CONTENTdm
Northwest bookshelf. Vol. VIII
British Columbia Historical Books Collection
Lamb, W. Kayle
Ireland, Willard E.
Provincial Archives of British Columbia
British Columbia Historical Association
"Supersedes the association's Annual report and proceedings. Table of contents, index in each volume. Indexed in Canadian index. Last number appeared in 1958."-- Lowther, B. J., & Laing, M. (1968). A bibliography of British Columbia: Laying the foundations, 1849-1899. Victoria, BC: University of Victoria, p. 193. "Published by the Archives of British Columbia in co-operation with the British Columbia Historical Association. Superseded the Association's Annual report and proceedings. Table of contents and index in each volume. Also indexed in the Canadian Index. Publication suspended with vol.21, Jan., 1957-0ct., 1958, i.e. 1963. Includes many articles and reviews of publications on the precolonial period."-- Strathern, G. M., & Edwards, M. H. (1970). Navigations, traffiques & discoveries, 1774-1848: A guide to publications relating to the area now British Columbia. Victoria, BC: University of Victoria, p. 32.
348 pages : coat of arms, portraits, photographs, maps, illustrations ; 25 cm
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THE BRITISH COLUMBIA HISTORICAL QUARTERLY 1944 EDITOR. W. Kaye Lamb. Library, University of British Columbia, Vancouver, B.C. ASSOCIATE EDITOR. Willard E. Ireland. Provincial Archives, Victoria, B.C. (On active service, R.C.A.F.) ADVISORY BOARD. J. C. Goodfellow, Princeton. Robie L. Reid, Vancouver. T. A. Rickard, Victoria. W. N. Sage, Vancouver. Frtpo JWf CONTENTS OF VOLUME VIII. Articles: Frederic William Howay (1867-1948): Scholar and Friend. By Henry R. Wagner Historian of British Columbia. By W. N. Sage An Intimate Portrait. A Bibliography of the Printed Writings of Frederic William Howay. Compiled, with a biographical introduction, by W. Kaye Lamb.. John Nugent: The Impertinent Envoy. By Robie L. Reid : William Wallace Gibson: A Canadian Pioneer of the Air. By Frank H. Ellis The Eight" Rainbows." By F. V. Longstaff . My Father: Joseph Despard Pemberton. Amor De Cosmos, Journalist and Politician. By W. N. Sage _- . 1 The Appointment of Governor Blanshard. By Willard E. Ireland 2 " Steamboat 'Round the Bend ": American Steamers on the Fraser River in 1858. By Norman R. Hacking. . 2 om Days in Prince Geo By F. E. Runnalls— Documents: William Sturgis: The Northwest Fur Trade. Edited, with an introduction and notes, by F. W. Howay__ J Documents—Continued PA( The Journal of John Work, 1885. Being an account of his voyage northward from the Columbia River to Fort Simpson and return in the brig " Lama," January-October, 1885. I Edited, with an introduction and notes, by Henry Drummond Part II...- Part III..- Royal Commissions and Commissions of Inquiry in British Columbia. A Checklist. By Marjorie C. Holmes. Part I.: 1872-1900..- Partll.: 1900-1910— d Comments The Northwest Bookshelf: Tenth Report of the Okanagan Historical Society. By W. Kaye Lamb VanMale: Resources of Pacific Northwes By Eleanor B. Mercer Kemble: The Panama Route, 1848-1869. By W. Kaye Lamb Stefansson: Here is Alaska. By T. A. Rickard Kizer: The U.S.-Canadian Northwest. By W. Kaye Lamb n Relations, 1875-19 THE PRITISll IfOLUMBIA HISTORIiAL QUARTERLY JANUARY, 1944 BRITISH COLUMBIA HISTORICAL QUARTERLY Published by the Archives of British Columbia in co-operation with the British Columbia Historical Association. EDITOR. W. Kaye Lamb. L of British Columbia, Vancouver, B.C. ASSOCIATE EDITOR. Willard E. Ireland. incial ArcMves'Victoria, B.C. In active service, R.C.A.F.)'' ADVISORY BOARD. is should be addressed to the Editor. criptions should be sent to the Provincial Archives, Parliament ;s, Victoria, B.C. Price, 50c. the copy, or $2 the year. Members British Columbia Historical Association in good standing receive the ly without further charge. We BRITISH COLUMBIA HISTORICAL QUARTERLY Victoria, B.C., January, 1944. CONTENTS. Frederic William Howay (1867-19b3): Page. Scholar and Friend. By Henry R. Wagner 1 An Appreciation. By W. Stewart Wallace i 3 Historian of British Columbia. By W. N. Sage 4 An Intimate Portrait. By Noel Robinson 6 William Sturgis: The Northwest Fur Trade. Edited, with an introduction and notes, by F. W. Howay 11 A Bibliography of the Printed Writings of Frederic William Howay. Compiled, with a biographical introduction, by W. Kaye Lamb 27 John Nugent: The Impertinent Envoy. By Robie L. Reid ! 53 Notes and Comments. Some Archives Accessions in 1948. By Madge Wolfenden 77 British Columbia Historical Association : 82 Victoria Cavalcade : 84 Contributors to this Issue 85 The Northwest Bookshelf: Tenth Report of the Okanagan Historical Society. By W. Kaye Lamb 87 VanMale: Resources of Pacific Northwest Libraries. By Eleanor B. Mercer ! 88 Judge F. W. Howay. FREDERIC WILLIAM HOWAY (1867-1943): SCHOLAR AND FRIEND. A distinguished scholar, a genial companion, and a dear friend has passed on, leaving us to mourn his untimely departure. Nearly fifteen years have gone by since on a visit to Victoria I crossed to the mainland to call on His Honour F. W. Howay, familiarly known to his friends as Judge Howay, at his home in New Westminster. I was engaged at the time in investigating the voyages of the Spaniards to the Strait of Juan de Fuca in 1790 and the next few years, and, knowing that the Judge was interested in the history of Vancouver Island, I wished to compare a few notes with him. We talked for two hours while my wife sat alone in the car. That was the beginning of our friendship, cultivated by continual correspondence and occasional meetings. In the summers up to 1938 my wife and I visited British Columbia every year, and after that the Judge came to California nearly as often. He always had some project brewing, as he had a multitude of interests. As a sample of this I quote a few sentences from his last letter to me, dated June 19: " As to what I am doing—well, I am keeping busy. I had to prepare an address to the members of the board [the Historic Sites and Monuments Board] on my taking office [as Chairman], and another for the dedication, at a public gathering, of three tablets to the explorers of the Canadian Arctic, and another on assuming the Presidency of the Champlain Society. Then I have also prepared, with an Introduction and Notes, that sketch of the Maritime Fur Trade which appeared in Hunt's Merchants' Magazine for 1846. This was enough to keep a lazy chap like myself extremely busy." It may have been true that there' was a lazy streak in him, but he kept pegging away persistently and I never saw any laziness about him. He did not drive himself, but did what he loved to do. He had no patience with superficial scholarship, nor the • products of it which occasionally drew his attention. He thought no man should publish anything on a subject which he had not probed to the bottom. This was his ideal of scholarship, and he carried its banner high to the very end. His editing of the Frederic William Howay. January Voyages of the " Columbia," published in 1941 by the Massachusetts Historical Society, will stand as a monument to the fulfilment of his ideals. One of the Judge's pet schemes was to arrange a meeting between me and Mr. T. C. Elliott, of Walla Walla, his long-time friend. Somehow something always came up to interfere, latterly Mr. Elliott's illness. He was greatly moved by Elliott's death last May. In his last letter to me, in speaking of him, he said: " I shall miss him much. He was a fine man, God rest his soul." So I say of the Judge. He was a fine, lovable man. God rest his soul. Henry K. Wagner. San Marino, California. Frederic William Howay. AN APPRECIATION. I am grateful for the opportunity of paying my tribute, such as it is, to the memory of my old friend Judge Howay. It is now over thirty years since I first made Judge Howay's acquaintance, and though in that period I have seen him only occasionally, when he made his annual trips to the East, 1 had come to regard him as a friend whose friendship was as tried and true as steel. When in the dim ages before the last war I became assistant to Professor Wrong and Mr. Langton, on the editorial staff of the old Review of Historical Publications relating to Canada, I was given to understand that if I wanted a sound review of a book on British Columbia and the Pacific Coast, I should send the book to a County Court Judge in New Westminster, named Howay. From that day to this, in my frequent applications to Judge Howay for help of one sort and another, he never failed me. Not only was his knowledge inexhaustible, but his good will and helpfulness were inexhaustible too. I had for him not only a great respect, but a great affection, based on a long association unbroken by a single disagreement. It was to me a source of great pleasure that the Royal Society of Canada crowned his labours two years ago with election to the Presidency of the Society; and it was also a matter of congratulation with me that the following year Judge Howay allowed me to nominate him as President of the Champlain Society. We on the Council of the Champlain Society will greatly miss the wise counsel and great knowledge which he placed at the Council's disposal. So he passed over, and all the Trumpets sounded for him on the other side. W. Stewart Wallace. University of Toronto. 4 Frederic William Howay. January HISTORIAN OF BRITISH COLUMBIA. Although our loss is so recent and so real, it is nonetheless already possible to begin to appreciate the position which Judge Howay occupies in the history of historical writing in British Columbia. He was one of the last great pioneers of our Province. He lived through the first seventy-five years of Canadian federation, and spent nearly all that time within the confines of British Columbia. Although he was born in Ontario, practically his whole life was connected with our Province, and most of it with the City of New Westminster. In his boyhood the Judge learned much of the early history of British Columbia by listening to the stories of the Royal Engineers and the men of Cariboo. His father-in-law, William H. Ladner, had come in with the gold-seekers and had later taken up land at Ladner's Landing, now Ladner, B.C. The Judge knew the old Cariboo Road intimately. He witnessed the coming of the railway, and remembered well the " battle of the terminals." It was he who later sketched the political battle between " Mainland " and " Island," and it must be confessed that his sympathies lay with the Mainland. Nonetheless he knew the early history of Vancouver Island thoroughly. He had read and digested not only the printed voyages of Cook, Meares, Portlock, Dixon, and Vancouver, but he had sought out and discovered manuscripts of the early voyages, previously unknown. Sometime about 1908 he began to write about British Columbia history, and he kept up his researches until his death. Learned in the law and accustomed to rendering legal decisions, he scrutinized his sources with the greatest care. In 1926 Professor Samuel Eliot Morison, of Harvard, playfully remarked in his address at the unveiling of the monument at Astoria: " I have learned that when Judge Howay says a thing ain't so, well, it ain't so." When the Judge began to write the history of this Province much had already been accomplished, but the fringe of the subject had hardly been touched. H. H. Bancroft had produced his History of British Columbia in 1887, and Alexander Begg, CC, had published his well-known compilation on the same subject in 1894. Reverend A. G. Morice had published his History of the Northern Interior of British Columbia in 1904' R. E. 1944 Frederic William Howay. 5 Gosnell had already founded the Provincial Archives and had produced his valuable series of Year Books of British Columbia, commencing in 1897. There were other minor works dealing with the history of the region, and, in addition, a series of travel books, some of them dating back to the 1860's. But it was Judge Howay who, with his friend and collaborator, E. 0. S. Scholefield, really took up the serious writing of British Columbia history. British Columbia from the Earliest Times to the Present, which appeared in 1914 under the joint authorship of Scholefield and Howay, was, and is, the most complete work in the field. In 1928 the Judge published his British Columbia, the Making of a Province. These volumes marked a real advance in the history of British Columbia. It was, however, as the gatherer, interpreter, and narrator of the story of the maritime fur trade from 1785 to 1830 that Judge Howay reigned supreme. The extent and thoroughness of his labours may best be judged by the series of papers presented to Section II. of the Royal Society of Canada during the early 1930's. In these papers he lists and discusses all the trading-^ships to the Northwest Coast which he had been able to trace. His researches were widespread and took him to Hawaii and to Massachusetts. His work in this field is unrivalled and will stand the test of time. Judge Howay was also important for the stimulus and encouragement he gave to others interested in the history of British Columbia. His reputation was international, but he was always ready to assist and criticize the work of younger historians. As Western Canadian member, and later as Chairman, of the Historic Sites and Monuments Board of Canada he " made history," not only by presiding at many dedicatory ceremonies, but by the scrupulous care he bestowed upon the research necessary for the obtaining of the facts regarding the historic events commemorated by each monument. His was a busy life and he lived it to the full. He has left this Province and Canada the richer because he loved our history, spoke eloquently about it, preserved its records, wrote its story, and was, without doubt, the outstanding historian of British Columbia. w N_ gAGE> 6 Frederic William Howay. January AN INTIMATE PORTRAIT. In paying tribute to the memory of my old friend Judge Howay I do so with the feeling that anything I may write will fall short of what I should like to write, for he occupied a unique niche in my esteem and affection for a period of about thirty years. Widely known though he was in Canada, and particularly British Columbia, as jurist, historian, and lecturer, there will be many, even among the readers of this Quarterly, who did not know him intimately. It is for these, particularly, that I would endeavour to paint a little pen-picture of one who was not only an outstanding Canadian, but a very lovable and intensely interesting and versatile man. It is as I knew him during the innumerable afternoons and evenings I have spent with him in the delightful study of his home in New Westminster that I shall always remember him best. Many walls of his home were hidden with shelves of books from floor to ceiling, but it was in this sanctum, the windows of which afforded a spacious view of the great Fraser River far below, where he was surrounded by the pick of his priceless collection of British Columbiana, as well as his more intimately prized volumes of prose and poetry, that he always seemed most at home.- There, and in his summer home up the North Arm of Burrard Inlet, where he was an equally happy host, and where I was able to appreciate his talent in backwoods lore—yes, and as a cook and very practical skipper of his motor-launch. In that room, less than two weeks before he died—and after he had suffered the stroke the effects of which were to prove fatal—he played me two games of chess upon the old chessboard that showed signs of its immersion when, upon one occasion, his launch shipped a sea which poured into the cabin while he was playing a game. That afternoon we " boxed the compass" in conversation for the last time upon those literary matters that were so dear to him. His mentality was unimpaired, but we were both aware that he had, in all human probability, received an intimation of the approaching end. It was characteristic of him that this knowledge made no difference to the zest with which he engaged in those games—both of which 1944 Frederic William Howay. 7 he won—or in the discussion that followed. He may be said to have died, as he would have wished, almost with his boots on. He was at that time preparing a programme for the New Westminster Fellowship of Arts, of which he had been the moving spirit for a quarter of a century, and the interests of which, together with those of the Vancouver Dickens Fellowship, of which he was life Honorary President as well as a Vice-President of the parent Fellowship in England, were very close to his heart. This winter the subject of study of the Fellowship of Arts is the Scandinavian countries, their peoples and history, and the Judge had saturated himself in the lore of the Vikings and the prose and poetry of their descendants. He had an almost phenomenal memory for prose and verse, and this was never more apparent than upon that afternoon, when he quoted to me from memory stanza after stanza of ballad poetry dealing with early Viking history and feats of arms. In the midst of one of these quotations he was reminded of Napoleon's connection with Scandinavia (Bernadotte). He had a whole shelf of his library devoted to Napoleon, and a picture of the Little Corporal stood upon his mantelshelf. Apropos of this digression he recited a rolling Napoleonic ballad. Judge Howay, as his friends well knew, and as befitted an historian, had a passion for accuracy. There was hardly one among his historical books dealing with British Columbia and Northwest America that was riot profusely annotated. His mind was so well stored, too, with general historical data that, no matter what knotty problem came up for discussion, he would get up from his chair, remove his pipe from between his lips, with the remark: " I think we can find something on that," and, walking to his shelves, would take down a book, turn the pages, and with: " Yes, here it is," read an extract beaming upon the point at issue. Though a man of less than medium height, Judge Howay was possessed of a cast of countenance, a dignity, and a mode of expression that, in some indefinable way, seemed to add to his stature and impressiveness upon occasion. At other times his fresh complexion, the snow-white curl upon his head, his keen, sometimes quizzical eyes, and the pipe between his teeth, would give him quite a Dickensian air. I can see him now at 8 Frederic William Howay. January the annual Twelfth Night revels of the Fellowship of Arts (which are always in the costume of the period being studied), made up as Mr. Pickwick, or dancing Sir Roger de Coverley, his ermine robe flying, his crown awry, when he had impersonated King Henry the Eighth. In my mind's eye I can see him, too, very vividly, in tall silk hat and frock coat year after year among the worthies of New Westminster at the historic crowning of the May Queen of the Royal City, a ceremony that has taken place for seventy years. For years he wrote the addresses to be spoken by the May Queen and the May Queen-elect—right down to the last year of his life, when he happened to be away in Eastern Canada, and delegated that pleasurable duty to me. He was so saturated in the literature and lore of England, from Chaucer, through the Elizabethan era, the prolific age of Anne and onwards; so familiar with the atmosphere of the countryside there, its castles, cathedrals, abbeys, and manor- houses, that it was sometimes difficult to realize that, though he had travelled widely upon the American continent and in Hawaii, he had never visited the Old Country. His intimate acquaintance, through reading, with all the places Dickens has made familiar to his readers and peopled with his characters was encyclopaedic, and he was heard at his best in those little cameo-like talks, so full of acute judgment and wit, which he delivered annually to the members of the Vancouver Dickens Fellowship. Many years ago, as a youth, I found myself reporting a case in court at Worcester, on the Oxford Circuit, when Sir Henry Fielding Dickens, notable son of Charles Dickens, was either counsel for the prosecution or the defence. If I remember correctly he, toQ, was a comparatively small man, and his mode of expression and witticisms were recalled to me many years later by similar characteristics in Judge Howay. By way of contrast with the foregoing, I recall an incident that took place four years ago, when I heard the Judge deliver one of the most eloquent impromptu addresses I ever heard from his lips. He and I had motored 80 miles from Red Deer to the pioneer fur-trading and lumbering settlement of Rocky Mountain House, where are situated the remains of the fort erected 1944 Frederic William Howay. 9 by David Thompson nearly 140 years ago, the site being marked .by a commemorative cairn. As an explorer, and on account of his fine personal qualities and rectitude, the Judge ranked Thompson very high. Upon this occasion a dinner was given by the mayor and aldermen of Rocky Mountain House in Judge Howay's honour, and it was preceded by a cocktail party at the mayor's home. At that party the Judge was greatly attracted by a small statuette of a Kentucky colonel. The mayor pressed him to accept it as a memento of his visit, but the Judge demurred. Thereupon His Worship whipped off the head of the " colonel" and took from the interior a bottle of whisky, with the remark: " Well, Judge, if you won't accept the gentleman as a whole you shall certainly sample part of him." But Judge Howay was a His love of the sea and ships, and his knowledge of the latter, their construction, and their rigging in the days of sail, was particularly intimate for a landsman. I like to remember how he revelled in recalling the days of Drake and the Spanish Main, and the voyages and explorations of Captains Cook and Vancouver. In connection with the two latter, much valuable material was published from his pen as a result of his researches. For many years he visited Boston annually to dig into the archives of the Massachusetts Historical Society for data regarding the early fur-trading on the North American coast. This is a reminder that he was as well known in historical circles of the Northwest on the other side of the border as he was in Canada, and that he was the recipient of several honours from historical bodies there. In a recent issue of this Quarterly he paid tribute to the memory of a distinguished historian on the American side of the line, Mr. T. C. Elliott, one of his oldest and closest friends, whose work he admired greatly. Let me carry the reader back half a century or more in the life of Judge Howay. I have before me as I write a paragraph, yellow with age, which was found among his newspaper cuttings. It is from the columns of the British Columbian of New Westminster of about 1890 and was written when the Judge, as a very young man, was about to enter upon his professional career in the Royal City. It is worth printing in full:— Frederic William Howay. has opened a law office in McKenzie St. No. 17, near to Mr. Whiteside's office, and intends to practise his profession in the city, upon which, in common with Ruskin and Dockrill, he has reflected an appreciable honor in his college career. Mr. Howay is only a boy in appearance, but he has shown that there is the right sort of material there. He is on the first round of the legal ladder but hopes to climb to fame through perseverance. And he will probably do it. How right the author of that paragraph proved to be in his forecast. In closing this tribute may I add that I have never known a man who possessed in quite so marked a degree the judicial capacity combined with so strong a vein of sentiment—his emotions were very near the surface, especially in later years — pronounced sense of humour, and genius for friendship as Judge Howay. To quote his favourite author, Charles Dickens—it will be easy to keep his memory green. Noel Robinson. Vancouver, B.C. WILLIAM STURGIS: THE NORTHWEST FUR TRADE. The appended summary of a lecture by William Sturgis, a prominent merchant of Boston, Mass., appeared in Hunt's Merchant's Magazine in 1846 (Vol. XIV., pp. 532-38). Although it contains many errors (probably of the reporter, Elliot C. Cow- din) it has been so frequently cited and referred to in studies of the maritime fur-trade that it has been considered advisable to republish it, especially as sets of Hunt's Merchant's Magazine are not easily accessible, except in large libraries. Parts of the article were reproduced in Old South Leaflet No. 219, under the editorial supervision of Dr. S. E. Morison, with the title The Northwest Fur Trade. The Hon. William Sturgis was born at Barnstable, Mass., on February 25, 1782, the son of a ship-master. At fourteen years of age he began life as a clerk in the counting-house of his kinsman, Russell Sturgis. Eighteen months later he entered the employ of J. & T. H. Perkins, merchants and large shipowners, who were prominent in the trade from Boston to the Northwest Coast and China. In his leisure hours young Sturgis gave much attention to the study of navigation. On the death of his father, in 1797, he decided, as was natural for a Cape Cod boy, to follow the sea, and in 1798 shipped as a green foremast hand in the Eliza, a small vessel of 159 35/95 tons. At Kaigahnee, in southern Alaska, the Eliza encountered the Ulysses, and by reason, of a mutiny that had occurred on the latter ship, young Sturgis was transformed from a foremast hand on the Eliza into the first mate of the Ulysses. The two ships met again in China, and Sturgis returned to his ship as third mate, occupying that post on the homeward voyage, which ended in the spring of 1800. The owners of the Ulysses, J. & T. Lamb, were so taken with the lad's ability that they at once engaged him as mate of their ship Caroline, and in her he sailed late in 1800 on his second voyage to the Northwest Coast and China. The master, Captain Charles Derby, was so ill with tuberculosis, that in the second year of the voyage he resigned the command to his mate, and, leaving the ship at Honolulu, died there in 12 William Sturgis. January 1802. Thus young Sturgis, at the early age of 19, with less than four years' sea experience, became master of a fine ship of 150 tons, with the entire management of her trade on the coast and in China. He proved worthy of the trust and brought the Caroline with her valuable cargo safe to Boston Harbour, 115 days from Canton.' His next voyage was in command of the same ship, the Caroline. Leaving Boston in July, 1803, and calling at the Hawaiian Islands, he reached the Northwest Coast in January, 1804. There he traded (amongst other things) the ermine skins of which he speaks in his lecture, at the gainful rate of five ermine for one sea-otter skin;* in his trading goods, though he does not mention the fact, were twenty barrels of New England rum, say 650 gallons. In justification of this comparatively small amount it may be explained that the use of intoxicating liquor as a trade medium was comparatively recent, and that later the Boston ships' became notorious for the great quantities of liquor they carried. On this voyage the Caroline collected 2,500 sea-otter skins, covering the whole space from the Columbia River (where she was in May, 1804) to Kaigahnee, where she completed her trading, and sailed homeward by the Hawaiian Islands and China. The net proceeds of this voyage were $73,034.32. Sturgis now took the command of Theodore Lyman's ship Atahualpa, of 209 tons. Leaving Boston on October 23, 1806, he traded on the Northwest Coast in 1807, and returning by Hawaii and China was back in Boston in June, 1808. This ended his contact with the natives of the Northwest Coast. He sailed again in command of the Atahualpa in April, 1809, but direct for China. His vessel carried $300,000 in specie for the purchase of the return cargo. In the neighbourhood of Macao the Atahualpa was attacked by sixteen ladrone junks (Chinese pirates). Sturgis had only a few cannon for defence *It has been stated that Sturgis's owners, J. & T. Lamb, were not favourable to the scheme of carrying out furs to trade for furs and that in consequence Sturgis undertook the venture on his own account. This seems very doubtful, for in the first place it is unlikely that the captain would be allowed to trade for himself—a thing forbidden to the crew at all times; in the second place, Sturgis makes no such claim in his lecture; and thirdly, in the list of the Caroline's trade cargo on the voyage of 1803-6, is included " 3 boxes Ermine Skins." The cargo is stated to have been supplied by many different firms, including J. & T. H. Perkins, R. B. Forbes, and J. & T. Lamb, and totalled $43,325.12. 1944 The Northwest Fur Trade. 13 of his vessel, and at one time the pirates were so close that they succeeded in throwing combustibles aboard; but Sturgis and his crew extinguished the flames, drove the pirates off, and reached the shelter of the guns of the Portuguese fort. On her passage up the river, in company with four other American ships, the Atahualpa was again attacked, but finally arrived at Canton in safety. This voyage, like its predecessor, was productive of . great profit to the ship's owner. After twelve years at sea, Sturgis retired with a considerable fortune, for those days, and formed the partnership of Bryant & Sturgis, engaged as merchants and ship-owners in foreign trade, that lasted for half a century. He was elected to the Massachusetts Legislature in 1814, and from that time until 1845 was almost continuously a member of either the House or the Senate. Naturally he took a great interest in the dispute between Great Britain and the United States regarding the division of Old Oregon. He pooh-poohed the Jingo cry of "Fifty-four-forty or fight" and, urging that each party had some claims to a part of the territory, suggested a line of demarcation which would Jiave definitely settled the boundary and saved the San Juan trouble. The line proposed by Sturgis A continuation of the parallel of forty-nine degrees across the Rocky Mountains to tide-water, say to the middle of the Gulf of Georgia; thence by the northernmost navigable passage (not north of forty-nine degrees) to the Straits of Juan de Fuca, and down the middle of these straits to the Pacific Ocean; the navigation of the Gulf of Georgia and the Straits of Juan de Fuca to be for ever free to both parties; all the islands and other territory lying south and east of this line to belong to the United States, and all north His pamphlet urging this line was widely circulated both in the United States and in England, and probably had much to do -with the ultimate acceptance of the Treaty of Washington, in 1846. How unfortunate that his wording was not accepted as well as his principle! The Hon. William Sturgis died in October, 1863. When one considers his life: a clerk at fourteen; a green foremast hand at sixteen; first mate at seventeen; master of a ship and its management at nineteen; prominent merchant at twenty-eight; member of the state legislature at thirty-two; thirty years in 14 William Sturgis. January House and Senate; one can only recall the words of Napoleon, "' Impossible' c'est le mot d'un fou." F. W. Howay. New Westminster, B.C. [532] THE N0RTHWEST FUR TRADE.* We are indebted to Elliot C. Cowdin, Esq., the president of the Mercantile Library Association of Boston, for the somewhat extended sketch of the Hon. William Sturgis's valuable lecture upon the " Northwest Fur Trade," delivered before that association, on Wednesday evening, January 21st, 1846. The report was prepared by Mr. Cowdin, with much care, from the original manuscript, and can, therefore, be relied upon for its entire accuracy. Mr. Sturgis,'the author of the lecture, [533] is well known as one of the most eminent merchants of Boston; and his reputation in that city, for practical intelligence and sterling good sense, stands very high. In commencing, the lecturer observed that, at this present moment, when the public attention is anxiously directed to the partition, or other disposition, of a large portion of the northwestern part of our continent, as a question seriously affecting both our domestic and foreign relations,1 anything respecting that country, or its native population, assumes a more than ordinary interest. Mr. Sturgis said that, in early life, he made several successful voyages,2 to what was then deemed a remote and unexplored region, and .passed a number of years among a people, at that time, just becoming known to the civilized world. His first visit to Nootka Sound was made in the last century, about twenty years after it was discovered by Captain Cook. Though not one of the first, he was amongst those who early engaged in the Northwest trade, so called, and continued to carry it on, either personally or otherwise, until it ceased to be valuable.8 He thus witnessed the growth, maximum, decrease, and, finally, its abandonment by Americans. These early visits afforded him an opportunity, too, of observing changes in the habits and manners of the Indians, effected by intercourse with a more civilized race; and, he regretted to add, brought to his knowledge the injustice, violence, and bloodshed, which has marked the progress of this intercourse.4 * Hunt's Merchant's Magazine, XIV. (1846), pp. 532-38. The pagination of the original is indicated in square brackets. (1) The Oregon question, which was a burning one in 1845 and 1846. (2) Four voyages: 1799 in Eliza; 1801-2 and 1803-6 in Caroline; 1807 in Atahualpa. (3) Bryant & Sturgis, between 1818 and 1825, owned or operated the ?Uow™g vessels in the trade to the Northwest Coast: Volunteer, Cordelia, Ann, Griffon, Becket, Lascar, Mentor, Rob Roy, and Llama. (4) Sturgis was a sturdy champion of the Indians, claiming that their so-called unprovoked attacks " upon the trading vessels resulted from the inhuman conduct of the traders themselves 1944 The Northwest Fur Trade. 15 Mr. Sturgis did not expect others would feel the same interest in the reminiscences that he felt, but he thought they might engage the attention of his hearers, and perhaps awaken a sympathy for the remnant of a race fast disappearing from the earth—victims of injustice, cruelty, and oppression—and of a policy that seems to recognize power as the sole standard of right. The hour, this evening, the lecturer proposed to devote principally to the fur trade, and some matters connected with it; and, in the next lecture, he should speak of the habits, peculiarities, language, and some features in the general character of the Indians. But that branch of the subject most deeply interesting to them, occurrences upon the coast within his own knowledge, of treatment which the Indians had received from the white men, must be postponed to some future occasion. The Northwest trade, as far as we are concerned, has ceased to be of importance in a commercial view; but a branch of commerce, (said Mr. Sturgis,) in which a number of American vessels, and many seamen and others were constantly and profitably employed, for more than forty years5—which brought wealth to those engaged in it, and was probably as beneficial to the country as any commercial use of an equal amount of capital has ever been—cannot be without interest as matter of unwritten history, and may, perhaps, illustrate some principles of commerce deserving our notice and consideration. This trade, in which our citizens largely participated, and at one period nearly monopolized; was principally limited to the sea-coast between the mouth of the Columbia river, in latitude 46°, and Cook's Inlet, in latitude 60°, to the numerous islands bordering this whole extent of coast, and the sounds, bays, and inlets, within these limits. Trade was always carried on along-side, or on board the ship, usually anchored near the shore, the Indians coming off in their canoes.6 It was seldom safe to admit many of the natives into the ship at the same time, and a departure from this prudent course, has, in numerous instances, been followed by the most disastrous and tragical results. The vessels usually employed were from one hundred to two hundred and fifty tons burthen, each. The time occupied for a voyage by vessels that remained upon the coast only a single season, was from twenty-two months to two years, but they generally remained out two seasons, and were absent from home nearly three years. The principal object of the voyages was to procure the skins of the sea-otter, which were obtained from the natives by barter, carried to Canton, and there . exchanged for the productions of the Celestial Empire, to be brought (5) The Americans were in the trade from 1787 until at least 1836, though it ceased for all practical purposes by about 1825. Thereafter the trading vessels sought land furs, for the sea-otter had been practically exterminated. (6) At first the trade was always from the canoes alongside; but later the Indians were allowed on board when trading. 16 William Sturgis. January home or taken to Europe, thus completing what may be called a trading voyage.7 [534] Beaver and common otter skins, and other small furs, were occasionally procured in considerable quantities, but in the early period of the trade, they were deemed unimportant, and little attention was given to collecting them. The sea-otter skins.have ever been held in high estimation by the Chinese and Russians, as an ornamental fur; but its great scarcity and consequent cost, limits the wear to the wealthy and higher classes only. A full grown prime skin, which has been stretched before drying, is about five feet long,8 and twenty-four to thirty inches wide, covered with very fine fur, about three-fourths of an inch in length, having a rich jet black, glossy surface, and exhibiting a silver color when blown open. Those are esteemed the finest skins which have some white hairs interspersed and scattered over the whole surface, and a perfectly white head. Mr. Sturgis said that it would now give him more pleasure to look at a splendid sea- otter skin, than to examine half the pictures that are stuck up for exhibition, and puffed up by pretended connoisseurs. In fact, except- • ing a beautiful woman and a lovely infant, he regarded them as among the most attractive natural objects that can be placed before him. The sea-otter has been found only in the North Pacific. The earliest efforts on record to collect furs in that region, were made by Russians from Kamschatka,9 who, in the early part of the last century, visited, for this purpose, the Kurile and other islands that lie near the northern coasts of Asia. After the expedition of Behring & Co., in 1741, these excursions were slowly extended to other groups between the two continents, and when Cook, in 1778, explored these northern regions, he met with Russian adventurers upon several of the islands in proximity with the American shore. It was, however, the publication of Cook's northern voyages in 1785,10 that gave the great impulse to the Northwest fur trade, and drew adventurers from several nations to that quarter. The published journal of Captain King, who succeeded to the command of one of the ships after the death of Captains Cook and Clark,11 and his remarks, setting forth the favorable prospects for this trade, doubtless roused the spirit of adventure. Between the time of the publication referred to, in 1785," and the close of 1787, expeditions (7) The trade with the Indians was a means to an end—to secure a medium of exchange for Chinese goods. (8) Jewitt (Brown ed., p. 121) says a prime skin was one that would reach from a man's chin to his feet. For the most recent description of the sea-otter see Adele Ogden, The California Sea Otter Trade, Berkeley, 1941, p. 4. "'' (9) Bering and Chirikov. (10) Cook's Third Voyage was published in 1784. It is in three volumes; the first two are by Captain Cook—the third, by Captain King, is not a journal, but a narrative. (11) Captain Charles Clerke. (12) 1784. James Hanna, the first maritime fur-trader, sailed from Macao, April 15, 1785. 1944 The Northwest Fur Trade. 17 were fitted out from Canton, Macao, Calcutta and Bombay, in the East, London and Ostend in Europe, and from Boston in the United States. In 1787, the first American expedition was fitted out, and sailed from Boston. It consisted of the ship Columbia, of two hundred and twenty, and the sloop Washington, of ninety tons burthen— the former commanded by John Kenrick* the latter by Robert Gray.18 Mr. Sturgis deemed it scarcely possible, in the present age, when the departure or return of ships engaged in distant voyages is an every-day occurrence, to appreciate the magnitude of this undertaking, or the obstacles and difficulties that had to be surmounted in carrying He said, were he required to select any particular event in the commercial history of our country, to establish our reputation for bold enterprise and persevering energy, in commercial pursuits, he should point to this expedition of the Columbia and Washington. Many of the obstacles and dangers were clearly pointed out, showing that it was then viewed as an extraordinary undertaking. A medal was. struck upon the occasion, and some impressions taken out in the vessels for distribution. The lecturer briefly described it, and exhibited to the audience a fac simile of one preserved in the Department of State at Washington. On one side of this medal was engraved " Columbia and Washington: commanded by J. Kenrick," with a representation of the two vessels; on the reverse was the following inscription: " Fitted at Boston, N. America, for the Pacific Ocean, by J. Burrell, C. Brown, C. Bulfinch, J. Darby, C. Hatch, J. M. Pintard, 1787."15 Captain Kenrick, who was entrusted with the command of the expedition, was a bold, energetic, experienced seaman. His management justified the confidence reposed in him, but he was fated never to The project of engaging in the fur trade of the North Pacific, from this country, was first brought forward by the celebrated American traveller, Ledyard.17 In his erratic wanderings, he entered on board the ship Resolution, as corporal of marines, with Captain Cook, upon his last voyage. After his return, he made repeated attempts to get (13) The Columbia was of 212 8/95 tons. Kendrick not Kenrick. (14) The expedition failed financially not so much on account of the unknown and inherent difficulties as by reason of the incapacity or worse of its commander, Captain John Kendrick. (15) One of these medals jn silver is in the possession of the Massachusetts Historical Society. A photograph of it is to be found in F. W. Howay, Voyages of the " Columbia," Boston, 1941, p. 162. Again, Kenrick should be Kendrick; Burrell should be Barrell; and C. Brown should be S. Brown. (16) Kendrick does not by any means measure up to this laudation; and his owners found that their confidence was misplaced. In plain English he stole the Washington, one of the vessels entrusted to his care. (17) Ledyard was only a dreamer of impracticable dreams. The impetus that set the maritime fur-trade in motion came from the reading of Captain Cook's Third Voyage. 18 William Sturgis. January an outfit for a voyage to the Northwest Coast. In 1784, [535] three years previous to Kenrick's expedition, he induced Robert Morris to engage in the undertaking. But for some cause, now unknown, the enterprise was abandoned, as were similar ones in France and England. The unfortunate Ledyard seemed doomed to disappointment in whatever he undertook. The life of this remarkable man shows that respectable talents, united with great energy and perseverance of character, may be comparatively valueless to the possessor, and useless to the world, from the want of a well-balanced mind, which, unfortunately, was the fatal deficiency in Ledyard. Nearly all the early and distinguished navigators, who discovered and explored the northern regions of the Pacific, met the fate that too often awaits the pioneers in bold and hazardous undertakings, and found a premature death, by violence or disaster, or disease brought on by incessant toil and exposure.18 Behring, a Danish navigator in the service of Russia, who commanded the expedition just mentioned, was wrecked in 1741, upon an island that bears his name, and perished miserably in the course of the winter. He was the first navigator known to have passed through the strait that separates Asia from America; and Cook, who was the next to sail through it, in a commendable spirit of justice, gave to this strait the name of the unfortunate Behring. The fate of Cook is well .known. He was killed by the natives of the Sandwich Islands, of which group he was the discoverer. Mr. Sturgis said he had stood upon the spot where Cook fell, in Karakakooa Bay, and conversed with the natives who were present at the time of the massacre. They uniformly expressed regret and sorrow for his death, but insisted that it was caused by his own imprudence. The lecturer next gave an interesting account of the loss of two French vessels fitted out in 1785,19 on a voyage of discovery and exploration, which, after visiting the northwest coast of America, departed from Sydney, in New South Wales, early in 1788, and nothing more was heard from them until 1826, when a wreck and some articles were found at the island of Malicolo, in the South Pacific, that left no doubt but the unfortunate Frenchmen perished there.20 (18) Bering died of scurvy on Bering Isle, in 1741; Captain Cook was killed at Kealekekua Bay, Hawaii, by the natives in February, 1779; Captain Charles Clerke died of tuberculosis in Bering Sea in 1779; Captain John Kendrick was accidentally killed at Honolulu on December 12, 1795; Solomon, his second son, was killed by the Haidas when they captured the Resolution, tender of the Jefferson, in -1793; Captain Simon Metcalfe and his son, Robert, were murdered by the Haidas when they captured the Eleanora, in 1794, and his eldest son, Thomas H. Metcalfe, was killed by /Jawaiians at Kawaihae, Hawaii, when they captured the Fair American. (19) La Boussole and L'Astrolabe, under the command of La Perouse. (20) In September, 1827, Captain P. Dillon found on the island of Vani- koro, now Mallicolo, iron, copper, and silver relics of La Perouse's vessels, and heard from the natives the story of their wrecks. 1944 The Northwest Fur Trade. 19 Vancouver, an able British navigator, was sent out by his government in 1790, to receive Nootka Sound from the Spaniards, and explore the whole western coast of North America. The chart prepared by him is the most accurate of any at the present day. With a constitution shattered by devotion to his arduous duties, he returned to England in 1794, and sunk into an early grave.21 Mr. Sturgis said he had already remarked that Kenrick was fated never to return. After remaining with both vessels two seasons on the northwest coast, he sent the Columbia home, in charge of Captain Gray, and remained himself in the sloop Washington.22 He continued in her several years, trading on the coast and at the Sandwich Islands.28 In 1792, while lying in the harbor of Honolulu, at one of these islands, and receiving, upon his birthday, a complimentary salute from the captain of an English trading vessel anchored near, he was instantly killed by a shot carelessly left in one of the guns fired on the occasion.2* Captain Gray reached home in the Columbia, in the summer of 1790,25 and thus completed the first circumnavigation of the globe under the American flag. He was immediately fitted out for a second voyage in the same ship, and it was during this voyage that he discovered, entered, and gave the name to the Columbia river, a circumstance now relied upon as one of the strongest grounds to maintain our claim to the Oregon Territory. He died abroad some years ago. Mr. Sturgis here observed that it would bring some of the events of which he had spoken quite near our own time, to mention that in the street in which we are, (Federal-street,) the name of "Gray" may be seen upon the door of a house nearly opposite Milton Place,26 (21) Vancouver was sent out to, amongst other duties, receive the restoration of the lands on the Northwest Coast of which Spain had dispossessed Meares and his associates. Vancouver returned to England in September, 1795, and died May 18, 1798, aged 40. (22) The slippery conduct of Kendrick after 1790 accounts for his non- . return to Boston. The fates had no hand in it. For lisrht on this matter see Voyages of the "Columbia," pp. 470, 485, 490, 4941 On the first voyage, 1787-90, Kendrick spent only one season on the coast; the Columbia and Washington arrived at the end of the season of 1788 and Kendrick left the coast at the end of the season of 1789. (23) Sturgis might have added: " treating the Washington as his own property and steadily going further into debt." (24) This paragraph is quite wrong. Kendrick was accidentally killed on December 12, 1795, as stated; but it was not his birthday; the occasion of the salute was the victory which had been won by the army of Oahu over the invaders from Kauai. (25) August 8, 1790. (26) 83 Federal Street, Boston, where lived Mrs. Martha Gray, the widow of Captain Robert Gray. See Washington Historical Quarterly, XXI. (1930), p. 11. The date and place of Captain Gray's death are uncertain. E. G. Porter says he died in 1806 at Charleston, S.C. (New England Magazine, June, 1892, p. 488); Mrs. Martha Gray, in her petition of January 17, 1846, states that she "was left a widow nearly forty years ago"; and the Committee of the House reporting thereon find that Captain Gray " died in the summer of 1806." Intensive search has not revealed any more definite information. 20 William Sturgis. January which house is now occupied by the widow and daughters of Captain Gray, the discoverer of the Columbia river, and the first circumnavigator who bore the flag of our country in triumph round the world. The voyage of the Columbia was not profitable to her owners, in a pecuniary view, but it opened the way for other adventures, which were commenced on her return. In 1791, there were seven vessels from the United States in the North Pacific, in pursuit of furs.27 For various reasons, the American traders so far gain-[536] ed the ascendancy, that at the close of the last century, with the exception of the Russian establishments on the northern part of the coast, the whole trade was in our hands, and so remained until the close of the war with Great Britain, in 1815. This trade was confined almost exclusively to Boston. It was attempted, .unsuccessfully, from Philadelphia and New York, and from Providence and Bristol, in Rhode Island. Even the intelligent and enterprising merchants of Salem, failed of success;28 some of them, however, were interested in several of the most successful northwestern voyages carried on from Boston. So many of the vessels engaged in this trade belonged here, the Indians had the impression that Boston was our whole country. Had any one spoken to them of American ships, or American people, he would not have been understood. We were only known as Boston ships, and Boston people.28* In 1801, the trade was most extensively, though not most profitably prosecuted; that year, there were 15 vessels on the coast,29 and in 1802 more than 15,000 sea-otter skins were collected, and carried to Canton. But the competition was so great, that few of the voyages were then profitable, and some were ruinous. Subsequently, the war with Great Britain interrupted the trade for a time; but after the peace in 1815, it was resumed, and flourished for some years. The difficulties and uncertainty in procuring furs became so serious, that in 1829 the business north of California was abandoned.80 Besides the 15,000 skins collected by American traders in 1802, probably the Russians obtained 10,000 the same year within their hunting limits, making an aggregate of 25,000 in one season. Mr. (27) Columbia, Eleanora, Grace, Hancock, Hope, and Washington. Perhaps Sturgis included the Adventure, which was built in the winter of 1791-92. (28) It is scarcely correct to say that the Salem merchants " failed of success" in the maritime fur trade; they did not enter it. The New Hazard in 1811-12 was the solitary exception. (28a) In the Chinook jargon anything American is called " Boston." (29) Atahualpa, Betsy, Catherine, Caroline, Charlotte, Despatch, Enterprise, Globe, Guatimozin, Hazard, Lavinia, Litteler, Lucy, Mary, Manchester, Polly, and Three Sisters. (30) After about 1825 the American vessels sought land furs—the sea- otter had been practically exterminated. But when these vessels entered the land trade they met the energetic opposition of the Hudson's Bay Company, and quickly disappeared. 