding North. Mr. Williston spent several years in the Peace River District and is an enthusiastic believer in the future of this portion of the Province. It was a graphic presentation of the story of the north country, which is now being opened up at an unprecedented rate, and many of his pictures of a " before and after " nature gave his audience a clear understanding of the history that is now so rapidly unfolding. The appreciation of the meeting was voiced by Mr. G. H. Stevens. A meeting of the section was held in the Provincial Library on Thursday evening, October 27, when the speaker was Mrs. Kenneth C. Drury and her subject An Early American Culture—the Maya Civilization. Mr. and Mrs. Drury had visited the sites of the early Maya cities in Yucatan and had taken many coloured photographs which were shown to the audience. As an introduction to the slides Mrs. Drury read an interesting account of the development of the Maya civilization, which reached an unusually high point, the salient features of which were admirably illustrated in the coloured slides. Mr. Jan Zach, a Victoria artist who had spent some years in South America, thanked the speaker and told how the art of the Mayans is now influencing modern art in Mexico. Vancouver Section At the regular meeting of the section held on February 11, Dr. C. R. Elsie, Director of Research for the B.C. Packers Ltd., spoke on the whaling industry of British Columbia, and in particular of the activity off the west coast of Vancouver Island. His lecture was illustrated with a coloured movie. On March 8 Mr. Alex. C. Hope, President of the Fort Langley Restoration Society, was the speaker. He outlined the plans of the society, which hoped to have the major portion of the restoration completed by the centennial year, and in particular the " Big House " or officers' quarters, in which the colony of British Columbia was inaugurated on November 19, 1858. In addition to describing present plans, Mr. Hope also gave much information on earlier days at Fort Langley. At a meeting held on April 18 the section was privileged to have as its speaker Mrs. Laura Berton, whose book, / Married the Klondike, had just been released. Her talk included many interesting anecdotes of her life in the Yukon, from her arrival there as a young kindergarten teacher in 1908 (ostensibly to stay one year) until her departure in 1932. Mr. John Gibbard was the speaker at a meeting of the section held on May 15, when he chose as his subject the history of the Chilliwack area of the Fraser Valley. 1955 Notes and Comments 235 The annual picnic was held on June 18. Originally it had been intended to visit the Peace Arch Park at Douglas, but this was abandoned in favour of Fort Langley. A tour of the old fort and of the nearby Derby townsite was arranged, and it was unfortunate that the inclement weather curtailed the attendance. Following the summer recess the first meeting in the fall was held on September 20, when Mr. Derrick Humphries, of the Trans-Mountain Pipeline Company, showed coloured films depicting the construction of their line from Edmonton to Burnaby, during the course of which showing Mr. Humphries answered questions relative to the undertaking. On October 28 Mr. A. J. Arnold, editor of the Western Jewish Bulletin, was the speaker at a regular meeting. His subject was The Jewish Community in British Columbia, in which he traced the contributions of adherents of the Jewish faith to the early life of the Province commencing with the arrival in Victoria in 1858 of Selim Franklin. Nanaimo Section At the May meeting of the section the Provincial Archivist, Mr. Willard E. Ireland, was the guest speaker on the subject Your Provincial Archives. Not only did he outline the various divisions within the Provincial Archives and give some idea of the rich resources contained therein, but he also gave some idea of the way in which this material is used by scholarly researchers the world over and the general public alike. At the June meeting Mr. G. B. Murdie showed a film of the waterfront pageant presented by the Yellow Point Players during the centenary celebrations on November 27,1954. In September Miss Patricia Johnson spoke on place-names in the vicinity of Nanaimo, and Mr. J. Parker also gave an account of his visit to the National Library, Ottawa, in search of information on local place-names. The Chairman, Mr. W. A. Barraclough, read a short paper on J. K. Lord's experiences in the Nanaimo district in 1858 at the October meeting. The feature address was given by Mr. R. J. Walley, who, with Mrs. Walley, had just returned from a visit to Brierley Hill, England, from which district so many of the pioneer settlers who came out to Nanaimo on the Princess Royal in 1854 had been recruited. On behalf of the people of Nanaimo he had presented to the civic officials a book containing pictures, maps, and souvenirs of the centenary celebration of Princess Royal day. West Kootenay Section In conjunction with the unveiling of the David Thompson cairn at Castlegar, Dr. W. N. Sage, British Columbia and Yukon representative on the Historic Sites and Monuments Board of Canada, addressed a public meeting sponsored by the section on the evening of November 7, 1954, in which he traced the effect of the fur trade and mining on the development of transportation in the West Kootenay country. In the days of the fur trade transportation was not a great problem, for the fur-traders simply followed the rivers, but the advent of the miners, first as gold seekers, altered the situation. After the great discoveries in the Rossland district, 236 Notes and Comments July-Oct. American interests were for a time dominant, and they were the pioneers in railroad construction, Heinze being responsible for the Trail Creek Tramway and the Columbia and Western, and D. C. Corbin for the Red Mountain Railway. The Nelson and Fort Shepherd was also under construction. In the meantime, the Canadian Pacific Railway, pushing its new southern route westward, began its struggle for control in the area, which culminated in its acquisition of the Trail smelter and in the completion of the Kettle Valley branch line. The annual meeting of the section was held on December 6, 1954, when the following officers were elected for 1955:— Chairman J. H. Armstrong. Vice-Chairman G. T. German. Secretary-Treasurer Mrs. A. D. Turnbull. Councillors— Mrs. J. H. Armstrong. F. M. Etheridge. Mr. J. Bryden. F. Sindell. The speaker at this meeting was the Venerable Archdeacon F. H. Graham, who recounted his personal reminiscences of early days in the Kootenay country. On January 28, 1955, some of the members of the section met with Mrs. Clara P. Graham, author of Fur and Gold in Kootenay. At the general meeting held on February 28, Mrs. A. D. Turnbull presented a report on the annual meeting of the Provincial Association, and some time was spent in the identification of old photographs. Mr. Craig Weir presented a paper on the Dewdney Trail at the meeting held in March, and on June 13 an outdoor meeting was held at which Mr. W. Barlee spoke on Indians in the West Kootenay. At the first meeting in the fall, held on October 19, Mrs. A. D. Turnbull gave an illustrated talk on the Cariboo. Gulf Islands Section A petition from five members of the British Columbia Historical Association, asking for authorization for recognition of the Gulf Islands Section, was received and approved by the Council, in consequence of which Mr. Willard E. Ireland, Provincial Librarian and Archivist, attended the inaugural meeting held in Port Washington Community Hall, Pender Island, on Monday evening, July 18. Mrs. John Freeman acted as Chairman and representatives were present from North and South Pender, Mayne, Galiano, and Saturna Islands. Mr. Ireland spoke on the role and function of a local history society and suggested particular objects for the newly organized section. An election of officers was held which resulted as follows:— Chairman Mrs. John Freeman. Vice-Chairman Mr. J. Campbell. Secretary-Treasurer Mrs. N. Grimmer. Councillors— Mrs. E. T. Money, Saturna Island. Mrs. F. E. Robson, Galiano Island. Mrs. W. Georgeson, Mayne Island. Mrs. J. B. Bridge, North Pender Island. Mr. H. A. Spalding, South Pender Island. 