1944 The Northwest Fur Trade. 21 Sturgis said he had personally collected 6000 in a single voyage,81 and ' he.once purchased 560 of prime quality in half a day. At the present time, the whole amount collected annually within the same limits does not exceed 200, and those of very ordinary quality. The commercial value of the sea-otter skin, like other commodities, has varied with the changes in the relation of supply and demand. The narrative of Cook's voyage shows the value of a prime skin to have been, at the time of that voyage, $120. In 1802, when the largest collection was made, the average price of large and small skins, at Canton, was only about $20 each. At the present time, those of first quality would sell readily at $150. Some seventy or eighty ordinary California skins, brought home a few months ago, were sold here at nearly $60 each, to send to the north of Europe.82 Mr. Sturgis said the trade on the coast was altogether a barter trade. It consisted in part of blankets, coarse cloths, great-coats, firearms and ammunition, rice, molasses, and biscuit, coarse cottons, cutlery, and hard-ware, a great variety of trinkets, &c; in fact, everything that one can imagine.88 Copper has long been known, and highly prized by the Indians. The lecturer observed that he had seen pieces of virgin copper among the different tribes, that weighed 50 or 60 pounds each. It was put to no use, but still was considered very valuable, and a person having a few pieces was deemed a wealthy ' The natives had no currency.85 But the skin of the ermine, found in limited numbers upon the northern part of the continent, was held in such universal estimation, and of such uniform value, among many tribes, that it in a measure supplied the place of currency. The skin (31) This is probably an error of the reporter. Sturgis's best voyage —that of the Caroline, in 1803-4, when he made the successful venture with the ermine skins—produced 2,500 sea-otter skins. The reference is to the voyage of the Pearl, Captain John Suter, in 1808-9; in two seasons on the coast that ship obtained 6,000 sea-otter skins, the high-water mark. (32) In 1792 John Hoskins wrote: " The very best Skins at retail will not fetch more than thirty dollars and at wholesale from six to twenty-five dollars." In 1795 Kendrick's 1,063 skins and 640 tails only brought $16,756 —about $15 each: The Voyages of the "Columbia," pp. 480, 488. The Californian sea-otter skins were usually obtained by poaching or by surreptitious trade (see Ogden, The California Sea Otter Trade). (33) Sturgis has omitted mm from his list of trading goods. When the Boston was captured in 1803, she had twenty puncheons of rum, about 2,000 gallons, on board for trade, besides a miscellaneous assortment of other intoxicating liquors. See on this and the trade generally, F. W. Howay, " The Introduction of Intoxicating Liquor amongst the Indians of the Northwest Coast, in this Quarterly, VI. (1942), pp. 157-69. (34) The native copper came from Copper River, Alaska; it was made into knives, swords, whistles, and rattles, and sometimes beaten out into a sheet to ,form an ornamental breast-plate highly esteemed as a symbol of wealth and distinction. A representation of one of these "coppers" is given in George M. Dawson, Report on the Queen Charlotte Islands, Montreal, 1880, p. 135. (35) Amongst the Haidas, Nootkans, and Chinooks at any rate, the dentalium shell served as a sort of currency. 22 William Sturgis. January of this little slender animal is from eight to twelve inches in length, perfectly white, except the tip of the tail, which is jet black. Urged by some Indian friends, in 1802, Mr. Sturgis obtained and sent home a fine specimen, with a request that a quantity should be ordered at the annual Leipsic fair, where he supposed they might be obtained. About 5,000 were procured, which he took out with him on the next voyage, and arrived at Kigarnee, one of the principal trading places on the coast, early in 1804. Having previously encouraged the Indians to expect them, the first question was, if he had " clicks," (the Indian name for the ermine skin) for sale, and being answered in the affirmative, great earnestness was manifested to obtain them, and it was on that occasion that he purchased 560 prime sea-otter skins, at that time worth $50 apiece at Canton, in a single forenoon, giving for each five ermine skins, that cost less than thirty cents each in Boston. He succeeded in disposing of all his ermines [537] at the same rate, before others carried them out—but in less than two years from that time, one hundred of them would not bring a sea-otter skin. Among a portion of the Indians, the management of trade is entrusted to the women. The reason given by the men was, that women could talk with the white men better than they could, and were willing to talk more.u When the natives had a number of skins for sale, it was usual to fix a price for those of the first quality as a standard, which required a great deal of haggling. In addition to the staple articles of blankets, or cloth, or muskets, &c, that constituted this price, several smaller articles were given as presents, nominally, but in reality formed part of the price. Of these small articles, different individuals would require a different assortment: a system of equivalents was accordingly established. For instance, an iron pot and an axe were held to be of equal value—so of a knife and a file, a pocket looking-glass and Mr. Sturgis next alluded to the various efforts made by the Indians to obtain a more valuable article than the established equivalent. To avoid trouble, which would certainly follow'if he yielded in a single instance, he said he had found it necessary to waste hours in a contest- with a woman about articles of no greater value than a skein of thread or a sewing-needle. From various causes, the northwest trade was liable to great fluctuations. The laws of supply and demand were frequently disregarded, and prices consequently often unsettled. He had seen prime sea-otter skins obtained for articles that did not cost fifty cents at home, and had seen given for them articles that cost here nearly twice as much as the skins would sell for in China. To secure success with any branch of business, it must be undertaken with intelligence, and steadily prosecuted. Men of sanguine temperaments are often led by reports of great profits made by others, | (36) Amongst the Haidas the women had the management of the trade The Northwest Fur Trade. 23 to engage in a business of which they are ignorant, or have not adequate means to carry it on, and thus involve themselves in loss or ruin. These truths Mr. Sturgis deemed strikingly illustrated by the north- While most of those who have rushed into this trade without knowledge, experience, or sufficient capital to carry it on, have been subjected to such serious losses, they were compelled to abandon it; to all who pursued it systematically and perseveringly, for a series of years, it proved highly lucrative. Among those who were the most successful in this trade, were the late firm of J. & T. H. Perkins, J. & Thos. Lamb, Edward Dorr & Sons, Boardman & Pope, Geo. W. Lyman, Wm. H. Boardman, the late Theodore Lyman, and several others, each of whom acquired a very ample fortune. These fortunes were not acquired, as individual wealth not unfre- quently is, at the expense of our own community, by a tax upon the whole body of consumers, in the form of enhanced prices, often from adventitious causes. They were obtained abroad by giving to the Indians articles which they valued more than their furs, and then selling those furs to the Chinese for such prices as they are willing to pay; thus adding to the wealth of the country, at the expense of foreigners, all that was acquired by individuals beyond the usual return for the use of capital, and suitable compensation for the services of those employed. This excess was sometimes very large. Mr. Sturgis said that more than once he had known a capital of $40,000, employed in a northwest voyage, yield a return exceeding $150,000. In one instance, an outfit not exceeding $50,000, gave a gross return of $284,000. The individual who conducted the voyage is now a prominent merchant of Boston.87 In conclusion, the lecturer gave a brief account of the two great fur companies. In 1785 an association of merchants was formed in Siberia for the purpose of collecting furs in the North Pacific. In 1799 they were chartered under the name of the " Russian American Company," with the exclusive privilege of procuring furs within the Russian limits, (54° 40') for a period of twenty years, which has since been extended.88 The furs collected are sent across Siberia to Kiatska, the great mart for peltries in the northern part of China, or to St. Petersburg. For a number of years the company obtained a large portion of their supplies from American vessels, giving in return seal-skins and other furs, and latterly, bills on St. Petersburg. (37) Probably the reference is to the voyage of the Pearl, in 1808-9. The value of ship, outfit, and cargo was about $40,000, and the return cargo sold at auction in 1810 for $261,343.18, gross. (38) The United American Company, which was a fusion of the Shelekof-Golikof Company and the Muilnikof Company, was founded in 1798, and in 1799 obtained a charter as the Russian American Company. See Clarence L. Andrews, The Story of Alaska, Caldwell, Idaho, 1938, p. 69'. 24 William Sturgis. January [538] The treatment of the agents, and servants of the company, to the Indians, has been of the most atrocious and revolting character. The British Hudson Bay Company was chartered by Charles II., in 1669,39 with the grant of the exclusive use and control of a very extensive though not well-defined country, north and west of Canada. This uncertainty as to limits, led to the formation of an association of merchants in Canada in 1787, called the " Northwest Company," for carrying on the fur trade without the supposed boundaries of the Hudson Bay Company. Those in the service of these concerns soon came in collision. Disputes and personal violence followed. At length, in June, 1816, a pitched battle was fought near a settlement that had been made by Lork Selkirk, upon the Red river, under a grant from the Hudson Bay Company, between the settlers and a party in the service of the Northwest Company, in which Governor Semple and seventeen of his men were killed. This roused the attention of the British government, and in 1821, the two companies were united, or rather, the Northwest Company was merged into the Hudson Bay Company. Previous to this, however, the Northwest Company had, in 1806, established trading posts beyond the Rocky Mountains.40 During the last war with Great Britain, they got possession of Mr. Astor's settlement at the - mouth of the Columbia, and extended their posts on several branches of that river. These establishments being united, it infused new life, and their operations have since been conducted with increased vigor. They have now, practically, a monopoly of the fur trade, from 42° to 54°40', on the western sea-board, and from 49° to the Northern Ocean, upon the rest of the American continent. With the exception of the British East India Company, the Hudson Bay Company is the most extensive and powerful association of individuals for private emolument, now in existence, and their influence has hitherto prevented an adjustment of the Oregon question. Mr. Sturgis said he did not speak from mere conjecture, when he affirmed that it would have been settled months ago, upon the line suggested by him in a previous lecture before this association, and to the satisfaction of the people of both countries, but for the selfish interference of this company. Should disastrous consequences follow the delay in settling this question, it will add another to the numerous evils that have already resulted from great commercial monopolies. The whole business of collecting furs upon our western continent, without the acknowledged limits of the United States, is now (39) The Hudson's Bay charter is dated May 2, 1670. The North West Company, a combination of persons already in the fur trade, is usually said to have been formed in 1783. It traded within and without the chartered limits of the Hudson's Bay Company, utterly oblivious of the " uncertainty " thereof. (40) Fort McLeod was founded in 1805; three other posts were constructed in 1806-7. 1944 The Northwest Fur Trade. 25 monopolized by two great corporations, the Russian and British Fur Companies. After the peace in 1815, the British Northwest Company—partly in consequence of the monopoly of the East India Company—were compelled to seek the aid of American merchants and American vessels, in carrying on an important branch of their business. For a number of years, all the supplies for British establishments, west of the Rocky Mountains, were brought from London to Boston, and carried hence to the mouth of the Columbia in American ships, and all their collections of furs sent to Canton, consigned to an American house, and the proceeds shipped to England or the United States, in the same vessels; a fact which speaks loudly in favor of the freedom of our institutions and the enterprise of our merchants. Our respected fellow citizens, Messrs. Perkins & Co., furnished the ships, and transacted the business.41 We may state, on the authority of Mr. Cowdin, that the lecture was listened to with unbroken attention and merited approbation, by a numerous and highly intelligent audience. Very many of the most prominent merchants and distinguished citizens of Boston were in attendance, among whom was the venerable Thomas H. Perkins. As a matter of " unwritten history," the lecture is indeed very valuable— inasmuch as it imparts a knowledge of the commercial enterprises of by-gone days, interesting in a high degree, and not accessible in any other form. In fact, it was just what a lecture should be—the result of large experience and practical wisdom, set forth in a clear, methodical, and comprehensive manner. [539] It is to be regretted that more of our prominent merchants are not brought forward in this capacity, for it is from them that the younger branches of the mercantile community derive their best lessons of the duties and responsibilities of commercial life. (41) Under this arrangement (see Correspondence of Foreign Office and Hudson's Bay Company . . . Confidential . . . Ottawa, 1899, pp. 10-11), the North West Company sent furs to Canton in the following ships of J. & T. H. Perkins: Alexander, 1817; Levant, 1818; Nautilus, 1819; Levant, 1820; Alexander, 1821; Houqua, 1822. See F. W. Howay, " A List of Trading Vessels in the Maritime Fur Trade," in Transactions of the Royal Society of Canada, Section II., 1933, pp. 133, 141; ibid., 1934, pp. 18, 22, 36. A BIBLIOGRAPHY OF THE PRINTED WRITINGS OF FREDERIC WILLIAM HOWAY. INTRODUCTION. Frederic William Howay was born near London, Ontario, on November ,25, 1867, the son of William and Jane (Rogers) Howay. The family moved to British Columbia while he was yet a small child. William Howay preceded his wife and children, leaving Ontario about May, 1869, and travelling to the Pacific Coast by way of the Isthmus of Panama. " My mother," Judge Howay noted years later, " with my two elder sisters and myself remained in Ontario for about a year and a half after my father left. Then we came out by way of the Union Pacific to San Francisco, &c, reaching Clinton B.C. late in the fall of 1870. We remained at Clinton until September 1874, when we all removed to New Westminster."1 In New Westminster Frederic attended the public and high schools. Then in July, 1884, he travelled to Victoria, where he wrote the Provincial teachers' examinations. He passed easily, but, being under age, could be granted only a temporary teaching permit. A year later he was one of two candidates to write and pass the examinations for a permanent first-class teacher's certificate. Quite as important as the certificate was the fact that he made the acquaintance of the other candidate, Robie L. Reid (now Dr. Robie L. Reid, K.C., F.R.S.C), a Nova Scotian, whose friendship he was to enjoy for nearly sixty years. Meanwhile in December, 1884, young Howay had been appointed teacher of the newly-opened school at Canoe Pass, near Ladner. He remained there until October, 1886, when he moved to the Boundary Bay school. He would probably have continued to teach indefinitely had it not been for his friendship with Robie Reid. In 1887 Mr. Reid was preparing to leave for Halifax, where he intended to study law at Dalhousie University, and he urged Howay to accompany him. The financial difficul- (1) From a memorandum in Judge Howay's handwriting, dated April 25, 1911. Several words abbreviated in the original have been expanded for printing. i\ 28 F. W. Howay: A Bibliography. January ties in the way seemed insuperable at first, but the assistance of a well-to-do uncle resolved them in the end. Howay left his school in June, 1887, and the friends entered Dalhousie together in the autumn as members of the Law School class of 1890. It is interesting to note that this class included two future premiers of British Columbia—Richard (later Sir Richard) McBride and W. J. Bowser. As soon as he arrived in Halifax, Howay began corresponding with the New Westminster papers. His news-letters, written about twice a month, at first appeared alternatively in the British Columbian and the Mainland Guardian. Later they seem to have been published in the Guardian only. The law, politics, temperance, and the doings of persons known locally in British Columbia were the subjects chiefly dealt with. So far as is known, this was his first appearance in print.2 Later he occasionally contributed articles and letters to newspapers in Halifax and Kentville. At the commencement of his second year, in the fall of 1888, Howay was appointed a member of the Board of Editors of the Dalhousie Gazette, the magazine published ten or a dozen times each session by the student body of the university. He was again a member of the Board during the session of 1889-90, his last at Dalhousie. The notes, editorials, etc., that he contributed to the Gazette were anonymous,8 but their authorship is indicated in his own bound file of the magazine. His most important contribution was a paper in two instalments entitled The Humorous Side of Law that appeared in the issues of November 28, 1889 (pp. 38-40), and March 20, 1890 (pp. 121-124). Howay did very well in his studies, and graduated from Dalhousie with the degree of LL.B. in the spring of 1890. While at the university he had been reading law with Barclay Webster (later Judge Webster), of Kentville, and in the fall of 1890 he passed the examinations and was called to the Nova Scotia Bar. He left for New Westminster in November, and on the 9th of May the following year was admitted to the British Columbia (2) Clippings of most of the lett Judge Howay's library. The first of t is dated October 8, 1887. (3) One or two are signed " H." 1944 F. W. Howay: A Bibliography. 29 He first hung out his shingle in a little office on McKenzie Street. Later he entered into partnership with W. J. Whiteside, but this lasted only about two years. By that time Robie Reid, who had been practising in Fairhaven (now Bellingham, Wash.), had returned to New Westminster, and in 1893 the friends joined forces in the firm of Howay & Reid. This partnership continued for thirteen years, and was not dissolved until 1906. F. W. Howay was the first paid secretary of the New Westminster School Board. He was appointed October 9, 1891, and continued in office until 1902. In 1906 he served a term as Alderman. In December of the same year the Provincial Legislature was dissolved, and Howay received the Liberal nomination in New Westminster riding. In the ensuing election, held on February 2, 1907, he was defeated by the narrow margin of 128 votes. On October 14, 1907, upon the retirement of His Honour Judge Bole, he was appointed Judge of the County Court of New Westminster. Judge Howay became interested in the history of British Columbia at an early age, but his more serious study of the subject began in the later nineties. The modest nucleus from which his superb historical library grew was acquired at that time. The earliest known historical paper from his pen was printed in 1902, in the second and last issue of an ill-fated little magazine, The British Pacific, published in Cumberland, B.C. This paper-, however, might well be described as a fugitive item, for six years passed before a successor appeared. It was the celebration in New Westminster in 1908 of the centenary of Simon Fraser's descent of the Fraser River, and of the fiftieth anniversary of the arrival of the Royal Engineers, that finally brought Judge Howay before the public as a speaker and writer on historical subjects. Within a few years he was becoming known as an authority, and in 1914, in collaboration with the late E. O. S. Scholefield, he published the two-volume work that is still the standard history of British Columbia. The progress of his career from that point can best be followed by reference to the checklist of his printed writings that follows. Few historical scholars whose work has been primarily regional in scope have received as wide and spontaneous recogni- 30 F. W. Howay: A Bibliography. January tion as Judge Howay. One of the first honours conferred upon him was the Presidency of the Art, Historical and Scientific Association of Vancouver, to which he was elected in 1910. After serving six terms (1910-15) as President, he was elected Honorary President in 1916, a position he continued to hold until his death. On June 1,1917, he was elected a Fellow of the Royal Society of Canada. Six years later, in May, 1923, he was elected President of Section II. of the Royal Society, for the year 1923-24. In 1920 he was appointed Western representative on the Historic Sites and Monuments Board of Canada. On October 27,1922, he was elected an Honorary Member of the Oregon Historical Society. The same month he was elected President of the newly-organized British Columbia Historical Association, a post he continued to hold until 1926. In 1923 he became a member of the Council of the Champlain Society. On December 8, 1927, he was elected a Corresponding Member of the Massachusetts Historical Society. The following year he was elected a Fellow of the Royal Historical Society. On June 16, 1930, he was elected a Fellow of the-Royal Geographical Society. In May, 1931, he was elected President of the Canadian Historical Association for the year 1931-32. On April 20, 1932, he was elected a member of the American Antiquarian Society. On February 25, 1933, he was elected an Honorary Member of the Hawaiian Historical Society. Three months later, on May 11, the honorary degree of Doctor of Laws was conferred upon Judge Howay by the University of British Columbia. On November 15 of the same year he was named a Corresponding Member by the Institut Historique & Heraldique de France. A year later, on November 1, 1934, the Institut awarded him its silver medal. On November 15, 1934, an honorary membership was conferred upon him by the Societe Acadeniique d'Histoire Internationale, of Paris. Judge Howay's career reached a fitting climax in 1941-42. In May, 1941, he was elected President of the Royal Society of Canada, while in 1942 he was elected President of the Champlain Society, and Chairman of the Historic Sites and Monuments Board of Canada. Notification of his election as a Fellow of the American Geographical Society was received a week or two after his death. 1944 F. W. Howay: A Bibliography. 31 Judge Howay's interests were by no means confined to the . field of history. He was for a generation the moving spirit in the New Westminster Fellowship of Arts, for which he served no less than twenty-two terms as President. His amazing knowledge of the life and works of Charles Dickens was recognized in September, 1932, when he was elected Honorary President for life by the Vancouver branch of the Dickens Fellowship. In 1939 he was elected a Vice-President by the parent Fellowship in Great Britain. For twenty-seven years—from 1915 until 1942—he served as a member of the Senate of the University of British Columbia. In 1921 and again in 1922 he was a School Trustee in New Westminster. He was appointed to the New Westminster Public Library Board and chosen as its first Chairman on February 4, 1928. He served as Chairman until June, 1931, and was still a member of the Board at the time of his death. On November 19, 1934, the Native Sons of British Columbia, Post No. 4, presented to Judge Howay their Good Citizenship Medal, and an illuminated address. He was one of the recipients of the King's Silver Jubilee Medal in May, 1935. It is easy to forget that, despite these manifold activities, Judge Howay devoted the most meticulous attention to his judicial duties. The esteem in which he was held in legal circles was fittingly expressed on October 31, 1932, when he was presented with an illuminated address by the members of the New Westminster Bar upon the completion of his twenty-fifth year on the bench. He continued to serve for another five years, and finally retired on November 30, 1937, a few days after his seventieth birthday. After his retirement Judge Howay devoted himself to his literary and historical pursuits with undiminished energy, and the closing years of his life were amongst the most fruitful of his whole career. He died in New Westminster, after a brief illness, on October 4, 1943, in his seventy-sixth year. A few months before his death, in response to much persuasion, Judge Howay compiled a list of his principal writings. This list, although it consisted of less than a hundred items, and was therefore far from complete, proved of great assistance in the compilation of the bibliography that follows. Judge Howay had included none of his book reviews, but so many of these con- 32 F. W. Howay: A Bibliography. January tain comments and corrections of the first importance to students that every known review from his pen has been listed. Every effort has been made to make the checklist complete, but it is nonetheless certain that this ideal has not been attained. Readers noticing errors or omissions are asked to draw them to the attention of the writer, in order that they may be noted in a supplement at a later date. W. Kaye Lamb. The University of British Colombia, Vancouver, B.C. 944 F. W. Howay: A Bibliography. 33 A BIBLIOGRAPHY OF THE PRINTED WRITINGS OF FREDERIC WILLIAM HOWAY. ABBREVIATIONS. BCHQ British Columbia historical quarterly. CHR Canadian historical review. HHS Hawaiian historical society. OHQ Oregon historical quarterly. ■ PNQ Pacific northwest quarterly. RHP Review of historical publications relating to Canada. WHQ Washington historical quarterly. 1902 2. The search for the Praser by sea and land. Art, historical and scientific association of Vancouver. Historical papers session 1907-8:15-24. 3. May-day souvenir. New Westminster, B.C. 1870-1908. 15 pp. Bears legend: " With the compliments of His Honour Judge Howay." Introductory note dated May 1, 1908. In great part reprinted in New Westminster Daily news special May-day number, May 1, 1908:2-3. 1909 5. [The story of the Royal engineers.] New Westminster Daily Columbian, April 14, 1909:1, 8. Verbatim report of an address delivered in New Westminster on April 13, 1909. 1910 6. The work of the Royal engineers in British Columbia 1858 to 1863. Victoria, King's Printer, 1910. 17 pp. An address delivered before the Art, historical and scientific association of Vancouver on February 9, 1909. Reviews:— 7. W. D. Lyman, The Columbia river. RHP 14:113-5 1910. 8. J. T. Walbran, British Columbia coast names. RHP 14:115-8 1910. 9. J. T. Bealby, Fruit ranching in British Columbia. RHP 14:121-2 F. W. Howay: A Bibliography. January 1911 LO. Early navigation of the straits of Fuca. OHQ 12:1-32 March 11. E. S. Meany, History of the state of Washington. RHP 15:116-8 1911. 12. S. A. Clarke, Pioneer days of Oregon history. RHP 15:118-9 1911; *13 Joseph Shafer (ed.), Documents relative to Warre and Vavasour's military reconnaisance in Oregon, 1845-6. RHP 15:119-20 1911. *14. T. C. Elliott, Peter Skene Ogden. RHP 15:120-1 1911. 15. A. G. Morice, History of the Catholic church in western Canada. RHP 15:192-4 1911. *16. J. T. Lee, A bibliography of Carver's Travels. RHP 15:208-9 1911. All unsigned. Authorship noted in Judge Howay's copy of the RHP. 1912 17. British Columbia, a historical sketch. Fruit magazine 5:291-3 September 1912. 18. History of British Columbia (supplement). In I. Gammell, Elementary history of Canada. Toronto, Educational Book Co. [1912?], pp. 297-319. Unsigned. Authorship ascertained from Judge Howay's correspon- 1913 Reviews:— 20. E. V. O'Hara, Pioneer Catholic history of Oregon. RHP 17:119-21 1913. *21. Journals of John Work, November and December, 1824. Journal of William Fraser Tolmie. RHP 17:121-2 1913. *22. L. M. Scott, John Fiske's change of attitude on the Whitman legend. J. C. Strong, The Whitman controversy. RHP 17:123-4 1913. *23. F. V. Holman, A brief history of the Oregon provisional government. R. C. Clark, How British and American subjects unite in a common government for Oregon territory in 1844. RHP 17:124-6 1913. * In addition to reviewing books, Judge Howay made it his practice, for \ doz?n years or more, to comment upon articles and papers printed in -:~' -'"iterest to students of Western e indicated by an asterisk. F. W. Howay: A Bibliography. 24. British Columbia from the earliest times to the present. 2 vols. Vancouver, S. J. Clarke publishing company, 1914. Pp. xlvi., 688; xiv., 727. Written in collaboration with E. 0. S. Scholefield. Mr. Scholefield's name appears on the title-page of vol. 1 only; Judge Howay's on the title-page of vol. 2 only, but it is known that Judge Howay contributed part of vol. 1 as well as the whole of vol. 2. Two biographical volumes (pp. 1161, 1208) were added to the set by the publishers. 25. [The Pacific province.] Political history, 1871-1913. In Canada and its provinces. Toronto, Publishers' association of Canada, 1914,21:177-237. London, Fran- 27. Katharine Coman, Economic beginnings of the far west. RHP 18:35-8 1914. 28. J. B. Thornhill,. British Columbia in the making. RHP 18:131-3 *29. 0. B. Sperlin, The exploration of the upper Columbia. RHP 18:134-5 1914. 1915 30. Some remarks upon the new Vancouver journal. WHQ 6:83-9 April 1915. 31. The fur trade as a factor in the development of the Northwest coast. British Columbia school trustees association. Proceedings, 1915:74-81. An address delivered to the association at Chilliwack on September 15, 1915. This was a slightly revised version of the address delivered by Judge Howay before the Panama-Pacific historical congress, San Francisco, July 21, 1915. See item 41, below. Reviews:— 32. E. 0. S. Scholefield, Report of the Provincial archives department of British Columbia. RHP 19:144-6 1915. 33. C. F. Newcombe, The first circumnavigation of Vancouver island. RHP 19:148-50 1915. *34. The journal of John Work, from June 21, 1825, to June 12, 1826. The journal of David Thompson, from July 3 to August 13, 1811. RHP 19:153-6 1915. 35. R. M. McElroy, The winning of the far west. RHP 19:157-9 1915. 36. W. J. Trimble, The mining advance into the inland empire. RHP 19:161-4 1915. * See item 13, footnote. 36 F. W. Howay: A Bibliography. 1916 Reviews:— 37. Agnes Laut, Pioneers of the Pacific i 38. Journal kept by David Douglas dura 1828-27. RHP 20:132-4 1916. *39. The Journal of John Work, July 5 to September 15, 1826. Journal of occurrences at Nisqually house, 1833-1834. RHP 20:134-6 1916. 40. Katharine Judson, Early days in old Oregon. WHQ 7:324-6 October . 1916. 1917 41. The fur trade in northwestern development. In The Pacific ocean in history: papers and addresses presented at the Panama- Pacific historical congress held at San Francisco, Berkeley and Palo Alto, California July 19-28, 1915. New York, Macmillan, 1917, pp. 276-86. The address was delivered in San Francisco on July 21, 1915. See 43. The Spanish settlement at Nootka. WHQ 8:163-71 July 1917. 44. Angus McDonald: A few items of the west. WHQ 8:188-229 July 1917. Edited by Judge Howay in collaboration with William S. Lewis and Jacob A. Meyers. Reviews:— 45. J. B. Tyrrell (ed.), David Thompson's Narrative. RHP 21:120-3 1917. 46. Katharine Judson, Early days in old Oregon. RHP 21:125-6 1917. *47. Journal of occurrences at Nisqually House, 1834-85. RHP 21:129-31 1917. 48. Agnes Laut, The Cariboo trail. RHP 21:132-5 1917. 49. W. H. Collison, In the wake of the war canoe. RHP 21:135-7 1917. 50. The dog's hair blankets of the coast Salish. WHQ 9:83-92 April 1918. 1919 51. The overland journey of the argonauts of 1862. Royal society of Canada. Transactions ser 3, 13, sec. 2:37-55 1919. Reviews:— 52. H. M. Stephens and H. E. Bolton, The Pacific ocean in history. RHP 22:115-7 1919. * See item 13, footnote. 1944 F. W. Howay: A Bibliography. 37 53. Joseph Shafer, A history of the Pacific northwest. RHP 22:117-8 1919. 54. W. H. Munro, Tales of an old sea port. RHP 22:119-211919. *55. T. C. Elliott, David Thompson's journeys in the Spokane country. RHP 22:121-3 1919. 56. J. W. Bashford, The Oregon missions. RHP 22:126-8 1919. *57. Howard Palmer, Early explorations in British Columbia for the Canadian Pacific railway. RHP 22:131-2 1919. 1920 58. The attitude of Governor Seymour towards confederation. Royal society of Canada. Transactions ser 3, 14, sec. 2:31-49 1920. 59. The voyage of the Hope: 1790-1792. WHQ 11:3-28 January 1920. *62. F. G. Young, Spain and England's quarrel over the Oregon country. H. I. Priestley, The log of the Princesa, by Estevan Martinez. CHR ' 1:405-6 December 1920. *63. T. C. Elliott, David Thompson's journeys in Idaho. CHR 1:411-2 December 1920. *64. W. S. Lewis and J. A. Meyers (eds.), Journal of a trip from Fort Colviie to Fort Vancouver and return in 1828, by John Work. CHR 1:412 December 1920. *65. Victor Farrar (ed.), The Nisqually journal. CHR 1:413 December 1920. 1921 66. Governor Musgrave and confederation. Royal society of Canada. Transactions ser 3, 15, sec. 2:15-31 1921. 67. Two memorable landmarks of British Columbia. Historic landmarks association of Canada. Annual report 1921:28-30. 68. Fort Langley, historic H.B.C. post in British Columbia. Beaver 2:2-6 November 1921. 69. Authorship of the anonymous account of Captain Cook's last voyage. WHQ 12:51-8 January 1921. 70. Captains Gray and Kendrick: the Barrell letters. WHQ 12: 243-71 October 1921. * See item 13, footnote. 38 F. W. Howay: A Bibliography. January 71. [Historical memorandum on the story of the settlement of the boundary line between British and American territory west of the Lake of the Woods.] WHQ 12:285-7 October 1921. This memorandum was prepared by Judge Howay (representing Canada), approved by Prof. E. S. Meany (representing the United States), and deposited in a receptacle in the Peace portal near Blaine, Wash., during the dedication ceremonies on September 6, 1921. 727 John Boit's log of the Columbia—1790-1793. OHQ 22:265-351 December 1921. Edited by Judge Howay in collaboration with T. C. Elliott. Reviews:— *73. John Boit, Log of the Columbia, 1790-1792. John Boit, A new log of the Columbia. CHR 2:281-4 September 1921. *74. J. E. Rees, Oregon—its meaning, origin, and application. W. H. Gal- vani, The early explorations and the origin of the name of the Oregon country. T. C. Elliott, The strange case of Jonathan Carver and the name Oregon. T. C. Elliott, The origin of the name Oregon. CHR 2:377-8 December 1921. *75. S. E. Morison, Boston traders in Hawaiian islands, 1789-1823. CHR 2:378-9 December 1921. 76. C. W. Smith, Pacific northwest Americana: a checklist of books and pamphlets relating to the history of the Pacific northwest. CHR 2:379-82 December 1921. 77. International boundary commission, Joint report upon the survey and demarcation of the boundary between the United States and Canada . . . through Georgia, Haro, and Juan de Fuca straits to the Pacific ocean. CHR 2:382-3 December 1921. 1922 78. The raison d'etre of Forts Yale and Hope. Royal society of Canada. Transactions ser 3, 16, sec. 2:49-64 1922. 79. The loss of the Tonquin. WHQ 13:83-92 April 1922. 80. John Kendrick and his sons. OHQ 23:277-302 December 1922. Reviews:— 81. S. E. Morison, Maritime history of Massachusetts, 1788-1860. CHR 3:285-6 September 1922. *82. Andrew Fish, The last phase of the Oregon boundary question. CHR 3:286-8 September 1922. 83. Alfred Carmichael, Indian legends of Vancouver island. CHR 3:377 December 1922. 1923 84. The earliest pages of the history of British Columbia. British Columbia historical association. First annual report and proceedings 1923:16-22. F. W. Howay: A Bibliography. Reviews:— 86. C. H. Carey, History of Oregon. CHR 4:65-7 March 1923. 87. C. L. Andrews, The story of Sitlca. CHR 4:177 June 1923. 88. C. F. Newcombe (ed.), Menzies' journal of Vancouver's voyage, April to October 1792. CHR 4:270-2 September 1923. 89. W. S. Lewis and N. Murakami (eds.), Ranald MacDonald. CHR 4:349-50 December 1923. i Alberta. CHR 4:350-1 1924 . [Nootka sound.] British Columbia historical association. Second annual report and proceedings 1924:22-25. Address delivered at Nootka sound on August 13, 1924, upon the 93. The Royal engineers in British Columbia. Corporation of British Columbia land surveyors. Report of the proceedings of the nineteenth annual general meeting 1924:18-24. An address delivered before the annual meeting on January 8,1924. 94. The literature of the early American and English voyages to the northwest coast. Pacific northwest library association. Proceedings 1924:104-22. s (eds.), The journal of John Work. 1925 96. A narrative of events in the life of John Bartlett of Boston, Massachusetts, in the years 1790-1793, during voyages to Canton and the northwest coast of North America. In The sea, the ship and the sailor. Salem, Mass., Marine research society, 1925, pp. 287-343. Notes (pp. 338-43) by Judge Howay. * See item 13, footnote. 40 'F. W. Howay: A Bibliography. January 97. Sir Alexander Mackenzie. British Columbia historical association. Third annual report and proceedings, 1925:16-9. Address delivered at Prince George, June 13, 1925, upon the occasion of the unveiling of monument erected by the Historic sites and monuments board of Canada. 98. [The strait of Juan de Fuca.] British Columbia historical association. Third annual report and proceedings, 1925:22-8. Presidential address delivered November 20, 1925. 99. The Royal engineers in British Columbia. Association of professional engineers of the province of British Columbia. Minutes of the sixth annual general meeting 1925: [11-16]. An address delivered before the association on December 5, 1925. 100. Some additional notes upon Captain Colnett and the Princess Royal. OHQ 26:12-22 March 1925. 101. Captain Simon Metcalfe and the brig Eleanora. WHQ 16:114- 21 April 1925. 102. Introduction and notes in R. P. Bishop, Mackenzie's rock. Ottawa, Department of the interior, n.d. [1925]. (Historic site series no. 6.) 31 pp. Introduction pp. 5-9. 103. Indian attacks upon maritime traders of the north-west coast, 1785-1805. CHR 6:287-309 December 1925. Reviews:— 104. W. W. Woollen, The inside passage to Alaska, 1792-1920. CHR 6:81-4 March 1925. 106. V. L. Denton, The far west coast. CHR 6:84-5 March 1925. s great voyage. CHR 6:85-6 110. C. N. Cochrane, David Thompson. WHQ 16:62-3 January 1925. 111. C. N. Cochrane, David Thompson. OHQ 26:52-3 March 1925. 112. The early history of the Fraser river mines. Victoria, King's Printer, 1926. (Archives of British Columbia, memoir no. VI.) Pp. xvii, 126. 1944 F. W. Howay: A Bibliography. 41 113. Discovery of the north west coast. Canadian historical association. Report of the annual meeting 1926:88-94. 114. An early account of the loss of the Boston in 1803. WHQ 17:280-88 October 1926. 115. Captain Simon Metcalfe and the brig Eleanora. HHS Thirty- fourth annual report 1925:33-9 1926. For a revised version (written later, though printed earlier) see item 101, above. Reviews:— 116. H. Glynn-Ward, The glamour of British Columbia. CHR 7:259-60 September 1926. 117. B. A. McKelvie, Early history of the province of British Columbia. CHR 7:352-3 December 1926. 118. Agnes Laut, The blazed trail of the old frontier. CHR 7:353-4 December 1926. 119. R. L. Reid, The assay office and proposed mint at New Westminster. CHR 7:354-5 December 1926. 1927 120. British Columbia's entry into confederation. Canadian historical association. Report of the annual meeting 1927:67-73. 121. Early followers of Captain Gray. WHQ 18:11-20 January 1927. Reviews:— 122. J. W. Robertson, The harbor of St. Francis. CHR 8:66-7 March 1927. 123. George Gilbert, The death of Captain Cook. CHR 8:70 March 1927. 124. W. B. Cameron, The war trail of Big Bear. CHR 8:75-6 March 1927. 125. N. L. Ward, Oriental missions in British Columbia. CHR 8:82 March 1927. 126. Charles Moser, Reminiscences of the west coast of Vancouver island. CHR 8:168-9 June 1927. 127. J. N. Wallace, 'The passes of the Rocky mountains along the Alberta boundary. CHR 8:341-2 December 1927. 128. Denys Nelson, Fort Langley, 1827-1927. CHR 8:342-3 December 1927. 129. Arthur Anstey, The romance of British Columbia. CHR 8:343 December 1927. *130. W. F. Wilson and W. A. Wall, The place of Captain Cook's death. T. G. Thrum, The paehumu of heiaus non-sacred. S. W. Phillips, The death of Captain Cook. George Gilbert, Captain Cook's first visit to the Hawaiian islands. CHR 8:356-7 December 1927. 131. George Gilbert, The death of Captain James Cook. WHQ 18:66 January 1927. * See item 13, footnote. 42 F. W. Howay: A Bibliography. January 132. W. B. Cameron, The war trail of Big Bear. WHQ 18:68-9 January 1927. 133. Walter Moberley, The rocks and rivers of British Columbia. WHQ 18:69-70 January 1927. 134. Twenty years of York Factory, 1694-1714: Jeremie's account of Hudson strait and bay. WHQ 18:70-1 January 1927. 135. Charles Moser, Reminiscences of the west coast of Vancouver island. WHQ 18:141 April 1927. 1928 136. British Columbia, the making of a province. Toronto, Ryerson press, 1928. Pp. ix, 289. 137. An identification of Sir Alexander Mackenzie's Fort Fork. Royal society of Canada. Transactions ser 3, 22, sec. 2:165-74 1928. 138. [Sir George Simpson's westward journey in 1828.] In Sir George Simpson centennial celebration, 1928:15-8. Bears legend: "Published by the Hudson's Bay Company, Novem- 139. [Sir George Simpson.] In Sir George Simpson centennial celebration, 1928:39-£7. Bears legend: "Published by the Hudson's Bay Company, Novem- ' ber, 1928." An address delivered at the unveiling of a tablet erected by the Histqric sites and monuments board of Canada, Simpson pass, 140. The trading voyages of the Atahualpa. WHQ 19:3-12 January 1928. 141. A ballad of the northwest fur trade. New England quarterly 1:71-9 January 1928. For another version see item 152, below. Reviews:— 142. Carl Wheat, Ned, the ubiquitous: soldier of fortune, par excellence: being the further narrative of Edward McGowan. CHR 9:77-8 March 1928. 143. Tom McInnes, Oriental occupation of British Columbia. CHR 9:80-1 March 1928. *144. W. F. Wilson and W. A. Wall, The place of Captain Cook's death. T. G. Thrum, The paehumu of heiaus non-sacred. S. W. Phillips, The death of Captain Cook. George Gilbert, Captain Cook's first visit to the Hawaiian islands. WHQ 19:64 January 1928. 145. J. N. Wallace, The passes of the Rocky mountains along the Alberta boundary. WHQ 19:66 January 1928. 146. Arthur Anstey, The romance of British Columbia. WHQ 19:66-7 January 1928. 147. C. N. Bell, The old forts of Winnipeg, 1788-1927. WHQ 19:68-9 January 1928. * See item 13, footnote. 1944 F. W. Howay: A Bibliography. 43 1929 148. Builders of the west, a book of heroes. Toronto, Ryerson press, 1929. Pp. v, 251. 149. The Dixon-Meares controversy. Toronto, Ryerson press, 1929. (Canadian historical studies series.) Pp. xv, 156. The text of the various statements by John Meares and George Dixon, edited with an introduction and notes by Judge Howay. Issued in an edition limited to 500 numbered copies. 150. Potatoes. Records of some early transactions at Fort Simpson, B.C. Beaver outfit 259:155-6 March 1929. 151. A short historical sketch of Jasper park region. Sierra club bulletin 14:28-33 February 1929. 152. The ballad of the bold northwestman: an incident in the life of Captain John Kendrick. WHQ 20:114-23 April 1929. For another version see item 141, above. 153. Voyages of Kendrick and Gray in 1787-90. OHQ 30:89-94 June 1929. 154. Voyages of the Jenny to Oregon, 1792-94. OHQ 30:197-206 September 1929. 155. Hawaii and the Pacific northwest. In A. P. Taylor, Sesquicen- tennial celebration of Captain Cook's discovery of Hawaii (1778- 1928), Honolulu, 1929, pp. 30-1. complete text see item 175, below. Judge Howay attended the celebration as the representative of the Government of Canada. Reviews:— 156. H. E. Bolton, Fray Juan Crespi. CHR 10:60 March 1929. ' 157. A. S. Deaville, The colonial postal systems and postage stamps of Vancouver island and British Columbia, 1849-1871. CHR 10:77-8 March 1929. 158. James Wickersham, A bibliography of Alaskan literature, 1724-1924. CHR 10:79-80 March 1929. 159. James Strange's journal and narrative: CHR 10:166-7 June 1929. 160. E. Laveille, Le P. De Smet. CHR 10:167-8 June 1929. 161. N. de B. Lugrin, The pioneer women of Vancouver island, 1848-1866. CHR 10:168-9 June 1929. 162. Bernice Judd, Voyages to Hawaii before 1860. CHR 10:169 June 1929. 163. Lewis McArthur, Oregon geographic names. CHR 10:169-70 June 1929. 164. Bibliography of Captain James'Cook. CHR 10:264-5 September 1929. 165. Lukin Johnston, Beyond the Rockies. CHR 10:269-70 September 1929. 44 F. W. Howay: A Bibliography. January 1930 166. Zimmermann's Captain Cook . . . translated by Elsa Michaelis and Cecil French. Toronto, Ryerson press, 1930. (Canadian historical studies series.) Pp. xvii, 120. Edited with an introduction and notes by Judge Howay. Introduc- ■ tion, pp. 1-15. Foreword (pp. xi-xiv) by Lome Pierce. Issued in an edition limited to 500 numbered copies. 167. The settlement and progress of British Columbia, 1871-1914. In The Cambridge History of the British Empire, Cambridge, 1930,6:548-65. 168. A list of trading vessels in maritime fur trade, 1785-1794. Royal society of Canada. Transactions ser 3, 24, sec. 2:111-34 1930. The first of a series of five papers in which Judge Howay listed between 1785 and 1825. See items 184, 195, 207 and 217 below. 169. Crowfoot: the great chief of the Blackfeet. Canadian historical association. Report of the annual meeting 1930:107-11. 170. Some notes upon Captain Robert Gray. WHQ 21:8-12 January 1930. Written in collaboration with Albert Matthews. 171. A Yankee trader on the northwest coast, 1791-1795. WHQ- 21:83-94 April 1930. 172. The attempt to capture the brig Otter. WHQ 21:179-88 July 1930. 173. Some notes on Cook's and Vancouver's ships, 1776-80, 1791-95. WHQ 21:268-70 October 1930. 174. The ship Margaret: her history and historian. HHS Thirty- eighth annual report 1929:34-40 1930. 175. Early relations between the Hawaiian islands and the northwest coast. In A. P. Taylor and R. S. Kuykendall (eds.), The Hawaiian islands, Honolulu, 1930, pp. 11-21. (Publications of the archives of Hawaii no. 5.) See item 155, above. Reviews:— 176. G. E. Nunn, Origin of the strait of Anian concept. CHR 11:158-9 June 1930. 177. A. P. Taylor, Sesquicentennial celebration of Captain Cook's discovery of Hawaii (1778-1928). CHR 11:159-60 June 1930. 178. Barrett Willoughby, Sitlca: portal of romance. CHR 11:171 June 1930. 179. British Columbia historical association, Fourth report and proceedings. CHR 11:178-9 June 1930. 180. H. R. Wagner, Spanish voyages to the northwest coast of America in the sixteenth century. CHR 11:256-7 September 1930. 181. H. W. Clark, History of Alaska. CHR 11:354-5 December 1930. 1944 F. W. Howay: A Bibliography. 182. J. N. Wallace, The wintering partners on Peace river. WHl January 1930. 183. H. R. Wagner, Spanish voyages to the northwest coast of A the sixteenth century. WHQ 21:142-3 April 1930. 185. Dictionary of American biography. New York, Scribner, 20 vols., 1928-36. Articles: Robert Gray 7:522-3 1931; Joseph Ingraham 9:478-9 1932; John Kendrick 10:329 1933. Reviews:— 186. Joseph Carruthers, Captain James Cook. CHR 12:72-3 March 1931. 187. W. N. Sage, Sir James Douglas and British Columbia. CHR 12:73-5 March 1931. 188. I. E. Mackay, Indian nights. CHR 12:100 March 1931. *189. H. R. Wagner (ed.), Fray Benito de la Sierra's account of the Hezeta expedition to the northwest coast in 1775. CHR 12:198-9 June 1931. 190. Cecil Jane (ed.), A Spanish voyage to Vancouver and the north-weSt coast of America. CHR 12:200-1 June 1931. 191. George Godwin, Vancouver, a life, 1757-1798. CHR 12:310-12 September 1931. 192. A. A. Gray, F. P. Farquhar, and W. S. Lewis, Camels in western America. CHR 12:334-5 September 1931. 193. W. N. Sage, Sir James Douglas and British Columbia. WHQ 22:146-7 April 1931. 1932 194. Captain George Vancouver. Toronto, Ryerson press, 1932. 32 pp. (The Ryerson Canadian history readers.) 195. A list of trading vessels in the maritime fur trade, 1805-1814. Royal society of Canada. Transactions ser 3, 26, sec. 2:43-86 1932. See items 168, 184 above, and items 207 and 217 below. 196. An outline sketch of the maritime fur trade. Canadian historical association. Report of the annual meeting 1932:5-14. Presidential address delivered before the association on May 24, 1932. 197. Important Hudson's Bay company document. WHQ 23:35-6 January 1932. 198. Maclauries' Travels through America: a pirated account of Sir Alexander Mackenzie's Voyages. WHQ 23:83-7 April 1932. * See item 13, footnote. 46 F. W. Howay: A Bibliography. January 199. To the Fraser river! The diary and letters of Cyrus Olin Phillips, 1858-1859. California historical society quarterly 11:150- 56 June 1932. Edited with an introduction and notes by Judge Howay. Reviews:— 200. M. S. Wade, The overlanders of '62. CHR 13:81 March 1932. *201. J. F. G. Stokes, Iron with the early Hawaiians. Japanese account of the first recorded visit of shipwrecked Japanese to Hawaii. H. B. Restarick, Delano's account of the shipwrecked Japanese and comments on the Japanese narrative. CHR 13:82 March 1932. 202. C. W. Smith, A union list of manuscripts in libraries of the Pacific northwest. CHR 13:82-3 March 1932. 203. Frederick Merk (ed!), Fur trade and empire: George Simpson's journal. CHR 13:208-9 June 1932. 204. H. R. Wagner, The last Spanish exploration of the northwest coast, and the attempt to colonize Bodega bay. CHR 13:214 June 1932. 205. G. W. Fuller, A history of the Pacific northwest. CHR 13:326-7 September 1932. 206. M. M. Quaife (ed.), Alexander Mackenzie's voyage to the Pacific ! ocean in 1798. WHQ 23:154 April 1932. 1933 207. A list of trading vessels in the maritime fur trade, 1815-1819. Royal society of Canada. Transactions ser 3, 27, sec. 2:119-47 1933. See items 168,184, 195 above, and item 217 below. 208. David Thompson's account of his first attempt to cross the Rockies. Queen's quarterly 40:333-56 August 1933. - 209. About that "valuable manuscript." WHQ 24:25-7 January 1933. 210. A short account of Robert Haswell. WHQ 24:83-90 April 1933. 211. Captain Cornelius Sowle on the Pacific ocean. WHQ 24:243-9 October 1933. 212. The Resolution on the Oregon coast, 1793-94. OHQ 34:207-15 September 1933. 213. Brig Owhyhee in the Columbia, 1827. OHQ 34:324-9 December 1933. Reviews:— 215. E. W. Gilbert, The exploration of western America, 1800-1850. CHR 14:341-2 September 1933. 216. Charles Nordhoff and J. N. Hall, The mutiny on the " Bounty." CHR 14:450 December 1933. * See item 13, footnote. F. W. Howay: A Bibliography. 217. A list of trading vessels in the maritime fur trade, 1820-1825. Royal society of Canada. Transactions ser 3, 28, sec. 2:11-49 1934. Th& last of the series of five papers listing trading vessels known to have participated in the maritime fur trade between 1785 and 1825. See items 168, 184, 195, and 207, above. 218. The brig Owhyhee in the Columbia, 1829-30. OHQ 35:10-21 March 1934. 219. Authorship of Traits of Indian life. OHQ 35:42-9 March 1934. 220. The ship Eliza at Hawaii in 1799. HHS Forty-second annual report 1933:103-13 1934. Reviews:— 221. H. R. Wagner, Spanish explorations in the strait of Juan de Fuca. CHR 15:74-5 March 1934. 222. Traits of American Indian life and character. (Grabhorn press edition.) CHR 15:88-9 March 1934. 223. W. W. Spinks, Tales of the British Columbia frontier. CHR 15:89 March 1934. 224. H. E. Bolton (ed.), Font's complete diary. CHR 15:310-11 September 1934. 225. Nellie Pipes (ed.), The Memorial of John Meares to the House of Commons respecting the capture of vessels in Nootka sound. CHR 15:311-2 September 1934. 226. E. O. Essig, Adele Ogden, and C. J. DuFour, The Russians in California. CHR 15:426 December 1934. 227. Charles Nordhoff and J. N. Hall, Mutiny on the " Bounty." WHQ 35:65-7 January 1934. 1935 228. The Encyclopedia of Canada. Toronto, University associates of Canada, 6 vols., 1935-37. Articles: • British Columbia 1:286-91 1935; Salish 5:341-2 1937; Sekani 5:371 1937. 229. The negro immigration into Vancouver island in 1858. Royal society of Canada. Transactions ser 3, 29, sec. 2:145-56 1935. See item 250, below. Review:— 230. M. S. Sullivan, The travels of Jedediah Smith. CHR 16:85-6 March 1935. 1936 Reviews:— 231. William Shaler, Journal of a voyage between China and the north western coast of America made in 1804. CHR 17:206-7 June 1936. 232. W. S. Wallace (ed.), Documents relating to the North West company. PNQ 27:78-80 January 1936. 48 F; W. Howay: A Bibliography. January 233. M. Q. Innis, An economic history of Canada. PNQ 27:272-3 July 1936. of John Henry. PNQ 1937 235. Early shipping in Burrard inlet 1863-1870. BCHQ 1:3-20 January 1937. 236. Early settlement on Burrard inlet. BCHQ 1:101-14 April 1937. 237. The Royal engineers in British Columbia—1858-1863. Engineering journal 20:17-23 January 1937. An address delivered at the Western professional. meeting of the Engineering institute of Canada, July 11, 1934. 238. The Caroline and the Hancock at Hawaii in 1799. HHS Forty- fifth annual report 1936:25-9 1937. Reviews:— 239. Douglas MacKay, The honourable company. BCHQ 1:62-3 January 1937. 240. Gordon Campbell, Captain James Cook. CHR 18:440-41 December 1937. 1938 241. Stephen Reynolds, The voyage of the "New Hazard." Salem, Mass., Peabody Museum, 1938. Pp. xxii, 158. Edited with an introduction and notes by Judge Howay. 242. British Columbia brigade trails. Beaver outfit 269:48-51 June 1938. 243. The ship Pearl in Hawaii in 1805 and 1806. HHS Forty-sixth annual report 1937:27-38 1938. 244. Letters concerning voyages of British vessels to the northwest coast of America, 1787-1809. OHQ 39:307-13 September 1938. Reviews:— 245. H. R. Wagner, The cartography of the northwest coast of America to the year 1800. BCHQ 2:223-30 July 1938. 246. V. J. Farrar, The annexation of Russian America to the United States. CHR 19:76 March 1938. 247. H. R. Wagner, The cartography of the northwest coast of America to the year 1800. CHR 19:320-22 September 1938. 1939 249. An early colonization scheme in British Columbia. BCHQ 3:51-63 January 1939. F. W. HOWAY: A BIBLIOGRAPHY. 49 into Vancouver island in 1858. BCHQ .939. Item 229, above, reprinted. 251. Building the big canoes. Beaver outfit 270:38-42 December 1939. 252. Captain Henry Barber of Barber's point. HHS Forty-seventh annual report 1938:39-49 1939. 253. A great boat voyage across the Pacific. Paradise of the Pacific 51:7,30 February 1939. Reviews:— 254. E. E. Rich (ed.), Journal of occurrences in the Athabasca department by George Simpson. BCHQ 3:143-6 April 1939. 255. Alexander Laing (ed.), The life and adventures of John Nicol, mariner. CHR 20:220 June 1939. 256. C. L. Andrews, The story of Alaska. CHR 20:227-8 June 1939. 257. Archie Shiels, The San Juan islands. CHR 20:335 September 1939. 1940 258. The journal of Captain James Colnett aboard the "Argonaut" from April 26, 1789 to Nov. 3, 1791. Toronto, The Champlain society, 1940. Pp. xxxi, 328. 259. Coal-mining on Burrard inlet, 1865-66. BCHQ 4:1-20 January 1940. 260. The discovery of the Fraser river: the second phase. BCHQ 4:245-51 October 1940. 261. Some national historic sites in western Canada. Canadian geographical journal 21:206-11 October 1940. cation by the Department of mines' and resources, National parks bureau, Ottawa, in 1941. 262. Some notes on Robert Haswell. Massachusetts historical society. Proceedings 65:592-600 1940. 1 Voyages of the "Columbia" to the northwest coast 1787-1790 and 1790-1798. Boston, Massachusetts historical society, 1941. Pp. xxxiv, 518. (Massachusetts historical society Collections, 50 F. W. Howay: A Bibliography. January 265. The case of the Moneta. An incident in the story of Burrard inlet. BCHQ 5:185-90 July 1941. 266. The voyage of the Captain Cook and the Experiment, 1785-86. BCHQ 5:285-96 October 1941. 267. The first use of the sail by the Indians of the northwest coast. American Neptune 1:374-80 October 1941. 268. Douglas day, the birthday of British Columbia. 4 pp. Leaflet written for the Native sons of British Columbia, post no. 4, 269. W. P. Morrell, The gold rushes. CHR 22:205-6 June 1941. 270. J. J. Woods, History and development of the Agassiz-Harrison valley. BCHQ 5:240 July 1941. 271. British Columbia and the United States. The north Pacific slope from fur trade to aviation. Toronto, Ryerson press, 1942. Pp. xv, 408. (The relations of Canada and the United States.) Written in collaboration with W. N. Sage and H. F. Angus; edited by H. F. Angus. 272. International aspects of the maritime fur-trade. Royal society of Canada. Transactions ser 3, 36:59-78 1942. Presidential address read before the general session of the Royal society of Canada on May 28, 1942. 273. Four letters from Richard Cadman Etches to Sir Joseph Banks, 1788-92. BCHQ 6:125-39 April 1942. 274. The introduction of intoxicating liquors amongst the Indians of the northwest coast. BCHQ 6:157-69 July 1942. A paper read before section II. of the Royal society of Canada, Reviews:— 277. Hunter Miller (ed.), Northwest water boundary. BCHQ 6:152-3 April 1942. 278. H. R. Wagner, Bullion to books. BCHQ 6:215 July 1942. 279. H. R. Wagner, Juan Rodriguez Cabrillo. American Neptune 2:258-9 ■ July 1942. 1944 F. W. Howay: A Bibliography. 51 1943 280i Thompson Coit Elliott (1862-1943): a tribute. BCHQ 7:197-8 July 1943. 281. Origin of the Chinook jargon on the north- west coast. OHQ 44:27-55 March 1943. a tribute. OHQ 44:229-31 283. Hunter Miller, San Juan archipelago. CHR 24:316-7 September loration of Russian America and 117-8 September 1943. 1944 285. William Sturgis, The northwest fur trade. BCHQ 8:11-25 January 1944. Edited with an introduction and notes by Judge Howay. 286. Some lengthy open-boat voyages in the Pacific ocean. American Neptune 4:53-7 January 1944. JOHN NUGENT: THE IMPERTINENT ENVOY.* I Meddling with what is beyond one's province; intrusive, presumptuous; insolent or saucy in speech or behaviour "—such is the meaning of the word " impertinent," according to the Oxford English Dictionary. So aptly does this describe the attitude and activities of John Nugent, Special Agent of the United States Government to Vancouver Island and British Columbia, that the compilers might well have had him in mind when writing the definition. Nugent's mission arose out of the gold-rush of 1858. Nothing in Canadian history quite parallels the condition in which British Columbia found itself in the course of that memorable year, and the background of Nugent's visit was therefore as unusual as his conception of the proper conduct of a special envoy. Vancouver Island had for some years been organized as a Crown Colony, complete with governor, council, legislature, and judiciary; but all of these were connected in one way or another with the Hudson's Bay Company. It could scarcely be otherwise, for the island itself had been handed over to the Company, James Douglas was both Governor of the Colony and Chief Factor of the Company, and practically all the residents, whether in the capital, Victoria, or in the little coal-mining town of Nanaimo, were employees of the Company. As for the mainland, the outside world knew little about it except that it had become British territory under the terms of the boundary settlement of 1846. On maps of the day it was named—if it was named at all—" New Caledonia." In it there was not even the shadow of a government. The Hudson's Bay Company enjoyed the exclusive right to trade with the Indians within its boundaries, and no other trade existed within the area. The only settlements were the Company's trading-posts, and even these were few and far between. This state of affairs had continued for so * I am greatly indebted to Mr. Willard E. Ireland for his kindness in placing at my disposal extensive notes based upon documents in the Archives of the Department of State, Washington, D.C, and upon the files of British 54 Robie L. Reid. January long that the very officers of the Company had come to believe that all trade, whether or not it concerned the Indians, was exclusively theirs. Suddenly word came to the world that gold had been discovered on the mainland, in the bars of the Fraser River. The first adventurers to come in search of it were mostly from near-by Washington Territory and Oregon, but they were few in number compared with those who came from farther south. Miners in California were particularly attracted, for the rich goldfields in that State were becoming exhausted and they were looking for new deposits elsewhere. The vanguard of the California miners left San Francisco, 450 strong, in the steamer Commodore, on April 20, 1858. By the middle of August some twenty-five to thirty thousand persons had followed them. Many of these had to remain for a time in Victoria, until the flood-waters of the Fraser subsided. With few exceptions the newcomers were orderly and law-abiding; those who were not were dealt with promptly by the officials of the little Crown Colony of Vancouver Island. The good behaviour of the majority has been attributed to the Californians; but it must always be remembered that many of the latter had come originally from the British Isles, or from British colonies in America, Australia, or elsewhere. They had been brought up to recognize the meaning of the words, " The King's Peace," or, as it was in 1858, " The Queen's Peace." On Vancouver Island, where an organized government existed, the task of maintaining law and order thus proved relatively simple. The great problem was how to preserve it on the mainland. With the coming of the gold-seekers it became apparent that steps must be taken, and taken without delay, to administer this hitherto derelict land and police it in the interests both of the miners themselves and the British Crown. Equally obvious was the fact that this could not be done without money; yet how was revenue to be raised in an unorganized territory? The task of wrestling with these problems fell to the lot of James Douglas. As Governor of Vancouver Island he was the only representative of the Crown within several thousand miles of the Fraser River, and he felt duty bound to do his utmost to safeguard British interests. True, his jurisdiction as Governor 1944 John Nugent. 55 did not extend to the mainland; but his position as Chief Factor gave him control of the Hudson's Bay Company's posts and activities there.1 By judicious exaggeration of his authority both as Governor and Chief Factor, Douglas hoped to gain the upper hand and retain control until such time as news of the gold-rush could reach London and the British Government could take suitable steps in the matter. This the Government did with all dispatch; but owing to the slowness of communication and other causes the measure establishing the new Colony of British Columbia, on the mainland, did not receive the Royal Assent until August 2, and the Colony was not actually proclaimed at Fort Langley until November 19, 1858. For the' better part of six months Douglas was thus left largely to his own devices. He had the backing of the Hudson's Bay Company and its employees, and could count upon the support of the few ships of the Royal Navy that were stationed at Esquimalt. Boldly exceeding his powers, he appointed Justices of the Peace, Revenue Officers, Gold Commissioners, and- Commissioners of Crown Lands for the mainland. To raise money he compelled would-be miners to purchase licences, and required every vessel entering the Fraser to secure a " sufference," for which a fee was charged. In many instances, either for convenience or from necessity, he made use of the Hudson's Bay Company to collect these levies. Inevitably, many of the miners jumped to the conclusion that the Company was pocketing the fees. The records make it quite clear, however, that at no time did Douglas personally or the Company benefit financially. On July 1, 1858, for example, Douglas reported to the Colonial Secretary that a total of 2,525 miners' licences had been issued to date, and added:— ... We have thereby collected the sum of 12,625 dollars on account of the territorial Revenue, which I hold subject to your instructions.2 In other important respects, however, Douglas did overstep the mark, due to his belief that all trade on the mainland, and not merely trade with the Indians, had been handed over to (1) Douglas may have had in mind the fact that the Company had been granted its charter by the Crown, and that recognition of its authority would therefore constitute, to some degree, recognition of the authority of the Crown itself. (2) Papers Relative to the Affairs of British Columbia. Part I., London, 1859, p. 19. (Douglas to Stanley, July 1, 1858.) 56 Robie L. Reid. January the Hudson's Bay Company by the Crown. Acting upon that assumption, he attempted at first to limit imports to goods controlled by the Company; to make vessels purchase a licence from the Company in addition to the official sufferance before mentioned; and to compel miners to pay head-money to the Company. These measures were disallowed by the Colonial Secretary as soon as he heard of them; and even before word of his action had been received, Douglas had found that the regulations were impracticable and had cancelled or greatly modified them. In their place he had substituted an ad valorem duty of 10 per cent, upon all foreign goods destined for the mainland. The proceeds, he informed the Colonial Secretary, went not to the Hudson's Bay Company, but were " to be exclusively applied to the service of Her Majesty's Government, and to meet the expenses of governing Fraser's River."8 Douglas's comment upon the action of the Colonial Secretary in repudiating his policy deserves quotation in part:— I observe . . . from your Despatch [of July 16, 1858], that the rights of trade made over to the Hudson's Bay Company are limited to the trade with the Indian tribes. We have always hitherto given a more extended application to those rights, believing, from the circumstance of the country being inhabited by Indians alone, and from its not being open for settlement to white men, that the intention of Parliament in granting the licence was to make over the whole trade of the country to the Hudson's Bay Company.* No doubt many will be suspicious of Douglas's motives; the writer, for one, believes that he acted in good faith. But whether he did or not, the clamour to which his policy had given rise spread far and wide. The majority of the miners came from the United States, and most of them had been forced to pay a levy of some kind which they suspected had found its way into the coffers of the Hudson's Bay Company. No amount of explanation (and Douglas was not adept at explaining matters to the populace) could change their opinion that they had been mulcted of their money for the Company's benefit. Nor did the new ad valorem duty meet with greater favour. In November, 1858, a correspondent whose name we do not know Warned Doug- (3) Ibid., p. 35. (Douglas (4) Ibid., p. 36. (Douglas 1944 John Nugent. 57 las that elaborate briefs against the duty were being prepared amongst the miners on the Fraser:— They contain a list of the names of the principal payers of this tax, together with the total amount collected up to the 1st November, states \_sic] that a subordinate official proclaimed the 10 per cent to be a crown duty but that • they (the petitioners) are well informed to the contrary. That it is collected by and for the Hudson's Bay Company and in proof of this it is asserted that it is collected at the Company's office, and not at the Custom On the margin of this letter Douglas noted that the duty " was, when first levied, received by the agent of the Hudson's Bay Company, but simply for the reason that there was no other person, whom I chose to trust with the money." This was perfectly true; but the facts, even if they could have been widely publicized, would have made little impression in view of the temper of the time. Douglas's attempt to monopolize trade on behalf of the Company, though quickly abandoned, had made too deep and unfavourable an impression. Months after they had been cancelled his regulations were being reprinted and discussed in the American press. On the whole, however, the more responsible newspapers in both Washington Territory and California took a surprisingly lenient view of the situation. Thus in June, 1858, the Steilacoom Puget Sound Herald advised the miners to take a conciliatory attitude until the doubts about the rights of the Hudson's Bay Company could be cleared up, and went so far as to remark that the Company could not be blamed for defending its rights, if such they were.6 The Olympia Pioneer and Democrat took much the same attitude.7 The San Francisco Evening Bulletin stated that it was not prepared to say whether or not Douglas was exceeding his powers; the question was one between the British Government and the Hudson's Bay Company, and would be settled in due course. It was confident that any exactions found to have been wrongfully imposed would be made good. Taking a longer-term view, the Bulletin continued:— American individuals going abroad should carefully respect the authority that exists de facto wherever they may happen to sojourn. ... Let us (5) Douglas to Lytton, January 5, 1859, enclosure No. 1. Copy in Public Record Office transcripts, Provincial Archives. (6) Puget Sound Herald, June 18, 1858. (7) See the issue of July 2, 1858. 58 Robie L. Reid. January rather submit to the temporary annoyance of Governor Douglas' r policy, than awaken prejudices against ourselves which may permanently injure us, by attempts to evade or resist it. 8 The Bulletin's faith that the British Government would put things right was shared by the Alta California. While convinced that the " exactions " were illegal and unauthorized, it counselled obedience, and was confident that the authorities in London would act when they were in possession of the facts.9 A much more extreme view of the situation was taken in official circles. As early as May 18, 1858, Governor Isaac Stevens, of the Territory of Washington, protested hotly to the United States Government against the "impositions" that Douglas was trying to enforce against American citizens bound for the Fraser River mines. He challenged Douglas's authority in the matter, pointing out (quite correctly) that, so far as he knew, Douglas had no jurisdiction " over the country in question, called New Caledonia, save that derived from his position as Chief Factor in the Hudson's Bay Company."10 Stevens pressed his point in letter after letter, and on July 21 forwarded to Washington a twenty-nine-page dispatch intended to exhibit . . . the enormity and absolute illegality of the impositions placed upon the citizens of the United States by the British authorities assuming to exercise jurisdiction over the whole Territory in which the late gold discoveries have been made, and to ask the interposition of the Government on behalf of our citizens seeking to enter that Territory.i1 Stevens's conception of the facts of the matter was as exaggerated as his feelings, for he went on to estimate that the revenue that Douglas would derive from miners' licences would amount to $2,400,000 a year, and that the Hudson's Bay Company would receive $14,000,000 per annum from its exclusive trade in supplies. These " exactions," he insisted, " had been imposed without any legal authority which should be respected by the citizens or government of the United States."12 Ten days later he (8) Evening Bulletin, San Francisco, June 3, 1858. (9) Alta California, San Francisco, July 7, 1858. (10) Stevens to Hon. Lewis Cass, Secretary of State, May 18, 1858. In Miscellaneous Letters to the Department of State; Archives, Department of State, Washington. (11) Stevens to Cass, July 21, 1858. Ibid. (12) See Hazard Stevens, The Life of Isaac Ingalls Stevens, Boston, 1900, I., pp. 281-82. 1944 John Nugent. 59 returned again to the charge, and urged that the United States Government should interpose with the British authorities for the removal of the restrictions above referred to. And I further request that this government demand the repayment of all sums collected by the Governor of Vancouver Island for licenses to dig gold, and that it make reclamation for the value of all cargoes and vessels confiscated.^ A plea of a different sort came from Governor Weller, of California, who not only questioned Douglas's authority, but was fearful that his policy would lead to serious trouble. In June, 1858, he wrote to President Buchanan:— As there is no Government in that Territory, other than that established by the Hudson's Bay Company, I fear very much that the extraordinary powers assumed by Governor Douglas will involve us in difficulties. The citizens of California who are now emigrating to that Territory have lost none of their hatred of tyrannic rule which characterized their ancestors, and it is therefore probable, his exactions will meet with determined As a result of these and other urgings, the United States Government decided to send a Special Agent to the Fraser River mines to investigate the state of affairs there, and to report to the President. The man selected for this important mission was John Nugent, of San Francisco, an Irish-born journalist who had been personally known to President Buchanan years before, when the one had been Secretary of State during the Polk administration and the other the Washington correspondent of the New York Herald. Nugent had subsequently gone to California, where he had been Clerk of the first State Legislature and later publisher and editor of the highly successful San Francisco Herald. He was a supporter of the first Vigilance Committee in 1851 and joined the special police in 1852. Some years later, however, he began to associate with the celebrated Ned McGowan. Completely misjudging public opinion, he opposed the revival of the Vigilance Committee in 1856, following the murder of James King of William. This caused the business-men of San Francisco to withdraw their advertising from the Herald, which entered upon a decline from which it never recovered. (13) Pioneer and Democrat, Olympia, September 24, 1858. (14) Governor M. B. Weller to President Buchanan, June 6, 1858. In Miscellaneous Letters to the Department of State; Archives, Department of State, Washington. 60 Robie L. Reid. January Nugent had a singular ability to acquire both friends and enemies, a trait that was commented upon in an article published some time after his death:— Impatient of opposition and imperious in controversy, he was led into personal difficulties which three times brought him on the " field of honor "— with John Cotter, who seriously wounded him in the left thigh, with Edward Gilbert, who retracted the offensive article on the field, and with Thomas Hayes, who shot him in the upper right arm . . . And yet he was the most genial of friends, the truest and firmest in his friendships. As a foe he was exasperating, but also was he on some occasions magnanimous, as the afterward warm friendship between himself and Tom Hayes demon- The historian Bancroft speaks of Nugent in the following terms:— Seldom have I met a man toward whom my sympathy went out as toward Mr. Nugent. Small, of light complexion and delicate features, soft and slow of speech, modest and sensitive, yet lion-hearted and intellectually great withal, he deserved a better fate. This one great mistake [the stand taken by the Herald in' 1856] hovered like a spectre over all his after-life.is Neither writer mentions the lively dislike of all things British that made Nugent a curious choice for the office of Special Agent; but doubtless President Buchanan knew of the financial difficulties in which the decline of the Herald had involved him, and gave him the post for friendship's sake. The appointment was promptly condemned by the New York Times, which on August 2, 1858, printed this pen picture of the " Ambassador to Frazer's River ":— If it. had been President Buchanan's design to create an imbroglio at the New Caledonia gold-diggings, his choice of Nugent, the late editor of the San Francisco Herald, might be pronounced not only unexceptionable but singularly judicious. A man better calculated to stir up broils could not be found or one who could command, in a measure more diminutive, the respect of the California miners. A month later, when Nugent was in San Francisco awaiting the departure of the steamer Northerner, which was to carry him to Victoria, Thomas Rowlandson, a British resident of the city, felt (15) Daily Bee, Sacramento, December 24,1884. I am indebted for this quotation to Miss Mabel R. Gillis, State Librarian, California State Library, Sacramento. (16) Hubert Howe Bancroft, Popular Tribunals, San Francisco, 1887, II., p. 224. 1944 John Nugent. 61 compelled, " on public grounds," to write privately to the Colonial Secretary regarding the appointment:— The " On Dit" here is that it was simply a place carved out for a clamourous expectant of official patronage. ... To sum up his character concisely I may state that he is an Irishman with an inveterate and rabid hatred of England & will doubtless stir up difficulties if he can, unless he thinks his present interests will be greatly injured by such conduct. Whilst I do not anticipate any serious disturbance from the appointment, I considered it an act of duty to apprise the Colonial office as to the sort of Agent sent out by the United States, so that his conduct might be carefully watched. . . .17 The instructions given by the United States Government to the Special Agent18 were reasonable and fair. They asked for a description of the mines, the means of working them, the restrictions imposed by the authorities, the supply of provisions, and any other features of interest. Certain specific matters were to be investigated, including the laws and regulations to which the miners were subject, the duties levied on supplies, and the licences required. The American Government was specially anxious to know if any distinction was made between British subjects and foreigners with respect to entrance into the country and to rights and privileges after arrival there. It was also anxious to know the approximate number of British subjects and American citizens in New Caledonia. Nugent landed in Victoria on September 20,1858. Five days later he embodied his first impressions in a letter to the Hon. Lewis Cass, the American Secretary of State. He reported that the local officials were conciliatory, and that he hoped that he would be able to secure the removal of the restrictions about (17) Rowlandson to Lytton, September 6, 1858. Original in Public Record Office, London. Transcript in the possession of the writer. Nugent was known to Alfred Waddington, who had this to say of him in The Fraser Mines Vindicated, published in November, 1858: " For the benefit of the old residents and English population unacquainted with Mr. Nugent . . . I will explain that he was editor of the San Francisco Herald; that he is a British born subject, and has been running down his country for years on every occasion . . ." Having referred to the 1856 episode, Waddington continued: " His name since then has been a reprobation to most Cali- fornians, and the government in Washington could hardly have made a more unsuitable choice for all parties." (18) Nugent's instructions will be found in the appendix to this article. 62 Robie L. Reid. January which there had been so many complaints. There was, in his opinion, no longer any danger of a collision between the Americans and the people and authorities of Vancouver Island. He was pessimistic about the mines, which were far below expectations. " Hundreds consequently leave by every steamer for San Francisco. It is quite safe to predict that the great majority of the miners will have left before the first of November."19 After spending a few days in Victoria, Nugent went to the mainland and visited the mines on the Fraser River. On this trip he did some good work. He searched for all Americans who were in difficulties, gathered up over a hundred derelicts, and_ made arrangements for them to return to California. He found a number of Americans with grievances to air. Some complained of having been ill-treated by Hudson's Bay Company employees; others were dissatisfied with decisions of Government officials. On the whole, considering the conditions existing at the time, these complaints were very few. After his return from the mines Nugent remained for a time in Victoria. Several matters were discussed by him with Governor Douglas, both verbally and by correspondence. One concerned criminal trials in the Courts. Nugent pointed out that there was only one lawyer, George Pearkes, who was entitled to plead in the Vancouver Island Courts. As Pearkes was legal adviser to the Governor, and had the duty of prosecuting in criminal cases, the accused were of necessity left without legal counsel. There were a number of Americans awaiting trial at the time, and Nugent therefore asked Douglas to allow attorneys from the United States, several of whom were in the city, to act as defence counsel in these cases. Douglas was inclined to give the desired permission, but, being uncertain of his powers in the matter, referred the question to Pearkes, who advised him that he had no authority to permit foreigners to practise in the Courts.. Pearkes added that Judge Begbie, who had been appointed Judge of the Supreme Court of British Columbia and was then on his way out from England, would have the right to do so, but that a decision on the point would have to await his arrival. Later in his report Nugent inveighed bitterly against (19) Nugent to Cass, September 25, 1858. In Ter: ington and Oregon, Vol. I.; Archives, Depart 1944 John Nugent. 63 Douglas for having acted on the advice of his legal adviser. The passage reads in part:— Afterwards I was informed by a note from his excellency that the application could not be granted, as the rules of the court forbade anybody practicing before it who was not a subject of the British crown. I regret to be obliged to characterize this as a mere subterfuge; that it was such will appear from the fact that the gentleman who then held the office of crown solicitor [Pearkes] had been a member of the San Francisco bar for two Nugent was correct in stating that Pearkes was a member of the California Bar; but he neglected to add that he was a member of the English Bar as well. It seems incredible that he did not know this, and the implication is that the ambiguity of his statement was deliberate. Actually, American citizens seem to have had no reason to complain of their treatment in the Courts, in spite of the conditions Nugent denounced. American attorneys were permitted to visit and advise the accused, though they could not actually appear at the trial; and in view of the fact that they had no counsel, Pearkes did not exercise his right to address the jury after the evidence was taken. That Douglas's reason for refusing Nugent's request was not a I mere subterfuge" soon became apparent. Judge Begbie assumed office two days after Nugent left Victoria, and one of his first acts was to make the order that the Special Agent had demanded. Ironically enough, not a single American attorney ever took advantage of it. Nugent's next activity was to attempt to give Douglas a lesson in etiquette. He received a letter signed not by the Governor himself, but by his secretary—a circumstance that Nugent regarded as a direct affront and insult both to himself and to the Government he represented. When the offence was repeated, he added a postscript to his reply:— The last two notes received from your excellency were signed by your secretary, I presume, through inadvertence. I beg to call your attention to this mistake, in order to prevent its recurrence.21 (20) Message of the President of the United States, communicating, in compliance with a resolution of the Senate, the report of the special agent of the United States, recently sent to Vancouver's Island and British Columbia, Washington, 1859, p. 16. (35th Congress, 2nd session, Ex. Doc. No. 29, Senate. Cited hereafter as Nugent, Report.) (21) Ibid., p. 24. 64 Robdj; L. Reid. January If this thrust angered Douglas, he did not show it. He replied in the usual way, in a letter signed by his secretary, which explained his conduct as follows:— His excellency desires me to inform you that the two last letters which he had the honor to address to you by his private secretary, alluded to in the postscript to your letter, were not signed by the secretary by inadvertence, as you presume; that the usual medium of official communications is the colonial secretary, and in the absence of that functionary, the governor's private secretary was deputed to sign the letters referred to in behalf of his excellency; a course which was not adopted from any disrespect to you, but in conformity with diplomatic usage, and in which sense his excellency begs you will accept these and any further official communications which he may have the honor of making to you in that manner.22 This explanation Nugent flatly refused to accept, and three days later he addressed to the Governor as insolent a missive as he could manufacture:— Hotel de France, Victoria, Vancouver's Island, Nov. 12, 1858. Sir: In my note of third of the present month, I had the honor to call your attention to what I conceived to be a mistake made by your secretary in signing your two communications of the 8th and 13th ultimo, respectively, with his own name. In a verbal conversation had with your excellency on the day on which you last note was dated, I intimated that I could not receive communications on matters connected with my agency through the medium of your private secretary, that gentleman being to me officially unknown. Since then, I have received another note dated November 9, 1858, doubtless dictated by your excellency, but signed in the same way as the two preceding. Not having been made aware by my government of any circumstance giving your excellency the prerogative of corresponding with me at second hand, and only through a third party, I regret to inform you that I cannot take notice of the contents of your communication of the 9th instant; and further, that all written correspondence must cease between us with this note. I am urged to this step by a sense of duty alone; and although I would be undoubtedly justified by the rules of that diplomatic etiquette to which you appeal, in returning your last communication, I refrain from so doing, because it is my desire to attribute your excellency's course to a want of conversancy with such matters, rather than to uncivil intention; and because, in obedience to the spirit of my instructions, I am anxious to maintain, to the end, the amicable relations that have hitherto subsisted between your excellency and myself. (22) Ibid., pp. 26-27. 1944 John Nugent. Lest my official duties should not afford me leisure to call for the purpose of paying my respects to your excellency previous to my departure, I avail myself of this occasion to bid you farewell. I have the honor to be your obedient servant, John Nugent, Special Agent of the United States.28 His Excellency Governor Douglas. Nugent did not leave Victoria for a week after this letter was written, and he might have found time to pay a last call on the Governor. But perhaps it was as well that he did not. The " official duties " that took up his time in the last days of his sojourn included the composition of a farewell address " To the Citizens of the United States in Vancouver's Island and British Columbia," which appeared in the Victoria Gazette for November 16, 1858. The complete text of this address is printed in the appendix to this article, but one or two passages must be quoted here. After some pertinent remarks on the duties of American citizens, in foreign countries, Nugent turned his attention to the local administration. Having admitted that " it was scarcely to be expected that a well-regulated Government could be at once built up, out of the chaotic elements suddenly thrown together in such confusion," he went on to pay his respects to Douglas, the Hudson's Bay Company, and the Courts, in these words:— Much was to be pardoned to the inexperience of an Executive hitherto dealing for the most part with savages, and, possibly unprepared by previous training for the more refined exigencies imposed by governmental relations with a white population:—much of the cause of complaints that have arisen was to some extent excusable, because due to the unlicensed rudeness of the subordinate officers of the Hudson's Bay Company and the Colonial Government, who, by reason of their long isolation from civilized society and their habitual intercourse with Indians, had unlearned most of the finer traits of humanity, and were scarcely accountable for a grossness of conduct that had become to them a second nature:—and, lastly, much was to be excused in the ignorance and want of tone of courts organized out of such crude and unfit materials as those, the only ones that were at hand on the sudden influx of the strangers. In some instances, no doubt, these courts have fallen short of even the limited expectations justified by the peculiar circumstances of their construction, and the strange c they were composed. (23) Ibid., pp. 28-29. 66 Robie L. Reid. January In a later paragraph he expressed the hope that the British Government would provide remedies for these evils and abuses without unnecessary delay, and advised American citizens, if oppressed or wronged, to apply to the local Courts for redress. ' It is to be hoped they will obtain justice [Nugent continued]: but should those tribunals, unfortunately, be too impotent, too ignorant, or too corrupt to administer the law with impartiality and firmness, our citizens may reckon with certainty upon the prompt and efficient interference of their own Government in their behalf. This was followed by a reference to the strong stand the United States had taken when dealing with an upstart government in Nicaragua, the inference being that similar action could be expected in British Columbia under circumstances that Nugent chose to regard as parallel. It is noteworthy that although the Victoria Gazette was owned and edited by American citizens from San Francisco, Nugent's address appeared as a paid advertisement, and strong exception to its contents was taken by the Gazette in an editorial :— We need hardly say that we dissent from the conclusions of the document, and disapprove its tone. . . . The allusion to the acquired or natural unfitness of the authorities of British Columbia and this Colony [Vancouver Island], for the positions they occupy, is as glaring an exhibition of bad taste as diplomatic records contain; and the quotation from Gen. Cass's letter of instructions, in the case of an ephemeral, irresponsible Spanish-American government, as indicative of the manner in which the relations of the United States with Great Britain would be carried out, is not only sophistical but insulting to the latter power. It is also noteworthy that the early training of the statesman whose language is thus misused, was amid such associations as the Special Agent declares to have unfitted the authorities of British Columbia and Vancouver Island for the administration of civilized government—the Hon. Lewis Cass having long had the management of Indian affairs in the then Northwestern portion of the American Union. . . M Some months later the Gazette returned to the subject, and made this interesting comment:— That the officers of Her Majesty's Government in British Columbia have fallen into grave errors at times, we have no disposition to dispute; but that generally they are gentlemen in every sense of the word, and at least the peers of their official villifier [sic], no just man who has had any intercourse with them will question. If evidence were needed to establish the fact, it might be found in the dignified forbearance and stinging contempt with,which they passed over the gravely fantastic antics of the Special Agent, in his attempts to " promote subordination."26 Victoria's other newspaper, the British Colonist, though edited by Amor de Cosmos, and bitterly opposed to the Douglas regime, had this to say concerning Nugent's statement:— Had a similar address been issued by the British Consul at San-Francisco, though warranted through the corruption of officials, and the abuse of British subjects, he would probably have been insulted or shot before night, and the California press would have blazed with indignation. ... If officially authorized to speak in behalf of his countrymen, we believe Mr. Nugent should have communicated the abuses—which Americans in common with Englishmen have suffered—to the authorities, and if redress was not given, then quietly to his government. That he told some truths, in our opinion does not justify him as an official agent.2^ Possibly to the surprise of Amor de Cosmos, some of the San Francisco papers were highly indignant at the publication of Nugent's address. The Evening Bulletin considered that he had " gratuitously offered gross-insults to the local government," and referred to the " ungenerous, undignified, illiberal and malicious sentiment expressed in Mr. Nugent's address."27 When copies of the document reached London, The Times quoted from it at length, and made this stinging comment:— This language is insolent and offensive without being innocuous. . . . But nothing can be more disgraceful in any one who pretends to rank as an educated man than to scatter mischief in a society such as this, and to teach a population to despise the legal authority of the officers of the Government upon whose territory they dwell. Such a man as this is a public nuisance. Happily we believe his evil desires will not be gratified. . . . There is no reason to believe that the American settlers will follow Mr. Nugent's evil counsels. But this is no fault of Mr. Nugent's. He has done all in his power to throw the colony into confusion and to bring disgrace upon the service to which he was attached."28 One further comment from nearer home is worth quoting because it refers to the vexed question of the Courts. It comes from the Puget Sound Herald, of Steilacoom, and is concerned chiefly with Chief Justice Cameron, of Vancouver Island, the only Judge in the whole region at the time of Nugent's visit:— (25) Ibid., April 19, 1859. This comment was prompted by the publication of Nugent's report. (26) British Colonist, January 22, 1859. (27) Evening Bulletin, San Francisco, November 23, 1858. (28) The Times, London, January 19, 1859. 68 Robie L. Reid. January We have formed a very favourable opinion of his [Judge Cameron's] ability, integrity, and purity. There seems to be a manifest desire on the part of the Judge to dispense Justice not only with rigidness and exactness, but with despatch. The manner in which Justice is meted out to parties ■ litigant and all of the transactions of the tribunal are apparently very much at variance with the wholesale denunciations heaped upon the authorities of the colony by Mr. Special Commissioner John Nugent. We make these remarks on the principle of giving " honour to whom honour is due."2' Nugent left Victoria on November 17, 1858, two days before the Colony of British Columbia was proclaimed at Fort Langley. He proceeded to Washington, where he submitted his report to President Buchanan on January 8,1859. On the 29th Buchanan transmitted it to the Senate, which two days later referred it to the Committee on Foreign Relations. It was ordered to be printed on February 17, and duly appeared, as a thirty-page Senate document, later in the spring. The report need not be considered in any detail. In it Nugent quotes certain passages from the address printed in the Victoria Gazette; as the San Francisco Evening Bulletin justly observed at the time, the report " is conceived in the same spirit . . . and is in a great measure an elaborate special pleading to support the obnoxious opinions expressed in that document."80 One or two new topics are introduced. The Hudson's Bay Company is suspected of having furnished the Indians of Washington and Oregon with arms and ammunition for use against the white population of those territories; the San Juan question is dealt with briefly. More interesting is a reference to the prospects of annexation. In Nugent's opinion Vancouver Island and British Columbia really offered no inducement sufficient to render them worthy of even a temporary struggle. It is true that, in all probability, both will eventually cease to be under European control. Their ultimate accession to the American possessions on the Pacific coast is scarcely problematical—but in the mean time their intrinsic value either of locality, soil, climate, or productions, does not warrant any effort on the part of the American government or the American people towards their immediate acquisition.81 " Manifest destiny" was a popular doctrine in the United States in 1858, and the passage may mean no more than that (29) Puget Sound Herald, February 11, 1859. (30) Evening Bulletin, San Francisco, April 1, 1859. (31) Nugent, Report, p. 17. 1944 John Nugent. 69 Nugent was an adherent of that school of thought. Some contend, however, that he had been sent deliberately to spy out the land, with annexation in view; that the reference to Nicaragua in his address was not accidental, but came to his mind naturally because he was considering the possibility of a filibustering expedition in British Columbia. One scrap of contemporary evidence supports this point of view. The anonymous correspondent who warned Douglas that briefs were being prepared against the ad valorem duty on imports warned him also that Nugent's fundamental purpose was subversive. He contended that the Special Agent counted upon at least a hundred thousand Americans being subject to his control,—that the British Government would be but nominal, and that though tacitly acknowledging the right of the English Government to make laws, yet the united strength and voice of the Americans would control and influence such laws, and gradually assimilate them to their own views and The Fraser River mines having proven to be much less rich and extensive than was at first thought, and the wealth of the Cariboo not having yet been discovered, the assumption is that Nugent did not think the.venture worth while, and so stated in his report. One of the remarkable features of the entire episode is the absence of any outward sign of displeasure from Governor Douglas. Neither Nugent nor his mission was so much as mentioned in any of his official dispatches to the Colonial Office until after the Special Agent had left the country. Finally, in January, 1859, Douglas forwarded to London a copy of the letter which has just been quoted in part. His covering dispatch read as follows:— Executive No. 64 I beg to enclose for the information of Her Majesty's Governmen of an important communication worthy of confidence though the v, name is for obvious reasons withheld. (32) Douglas to Lytton, January 5, 1859, enclosure No. 1. G Public Record Office transcripts, Provincial Archives. 70 Robie L. Reid. January The communication refers to Mr. Nugent late Special Agent for the United States at this place and points out the particular designs which the writer discovered he had in view. I forward this document rather as an illustration of the ideas floating in the mind of the simple American, who talks with confidence of the realization of such visions than with the view of creating alarm. Mr. Nugent would no doubt have protected to the best of his ability the interests of his country and countrymen in British Columbia, and he might have succeeded in exercising a pernicious influence over the latter and have excited a spirit of dissatisfaction with the established regulations of the country, but I conceive that nothing more serious could have occurred, as there are resources at our disposal sufficient to meet any emergency that may arise, and I feel satisfied that as long as we hold with a firm hand and superior force the avenues to British Columbia, no other power can I have the honor to be Sir Your most obedient humble servant JAMES DOUGLAS Governor British Columbia | The Right Honble. Sir Edward Bulwer Lytton Bart. Her Majesty's principal Secretary of State For the Colonial Department. This dispatch would seem to indicate that Douglas was inclined to believe the charges against Nugent. Just where the truth lies it is difficult, at this late date, to determine with much certainty. Douglas took one further step in the matter. Feeling that the treatment accorded to American citizens in British Columbia compared very favourably with that which had been meted out to British subjects in California, he prepared a memorandum on the subject and forwarded it to Lord Napier, the British ambassador in Washington. Towards the end of January, 1859, when opportunity offered, Napier submitted this memorandum to General Cass, the American Secretary of State. A dispatch from Napier to Lord Malmesbury, the British Foreign Secretary, describes the interview in these words:— I took occasion in my conversation with General Cass this morning to advert to the conduct of Mr. Nugent who was lately employed by the Government of the United States as Agent on the Pacific Frontier. I stated that I did not ask what the nature of his Reports had been; they were probably more or less conformable to the strictures formerly published by Governor Stevens and to the sense of Mr, Nugent's own manifesto and correspondence at Vancouver's Island, but I thought myself justified in placing unofficially in the possession of the department of State a memorandum on the State legislation of California respecting the rights of foreign miners, as the particulars contained in that document might be useful in correcting or completing information emanating from sources unfriendly to Governor Douglas. General Cass did not seem to regard the document with much favor, but he accepted it and is now in possession of proofs that the regulations prescribed in British Columbia are more liberal than those in force in the neighbouring territory of the United States. The memorandum compiled by Governor Douglas is enclosed herewith. I must do General Cass the justice to say that he expressed himself in complimentary terms respecting the character and conduct of Governor After his excursion into power politics, very little more was heard of John Nugent. In 1869 an attempt was made to resuscitate the San Francisco Herald, but within a few months the paper failed.84 In 1878 he contributed " Scraps of Early History," in six instalments, to the Argonaut,16 but these contain little autobiographical information. He died at San Leandro, Alameda County, California, on March 29, 1880. Referring next day to his career the Sacramento Daily Record-Union remarked:— Mr. Nugent had some very exalted ideas in regard to the external trappings of journalism, but he lived to learn that no matter how fine the furniture of a printing office, if it is not well supplied with practical sense it cannot be made to succeed. The same principle applies to the exercise of ambassadorial functions. Robie L. Reid. Vancouver, B.C. (33) Napier to Malmesbury, January 21, 1859; enclosure in Lytton to Douglas, February 21, 1859. (34) The original San Francisco Herald was published from June 1, 1850, to July 14, 1863. The revived journal first appeared on January 19, 1869; the last issue was dated October 6, 1869. (35) These appear in the issues dated February 23, March 9, 16, 23, and ■ 30, and April 13, 1878. Robie L. Reid. You are hereby appointed a special agent of the U. S. and will proceed without unnecessary delay to the vicinity of Frazer River on the North Pacific Ocean, where it is understood that valuable discoveries of gold have recently been made, which are likely to exert an important influence upon The President desires to be accurately informed with respect both to the locality and extent of these discoveries, the mode in which they are improved, the restrictions, if any, under which their work is pursued, the quality of the gold discovered, the means of access to the gold-region, the supply and kind of provisions, from what places and at what prices furnished, and generally all information on the subject, of a reliable character, which you may be able to give. It is impossible to mention in detail every point to which your attention is likely to be directed. Much must be left to your own judgment in this respect, upon which, I am glad to say, the President relies with confidence. A few questions, however, may be suggested as of much importance. These refer in part to the laws and regulations which you may find in force within the British Possessions with reference to the occupation and working of the mines, and the importation of supplies for the miners. Is there any duty upon provisions imported, and if so, how much? Is any license required to enable the miners to enter and work in the gold region? If there is, by what authority is it issued, and what charge is made for it? Is there any, and what, distinction made, within the British Possessions, between British subjects and foreigners, in respect either to their entrance into the country or their rights and privileges afterwards? What is the number of British subjects there, and of American citizens? How many of each class are engaged in mining? Are their relations friendly, or is there any ill-feeling between them? The position and number of the Indians in the neighborhood of the gold region are also important subjects of inquiry. To what extent are they hostile to the miners? What injuries have they committed? Are their hostilities extending? ■ What military or naval force have the British authorities in the vicinity of the river? What voluntary arrangements, if any, have been made by the miners for their own protection? Any facts (36) In Records of the Department of State, Domestic Letters, July 1, 1858-January 18, 1859. Printed from a photostat of the original official record copy, supplied to the Provincial Archives by the National Archives of the United States. 