1955 Notes and Comments 237 Mr. Willard E. Ireland and Mr. J. S. Rivers, editor of the Sidney and Gulf Islands Review, were elected honorary members. The second meeting was held on Sunday evening, September 18, in the Mayne Island Hall, with representatives from Saturna, Mayne, North and South Pender Islands present. No formal papers were presented, but the opportunity was taken to discuss plans for the work of the section. Okanagan Historical Society The annual meeting of the society was held on Thursday afternoon, May 5, in the United Church Hall, Vernon, with Mr. J. D. Whitham, Vice-President, in the chair. Tribute was paid to the devoted service that had been rendered the society by its late President, Mr. James B. Knowles, who, since 1949, had with singular enthusiasm and success guided the affairs of the society until his death on February 6. The business of the society was transacted with expedition and from the numerous reports reviewed it was apparent that another successful year had been completed. The election of officers resulted as follows:— Honorary Patron - - His Honour the Lieutenant-Governor. Honorary President - - O. L. Jones, M.P. President - - - J. D. Whitham, Kelowna. Vice-Presidents— F. V. Harwood, Vernon. Mrs. R. B. White, Penticton. C. E. Bentley, Summerland. Secretary - - - - Dr. J. C. Goodfellow, Princeton. Treasurer - - - Guy P. Bagnall, Vernon. Editor - - - - Dr. J. C. Goodfellow, Princeton. Assistant Editor - - R. J. McDougall, Sorrento. Auditor - - - - T. R. Jenner, Vernon. Directors— North— J. H. Wilson, Armstrong. J. G. Simms, Vernon. Middle— Dr. F. Quinn, Kelowna. Mrs. D. Gellatly, Westbank. James Goldie, Okanagan Centre. South- George J. Fraser, Osoyoos. Captain O. Weeks, Penticton. Mrs. C. G. Bennett, Penticton. At Large— Miss K. Ellis, Penticton. A. K. Lloyd, Kelowna. R. J. McDougall, Sorrento. The executives of the branch societies are as follows:— Armstrong -Enderby President R. B. Blackburn, Enderby. Vice-President - - - j. H. Wilson, Armstrong. Secretary-Treasurer - - - Mrs. M. Pidoborozny, Enderby. Notes and Comments July-Oct. Directors— Mrs. R. Crozier, Armstrong. A. Marshall, Armstrong. G. E. McMahon, Enderby. H. F. Cowan, Enderby. W. H. Logan, Enderby. Kelowna President ----- Mrs. G. D. Fitzgerald. Vice-President - - - H. C. S. Collett. Secretary-Treasurer - - - L. L. Kerry. Directors— G. W. Watt. D'Arcy Dendy. H. Hobbs. G. Walburn. J. D. Whitham. Secretary - Treasurer - Directors— Mrs. R. B. White. H. W. Corbitt. C. F. M. Guernsey. Harold Cochrane. Mrs. A. M. Warren. J. G. Harris. Mrs. C. G. Bennett. Captain O. Weeks. C. E. Bentley. Mrs. W. Whitaker. E. W. A. Cooper. Oliver-Osoyoos President A. W. Hanbury. Secretary Mrs. E. J. Lacey. Treasurer - - - - R. Fenwick-Wilson. Directors— N. V. Simpson. F. 0. McDonald. A. McGibbon. Vernon President Fred V. Harwood. Vice-President - - - A. E. Berry. Secretary-Treasurer - - - George Falconer. Directors— Guy P. Bagnall Miss Hilda Cryderman. Mrs. M. Middleton. The business meeting was followed by a dinner at which the speaker was Dr. W. N. Sage, retired Head of the Department of History at the University of British Columbia, who had selected as the subject of his address Sir James Douglas: The Father of British Columbia. This address will appear in the forthcoming Annual Report. 1955 Notes and Comments 239 ROSSLAND HISTORICAL MUSEUM ASSOCIATION The first annual report of the directors of the Rossland Historical Museum was presented under date October 13, 1955. The President, Mr. Gordon T. German, indicated that three meetings of the directors had been held since incorporation in March and the total paid-up membership had reached thirty-one. The Museum is located in the Court-house and has been open to the public during the same hours as the Library, thanks to the co-operation of the Librarian, Mrs. W. M. Anderson. In addition to individual visitors, several groups have been shown through the Museum. The photograph collection has grown by 200, which are now being copied by the Provincial Archives, and the 300 on hand will be mounted during the winter. Since the opening of the Museum, many interesting historical relics and objects have been added to the collection, and a three-drawer locking metal file-cabinet has been acquired to provide safe storage for the growing collection of papers and documents. The facilities of the Museum are already being used, not just by visitors but by persons interested in more serious historical research. The financial report indicated that grants had been received from both the Rossland Rotary Club and the Rossland Community Chest and after all accounts had been paid a satisfactory balance remained on hand for future operations. PLAQUE TO COMMEMORATE THE BIRTHPLACE OF EMILY CARR More than 250 friends of the late Emily Carr and lovers of her creative genius assembled in front of her birthplace, a modest frame house on Government Street, Victoria, on Wednesday afternoon, May 11, to witness the dedication of a plaque erected by the Historic Sites and Monuments Board of Canada. The ceremony was presided over by Miss Margaret Clay, a long-standing friend of Miss Carr and chairman of the local committee in charge of arrangements. Dr. W. N. Sage, British Columbia and Yukon representative on the Federal Government Board, was introduced and spoke briefly on the decision of the Board to place this marker, commenting that " immortality takes many forms and to-day we are honouring an immortal Canadian." In addition, he read a letter from Dr. Lawren Harris, who had given great encouragement to Emily Carr in her struggles, in which he asserted that she was one of the " world's greatest artists." The plaque, which is located on a city boulevard, was officially accepted on behalf of the City of Victoria by His Worship Mayor Claude Harrison, and the Honourable W. N. Chant, Minister of Public Works, represented the Provincial Government at the ceremony. The plaque was officially unveiled by Dr. Ira Dilworth, of the Canadian Broadcasting Company, Toronto, a former resident of Victoria and close personal friend of the artist. His address on that occasion is printed below. The inscription reads as follows:— Birthplace of Emily Carr, artist and writer, portrayer of the British Columbia scene. Born, Victoria, 13th December, 1871, died Victoria, 2nd March, 1945. 