1944 John Nugent. 73 with which you may be able to furnish the Dep't on this subject will be highly acceptable. In connection with your inquiries as to the extent of the gold country in the United States, it is desirable that you should inform yourself, as well as you can, with respect to the course of overland emigration to that region. Have any and what trails been opened from our own country to the British Possessions? Are there any traveled routes from Minnesota and Washington Territories? Can you hear of any new settlements formed, within our possessions, in the neighborhood of the gold-region, which are likely to "become important? I will thank you to make your inquiries on these points as full as possible. You can readily understand their bearing upon the great interests of our North Western territories. With these instructions you will receive copies of several communications on the subject of the Frazer River discoveries, and the authority and conduct of the Hudson's Bay Company, which you may find of interest. You will find, also, a copy of a note of Lord Malmesbury, the British Minister of Foreign Affairs to Mr. Dallas,8' dated June 17, 1858, which refers to the probable policy of Great Britain in the region of the gold discoveries. Since the date of this note, a communication has been published by the British Minister for the Colonies, Sir Edward Lytton, to Gov. Douglass of the Hudson's Bay Company, which still further explains what the policy may be expected to be. These communications taken in connection with a recent debate on the same subject in the British Parliament, and with repeated conversation which I have had concerning it with the British Minister at Washington, Lord Napier, lead to the confident hope, that the proceedings of the British Government and its officer with reference to the gold discoveries within its N[orth]. A[merican]. possessions will be characterised by a liberal spirit, and will be of such nature as will prevent any reasonable cause of complaint on the part of our citizens. If any abuses have already occurred, it is probable that due rei them, and any existing hardship will be removed, ii action of the British authorities. At all events, the unremitted attention of this government will be given to accomplish these results, and ensure to our citizens in that quarter the most fair and liberal treatment. Of this you may give them the most full assurances. But you will take care to remind them also, that they have duties as well as rights, and that while they expect the latter to be maintained, they must not hesitate to discharge the former. So long as they reside in a foreign country, they must remember that they are subject to its laws and to all the lawful regulations of its authorities. Whenever , these regulations are onerous and oppressive, their own Government, you will renewedly assure them, will not fail to take the necessary steps to procure their modification or repeal. In order to ascertain whether such instances of hardship exist is one of the objects of your agency. You will, of course, call upon Governor Douglass, and you may explain to him the purposes of your journey. A letter of introduction to that gen- (37) Alexander Grant Dallas, of the Hudson's Bay Company. 74 Robie L. Reid. January tleman will be furnished you by Lord Napier, and it is hoped that your intercourse with him may be of the most free and friendly character. It is an object of the first importance to preserve the peace among the excited population who will occupy the region of gold, and it is hoped that Governor Douglass will endeavor to secure this object by every means in his power. I do not doubt that your visit may tend to accomplish the same Enclosed you will find an extract from a communication to this Dept. of A. Campbell, Esq., U. S. Commissioner, &c., Ate.,88 by which you will see that in order to prevent as far as possible any dispute with respect to the boundary between the American and British possessions on the Pacific, he proposes to cut a line through the forest to the Cascade range of mountains. This suggestion of Mr. Campbell has been approved by the Department. Your compensation, at the rate of $8 per day, will commence from the date of these instructions and will continue until you return to your home in California. Your traveling expenses will also be paid. For these, as far as possible, you will furnish vouchers. You will report as early and as often as you can, to the Department. No definite time can be assigned for the continuance of your agency, but it is expected that you will be able to make your final report in time to be communicated to Congress at the opening of the next session. I "am, Sir, &c, 2. NUGENT'S FAREWELL ADDRESS, NOVEMBER 13, 1858.3s Having received from citizens of the United States, mining and trading on Fraser's River and in its vicinity, a number of letters complaining of acts of injustice and oppression at the hands of the Colonial authorities,— and being on the eve of my departure to lay my report before the Government at Washington, I take this public method of apprizing American citizens sojourning in Vancouver's Island and British Columbia, of the views of our Government in regard to their rights and standing in these I need scarcely say that the Government of the United States expects of its own citizens abroad, a decent conformity with local regulations, obedience to the laws of the countries they visit, and a proper show of respect for the authorities by whom those laws are administered. This is exacted of strangers visiting the different States of the Union, who are amenable to punishment for a violation of the laws of those States, or of the United (38) Archibald Campbell, United States boundary cw»... after failing to come to an agreement with the British c regarding the boundary through the San Juan archipelago, was at this time engaged in determining the line between Point Roberts and the Cascades. (39) Here reprinted from the Victoria Gazette, November 16, 1858. The address also appears in Nugent, Report, pp. 11-13. States, as are American citizens for infraction of the laws of such foreign countries as they may enter in pursuit of pleasure, or of business. Such of our 'citizens, therefore, as have taken up their temporary residence in British Columbia and Vancouver's Island, are subject, like all other residents, to the laws of the Colonies and of Great Britain, and are liable, like all others, to the penalties meted out by those laws to persons properly convicted of their violation. I am aware that an elaborate attempt to impress these facts upon my fellow citizens in these Colonies, would be superfluous. Their sobriety of deportment, their decent observance of all the proprieties of life, in the midst of privations and annoyances of no common degree, and their obedience to the law under very trying provocations to its infringement,— although they may not have gained for them such liberal treatment as was due to that forbearance and good conduct,—have, nevertheless, commanded ■ the respect of the strangers among whom they are cast, and cannot fail to be subjects of pride and gratulation to their own Government. Considering the circumstances attending the recent settlement of these Colonies, it was scarcely to be expected that a well-regulated Government could be at once built up, out of the chaotic elements suddenly thrown together in such confusion. Much was to be pardoned to the inexperience of an Executive hitherto dealing for the most part with savages, and, possibly unprepared by previous training for the more refined exigencies imposed by governmental relations with a white population:—much of the cause of complaints that have arisen was to some extent excusable, because due to the unlicensed rudeness of the subordinate officers of the Hudson's Bay Company and the Colonial Government, who, by reason of their long isolation from civilized society and their habitual intercourse with Indians, had unlearned most of the finer traits of humanity, and were scarcely accountable for a grossness of conduct that had become to them a second nature:—and, lastly, much was to be excused in the ignorance and want of tone of courts organized out of such crude and unfit materials as those, the only ones that were at hand on the sudden influx of the strangers. In some instances, no doubt, these courts have fallen short of even the limited expectations justified by the peculiar circumstances of their construction, and the strange constituents of which they were composed. But it is not to be doubted that the British Government will, without unnecessary delay, provide remedies for the evils and abuses arising from this condition of things—evils and abuses affecting not alone the prosperity of its own subjects, but the rights of citizens of a foreign and a friendly power. The forbearance, in the meantime, of the citizens of the United States: their quiet observance of the laws, under any aggressions on their rights of which they may have to complain, will not alone have its reward in the consciousness of having done credit to their country—a country whose institutions are based upon that all-pervading love of order, and that spirit of obedience to the law which distinguishes its citizens,—but it will, moreover, entitle them to the active intervention of their own government for the redress of their grievances, and for the protection of their rights. That I 76 Robie L. Reid. the Government of the United States, upon proper cause being shown— after recourse shall have been had in vain to the tribunals, against acts of oppression or injustice—will so intervene for the redress and protection of its citizens in British Columbia and Vancouver's Island, I am authorized and instructed to give them the most emphatic assurance. If wrong be done them, let them appeal to the courts. It is to be hoped they will obtain justice: but should those tribunals, unfortunately, be too impotent, too ignorant, or too corrupt to administer the law with impartiality and firmness, our citizens may reckon with certainty upon the prompt and efficient interference of their own Government in their behalf. The best guaranty I can furnish them of the certainty of such interposition, will be found in the subjoined declaration by the Hon. Lewis Cass, Secretary of State of the United States, in a recent dispatch to our Minister in Nicaragua, enunciating clearly and vigorously the views of our Government in respect to the rights of our citizens visiting foreign countries: " The United States believe it to be their duty—and they mean to execute it—to watch over the persons and property of their citizens visiting foreign countries, and to intervene for their protection when such action is justified by existing circumstances and by the law of nations. Wherever their citizens may go through the habitable globe, when they encounter injustice they may appeal to the Government of their country, and the appeal will be examined into, with a view to such action on their behalf as it may be proper to take. It is impossible to define in advance and with precision those cases in which the national power may be exerted for their relief, or to what extent relief shall be afforded. Circumstances as they arise must prescribe the rule of action. In countries where well-defined and established laws are in 6peration, and where their administration is committed to able and independent judges, cases will rarely occur where such intervention will be necessary. But these elements of confidence and security are not everywhere found; and where that is unfortunately the case, the United States are called upon to be more vigilant in watching over their citizens, and to interpose efficiently for their protection, when they are subjected to tortuous proceedings by the direct action of the Government, or by its indisposition or inability to discharge its duties." It is unnecessary for me to make any further or more pointed application of this declaration to the circumstances of American citizens in these Colonies. Their own intelligence and prudence will enable them so to guard their conduct that they shall never forfeit that provident and fatherly care and protection which it promises, and which the Government of the United States has both the ability and the will to exercise over all its children, in whatever part of the world they may be. JOHN NUGENT, Special Agent of the United States. Victoria, Vancouver's Island November 13th, 1858. NOTES AND COMMENTS. SOME ARCHIVES ACCESSIONS IN 1943. Manuscripts. Since the last list of new accessions was printed in the October, 1942, issue of the Quarterly a number of important files of departmental records have been transferred to the Archives. The extensive collection of Judges' trial note-books acquired in the last few years was again amplified by the transfer of sixty-two note-books from the Vancouver Court-house. These ' were kept by Chief Justice Gordon Hunter, Chief Justice Auley Macaulay Morrison, and Judges Gregory, Ellis, Grant, Schultz, Ruggles, Bole, and Cane. They were secured through the kindness of the Hon. R. L. Maitland, K.C., Attorney-General of British Columbia, and Mr. J. F. Mather, District Registrar in Vancouver. From the Department of Mines the Archives received twenty-nine Record and Letter Books of the Cassiar Mining District, covering the years 1874- 1906. They throw new light on mining operations at Glenora, Telegraph Creek, and Laketon, particularly during the gold-rush of 1874 and ensuing years. For this valuable addition to the collection of mining records the Archives is indebted to Dr. J. F. Walker, Provincial Mineralogist and Deputy Minister of Mines. A third transfer included a quantity of outward correspondence from the Premier's office, covering dates up to and including 1901. These papers are of special interest, for relatively few of the records relating to the early Premiers of the Province seem to have survived, possibly because the incumbents regarded their correspondence as a personal affair, and removed the files when they resigned office. This transfer was effected through the kind offices of the Hon. John Hart, Premier of British Columbia. From Mr. Hart the Archives also received a photostat copy of Colonel C. S. Bulkley's letter-book for 1865-67, which had been presented to him by Brigadier-General J. A. O'Connor, U.S.A., and the Hon. Ian Mackenzie, Canadian Minister of Pensions and National Health. Colonel Bulkley was, in 1865, engineer in charge of the construction of the celebrated Collins Overland Telegraph line, which was intended to link the telegraph systems of the United States and Russia by means of a wire extending through British Columbia, Alaska, and Siberia. The original letter-book is in the Public Library of Portland, Oregon, and portions of it were of much interest to the engineers in charge of the building of the Alaska Highway, construction of which was supervised by General O'Connor. Shortly after acquiring the Bulkley papers, the Archives became the happy possessor of a collection of original letters and diaries of Edmund Conway, one of Colonel Bulkley's engineers in British Columbia in 1865-67. The documents were the gift of Edmund Conway's daughter, Miss E. M. Conway, of Montreal, and form a most interesting companion-piece to the Bulkley letter-book. 78 Notes and Comments. January Two further accessions, though not in manuscript form, may most fittingly be mentioned at this point. From Mr. Isaac Burpee, of Portland, Oregon, the Archives received an original page from the issue of Harper's Weekly, dated August 12, 1865, containing an article on the Collins Overland Telegraph and reproducing two interesting contemporary sketches of New Westminster. By a curious coincidence, Dr. James J. Talman, of the University of Western Ontario, presented a photostat of one side of the same page at almost the same time. The outstanding event of the year was the receipt, through the kindness of Lieut.-Colonel F. R. S. Balfour, of Stobo, Scotland, of a number of original letters and documents relating to Archibald Menzies, surgeon and naturalist with Captain Vancouver's expedition in 1791-95. Among these is Menzies' farewell letter, addressed jointly to his brother James and to his mother, written in H.M.S. Discovery at Falmouth on March 31, 1791, and Sir Joseph Banks' instructions to Menzies for his guidance in carrying out his mission during the expedition. Other documents are Menzies' diploma from the University of Aberdeen, which granted him his M.D. degree in 1799; diplomas from the Edinburgh and Leipzig Natural History and Research societies; and the probate of his will, to which is attached an extract from the will itself. In addition, there are six sixteenth century documents in Latin, pertaining to the Menzies estates in Scotland. With the documents came two beautiful miniatures of Archibald Menzies and his wife, Janet, a gold watch, and a seal. The latter accompanied the naturalist on his expedition to North-west America. The Archives is greatly indebted to Colonel Balfour for this magnificent gift, and to Mr. W. A. McAdam, Agent-General for British Columbia in London, by whose kindly and interested co-operation special arrangements were made to safeguard the relics while they were in transit from London to Victoria. From the University of Washington Library the department received a number of typewritten translations of French, Spanish, and Russian narratives of expeditions to the North Pacific Coast. These were particularly welcome, as the narratives are, for the most part, new to the Archives collection. The translations were made by W.P.A. workers employed by the University of Washington Library during the depression. To Mrs. William Henderson, of Victoria, the Archives is indebted for a series of diaries kept by her late husband during the years 1916-19. William Henderson was a civil engineer employed by the Public Works Department of Canada, and participated in the building of the famous Astrophysical Observatory on Little Saanich Mountain. Mrs. Henderson's gift included a number of photographs taken while the Observatory was Mr. John T. Gawthrop, of the Post-war Rehabilitation Council, was kind enough to write and present a short memorandum describing the Mining Training Project of 1935-39, of which he was one of the directors. This 'project, which was designed by the Provincial Government to help relieve unemployment during the depression and to train young men in placer- 1944 Notes and Comments. 79 mining, will in time attain historic value. Mr. Gawthrop very kindly loaned his photograph album to the Archives, in order that a selection of pictures illustrating the Training Project might be copied and filed with the memorandum. An unusual document was received from Dr. Robie L. Reid, who presented the original of the sworn statement of Captain John R. Fleming concerning the negro slave-boy Charles, whose arrival at Victoria in Captain Fleming's ship, the Eliza Anderson, caused such excitement in 1860. It will be recalled that Dr. Reid told the story of the boy and his release in the October, 1942, number of this Quarterly. An item of much interest to students of the life and achievements of John Work was the acquisition, through the kindness of Mr. Isaac Burpee, of a copy of the fur-trader's will, hitherto unavailable to the general public. Museum Exhibits. An unusually large number of beautiful and rare exhibits have been received during the past year, including the Menzies miniatures and relics to which reference has already been made. Another outstanding item was a collection of mementoes of the late Dr. J. S. Plaskett, for many years Director of the Dominion Astrophysical Observatory, and one of the most active members of the British Columbia Historical Association. Amongst these are the insignia of the Order of the British Empire, received by Dr. Plaskett when he was made a Companion of the Order in 1935, and the interesting letter to Dr. Plaskett from the Hon. R. B. Bennett, then Prime Minister of Canada, in which he asked Dr. Plaskett's permission to recommend him for' the Order. Other items in the collection, which was presented by Mrs. Plaskett, include replicas of the Henry Draper and Rumford gold medals awarded to Dr. Plaskett, and an ambrotype of the Doctor as a child. Mrs. David Doig presented a small portable organ which had been used in Dawson during the Klondike gold-rush by her late husband, who was manager of the Bank of British North America in the Yukon Territory, and who was well known in both banking and musical circles in Victoria. Through the kindness of Mrs. Oscar Bass, several barristers' wigs were presented to the Archives. These were once the property of P. A. Irving, H. D. Helmcken, and E. V. Bodwell. Mrs. John Hart was kind enough to present some pieces from a dinner set once used by Hudson's Bay Company families at Fort Victoria. They are decorated with the Company's coat of arms and are a most welcome addition to the Fort Victoria relics. The Misses Lovell presented a beautiful set of gold scales, complete with weights, once used by their father, the late J. B. Lovell, at Glenora during the Cassiar rush, and later. They also presented some quaint Victorian wax and seaweed framed posies. From Dr. Rome L. Reid, of Vancouver, came a small crucible once used in the minting of gold coins at the historic mint in New Westminster. Shortly after its arrival the Archives was able to acquire two similar crucibles of larger size that were also originally in the New Westminster mint. 80 Notes and Comments. January Mr. James Ogden Grahame presented his original contract with the Hudson's Bay Company, dated 1866, as well as his junior Chief Trader's and Chief Trader's commissions, which are dated 1877 and 1879 respectively. Documents of this description are now becoming rare, and their old-fashioned wording and faultless penmanship make them of unusual interest and value. A staff such as those formerly presented to Indian chiefs by colonial governors, and a small totem-pole carved by the Indian Charlie James, of Alert Bay, were received through the kindness of His Honour W. C. Woodward, Lieutenant-Governor of British Columbia. From Mr. A. N. Mouat came two illuminated addresses, one of which was presented to him on the occasion of his retirement from the Edmonton City Council and the other at the time of his retirement from the British Columbia Provincial Civil Service. A third illuminated address, presented to the late Joseph Randle by his co-workers at the Nanaimo mines when he retired in 1904, was given to the department by Mrs. Randle. Another interesting memento was a horseshoe made of copper from the pioneer steamer Beaver; this came from the estate of the late J. E. Jeffcott. Numerous other exhibits, including bank books, indentures, marriage certificates, etc., were gratefully received from Mr. A. C. Pitts, Mrs. W. A. Harper, and Mr. B. A. McKelvie. Picture Collection. Mention has already been made of the Menzies miniatures, and of the very interesting pictures received with the Plaskett collection, the Henderson diaries, and Mr. Gawthrop's memorandum on the Mining Training Project. Of the many other items received, perhaps the outstanding accession was a splendid framed copy of The Caning in Conduit Street, a cartoon depicting the episode of the contretemps between Captain George Vancouver and Thomas Pitt, 2d Baron Camelford, in 1795. This was presented by Mr. Isaac Burpee. Old group photographs are frequently both useful and popular exhibits, and a number of interesting examples were received during the year. Mr. J. C. Bridgman presented a framed group of British Columbia senators and parliamentary representatives at Ottawa in 1871; Mr. C. G. White gave a photograph of a group of pioneer civil servants standing on the steps of one of the old " Birdcages "; from Miss Becker came an interesting framed group of masters and boys taken outside the old Collegiate School on Church Hill in the middle eighties; Mr. A. N. Mouat presented a photograph of the last meeting of the commissioned officers of the Hudson's Bay Company, held in Winnipeg in 1887; and from Mrs. Joseph Randle came a photograph of prize-winners taken after a rifle match at Clover Point, her late husband and Captain James Harvey being included in the group. A further gift from Mr. Mouat included portraits of Sir Harry and Lady Smith, after whom the city of Ladysmith, Vancouver Island, is named. Four beautiful old albums were received, three of which came through the kindness of Senator G. H. Barnard. These all contain photographs of pioneer residents of Victoria. The fourth album was presented by Mr. Robert Mist, of Honolulu, and is devoted chiefly to photographs collected at 1944 Notes and Comments. 81 Esquimalt by Mr. Mist's father, Captain Henry Wentworth Mist, R.N., who was in command of H.M.S. Sparrowhawk on this station from 1868 to 1872.' In addition to the photographs the album contains a number of small water-colour sketches. The largest collection of photographs taken by any one person was received from the estate of the late C. C. Pemberton, through the kindness of his sister, Miss Evaline Pemberton. The photographs are mostly views of old Victoria homes, and were taken with great care by Mr. Pemberton himself. They are accompanied by detailed explanatory notes, giving the history of the houses and much information regarding the different families that occupied them. Several albums were loaned to the Archives during the year in order that certain pictures might be copied for the department's collection. Among them was a valuable album kindly made available by Colonel G. H. Ogilvie that illustrates the story of " C " battery and the beginnings of Work Point barracks during the years 1887-93. Equally interesting was the album loaned by Mr. A. C. Pitts, most of which was devoted to views of H.M.C.S. Rainbow and the historic submarines CCl and CC2, as well as to groups of officers of the R.N.C.V.R. who served in the Great War of 1914-18. In addition to loaning his album, Mr. Pitts presented several excellent photographs of pioneer business establishments on Yates Street in the seventies, and a striking likeness of his father, the late S. J. Pitts, a prominent merchant in former times. The Archives is indebted to Commissioner T. W. S. Parsons, of the British Columbia Provincial Police, for a set of photographs of the Alaska Highway; to the estate of the late J. E. Jeffcott for a dozen valuable marine photographs and a portrait of Mr. Jeffcott himself; to Mrs. George Phillips for more Esquimalt photographs; to Mr. E. T. Kenney for photographs of freighting along the route of the Grand Trunk Pacific Railway between the Rockies and Prince Rupert; and to Mr. Herbert Kent for a number of photographs of theatrical groups, ranging from the late nineties to the period of the first Great War. Mr. Kent was kind enough to identify most of the persons in these groups. The collection of lantern-slides was enriched by the gift of nearly 100 slides from Mrs. A. W. McCurdy. Some of these are views of Victoria taken about forty years ago, whilst others depict native flowers and plants. An added attraction is that many of the slides are in colour. Mention should also be made of a beautifully drawn map prepared by Rev. R. J. McGuinness, S.J., of Banff, tracing the journeys of Father De Smet through British Columbia in the years 1845-46. Father McGuinness has a remarkable knowledge of De Smet and his work, and has personally followed his footsteps over long stretches of his travels. Other maps received included tracings and blue-prints of the telegraph trails in the seventies and eighties, presented by Mr. 0. Leigh Spencer, of the Vancouver Daily Province. 82 NOTES AND Comments. January Printed Books. The most interesting accession of the year was the second volume of the Edmonton Bulletin, the first newspaper published in the little town destined later to become the capital of the Province of Alberta. The volume consists of twenty-seven numbers, published between October 29, 1881, and April 29, 1882. It was presented by Mrs. W. A. Harper, whose father, the late T. A. Dunlop, was one of the founders of the Bulletin. To Major F. V. Longstaff the Archives is again indebted for the gift of various pamphlets. Master R. W. Parsons presented a copy of Plutarch's Lives autographed by Amor De Cosmos. Last, but by no means least, from Mr. H. D. R. Stewart, of Calgary, came a copy of a rare early imprint— Sparshott's Military Manual of Infantry Drill, which was printed in New Westminster in 1861. Madge Wolfenden. Provincial Archives. BRITISH COLUMBIA HISTORICAL ASSOCIATION. Victoria Section. A meeting of the Section was held in the Provincial Library on the evening of December 10. Mr. F. C. Green, the Vice-President, was in the chair. The programme was in charge of the Native Sons of British Columbia, Post No. 1, and was designed to honour the memory of the late C. C. Pemberton, who was one of the most active and interested members of both the Native Sons and the British Columbia Historical Association. The speaker of the evening was Mr. L. W. Westendale, who first spoke on Mr. Pemberton's life and then quoted at length from a paper by Mr. Pemberton, part of which was devoted to a history of the Native Sons. Chartres Cecil Pemberton was born in Victoria on May 18, 1864. His father, the Hon. Augustus F. Pemberton, was successively Commissioner of Police, Magistrate, and County Court Judge. His mother was a sister of Chartres Brew, an officer of the Royal Irish Constabulary who was sent out by the British Government in 1858 to organize a police force on the mainland of British Columbia. Young Chartres was educated in the public schools of Victoria, in the grammar school of the Reformed Episcopal Church, and by a private tutor. Later he was articled to the firm of Drake & Jackson, and was called to the Bar in July, 1889. After practising law in Victoria for a decade, he went to the Yukon in 1899, and while there served as postmaster at Lake Bennett. Returning to Victoria in 1900, he was soon appointed Law Clerk to the Legislature, a post he held for many years. About the same time he entered the real-estate business, in which he was engaged until shortly before his death. Mr. Pemberton served overseas with the Forestry Corps during the first Great War. His death occurred in Victoria on January 26, 1943, in his seventy-ninth year. His interests were legion, but he will probably be longest remembered as an historian and a botanist. He was recognized as an arboriculturist of outstanding ability, and a few years ago circumstances enabled him to indulge 1944 Notes and Comments. 83 his interest in both history and trees simultaneously. After much effort he succeeded in transplanting a small arbutus tree, a species first described by Archibald Menzies, the naturalist who accompanied Captain Vancouver. When opportunity offered the little tree was shipped to England by sea, and there planted beside Vancouver's grave in Petersham churchyard. According to latest reports it is flourishing in its new surroundings; and in the years to come it will form, as Mr. Pemberton hoped and intended it should, a living link between the coast of British Columbia and the explorer who first charted its intricacies. In recalling the early history of the Native Sons of British Columbia, of which Mr. Pemberton was a charter member, Mr. Westendale related a curious experience that befell Lieutenant H. Bole during the Great War. When charging up Vimy Ridge he suddenly heard the distress call of the Native Sons. Searching about, he discovered a wounded Victorian who, in his delirium, had voiced the call he had learned at his initiation on the Pacific Coast.- It saved his life, for Lieutenant Bole was able to have-the wounded man taken back of the lines to a dressing-station. ' Vancouver Section. The Section hiet in the Grosvenor Hotel on the evening of October 26; the President, Mr. A. G. Harvey, presided. The speaker was Dr. Sylvia Thrupp, of the Department of History, the University of British Columbia, whose subject was The Historian—a Detective. Dr. Thrupp first pointed out that the mission of the historian must not be taken too lightly, for, amongst other things, it was the historian who in great part shaped the " collective memory " of the community. A thorough search for every scrap of available source material was therefore a matter of some importance; and this aspect of the subject led naturally to an interesting discussion of the similarities and contrasts between the historian's search for material and the detective's quest for evidence. Just as a detective sometimes feels instinctively that clues are lurking near if he could only see them, so the historian at times feels convinced that more material on his subject is hidden away somewhere, despite all appearances to the contrary. Dr. Thrupp quoted instance after instance in which some student, urged on by curiosity and enthusiasm, continued his search in the face of apparently conclusive evidence that the documents sought after had been destroyed. The usual story is that the papers were destroyed in a fire. " In the course of centuries," Dr. Thrupp remarked, " almost every mansion and public building has suffered at least one serious fire, and this provides a ready explanation for the disappearance of documents, and a most welcome excuse to lazy or ignorant custodians who do not wish to be put to the trouble of finding out whether or not, in actual fact, the papers wanted are still in existence." In one instance a student succeeded in bringing to light a most valuable file of documents that every one had taken for granted had been burned almost 400 years before. Likely hiding-places include cellars, garrets, and outhouses, in which old papers are frequently piled and quickly forgotten. In such places rats and mice usually have found them before the historian, but Notes and Comments. January fortunately neither their appetites nor their curiosity is apt to extend far beyond the edges of the outer layers of papers. The annual meeting of the Section was held in the Grosvenor Hotel on the evening of Thursday, November 18. More than eighty members and friends attended. The speaker was the Hon. E. C. Carson, Minister of Mines; his subject was The Early History of Lillooet. Mr. Carson's family pioneered in the Lillooet district many years ago, and his personal knowledge of the area and his familiarity with its every physical feature enabled him to describe the travels and activities of the early explorers, fur-traders, miners, and settlers in a most interesting and enlightening manner. He spoke first of Simon Fraser, who travelled down the Fraser River, past the present site of Lillooet, in 1808, and then briefly sketched the work of the traders sent into the district first by the North West Company and later by the Hudson's Bay Company. Finally, in 1858-59, came the gold-miners, whose arrival brought the town of Lillooet into existence. Transportation e, and Mr. Carson pointed out the great by Governor Douglas, and the ingenuity the difficulties in the way of the con- id bridges. Amongst other episodes Mr. was the key problem of the t emphasis rightly placed upon and success with which he n of much-needed Carson told the ai and heartening story of the famous volunteer corps that opened the road-and-water Harrison Lake, to the Fraser River followed.the address some one rem story about the time his own family hope was expressed that he would C( the second instalment of its history. The election of officers for the year 1944 was held, and resulted in the re-election of most of the executive, and the addition of several new members to the Council. Officers for 1944 are as follows:— from Port Douglas, at the head of Lillooet. During the discussion that •ked that Mr. Carson had ended his rrived in the Lillooet district, and the sent to return at a later date and tell Honorary President - President .... Vice-President - Honorary Secretary - Honorary Treasurer - Members of the Council— Mr. E. G. Baynes. Mr. J. R. V. Dunlop. Dr. W, Kaye Lamb. Mr. A. De B. McPhillips. Dr. W. N. Sage. Mr. K. A. Waites. The thanks of the Section were expressed to Miss Lillian Cope, who had kindly acted as Secretary during the latter part of 1943. VICTORIA CAVALCADE. An elaborate play-pageant entitled Victoria Cavalcade, designed as part of the celebration of the centenary of the city, was presented at the Royal - Dr. Robie L. Reid. Mr. A. G. Harvey. Miss Helen Boutilier. - Miss Audrey Reid. - Mr. G. B. White. Mr. E. M. Cotton. Mr. F. H. Johnson. Mr. D. A. McGregor. Miss Eleanor Mercer. Dr. Sylvia Thrupp. 1944 Notes and Comments. 85 Victoria Theatre on December 17 and 18, 1943. The play was written by Mr. A. M. D. Fairbairn and produced by the Victoria Little Theatre and Dramatic School. The main portion of the drama consisted of three one- act plays, which were preceded by several introductory scenes and followed by an epilogue. The whole pageant was linked together by a commentary spoken by the author. The first scene represented Vancouver Island before the coming of the white man. This was followed by a scene depicting the choice of the site of Fort Victoria by James Douglas. Next came the erection of the fort, and, concluding the preliminary scenes, a representation of the arrival of Richard Blanshard, first Governor of Vancouver Island, in 1850. Of the three plays the first, His Excellency Requests the Pleasure, told the amusing story of a reception held by Governor Blanshard in the first Government House. (This play, it will be recalled, was presented with great success some years ago at a Blanshard Day celebration held in the ball-room of the present Government House.) The second play was entitled Grand Ball in the Fort, and depicted the Christmas Eve party given by Governor Douglas in old Fort Victoria in 1854. Lastly came Cargo of Crinolines, an episode built around the arrival of one of the famous " bride ships " in 1862. The epilogue—Sovereignty, May 80, 1939—concerned the visit to Victoria of Their Majesties the King and Queen, and introduced the ghost of Governor Blanshard, which surveyed the spectacle with interest and satisfaction. Excellent scenery and colourful costumes, many of them authentic relics of the period represented, contributed to the success of the pageant. CONTRIBUTORS TO THIS ISSUE. Six of Judge Howay's friends have united to pay him tribute in this memorial issue of the Quarterly. Henry R. Wagner, A.B., LL.B. (Yale), D.Litt. (Pomona), of San Marino, California, shared to the full Judge Howay's interest in early voyages to the Northwest Coast. But whereas the Judge was most concerned with the maritime fur trade, Dr. Wagner gave first place to exploration and cartography. Each became the acknowledged authority in his particular field, and owing to the division of their interests the work of one complemented that of the other. Of Dr. Wagner's many publications the best known are probably Sir Francis Drake's Voyage Around the World, Spanish Explorations in the Strait of Juan de Fuca, and his monumental two-volume work, The Cartography of the Northwest Coast of America To the Year 1800. W. Stewart Wallace, B.A. (Toronto), M.A. (Oxford), is Librarian of the University of Toronto. He was virtually the founder and was for ten years editor of the Canadian Historical Review. He was formerly the Secretary and is now President of the Champlain Society, for which he edited McLean's Notes of a Twenty-five Years' Service in the Hudson's Bay Territory and a volume of Documents Relating to the North West Company. In 1926 he published a Dictionary of Canadian Biography, and in 1935-37 acted as general editor of the Encyclopedia of Canada. 86 Notes and Comments. Walter N. Sage, M.A. (Oxford), Ph.D. (Toronto), is Head of the Department of History in the University of British Columbia. He has published many papers and articles relating to the history of the Province, and is the author of the standard life of Douglas, Sir James Douglas and British Columbia. In 1942 he published, in collaboration with Judge Howay and Professor H. F. Angus, British Columbia and the United States, a volume in the " Relations of Canada and the United States " series. Noel Robinson is well known throughout the West as a writer and journalist. Students of British Columbia history will recall that it was he who secured from the late Walter Moberley his amazing story, Blazing the Trail through the Rockies, which appeared first iii the old News- Advertiser, and was later rewritten and issued in book form. Mr. Robinson and Judge Howay had a host of literary interests in common, and he is therefore peculiarly well qualified to write of the Judge from that point of view. It is fitting that an article by Robie L. Reid, LL.D. (British Columbia), should appear in this issue. Dr. Reid and Judge Howay first met in 1885, and thus were friends for nearly sixty years. Both developed a keen interest in the history of British Columbia, and, in addition to a volume entitled The Assay Office and the Proposed Mint at New Westminster, Dr. Reid has contributed many papers to the Transactions of the Royal Society of Canada and to various historical periodicals. W. Kaye Lamb, M.A. (British Columbia), Ph.D. (London), formerly Provincial Librarian and Archivist, is now Librarian of the University of British Columbia. THE NORTHWEST BOOKSHELF. The besetting sin of most regional historical societies is an undue preoccupation with matters of purely local concern. This Tenth Report indicates that no such charge can be levelled against the Okanagan Historical Society. More than half the report is devoted to topics of interest to all Canadians, and the import of some of the articles is wider still. Typical of this part of the report is the first paper, A Plea for the French Language, in which Miss Marjorie M. Jenkins presents a point of view that all English- speaking Canadians would do well to ponder. For Miss Jenkins regards Canada's bi-lingual heritage as a blessing, not a curse. She points out some of the cultural and practical advantages that would come to us if we recognized this fact and acted accordingly; and she points out further that the sooner we admit to ourselves that both languages are here to stay the better, "because there is not the slightest probability that either one will ever be abandoned." This paper is followed by a brief note on the Statute of Westminster, a discussion of the necessity for a Canadian flag, and some remarks upon Canada's foreign relations. Mr. Leonard Norris contributes several papers, including an interesting thirty-page essay on Some Aspects of the Carnarvon Terms. After sketching in the characters of the three principal persons involved—Lord Carnarvon, Prime Minister Mackenzie, and Premier Walkem—Mr. Norris first shows how unorthodox and extraordinary the episode was in many respects, and then proceeds to search for motives. In his opinion the key lies in the arbitration award which in 1871 gave the San Juan archipelago to the United States. In military terms the effect of this award was to isolate Victoria from the rest of Vancouver Island, and cut off Burrard Inlet from the sea. A railway between Esquimalt and Nanaimo—which in 1874 was not in the least necessary for any peace-time purpose—would to some extent rectify the situation; and Mr. Norris contends that it was the desire of the British Government to see this strategic line constructed that accounted for Lord Carnarvon's strange excursion into Canada's domestic affairs. Mr. Burt R. Campbell tells the story of the Inland Sentinel, now the Kamloops Sentinel, the oldest newspaper in the Interior of British Columbia. Founded originally at Emory Bar in 1880, the Sentinel first migrated to Yale, and then in 1884 moved on to Kamloops, where it has been published for almost sixty years. Mr. L. A. Hayman writes a history of the Kelowna- . Westbank ferry, which he himself operated for many years. Mr. G. C. Tassie explains the origin of a number of well-known place-names. An up-to-the-minute note is struck by the sketch and photograph of Alexis Smith, the young Penticton-born screen star, who is rapidly climbing to the top of the tree in Hollywood. British Columbia Historical Quarterly, Vol. VIII., No. 1. 87 88 The Northwest Bookshelf. January In addition to more than a dozen articles, the Tenth Report contains a number of reviews and comments on topics raised in various books and articles. The publications noticed include British Columbia and the United States, by F. W. Howay, W. N. Sage, and H. F. Angus, and several articles that have appeared in this Quarterly. The new Report is well printed and presented, and the Okanagan Historical Society is to be congratulated upon the appearance of so substantial a publication under present conditions. That the Society continues to enjoy widespread support is shown by the membership list, which includes more than 400 names. Copies of the Tenth Report may be obtained from the Society's Secretary-Treasurer, Mr. Leonard Norris (address: P.O. Box 897, Vernon, B.C.), who is once again chiefly responsible for the new addition to the Report series. - W. Kaye Lamb. Resources of Pacific Northwest Libraries: A Survey of Facilities for Study and Research. By John VanMale. Seattle: Pacific Northwest Library Association, 1943. Pp. xv., 404. $4. Readers of an historical publication may wonder why this book, which deals with library problems, should be reviewed here. But the sub-title indicates that historians, who are dependent on books and on librarians, will here find help in their research. Resources of Pacific Northwest Libraries grew out of the activities of the Committee on Bibliography of the Pacific Northwest Library Association, and its establishment of the Pacific Northwest Bibliographic Centre in Seattle. Before an actual centralized library service for this region could be put into effect, a knowledge of the materials available was necessary; and this book is the report of such a survey. The individual libraries (and the list is surprisingly long, for a region so young and so scattered) surveyed their own collections, and Dr. VanMale, after visiting each institution, evaluated and compiled the returns. The result is a comprehensive over-all picture of scholarly materials in the Pacific Northwest. The book is conveniently arranged so that the research worker can turn immediately to the subject-field in which he is interested. History is treated in the chapter on " Social Sciences." Dr. VanMale reports that, despite their brief life-span and the lack of large endowment funds, many local libraries have assembled remarkably good collections. In Pacific Northwest history they " have managed to acquire and preserve practically the entire printed record of the region " in newspapers and books. Current ephemeral printed matter, however, is not stressed in our institutions, a fact which future historians will greatly regret. A systematic scheme for specialization in the preservation of church, business, labour, and other reports is most necessary in this area. The survey shows that the larger Pacific Northwest history collections at the Provincial Library, the Universities of Washington and Oregon, and at the historical societies of Montana and Oregon, differ greatly in scope. 1944 The Northwest Bookshelf. 89 Some stress manuscripts and atlases of early explorations; others later periods and different districts. In his " Program for the Future " Dr. VanMale points out that local libraries have tended to buy books with a brief life expectancy rather than those which will " become a part of the cultural wealth of the institution, city, state, and region in which they are held." After the war, if the expected economic expansion of the Pacific Northwest occurs, our collections will prove inadequate to meet the increased demands for research materials. Few local libraries will have sufficient funds to build up suitable new collections, and we must undertake some sort of regional planning for library, as well as for natural resources. Important preliminary steps toward this end have already been taken with the establishment of a Union Catalogue at the Pacific Northwest Bibliographic Centre—a catalogue which lists the complete holdings of the principal libraries of the region. The author suggests that librarians search out, through organized community groups, the people's library needs, both present and future. They should plan to meet these needs by each agreeing to concentrate on certain fields, to refer certain reference questions to specialized libraries, and to facilitate if possible the existing system of inter-library loans. Historians will, therefore, find much help and many new suggestions in this book. But readers must bear in mind the foreword's caution that " titles credited to one library may be held in other libraries even though not so recorded." It is all too easy to get the impression that certain titles are held only by the specific library mentioned. Perhaps the listing of representative titles need not have been so detailed—it would be sufficient for the reader (and the librarian) to know what is in the region, and how he may obtain it through his local library. Type and format are pleasing, and every reader will appreciate the ease of reference which is afforded by the exhaustive index. Eleanor B. Mercer. The Panama Route 1848-1869. By John Haskell Kemble. Berkeley: University of California Press, 1943. Pp. xii., 316. $3. (University of California Publications in History, vol. 29.) For twenty eventful years—from the discovery of gold in California until the completion of the first transcontinental railway—the Panama route was " the best way of travel and communication between the Atlantic and Pacific coasts of the United States." Doubtless because it was superseded so completely by the railway, its importance has been overlooked by historians, and this is the first volume in which trade and travel via the isthmus have been described in detail. Nor is it a small-scale story. Between 1848 and 1869 no less than 110 steamers were employed at one time or another on the Atlantic or the Pacific; over 800,000 passengers travelled over the route, and the vessels transported over $750,000,000 in treasure. The story opens quietly, in the years before the gold-rush, when the Panama route was attracting attention in the United States chiefly because The Northwest Bookshelf. January it afforded the best means of establishing regular communication with the newly-acquired Oregon territory. Eventually the United States Mail Steamship Company undertook to provide a steamer service between New York and the isthmus, and the Pacific Mail Steamship Company was organized to operate a line from Panama to California and Oregon. Both companies received liberal subsidies in the form of mail contracts. Just as they were ' about to commence operations on the modest scale circumstances seemed to justify, news of the gold discovery in California gave rise to a tremendous demand for transportation. The mail companies, and in particular the Pacific Mail Company, did their best to handle the enormous traffic, but inevitably rival lines were attracted to the scene. A period of frenzied competition followed. The figure that loomed largest .in the opposition ranks was Cornelius Vanderbilt, and the most interesting episode was his determined effort to defeat the Pacific Mail and its Atlantic counterpart by developing a new and shorter trans-isthmian route through Nicaragua. For a few months in 1853 the volume of traffic actually swung in Vander- bilt's favour, but the completion of the Panama Railroad, early in 1855, won the battle for the Panama lines. Vanderbilt, however, who was nothing if not astute, was by that time receiving a bonus of $40,000 a month simply for keeping out of the isthmian trade. Later he returned to the fray, and when peace of a sort was made in 1860, he emerged as an important shareholder in the Pacific Mail. Having devoted four chapters to a chronological account of these events, Dr. Kemble next treats at length several topics the details of which would have impeded the general narrative. These include the characteristics of the steamers employed on both oceans; the nature of the journey, from the passenger's point of view, together with some interesting and revealing descriptions of its joys and sorrows; the transit across the isthmus, and the construction of the railroad. Appendix I., which follows, is virtually a supplement to this part of the book. Consisting of forty compactly- printed pages, it describes in detail 108 of the steamers employed on the Atlantic or the Pacific, and tabulates many particulars of their careers. The amount and completeness of the information given is amazing, and this appendix will at once take rank as a standard reference in its field. The story of the Panama route is, of course, closely related to British Columbia as well as to California. It was for years the best route to the one as well as to the other. With the discovery of gold in British Columbia in 1858 many of the steamers hitherto used in the San Francisco-Panama service were employed on the northern run to Victoria and Puget Sound. The list of steamers above referred to therefore includes such familiar names as Brother Jonathan, Northerner, Oregon, Orizaba, and Sierra Nevada, as well as the Pacific, of unhappy memory. As an illustration of the unexpected and interesting facts hidden away in the appendix, it may be mentioned that one entry discloses that the United States survey ship Active, after which Active Pass was named, was originally the steamer Gold Hunter. Built in New York, she was brought around the Horn to run on the Sacramento River. After serving as a survey ship she was sold and 1944 The Northwest Bookshelf. 91 placed in the coastal trade. She ended her days in 1870, when she crashed ashore near Cape Mendocino, while en route from San Francisco to Victoria. Any doubt that this may not be a definitive study will be quickly dispelled by a glance through the fourteen-page bibliography. The search for material has been exceptionally widespread and thorough, and except for an occasional detail nothing in the volume is drawn from other than a primary or contemporary source. The maps and illustrations, sixteen in number, are well chosen and well reproduced. Readers will be interested to note that the view of the steamer Dakota in Victoria harbour is from a photograph in1 the Provincial Archives. The book is attractively printed and there is a good index. Unfortunately the University of California Press has insisted upon keeping the pages of the text free from footnotes, and any one interested in the references must therefore follow the tedious practice of hunting them up in the back pages. W. Kaye Lamb. BRITISH COLUMBIA HISTORICAL ASSOCIATION Organized October 31st, 1922. PATRON. His Honour W. C. Woodward, Lieutenant-Governor of British Columbia. OFFICERS, 1944. Hon. H. G. T. Perry - .- - - Honorary President. B. A. McKelvie - : -, "_'■■.- . >.• ■-' ^President; J. C. Goodfellow -ijils§l|f' - - - Past President. A. G. Harvey - 'ifwSt'fi($ILt?C lst Vi<:8-P™sident. Mrs. Curtis Sampson - - - - 2nd Vice-President. Madge Wolfenden - - ~:w^'' Honorary Treasurer. H. T. Nation - - - Honorary Secretary. MEMBERS OF THE COUNCIL. Mrs. M. R. Cree. Helen R. Boutilier. F. C. Green. Robie L. Reid. T. A. Rickard. E. G. Baynes. W. N. Sage. Willard E. Ireland W. Kaye Lamb (Provincial Archivist.) (Editor, Quarterly). A. G. Harvey H. B. Robertson (Vancouver Section). (Victoria Section.) : OBJECTS. To encourage historical research and stimulate public interest in history; to promote the preservation and marking of historic sites, buildings, relics, natural features, and other objects and places of historical interest, and to publish historical sketches, studies, and documents. MEMBERSHIP. Ordinary members pay a fee of $2 annually in advance. The fiscal year commences on the first day of January. All members in good standing receive the British Columbia Historical Quarterly without further charge. Correspondence and fees may be addressed to the Provincial Archives, Parliament Buildings, Victoria, B.C. We BRITISH COLUMBIA HISTORICAL QUARTERLY Published by the Archives of British Columbia in co-operation with the British Columbia Historical Association. EDITOR. W. Kaye Lamb. . The University of British Columbia, Vancouver, B.C. ASSOCIATE EDITOR. Willard E. Ireland. Provincial Archives, Victoria, B.C. (On active service, R.C.A.F.) ADVISORY BOARD. J. C. Goodfellow, Princeton. Robie L. Reid, Vancouver. T.' A.-Rickard, Victoria. W. N. SAGE, Vancouver. Editorial communications should be addressed to the Editor. Subscriptions should be sent to the Provincial Archives, Parliament Buildings, Victoria, B.C. Price, 50c. the copy, or $2 the year. Members of the British Columbia Historical Association in good standing receive the Quarterly without further charge. Neither the Provincial Archives r Association assumes any responsibility for s 1 to the magazine. The Quarterly is indexed in Faxon's Annual Magazine Subject-Index. We BRITISH COLUMBIA HISTORICAL QUARTERLY Vol. VIII. Victoria, B.C., April, 1944. No. 2 CONTENTS. Page. William Wallace Gibson: A Canadian Pioneer of the Air. By Frank H. Ellis 93 The Eight "Rainbows." By F. V. Longstaff 107 My Father: Joseph Despard Pemberton. By Harriet Susan Sampson 111 The Journal of John Work, 1835. Being an account of his voyage northward from the Columbia River to Fort Simpson and return in the brig " Lama," January- October, 1885. Part I. Edited with an introduction and notes by Henry Drummond Dee 127 Royal Commissions and Commissions of Inquiry in British Columbia. A Checklist. Notes and Comments. British Columbia Historical Association.-. ■ Contributors to this Issue WILLIAM WALLACE GIBSON: A CANADIAN PIONEER OF THE AIR.* This story begins some fifty years ago. If we could go back to the early nineties and visit a certain farm on the Canadian prairies, we would sooner or later see a young lad indulging in the ancient art of kite-flying. The boy would lie for hours on the prairie grass as he held the taut string, watching and wondering. Often kept home from school to herd his father's cattle, his main hobby at such times was flying kites. He became very adept at making them, and learned to keep them aloft when hardly a breath of wind was blowing. On windless days he would gallop his pony for miles over the open prairie in order to create a breeze, and tow his kite behind, just to see it fly. It was then that the thought came to him that if his pony could supply the energy to keep a kite aloft, why could not some way be devised of applying the power directly to the kite itself? The young lad was William Wallace Gibson, who had been born in Ayrshire, Scotland, and had come to Canada with his parents when they decided to cut the old home ties, cross the ocean, and settle on the prairies. Amongst other things, he learned quickly that a kite with a backward sweep on either side of its centre stick would fly much more steadily than one with a flat surface. So for a number of years the boy experimented, making innumerable kites and thinking deeply as to why they flew. The years slipped by and young Gibson grew to manhood. He moved to the village of Balgonie, 15 miles east of Regina, where he bought a general store. Balgonie was then a tiny hamlet in * Editor's Note.—In October, 1939, Mr. Frank H. Ellis contributed to the Quarterly an article entitled " Pioneer Flying in British Columbia, 1910-1914" (III., pp. 227-61). This included some account of the experiments conducted by William Wallace Gibson, but the information then available was very incomplete. Moreover, there seemed to be little hope of filling in the picture, as Mr. Ellis had been informed, on what appeared to be good authority, that Mr. Gibson had died some years before. Happily this was not so. Mr. Gibson is still very much alive, and the present article is based largely upon data and photographs that he himself has kindly placed at Mr. Ellis's disposal.—W.K.L. British Columbia Historical Quarterly, Vol. VIII., No. 2. 93 M 94 Frank H. Ellis. April the district of Assiniboia, a part of the Northwest Territories. It was not until September, 1905, that the area became Saskatchewan and a Province of the Dominion. When the Wright brothers made their first flight in December, 1903, William Gibson read of it in the newspapers. It was then that he made up his mind to. start experimenting with a man-sized craft of his own design. His first preliminary models, made during the winter of 1903-04, were simply of paper. They were based entirely upon ideas gleaned from his kite-flying days, for it was not until three years later that he first saw a picture of an airplane. The wing-tips of his models were given a sharp upward angle, similar to those of his early kites, as he had learned that this gave them greater stability in flight. The front wing was adjustable, so that the degree of lift could be regulated, in order to control the model in flight. In his search for the motive power required to fly his models Gibson displayed great ingenuity. He used the spring end of a window-blind roller, cutting it off three- quarters of an inch beyond the spring; and into the wooden end he drilled a hole, inserting a length of bamboo to form the rest of the " fuselage." The wooden part of the roller around the spring was lightened by whittling it down to a thickness of less than one-sixteenth of an inch. The metal part which protruded was also filed down to reduce weight, and a suitable screw was soldered to the end of it. To this in turn was attached a pusher propellor, carved from Spanish mahogany. The propellor was at the rear and rotated between two rudders. For launching the model a chute was fashioned, made from a 9-foot board, 10 inches in width. Along the centre of the chute was a guide. Skids were fitted to the model that kept it clear of the chute. They were used also for landing purposes. The surface of the chute was varnished and highly polished; it was built on four legs, the two in front being 3 feet in height, the rear ones but 12 inches. This, then, was the starting device. In addition to the store at Balgonie, Gibson by this time owned a hardware store at Craven and another branch at Cupar. As a respected citizen of those communities, he realized that if the residents in general, and his banker in particular, came to hear of his experiments they might well think that he was some- 1944 A Pioneer of the Air. 95 what unbalanced mentally. As gossip travelled in Balgonie with the speed of a prairie fire, Gibson deemed it in his best interests to keep his experiments to himself. At dawn on a Sunday in the middle of June, 1904, Gibson made the initial test of his first powered model. His store was in the building owned by a Billy Hyde. Up on the flat-topped roof Gibson set up his launching device. Then, having wound up the spring of the model, he placed it on the chute and released it. It took the air half way up the chute, and sped swiftly across the street. There it struck a box car standing on a siding, damaging one wing. But Gibson had satisfied himself, beyond all doubt, that his model could fly. Many other models of a similar type were constructed at Balgonie, and flown with varying success from the roof of the store, always during the early hours, just before dawn. Gibson kept his secret well, but one or two people saw the models in flight. Dr. Kaulbfleisch, who is thought still to be a resident of Balgonie, returned home very early one morning, after attending a patient in the country, and came into the village unnoticed by the inventor. When the store opened later in the day he called in and said: " Billy, that was a funny looking bird you were trying to catch on your roof this morning. I never saw a bird like that in my life. It flew right over my buggy, and lit on the grass over by the station." Jimmy Hicks, who was an early riser and lived close by, was another. One day he was heard telling a neighbour that he had seen a funny looking bird fly off Bill Hyde's building, and that he thought maybe it had a nest up there. Gibson was so well pleased with his experiments that he decided to design and build a man-carrying craft. For the sake of privacy the work was to be done on his farm, some 4 miles south of the'village. The first step was to build a 4-cylinder, 4-cycle air-cooled engine of his own design; but when it was partly constructed the railroad boom struck the vicinity. Gibson was influenced into contracting to build a 20-mile stretch of right-of-way for the Grand Trunk Pacific Railway, then being pushed through 100 miles north of Balgonie. Later he took another contract for a further 22 miles, west to the Touchwood Hills. Instead of returning a profit, these two contracts cost him 96 Frank H. Ellis. April $40,000—the first financial loss he had ever experienced. He was 27 at the time, and, in his own words: " When I had the banks cleaned up, or rather they had cleaned me, I had no stores, nor farm, so with what capital I had left, I decided to go west, and start anew." Gibson arrived in Victoria, British Columbia, in the fall of 1906, taking along what personal effects he had retained, together with the partly-completed engine, to which he pinned his hopes and plans to fly. In the spring of 1907 he met a miner named Locky Grant, who, like most prospectors, was broke. However, he did have a good prospect at Elk River, on the west coast of Vancouver Island, and Locky offered it to Gibson for $500. The day Locky sailed for Clayoquot in the steamer Tees, Gibson decided to look the claim over. Having been brought up on the prairies he knew nothing about boats, and less about the ocean. But being an adventurous soul, he scraped together $300 in cash, bought a 17-foot launch, provisioned it, and set off northward. He had looked at his course on a map and, as he himself recalls, it " looked so calm and peaceful" that he expected no difficulties; but the journey is a story unto itself. He was eight days getting to his destination, and he lost 25 lb. on the way. The Pacific off the west coast of Vancouver Island is noted for its violence on occasion, and apparently it duly resented a landlubber's intrusion. He met Locky and was shown the mine. It was the first hole in a rock he had ever seen. Some of the decomposed quartz was picked out into a pan, and washed in a near-by creek. It showed a string of gold, 3 inches long. That was enough for Gibson; he made a deal forthwith. He gave Locky his launch, a camera, his field glasses, a rifle, and $100 to boot. The two men shook hands, and the mine had a new owner. Gibson returned to Victoria, procured a small stamp-mill and a water-wheel to run it, and hurried back on the Tees. Locky stayed and worked with him at the mine until he brought out a gold brick worth $1,200. This Gibson believes may have been the first of its kind from a quartz deposit on the west coast of Vancouver Island. It enabled him to sell the property for $10,000, and with this cash in hand he immediately set about making plans to resume construction of his first man-carrying airplane. William Wallace Gibson. Gibson's second engine, completed in Victoria in 1910—the first of its type fabricated in Canada. Mr. Gibson recently presented this engine to the National Research Council, and it will be placed in the aeronautical collection of the National Museum of Canada, in Ottawa. 1944 A Pioneer of the Air. 97 The work began in 1908. It was a heart-breaking struggle. Gibson frankly admits that had he not learned the blacksmithing trade as a boy he could never have accomplished the things he did, for he had to make every one of the parts himself, by hand. Nor were financial difficulties absent. He had formed a partnership with another man, whom I am allowed to name only as Dave. This, he thought, assured him that sufficient working capital would be forthcoming; but his partner got into difficulties, and actually contributed only $500.! It was then usual to keep to one's self the knowledge that a "flying-machine" was being constructed, but the news got around Victoria that Gibson Was building an airplane.2 He was working eighteen hours out of every twenty-four, week after week, and people'who knew him openly ridiculed him. Many, on passing him on a down-town street, would hold out their arms and start flapping them. Even the parson came to him and tried to dissuade him from going on with his work. Victoria at that time was about the last place on earth in which to expect to find the materials required to build an airplane. Nor was there any one to whom Gibson could go for advice. Aviation publications were not available there, and he had to start from scratch, gaining information from experiments as he progressed. Delays were innumerable, and his capital diminished at a frightening rate. Numerous tests were conducted with large models, usually from the hill-top in Beacon Hill Park. The 4-cylinder engine to which he had pinned his hopes was found to be of little use when completed. The 6-inch stroke was far too long. This, coupled with its light construction, caused it, in Gibson's words, " to jump around like a chicken with its head chopped off," so he set to work to design and build a better engine. (1) In his narrative poem, The Bird Men, to which reference will be made later, Gibson states that Dave was to have contributed $5,000. He was a baker by trade, and made a wager with a baker friend in Vancouver that Gibson's airplane would fly across the Strait of Georgia before Christmas, 1910. He lost the bet, which was for $1,000. (2) An interview with Gibson was printed in the Victoria Colonist for July 7, 1909. Excerpts from it are printed in Frank H. Ellis, " Pioneer Flying in British Columbia," in this Quarterly, III. (1939), p. 232. Frank H. Ellis. April Having decided to construct a 6-cylinder, air-cooled motor, he went to Hutchinson Brothers, in Victoria, to learn what the cost would be. The engineer in charge, Dan Hutchinson, looked the drawings over and expressed the opinion that the design would probably be a complete failure, as an air-cooled engine would be sure to overheat, and that six cylinders would not work as a two- cycle engine. However, Gibson insisted that that was what he wanted, and the firm undertook to build the motor—the first aircraft engine of the type ever fabricated in Canada. The crank-shaft was made by Gill Brothers, of New York, and the crank-case was cast in Seattle. Assembly of the engine was completed in March, 1910. The cylinders had .a bore of 4% inches; the stroke was 4*4 inches. Ignition was by battery, coil, and distributor. Oil was mixed with gasoline for lubrication. Self-feeding pressure grease-cups were fitted for the crank-shaft and connecting-rod bearings. Great originality was shown by Gibson, both in the design of this engine and in the method adopted to operate the air-screws. Two were fitted, one at the front of the engine and one at the rear. Both were two-bladed and 6 feet in length. The front one, which had a 6-foot pitch, was attached directly to the end of the crank-shaft, but the one at the rear was geared to the shaft, revolved at twice the speed of the front one, and had only a 4-foot pitch. Gibson's object in fitting and designing the air-screws in this manner was to overcome torque, which remains a bugbear to aircraft designers, even to-day. In tackling the problem he showed skill and forethought, and it is almost certain that he was the first engine designer to incorporate this idea in a full-sized aircraft, where two air-screws revolved one directly behind the other. A number of the world's most modern aircraft have this same principle incorporated in their design to-day. When tested, the engine fulfilled the inventor's greatest expectations. It ran as smoothly as an electric motor, and developed between 40 and 60 horse-power. Complete it weighed only 210 lb. The aircraft itself, which its builder designated the " Gibson Twin-plane," had many unique features incorporated in its design. It had two wings, one behind the other, each measuring 20 feet from tip to tip, and 8 feet in width at its widest point. 1944 A Pioneer op the Air. 99 They had a framework of spruce, and were covered with blue waterproof silk material, obtained from Jeune Brothers, tent manufacturers, of Victoria. Steel sockets were- fitted to the framework of the wings at the point of contact with the " fuselage" of the machine, and clamps, applied at these points, enabled the wings as a whole to be moved backwards and forwards to obtain a correct balance, or, as it would be expressed . to-day, to establish a correct centre of gravity. The design of the wings, which Gibson originated, gave great stability. A basically similar design, in use in some aircraft to-day, is known as the I gull wing " type. Numerous ribs were fitted between the wing- spars to keep the covering rigid, and a large main spar, 14 inches in width, and of proportional thickness, extended from wing-tip to wing-tip. This spar was carefully streamlined, a matter to which few designers of that day paid much attention. To enable the wing-covering to be kept taut at all times, a particularly necessary requirement in the damp climate of the British Columbia coastal area, Gibson designed another ingenious device. Each rib was encased in a pocket of material, which was itself sewn to the covering of the wing, with an opening at the centre, and every rib had a metal tube at its centre, fitted with turnbuckles which could be adjusted so as to tighten up or slacken off the wing covering at will. Two streamlined metal fuel-tanks, each with a capacity of 10 gallons, were fitted, one on either side of the engine, and well above it, so as to give gravity feed to the carburettor. These tanks were fitted with baffle-plates to prevent the fuel from surging, exactly as the tanks in modern aircraft are to-day. It is also well worth noting that wherever Gibson used wooden cross-members, they were carefully designed to give added lift to the machine in flight. They were cambered, and wooden strips, which Gibson termed " webs," were glued to their under-sides to help preserve their proper shape. The undercarriage, then termed the "running-gear," was fashioned from metal tubing, attached to the main frame-bearers. Bicycle wheels were suitably attached to axles at their lower ends. There were four of these wheels, one at either end of each frame bearer; and although well braced with piano wire, they were undoubtedly the weak spot of the machine. 100 Frank H. Ellis. April The fuselage consisted of two frame-beams, 8 feet apart, each approximately 35 feet in length. They were of Douglas fir, and, on each were twenty-five cast aluminium " collars," fitted with four steel arms. Through holes in the outside ends of these arms ran a wire that stretched from end to end of the beam. Strong turnbuckles kept each structure rigid. The engine, wings, running-gear, etc., were all suitably attached to these frame-beams to complete the craft. The front elevator, 8 by 4 feet, was of laminated cedar and was controlled by a lever in the hands of the pilot. The two rudders, also of laminated cedar, were operated by a shoulder yoke. There were no ailerons.3 At last the momentous day arrived when the machine was in readiness for testing. It was dismantled at the workshop in Victoria, and moved as secretly as possible, by horse and wagon, to a large grassy meadow on the farm of Mr. Dean, near Mount Tolmie, several miles north of the city. (Fittingly enough, the meadow in question is now part of the Lansdowne Airport.) There Gibson and his two helpers erected the craft, and on the early morning of September 8, 1910, a successful short flight was made; but unfortunately, in landing, the running-gear was damaged, necessitating repairs.4 Once again, on September 24, everything was in readiness for a further test, and at 4 o'clock in the morning the machine was wheeled from the shed and the engine set in motion. Gibson took his seat, and after the motor had been warmed up he signalled to his helpers to let go. A light cross-breeze was blowing towards the craft, and aided by this and by a slight incline down the field, the twin-plane lifted quickly into the air, after a run of only 50 feet. As it picked up speed and soared away from the ground it began to drift sideways. Not being familiar with the operation of the controls, Gibson made an unfortunate error. He leaned to the wrong side in an effort to overcome the drift with the rudders, and this caused the machine to swing farther around and head directly for a fine stand of (3) A few additional details will be found in the newspaper reports quoted in Ellis, " Pioneer Flying," British Columbia Historical Quarterly, III. (1939), pp. 233-34. (4) See Victoria Colonist, September 10, 1910. ' 1944 A Pioneer of the Air. 101 oak trees, well down the field. Gibson immediately shut off the motor, and made a landing, after a flight estimated at some 200 feet. The momentum of the machine carried it with considerable force into a particularly sturdy oak, which it struck at a speed of about 25 miles an hour. Gibson was hurled clear, sustaining only minor injuries and a severe shaking up, but the machine itself was badly smashed.6 As winter was coming on, further experiments were abandoned for that year. It should not be overlooked that, in those days, a flight of even a hundred feet, with a machine of entirely new design, was an accomplishment of the first magnitude. The initial hop made by Wilbur Wright on his first powered flight at Kitty Hawk was only 120 feet, and the first hop in England, made by A. V. Roe in June, 1908, was less than 100 feet. The original flight of the Canadian Aerial Experiment Association, in which Casey F. W. Baldwin flew the " Redwing " at Lake Keuka, N.Y., in March, 1908, was 319 feet. Santos Dumont flew less than 200 feet in 1906, when he accomplished the first flight officially credited to an airplane in Europe. When compared with these and similar early flying endeavours by other airmen who later became famous, the initial flights of William Wallace Gibson take their rightful place as outstanding pioneer efforts, which should be fittingly recorded and remembered for all time. It is greatly to be regretted that Canadians passed over these events so lightly, and that no effort was made to have Gibson's accomplishments officially recorded at the time. In the fall of 1910 Gibson obtained a copy of Artificial and Natural Flight, by Sir Hiram Maxim.6 This was the first authoritative work on the subject that he had ever read. Sir Hiram was a firm believer in the possibilities of using wings with a narrow chord, rather than of great width, and he claimed that such designs could lift more per square foot of wing surface than wider ones. The book included many cuts and drawings illustrating the different wing structures with which he had experimented. Influenced by Maxim's work, Gibson decided to redesign completely the wings of his machine, and he chose the shape which (5) Victoria Colonist, September 25, 1910. This account is quoted in Ellis, " Pioneer Flying," p. 235. (6) London and New York, 1908; second edition, 1909. 102 Frank H. Ellis. April Sir Hiram claimed gave the most efficient lift. By the spring of 1911 the new craft, now named the " Gibson Multi-plane," had taken shape. The original silk-covered wings had been replaced with a number of narrow ones, made entirely of thin spruce, properly cambered, and beautifully finished. At this point financial difficulties threatened once again. The last of the $10,000 was fast disappearing, and the inventor had a wife and three children to support. Like most inventors, however, Gibson had unlimited faith in his ideas, so he sold his home in Victoria, situated at the corner of Simcoe and Clarence streets, and continued to devote all his energies to the rebuilt machine. The " Multi-plane " had the same frame-beams that had been used in the " Twin-plane," and the same running-gear, but the latter had been strengthened and made more rigid. Gibson had learned, too, that it was very necessary to have some sort of lateral control, and ailerons were made and fitted to the machine, the hinges being of leather. The ailerons, or wing flaps, were of spruce, and were operated by turning a wheel to right or left. The same wheel was fitted with a sliding groove on a keyed shaft, and pushing it forward or drawing it backward operated the elevators. Of these there were two, one at the rear and the other at the front of the machine. Like the ailerons they were of spruce. The single rudder, made of laminated cedar, was operated by ropes controlled by the pilot's feet. In the multi-plane Gibson did away with the front air-screw, and used a single new 8-foot pusher propellor, with a 6-foot pitch, which he later found to be far more efficient than the two previously fitted. Gibson confesses that in view of his experience at Dean Farm he " was anxious to get away from the oak trees," and Thomas Paterson, then Lieutenant-Governor of British Columbia, granted him permission to carry on further experiments on his farm at Ladner. Gibson spent over six weeks there in April and May, 1911, testing and adjusting his machine, but weather conditions were extremely bad, and it rained almost continuously. He managed to get the plane in perfect balance, but the soggy ground and the small area, coupled with the downpours, prevented any 1944 A Pioneer of the Air. 103 actual flights, although numerous attempts were made.7 The wet weather was beginning to affect many of the glued parts of the craft, so Gibson decided to conduct his -experiments elsewhere. He went first to Kamloops, and there set his machine up in readiness for further tests; but difficulties with a crooked promoter, who tried to inveigle Gibson into contracting to make a flight, decided him to leave Kamloops before making any experiments. Gibson was an inventor, not an exhibition flyer, so he packed up and went on to Calgary. During the summer of 1911 exhaustive tests were conducted at a farm on the outskirts of that city, and numerous adjustments made, some of which were necessitated by the change to an altitude of over 3,000 feet. Amongst other things the engine was fitted with three carburettors instead of one, a change which markedly increased its efficiency. When all was ready success was fully achieved and a number of satisfactory flights made. By this time Mrs. Gibson had become alarmed at the risks her" husband was taking, and during a visit to Eastern Canada she made him promise not to attempt flights himself during her absence. Gibson thereupon obtained the assistance of a friend, Alex. Japp, a native of Forest, Ontario. Japp served as helper and " test pilot," and proved himself fully worthy of the trust. Bad luck finally caught up with Gibson and his plane. On August 12,1911, Japp took the machine off the ground for a test, and through unfortunate circumstances, smashed up in making a landing. The accident was reported in the press as follows:— When attempting to make a landing from a height of over 100 feet in the air during a flight the airman working with Gibson to make tests, the latter being the inventor of the multiplane, crashed down into a swampy coulee near this city [Calgary], and narrowly escaped death. Aviator Japp had flown about a mile and miscalculated the ground on which he proposed to descend and when within 50 feet of the ground noticed the turf was honeycombed with hundreds of badger holes. He attempted to ascend and elevated the machine, but was too late. His engine stopped and refused to start again. The wheels struck the uneven surface of the ground, and were torn off, and the machine literally torn to pieces. For six weeks back, Gibson and Japp have been experimenting with their machine at a ranch a few miles from this city, making short flights with (fTSee Victoria Colonist, May 2, June 2, 1911; Vancouver Province, June 1, 1911; also a letter from A. D. Paterson, of Ladner, who witnessed the trials, to Frank H. Ellis, dated June 1,1939. Frank H. Ellis. s for that sort of work. . . .8 The machine was in reality badly wrecked, and the season was getting late. Most important of all, the inventor's funds were again running low. It was then that he decided to abandon his experiments with aircraft, and to get back to making money, instead of spending it. Had Gibson been able to continue his work he might well have become one of Canada's outstanding aircraft designers, but on the other hand, as he himself has remarked, he "might just • as easily have gone to an early grave." In recent letters he expressed regret that he did not continue with his original " twin-plane," as its basic design was sound and, if it had been developed further, far-reaching success might perhaps have been achieved. From the time he started his experiments at Balgonie, to the date of the final smash at Calgary, $20,000 had been expended, to say nothing of many many months of hard toil. But, like most pioneers, Gibson has no regrets. At present he is the owner of a flourishing business in California, turning out gold-mining machinery, all of which is constructed to his own designs. In 1942 Gibson published privately a narrative poem entitled The Bird Men, which comprises a humorously written but accurate account of his early endeavours and experiences in the realm of aviation. The opening lines are a reminder to those who, in the early years of the century, were confident that man could never fly:— When we rejoice and gaze with pride On metal wings that safely glide And proudly laud each record flight That span wide ocean's over night Or in life's brief relentless race We wing our way from place to place And measure miles at greater speed Than fairy tales of flight we read Yet printed proof on record show And proof penned not so long ago Reveal men swore by day and night Man could never conquer flight. (8) Calgary Herald, August 12, 1911. 1944 A Pioneer of the Air. 105 The concluding lines are also worth quoting, because they contain a plea to those who live in the present not to forget the past:— You generations, yet here to come And sweep the sky with scarce a hum When in life's race you play your part On birds of grace bedecked with art Borne by power and strange you'll ride On wings that span a full mile wide Remember once that pleasure sought Was by your forebears dearly bought Just bear in mind that doubtful day When bird men nobly paved the way. Although he believes his days of flying experiments are over, Gibson's interest in aviation is still as keen as it was half a century ago, when, as a small boy, he rode his pony at the gallop over the prairie, looking in rapture at the high-flying kite he was towing behind and dreaming of the time when he might become the pilot of a full-sized man-carrying aircraft. Unfortunately that dream was never completely realized, for, as we have seen, with success almost within his grasp this Canadian pioneer of the air was forced to abandon his experiments, although he had proved beyond all doubt that he was on the brink of definite achievement. Frank H. Ellis. West Vancouver, B.C. Hand steering-wheels of H.M.C.S. Rainbow. The officer is Gunner E. Haines, R.C.N, (now Lieutenant- Commander E. Haines, M.B.E.). From a photograph taken by Major F. V. Longstaff in the spring of 1914. THE EIGHT " RAINBOWS."* In the article on The Career of H.M.C.S. " Rainbow " which he contributed last year to this Quarterly, Dr. Gilbert N. Tucker noted that on the Rainbow's hand steering-wheels were inscribed the names and dates of actions in which earlier Rainbows had taken part: " Spanish Armada 1588—Cadiz 1596—Brest 1599— Lowestoft 1665—North Foreland 1666—-Lagos Bay 1759—Frigate Hancock 1777—Frigate Hebe 1782." It seems worth while to pursue this interesting topic a little further, and present a few notes on the eight Rainbows that, over a period of almost four centuries, have served in the Royal Navy. As the inscription on the steering-wheels indicate, the name Rainbow goes back to the time of Queen Elizabeth and Sir Francis Drake. In those days ship-names were chosen to express ideas and to inspire the people to great deeds. It was Queen Elizabeth's way to give her ships "telling" names. It has been said that the choice of energetic names for the ships of the Royal Navy was one of the means employed by the heroic Elizabeth to infuse something of her own dauntless spirit into the hearts of her subjects, and to show Europe at large how little she dreaded the mightiest armaments of her enemies. As a rule, in the case of her bigger ships, the Queen chose names that, in addition, carried an underlying meaning, or bore direct allusion to some national event of the hour. Contemporary names include Revenge, Repulse (originally Dieu Repulse), Defiance, Warspite, Swiftsure (originally Swift-Suer, or Swift-Pursuer) , and Dreadnought. The first Rainbow, a galleon of 480 tons, 54 guns, was built at Deptford in 1586. She formed part of the fleet under Drake in 1587, when he " singed the King of Spain's beard " at Cadiz. In the Armada fight the following year she bore a distinguished part. The Rainbow also took part in the expedition against Cadiz in 1596. She was rebuilt in 1608, emerging as a 40-gun ship of 650 tons. In the Algiers expedition of 1621 she carried * Compiled from William G. Gates, Ships of the British Navy, Portsmouth, 1905; and Cecil King, H.M.S. His Majesty's Ships and their Forbears, London, 1940. 108 F. V. Longstaff. April the flag of Rear-Admiral Sir Thomas Button, and in the Cadiz expedition of 1625 (her third foray against that port), the flag of Lord Cromwell. She also took part in the expedition to La Rochelle, in 1627. In the battle with the Dutch fleet in August, 1652, the original Rainbow served as flagship of Sir George Ayscue. She was also in the battle off the Kentish Knock, September 28. In the great fight off Portland on February 18, 1653, she bore the flag of Vice-Admiral James Peacock. Her losses on the latter occasion were fifteen killed and thirty-one wounded. She took part in the action off the coast of Essex on June 3, and shared in the decisive defeat of the Dutch on July 31, 1653. In both these engagements she carried the flag of Rear-Admiral William Goodsonn. The Rainbow next fought in the battle off Lowestoft in 1665. In 1666 she took part in the three days' fight off the North Foreland, and in the famous St. James's Day fight off the Galloper Sand, her casualties in the latter being eighteen killed and forty wounded. In the third Dutch war she fought at Solebay, in 1672, and in the three drawn battles of the following year. She had then been in active service for eighty-seven years, and was sold in 1680. The second Rainbow, a ship of 32 guns, was captured, possibly from the French, in 1697, and was also sold, in 1698. The third Rainbow, of 40 guns, was built in 1747 and was present at the fight of Lagos Bay in 1759. On September 4, 1782, she captured the French 40-gun frigate Hebe, off the Isle of.Bas (Batz). She was sold out of the service in 1802. On January 2, 1809, the French corvette Iris was captured off Texel by H.M.S. Aimable, and added to the Royal Navy as the Rainbow. On February 13,1810, this Rainbow made a daring attack on the French 50-gun ship Nereide. She continued the fight until she was dismasted and then the Nereide made off. This fourth Rainbow was sold out of the service in 1815. The next Rainbow, a 28-gun frigate, Was launched in 1823. She continued in service until 1838 when she, too, was sold. The sixth Rainbow—and the first driven by steam—was a screw gunboat of 235 tons, 60 horse-power, mounting two guns, built in 1856 for the Russian war in the Baltic. She served as 1944 The Eight Rainbows. 109 tender to the Ajax at Kingston in 1863, to the Wivern at Hull in 1870; was laid up at Chatham in 1873, and eventually sold out of service in 1888. This brings us to the seventh ship of the name, the Rainbow that was eventually acquired by the Royal Canadian Navy. So-called " Navy scares," caused by fear of foreign attack, or uneasiness about the-strength of the Royal Navy, or both, exercised an important influence on construction programmes in the last half of the nineteenth century. One of these scares, developing in 1888, resulted in the "Naval Defence Act" of 1889. This Act provided for the addition of no less than seventy ships to the Navy, of which ten were to be battleships and thirty- eight were to be cruisers. Of the cruisers, twenty-one were vessels of the Apollo class. This class in turn was designed in two groups, the later vessels being slightly larger than the earlier ones. It was to this improved Apollo class that the Rainbow belonged. For purposes of record it may be interesting to list her nine sister-ships: Aeolus, Brilliant, Indefatigable, Intrepid, Iphigenia, Retribution, Pique, Sirius, and Spartan. The Rainbow and her sisters were designed by Sir William White. She was a second-class cruiser with a length of 360 feet and a displacement of 3,600 tons. She had twin screws, driven by reciprocating engines designed to develop 9,000 horse-power and to drive her at a speed of 19% knots. Her main armament consisted of two 6-inch and six 4.7-inch guns. Her crew numbered 273. She was built by Palmer's Shipbuilding Company, at Jarrow, and launched on March 25,1891. Her total cost was £184,086. The Rainbow was completed in time to participate in the naval manoeuvres of 1893, and she again took part in the manoeuvres in 1894. She became a Devonport ship, and on May 5, 1895, was commissioned for the China Station by Captain William C. C. Forsyth. In May, 1898, she had returned home to Devonport. Her next commission was on December 17, 1901, to the Cruiser Squadron, by Captain Thomas Y. Grant. In 1904 she was again back at Devonport. The Rainbow belonged to a type of "protected" cruiser about which there was much controversy. The term designated a cruiser which, though lacking in side armour, had a horizontal F. V. Longstaff. armoured deck with sloping sides in the vicinity of the water- line. Coal was usually carried on these sides in small compartments, and the combination of deck, coal, and subdivision was intended to protect the vessel's vitals. Whether or not it would do so in action was hotly debated, and in addition there were many who contended that the Apollos were too small and too slow to be of much service if war broke out. Some of the most slashing criticisms of Sir William White's cruiser designs had come from Admiral Sir John Fisher (later Lord Fisher of Kilverstone). On Trafalgar Day, 1904, Fisher became First Sea Lord of the Admiralty. One of his first actions was to strike off the effective list no less than 154 ships. Ten of the Apollo class cruisers were included, amongst them being the Rainbow. True, they were not to be scrapped immediately, but they were listed as " Ships of comparatively small fighting value," which would retain their armaments for the present, and it was obvious that their days were numbered. From 1906 until 1909 the Rainbow was on the sale list. In July, 1910, she is shown in the Navy List as refitting at Portsmouth, preparatory for sale to the Canadian Government. The officers appointed to her were shown on the books of H.M.S. Victory. From that point her story has been told by Dr. Tucker. The latest Rainbow to join the Royal Navy was a craft of a very different type—a submarine, launched at Chatham Dockyard in May, 1930. Her displacement was 1,475 on the surface and 2,015 tons submerged. Her sister-ships were the Regent, Regulus, and Rover. Unfortunately this Rainbow was posted as missing in November, 1940, and no further word of her has been released officially. When the war is over perhaps we shall hear something of her gallant story. F. V. Longstaff. Victoria, B.C. MY FATHER, JOSEPH DESPARD PEMBERTON: 1821-93.* Joseph was evidently a favourite name in the Pemberton family, for my father was the fourth consecutive generation to bear it. His grandfather, the Rt. Hon. Joseph Pemberton, was Lord Mayor of Dublin in 1806, and lived in Clontarf Crescent, then a fashionable residential quarter of the city. His Lordship was blessed with a very numerous family, having no less than eighteen sons and three daughters. The sons included Joseph (my father's father), Augustus Frederick, who came to this country in 1855 and had a notable career as magistrate and judge of the County Court of Victoria, and the Rev. Arthur Pemberton, whose daughter became the wife of the late Hon. Clement Cornwall, Lieutenant-Governor of British Columbia. My father, Joseph Despard Pemberton, was born in Dublin on July 23, 1821. He had one brother, George, of the 94th Regiment, Madras Infantry, and one sister, Susan Frances, who, as we shall see, joined him in the Colony of Vancouver Island. Joseph was educated at Trinity College, Dublin, which he entered October 13, 1837. He studied engineering under Sir John McNeill, and showed great promise in his chosen profession. He was afterwards pupil to G. E. (later Sir George) Hemans, principal engineer of the Midland Railway of Ireland. Young Pemberton's ability was quickly recognized, and after being assistant engineer of the Great Southern & Western Railway for a time he served successively as chief engineer of the Dublin & Drogheda Railway, the Exeter & Crediton Railway, and part of the East Lancashire Railway. It will be noticed that the later appointments had taken him to England. In 1850 he entered the competition for the design of the vast building to be erected in London to house the International Exhibition of 1851. As every one knows, the winning entry was submitted by Sir Joseph Paxton, architect of the Crystal Palace; but Pemberton was awarded Prince Albert's * The revised text of a pi British Columbia Historical A 112 H. S. Sampson. April bronze medal for his design. He was an excellent draftsman, as is shown by the sketches, maps, and plans from his pen that are to be found in the Provincial Archives and elsewhere. By this time he had turned from practical railroading to teaching, and had been appointed Professor of Surveying, Civil Engineering, and Mathematics in the Royal Agricultural College, which had been founded a few years before at Cirencester, in Gloucestershire. This post he held for the last two years he remained in England. Instruction apparently did not appeal to him, for we know that he was soon looking for an opportunity to resume professional practice. One project he had in mind was the construction of a railway across the Isthmus of Suez. The following letter speaks for itself:— November 13, 1850. To His Excellency Ker Eddin Pasha Director General of the Egyptian Transit Administration, May it please your Excellency. I have the honor to address to you the following views on the subject of traffic across the Isthmus. The introduction of railways into this country has been found to increase passenger and goods traffic forty per cent on an average, but much more in those places where competing lines do not exist. They increase the revenue, raise the value of land and form a protection to the country. A good opportunity now offers for executing such a railway from Alexandria to Suez, or a part of the way at first. As an Engineer of much experience in Railway matters I would undertake to raise in England the necessary funds, provided your Government guarantee a sufficient share of profits and protection to an English Company. Iron has generally included one tenth of the cost of Railways here, but in your country where few stations, embankments, cuttings, culverts, bridges are required, iron would form one third at least of the cost, perhaps one half; this material never was so cheap as it now is, affording you therefore an excellent opportunity of making the I propose a single track, with proper sidings for passing and guarantee it cheaper than any line in Europe. Such a course would not prevent the foundation of a Canal, if afterwards thought advisable, nor interrupt present traffic. Let your Government pay mere travelling expenses (perhaps the Peninsular and Oriental Steam Packet Company would grant free passage) and I would readily go over and examine the ground, and afford further suggestions, as to how the undertaking might be successfully and speedily carried into execution, but in the event of my accepting any engage- Joseph Despard Pemberton. I have the honor to be Your Excellency's obedient servant, J. D. Pemberton C.E. Professor of Engineering. Royal Agricultural College, Cirencester, Gloucestershire Evidently this offer was not accepted; but it is interesting, for it was made over eight years before work started on the Suez Canal. Instead of going to Egypt, Pemberton chose to go to what was then a far distant and undeveloped land. The Hudson's Bay Company had recently undertaken the colonization of Vancouver Island, and required for the colony some one who could make surveys, prepare maps, take charge of land transfers, and supervise the construction of public works. My father was selected for the position, and signed a contract with the Company on February 15, 1851. Under its terms he undertook to serve as Colonial Surveyor and Engineer for a period of three years, to date from his arrival in Vancouver Island. In addition to his salary he was to receive his passage-money both outward and homeward; and if he gave satisfaction the Company might award him a premium of £500 when the agreement expired. His instructions, dated at Hudson's Bay House, February 15, 1851, read in part as follows:— It is the opinion of the Governor and Committee that the first objects of survey should be the district round and westward of Fort Victoria. . . . In making your surveys you will keep in view that they will form the materials or ground work out of which an accurate map of the Island is afterwards to be constructed . . . and as the main object for which these surveys are undertaken is the Colonization of the Island, you will be careful to note the external features and geological formation of the several localities which you examine, mentioning the nature and qualities of the soil and subsoil, the different kinds of timber and other vegetable productions, and in short all such particulars as it may be useful for settlers to be informed of.1 (1) Archibald Barclay (Secretary to the Governor and Committee of the Hudson's Bay Company) to J. D. Pemberton, February 15,1851. Original in Provincial Archives. ml 114 H. S. Sampson. April How well these instructions were carried out is to be seen in Pemberton's reports to Governor Douglas after his various expeditions. My father was instructed to proceed to Vancouver Island by way of Chagres, San Francisco, and Fort Vancouver. Presumably he sailed in the regular packet of the Royal Mail Steam Packet Company, which left Southampton on February 17, only two days after his appointment. The ocean journey was comfortable enough, but crossing the Isthmus of Panama in pre- railway days was a trying and even perilous ordeal. Years later my father had this to say of the journey:— Who that crossed it then can forget the heat and filth of Chagres, the packs of curs and flocks of buzzards, the struggle in bungos and with boatmen up the river, the scenes of riot and debauchery at the villages, jungle fever, and the bones that marked the mule tracks through the plains of Panama, and stamped the short but fatal route of fifty miles, as the Golgotha of the West?2 This description sprang from personal experience, for during the transit Pemberton himself contracted malaria, and was forced to pause in his travels until he recovered health and strength. A register of his letters shows that on April 25,1851, he was in San Francisco. A month later, on May 30, 1851, he was at Fort Vancouver, on the Columbia River. The earliest letter written from Fort Victoria was dated June 25. This was probably the date of his arrival, as old records show that his salary commenced from that day. It is interesting to note that the cost of the journey from England was £172/3/-, or considerably more than a passage by Pullman and luxury liner cost almost a century later.3 The only surveying done on Vancouver Island before my father arrived was the work of Captain W. Colquhoun Grant, who is known to history as the Island's first independent settler. Grant's intentions were of the best, but his qualifications were slender, he was much preoccupied with his own affairs, and the only helpers he could secure were completely inexperienced. As a result he had been able to give Douglas nothing but a few (2) J. Despard Pemberton, Facts and Figures relating to Vancouver Island and British Columbia, London, 1860, p. 86. (3) Papers relating to Vancouver's Island, London, 1852, p. 3. 