240 Notes and Comments July-Oct. Address of Dr. Ira Dilworth " Mr. Chairman, Ladies and Gentlemen: You have done me a great honour in inviting me to be present this afternoon and unveil a plaque to the memory of Emily Carr. This is for me an occasion of unusual interest and excitement. I congratulate the Historic Sites and Monuments Board of Canada on erecting this memorial in the tenth year after Miss Carr's death. It is an honour which in this country might so easily have been delayed but which assuredly comes none too soon. "As I stand here on a spot which I have passed literally thousands of times, I find myself deeply moved, and the most I can do is to pay my personal tribute to Emily Carr as I knew her, as a woman, writer and painter. " It was in this house behind us that Emily Carr was born. My first memories of it go back to 1909, when my family moved to live in Victoria just half a block away from this spot. The house was then set in a deep garden; a garden bounded on Government Street by a great grove of Lombard poplar-trees, the space between the trees filled to overflowing with snowball, laburnum, and rich lilac. These shrubs in the month of May in those years sent great cascades of colour and fragrance from the garden into the street. Along Simcoe Street the garden was bounded by a high hedge of white hawthorn. "The garden itself was characteristically Victorian and very English. As Emily herself said, her father, having left England behind, planted his loneliness in the soil of his new home and ' it came up all English.' This plot of ground may be proud of its memories. It was here that Emily, whose sisters called her I Small,' played. Behind the house were the vegetable-gardens, and the hayfield centred about what Emily used to call the cow yard. There the small child made friends with the barnyard animals and birds. In the cow yard stood the old barn with its wide roof and its loft, which was Emily's first studio. Behind all this, running up towards Beacon Hill, were grass fields and meadows in which grew the flowers that Emily loved so much, particularly the wild lilies. I Emily Carr spent practically her whole life within little more than a stone's throw from this spot on which we are now standing. Except for periods of training in San Francisco, England, and Paris, and a short time spent in teaching in Vancouver, this district of Victoria was her home. When death had made inroads into the family, Emily decided to move out of the old house, and built her own residence a block and a half from here up Simcoe Street, a house which she has described in The House of All Sorts. Its upper story was given over to a very fine studio. In the garden behind were kennels where she raised great quantities of sheep-dogs. When times became too difficult for her financially, Emily sold ' the house of all sorts' and moved a few blocks south of this point to live in a tiny cottage on Beckley Street. It was there, in a district which was distinctly' slummy,' that she received Lady Tweedsmuir, wife of the Governor-General, who had asked the privilege of seeing Emily and her paintings. After illness laid its hand heavily upon her, Emily gave up Beckley Street and went to live in Alice's house, the small cottage where Alice lived and carried on her private school. You know it well— it lies just behind the old Carr house facing on St. Andrew's Street, its boulevards covered with cedar-trees and surrounded by remnants of the old original Carr orchard. There Emily lived in a self-contained apartment, she and her sister 1955 Notes and Comments 241 meeting daily, concerned with each other's needs, but each maintaining a personal aloofness which had no bitterness nor malice in it. It was from that little cottage that Emily Carr set out one afternoon late in February, 1945, having confessed to feeling suddenly very tired, to go to the rest home which is just a block below us here on Government Street, in the building which was formerly the James Bay Hotel. There a few days later she died quietly and without fuss. " It is small wonder that, standing on this site to-day, those of us who knew Emily Carr are deeply moved and feel the presence of ghosts from the past. It was along these streets that we used to see her passing with her great group of sheep-dogs bouncing around her, with her beloved monkey, Woo, sometimes riding in a baby carriage, sometimes ambling along tugging at the end of her chain. It was along the cliffs at Dallas Road just south of here that Emily used to go for her morning and evening walks to breathe in inspiration from the vast expanse of sea and sky with the mountains hazy or clear in the distance. It was on Beacon Hill in this close vicinity—a Beacon Hill not then completely occupied by broom and lush and lovely with grass, deep with buttercups and camass—that Emily awaited so often the coming of the sun in the morning surrounded by her playing dogs. It was in Alice's old cottage or in 'the house of all sorts' that many of us talked with Emily and found a woman touched with gaiety, sensitive, often depressed and lonely, but always dauntless in courage and determination. "Very simply, although we did not know it in those far-away years, Emily Carr was a genius, a genius in painting and in writing. She had the simplicity and the direct drive which is characteristic of genius. She was never lured away from the one course which her task in life laid out in front of her. She could be difficult and often was, but she was tender, affectionate, loyal, and, above everything else, honest as the sun. She had a very hard life filled with work and not a little worry, but we are all glad to know that before its end she achieved a kind of recognition of which she was very proud and which thrilled her deeply. This woman will be remembered as long as our history. She has an unassailable place in the story of our culture. She has added an extraordinary lustre to this beautiful city of Victoria. It is, therefore, Mr. Chairman, with a deep sense of humility but with pride and profound satisfaction that I discharge my duty of unveiling this memorial plaque to Emily Carr." CONTRIBUTORS TO THIS ISSUE Donald H. Simpson is the Librarian of the Royal Empire Society, Northumberland Avenue, London, England. Dorothy Blakey Smith, Ph.D., formerly with the Department of English-of the University of British Columbia, is now a resident of Victoria. John T. Saywell is on the staff of the Department of History at the University of Toronto and has been a frequent contributor to this Quarterly. Reginald H. Roy, M.A., is a member of the staff of the Provincial Archives of British Columbia. THE NORTHWEST BOOKSHELF The History of the 6th Field Company, Royal Canadian Engineers, 1939-1945. Compiled by S. A. Flatt. Vancouver: Wrigley Printing Company Ltd., 1955. Pp. xiv, 141. Ills, and maps. On the afternoon of September 1, 1939, Major T. H. Jermyn, Officer Commanding the 6th Field Company, R.C.E., received orders to mobilize his unit. The chronicle of the events which followed form the subject of the history under review. Formed originally in North Vancouver in 1912 the 6th Field Company served as a training company and did not see overseas service in the First World War. During the period from 1920 to 1939 it formed part of the Non-Permanent Active Militia. When the Second World War broke out the company was mobilized as part of the Canadian Active Service Force and served with the 3rd Canadian Infantry Division at home and abroad. The wartime story of the sappers will be familiar to all who served with the 3rd Division. After a year's service in British Columbia the company was sent to Debert Military Camp, in Nova Scotia, where it was engaged with the other divisional engineers in preparing the camp to receive and house the main body of the division. Nine months later, in June, 1941, the 6th Field Company was among the first of the division's troops to sail for the United Kingdom. For the next three years the sappers were engaged in routine engineer work and training. There were camps to be constructed