1944 Joseph Despard Pemberton. 115 rough sketches of lands in the immediate vicinity of Fort Victoria.4 Accurate maps and surveys were sorely needed, both locally and in London, and Pemberton set out to make good the deficiency. He was fortunate in having a qualified surveyor to assist him. This was B. W. Pearse, who worked with him for many years and remained his close friend for life. The progress of my father's work may be traced in the frequent reports that Chief Factor James Douglas forwarded to the Hudson's Bay Company on the affairs of the Colony of Vancouver Island. He seems to have first made a preliminary survey of the coast of the island from Victoria eastward, and then northward along the Saanich Peninsula. He next surveyed and mapped the " fur trade reserve "—in other words, the property in and around the present city of Victoria that the Company proposed to retain for its own purposes. This work was completed by November 1851.5 In December, Douglas received word that the Hudson's Bay Company was willing that town- sites should be laid out beside Fort Victoria and on Esquimalt Harbour. Pemberton immediately set to work, and Douglas reported on January 16, 1852, that he was forwarding by the Norman Morison " a Tin Canister . . . containing a plan of the Town of Victoria . . .6 Pemberton next surveyed what is now Saanich, and made a venturesome journey to the Cowichan country, which was then virtually unknown territory and infested with none too friendly Indians. In March, Douglas was able to forward another tin canister full of maps to London. His comment on one of these is interesting:— The Map of the Sanitch Inlet, and entrance of Cowetchin River, though in great part a mere eye sketch and therefore not absolutely correct, gives a good idea of both places and particularly of the extraordinary direction of the Sanitch Inlet which extends to within five miles of Esquimalt nearly insolating [sic] the south east angle of Vancouver's Island.' (4) On Grant's work as surveyor, see his letter to Douglas, September 10, 1850 (original in Provincial Archives), and Governor Blanshard's dispatch to Grey dated April 28, 1851. (5) Douglas to Barclay, November 24, 1851. (6) Ibid., January 16, 1852. (7) Ibid., March 18, 1852. 116 H. S. Sampson. April Attention was next directed to Esquimalt, and a tracing of the country round the harbour was ready to go to London in May, 1852.8 Pemberton then turned to Sooke and Metchosin, and completed a survey that extended as far as Sooke Harbour. In August, Douglas journeyed to Wentuhuysen Inlet, as Nanaimo Harbour was then called, to examine the coal-beds there. He took Pemberton with him, and when it was decided to develop the mines, sent him back to survey the region. The work was carried out with all dispatch, and early in October Douglas forwarded to London " Mr. Pembertons Chart of Wentuhuysen Inlet, and the neighbouring coast," which he described as being " the fruits of a very careful survey, embracing the greater part of the Coal District, together with an elaborate and interesting report, on the physical character of the District . . . "9 On this chart my father ventured to replace the name Wentuhuysen Inlet with the Indian name, Nanaimo, and this was soon adopted for the town as well. There is no need to continue this chronicle of his activities. What has been said is sufficient to show how extraordinary was his activity, and the ability with which he served his adopted country. Pemberton's contract with the Hudson's Bay Company was due to expire in June, 1854, and in February, in anticipation of this, Douglas strongly recommended that his services be retained. The Governor wrote in part:— He has given perfect satisfaction during his residence here, and I may observe that the Compy have made a fortunate selection, and I think it will be difficult to find a person so well adapted for the situation he now so creditably" fills, or who will discharge its duties with equal zeal and untiring energy." The Governor and Committee shared this view, and in July Archibald Barclay, Secretary of the Hudson's Bay Company, so informed Pemberton:— I am directed by the Governor and Committee . . . with reference to your engagement with the Company ... to inform you they are so much satisfied with the zeal and talent which you have shewn during the time (8) Ibid., May 27, 1852. (9) Ibid., October 5, 1852. (10) Ibid., February 11,1854. 1944 Joseph Despard Pemberton. 117 you have been connected with the Company, that they will be happy to The letter went on to say that Pemberton might make a trip to London for purposes of consultation, and as a result he spent the summer and early autumn of 1855 in England. One result of this sojourn was the publication of a map of the southeast portion of Vancouver Island, based on my father's surveys.12 It was printed by the celebrated English cartographer, John Arrowsmith, and remains to-day an historic document of the first importance. In preparation for this map Pemberton had made a trigonometrical survey of the Island from Sooke to Nanaimo in 1853-55. The work was one of great difficulty and hardship, and attended at all times by considerable danger. The stations were often tree-tops, from which the angles were taken, sometimes with a sextant only. The difficulties of transport and the natural obstacles of bush, timber, and rocks all combined to make this a formidable undertaking. His undaunted energy and single eye to duty enabled him to bring it to a successful issue. In 1857 the same coast-line was surveyed by Captain G. H. (afterwards Admiral Sir George) Richards, and a comparison of his work with my father's showed very close agreement, the difference being only 50 feet in 200 miles. By July of 1855 the Governor and Committee had decided the terms of the new contract they proposed to offer to Pemberton. They resolved, first, to grant him a " premium " (in other words a bonus) of £500, because of the highly satisfactory way in which he had carried out his previous agreement with the Company. Secondly, they proposed to continue his services for another three years at a salary of £400 per annum, dating, as before, from the time of his arrival in Vancouver Island. The sum of £230 was granted him in addition, to cover his travelling expenses to and from England. Doubtless at his own request, Pemberton was to receive a living allowance of £100 per annum instead of free board and lodging at Fort Victoria, as theretofore. (11) Barclay to Pemberton, July 28, 1854. Original in Provincial Archives. (12) " The South Eastern Districts of Vancouver Island, From a Trigonometrical Survey made by Order of the Honble. Hudsons Bay Company, by J. D. Pemberton Engr. & Survr. to the Company. London Published 2a Octr. 1855 by John Arrowsmith, 10 Soho Square." 118 H. S. Sampson. April Pemberton accepted these terms and signed his new agreement on October 8,1855.18 He must have left for home immediately, as he was back at Fort Victoria by the middle of December. On many occasions my father's occupation might better have been described as that of an explorer rather than, or in addition to, that of a surveyor. Thus in October, 1856, he was instructed by Governor Douglas to explore the country between Quallchum (Qualicum) and the Alberni Canal. Crossing the Island by way of Home Lake (which had been discovered some months before by Adam Home, storekeeper at Nanaimo for the Hudson's Bay Company), he explored both the Canal and Barkley Sound.14 The following September he crossed the Island a second time. Accompanied by Lieutenant T. S. Gooch, of H.M.S. Satellite, and a party of seven, he left Cowichan Harbour on September 4, and reached Nitinat, on the West Coast, on the 19th.16 Each man carried a 60-lb. pack, in addition to arms and ammunition, through the dense forest and undergrowth. Ammunition and food both gave out, and when they arrived at their destination, weak and exhausted, they were received by the Chief of the fierce Nitinat Indians, who had just gained a victory over his enemies. The bloody heads of the vanquished, mounted on poles, with long hair waving in the wind, was not an encouraging sight for exhausted men. Pemberton stepped boldly forward, and in the name of the Great White Queen demanded food and canoes to convey him and his party back to Victoria. Receipts were given in the form of leaves torn from his note-book, and these were later duly honoured by the Hudson's Bay Company. Pemberton had ample opportunity to apply his training and experience as a civil engineer. 'He not only surveyed roads, but supervised their construction. In addition, he designed and built bridges and a considerable variety of public buildings, including the first schoolhouse in Victoria, and the original Victoria District Church. The gold-rush to the Fraser River temporarily extended these activities and responsibilities to the Mainland, for when Douglas decided to build a town at Derby, (13) An official copy of this agreement in the Provincial Archives. (14) For a brief report on this expedition, dated December 15,1856, see Pemberton, Vancouver Island and British Columbia, pp. 147-8. (15) For a brief report on this expedition, dated November 12, 1857, see ibid., pp. 149-50. 1944 Joseph Despard Pemberton. 119 on the site of Old Fort Langley, it was to Pemberton that he turned for the expert assistance needed in surveying the town- site. Pemberton himself summarized thus the extent of the work:— Here 3000 building lots were laid out, of which 342 were sold in two days, for £13,000., on which a deposit of ten per cent, was paid. A court-house, jail, parsonage, and church were built, and 400 or 500 people were about to commence operations, when another capital was announced.16 It was in 1858 that my father, like James Douglas, severed his connection with the Hudson's Bay Company. His contract expired on December 16, and as the Company was surrendering the Colony of Vancouver Island to the British Government within a few months, it had no further need for his services. Douglas, however, was happy to retain him on behalf of the Colony, and after serving for a time as Colonial Surveyor, he was appointed Surveyor-General of Vancouver Island in July, 1860, a post he held until October, 1864. His new duties were many and varied. He laid out the roads in Sooke and Saanich. In 1859 he was one of a committee of six (the other members being two officers of the Royal Navy and three ship-captains) who selected the sites for the lighthouses on Race Rocks and on Fisgard Island, Esquimalt Harbour.17 Subsequently he supervised the construction of (though he did not actually design) both lighthouses, which were completed and in operation by December, 1860. Later he was a member of a committee of seven appointed to consider the question of the improvement of Victoria Harbour. The other members included Captain G. H. Richards, R.N., and Captain W. A. Mouat, of the Hudson's Bay Company. The committee's report is dated February 28, 1862. Careful drawings were made of the harbour and suggested improvements. When the House of Assembly voted money for dredging the spit, Pemberton went to England to purchase machinery for a dredge and tug. There he found that the diving suit had replaced the diving bell, and in order to be able to instruct the workers in the use of the former he took diving lessons in the Victoria Dock, London. (16) Ibid., pp. 51-2. (17) See John T. Walbran, British Columbia Coast Names, Ottawa, 1909, pp. 179, 412. 120 H. S. Sampson. April For a time my father served the old Crown Colony in a political as well as in a professional capacity. He was a Member of the original House of Assembly of Vancouver Island, elected in 1856 and dissolved in 1859. Looking over the minutes of the House, it is evident that there was frequently an element of comedy in its proceedings. Adjournments for lack of a quorum or for lack of business were not infrequent, yet the Assembly sat almost continuously. One motion passed provided that any Member being fifteen minutes late after the hour of meeting should be fined the sum of $20. Upon another occasion petition was brought forward written in French, but was rejected because the House declined to receive petitions written in a foreign language. Pemberton, while serving as Surveyor-General, became a Member of the Executive Council of Vancouver Island in September, 1863, and of the Legislative Council in April, 1864. He resigned all his appointments in October, 1864, following his marriage, as his duties as Surveyor-General took him from home very frequently. After the Union of the Colonies of Vancouver Island and British Columbia in 1866, he returned briefly to the political scene. On January 14, 1867, he was appointed member of the Legislative Council, representing Victoria District, for the session 1867, and he served again in 1868. In conclusion, a few more personal notes may be permitted. It would be interesting to know just when my father decided to settle permanently in Vancouver Island. We do know that his first glimpse of the Gonzales estate—a gentle slope, with a glorious view of the Olympics; a lake-covered bottom, with an Indian stalking deer—decided him to make it his future home. The first portion of the property was purchased in 1855. The improvements then in existence were described some years later in a memorandum by Dr. W. F. Tolmie:— These consisted of a log dwelling house 30x20 [feet], a barn, some small outhouses, a calf park, and a log park, wherein to lasso cattle, besides about five acres of enclosed tilled land.1? (18) W. F. Tolmie to Thomas Fraser, Secretary of the Hudson's Bay Company, November 13, 1861. Transcript in the Provincial Archives. 1944 Joseph Despard Pemberton. 121 In 1856 Pemberton was joined by his sister, Susan Frances Pemberton, who came out in the same vessel as Miss Emmeline Tod (afterwards Mrs. Newton and later still Mrs. Mohun). Miss Pemberton lived in the fort for a time, and then moved to the Gonzales estate, where, with true Irish hospitality, she and her brother welcomed all and sundry. Dances were given in the old log-house, the rooms being lighted by candles with potatoes serving as sconces, and in every available corner would be a shakedown for those coming from a distance. At other times a picnic would be decided upon, the farm-horses commandeered, a hearty meal prepared, and a day of merriment spent in one of the beautiful glades or seaside spots surrounding Victoria, at which archery was the favourite pastime. Private theatricals and concerts made the winter evenings pass pleasantly. Good plays were produced, amongst them The Rivals, in which my father took the part of Sir Lucius O'Trigger. After twelve years in Victoria, Miss Pemberton returned to Europe in 1868. She had been for some years Lady Principal of Angela College, and the following testimonial evidences the esteem in which she was held in the little city of those days:— Dear Madam: We cannot allow the occasion of your resigning the position of Lady . Principal of Angela College to pass without expressing our very sincere regret that in consequence of failing health the most valuable and important of our local institutions is about to be deprived of a headship that has been so watchfully and efficiently exercised. The present condition of the Ladies College in point of numbers is an evident and satisfactory proof, not only that the educational privileges of that establishment are of a character to evoke the grateful support of the parents in this Colony, but also, of the high esteem in which you have been deservedly held and the perfect confidence that has been felt with the healthy tone imparted by our superintendent. Accept our grateful thanks for the able and conscientious manner in which you have fulfilled your many and serious responsibilities, our' repeated expressions of sincere regret for the. cause which has led to your resignation and our earnest prayer that Almighty God who has hitherto strengthened you in the past may still have you in his holy keeping and bless you with that degree of health and spiritual blessing as may best enable you to fulfill those duties which He in His wise Providence may call upon you to We remain Dear Madam, Yours faithfully, J. Needham Chief Justice \ Standing Edward Cridge, Dean of Christ Church Committee of Charles Woods, Archdeacon of Columbia the Diocese of Archdeacon Reece r British Columbia Percival Jenns, Rector of St. John's and Board of E. Graham Alston, Registrar General V.I. Management of Rod'< Finlayson, Chief Factor, Hudson's Bay Co. J Angela College. An even more touching testimonial was that from the pupils themselves — a charming picture surrounded by native wild flowers painted by Miss Needham, the daughter of Judge Needham, and bearing their names and expressions of regret. Unfortunately the wishes expressed by the Board of Management of Angela College as to Miss Pemberton's return to health were not to be realized. She died at St. Germain, near Paris, on April 13, 1870. My father made several trips to England, and while in London in 1860 he completed arrangements for the publication of the well-known volume entitled Facts and Figures relating to Vancouver Island and British Columbia.19 This was intended to serve as a handbook of information for " intending emigrants, merchants, or capitalists," and its primary purpose was to supply correct information, instead of leaving inquirers at the mercy | of rumour, and the numerous uninformed writers who had rushed hastily into print to profit by the popular interest in this country that resulted from the gold-rush. The book may perhaps best be described as the earliest account of conditions of the time in book form that remains of importance to the student of to-day. It includes a frank account of the crudities and shortcomings of the country, as well as its a'ttractions and great promise for the future. Certain of the chapters express views that were remarkably farsighted, the most striking being that in which Pemberton anticipated the "All-Red-Route" of later days. In the dedicatory letter to Dr. John Rae, the Arctic explorer, he (19) Published in London by Longman, Green, Longman, and Roberts (now Longmans, Green & Company), in 1860; pp. ix., 171. The dedicatory letter is dated London, August 20,1860. 1944 Joseph Despard Pemberton. 123 expressed the hope that the book might direct both Rae's attention and that of the Old Country to " an enterprise of great national importance,—that of connecting England, via the Canadas, Red River Colony, Sascatchewan [sic], British Columbia, and Vancouver Island, with Australia, by one unbroken chain of commercial and postal communication."20 The scheme doubtless seemed a wild venture of fancy at the time, but, as we know, the Canadian Pacific Railway was completed only a quarter of a century later, and steamship connections with the Orient and Australia soon followed. The late Lindley Crease made this interesting comment upon Pemberton's volume: We are fortunate in having a book of his own writing, for unconsciously the spirit of a writer will appear between the lines of his own work. This book indicates what one so often found among the early pioneers, a literary taste and delicacy which is not as familiar in the present day, and which perhaps those who did not know those outstanding figures would be surprised to find in them in these wild and rugged surroundings. Take the preface to Mr. Pemberton's book Vancouver Island and British Columbia, published in 1860—it is a literary gem. In this book we find how his mind grasps the vision of the future. He sees the position which this part of the Continent will take in an Empire which was then in course of formation, and for the preservation* and building up of which we are in our day likewise responsible. My father was again in London in 1864, this time for his wedding. His bride was Teresa Jane, daughter of Harriet Mary (nee Despard)21 and Bernard Grautoff. She was born in England, but the family came from Lubeck, in Germany. She was a great-granddaughter of Justinius Andreas Ritze, of Baireuth, who served the Princess Wilhelmina, Margravine of Baireuth, as Grand Chamberlain.22 (20) Pemberton, Vancouver Island and British Columbia, p. vi. (21) Mr. and Mrs. Pemberton were not related, though by a strange coincidence the name Despard was common to both families. (22) For a further account of Mrs. Pemberton see N. de Bertrand Lugrin, The Pioneer Women of Vancouver Island 1848-1866, Victoria, 1928, pp. 284-88. Six children were born of this marriage, namely: Frederick Bernard, Joseph Despard, jr. (who died in 1916), William P. D., Ada G. (Mrs. H. R. Beaven), Sophia Theresa (widow of the late Canon Beanlands, for twenty-five years rector of Christ Church Cathedral, Victoria; now Mrs. Deane-Drummond, of London, England), and Harriet Susan (Mrs. W. Curtis Sampson). 124 H. S. Sampson. April My father and mother travelled from England in company with His Excellency Arthur Edward Kennedy, newly appointed Governor of Vancouver Island, and Mrs. Kennedy. They arrived in Victoria on Good Friday, March 25,1864. At that time Pemberton was still Surveyor-General of the Colony, but, as already noted, he resigned his appointments in October to devote his time to his own affairs and the Gonzales estate. He was a good judge of horses, a bold and judicious rider, and did much to improve the breed of horses in the Colony. He imported a well-known Clydesdale, " Glengarry," as well as Per- cherons. He was also interested in Shorthorn cattle. His love of horses was inherited by his son Joseph, who, like his father, trained and rode his own hunters in steeplechases at the spring and autumn meets at Colwood, when all the " sports " of Victoria drove gaily out with the colours of their favourite riders floating in the breeze. The presence of the Lieutenant- Governor and party and many military and naval officers gave zest to the proceedings. The course was a long one and the riders passed out of sight for awhile, which gave rise to intense excitement as to which candidate would emerge in the lead, after which followed the prize-giving, and the inevitable picnic tea, for which Victoria is still noted. These were, of course, of later date, but I mention them to show that the spirit of early Victoria was still present in the succeeding generation. In 1885 my father built a large new home at Gonzales, at a cost of $10,000—a considerable sum in those days. It was occupied by the family until my mother's death in 1916. The staunch old house is still standing, and now serves as the residence building of Norfolk House School. In 1887 the firm of Pemberton & Son was founded by my father and his son Frederick. It is interesting to find that the partners are described in old directories as surveyors, civil engineers, real estate, and financial agents, indicating that the activities of the firm were intended to cover a wide and varied field. Joseph Despard Pemberton died suddenly on November 11, 1893. His funeral was attended by the Executive Council in a body, as well as the Mayor of Victoria, the Board of Aldermen, and all the professional and business men of the city. His public spirit found expression after his death in a bequest whereby 1944 Joseph Despard Pemberton. ' 125 Pemberton Gymnasium was erected and presented to the city. Another' of his benefactions was the operating theatre of the Royal Jubilee Hospital, to which land had been given at an earlier date. My father is commemorated by a variety of place-names. These include Pemberton Point and Despard Cove, on Broughton Island. Both names were bestowed about 1864 by his friend Captain Pender, of the Royal Navy. The town of Pemberton, Pemberton Meadows, and Pemberton Portage recall his memory in another district of the Province, in which he made some of the first surveys. Finally, in the city of Victoria, Pemberton Road and Mountjoy and Despard avenues run through or bound property that was originally part of the Gonzales estate.23 I cannot do better than close with this tribute of his friend, assistant, and successor, the late B. W. Pearse:— During all the years I have known him, I never recollect his being depressed. He was always cheery, bright, and sanguine. He was affectionate without ostentation, [and] of a most amiable nature. To me he was a faithful mentor, and during forty-two years our friendship was never strained or disturbed by a word or thought of difference. Respect for ourselves and mutual respect for each other, perhaps, gives the explanation of Harriet Susan Sampson. (23) J. D. Pemberton's father lived in Mountjoy Square, Dublin. Years iter the name Mountjoy was adopted by F. B. Pemberton for his residence n Foul Bay Road. When the adjoining property was subdivided the name ras perpetuated in Mountjoy Avenue. THE JOURNAL OF JOHN WORK, 1835: BEING AN ACCOUNT OF HIS VOYAGE NORTHWARD FROM THE COLUMBIA RIVER TO FORT SIMPSON AND RETURN IN THE BRIG LAMA, JANUARY- OCTOBER, 1835. The original manuscripts of fifteen journals by John Work are preserved in the Provincial Archives, in Victoria. The earliest of the series commences in July, 1823, when, as a young clerk, Work left York Factory for the Pacific Coast; the last ends in October, 1835, when he had completed his first trading expedition to Fort Simpson. Most of the earlier journals have appeared in print in one version or another, usually in the Washington Historical Quarterly or the Oregon Historical Quarterly, since they are concerned primarily with the area now comprising the states of Washington and Oregon. Two of the later journals, which chronicle Work's expedition to the Sacramento valley in 1832-33, are now being edited by Mrs. Alice Bay Maloney in the California Historical Society Quarterly.1 The narrative which follows is drawn from the last two journals of the series. The text, which has been transcribed directly from the manuscripts in Work's own handwriting, now appears in print for the first time. In its way the story here presented is unique, for, unlike Work's other journals, and the celebrated Snake River journals of Peter Skene Ogden, it deals with an expedition that was primarily maritime. Circumstances had compelled the Hudson's Bay Company to take to the sea. For a time the overland fur-traders and the maritime traders had interfered relatively little with one another. The former were interested chiefly in beaver-skins and other land furs. The traders afloat sought the sea-otter to the virtual exclusion of everything else. But the great days of the old-style maritime fur trade had passed by 1825. The sea-otter had been hunted almost to extermination, and the vessels that persisted in the 128 H. D. Dee. April trade—almost all of which were American—turned to beaver- skins as an alternative source of revenue. The trader by sea having thus invaded the preserves of the trader on land, the latter had perforce to retaliate by taking to the sea. The contest lasted from about 1825 until 1840, and rivalry was still intense when John Work made his trading cruise in the brig Lama in 1835. His journal gives a first-hand account of the cut-throat competition between the American traders and the servants of the Hudson's Bay Company, and the liquor traffic amongst the Indians in which it resulted. In addition, it gives a vivid impression of the daily life of a fur-trader of the time. In particular it shows the dangers which the traders faced on the Northwest Coast from the savage Haida Indians, and the phlegmatic and prosaic fashion in which these dangers were met and overcome. The role of the Russians in the struggle between the American trading vessels and the Hudson's Bay Company deserves a word of explanation. The Russians were themselves fur- traders, and as such competed for furs on the northern reaches of the Northwest Coast. Actually, however, their competition was felt much more by the Hudson's Bay Company than by the Americans, for the trading relations between the Russians and the latter were very close. Russian America was remote from Russian sources of supplies, and large quantities of goods were therefore secured from the United States. Most of these were delivered by the identical trading vessels which, after unloading ' at Sitka, sailed south and competed for furs with the ships and posts of the Hudson's Bay Company. They were thus in effect subsidized by their freighting activities and traffic in supplies, and this enabled them to pay the high prices for furs that added so greatly to Work's difficulties. This state of affairs continued only until 1839, when it was brought to an end by an agreement between the Hudson's Bay Company and the Russian American Company. Thereafter the companies ceased to compete for furs, and the Hudson's Bay Company undertook to furnish the supplies required in Russian America. This deprived the American vessels of their trading advantages, and they soon disappeared from the Northwest Coast. 1944 John Work's Journal, 1835. 129 The first few pages of Work's journal2 deal with little else but wind and weather, and it has therefore seemed unnecessary to include them in the text as printed. The narrative itself is in great measure self-explanatory, but a few notes upon the state of affairs existing at the time the story opens may be welcome. Work's superior officer, Chief Factor John McLoughlin, general superintendent for the Hudson's Bay Company west of the Rocky Mountains, planned to build a whole chain of trading- posts, stretching from the Columbia River northward to Russian America. The scheme included a post on the Stikine River, and in the fall of 1833 Peter Skene Ogden3 ascended the river to a point beyond the Russian ten-league territorial limit (the mouth of the Stikine being in Russian waters) and took possession of a site upon which it was proposed to erect a post the next year. The expedition to build this post left the Columbia, under Ogden's command, in the brig Dryad* in the spring of 1834. During the winter, however, the Russians, realizing that the proposed Hudson's Bay post would tap the hinterland which was the primary source of the furs traded on the Coast, had hastily erected a fort of their own at the mouth of the Stikine. When Ogden appeared they refused to permit his expedition to proceed up-stream. He protested vigorously but to no effect, and in the end was forced to return to the Columbia with nothing accomplished.5 (2) Journal 14, according to the.classification of the Provincial Archives, covering the period December 11, 1834-June 30, 1835. It is continued in Journal 15, the last of the series, which commences July 1, 1835, and ends on October 27, 1835. (3) Peter Skene Ogden, one of the great figures of the fur trade, was a former Nor'Wester who had been admitted to the Hudson's Bay Company as Chief Trader in 1824. He first gained prominence as leader of the celebrated trading and trapping expeditions to the Snake River country. In 1830 he was placed in charge of the coastal trade, and in 1834 was appointed Chief Factor. (4) The Dryad was a brig of about 200 tons. At first under charter to the Company, she was purchased by them in 1829. She remained on the Pacific Coast until 1835, when she carried the returns to London, where she (5) See E. E. Rich (ed.) The Letters of John McLoughlin, First Series, 1825-88, Toronto and London, 1942, pp. ciii.-cvi. for a general account of the affair, and pp. 317-22 for Ogden's report; also D. C. Davidson, " The 130 H. D. Dee. April John Work left Fort Vancouver in the brig Lama* on December 11, 1834, a few days before Ogden's return. As news of Ogden's failure had not yet been received, the Lama carried men and supplies intended for the new post on the Stikine, as well as for the other establishments on the Northwest Coast. On the 15th Work reached Fort George (Astoria), at the mouth of the Columbia, and there he found the Dryad, newly arrived from the north. He had missed Ogden, who had hurried off to Fort Vancouver to report; but he heard the story of the expedition from Captain Kipling, of the Dryad. He learned, too, that Kipling's former command, the schooner Vancouver,'' had been driven ashore and wrecked on Point Rose, Queen Charlotte Islands, the previous March. Realizing that McLoughlin would wish to revise his instructions in the light of these events, Work left the Lama at Fort George and himself returned to Fort Vancouver, where he arrived on December 17. On the 20th he received new instructions,8 and the next day once more left For Vancouver. He Relations of the Hudson's Bay Company with the Russian American Company on the Northwest Coast, 1829-1867," British Columbia Historical Quarterly, V. (1941), pp. 39-46. (6) The Lama, of 145 tons, was purchased by Chief Factor Duncan Finlayson at Honolulu for £1,250 in 1832, to replace the schooner Vancouver, which had been badly damaged at the entrance to the Portland Canal in 1831. (7) The 60-ton schooner Vancouver was the second vessel built on the Columbia River. She does not seem to have been ready for service before 1828. Too small for successful service on the Coast, she was damaged in 1831, as already noted, and wrecked on Point Rose on March 3, 1834. Work refers several times in his journal to the loss of the Vancouver; see, for example, the entry for February 23, 1835. (8) These instructions read as follows:— Fort Vancouver 20th Deer. 1834 John Work Esqr &c Dear Sir You will proceed in the Lama to the North West Coast and assume the charge of that Department.—It is impossible for me to give you any particular instructions nor is it necessary with one so well acquainted as you are with the Indian trade— except that it will be necessary for you to leave the Coast to come here with the vessel about the 1st September and on her way here she must touch at Nisqually and Fort Langley to bring the returns of those places. I think that Fort McLoughlin could be kept up with a gentleman an assistant and twelve men or at the utmost 15 1944 John Work's Journal, 1835. 131 joined the Lama at Fort George on Christmas Eve. Nine days were required to unload and reload the Lama, and it was not until Friday, January 2, 1835, that the little brig dropped down to Cape Disappointment, at the mouth of the river, and there anchored to await a favourable opportunity to cross the dreaded Columbia bar. The vessel was under the command of Captain W. H. McNeill,9 and he and Work landed and ascended the Cape, from which the bar could be clearly seen. The prospect was promising, but by the next morning the weather was too rough to venture out. This proved to be the beginning of a long and wearisome detention that lasted no less than twenty days. The experience was not unusual, and it will be recalled that a similar delay suffered by Sir George Simpson in 1841 was one of the factors in causing the removal of the Company's headquarters in the region from Fort Vancouver to Fort Victoria.10 At last on Thursday, January 22, the Lama reached the open sea. Work's account of her cruise from the eve of this happy event is printed in full in the pages that follow. Since a somewhat detailed biography of Work appeared recently in this Quarterly?1 it is unnecessary to give any extensive account of his career here. Suffice it to say that Work was born in Ireland about 1792; entered the service of the Hudson's men and Fort Simpson on the same scale. You will therefore bring all the surplus men with you. Wishing you a safe and Successful Voyage I am Dear Sir Yours truly (Sigd) John McLoughlin CF. Reed. 20th Deer. 34 J.W. (Quoted from Work's inward letter-book, in the F. W. Howay Collection, The University of British Columbia.) (9.) Captain William Henry McNeill came to the Pacific Coast in 1831 as master of the American brig Lama. He sold the vessel to the Hudson's Bay Company in 1832, and, although an American citizen, remained in command, becoming a servant of the Company. He became a Chief Trader in 1840 and a Chief Factor in 1856. He retired in 1863. See John T. Walbran, British Columbia Coast Names, Ottawa, 1909, pp. 391-3. (10) See W. Kaye Lamb, "The Founding of Fort Victoria," British Columbia Historical Quarterly, VII. (1943), p. 81. (11) See Henry Drummond Dee, " An Irishman in the Fur Trade: The Life and Journals of John Work," British Columbia Historical Quarterly, VII. (1943), pp. 229-70. 132 H. D. Dee. April Bay Company in 1814; was transferred to the Columbia District in 1823, and appointed a Chief Trader in 1830. He was thus 42 years of age when his expedition northward to Fort Simpson began. He died in Victoria in 1861, at the age of 69. Certain liberties have been taken with the original text of the journals when transcribing them for printing. Names of all ships have been italicized. Uniformity has been introduced in the spelling of well-known names. Variations in Work's date entries have been eliminated and a standard form adopted. For ease in reading, many small changes have been made in punctua- ■ tion. Apart from these superficial changes, however, spelling, abbreviations, and phraseology have been left untouched so as to preserve the full flavour of Work's original and somewhat Pepysian style. Special thanks are extended to Mr. Isaac Burpee, of Portland, Oregon, who has most generously supplied many details relating to Work's family. The untiring assistance of Miss Madge Wolfenden, Acting Provincial Archivist, is greatly appreciated. To Mrs. Garnet Fay, of the staff of the Provincial Archives, sincere thanks are due for her unflagging efforts to decipher the crabbed writing and faded words of the century-old Work journals. Henry Drummond Dee. 1944 John Work's Journal, 1835. 133 THE JOURNAL OF JOHN WORK, 1835. [At Anchor, mouth of the Columbia River.] Tuesday, January 20. Stormy, Wind Southerly, with rain. It blew so hard towards evening that the vessel dragged her anchor, so that another anchor had to be put out, and the yards taken down to prevent her from going ashore. The sea ran very high. The Mate1 was ashore on the Cape" in the forenoon examining the bar & reports that it was breaking very high all across. It will take some days to lower it so that we can venture out, even should the wind be favourable. Wednesday, January 21. Blew hard the forepart of the night. Wind light and variable during the day, fine weather with light showers. The bar is not so rough as was expected after such a heavy gale as blew yesterday. The yards were all got up, and the sails dried a little, of which they were in much need. They are becoming all mildewed and rotting, indeed both them and the ropes cannot be otherwise, continually wet, and scarcely a chance of getting them dried a little. Voyaging in the winter here is ruinous to the sails and rigging of vessels. [Voyage from the Columbia River to Fort McLoughlin.] Thursday, January 22. Rather stormy in the morning. Wind E., yet the wind being favourable we crossed the bar, which was pretty rough but did not break. We were about an hour of crossing it. When we were 12 miles from the cape at noon the wind shifted round to the Southward and we went on with a fine breeze at 6 to 7 knots all the afternoon.3 Friday, January 28. Showry weather. The wind continued favourable untill the afternoon when it changed round to the westward and began to blow a gale and rise a heavy swell. From Noon yesterday until noon today, we ran 160 Miles. Saturday, January 24. Stormy from the Westward with a heavy sea which caused the vessel to pitch very much and rendered myself & several others sea sick. The heavy sea & [word indecipherable] wind prevented us from making much way we made only 111 Miles from Noon yesterday till noon today. Sunday, January 25. Continued stormy part of the night. This gale has lasted 36 hours. Towards morning the weather became moderate, and during the day the wind was light and baffling & squally—and variable. In the morning we passed Scots Island.* Only 69 miles were made'these last 24 hours. ie of the steamer Beaver, and was later in command of the Cadboro and the Mary Dare. See H.B.S., IV., pp. 355-6. (2) Cape Disappointment, at the north side of the entrance to the Columbia River. (3) The Lama was now sailing northward, bound for Fort McLoughlin, on Milbanke Sound. Her course would take her past Cape Flattery and up the west coast of Vancouver Island. (4) The Scott Island group, off the northern extremity of Vancouver 134 H. D. Dee. April Monday, January 26. During the night and through the day the weather was squally, wind changeable. We came in sight of Cape SwaineB and proceeded up with a light wind towards it and were within 3 or 4 miles in the evening. These last 24 hours made 72 Miles. Tuesday, January 27. Fine weather in the night and during the day. Wind light and variable. Continued under way off and on during the night, and working up but with little progress all day in the evening we were only abreast of Cape Swaine, all day we made only [blank in MS.] Miles. Four Indian canoes came out of the Sound6 and paid us a visit. The Indians in one of them said they were going to the fort' and I sent a note by them to Mr. MansonS apprising him that we were here. Wednesday, January 28. Fine weather during the night with little wind, a good breeze during the [word omitted in MS.] from N.E. which was nearly a head. Kept under way in the night and continued beating up the sound till afternoon when the weather became thick and squally with snow when we had to put about and run down the sound till within a mile of Cape Swaine where we anchored a short distance from the shore. Stony bottom. We are little farther advanced now than we were in the morning. From here we are only 17 or 18 miles from the fort. During the day we have made only [blank in MS.] Miles. Thursday, January 29. Heavy rain in the night and all day. The wind blowing pretty fresh, got under way in the morning and anchored in the afternoon in Actives Cove9 about 6 Miles from the fort. This day we made about 11 Miles. There are a number of Indians encamped on the opposite side of the Sound. Some of them visited us in the evening. Dr. Tolmie1" in a canoe accompanied by two men and some Indians came aboard in the forenoon. He left the fort yesterday and was in sight of us when the snow (5) At the southern entrance to Milbanke Sound. (6) The name " Milbanke Sound " applied in 1835 not merely to the area as defined to-day, but also to the then unnamed ramifications that extended far inland. In modern parlance the Lama proceeded from Milbanke Sound into Seaforth Channel, finally turning south into Lama Passage, which separates Campbell and Denny islands. (7) Fort McLoughlin, built in 1833 on McLoughlin Bay, a small harbour on the east coast of Campbell Island. (8) Donald Manson entered the employ of the Hudson's Bay Company in 1817. He became a clerk in the Columbia District and was with James McMillan when the latter founded Fort Langley in 1827. In 1829, Manson went to Fort Vancouver, and thence to Fort Simpson on the Nass River. He was in charge of Fort McLoughlin in 1834-39. He became Chief Trader in 1837 and never rose above that rank. (9) Now Kynumpt Harbour, at the extreme north of Campbell Island. See Report of Geographic Board of Canada, 1924, pp. 14, 152. (10) Di Jane, entered the surgeon in 1832. McLoughlin in If. Tolmie. 1812-1886, r Tolmi , 'ho married Work's eldest daughter of the Hudson's Bay Company as physician and as first stationed at Nisqually, and left for Fort ree S. F. Tolmie, "My Father: William Fraser British Columbia Historical Quarterly, I. (1937), yy. 227-240. The arrival of the Lama is reported as follows in Dr. Tolmie's diary, under date Sunday, February 1, 1835: "On Wednesday, Indians brought intelligence of the approach of the Llama & soon after Qunnacha- noot appeared & brought a letter dated off Cape Swaine from Captain McNeil & another from Mr. Work who was o: ' transcript in Provincial Archives.) (Original i 1944 John Work's Journal, 1835. 135 storm obliged us to put about and the weather being so thick that he could not follow us he had to put ashore and passed a miserable night in the rain without any covering. Mr. Manson and the people at the fort are all well. Friday, January SO. Heavy rain, with little wind all day. The vessel not being able to move, I left her in a boat accompanied by Dr. Tolmie and arrived at the Ft. McLoughlin a little past noon. The men returned to the vessel with the boat immediately. I find Mr. Manson and the people all well. The Indians are becoming quiet and more peacably disposed. Saturday. January 81. Overcast showry weather. We hear from the Natives that the vessel has come up to the Narrows a little below the fort. Sunday, February 1. Fine mild fair weather, but no wind. A Number of Indians about the place. Mr. Manson went down to the vessel and brought up Capt. McNeill to dinner. The fort is now nearly finished!! and in excellent order. The men are now busy clearing ground for gardens, and a tedious laborious job it is. The stumps are very thick and difficult to root out. The soil is a black peat moss and apparently not of a good quality but perhaps draining and tillage may improve it. The ground is clear, or the wood all felled for 100 yards round the fort so that it is not easy for the Indians to approach should they be again hostilely disposed. The men are now principally fed on dry salmon of which an abundance is easily obtained at a very cheap rate from the Natives but very little venison or fresh fish can be procured from the Indians. The most of their time has been occupied for the last three Months conjuring, so that they have exerted themselves but little hunting and even those who did go had not much success. Owing to the mildness of the season the deer keep up in the mountains and come but little down to the waterside and the Indians are too lazy to go far into the woods after them. The trade since the Dryad left in the beginning of Nov. amounts to [blank in MS.] Beaver & otters which is more than in the corresponding time last year. But the Tariff keeps still at a blanket per large beaver skin which is very high, but the Indians will rather keep their beaver in expectation of American vessels coming, than sell them lower. Monday, February 2. Fine weather. The vessel had a little breeze of wind and came up to the fort in the forenoon, and commenced unloading the cargo. Great numbers of Indians were about the place. They brought some fresh provisions, part of which was given to the sailors. Tuesday, February 8. Overcast but fine weather. The remainder of the cargo was landed, and afterwards some ballast taken in. Several Indians about the place Wednesday, February 4. Overcast, Mild weather. The vessel took in the rest of her ballast. Stated the mens accounts to them, and proposed to them to reengage but not one of them would agree or consent to remain. The only reason they assign is that they wish to go home & that they have been long enough here.12 (11) Dr. Tolmie, whose diary was consulted to see if its author gave any picture of the fort at this time, makes only a casual mention of its No definite reason for it has been found, beyond a reference to the fact that they did not like the way in which salmon, their chief food, was cured. The fort was always pictured as an extremely damp and dreary spot. Thursday, February 5. Fine mild summer like weather. Some things more to be arranged on board, deterred us from sailing, but everything is [Voyage from Fort McLoughlin to Fort Simpson.] Friday, February 6. Remarkably fine mild weather, very little wind. Got under weigh at 10 A.M. but wind being ahead and so light we got only about two miles below the fort where Mr. Manson has the men busily employed clearing ground for a garden. And a tedious laborious job it is, the ground is full of stumps and roots many of them so large that it is very difficult and great labour to get them out. The soil is very wet and composed of black peat moss on a bed of rocks, and appears not well adapted for yielding good crops without much labour and a mixture of clayey gravel or manure which is difficult to be obtained. From the wetness of the soil draining will also be required. Still with labour in some time it may be made sufficiently productive to yield enough of potatoes & other garden vegetables for the maintenance of the people at the fort. In a small stream about 100 yards from the fort, tho' not much larger than a mill stream, abundance of salmon are caught in the fall, but they are then of an indifferent quality. But had they a seine or even common fishing nets great numbers might be caught out in the bay at a much earlier season when they are of an excellent quality. [Gap in manuscript as if Work had intended a further entry.] We had to anchor some distance from the Indian village1^ on the island. Saturday, February 7. Weather the same as yesterday. Wind light and variable. Got under weigh in the morning but the wind was so light that we were only abreast of Cape Swaine in the evening," beating the most of the way down the Sound. Some Indians came off to us with a small deer some wild fowl and fish. Sunday, February 8. Overcast gloomy weather. Wind N.E. Kept under way all night. In the course of the night the wind freshened up a little and continued a nice breeze all day which carried us along at 4 to 6 miles an hour. We lay along in sight of the land and in the evening were off Banks island16 N. end. From point Day16 which we left at 10. Oclock last night till noon today we made [blank in MS.] miles. Monday, February 9. Fell calm last night and continued calm all day. During the day & night we have not made 3 miles. We are off Bonilla island.1' Fine mild cloudy weather. Tuesday, February 10. Fine weather. A little breeze sprang up in the night but was light and baffling occasionally during the day. We continued (13) Probably refers to Bella B west of Fort McLoughlin, on which village. (14) The Lama was now leaving Milbanke Sound, and was about to . turn northward, bound for Fort Simpson. (15) A large island in Hecate Strait, between Caamano Sound on the south and Browning Entrance on the north. The Lama logged about 120 miles that day. (16) The south end of Price Island, at the north-west entrance to Milbanke Sound. (17) A small island off the north-west coast of Banks Island. 