and prepared for the thousands of Canadian soldiers who came overseas in 1941-1942. Then there was training in bridging, camouflaging, field works, mines and booby-traps, general construction, and a hundred other duties which formed part of a field company's responsibility. In 1943 and 1944 emphasis was placed on large-scale exercises and combined operations, which culminated in the weeks before the invasion of Europe. On D-Day the 6th Field Company was among the first of the 3rd Division's assaulting troops to land in Normandy, and from then until V-E Day the sappers were in the thick of the campaign. During this time the unit suffered over 100 casualties and earned a respectful number of awards and decorations for their work in battle. This history is based almost entirely upon the unit's official war diary, and is the product of the former Company Sergeant-Major and Company Quartermaster- Sergeant, the latter being designated as the official historian. Because of its semi-official nature the book will probably be definitive as far as the 6th Field Company is concerned, but it is by no means all-encompassing. Its appeal is to the former members of the company who shared its joys and vicissitudes, but the general reader, including those who served overseas, will derive little that is new or interesting from it. Perhaps the two most unfortunate aspects of the book are first, the failure to treat the unit's actions in their proper perspective, and second, the overemphasis British Columbia Historical Quarterly, Vol. XIX, Nos. 3 and 4. 243 244 The Northwest Bookshelf July-Oct. on the non-operational aspects of the company's participation in the campaign. As for the first, the author tends to treat the infantry battalions which the 6th Field Company supported in a most cursory way. Indeed, the entire Canadian Army suffers the same fate. Although this is almost a typical fault with most regimental histories, it is most obvious in the history of a unit whose primary task was to support the infantry battalions. As such the success of the combatant troops frequently depended upon the ability of the engineers to carry out such hazardous tasks as lifting mine-fields and building bridges under enemy fire, and it would have added to the 6th Field Company's history if the reader had been enlightened as to the effect the sappers' work had in relation to the course of battle. This is not to suggest that the author has devoted too great space to the story of the company's personal role in battle. In fact the reverse is true, in so far as its operational role is concerned. For example, no member of the unit can have forgotten or will ever forget D-Day. It signified the culmination of years of training as well as the first day of battle experienced in the thirty-two years of the company's existence. On that day the 6th Field Company had twelve of its men killed and fifteen wounded—a major loss for so small a company—and two won the Military Medal for their bravery during the assault. Despite these facts only four paragraphs are devoted to a description of the actual D-Day battle, and in these brief paragraphs no mention is made of the awards won at the time. A great many errors in the text could have been avoided if greater reference had been made to the official and semi-official books dealing with the Canadian Army in 1939-1945. This is especially true of continental place-names, of which I Cain " for " Caen " on the copy of a plaque decorating the book's cover is a most unhappy example. The photographs in this history are good, the maps fair, and the "cartoons" which decorate each chapter heading could easily have been dispensed with. Provincial Archives, Victoria, B.C. R. H. Roy. The Dufferin-Carnarvon Correspondence, 1874-1878. Edited by C. W. de Kiewiet and F. H. Underhill. Toronto: The Champlain Society, 1955. Pp. Iv, 442. Ills. There should be no need to introduce Dufferin and Carnarvon to students of British Columbia's history. Dufferin was Governor-General of Canada from 1872 to 1878 and Carnarvon was the Secretary of State for the Colonies in Disraeli's second administration. The two men were on opposite sides of the political fence, yet they were close personal friends and Carnarvon had no sooner taken office in 1874 than he asked Dufferin to communicate with him " fully & Unreservedly not only as Secretary of State but as yrs most truly & sincerely." Thus the correspondence began and so it continued until January, 1878, when Carnarvon resigned following a disagreement with his colleagues over British policy in the Near East. These revealing private letters were located by President de Kiewiet in the Public Record Office and, although they have been available in Ottawa on microfilm for some time, the Champlain Society wisely decided to publish them. The bulk of the correspondence is London-bound and, as the 1955 The Northwest Bookshelf 245 editors remark, Dufferin's " brilliant analysis of Canadian politics and politicians brings the whole period to life and gives us fresh material for judging almost every main question in the Canadian public affairs of the time." There can be little doubt but that most of the editorial work was done by Professor F. H. Underbill, who recently left the University of Toronto for Ottawa and a three-year research appointment. No one could be better qualified than he to write the introduction in which the major characters are delineated and the more important subjects discussed. And it comes as no surprise to detect a note of admiration for Edward Blake running throughout. Blake, " who towered above his fellows in intellectual ability," was " the man whom Dufferin feared most"; Blake, who was generally recognized as the greatest legal mind in Canada " was " too sensitive and thin-skinned for the coarse and dirty controversy which marked Canadian politics in those days "; and Blake, who stands " in the direct line of the Canadian Liberal tradition which runs from Baldwin and LaFontaine and his own father to Laurier and King," is obviously the hero of the constitutional drama that was played during Dufferin's term of office. Nothing revolutionary emerges from the correspondence. But much useful information is to be found on the Pacific Railway, the Pacific scandals, the amnesty question, the Guibord case, and a variety of other problems of the interregnum. Mackenzie, Blake, Mills, and Cartwright stand in clearer focus after one watches them wrestle with the " prima donna " in Rideau Hall for five years. As a result of Blake's passion for autonomy the volume is an historical hot-house or laboratory where new blends in the imperial relationship are being evolved and tested. It should be added that this subject has been discussed in detail in David Farr's recent book The Colonial Office and Canada, 1867-1887. The constitutional historian will enjoy as well Dufferin's accounts of his relations with the cabinet, although his Irish blarney and ill-concealed vanity must always be kept in mind. Students of Provincial history will find the volume extremely valuable and interesting. In his first letter and in his last Dufferin discussed the Pacific Railway, and that subject takes up more space than any other—almost more than all the others. The background to the dispute between British Columbia and the Mackenzie administration, the endless negotiations over the non-fulfilment of the terms of union, Dufferin's trip to the West Coast, and Carnarvon's diplomacy are all traced, " blow by blow," in this trans-Atlantic correspondence. Dufferin had no sympathy for the residents of Victoria in their demand for the construction of the Esquimalt and Nanaimo railway and he suspected that the agitation was largely their doing. Mackenzie he believed to have been " most culpable in having offered to build it" and the expenditure of " a million of money—and it could scarcely cost less—upon such an enterprise would be absurd." Dufferin's political analysis was as acute in Victoria as it was in Ottawa. He informed Carnarvon that Victoria interests dominated the political scene, that the Island versus Mainland contest was perhaps the only fundamental political division, and that " as each individual member of the House has some strictly personal interest engaged in every political squabble, matters are decided by anything but patriotic or even reasonable considerations." Matters had not greatly changed thirty years later when Messrs. Jaffray and Cox were able to buy a majority in the legislature. 