1944 John Work's Journal, 1835. 137 beating after passing inside of Isle de Zayas1* and anchored at the Ft. Simpson at 1 Oclock in the morning, when I went ashore with Dr. Kenedy," who had come off to us in a canoe. I found Mr. Birnie29 who had been ailing some days, unwell. Some of the people have also been unwell, the others are all well. The sick are only ailing with casual sickness. It is a liver complaint, that troubles Mr. Birnie. Wednesday, February 11. Fine mild weather. The people employed landing part of the cargo. There are a great many Indians about the place, principally Chymsians or Pearl harbour Indians.21 They are now assembled to proceed up Nass Straits, to the little fish fishery.22 At present they are pretty quiet, but some time ago they manifested symptoms of being troublesome and made use of threats and it is probable they will not be thoroughly quiet until they be chastised and be made feel the strength and power of the Whites. Beaver and some small furs have been traded since Mr. Ogden left at the rate of 1 beaver large per blanket & a little tobacco, a good many of these were got for liquor. At this rate, high as it is, the natives appear not very keen to trade, no doubt in expectation of the arrival of the American vessels, when they anticipate realising high prices. A considerable quantity of provisions has been procured since Mr. Ogden's departure, a good deal of Venison was salted in the fall, and a good deal procured fresh during the winter besides fish. All traded at a moderate rate. The fort2^ is not yet finished. The dwelling house is not yet up. A general store, Indian shop two dwelling houses for the gentlemen, a range of houses for the men, a forge, kitchen, and the block houses, are up and occupied; but some of them only temporarily roof ed with bark. The area inside the fort is still unfinished. The timber for about a gunshot round the fort (18) The Lama sailed through Caamano Pass, between Zayas Island and Dundas Island, just south of the present international boundary-line in Dixon Entrance. Zayas Island was named after Jacinto Caamafio's second pilot, Don Juan Zayas. See Wagner, Cartography, II., p. 422. (19) John Frederick Kennedy, like Dr. Tolmie, had been educated as a physician and surgeon and had joined the Company in the dual capacity of doctor and clerk. From Fort Vancouver he had been transferred in 1831-32 to the Nass. Kennedy's service in the Company was spent mostly at and in charge of Fort Simpson. He was appointed a Chief Trader in 1847, and in 1856 retired to Victoria, where he died in 1859. (20) James Birnie entered the employ of the North West Company in 1818 and joined the Hudson's Bay Company in 1821. He kept the Spokane Journal in the season of 1822-23, and was stationed at Fort Simpson in 1834-37. (21) These are the Tsimpsean Indians from the present peninsula of that name. Pearl Harbour is a bay just south of the site of Fort Simpson and is also on the Tsimpsean Peninsula. (22) The Indians were assembled to proceed to Fishery Bay, about 14 miles from the mouth of the Nass River, to catch oolachans or candle-fish. The oolachan, not as big as a herring, but rich in oil, was used for its grease, which the Indians ate, or burned, when dried, for light and heat. See H. A. Collison, " The Oolachan Fishery," in British Columbia Historical Quarterly, V. (1941), pp. 25-31. (23) It will be recalled that the fort had been removed from its old site on the Nass to this new position in the summer of the previous year, 1834. The original fort had been established on the Nass River by Peter Skene Ogden and Captain iEmilius Simpson in the summer of 1831. This first site was found to be difficult of access to the sailing vessels of the time, hence change of its location. 138 H. D. Dee. April has been felled, but the most of it still lays on the ground, and will require much labour and time to clear it of [sic] particularly the roots which are many of them very large. The gallery2* is also up but no railing round it nor a head piece on the stockades. Two boats were directed to be built, one of them is finished and the other under way. Thursday, February 12. Still fine weather. The remainder of the cargo was landed. Also [blank in MS.] bushels of potatoes and some garden seeds were put on shore. In pursuance of instructions some ground is being cleared for a garden, and a most tedious, laborious, and difficult job it will be, the ground is so thickly wooded and so full of stumps, fallen timber and roots, and though it is on the declivity of a rising ground it is so wet that it will require a good "deal of draining. The soil on the surface is composed of black peat and moss with decayed roots wood and other vegetable substance and does not appear well adapted for tillage, but may answer this purpose well when mixed with the under strata which is composed of sandy gravel and some shells. But stirring this up and mixing it will require much time and labour. The situation has also a Northern aspect, which is not in its favour. Mr. Birnie is apprehensive that the propensity of the Indians to theft may lead to quarrels but as the guns command the situation, I think the Natives may be deterred from stealing. The Indians traded a few beaver, and some venison and fish, which enabled some fresh provisions to be supplied the Lama's crew. Friday, February IS. Fine weather forenoon some light rain afterwards. The Lama's people employed taking in balast, repairing boarding netting26 &c. Had an outfit selected26 and got ready to put on board the Lama. The Indians still numerous about the place tho' some canoes went off yesterday & today. Saturday, February 14. Very heavy rain all day. It has been mostly heavy rain all winter. The people of the vessel employed as yesterday, Mr. Birnie is much worse today, than some time past, he is confined to bed. Sunday, February 15. Very heavy rain all day. The Natives stirring about very little. Monday, February 16. Showry weather. The people of the vessel employed as on Saturday. Tuesday, February 17. Very heavy rain and some sleet, in the night and all day. The people on board taking in water and other jobs, but the weather was so bad that very little could be done. The Men at the fort, also making but slow progress owing to the excessive bad weather. They are now employed, part preparing some timber that is wanted for the dwelling house, and part clearing ground for a garden. This is a tedious job. Two sawyers are also employed sawing boards to roof the dwelling (24) The gallery was a platform built on the inside of the stockade about halfway up, so that the defenders of the fort could repel any attacks by gun fire over the top of the logs which formed this stockade. Diagrams of old Fort Victoria show that such galleries were placed on alternate corners to the bastions. (25) A stout netting was placed around the bulwarks of the ship to guard against any attempt on the part of Indians to surprise and rr the crew and plunder the ship. (26) Such an outfit would include guns, ammunition, blankets, i molasses, rice, and the like, which were used in trade with the Indians. John Work's Journal, 1835. Wednesday, February 18. Slight frost in the morning, fine weather during the day. All the goods for a trading cruise were put on board the vessel, the boarding nets were also spread. Mr. Birnie who has been ailing some days is getting a little better, but still part of the day confined to bed. The Indians brought in some deer & traded a few beaver. They seem not much inclined to part with their beaver anticipating the arrival of Americans when they expect to get a higher price. Our Tariff is now a blanket per large beaver and other dry goods in proportion, besides a little Tobacco, and extravagant as this Tariff is, and notwithstanding our anxiety to lower it, it is deemed not prudent to do so at present, as it is of importance to draw as many of the furs as possible out of the hands of the Indians so that few may remain to fall into the hands of our opponents, and thereby discourage them. Should we lower the Tariff now, the Indians would keep up their furs, till the arrival of Opponents, when we would be obliged either to make no returns, or give a higher price than that now paid, and then probably get but a small share of the trade. Under these circumstances it is deemed advisable to continue for the present trading at the present scale, at least till we see whether an opposition will come or not. Thursday, February 19. Frost in the morning snow showers part of the day. The people on board. Took in some more water, stowed the boats upon deck and got every thing ready for sea. The Indians brought 7 or 8 deer, and some halibut, 3 very fine ones. Fresh provisions are obtained in abundance, [blank in MS.] deer have been traded since [blank in MS.] October last. [Trading cruise from Fort Simpson to Kaigani.] Friday, February 20. Frost in the morning. Overcast but fair weather during the day. At 10 Oclock in the morning, sailed from Ft. Simpson. The wind was favourable, but light till we got out opposite Nass Straits2' when we had a strong breeze. Towards evening it became calm but still favourable. In the evening we were getting near Cape Murray.28 Mr. Birnie was a little better and it is expected he will soon be well. A young man Son of Elgigh, the Ft. Simpson Chief, accompanies us to deliver a message from his father to the Kygarny Indians29 relative to making peace between the two tribes, which have had a misunderstanding for some time. Though we dont wish to appear to have any desire to this effect, but we would be desirous that it would take place as it might be of advantage, for were they at peace these would also frequent the fort and some trade might be obtained from them. Saturday, February 21. Frost in the night and cold weather during the day. Had to lay to part of the night as we were close in with the land. (27) Entrance to Portland Inlet. (28) Point Nunez, on Bean Island near Cape Chacon, on the north side of Dixon Entrance. Jacinto Caamano placed it farther west in the position of the present Point Marsh. See H. R. Wagner and W. A. Newcombe (eds.), "The Journal of Jacinto Caamano," in British Columbia Historical Quarterly, II. (1938), p. 265, n. 33. (29) These are the Kaigani Indians, a branch of the Haidas. 140 H. D. Dee. April By 10 A.M. got into KygarnyS" and anchored in the second harbour with a village a piece below & another a piece above us. Several Indians shortly came off to us, and during the afternoon examined our goods and had a good deal of conversation about our prices which dont seem to please them. Many of these people have been on different Otter hunting [expeditions] to California and came round by the Sandwich islands and are well acquainted with trafic,31 and expect the high prices which they have obtained from the Americans and from our people lately. Sunday, February 22. Weather as yesterday. A considerable number of Indians on board and about the vessel all day. They have got a few beaver and some Sea Otters among them, but will not accept our prices. We were induced to offer a blanket 1 gall: Ind: Rum'2 & a head Tobacco per beaver but at this rate only 5 beaver and 1 Otter were traded. They ask 10 blankets with rum, Molasses, & Rice a gallon each. These terms We consider too high. Even at these prices the Indians seem not very anxious to trade as they are in expectation of American vessels arriving very soon. We consider it not advisable to urge them, in hopes that by a little delay they may become easier dealt with. They are very difficult to bargain with. 5 deer, some halibut and a few potatoes were traded from them. Monday, February 28. Sharp frost in the night, clear cold weather [to] day. The boat with a party was sent ashore to cut firewood, and get timber for Sweeps.33 Several of the Natives visited us and examined all our goods, and had a good deal of talk about our prices which the[y] seem not inclined to accept of but stand out for the extravagant prices of these years past which their expectation of Americans arriving induces them to hope they will be able to obtain. Indeed they appear not at all anxious to trade, as they say they have abundance of goods of every kind, and ridicule our paltry assortment, and not without some reason for though we have a good stock of some of the principal articles yet we are very short or entirely without a great many goods of minor description. The quality of our goods particularly blankets and other woolens are also complained of3* and said to be far inferior to those that Capt Allan36 had, and also to those which they get from the Russians. With much reluctance we offered them (30) Kaigani Harbour, on the southern end of Dall Island, Alaska. Named by the Russian governor Etolin in 1833. Admiralty charts in the Archives at Victoria show the Indian villages. The area was much frequented by the maritime traders of the last century. (31) The maritime sea-otter trade in the early 19th century was carried on off the coast of California by vessels which usually had their winter headquarters in Honolulu. Their practice was to sail from the Sandwich Islands (now the Hawaiian Islands) in the spring, proceeding to Kaigani, where they gathered a crew of native hunters. They then set sail for the hunting grounds off California, and returned late in the autumn to Honolulu. See Adele Ogden, The California Sea Otter Trade, 1784-1848, Berkeley and Los Angeles, 1941. (32) " Indian rum " was rum diluted by water. (33) Crude oars, which could be used aboard the Lama to supplement the efforts of her boats in towing her out of the harbour against a head (34) Some complaint about quality must have been sent to Dr. John McLoughlin at Fort Vancouver, since he mentions it in his report of November 15, 1836, to the Governor and Committee in London. See H.B.S., IV., p. 162. (35) Captain Allan, of the American brig Europa. John Work's Journal, 1835. 141 a gallon of Ind: Rum per beaver higher than is given at the fort but they will not accept of it, for they say that even should the Americans not come) they can obtain more from the Russians. They were also offered 7 blankets or 5 blankets and a gun, with the usual present of rum, Molasses, rice &c, which we consider high, for a Sea Otter, but they will not take it. These are all California Otters and they say they refused 10 blankets each for them at Woahoo.36 They brought some inferior bears and some other small indifferent skins but we would not purchase them. They traded only 14 beaver and 1 small land Otter & 3 Black Bears.—They are a complete set of hunters, and reckoned the most difficult Indians on the coast to deal with. Among the other Indians who visited us, was a half breed named George Whitemore dressed in a fashionable velvet caped surtout white shirt flashy waistcoat, beaver hat, fine trousers white stockings and pumps. This individual handed us a letter from Capt. Duncan3' to Capt. McNeill dated at this place 27th Feby. last, when he was going to depart a few days before he lost the vessel,33 he complains that he could not trade but a very few skins, notwithstanding the high prices he offered. Whiteworth [sic] has also two certificates, one of his good conduct when on the Otter hunting parties, the other stating that a chief here had stopped one of Picken's boats39 and Crew on shore and that it was only by the interference of the other Indians they were got off. From this man we also learn, that Capt. Pickens on hearing of the loss of the Vancouver from the Indians, very laudably proceeded to the place to render every assistance in his power accompanied by Whitemore & other Indians. But on arrival at the place nobody was to be seen and the vessel was broke up. From what these people learned from the Indians, it was most unfortunate that they abandoned the vessel so soon as they did, for the next tide she floated off to her anchor & might easily have been saved. It also appears that a great deal of the danger they apprehended from the Indians was imaginary for the Natives themselves affirm that only 8 were on the ground, and that in order to intimidate the Crew, they kindled a great number of fires in the night to make it be believed that their numbers were greater than they really were. Since the wreck the Indians who obtained the property have enriched themselves buying slaves &c. It is a pity there were not means of compelling them to give back the property or something in lieu of it and at the same time of punishing them effectually for what they have been guilty of. But were we to go there we would not be able to do any thing by force, and until we [can] do so it is deemed better to say nothing on the subject, (36) Common spelling used by the fur-traders on the coast for Oahu, the most important of the Hawaiian Islands, on which Honolulu is situated. (37) Captain Alexander Duncan rose from the position of seaman to that of master in the marine department of the Hudson's Bay Company. He was the captain of the schooner Vancouver when she was wrecked on the Queen Charlotte Islands in 1834. Exonerated from all blame, he was placed in command of the Cadboro. After commanding other vessels for the Hudson's Bay Company, he retired in 1848. (38) The schooner Vancouver, wrecked on March 3, 1834. (39) Probably Captain Benjamin Pickens, who was a frequent visitor to the Coast. He was engaged primarily in the sea-otter trade. He visited the Coast in the brig Convoy in 1831, and again in 1832 in the brig Crusader, but no reference has been found to a visit in 1834. 142 H. D. Dee. April further than that it will not be dropped. Should the Steam boat*9 come, they might probably be punished effectually. Tuesday, February 24. Frost in the night cloudy cold weather during the day. A number of Indians again visited us during the day, and had another examination of the goods, but seem not inclined to trade as they think the prices are too low, and insist upon having more, which on our part we will not agree to give. It is even with reluctance we offer the price above stated for though it is only a gallon of mixed liquor higher than the fort tariff it may induce the Natives there to insist upon getting the same. But it is said that these are the most difficult Indians on the coast to deal with, and that the others will be easier induced. Besides as this is alway[s] the first part [port] the opposition makes on reaching the Coast it is of importance to secure the Skins before they arrive. Notwithstanding this we will not give a higher price than that offered, And it appears doubtful whether it will be accepted. No trade today. Wednesday, February 25. About 5 or 6 Inches of snow fell in the night. Overcast cold weather during the day. The Natives visited us again, and again used their utmost endeavours to get a higher price for their furs, but without effect, they again state that they can obtain more from the American vessels which may be expected soon, and that even should the Americans not come they can obtain more from the Russians, which it is understood is the case. In the evening they traded 4 Sea Otters 5 Beaver & 2 land Otters. Thursday, February 26. Overcast rather mild weather. The Natives were off again to day and traded 21 Sea Otters 5 Beaver & 4 Land Otters at the prices offered. I almost regret getting their furs, as none of our goods are in demand with them but blankets which I am apprehensive we will fall short of. Cotton, Strouds, Capots*1 and several other articles, they will not accept unless a quantity beyond reason be given. Friday, February 27. Overcast cold weather. Frost in the night. Several more of the Natives were off on board today and traded [blank in MS.] Sea Otters [blank in MS.] Beavers & [blank in MS.] Land Otters, at the usual prices except Some of the smaller Sea Otters which were got cheaper, but still except what is given in presents nothing but prime goods go. The Indians expect other vessels which will give them a higher price and in consequence appear not at all Anxious to sell their furs. Saturday, February 28. Weather as yesterday. Some more of the Indians came off today and traded 6 Sea Otters & 1 Land Otter. It appears they [have] not got many beaver or land Otter, but from all accounts they have a good many Sea Otter yet, but seem not inclined to dispose of them notwithstanding the high price given them. For a large Otter they get to the amount of about 4£ which I look upon as very high. Sunday, March 1. Very bad weather. Snow sleet & rain all day. An Indian called Musket paid us a visit. He states that last summer he was (40) So early a reference to the steamer Beaver is interesting, since she was only ordered in 1834 and did not arrive on the Coast until 1836. See W. Kaye Lamb, " The Advent of the Beaver," British Columbia Historical Quarterly, II. (1938), pp. 163-179. (41) Strouds were bolts of different coloured blanket cloth which was traded to the Indians. Capots were hooded cloaks made of similar material. John Work's Journal, 1835. 143 at Chilkath*2 at the head of Clarences Straits on a trading excursion, that a Russian vessel was there trading with the Natives who were amply supplied with arms both Muskets & blunderbusses, and Ammunition, and rum, that they give the Indians a blanket but nothing else for a beaver, some Ammunition & other Articles in proportion. From this man it also appears that the Indians at Stikeen are laying a plan to cut off the Russian establishment there,*3 and that both men and women even providing themselves with knives daggers and other arms for the purpose. Cutting off the establishment they consider will not be a difficult task. It seems the Russians have not a very strong force there and that they have no stockades but merely houses. The Natives' plan is to by various pretexts to assemble in force and when they get to close quarters to close with the whites and overpower them by numbers. They dont seem to apprehend the vengeance of the Russians hereafter. The cause of the Indians' discontent is their not getting such high prices for their furs as usual or as they would wish. The Natives have also been frequently enquiring whether we dont mean to take some measures against the Indians who plundered the wrecked Vancouver, and enforce a restitution of the property or value for it. To this they have been returned evasive answers. From their conversation it appears that from the transactions at Stikeen last summer and the affair of the Vancouver being overlooked we are much lessened in their estimation and our power looked upon with very little respect. In order to remove this impression it would be highly desirable to take notice of the Vancouver affair, even should but little profit derive from it. But as we are situated at present, notwithstanding we have a crew of 20 Able hands, except a very favourable opportunity, indeed, would offer, we would be able to make no impression on those plunderers, as we could not approach their village without much risk and exposure and even then they could fly into the woods and evade us. Besides the goods are long since all dispersed, and even should a favourable chance offer we could gain but little. We might recover the guns and chains but even that would be doubtful without paying for them. It is therefore probably the best plan to not notice the affair for the present, but wait for the arrival of the steamboat,** which with another vessel in company might perhaps do the thing effectually and be able to compell the Indians to make restitution of the property or value for it if they had any, but this tribe the Massets*6 though powerful in numbers are very poor in furs of any kind. 2 Sea Otters were traded today. Monday, March 2. Rained the most of the day, wind from the S.E., and though there is not much wind here, it probably blows hard outside as s [sic] there is a considerable swell where we lie. But very few of the And a Natives visited us today. The men employed getting in wood and v, little or nothing more to expect from the Indians in the is unnecessary to remain longer here and we will be off ■ day, weather permitting. Some of the Indians have not those who have been here have yet some furs, way of trade been to visit i (42) This may refer to the Chilkat area at the head of Lynn Canal. No such place has been located on Clarence Straits. (43) Redoubt St. Dionysius, the fort built to keep the Hudson's Bay Company out of the Stikine area in 1834. See introduction. (44) The steamer Beaver. (45) A branch of the Haida Indians from Masset, near Rose Spit, on Graham Island, in the Queen Charlotte group. but are not inclined to dispose of them at our prices. Those whom we have not seen are no doubt disposed the same way or they would have been here, as they have had sufficient time to have had inteligence of our being here. We will therefore return to the fort & thence to Nass, where the Indians are about this time beginning to assemble to fish small fish and make oil.*6 We obtain a sufficiency of fish, principally halibut for the use of the people; a few potatoes have also been obtained. Tuesday, March 3. Rained the most of the day, thick weather and blowing fresh into the harbour. No attempt could be made to move today. Very few of the Natives came aboard, they are mostly all gone off to their villages. Wednesday, March 4. Blowing squally weather in the night. Mild in the morning, cloudy weather & blowing occasionally afterwards. The wind S. E. blowing right into the harbour, so that we could not get out. Some of the Natives came off and traded 4 Sea Otters & 4 beaver. They had some more Sea Otters & beaver but would not accept the price offered and took them away again. A deer and some halibut were also traded. I regret being delayed by this unfavorable wind, as I am anxious to get to Nass lest some opponents might come on, and yet we have still plenty of time to be there before the Indians are assembled. Thursday, March 5. Stormy from the S. E. in the night. Moderate forepart of the day with heavy rain and hail showers, which continued during the day but in the afternoon the wind shifted to the S.W. when it blew fresh with squalls. We are in hopes if the wind continues favorable that the weather will admit of our getting out tomorrow. On account of the unfavorable weather but few of the Natives visited us today. One Sea Otter was traded from the Chief. Friday, March 6. Stormy with rain & hail in the night. In the morning it was moderate, when we expected to get out & the boats were taken aboard, but the wind shifted round and continued to blow fresh with squalls right into the harbour all day with rain and hail and towards evening was very stormy. No chance of getting out. Several of the Natives visited us but traded only one beaver. They had some more beaver and Sea Otters but would not accept our price. On being told that they would not get so much when we returned again, they said that rather than take less they would cut up their skins and make blankets of them. This however I look upon as only a bravo, yet I think there is a great likelihood that when our tariff shall be reduced that even should there be no opposition little trade will be obtained for at least a year, as the Indians are well supplied with goods of every kind and that they will hold out in expectation of the arrival of other traders. And even when the tariff shall have been reduced, it will have to be raised again should opponents cast up or we will lose all the trade; and undoubtedly a part of it even should we then lower our prices. The prices we now pay I consider extravagantly high, and yet high as they are the Indians would not accept of them, were they not anxious to get an additional supply of goods to go off to trade to the Northward.*' (46) A further reference to the oolachan fishery. See footnote 22 above. (47) A reference to the extensive slave trade that was carried on between the Indian tribes and to the fact that the coastal tribes acted as middlemen in the fur trade between the Indians of the interior and the white maritime traders. 1944 John Work's Journal, 1835. 145 Saturday, March 7. Rain and hail during the day. The wind still unfavorable, till towards evening when it shifted to the S.W. but it was then considered too late to go out. Several of the Natives came off & traded 2 Sea Otters. A few potatoes were also bought from them for seed at the Fort. Sunday, March 8. Showry weather. Very little wind and that little right in to the harbour in the morning. In the afternoon the wind shifted round to the S.W. Yet the Capt. was deterred from starting by some Indians who were aboard to sell a couple of Sea Otters. The weather, tho' the wind was fair appeared unfavourable and squally. Monday, March 9. Blew fresh from the S.E. with squally showery weather during the night. Rain forenoon, little wind from the S.E. during the day. In the afternoon the weather cleared up, the wind being still unfavourable, so that we are detained here still, which I regret as I am anxious to get off, there being little chance of getting any thing more here at present, for though the Indians have still some skins yet they will not accept of our prices extravagantly high as they are, and indeed at this high price I am little anxious to get any more of the Sea Otters, in hopes that should no opposition cast up they might be obtained at a lower rate. Yet one is in doubt how to act, for should an opposition appear the furs will doubtless cost a good deal higher. I regret to see so many of our blankets (which are the only articles in demand) go as we may fall short of them, and it would be much more advantageous to dispose of them for beaver than Sea Otters, particularly of the quality of those we get here. Several Indians came off today and traded 1 Sea Otter, also 2 deer and some fish which is a seasonable supply as what we had were out. Tuesday, March 10. Thick fog in the morning with very little wind, but afterwards it sprung up a fresh breeze from E to S.E. which towards evening increased to a stiff gale. Got under weigh about 9 Oclock and swept and towed out of the harbour and continued beating against the wind and now in the evening have not got up with Cape Murray tho' the distance is only about [blank in MS.] Miles.*3 The fog cleared off towards noon. The weather has now a threatening appearance. Should a strong S. Easter come on it is expected we can run back to Kygarny or get into Tongass harbour.49 Several of the Indians came alongside as we were coming off in the morning and traded two Sea Otters and some Halibut. Wednesday, March 11. The gale increased during the night that towards morning the vessel was obliged to be hove too. The wind still increased with a very heavy sea and the weather so thick accompanied with rain so that nothing could be seen, the vessel pitching heavily and shipping a good deal of water. About noon we were drawn in upon the land as was supposed (48) 25-30 miles. (49) There are two harbours by this name mentioned in Marcus Baker, Geographic Dictionary of Alaska, 1906, pp. 614, 632. One is on Annette Island, just behind Point Percy, which forms the south-east entrance to Clarence Strait. The other is on Tongass Island, 3 or 4 miles east of Cape Fox. 146 H. D. Dee. about point Percy69 but the weather was so thick that no one could tell exactly where. Our situation now was for some time very critical as we were drawn on by a violent wind and surrounded by rocks & breakers on a lee shore where no safe place could be discovered to run into and anchor. As a last effort more sail was put on the vessel notwithstanding the violence of the wind, and by God's Mercy she worked out clear of the land, and we escaped the imminent danger in which we were. The gale continued unabated till late in the evening when it moderated a little and the wind shifted a little more to the southward, but the sea still runing very high and the vessel pitching heavily. This is of little consequence as we have sea room but there are dangerous rocks in our way. We are still plying to Windward. The Captain and several of the people are sea sick. Thursday, March 12. The gale continued, but more moderate the greater part of the night; towards morning it had moderated a good deal, and the sea fallen proportionably, the wind also changed round to from S to S.W. At day light we were approaching Isle de Zaya,61 and by 2 P.M. had anchored at Ft. Simpson the wind having died away so much that there was barely enough to take us in. It was my intention to have put into Tongass harbour, but understanding that the Indians about this season are generally off on their way to Nass, and that the only likely plan to find them would be Clemencitty62 which is not over 8 or 10 Miles from this place, where they will most likely call in passing, we did not put in there either as it is difficult to get out of again. Although we expected all the Ft. Simpson Indians would have been off to Nass before now, a considerable number of them are here still. Mr. Birnie has got nearly well. [To be continued.] (50) The south-eastern entrance to Clarence Strait. The mention of this Point seems to confirm the first-mentioned place in the above note as the one meant by Work. (51) Zayas Island, as previously identified. (52) Clemencitty or Clement's City is identified as Tlehonsiti (also called Tlechopcity), on Tongass Island, just east of Cape Fox, a place which the Tongass Indians were wont to visit on their way to the Nass. See Geographic Dictionary of Alaska, p. 632. The diary of Dr. W. F. Tolmie, entry for August 1, 1834, made while at Fort Simpson, contains this reference to the place: " From the window of the garret Close to my bed there is a fine prospect of the bay & across the Straits to Clemencitty Harbor." See also British Columbia Pilot, 1888, p. 439, which speaks of it as one of the south-eastern approaches to Tongass from Chatham Sound. ROYAL COMMISSIONS AND COMMISSIONS OF INQUIRY UNDER THE "PUBLIC IN- QUIRIES ACT" IN BRITISH COLUMBIA. A CHECKLIST. INTRODUCTION. For some time the writer has felt the need for an adequate guide to the Royal Commissions which have been held in British Columbia since Confederation, as the only one which she has seen is the incomplete bibliography contained in Arthur Harrison Cole's A Finding-List of Royal Commission Reports in the British Dominions (Harvard University Press, 1939). For the purpose of this checklist, the popularly-used, term "Royal Commission" is taken to mean a Commission issued by the representative of the Crown—in the case of British Columbia, the Lieutenant-Governor—on the advice of his Ministers or by an Act of the Legislature, to a person or persons to investigate and report on certain matters. Such a Commission is signed by the Lieutenant-Governor under the Great Seal of the Province and issued under the authority of the " Public Inquiries Act."1 The term " Royal" may, or may not, occur in the Commission. Nowadays, a Royal Commission is entirely distinct from an inquiry which a Minister may direct to be taken under the " Departmental Inquiries Act," although the Commissioner in that case is also appointed by the Lieutenant-Governor in Council. Previous to the passing of the " Departmental Inquiries Act" in 1927, all Commissions in British Columbia must, perforce, be considered as " Royal Commissions" since they follow the procedure adopted by the above definition.2 The usual procedure after the Commission is issued is for the Commissioner to advertise in the British Columbia Gazette the time and place of taking evidence of witnesses; to hold ses- (1) First passed 1872; amended 1873: revised 1897, amended 1935. (2) In the following list, however, no cognizance has been taken of Commissions appointed under Acts other than the " Public Inquiries Act," however designated. 148 Marjorie C. Holmes. April sions, and, after digesting the evidence presented, to issue a report to the Lieutenant-Governor. From then on the procedure has varied. Usually, the report is presented to the Legislature, which may then decide to include it in the Sessional Papers for that year. Many reports are to be found in these volumes. However, this procedure has not always been followed. For instance, we find three cases, in the period 1872-1900, in which the report of a Commission was first printed in the British Columbia Gazette: Texada Island (1874), the Kootenay Royal Commission (1878), and the Nakusp and Slocan Railway inquiry (1894), which are to be'found in the Gazette, October 17, 1874, pp. 243-44; November 16,1878, p. 306; and May 17,1894, p. 43, The report of the Kootenay Royal Commission was brought down to the Legislature by means of a request for a Return, and appears in the Sessional Papers of 1880, two years after the report was submitted to the Lieutenant-Governor, while that of the Nakusp and Slocan Railway does not appear in the Sessional Papers at all, although certain correspondence in connection with the subject does. This report is found, however, in a pamphlet printed by the " Colonist Steam Presses " in 1894, and is so listed in the following bibliography. In the period 1900-1920, of some sixty-nine Commissions, only twenty-two are to be found in the Sessional Papers; many reports are missing altogether, at the time of writing, while others are in the vaults of the Provincial Secretary's Office in Victoria. The latter usually consist of original reports, evidence, and exhibits. Although the correct procedure is that a copy of a report be placed in the hands of the Provincial Secretary for safe-keeping, in earlier years this was not followed consistently, which accounts, to some extent, for the gaps in the files. It is, however, possible that in the future more of these reports may be discovered in the vaults of some other department of the Government. For the purpose of this checklist, where a copy of the report is not available the title of the Commission follows as closely as possible the wording of the Order in Council appointing the Commissioners. 1944 Commissions of Inquiry. 149 It is interesting to note that the greater number of Commissioners appointed were either Judges or members of the legal profession, except in the case of such Commissions as the Smallpox inquiry (1893), and that on Milk-supply (1913), when practical and technical knowledge was essential. The subjects of the inquiries are many and varied and the study of them throws interesting light on the development of the Province. They range from the investigation of a complaint into the conduct of an individual Civil Servant, or the management of a Government department or institution, to far-reaching inquiries affecting future legislation. A few contain information which perhaps does not come within the scope of the Commission, but which shows the interest of the Commissioner in his subject. Such a one is that on the Porcupine District (1901). Although he was sent to the district to settle certain mining disputes, a task which he completed, the Commissioner took the opportunity to write a short history of the district, make observations on the flora, fauna, and population, and also included in his report a bibliography of books and pamphlets. The modern tendency is for a Royal Commission to be a factfinding body to determine a policy with a view to subsequent legislation, rather than an investigation into something which has already happened. Of course, such inquiries are held, as for example, the John L. Barge inquiry (1929), but more often Commissions of to-day are comprehensive surveys of their subject, such as the Workmen's Compensation Commission (1942), leaving investigations of a more personal character to the " Departmental Inquiries Act." Reports of inquiries should be carefully preserved, as old reports throw a good deal of Kght on events of to-day. For instance, statistics on forestry matters, previous to the formation of the Forest Branch in 1912, are difficult to obtain except in the Final Report of the Royal Commission of Inquiry on Timber and Forestry, 1909-1910; consequently this report is constantly being consulted by those interested. The 1913 report on the Sect of Doukhobors throws a good deal of light on the present behaviour of these people, and so on. In spite of this, many of the reports have been forgotten or are comparatively little known. 150 Marjorie C. Holmes. April Indeed, the chief purpose of this bibliography is to make it possible to ascertain easily and quickly what matters have already been investigated and where the reports of the various inquiries are to be found. Marjorie C. Holmes. Provincial Library, Victoria, B.C. 1944 Commissions op Inquiry. 151 ROYAL COMMISSIONS AND COMMISSIONS OF IN- QUIRY UNDER THE "PUBLIC INQUIRIES ACT" IN BRITISH COLUMBIA. A CHECKLIST. PART I.: 1872-1900. . [Report of a Committee of the Executive Council . . . on the subject of a report from Alexander Rocke Robertson, Robert Ker, and Francis James Roscoe, Commissioners appointed to inquire into and report upon a deficiency appearing in the accounts of Warner Reeve Spalding—Manager of the Savings Bank Nanaimo.] 2 pp. MS. Form A attached to Order in Council #41, 1872, on file in the Provincial Secretary's Office, Victoria. Commissioners: Alexander Rocke Robertson, Robert Ker, and Francis James Roscoe. Appointed June 29, 1872; report dated July 2, 1872. 1874 2. Papers relating to the appointment and proceedings of the Royal Commission for instituting enquiries into the acquisition of Texada Island. Presented to the Legislative Assembly by command of His Excellency the Lieutenant-Governor. Victoria: Printed by Richard Wolfenden, government printer, at the Government Printing Office, James' Bay, 1874. Cover-title, 66 pp. Also in Journals of the Legislative Assembly . . . Session 1875, Appendix, Sessional Papers, pp. 181-246; and in British Columbia Gazette, October 17, 1874, pp. 243-244 (report only). Commissioners: Chief Justice Matthew Baillie Begbie, Mr. Justice Henry Pering Pellew Crease, and Mr. Justice John Hamilton Gray; all of the Supreme Court of British Columbia. Charles F. Pooley, Secre- Appointed March 13, 1874; report dated October 8, 1874. The commission investigated charges made by John Robson " That prominent members of the late [De Cosmos] and present [Walkem] Government were in a ring to acquire possession of Texada Island, in a manner prejudicial to the interests of the public; ..." Large deposits of iron ore had been found on the island. Suspicion was directed chiefly against Amor De Cosmos, and George A. Walkem, Premier and Attorney-General. Those giving evidence or submitting 12 Marjorie C. Holmes. April statements included Sir John A. Macdonald, Gilbert Malcolm Sproat, and Sewell Prescott Moody. The commission found that there was " no sufficient ground " to substantiate the charges. 3. Proceedings of the Kootenay Royal Commission. 15 pp. In Sessional Papers . . . Session 1880, pp. 141-156; also in British Commissioners: Chief Justice Sir Matthew Baillie Begbie, Mr. Justice Henry Pering Pellew Crease, and Mr. Justice John Hamilton Gray; all of the Supreme Court of British Columbia. G. Richard Lay- ton, Secretary. Appointed April 8, 1878; report dated November 14, 1878. Charges had been made that a former Attorney-General, A. C. Elliott, had made offers through a store-keeper at Wild Horse Creek to bribe Charles Gallagher, M.P.P.1 for Kootenay, not to run in the forthcoming election. Robert Leslie Galbraith, M.P.P.1 for Kootenay, also made the same charges. Witnesses in the inquiry were A. C. Elliott, James Trimble, the Speaker of the Legislative Assembly, and Forbes Vernon, Chief Commissioner of Lands and Works. The commissioners found the accused " not guilty." Reference should also be made to the Correspondence regarding the appointment of a Royal Commission to enquire into the statements made by members for Kootenay 1878, Sessional Papers . . . 1878, p. 611; Further correspondence ... in ibid., p. 685; and Return . . . of correspondence that has not already been printed ... in Sessional Papers . . . 1879, p. 351. 1884 4. British Columbia. Metlakatlah inquiry, 1884. Report of the Commissioners, together with the evidence. Victoria: Printed by Richard Wolfenden, government printer, at the Government Printing Office, James' Bay, 1885. Cover-title, pp. 6, lxxxii. Also in Sessional Papers The original MS. evidence is Victoria. Commissioners: Alexander Edmund Batson Davie, Attorney-General, Henry Maynard Ball, and Andrew Charles Elliott. S. Fletcher, Secre- Appointed October 28, 1884; report dated December 9, 1884. 1944 COMMISSIONS OF INQUIRY. 153 to | inquire into the causes and sources of such disturbances and disquietudes in Our said Province, so far as the same refer to the good Government of Our said Province, or reflect upon the conduct of any part of the public business thereof." The disturbances at Metlakatlah were caused mainly by the disputes between the missionary, William Duncan, and the Church Missionary Society, and the claim of the Indians that their title to the land be recognized. The settlement of Metlakatlah had been founded by William Duncan, a lay missionary connected with the Church Missionary Society, in 1862, and under his guidance had become a model village. Later, disputes arose between Duncan and Bishop Ridley, of Caledonia, regarding uniformity in ritual and practice, which culminated in the missionary's dismissal in 1881. He then proposed to move the mission to Alaska. The unrest among the Indians which the unfortunate disputes caused resulted in the destruction of the store and the Kitkatlah church, and other disorders. Much of the evidence was furnished by the two missionaries, William Duncan and William Henry Collison, and Bishop William Ridley, of Caledonia, in Metlakatlah, and by P. J. O'Reilly, Indian land commissioner, in Victoria. The commissioners found that the disturbances were due to four main causes: the claims of the Indians to have their title to all the land recognized; the withdrawal of William Duncan from the Church Missionary Society; the fact that the two acres at Metlakatlah, known as Mission Point were not part of the Tsimpsean Indian Reserve, and that Bishop Ridley, as temporary agent of the Church Missionary Society, was in occupation thereof; and the conduct of the Indian council at Metlakatlah. 1885 5. Report of Commission of enquiry concerning the genuineness of an alleged transfer, dated the 23rd day of June, 1884, from certain Indians to one J. M. M. Spinks. 22 pp. In Sessional Papers . . . Session 1886. pp. 217-239. Commissioner: Chief Justice Sir Matthew Baillie Begbie, of the Supreme Court. Appointed March 20, 1885; report dated May 1, 1885. This was an inquiry into the ownership of certain lands on Coal Harbour, and was the outcome of an act passed by the Legislature " to authorize the appointment of a Commission of Enquiry concerning the genuineness of an alleged transfer . . . from certain Indians to one J. M. M. Spinks, after reciting that during the investigation by a Select Committee of the Legislative Assembly of claims to lands in the vicinity of Coal Harbour, a document had been produced purporting to be a transfer of the alleged rights of two Indians to certain lands and improvements at False Creek to one J. M. M. Spinks . . . And that the genuineness of such document had been impugned ..." The principal witness was J. M. M. Spinks, a store-keeper, and a new-comer to British Columbia; others were Samuel Greer, and Patrick McTiernan, Indian agent. The document was held to be a forgery. This commission is popularly known as the " Greer case," and is so referred to in the Sessional Papers. 154 Marjorie C. Holmes. April 6. Return to an Order of the House for copies of the Report of the Commissioner appointed to investigate the claims of Dry Dock creditors, and the amounts paid to each; also the names of those whose claims were rejected, and the reason assigned for such rejection. 4 pp. In Sessional Papers . . . Session 1886. pp. 445-448. Commissioner: Edwin Johnson, barrister of Victoria. Appointed April 21,1885; reports dated April 27 and June 30,1885. The commissioner dealt with the claims for wages against F. B. McNamee & Co., contractors for the Esquimalt Graving Dock. Certain claims were admitted by the Commissioner and recommended to be paid; a few were rejected as being without the scope of the inquiry. Claims amounting to $5,542.79 were admitted. 1888 7. British Columbia. Papers relating to the commission appointed to enquire into the condition of the Indians of the North-West Coast. Victoria: Printed by Richard Wolfenden, government printer, at the Government Printing Office, James' Bay. Cover-title, 59 pp. Also in Sessional Papers . . . Session 1888. pp. 415-462L. Commissioners: Clement F. Cornwall, former Lieutenant-Governor of British Columbia, for the Dominion Government, and Joseph Prhys Planta, for the Provincial Government. Appointed September 30, 1887; report dated November 30, 1887. This was a joint commission of the Dominion and Provincial governments, appointed to meet the Indians of the Nass River and those of Fort Simpson, for the purpose of hearing the expression of their wishes and any complaints. The commissioners were warned by the Hon. A. E. B. Davie, Attorney-General, " not to give undertakings or make promises, and in particular you will be careful to discountenance, should it arise, any claim of Indian title to Provincial lands." Many subjects were discussed by the Indians, including their title to lands, fishing reserves, and the operation of the Indian Act. The commissioners commented on the state of the Indian village of Metlakatlah since the departure of William Duncan and certain Indians of his following, to a new settlement in Alaska. The report throws light on the occupations and customs of the Indians, and makes recommendations regarding disputes among the Indians themselves. 1889 8. Report . . . of commissioners appointed to examine, classify and revise and consolidate the statute law of British Columbia. n the Provincial-Secretary's 44 Commissions op Inquiry. 155 Commissioners: Edwin Johnson and Charles Wilson, barristers of Victoria. Appointed July 29, 1886; reports dated January, 1889, and March 9. Report. Victoria gaol investigatio lp. In Sessional Papers Original report is Victoria. Commissioner: Mr. Justice M. W. Tyrwhitt Drake, of the Supreme Court. Appointed October 29, 1889; report dated November 19, 1889. The commissioner investigated charges concerning the operation of the Victoria city gaol, in respect to drunkenness and improper discipline on the part of the warders, and also of the serving of improper food. Two charges were sustained, but the food charge was dismissed as " frivolous." 1890 10. [Special commission composed of undermentioned to be appointed for the purpose of revising and consolidating the mining laws of the province.] Commissioners: George Cowan, of Barkerville, William Wilson, of Victoria, Gustavus B. Wright, of Hot Springs, James M. Kellie, of Illecillewaet. Appointed November 28,1890. It is presumed that the commissioners presented a report to the proper authorities, as the mining laws of the province were revised and consolidated at the Session of 1891. 11. Report. Commission of enquiry into the conduct of the Police Magistrate of Victoria. Victoria, B.C.: Printed by Richard Wolfenden, Printer to the Queen's Most Excellent Majesty. Also in Sessional Papers . . . Session 1892. pp. 265-272, i.-xcvi.' Commissioner: Mr. Justice Henry Pering Pellew Crease, of the Supreme Court. Appointed November 4,1891; report dated January 28,1892. Mr. Justice H. P. P. Crease investigated charges made by August May, of Seattle, regarding the conduct of the police magistrate of Victoria, Arthur Louis Belyea, of the firm of Belyea and Gregory. Marjorie C. Holmes. April The case involved a complaint by the father, August May, of a 15-year- old girl who had left her home in Seattle, and who was being "harboured in the house of one Fried, of Victoria, a barber," and the conduct of the case by the police magistrate of Victoria, A. L. Belyea, to whom the complaint had been made. The commissioner found that in the matter of the conduct of the magistrate there had been no appearance of criminality, but there had been an error of judgment in more respects than one. 12. Report of the Royal Commissioners appointed to enquire into the conduct of the affairs of the Municipal Council of Victoria. Victoria, B.C.: Printed by Richard Wolfenden, Printer to the Queen's Most Excellent Majesty. Cover-title, pp. 31, cxli. Also in Sessional Papers . . . Session 1892. pp. 481-512, i.