246 The Northwest Bookshelf July-Oct. Dufferin, Carnarvon, and Underhill write extremely well and the volume is a pleasure to read. This writer hopes and trusts that the reception given this excellent publication will encourage the Champlain Society to publish in modern Canadian history more often. Department of History, University of Toronto. John T. Saywell. In Search of the Magnetic North. A Soldier-Surveyor's Letters from the North- West, 1843-1844. Pioneer Books Series. Edited by Dr. G. F. G. Stanley. Toronto: The Macmillan Company of Canada Ltd., 1955. Pp. xxviii, 171. Maps and Ills. This is the third of the excellent Pioneer Books series which " is designed to discover and bring back into general circulation a number of the more interesting and out-of-date books on early life in Canada." Actually the contents of this book have never been published before in Canada or elsewhere. While serving overseas with the Historical Section of the Canadian Army, Professor Stanley heard of the existence of these Letters and he was instrumental in arranging tor their presentation to the Public Archives of Canada. The soldier-surveyor was Lieutenant (later Major-General Sir) John Henry Lefroy who, while director of the Toronto Magnetical Observatory, 1841-1853, undertook a journey to the Hudson's Bay Company's territories for the purpose of making a magnetic survey of the North-West. The letters he wrote to his family and friends during his year-and-a-half voyage are not, as the title might suggest, replete with scientific matters. Rather they contain a description of the manners and customs in the North-West as seen by a young Englishman at a time when the life of the fur-trader was still akin to the eighteenth century. As such they make interesting reading for either the historian or the general reader. The introduction to the Letters by the editor contains a brief but adequate biographical sketch of Lefroy. The end maps by Captain C. C. J. Bond are models of their kind. Provincial Archives, Victoria, B.C. R. H. Roy. INDEX Adak Island, 13, 17 Beach, Sir Michael Hicks, 62, 63 Adamson, John Williams, 51 ' Beale, Henry, 41 Admiralty Inlet, 43 ' Beaver Bay, 50 Affleck's Canal, 47 Beaver Pass, 215, 217, 219, 220 Afognak Island, 26, 28 Bechevin, 16, 17 After Bering: Mapping the North Pacific, 1-55 Beckerleg, Mrs. B. J., 193, 194 Agalagmut, 3 Begbie, Sir M. B., 146, 213 Agattu Island, 11, 13, 17 Behm Canal, 47 Aglemint Eskimos, 3 j Behring's Bay, 50 Aguilar, Martin de, 6 Bella Bella Indians, 3 Aht Indians, 192 Bella Coola Indians, 3 Ainsworth, Capt. J. C, 199 , Bella Coola River, 49, 209 Ainsworth Inlet, 199 Bengal Fur Company, 41 Akutan Island, 20 Beniowsky, Moriz August, Graf von, 8, 22, 25 Alaska, 3, 6, 21, 26, 27 ■ Bering, Vitus, 6, 11, 12, 16, 19, 21, 22 Alberni, 192, 193 Bering Island, 11^17, 19, 23, 28, 32, 41, 46 Alder, William, 44 . Bering Sea, 3, 19, 22, 26, 30 Aleutian Islands, 2, 3, 5, 7, 11-23, 25, 27, 28, Bering Strait, 26, 27, 39 30, 37, 46, 53 Berkh, V. N., 8 Aleuts, 2-5 Billings, Joseph, 2, 5, 38, 39, 41 Alexander Archipelago, 28, 33, 42 Bishop, Charles, 52 Alford, Dean Henry, 142 Blagden, Dr., 98 Alin, Luka, 25, 28 Blasov, 19 Alkali House, Cariboo, 211 j Bocharov, 34 All Saints Church, Alberni, 193 Bodega y Quadra, J. F. de la, 24, 25, 28, 43, 46 Allan, Sir Hugh, 89 Boit, John, 53 Alston, E. Graham, 77, 154, 156 Bolsheretsk, 17, 19, 22, 23 Amlia, 15 Bombay, 32 Anadyr, 18 Bonaparte River, 224-226 Anderson Lake, 203 Borovskaya River, 22 Andreada, John de Barros, 43 /Bridge Creek, 224 Andreanof Islands, 2, 3, 13, 17 ' British Columbia Historical Association, 103- Andreyev, A. I., 8 110, 233-237 Angela College, Victoria, 165, 188 British Columbia's First Lieutenant-Governor: Anian, Strait of, 6, 7 Sir Joseph Trutch, 71-92 Archibald, Sir Adams George, 75, 85 Broughton, W. R., 42 Arctic Ocean, 26, 27 Brown, Rev. R. C. L., 151 Arkhangel, 19 Brown, Capt. William, 44, 47, 51 Arteaga, Ignacio, 28 Brown Passage, 47 Askew, T. G., 191 Browning Entrance, 47 Ataku Island, 15 Buache, Philippe, 6, 7, 40 Atka Island, 13, 16 Bucareli Bay, 45 Atkans, 3 •',-■,,-•• - Bunster, Arthur, 88 Attu Island, 11, 13, 15, 17, 22, 23 Burdett-Coutts, Baroness, 143, 144, 188 Austrian East Indian Company, 33 Burenin, Fedor, 22, 23 Burke Channel, 43, 47 Babayev, 19 Bustamente y Guerra, Jose, 40 Baker, Capt. James, 44 Baker Bay, 48 Caamano, Jacinto, 45 Bakhov, Afanasii, 12 ! Caledonia, Diocese of, 173 Balin, Vasilii, 12, 15 Cambridge, Duke of, 160, 163 Bancroft, H. H., 4, 5, 8 Camels, Cariboo, 214 Banks, Sir Joseph, 94-96, 98, 99, 102 Canadian Pacific Railway, 57, 58, 65, 75, 88-90 Baranov, A. A., 6, 39, 46, 51, 53, 54 Canty, Rev. M.. 135 Baranov Island, 50 Cape Edgecumbe, 40 Barber, Capt., 51 Cape Elizabeth, 49 Barkley, Capt. C. W., 33, 44 Cape Ommaney, 50 Barkley Sound, 33 Cape Saint Ellas, 28, 29 Barkly, Sir Henry, 66, 67 Barnett, Thomas, 40, 52 Barrel Sound, 46 Cape St. James, 46 Cardwell, Edward, 69 Barren Islands, 49 Cariboo, 1862, Harry Guillod's Journal of a Bashmakov, Petr, 13, 14 Trip to, 187-232 Baskett, Rev. C. R., 170 Cariboo, mining, 187, 190, 191, 213-220 Basov, Yemel'yan, 11, 12, 15 Carnarvon, Lord, Baux, 40 Carnarvon Commission, 61, 63-65 12 2 47 248 Index Carr, Emily: Address of Dr. Ira Dilworth, Crossman, Col. William, 63, 64 240, 241 Crowell, Samuel, 41 Carr, Emily, Plaque to Commemorate the Birthplace of, 239-241 Dean Channel, 49 Carrall, R. W. W., 75, 86, 87 Dean River, 209 Cartier, Sir George Etienne, 75, 85, 86, 89, 90 De Cosmos, Amor, 72, 79, 81, 83, 87 Cathcart, Gen., 134 Defence Problem, 1865-1887, Esquimalt, 57-69 Cave, Rev. J. C. B., 155 Delarov, Evstratii, 19, 28, 29, 31, 34, 38, 39 Chatham Sound, 47 Delisle, Joseph Nicolas, 6, 7, 14, 16 Chatham Strait, 50 Denman Island, 40 Chebaevskii, Terentii, 17, 18 Dentistry, Cariboo, 190 Chemainus, 191 Dillon, Richard H., Convict Colonies for the Cherapanov, Stepan, 17 Pacific Northwest, 93-102 Chevaevski, 11 Dilworth, Ira, address of, at unveiling of plaque Chichagof Island, 50 to commemorate the birthplace of Emily Chichagov, 19 Carr, 240, 241 Chilkat Bay, 50 Diocesan Church Society, 154 Chirikof Island, 49 Diocesan Synod, 154, 166, 168, 169, 171-173 Choquette, Alexander, 208 Discovery Passage, 43, 45 Christ Church Cathedral, Victoria, 146-148, Ditcham, Rev. George, 166, 170 163, 165, 168, 170, 188 Dixon, George, 4, 8, 31, 32, 98 Chukchi, 18 Dixon Entrance, 45, 52 Chuprov, Yakov, 11 Dorr, Ebenezer, 48, 52 Claaset, 35 Dorr and Sons, 52 Clarence Strait, 45, 47 Douglas, Sir James, 87, 146, 168 Claughton, Bishop, 161, 163, 177 Douglas, William, 34-36, 38, 39, 41, 51 Clayoquot Sound, 33, 38, 40, 42, 46, 51 Douglas—see Port Douglas Clerke, Capt., 27 Druzhinin, Alexei, 14, 17, 18 Cloak Bay, 48, 52 Dufferin, Lord, 90 Coal-supply for Navy, 58-62 Dufferin-Carnarvon Correspondence, 1874-1878 Coles, 44 The, review of, 244-246 Collegiate School, Victoria, 147, 165, 168, 170, Duffin, Robert, 43 172, 173 Duncan, Capt. Charles, 32, 35 Collison, Rev. W. H, 173 Duncan, William, 151, 168, 169, 171-173 Colnett, James, 32, 33, 35, 36, 38, 45 Dundas, Rev. Robert James, 146 Colonial Defence Committee, 61 Durnev, 15 Columbia, Henry Press Wright'. First Arch deacon of, 123-186 Earthquake, 30 Columbia River, 24, 43, 46-49, 51, 52, 93 East India Company, 31-34, 38, 44 Columbia's Cove, 46 Edgar, J. D., 91 Comox, Indian mission established at, 155 Elections, British Columbia, 78; Canada, 87 Comptroller Bay, 4 Eliza, Francisco, 37, 38, 45, 47, 48 Confederation and British Columbia, 71-74, 76, Elwyn, Thomas, 217 90-92; and Manitoba, 71, 72 Eskimos, 3, 4 Convict Colonies for the Pacific Northwest, 93- Espinosa, Jose de, 8 102 Esquimalt, 57-69 Cook, James, 1, 8, 25-27, 30, 98, 100, 101 Esquimalt: Defence Problem, 1865-1887, 57- Cook, Mortimer, 228 69 Cook Inlet, 6, 26, 37, 39, 49, 50, 52 Etches, John, 35, 94 Cook's Ferry, 228 Etches, Richard Cadman, 35, 94, 95 Cook's Inlet—see Cook Inlet Ettarge, Chief, 52 Cook's River, 49, 95, 98, 101 Evans, Rev. Ephraim, 191, 222, 224, 225 Coolidge, R. D., 36, 41, 46 Ewen, Capt., 44, 48 Copper Island, 11-14, 16, 22, 23, 32, 46 Copper River, 29 Fairweather, Mount, 50 Cornwall, C F., 86, 87, 227 Fenians, 86 Cornwall, Henry, 227 Fenton, Roger, 136 Cottonwood, 213, 214, 220 Fidalgo, Salvador, 37, 38, 45 Cowichan church consecrated, 165 Coxe, John Henry, 37, 40, 41 Coxe, William, 8, 101 Finlayson Channel, 47 Fisher's Channel, 47 Crease, H. P. P., 79, 81, 82, 87 Fitzhugh Sound, 31 Creighton, 41 Flatt, S. A., comp., The History of the 6th Crickmer, Rev. W. B., 150-152 Field Company, Royal Canadian Engineers, Cridge, Bishop, 146, 147, 168-170, 172 1939-1945, review of, 243, 244 Crimean War, 129-140 Fleurieu, C. P. C, Comte de, 8 Cross Sound, 50 Fonte, Bartholomew de, 6, 26, 27, 42, 45, 49 Index 249 Forts and trading-posts, Alaska, 6; Alexandria, 212, 222 Fox Islands, 2, 14, 17, 19-21, 27, 29 Foxes, 11, 12, 16, 20, 30 Frank, C. W., 79 Franklin, Selim, 198 Fraser, Donald, 187 Friendly Cove, 49, 51 From One to Seventy, review of, 118, 119 Fuca, Juan de, 6 Funter, Robert, 35 Fur trade, maritime, 2-5, 11-25, 27-55 Galiano, Dionisio Alcala, 43, 44 Gama Land, 6, 19, 22 Gammage, Rev. James, 151 Gardiner, Caleb, 52 Garrett, Rev. A. C, 147, 148, 153 Georgia, Gulf of, 40, 43, 44 Georgia, Strait of, 42, 43 Glacier Bay, 50 Gleig, Rev. G. R., 127, 140, 161 Glotov, Stepan, 16-18 Glover, Rev. Octavius, 147 Gold-mining, Cariboo, 187, 190, 191, 213-220 Golikov, Ivan, 25-27, 30, 34, 39, 50, 53 Good, Charles, 77, 78 Good, Jane Kathleen, 129, 178 Good, Rev. John Booth, 148, 152, 155, 166, 167, 170, 171 Graham, Capt., 46 Graham Prairie, 191 Grande Prairie, 214, 222 Graving-dock, 57, 58, 60, 63 Gray, Robert, 33, 36, 42, 43, 46, 47 Grays Harbour, 46, 48 Green Lake House, 224 Greenhow, Robert, 8 Gribbell, Rev. F. B., 166, 169-171 Grigg, D. H., From One to Seventy, review of, 118, 119 Guise, Capt., 32 Guillod, Edna, 194 Guillod, George, 187, 188, 190, 194, 196-198, 201-215, 217, 229 Guillod, Harry, 187-232 Guillod, Mrs. Harry, 192, 193 Guillod's, Harry, Journal of a Trip to Cariboo, 1862, 187-232 Haida Indians, 3 Hall, Rev. A. J., 174 Hall, Robert, 41 Hamilton, Agnes, 188 Hankin, Philip J., 72 Hanna, James, 30, 31 Hare, Rev. R. S., 129 Haro Strait, 40 Harrison-Lillooet trail, 188, 189, 199-204 Harry Guillod's Journal of a Trip to Cariboo, 1862, 187-232 Haswell, Robert, 46 Hatch, Crowell, 52 Hawaii, 27, 31-33, 35, 37, 42, 47, 49, 51-53 Hecata, Bruno, 24 Hecate, Strait, 33 .Helmcken, J. S., 73, 76, 77, 87, 89, 90 Henry Press Wright: First Achdeacon of Columbia, 123-186 Herring, John, 232 Herring, Samuel W., 232 Hervey, Capt., 41 Hills, Bishop, 124, 126, 143, 144, 146, 147,149- 157, 163-175, 182, 183, 191, 192, 216 HiUs, Mrs. George, 156, 157, 170 Hinchinbrook Island, 6, 40 Hincks, Sir Francis, 88 History of the 6th Field Company, Royal Canadian Engineers, 1939-1945, The, review of, 243, 244 Holbrook, Henry, 78, 79 Holmes, Rev. David, 173, 174 Hood, William, 227 Hook, Dr. W. F., 126 Hope, consecration of church at, 149, 150 Hornby Island, 40 Houston-Stewart Channel, 46, 51 Howay, F. W., 7, 9 Howitt, J., 193 Hudson, Thomas, 36, 38 Hudson's Bay Company, 55, 94, 98, 100 Humphreys, Thomas Basil, 83 Hutchins, Capt., 35 Icy Strait, 50 Uiuliuk Harbour, 41 In Search of the Magnetic North, review of, 246 Indians, Alberni, 192, 193; British Columbia, 85, 86; Fraser River, 200; Northwest Coast, 3, 4, 17, 18, 29; Victoria, 147, 148 Ingraham, Joseph, 42, 46 Ireland, W. E., From One to Seventy, review by, 118, 119; Solomon Mussalem, review by, 118-119; The True Life Story of a Pioneer, review by, 118, 119 Irwin, Lieut.-Col. de la Chevois T., 62 Isanotski Strait, 16 Islands of Four Mountains, 2 Izmailov, Gerasim, 19, 22, 25, 27, 30, 34 J. L. S., 9 Jane, Cecil, 9 Jenns, Rev. Percival, 173, 174 Jeso Land, 6 Jochelson, Waldemar, 9 Johnson, E., 47 Johnston, P. T., 188, 190, 191, 197, 201, 202, 204-208, 210-217, 219-228 Johnston, Mrs. P. T., 188 Johnstone, James, 47, 50 Johnstone Strait, 43, 45 Johnstone's Channel, 47 Journal of a Trip to Cariboo, 1862, Harry Guillod's, 187-232 Juan de Fuca, Strait of, 6, 33, 35, 38, 40, 42- 44 Kaigahnee, 51 Kaliuzhi, 3 Kaloshi, 3 Kalush, 3 250 Index Kamchatka, 11-18, 20, 21, 23, 27, 28, 33, 45, 49, 101 Kamloops Museum Association, 110, HI Kanagmiut Eskimos, 3 Karaginskii Island, 11 Karganoff, Gen., 139, 140 Kasilov River, 39 Katalla Island, 29 Kauai Island, 52 Kayak Island, 29, 50 Kenai, 3 Kenai Peninsula, 28 Kendrick, John, 33, 36, 42, 47, 51 Kennedy, Dr., 215, 216 Key, Sir Astley Cooper, 63, 65 Khlebnikov, K. T., 9 Kholodilov, Alexei, 23 Kholodilov, Fedor, 12, 14 Kiewiet, C. W. de, ed., The Dufferin-Carnarvon Correspondence, 1874-1878, review of, 244- 246 Kimball and Cook, 228 King, H. B. Solomon Mussalem, review of, 118-119 King, Maria, 156 King George's Sound Company, 31, 32 Kiselev, 45, 53 Knipe, Rev. Christopher, 151, 154, 216 Kodiak Island, 3, 18, 23, 26, 27, 30, 34, 38, 39 Kolomin, Petr, 39 Koloshi, 3 Kolyma River, 18, 41 Konovalov, Grigorii, 39 Korovin, Ivan, 17, 18 Kow, 52 Kozitsyn, 27 Krasil'nikov, Semen, 14, 15, 17, 20 Krenitsyn, 21, 23 Krivoroshov, 28 Kruzof Island, 40 Kuiu Island, 47 Kul'khov, 17 Kurile Islands, 22, 25, 29 Kuskokwim River, 26 Kuznetzof, Arsenii, 27 Kwakiutl Indians, 3 Lamb, J. and T., 47, 48 Langevin, Hector, 81, 86, 87 Langle, de, 32 La Perouse, J. F. G., 9, 32, 34, 45 Lapin, Ivan, 17-19, 21, 22, 25, 28 Laumeister, Frank, 214 Laurie, Henry, 32 Laurie, William, 31 Lazarev, 17 Lebedev-Lastochkin, 25, 28, 29, 34, 38, 39, 41, 50 Lempriere, Capt., 149 Lena River, 18 Lesseps, J. B. B. de, 32 Levashev, 21 Lewis, Thomas, 227 Lieutenant-Governor, Sir Joseph Trutch: British Columbia's First, 71-92 Lightning Creek, 190, 213-216 Lillooet Lake, 201 Lind, Dr. James, 96; letter to, 98, 99 LitUe Lillooet Lake, 201 Lituya Bay, 4, 32, 34, 50 Lok, Michael, 6 Lomonosov, 19, 21 London Company, 35 Loon Lake, 227 L6pez de Haro, Gonzalo, 33, 34, 36 Lovell, Lieut.-Col., J. W., 63-65 Lowe, Rev. R. L., 148, 153 Lower Fountain, 204 Lukanin, Ivan, 19, 25 Lynn Canal, 50 Lytton, 228, 229 McCreight, John Foster, 77-84 Macdonald, Sir John A., 63-67, 72-84, 85-91 Macdonald, W. J., 87 Mclntyre, Fred, The True Life Story of a Pioneer, review of, 118, 119 Mackenzie, Sir Alexander, 9, 49 Mackenzie, Alexander, 90, 91 Mackenzie's Rock, 49 Macao, 22, 38, 41, 43, 44, 48 Magee, James, 42, 47 Magon, Capt., 45 Malaspina, Alejandro, 40 Maldonado, Lorenzo Ferrer, 7, 40 Manitoba and Confederation, 71, 72 Mansion House, New Westminster, 231, 232 Mapping the North Pacific: After Bering, 1-55 Marchand, Etienne, 40 Maritime Museum, Esquimalt, Royal Canadian Navy, 112 Marmot Island, 28 Marquesas Islands, 42, 48 Martinez, Esteban Jos6, 33, 34, 36-38 Martinez y Zayas, Juan, 9, 47, 48 Mason, Rev. George, 172, 173, 175 Massacre Bay, 11 Mayers, Mrs. Kate, 193 Meares, John, 9, 31, 32, 34-37, 41, 43, 44, 93 Mednovtsi, 3 Medvyedev, 17, 18 Menehdez, Capt., 45 Menzies, Archibald, 38, 43, 45 Merchant Proprietors, 34, 35 Metcalfe, Simon, 35, 37 Methodist Church, Victoria, 197 Middleton Island, 40 Militia in British Columbia, 86 Millard, Charles, 230 Milne, Sir Alexander, 61, 62, 64, 66-68 Mitchell, Henry, 188 Moberly, Walter, 227 Mockler, Rev. George, 133 Mode's Lake, 212 Mogg, Rev. H. H, 165, 170, 173, 175 Monro, H. D., 193 Monro, Kate Elizabeth, 192, 193 Monro, Robert Ross, 193 Monterey, 25, 45 Moody, R. C, 149 Moore, Hugh, 44, 46 Morris, Bishop, 172 Morse, H. B., 9 Mostovskii, 19 Index 251 Mouat, Capt. W. A., 195 Paul Island, 29 Mountains, Men and Rivers, review of, 119-121 Pavlof Bay, 2 Mud Lake, 212, 222 Peace River, 49 Mukhin, Ivan, 20 Peace River Historical Society, 113, 114 Miffler, G. F., 14, 16, 22 Pearse, B. W., 77 Musgrave, Anthony, 72-74 Peloponisov, 20, 21 Mussalem, Solomon, review of, 118, 119 Pemberton, 202 Mylnikov, 53 Perceval, Alice, 165 Perez, Juan, 24 Nakvashin, 13 Perkins, T. H., 47 Nalder, Anne, 125 Peter Island, 29 Nalee, Silas, 167 Peters, William, 31, 32 Nathan, Henry, 88-90 Petropavlovsk, 17, 27, 30-32, 39, 41 Neah Bay, 46, 48 Plaque to Commemorate David Thompson on Near Islands, 2, 3, 13, 15, 27, 28 the Columbia River, 112,113 Nelson River, 100, 101 Plaque to Commemorate the Birthplace of Nerstov, Kozma, 12 Emily Carr, 239-241 Nesbitt, J. K., Mountains, Men and Rivers, re Polonskii, A., 10 view by, 119-121 Polutov, Dmitrii, 23 Nevodchikov, Mikhail, 11, 13 Ponomarev, 16,17 Nevodiskov Bay, 11 Popov, Alexei, 41 New Arkhangel, 6 Popov, Ivan, 18, 20, 21, 28 New Westminster, description of, 199 Popov, Vasillii, 17, 18 New Westminster Historic Centre, 111, 112 Port Conclusion, 50 Newbury, Elias, 48, 52 Port Discovery, 48 Newton, Rev. H. S., 174, 175 Port Douglas, 199, 200 Nightingale, Florence, 134, 136 Port Montgomery, 46 Nikiforov, 16 Port Protection, 47 Nikilinich, Mikhail, 12 Port Stewart, 47 Nilov, Capt., 22 Portland Canal, 47 Nizhne-Kamchatsk, 12, 16, 20, 23, 25, 29, 30 Portlock, Nathaniel, 5.10, 31, 32 Nizhne-Kolymsk, 18 Postlethwaite, Bishop, 156 Noble, 216 Postnikov, Shuiskii, 17 Nootka Indians, 3 Powell, L W., 86,87 Nootka Sound, 24, 26, 33-38, 42-48, 50, 52, 93, Pribilof Islands, 2, 3, 30, 37 96-101 Pribylov, Gerasim, 2, 28, 29 Nordbery, Elias, 52 Prince of Wales Island, 45, 47 North Foreland, 50 Prince William Sound, 6, 26, 28, 29, 31, 32, 34, North Pacific Squadron, 57, 64, 65 35, 37, 43, 46, 50 North West Company, 55 Principe Channel, 47 Northwest Passage, 26, 27, 98 Pringle, Rev. A. St. David F., 150 Novikov, 12, 15 Proctor, Rev. G. H., 135 Nuchek, 6 Protasov, Jakob, 17, 29, 33 Nushagak Bay, 3 Protodyakanov, Prokopii, 21, 24 Puget, Peter, 50, 51 Observatory Inlet, 47 Puget Sound, 43 Occidental Hotel, Victoria, 197 Purtov, George, 50, 51 Ocheredin, 20, 21, 27 Okanagan Historical Society, 237, 238 Queen Charlotte Islands, 33, 37, 42, 43, 46-48, Okhotsk, 17, 19, 21-23, 28-30, 39 51,52 Okoshnikov, Matvei, 21, 24 Queen Charlotte Sound, 32, 43, 45, 46, 98 Olednikov, 18 Quimper, Manuel, 37, 38 Olesov, 30 Oppenheimer, Charles, 227 Rae's Arctic Correspondence, 1844—55, review Oppenheimer & Company, 222 of, 115-118 O'Reilly, Peter, 150, 216, 217 Raglan, Lord, 136,137 Oryekhov, Afanasii, 19-22, 25, 28 Rat Islands, 2, 3 Osokin, 24 Reece, Rev. W. S., 168 Owen, 48 Reeve, Rev. Henry, 153 Reid, J. H. Stewart, Mountains, Men and Paikov, Dmitrii, 15, 16 Rivers, review of, 119-121 Pallas, Peter Simon, 9, 27 Responsible government in B.C., 71-74, 76, 80, Palmer, Henry Spencer, 129,156 82, 84, 91 Panov, Grigorii, 19, 20, 23, 25, 27, 28, 30 Restoration Bay, 47 Panov, Petr, 19, 20, 23, 25, 27 Revillagigedo Channel, 47 Parsons, Otis, 204 Rich, E. E., ed., Rae's Arctic Correspondence, Parsonville, 204 1844-55, review of, 115-118 252 Index Richards, A. N., 91 Ridley, Bishop, 173 Robert, Josiah, 48 Roberts, Capt., 42, 47 Robertson, A. Rocke, 78, 79 Robertson, Henry, 96, 97; letter from, 99-102 Robson, John, 79, 81-83 Roerig, 131 Rogers, William, 41, 52 Rosario Strait, 40 Roscoe Inlet, 47 Rose, Rev. H. J., 124 Rossland Historical Museum Association, 111, 239 Routes of travel to Cariboo, 188-232 Roy, R. H., The History of the 6th Field Company, Royal Canadian Engineers, 1939-1945, review by, 243-244; In Search of the Magnetic North, review by, 246 Royal Canadian Navy Maritime Museum* Esquimalt, 112 Royal Commission re Defences, 61, 63-69 Royal Hotel, Victoria, 197 Royal Navy, 57-59, 64 Russia Archives Department, 10 Russian American Company, 1, 5, 26, 50, 53, 54 Rybinskii, Ivan, 11-13,16 Sabin, J. E., 142, 158, 159 Sage, W. N., 71, 84 Saimonov, 19 St. Ambrose Island, 48 St. Andrew's Church, Comox, 174,192 St. George Island, 28 St. John's Church, Victoria, 146,148 St. Lawrence Bay, 41 St. Mary's Church, Sapperton, 156 St. Paul's Church, Esquimalt, 166,174, 175 St. Paul's Church, Nanaimo, 152,153 St. Peter's Church, Cowichan, 165 St. Stephen's Church, Saanich, 152, 165, 166, 175 Salish, 3 Salmon River, 208, 209 Samoilov, 30 San Bias, 24, 28, 34, 36-38, 40 Sapozhnikov, 20, 25 Sarychev, Gavrilo, 2, 5,10, 41 Sauer, Martin, 10 Saywell, John Tupper, The Dufferin-Camarvon Correspondence, 1874-1878, review by, 244- 246; Sir Joseph Trutch: British Columbia's First Lieutenant-Governor, 71-92 Schurman, D. M., Esquimalt: Defence Problem, 1865-1887, 57-69 Scott, Bishop, 145 Scotty's House, 227 Sea-otter, 3,11,12,14,16, 20 Sea Otter's Harbour, 31 Seaforth Channel, 47 Seals, 2, 11, 20, 29, 30 Seelye, H. E., 73 Semichi Island, 13 Serebrennikov, Andrei Mikhailov, 14, 16 Serebrennikov, Vasilii, 21 Seton Lake, 203 Seward Peninsula, 19 Shakesville, 208 Shalauroff, 18 Shannon River, 50 Sharp, 44 Sheepshanks, Rev. John, 149, 150, 154 Shehan, Rev. D., 135 Shelekhov, G. I., 6, 10, 25, 27, 28, 30, 32, 34, 39,53 Shelekhov, Natalie, 53 Shepherd, Henry, 43, 44 Shevyrin, 16 Shilov, Vasilii, 19-22, 25, 28 Ships, Activa, 45, 47, 48; Adventure, 46; Albatross, 93, 94; Amelia, 48; Aranzazu, 36, 45; Argonaut, 35, 36, 38, 42, 43, 93; Arkhangel Mikhail, 23; Arthur, 51; Astrolabe, 32; Atrevida, 40; Boris i Gleb, 13, 14; Boussele, 32; Butterworth, 44, 47, 48; Captain Cook, 32; Cariboo Fly, 165; Champion, 203; H.M.S. Chatham, 42; Chernyi Orel, 5, 39, 41; Colonel Moody, 153; Columbia, 33, 36, 43, 46; Columbia Rediviva, 42; Concepcidn, 37; Daedalus, 43; Descubierta, 40; H.M.S. Discovery, 26, 42, 43; Dispatch, 52; Eleanora, 35, 37, 39, 42, 51; Enterprise, 153, 166, 188, 191, 195, 198, 231, 232; Evdokia, 11; Experiment, 32; Fair American, 37; Fairy, 41, 51, 52; Favorita, 29; Felice Adventurer, 34, 35, 41, 43, 44; Fenis and St. Joseph, 43; Florin- da, 44; Governor Douglas, 199; Grace, 38, 39, 41, 46; Gustavus HI, 40, 46; Halcyon, 44; Hancock, 41, 42, 46, 49; Hope, 42, 46; Hope (steamer), 230; Imperial Eagle, 33; loann Ustyuzhskii, 20; Iphigenia Nubiana, 34-36, 38, 43, 44, 48; Jackal, 44, 47, 48, 51; Jane, 48, 52; Jefferson, 42, 47, 48, 51; Jenny, 44, 51; Jeremiah, 13; Julian, 16; Kapiton, 11; Kapiton, 12, 15; King George, 31; Kliment, 27; Lady of the Lake, 203; Lady Washington, 33, 36, 42, 47, 49, 51; La Flavie, 45, 49; La Solide, 40; Lark, 31; L'Emilie, 48; Margaret, 42, 47, 49; Marzelle, 201; Mercury, 37, 40, 52; Mexicana, 43, 44, 47; Nancy, 51; Natalia, 30; Nootka, 31, 32, 41; Northwest America, 35, 36; Oregon, 187, 196; Otter, 148; Pacific, 204; Perkup i Zant, 12; Phoenix, 44, 46, 51, 52; Polly, 38, 39; Prince Lee Boo, 44, 47, 48, 51; Prince of Wales, 33, 35, 94; Prince of Wales (steamer), 201; Prince William Henry, 44, 48, 51, 52; Princesa, 28, 33, 36, 45; Princesa Real, 37, 38; Princess Royal, 32, 35, 36, 38, 94; Queen Charlotte, 31; Resolution, 48, 51; H.M.S. Resolution, 26; Ruby, 52; St. Simeon and Prophetess Anna, 30; San Carlos, 36; Santa Gertrudis, 36, 45; Santiago, 24; Sea Otter I, 30, 31; Sea Otter II, 31; Shannon, 187, 199; Sierra Nevada, 145, 157; Simeon and John, 13; Slava Rossii, 39, 41; Sonora, 24, 25; Sonora, 145; Sutil, 43, 44; Sv. Adrian, 21; Sv. Adrian i Natalia, 15, 17, 18; Sv. Aleksandr Nevskii, 21, 25, 28; Sv. Alexei, 28; Sv. Andrei Pervozvannyi, 25; Sv. Ekaterina, 19, 21; Sv. Evyel, 22, 23, 28; Sv. Gavrilo, 16 17; Sv. Georgii, 28, 30, 33; Sv. Georgii Pobyed- nosnyi, 39; Sv. loann, 11-13, 41; Sv. loann Index 253 Predtechya, 20, 27, 28; Sv. loann Ryl'skii, 28; Sv. loann Vstyuzhskii, 20; Sv. Mikhail, 30, 46; Sv. Nikolai, 14, 15, 20, 27, 41; Sv. Pave/, 19, 20, 21, 24, 25, 28, 39, 41; Sv. Petr, 12, 13, 19, 20; Sv. Petr i Pavei, 16, 18- 20, 22; Sv. Prokopii, 21, 24, 28; Sv. Simeon i Anna, 13; Sv. Vladimir, 22; Svyatata Troitsya, 18; Tasmanian, 145; TAree Brothers, 44, 48, 49; TTiree Sa/nfs, 30, 34; 7>e/c/i Svy- fltfte/e/, 30, 39; Umatilla, 199; l/mon, 52, 53; Varfolomei i Varnava, 25; Vebus, 41, 43, 44; Vladimir, 15-17, 20; Zakharii i Elizaveta, 17; Zas/'w i Savvat/ya, 33, 45, 46, 53 Shumagin Island, 2 Siberia, 21 Siddall, Daniel, 190, 218 Sigdak Island, 16 Sillitoe, Rev. A. W., 173, 175 Simmons, Gen. Sir J. A., 67 Simmons, Gen. Sir Lintorn, 65 Simpson, Donald H., Henry Press Wright: First Archdeacon of Columbia, 123-186 Sir Joseph Trutch: British Columbia's First Lieutenant-Governor, 71-92 Sitka, 51 6th Field Company, Royal Canadian Engineers, 1939-1945, The History of the, review of, 243, 244 Skinner, Rev. James, 124, 125, 128, 129 Smith, Dorothy Blakey, ed., Harry Guillod's Journal of a Trip to Cariboo, 1862, 187-232 Smith, Rev. W. E., 145 Smithson, Thomas, 190 Smoky River, 49 Smyth, Maj.-Gen. Sir Edward Selby, 62 Sokolov, A. P., 10 Solomon Mussalem, review of, 118-119 Solov'ev, Ivan Maksimov, 18, 21, 25 South Sea Company, 31, 32, 44 Soyer, Alexis, 136 Spence, Thomas, 222, 228 Spitzbergen, 19 Spring Corner Cove, 35 Staehlin von Storcksburg, Jakob, 10, 24 Stanley, G. F. G., ed., In Search of the Magnetic North, review of, 246 Stewart, Alexander, 44 Stikine River, 208, 209 Stikine Territory, 208 Strange, James, 10 Strange, Lieut.-Col. R. A., 63 Strange, Lieut.-Col. T. Bland, 63 Strangways, Gen., 134 Street, G. E., 158 Sturgis, R., 47 Sukhanin, 53 Swift River, 213, 214 Synd, Lieut., 19 Teast, Sidenham, 44, 51, 52 Tenas Lake, 201 Terms of Union, British Columbia, 71, 73 Texada Island, 40 Thompson, David, on the Columbia River, Plaque to Commemorate, 112-113 Thompson River, 227, 228 Three Saints Bay, 6, 30, 34, 38, 39 Tikhmenev, P., 10 Tillimook Bay, 35 Tinnehs, 3 Tipping, William, 31 Tlingit, 3, 4 Tobar, Joseph Andrew, 43 Tolmie Channel, 47 Tolstykh, Andrean, 6, 12, 13, 15, 17, 19, 20 Tomlinson, Rev. Robert, 173 Tompkins, Stuart R., 10 ping the North Pacifu Torckler, 45 Torres, Alonso de, 45 Trapeznikov, Nikifor, 11-15, 17 Trevenen, Capt., 34 Trinidad, 47 Trotter, 48 True Life Story of a Pioneer, The, review of, 118-119 Trutch, Sir J. W., 71, 74-92, 153, 169, 229 Trutch, Sir Joseph, British Columbia's First Lieutenant-Governor, 71-92 Tsimshian, 3 Tugwell, Rev. L. S., 151, 152 Tylden, Gen., 129, 132 Tyrin, Stepan, 11, 13 Ucluelet, 192, 193 Ugashik River, 2 Umnak Island, 2, 14, 16-18, 20, 21, 23 Unalaska Island, 2, 16-21, 23, 25, 26, 28, 31, 34, 39, 41, 53 Underhill, F. H., ed., The Dufferin-Carnarvon Correspondence, 1874-1878, review of, 244- 246 Unga Island, 17, 28 Unimak Island, 2, 23 Unimak Pass, 26 Upper Ferry, 212 Vaides, Cayetano, 43, 44 Valdes, Salvador Melendez, 45 Vancouver, George, 1, 10, 42-44, 47, 49, 50 Vancouver Island, 46, 48 Van Winkle, 215-218, 220, 221, 226 Vasyutinski, 17 Veniaminov, I., 11, 14, 18 Verney, Lieut., 152 Viana, Capt., 43, 44 Victoria, description of, 189, 196, 197 Victoria Steam Navigation Company, 199 Vorob'ev, 13 Vsevidov, Andrei, 12 Wagner, Henry R., 7, 11 Wake, William, 52 Walkem, George A., 79 Wesleyan Methodist church, 197 Westwold, 214 Wheble, Rev. J., 135 Whidbey, Joseph, 47, 50 Whyatt, Rev. W., 135 Wicker sham, James, 11 Wilcox, James, 197 Willemar, Rev. J. X., 173, 174, 192 254 Index Williams Lake Creek, 211 Wilson, Patrick, 96, 99; letter from, 98, 99 Winship, Nathan, 93 Woods, Rev. C. T., 147, 148, 153, 166, 169, 170 Wright, Alice Alford, 129, 142,172,174, 177 Wright, Capt. C. M. M., 123, 124, 159, 177 Wright, Lieut. E. D., 123,159, 177 Wright, Ernest Augustus, 129, 156 Wright, F. G, 129, 174, 175,177,178 Wright, Mrs. F. G„ 178 Wright, G. A., 124, 177 Wright, Gustavus Blin, 204 Wright, Henry Press, 123-186 Wright, Henry Press: First Archdeacon of Columbia, 123-186 Wright, Mrs. Henry Press, 125, 134, 135, 156, 176,177 Wright, Capt. John, 123 Wright, Mary Jane Pearson, 129, 156 Wright, Nina Geldart, 129 Wright, Sophia, 124,177 Wright, Capt. W. B., 124,177 Yakutat Bay, 4, 6, 34, 40, 50, 51 Yassak, 5,13, 16, 17,19 Yugov, Yemil'yan, 13. Yukon River, 26 Zaikov, Potap, 22, 23,29, 34 Zaikov, Stepan, 29, 41 . Zaslow, Morris, Rae's Arctic Correspondence, 1844-55, review by, 115-118 Zasypkin, Ivan, 20 Zhilkin, Ivan, 12 Zhukov, Fyodor, 12, 15 Zhuravlev, 28 Printed by Don McDiarmid, Printer to the Queen's Most Excellent Majesty in right of the Province of British Columbia. 1959 We BRITISH COLUMBIA HISTORICAL QUARTERLY Published by the Archives of British Columbia in co-operation with the British Columbia Historical Association. EDITOR Willard E. Ireland, Provincial Archives, Victoria. Editorial communications should be addressed to the Editor. Subscriptions should be sent to the Provincial Archives, Parliament Buildings, Victoria, B.C. Price, 50$ the copy, or $2 the year. Members of the British Columbia Historical Association in good standing receive the Quarterly without further charge. Neither the Provincial Archives nor the British Columbia Historical Association assumes any responsibility for statements made by contributors to the magazine. We BRITISH COLUMBIA HISTORICAL ASSOCIATION Organized October 31st, 1922 PATRON His Honour Clarence Wallace, Lieutenant-Governor of British Columbia. OFFICERS, 1955 Hen. Ray Williston Hon. President. Mrs. A. D. Turnbull .... President. Captain Charles W. Cates - - - Past President. Dr. W. N. Sage 1st Vice-President. Mrs. J. H. Hamilton 2nd Vice-President. Russell E. Potter .... Honorary Secretary. Miss Patricia M. Johnson - - - Honorary Treasurer. Mrs. Dr. M. A. Ormsby. R. B. White. James Armstrong (West Kootenay Section). Mrs. Jessie Woodward (Boundary Section). WnxARD E. Ireland (Editor, Quarterly). MEMBERS OF THE COUNCIL H. C. Gilliland. Dr. J. C. Goodfellow. Norman Hacking. J. K. Nesbitt. Russell E. Potter W. Erskine Blackburn (Victoria Section). (Vancouver Section). William Barraclough Mrs. Davb> Hoy (Nanaimo Section). (Fort St. James Section). W. A. Burton (East Kootenay Section). 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