-cxli. Commissioners: Chief Justice Sir Matthew Baillie Begbie and Mr. Justice M. W. Tyrwhitt Drake, both of the Supreme Court. Appointed October 17, 1891; report dated February 25, 1892. Charges had been made against the municipal council of Victoria of mismanagement of the city's affairs in regard to financial arrangements and expenditures. The municipal council admitted most of the charges except in some matters of detail. The commission found that the charges were substantiated. 13. Report of the Commissioner appointed to enquire into certain charges against Isaac H. Hallett, Esq., a Stipendiary Magistrate for the County of Westminster. 13 pp. In Sessional Papers . . . Session 1892. pp. 691-703. Commissioner: Mr. Justice Henry Pering Pellew Crease, of the Supreme Court Appointed November 4, 1891; report dated March 14, 1892. The commissioner investigated charges against Isaac Hoyt Hallett, stipendiary magistrate of New Westminster, that he had received fees not warranted by law. These charges were held to be fully substantiated. Mr. Justice Crease, however, drew attention to the anomaly of the law providing for a stipendiary magistrate without stipend, and the fact that the magistrate in question was " peculiarly ill-adapted to fill a responsible position which he never sought." 1893 14. Report of the Commissioners appointed to inquire into the late epidemic outbreak of SmaU^pox in the Province of British Columbia, under Order-in-Council, dated the 6th October, 1892. 12 pp. In Sessional Papers . . . Session 1898. pp. 507-518. Commissioners: Chief Justice Sir Matthew Baillie Begbie, of the Supreme Court, and Emil A. Praeger, M.D., of Nanaimo. Appointed October 6, 1892; report dated February 20, 1893. 1944 Commissions of Inquiry. 157 The commission was charged with the inquiry as to the " channel and means through which the said epidemic of small-pox was introduced into the Province, referring to the outbreak which occurred in the beginning of July last, which led to the Order in Council of 11th July 1892," and also " the spread and dissemination of the said epidemic in the Province." After examining many witnesses, the commission advised that more care should be taken in quarantine matters affecting both quarantine in regard to ships and in regard to cases already developed 1894 15. Royal commission and full information regarding the Nakusp and Slocan Railway. Victoria, B.C.: " The Colonist" Steam Presses, 1894. Cover-title, 16 pp. The original typewritten report, eviden in the Provincial Secretary's Office, Victoria Gazette, May 17, 1894, p. 430 (report only). Commissioners: Chief Justice Sir Matthew Baillie Begbie, of the Supreme Court, and George W. Burbidge, Judge of the Exchequer Court of Canada. Appointed April 20, 1894; report dated May 15, 1894. Accusations were made, but no witnesses appeared before the commission in support of the accusations, despite the fact that due notice of the inquiry had been given in the newspapers and the British Columbia Gazette. The charges made against the Premier [Theodore Davie] of corruption, and " of working for the Company " were found to be Reference should also be made to Papers relating to the Nakusp and Slocan Railway, in Sessional Papers . . . 1898, pp. 1109-1115; Additional papers relating to the Nakusp and Slocan Railway, in Sessional Papers . . . 1894, pp. 1117-1128; and Return . . . additional information with reference to the construction of the Nakusp and Slocan Railway, in ibid., pp. 1197-1207. n charges preferred against Captain il Papers . . . Session 1894-95. pp. 497-8. The original MS. report is on file in the Provincial Secretary's Office, Victoria. Commissioner: Mr. Justice Henry Pering Pellew Crease, of the Supreme Court. Appointed September 4, 1894; report dated September 29, 1894. Charges were made by the foreman on the Government trail between Nakusp and Slocan, against Capt. Fitzstubbs, Assistant Commissioner of Lands and Works, involving a dispute in regard to the work. The commissioner found that while there was irregularity in the manner of charging the account in question, " that the work it represented was honestly done and paid for on Government account and for Government Marjorie C. Holmes. 17. Return to an address of the Legislative Assembly requesting His Honour the Lieutenant-Governor to cause to be laid before the House all the papers in connection with the late enquiry into the management of the Provincial Lunatic Asylum, together with the letter of instructions to the Commissioners appointed to make the enquiry. 71pp. In Sessional Papers . . . Session 1894-95. pp. 503-574. The original typewritten report and enclosures are on file in the Provincial Secretary's Office, Victoria. Commissioners: Edward Hasell and Charles Frederick Newcombe, doctors of medicine of the city of Victoria. Appointed October 23, 1894; report dated November 27, 1894. The commission was charged with the inquiry into the " sanitary and professional treatment of inmates, the sanitary arrangements, number and duties of the officers and employees of the Asylum and their conduct, the cost of maintenance, and, generally, all matters concerning the management of the Asylum, or relating to the welfare of the inmates or the public interests." The report showed a condition of welfare and cleanliness in the Asylum, but uncovered a long list of cruelties and abuses in the treatment of the patients. The result of this investigation was that two male attendants were at once discharged, and Dr. Bentley, the superintendent, was relieved from office. 18. Commission under the Public Inquiries Act appointing His Honour Judge Harrison to enquire into certain charges against Mr. J. P. Planta, police magistrate of the city of Nanaimo and into his general conduct as a police -magistrate. 20 pp. The original typewritten report is on file in the Provincial Secretary's Office, Victoria. Commissioner: Eli Harrison, Judge of the County Court of Nanaimo. Appointed December 15, 1894; report dated February 26, 1895. It was charged that Planta entered into an agreement with the city of Nanaimo to waive salary, and in lieu, to accept such costs as might be collected in cases tried by him, or otherwise as the agreement might prescribe. Planta denied this agreement, which was illegal under the " Municipal Act." He was found guilty on a total of twenty-one charges. 1944 COMMISSIONS OF INQUIRY. 159 19. [Commission . . . by an order of His Honour the Lieutenant- Governor in Council . . . that an enquiry be made into the conduct of the public business by the Council of the City of Victoria in relation to the institution there established under the name of the " Old Men's Home," and generally into the management by the Council or its employees of said institu- No report found. Commissioners: Theodore Davie, Attorney-General; John Braden, James McGregor, Thomas Kitchen, and Donald Graham, Members of the Provincial Legislature. Appointed December 1,1894. This commission was issued under the authority of the " Municipal Act," 1892, section 313, which provided that the Lieutenant-Governor in Council might at any time cause an inquiry to be made into or concerning the good government of any Municipality, and for the purposes of such an inquiry the provisions of the " Public Inquiries Act" should apply. 1896 20. [Commission appointing Rt. Rev. John Nicholas Lemmens, Roman Catholic Bishop of Vancouver, to enquire into and ascertain the market to be obtained in the Republic of Guatemala for the kinds and qualities of lumber and fish produced and exported from British Columbia and into the state of trade for those articles generally . . .] No report found. Commissioner: Rt. Rev. John Nicholas Lemmens, Roman Catholic Bishop of Vancouver. Appointed September 28, 1896. 21. [In the matter of the " Public Inquiries Act"... Commission to enquire into certain matters relating to agricultural interests in the province of British Columbia.] Commissioners: T. A. Sharpe, Superintendent of Agricultural Station at Agassiz, Gaylord H. Hadwen, of Duncan, and R. E. Gosnell, of Victoria. Appointed June 18, 1898; commission annulled October 13,1898. 22. Commission . . . in the matter of the "Public Inquiries Act" and of an investigation under the said act as to the truth of certain allegations of maladministration in the Department of Lands and Works. Marjorie C. Holmes. Original typewritten report and Secretary's Office, Victoria. Commissioner: Mr. Justice Geo: evidence on file in the Provincial •ge A. Walkem, of the Supreme Appointed May 13, 1! Inquiry was made ii report dated July 23, 1898. of the Victoria Daily Times, ii n allegations by T. L. Grahame, editor an editorial in the paper in which he stated that the Lands and Works Department was not properly managed, and that money had passed into the hands of the Surveyor- General from persons who had business with the Department. The commissioner found that the charges were not substantiated. 23. Commission appointed under the "Public Inquiries Act" to hold an inquiry into matters affecting the Provincial Gaol, Kamloops. If Original typewritten report and evidence on file in the Provincial Secretary's Office, Victoria. Commissioner: Albert Edward Beck, of Vancouver. . Appointed September 10, 1898; report dated September 29, 1898. Charges of neglect of duty were made against a gaoler, who in return made charges of laxity on the part of the warden. Those charges preferred against the gaoler were found to be partly substantiated, but not those against the warden. The commissioner made certain recommendations for the conduct of the gaol. 24. Commission appointed under the " Public Inquiries Act" to hold an enquiry for the purpose of ascertaining the truth of matter ' alleged in a letter from Mrs. Harry Thompson . . . regarding the conduct of Warden Armstrong or Guard Calbick of the Provincial Gaol at New Westminster. 5 pp. Original typewritten report, evidence, and exhibits are on file in the Provincial Secretary's Office, Victoria. Commissioner: Eli Harrison the Younger, Judge of the County Court of Nanaimo. W. H. Bullock-Webster, Secretary. Appointed January 15, 1898; report dated March 2, 1898. It was found that the letter on which charges were based was written by a prisoner. Certain charges against the guard regarding appropriation of prisoners' money were substantiated. 25. Return to an Order of the House for a Return of all papers, cor respondence, evidence, and finding of the Judge, in connection with the Royal Commission of Inquiry appointed under the "Public Inquiries Act," September 15th, 1898. In Sessional Papers . . . Session 1899. pp. 1351-1354. 1944 Commissions of Inquiry. 161 Original report, evidence, and exhibits are on file in the Provincial Secretary's Office, Victoria. Commissioner: Chief Justice Angus John McColl, of the Supreme Court. Harvey Combe, Secretary. Appointed September 15, 1898; report dated November 22,1898. This commission was appointed to inquire into the circumstances of the payment of two sums of $30,000.00 and $3,414.87 under contracts entered into with Frederick Adams and Richard Drake for the performance of certain work in connection with the construction of the new Parliament Buildings, and also into circumstances connected with the submission to arbitration (dated June 29, 1898) of differences between the Government and Messrs. Baker, McGregor and Jeeves, arising out of the contract with Frederick Adams. The situation was complicated owing to the fact that the contractor died before completing his contract. The commission was fact-finding as all claims were settled. 1899 26. Record of proceedings under the " Public Inquiries Act" to investigate certain charges made against A. R. Green by James J. Currie, respecting the conduct of the said A. R. Green while in the employment of the Inspector of Dykes. Original MS. report and evidence on file in the Provincial Secretary's Office, Victoria. Commissioner: W. Myers Gray, barrister, of New Westminster. Appointed September 11, 1899; report dated September 20, 1899. Currie, employed on the dyke at Pitt Meadows, charged Green with drunkenness, neglect, incompetency, waste of government funds, and falsifying returns to hide carelessness and mistakes. Certain evidence was brought out to support the charges, especially that of drunkenness, but most of the evidence was conflicting. The commissioner reported the evidence, but arrived at no specific conclusion. 27. Commission of enquiry "into the management of the Fire and Water departments of the Corporation of the City of New Westminster more especially with reference to the fire which occurred on the night of the 10th and the morning of the 11th of September 1898." 15 pp. Original typewritten report on file in the Provincial Secretary's Office, Victoria. Commissioner: Eli Harrison the Younger, Judge of the County Court of Nanaimo. Appointed October 26, 1898; report dated January 31, 1899. investigated the condition of the waterworks and er supply to the city of New Westminster. He not kept completely filled, and that lack of J2 Marjorie C. Holmes. funds, efforts to economize, and the " desire not to lessen the supply of water to the consumer induced the council to experiment with the water works system, contrary to the advice of the construction engineer, without finding out from some compitant [sic] source whether he was right or not." As a consequence the city found itself without adequate fire protection. !. Return under sub-section (2) of section 10 of the "Public Inquiries In Sessional Papers . . . Session 1900. pp. 495-496. Commissioner: Mr. Justice Paulus Aemilius Irving, of the Supreme Court. Oscar C. Bass, Secretary. Appointed June 7, 1899; report dated December 30, 1899. This commission was appointed under the provisions of the " Ben- nett-Atlin Commission Act, 1899," to deal with certain " disputes and difficulties with regard to matters arising under ' Mineral Act' and 'Placer Mining Act,' in connection with the Lake Bennett and Lake Atlin Mining Divisions." These difficulties were over-lapping and conflicting boundaries, claim-jumping, and the like. The commissioner had full power to act, and his report showed that he exercised this authority and settled the disputes. NOTES AND COMMENTS. BRITISH COLUMBIA HISTORICAL ASSOCIATION. The annual meeting of the Association was held in the Provincial Library, Victoria, on the evening of Friday, January 14. The reports presented showed that in spite of the war, and its insistent demands on time and attention, the society had had a remarkably successful year. Paid-up membership at the end of 1943 was 425, as compared with 410 at the end of 1942. The only disappointment was the continued inactivity of the Section in New Westminster, where there were at the moment no more than four members. For his presidential address Mr. B. A. McKelvie had chosen the subject The Founding of Nanaimo. The topic proved to be of unusual interest, and material was so abundant that Mr. McKelvie confined his attention almost exclusively to the events of the first year of Nanaimo's existence—1852. An expanded version of his paper will be printed in the July number of the Quarterly. Previous to his address, Mr. McKelvie reported that tentative plans were being made for an international celebration in 1946 in honour of the centenary of the boundary settlement of 1846, and the century of good-neighbourliness that followed it. The Washington State Historical Society and the Oregon Historical Society had expressed interest in the plan, and, if world conditions permit, there is reason to hope that the anniversary will be suitably observed. The result of the election for the Council was announced, and at the conclusion of the general meeting the new Council met to choose the officers for the coming year. The executive for 1944 is composed as follows:— Honorary President - - - - Hon. H. G. T. Perry. President Mr. B. A. McKelvie. Past President Rev. J. C. Goodfellow. 1st Vice-President - - - - Mr. A. G. Harvey. 2nd Vice-President - Mrs. Curtis Sampson. Honorary Secretary - - - - Major H. T. Nation. Honorary Treasurer- - -. - Miss Madge Wolfenden. Members of the Council— Mr. E. G. Baynes. Miss Helen Boutilier. Mrs. M. R. Cree. Mr. F. C. Green. Dr. W. Kaye Lamb. Dr. Robie L. Reid. Dr. T. A. Rickard. Hon. Mr. Justice Robertson. Dr. W. N. Sage. Victoria Section. The annual meeting of the Section was held in the Provincial Library on the evening of Monday, January 10. The Chairman, the Hon. Mr. Justice H. B. Robertson, presided. The report of the Honorary Secretary, Mrs. Cree, dealt at length with the celebration of the centenary of Victoria, in which the Section had taken a very active part, and stressed the increased 163 164 Notes and Comments. April interest in historical matters to which the events of the year had given rise. Miss Alma Russell, Convener of the Necrology Committee, reported that no less than 160 persons who had lived fifty or more years in Victoria had died in 1943. Of this number fifty-two had been born in the city. Mr. E. G. Rowebottom, Convener of the Historic Landmarks Committee, reported on the plaques that had been erected during the year. He hoped that further sites might be marked in the near future, in co-operation with the Government Travel Bureau. Mr. Justice Robertson delivered his presidential address on The Early Legal History of Vancouver Island and British Columbia. Official administration of the law commenced with the arrival of Governor Blanshard in the spring of 1850. Blanshard administered it himself, and so, for a time, did his successor, Governor Douglas. It soon became evident, however, that this rather rough and ready handling of legal affairs could not continue, for important cases were being dealt with by men with no training in the law whatsoever. When a sudden crisis developed, Douglas coped with it by establishing a Supreme Court and appointing his brother-in-law, David Cameron, Judge. Strictly speaking, Douglas had no authority to do this, and his action gave rise to much criticism, particularly as Cameron had no more legal training than the local Justices whose inexperience had led to difficulties. But the need was urgent, and reference to London would have meant a delay of many months. In the end the Colonial Office endorsed Douglas's action. As for Cameron, he proved to be both honest and capable, and his administration gave general satisfaction. An emergency of a different sort faced Douglas in 1858, when the discovery of gold led to a sudden influx of population and the establishment of the Crown Colony of British Columbia on the Mainland. Here the pioneer of legal administration was Judge Begbie, who arrived from England in the last days of the year. Mr. Justice Robertson dealt with his career and character at some length, stressing his mental strength and steadfastness, and his great tenacity of purpose. The stormy days of the gold-rush were vividly described by the speaker, who recalled the crowded court-rooms and fevered atmosphere in which justice was dispensed. It required a strong and determined Judge to handle the situation, and British Columbia was fortunate in possessing in Begbie a man with precisely those qualities. The election for the Council had taken place by mail, and the result was announced at the annual meeting. The new Council met on Friday, January 21, and elected the officers for 1944. The new executive is as follows:— Chairman Hon. Mr. Justice Robertson. Vice-Chairman - - - - Mr. F. C. Green. Honorary Secretary - Mrs. M. R. Cree. Honorary Treasurer - - - Miss Madge Wolfenden. Members of the Council- Mrs. Curtis Sampson. Miss M. Gait. Dr. T. A. Rickard. Dr. J. A. Pearce. Miss Alma Russell. Major H. C. Holmes. Major H. T. Nation. Mr. B. A. McKelvie. Mr. George H. Gowan. 1944 Notes and Comments. 165 The Section met on Saturday, March 11, at the home of Mr. and Mrs. Harty Morden, Belleville Street, to celebrate Blanshard Day. More than eighty members and friends attended, and enjoyed the varied and interesting programme. Miss Madge Wolfenden read a paper on Richard Blanshard, prepared by Mr. Willard Ireland, Provincial Archivist, which threw much light on the career of the unhappy pioneer Governor, and placed his achievements and shortcomings in clearer perspective. The paper was preceded by a group of piano solos, played by Mrs. Harty Morden, and followed by old-fashioned songs, sung by Miss Eva Hart. Mr. Hugh Wetherby then showed a beautiful coloured film of Vancouver Island and the Mainland, after which Mrs. Ross Palmer, who had come specially from Comox for the occasion, showed the films (also in colour) taken in March, 1943, during the motor tour of the city of Victoria arranged by the Section as part of the centenary celebration. Still another film included glimpses of many well- known Vancouver Island pioneers. Vancouver Section. Early Vancouver Newspapers was the title of the most interesting address delivered before the Section by Miss Bessie Lamb at the meeting held in the Grosvenor Hotel on February 1. Miss Lamb noted that the first paper printed on the shores of Burrard Inlet was the short-lived Tickler, published in Moodyville; but the first paper to appear in what is now the city of Vancouver was the Vancouver Weekly Herald and North Pacific News, the first issue of which was dated January 15, 1886. The editor and publisher was William Brown. Competition soon appeared, and two other newspapers commenced publication within a few months. These were the Advertiser, of which W. B. Macdougall was editor and manager, and the News, published by James H. Ross. The great fire of June, 1886, destroyed all three printing-offices. Although the papers survived, the financial losses caused by the fire, and the depression that followed it, ultimately proved fatal. The Herald ceased publication, and the Advertiser and News might well have followed had not a new and larger figure appeared on the scene in the person of Mr. F. L. Carter Cotton. Although not himself a newspaper-man, he possessed both capital and ability. Early in 1887 he purchased both the News and the Advertiser and launched the Daily News- Advertiser, to use the name that was soon after adopted and under which the paper became a power in the Province. Cotton remained its publisher for twenty-three years. A morning paper, it held the field against all comers for a generation. In 1888, however, the World was founded as an evening daily. It proved a successful venture, and continued an independent existence until 1924, when it was amalgamated with the Evening Sun. Miss Lamb's address was based upon research carried out in preparation for the writing of a thesis on the development of Vancouver's newspapers, and it is hoped that some chapters from her thesis may later be printed in the Quarterly. The Section met again on February 29, when the speaker of the evening was Dr. M. Y. Williams, Head of the Department of Geology in the Uni- Notes and Comments. April versity of British Columbia. His subject was The Historic Development of our Northland. Commencing with the early explorations of Alexander Mackenzie on the Peace River in 1792, Dr. Williams outlined the fascinating story of the region during the century and a half that separated Mackenzie's travels and the construction of the Alaska Highway. Rocky Mountain House, built at the mouth of the South Pine River and visited by David Thompson in 1804, was probably the earliest post established in what is now British Columbia. Fort McLeod was founded by Simon Fraser in 1805. The same year Hudson's Hope was built on the south bank of the Peace River, opposite the location of the present settlement of the name. Fort St. James followed in 1806 and Fort George in 1807. Some years later, in 1824, Samuel Black pushed up the Finlay River. Two years later Fort Halkett was established. From this post John McLeod went up the Dease River to Dease Lake. In 1836 a major figure appears on the scene—Robert Campbell, who in 1836 left " Fort de Liard " and wintered at Fort Halkett. The next spring he went on to Dease Lake, and from there crossed to the upper Stikine. Campbell established a fort on Dease Lake, but this was abandoned in 1839. In 1840 Campbell was off on another great journey. That year he ascended the Liard River to Frances Lake, and crossed to the headwaters of the Pelly River. Two years later he built a fort at Pelly Banks. Leaving this post in June, 1843, Campbell descended the MacMillan River to the junction with the Lewes, and at this junction Fort Selkirk was built in 1848. In 1851 Campbell travelled from Fort Selkirk to Fort " Yucon," which had been built three years before. His return journey was made by way of the Porcupine, Peel, and Mackenzie Rivers. A gold excitement following discoveries on the Liard and Dease Rivers in the seventies introduced a new age. Dawson and other celebrated pioneers of the Geological Surveys appeared on the scene in the eighties, and the Klondike rush was the great event of the nineties. All these developments and many others were described by Dr. Williams, down to and including the Pacific Great Eastern Survey of Resources (1929-30), and such ultra-modern events as the establishment of the Yukon-Southern air-line in 1937 and the Alaska Highway and airfields of 1942-43. The lecture was illustrated with kodachrome slides, prepared from photographs taken by Dr. Williams himself. A third meeting of the Section was held on Wednesday, March 22, when Mr. Gerald E. Wellburn, of Duncan, gave an illustrated lecture on The Postal System of the Colony of British Columbia. Mr. Wellburn is recognized as an authority in this field, and both his address and the remarkable slides with which it was illustrated were greatly enjoyed by the large number of members who attended. The speaker ranged somewhat beyond the announced scope of his lecture, and was able, with the aid of exhibits from his own collection of stamps and covers, to describe and illustrate virtually the whole course of postal development in this region. Letters and covers shown included many dating back to the days of the fur trade. Some of these had travelled between different posts of the Hudson's Bay Company, while others had journeyed to and from England by way of Cape Horn. In many instances the letters were written by or addressed to well-known Notes and Comments. pioneers, and the text as well as the covers is of great interest. Coming down to the period of the gold-rush, Mr. Wellburn exhibited many letters that had been carried by Wells Fargo and other express companies. In order to reach Victoria some of these had passed through the hands of the British Post Office, the United States Post Office, and several private companies. Lastly, Mr. Wellburn dealt with the various stamps issued for use in the colonies of Vancouver Island and British Columbia. One of these had been surcharged so often and so variously that the speaker hazarded r stamp had ever been sold for : many diff the opinion th CONTRIBUTORS TO THIS ISSUE. Frank H. Ellis, author of Duration Flying Models (London, 1936), is one of six living Canadian aviators who flew before the first World War. In October, 1920, he was a member of the crew of the first aeroplane to fly into Northern Canada. He is widely recognized as an authority on the early history of flying in this country. Major F. V. Longstaff, author of Esquimalt Naval Base (Victoria, 1942) and many articles in periodicals, has long been a student of naval history. He is a Member of the Society for Nautical Research. Mrs. W. Curtis Sampson, who contributes a sketch of the life of her father, the late Joseph Despard Pemberton, is one of Victoria's best-known native daughters. She is prominent in I.O.D.E. and other activities, and is a Past President of the Victoria Section of the British Columbia Historical Association. Henry Drummond Dee, M.A., is Vice-Principal of Victoria High School. Readers of the Quarterly will recall the biography of John Work that he contributed to the issue for October, 1943. Marjorie C. Holmes is Assistant Librarian of the Provincial Library, Victoria. Her long experience in Legislative Reference work has given her a unique knowledge of the Royal Commissions and Commissions of Inquiry about which she writes in this number of the Quarterly. We BRITISH COLUMBIA HISTORICAL ASSOCIATION Organized October 31st, 1922. PATRON. His Honour W. C. Woodward, Lieutenant-Governor of British Columbia. OFFICERS, 1944. Hon. H. G. T. Perry "iifflfWiFmy,- Honorary President. B. A. McKelvie - '^^W^^SM-f President. J. C. Goodfellow 4Ss3&; '-- - ■ Past President. A. G. Harvey - ijiffi?,'" - - is* Vice-President. Mrs. Curtis Sampson - - - - 2nd Vice-President. Madge Wolfenden - - -";Sgf?.. Honorary Treasurer. H. T. Nation - - .-a§ll;,r - - Honorary Secretary. MEMBERS OF THE COUNCIL. Mrs. M. R. Cree. Helen R. Boutilier. F. C. Green. Robie L. Reid. T. A. Rickard. E. G. Baynes. ; W. N. Sage. Willard E. Ireland W. Kaye Lamb (Provincial Archivist.) (Editor, Quarterly). A. G. Harvey H. B. Robertson (Vancouver Section). (Victoria Section.) OBJECTS. To encourage historical research and stimulate public interest in history; to promote the preservation and marking of historic sites, buildings, relics, natural features, and other objects and places of historical interest, and to publish historical sketches, studies, and documents. MEMBERSHIP. Ordinary members pay a fee of $2 annually in advance. The fiscal year commences on the first day of January. All members in good standing receive the British Columbia Historical Quarterly without further charge. Correspondence and fees may be addressed to the Provincial Archives, Parliament Buildings, Victoria, B.C. THE BRITISH COLUMBIA HISTORICAL QUARTERLY JULY, 1944 m BRITISH COLUMBIA HISTORICAL QUARTERLY Published by the Archives of British Columbia in co-operation with the British Columbia Historical Association. EDITOR. W. Kaye Lamb. The University of British Columbia, Vancouver, B.C. ASSOCIATE EDITOR. Willard E. Ireland. Provincial Archives, Victoria, B.C. (On active service, R.C.A.F.) ADVISORY BOARD. J. C. Goodfellow, Princeton. Robie L. Reid, Vancouver. T. A. Rickard, Victoria. W. N. Sage, Vancouver. Editorial communications should be addressed to the Editor. Subscriptions should be sent to the Provincial Archives, Parliament Buildings, Victoria, B.C. Price, 50c. the copy, or $2 the year. Members of the British Columbia Historical Association in good standing receive the Quarterly without further charge. Neither the Provincial Archives nor the British Columbia Historical Association assumes any responsibility for statements made by contributors to the magazine. The Quarterly is indexed in Faxon's Annual Magazine Subject-Index. BRITISH COLUMBIA HISTORICAL QUARTERLY Victoria, BIC, July, 1944. The Founding of Nanaimo. By B. A. McKelvie 1 Amor De Cosmos, Journalist and Politician. By W. N. Sage 1 The Appointment of Governor Blanshard. By Willard E. Ireland 2 The Journal of John Work, 1885. Being an account of his voyage northward from the Columbia River to Fort Simpson and return in the brig "Lama," January- October, 1885. Part II. Edited by Henry Drummond Dee 2 The Northwest Bookshelf:. Stefansson: Here is Alaska. By T. A. Rickard Kizer: The U.S.-Canadian Northwest. By G. F. Drummond THE FOUNDING OF NANAIMO.* The Spaniards were the first Europeans to visit the locality of Nanaimo. In July, 1791, Jose Maria Narvaez, sailing master in command of the schooner Santa Saturnina, explored the vicinity and bestowed the name of " Boca de Winthuysen " on the waterways contiguous to the present city.1 The Indians knew the area as " Sne-ny-mo," meaning "the whole," or "a big strong tribe," referring to the collective strength of the various villages located along the shores of the sheltered harbour. Officially, until 1860, the settlement itself was called " Colviie Town," although locally known as " Nanaimo."2 It was J. D. Pemberton, Colonial and Hudson's Bay Company surveyor, who corrupted the Indian word into the pretty name of to-day. " Mr. Pemberton has I observe adopted the Indian name ' Nanaimo' for the Harbour, which I shall therefore use instead of Wentuhuysen Inlet, in my future correspondence," stated James Douglas, Hudson's Bay Chief Factor and Governor of Vancouver's Island, in writing to Archibald Barclay, secretary of the Company in London, under date of October 5, 1852.3 Douglas doubtless welcomed the change, for his letter-books of the period show that he had difficulty in spelling the Spanish name (in its altered form). He usually forgot the first letter " u " in " Wentuhuysen " and had to insert it. Pemberton did not always adopt Indian nomenclature. The stream known to-day as " Nanaimo River " was called " Quam- quamqua " by the natives, while the dominating mountain be- * The revised text of the presidential address delivered before the British Columbia Historical Association on January 14, 1944. (1) Henry R. Wagner, The Cartography of the Northwest Coast of America'to the Year 1800, Berkeley, 1937, II., p. 524. (2) John T. Walbran, British Columbia Coast Names, Ottawa, 1909, p. 349. (3) This and all subsequent extracts from Douglas's letters to Barclay are quoted from the original letter-book (now in the Provincial Archives) in which Douglas kept copies of his correspondence with the Hudson's Bay Company regarding the affairs of the Colony of Vancouver Island. 170 B. A. McKelvie. July hind the city, called by the white settlers " Wakesiah," was known to the natives as " Tai-took-tan."4 It- was the epochal development of steam applied to worldwide transportation that hastened the inevitable settlement of Nanaimo. Coal had been discovered towards the northern end of Vancouver's Island in 1835. Its existence had been disclosed to Hudson's Bay officials by an Indian. But it was not until 1847 that serious consideration was given to the possibilities that such a discovery held. In 1846 the boundary-line dispute between Great Britain and United States was settled. With commendable celerity the United States Navy Department set about establishment of a mail service to the Oregon territory. In 1847 a contract was entered upon by the Navy with William H. Aspinwall, of New York, for establishment of a line of mail steamers between Panama and the Oregon Coast. The Pacific Mail Steamship Company came into existence as a result. It faced one great difficulty: that of obtaining coal for steam purposes. Arrangements were made with British mines for this very necessary commodity, while efforts were made to find a supply of suitable coal on the Pacific littoral. Upon learning of the existence of coal deposits on Vancouver's Island, Aspinwall entered into negotiations with the Hudson's Bay Company. The Company was willing to open mines if a market could be found for coal. As a preliminary step Fort Rupert was established on Beaver Harbour, replacing, to a great extent, the former Fort McLoughlin as a trade centre, and acting as a protection for the mines to be opened in its immediate vicinity. But the Fort Rupert mines were never "a successful venture.6 The seams were narrow and the quality was not that of good steam coal. Even the experienced miners brought from the United Kingdom to work in the pits and to bore for new deposits could accomplish little. This was most disappointing, for, quite apart from the Aspinwall contract, the discovery of gold in California and the rush to that territory opened a new and most attractive field for consumption of the output of the Hudson's Bay Company's collieries. (4) B. W. Pearse, Survey of the Districts of Nanaimo and Cowichan Valley, 1859. (Pamphlet in B.C. Archives.) (5) John Haskell Kemble, " Coal from the Northwest Coast, 1848-1850," British Columbia Historical Quarterly, II. (1938), p. 123 et seq. 1944 The Founding of Nanaimo. 171 But as marketing prospects brightened so hopes of finding a profitable coal deposit at or near Fort Rupert waned. For several years the work went on, some small shipments of shallow-depth coal being made, but nothing being found to warrant expectations of a substantial industry being established. Thus, on March 18, 1852, Douglas wrote: " After trying the ground at Fort Rupert and boring in Muirs shaft to a depth of 20 fathoms he [Boyd Gilmour] gave it up in despair of finding coal, and removed to Saquash [sic]."e Here, however, no better results were obtained, for on July 11 Douglas stated, respecting the report of Gilmour upon the new location, " it is hardly necessary to remark [that it] is a very unfavourable indication for Coal."7 Discovery and Exploration. The Fort Rupert mines had proven to be a complete failure, but James Douglas did not abandon hope of developing a source of supply to meet the ever-growing coal demand along the Pacific seaboard. It was after the discouraging reports of the spring of 1852 upon the Fort Rupert operations that he recalled that J. W. McKay, an energetic and capable clerk stationed at Fort Victoria, had confirmed several years before Indian statements that coal existed at Wentuhuysen Inlet, though nothing had been done to open mines there. McKay's own story of how he learned of the coal was recorded for Hubert Howe Bancroft more than a quarter of a century after the event. While engaged in the office there [Fort Victoria] I was one morning in December [1849] called out by the foreman of the Blacksmith shop, who told me that an Indian from the vicinity of Protection Island (now Nanaimo Bay) had been in the shop to have his gun repaired and while waiting and watching operations he had picked up some lumps of coal which he observed very closely. Subsequently, when he saw the men use some coal to replenish the fire, he said that there was plenty of such stone where he lived. I went to'the shop and talked with the Indian and told him to bring me some pieces of coal from his home and I would give him a bottle of rum and have his gun repaired for nothing. The man, who was quite old, went away, but he was taken sick and did not return until early in April, 1850, when he brought a canoe load of coal (6) James Douglas to Archibald Barclay, March 18, 1852. (7) Ibid., July 11, 1852. 172 :B. A. McKelvie. July which proved to be of fine quality. T fitted out a prospecting party at once and about the first of -May we landed near the place where the town of Nanaimo is built now. ; For several days we. looked around and on the 8th of May.I located the Douglass.vein,.which is still being worked [1878] at the place from .which the old Indian had taken his Specimen. On our return to Victoria I made a favorable and very eircumstantial eovery, but-owing to the press of other business on hand actually opened until August 1852.8 .:;;'•?•. ?o . Now that the failure of the Fort Rupert mines was practically 'certain,:Douglas turned to the other prospect. Apparently! McKay was again sent to the place he had visited in 1850, for on June 23,1852, the Chief Factor was able to report:--.; ■•: ■,.-,; ' A bed of surface coal'of considerable depth was discovered, by MM Joseph McKay of the Company's service at Point Gabiola [Gabriola],- on the east coast of Vancouver's Island nearly opposite the mouth of Fraser's River. .Mr McKay who was sent with a small party to examine that part of the Island, discribes [sic] the Coast as abounding" in 'Sandstone, and he observed in. several places seams of Coal varying from. 8 to 12 inches iri depth; cropping out. from. the cliffs.; .but the principal bed is at Point Gabiola, where the .seam measures thirty seven.inches in.thickness; if so it will be immensely valuable, and I will take the earliest opportunity of having it carefully examined and'secured for the Company.9 Douglas was impressed by McKay's report. He decided to make a personal visit. This was done during August, and under cover of August 18 he was able to make a triumphant announcement, justifying his faith in the mineral resources of Vancouver's Island. The letter10 telling of his inspection of the coal measures was that of an enthusiast; rarely, in the hundreds of letters he wrote as Company official or as Governor did he display so much dignified jubilation—for dignified he was at all times. , ,'j.',.', •. /. "I returned last night from an exploratory excursion through the Canal de Arro and along the east coast of Vancouver's Island, undertaken for the purpose of examining the beds of Coal reported to exist in that quarter, and I rejoice to say that our journey has been productive of very satisfactory results; as we have had abundant evidence to prove that the mineral wealth of Vancouver's Island has not been over rated," he enthused. " In the course of that excursion, we discovered three beds of Coal, the first and (8) Joseph William McKay, Recollections of a Chief Trader in the Hudson's Bay Company, Fort Simpson, 1878, MS., Bancroft Library. (Photostat in B.C. Archives.) (9) Douglas to Barclay, June 23, 1852. (10) Ibid., August 18, 1852. The Founding of Nanaimo. upper' bed measuring 3 inches, a second immediately under it measuring 20 inches, and at the distance of about % of amile, nearly duewesta third bed measuring 57% inches in depth, of clean coal; from which, with the assistance of the Natives, we procured about 50 Tons in a siriglevday at a total cost of £11.0.0 paid in goods. This discovery has afforded-me.more satisfaction' than I can express and I trust the Company will derive.advantages from it equal to the important influence it must necessarily exercise on. the'fortunes of this Colony." Here both the Chief Factor and the Governor we're in harmony! Continuing, Douglas wrote:—. * . */',''.,''''*.;?. I was accompanied in that journey.,.by Mr. Pemberton Mr. Muir," the Company's late oversman at ..Fort Rupert and Mr. Golledge," -with 6,-men and a few Indians in two canoes; while the Cadboro was despatched with a small supply of-goods, by the Gulf of Georgia to meet us in Wentuhuysen Inlet which was appointed the general rendezvous. After describing a stop made at Cowichan, where he talked with the'Indians, he continued:— ■ ' "* -/'•'■"•" We found the Cadboro at anchor in Wentuhuysen Inlet having made- the voyage from Victoria in four days. It is in that Inlet that the Coal, is found. . The three and the twenty inch seams appear about high water mark on the Islands at the entrance of the Inlet. The Goal.crops out on two sides of those Islands and we therefore, and for the. reason that the overlaying beds of shales and sandstone exist in their natural order, exhibiting no evidence of displacement from volcanic or other agency, suppose that the seams are continuous and extend from side to side of those Islands. About % of a mile almost directly west of that coal the main seam 57% inches in depth rises above the surface in a narrow cove in the main land of Vancouver's Island. The face of the seam is alone visible and takes a direction from low water mark across the beach, until it disappears under the banks of the cove, see sketch. The general dip or inclination of the seam, which is rapid, is towards the cove, being in Mr Pembertons opinion east north east, while Mr Muir thinks it is nearly due South. It is supposed that this seam underlies those on the Island a conclusion drawn from the displacement of a bed of old red sandstone in the vicinity which has been thrown up into a vertical position, and has evidently been the immediate cause'of raising this valuable bed of Coal partially to the surface. Speculating upon the different formations that existed, Douglas carried his presumptions to the point of sketching an assumed strata log. (11) John Muir> who was in charge of mining operations at Fort Rupert until succeeded by Boyd Gilmour. The latter expressed contempt for Muir's work there but was no more successful in finding coal, than his predecessor. (12) Richard Golledge, sometime secretary to James Douglas. 174 B. A. McKelvie. July " Without venturing an opinion as to the pecuniary results of this discovery I have resolved until I receive the Governor and Committee's instructions on the subject to take possession of the Coal District for the Company, and to employ Mr Muir and two of his sons in opening a shaft at high water mark, over the thick seam from whence they will work the bed inwards towards the land, to ascertain its extent in that direction," he declared. " A few of the common servants will also be sent there at the same time to assist in that work and as a protection against the Natives. They will also put up a few temporary buildings to shelter the workmen and purchase coal from the natives. I will not go to much expense until we .see our way clearly, and have ascertained that the coal beds may be worked to advantage. In that case it may be desirable to remove Mr Gilmour & his party of Miners from Fort Rupert should no discovery be in the mean time made there, to this new coal field and to commence a permanent establishment on the spot by withdrawing a part of the officers and and [sic] [of the] Servants now employed at Fort Rupert. " Mr Pemberton having completed the general survey as far as Soke Inlet, and the present thick smoky weather being unfavourable for continuing it farther, I propose to send him immediately to make a geological exploration of the Coal District about Wentuhuysen Inlet on which he will prepare a report for the information of the Company. It will take from two to three weeks to complete that service, but I trust the Governor and Committee will consider the object in view of sufficient importance to justify the expense, as well as the delay it will necessarily cause in his regular OCCUPATION. Douglas's planned early occupation of the new coalfield was quickened by the fear that others might forestall him in taking possession of the country. He was not too certain of the precise extent of Hudson's Bay possessory rights as defined in the Company's leasehold of Vancouver's Island, and decided that he would take no chances on losing the coal deposits through any technical blunder on his part. These things he explained in a letter to Barclay under date of August 26, 1852, adding:— Mr Joseph McKay was despatched on the 22nd Inst, with a few labouring servants to maintain possession of the Coal field in Wentuhuysen Inlet, a step which I was induced to take rather hurriedly, in consequence of a report that other parties, were going thither to dig and purchase Coal from the Indians a plan which I thought it necessary to anticipate by unequivocally establishing the Company's right to the Coal District through actual While in the foregoing Douglas says that McKay left on August 22, the formal instructions for his guidance were dated two days later. It is possible that they were forwarded by other 1944 The Founding of Nanaimo. 175 conveyance. In any event they were as formal and ceremonious as Douglas could make them. The letter13 is worth reproducing in full, being of great historic value:— Fort Victoria 24th August 1852 Mr Joseph McKay. Sir. You will proceed with all possible diligence to Wentuhuysen Inlet, commonly known as Nanymo Bay and formally take possession of the Coal beds lately discovered there for and in behalf of the Hudson's Bay Company. You will give due notice of that proceeding to the Masters of all vessels arriving there and you will forbid all persons to work the Coal either directly by means of their own labour or indirectly through Indians or other parties employed for that purpose except under the authority of a license from the Hudson's Bay Company. You will require for such persons as may be duly licensed to work coal by the Hudson's Bay Company, security for the payment of a royalty of 2/6 a ton which you will levy on the spot, upon all Coal whether procured by mining or by purchase from the Natives, the same to be held by you and from time to time duly accounted for. In the event of any breach or evasion of these regulations you will immediately take means to communicate intelligence of the same to me. I remain Sir Your obed't servt. James Douglas That McKay carried out the instructions given to him by Douglas personally and by writing is evident. Unfortunately, gaps occur in the records extant of that interesting period, but the old Correspondence Book of Nanaimo contains sufficient to give a fairly accurate picture of happenings at the new establishment. Unfortunately, one of the letters that is missing is McKay's first report to Douglas upon the incidents of his landing and taking formal possession of the coal deposits. J. D. Pemberton and his assistant, B. W. Pearse, were sent off from Fort Victoria without loss of time to make the geological survey that Douglas planned, for on August 26 Douglas sent (13) This letter, and the extracts from later letters that passed between Douglas and McKay, are quoted from a transcript of McKay's letter-book made many years ago by Judge F. W. Howay. For convenience"the copy in the Provincial Archives has been titled Nanaimo Correspondence, 1852- 1858. 176 B. A. McKelvie. July his " compliments to Mr Pemberton and Pearse " indicating that they were already- at Nanaimo.14 They camped at the entrance to the small rivulet originally called Millstone Creek, but now more generally known as Millstream Creek. This location was known in pioneer times as " Pemberton's Encampment." It was about the junction of the present Bridge Street with Comox Road. There was a neck of low land there. A deep ravine extended from the head of Commercial Inlet to this: point. At extreme, high tides it was practically filled with water, making a peninsula ;of what is the main business section of Nanaimo of tO-day.- jr..' :iv w fi x>.v.-s <f -nr; Mr. iSTzii vz&lr.i ' ESTABLISHMENT AND INDUSTRIES. It was on August 26 that Douglas wrote to McKay informing him that he was sending the first party of miners to the new coalfield'aboard the Company's "brigantine Cadboro. He had learned something about the temperament of coal-miners since they first came to work the Fort Rupert seams, and took pains to impress upon McKay that they were to be treated with due regard to their sensibilities. No doubt he realized that the proud Scots would not take kindly to receiving instructions concerning their work from a fur-trader. " The Miners are under the special instructions of Mr Muir," Douglas wrote, " and you will please to avoid all interference with them directly, giving any instructions you have to give through Mr Muir himself, but in no case directly to the men under his orders." The first of the thousands of miners who, during the next seventy-five years, worked in the exploitation of the Nanaimo coal-beds were, according to the same letter: John Muir, overman; Robert Muir, miner; Archibald Muir, miner, and John McGregor, miner.16 McGregor, owing to illness, was detained at Fort Victoria and did not come with the Muir family, father and sons. Along with the miners was a blacksmith, Raymond. He was assigned to general duty, with piority to be given to the requirements of the miners. An interesting side-light of conditions of those times is contained in a postscript to the same letter:— (14) Douglas to McKay, August 26, 1852. 1944 The Founding of NAnaimo. 177 The miners are allowed 1/- per diem instead of rations and will therefore provide their Own provisions, which will save you much trouble. Douglas was eager and enthusiastic about the new venture to an extent that was unusual with him. ..He wanted to learn all that he could about the progress of the mines, and told McKay Please to write me by every opportunity arid let me know all particulars about the coal and ■ if any fresh discoveries have :been made since my visit. This letter was dated August 31, only a week after McKay had been sent from Fort Victoria to open the mines. In the same letter the Chief Factor announced that' The Recovery has just left port on her way to Wentuhuysen Inlet with a further supply of goods for trade, as per Invoice herewith. ■: ' You will endeavor to load her with'Goal as soon as possible, and despatch her to this place.' In ease you require 'her' presence either as a protection to the party-or as a trade room for the time being you may-detain her until the return of the Cadboro and I.have directed Capt Mitchell to attend to your instructions .in that particular. As already noted, the first.report made by, McKay upon his activities at Nanaimo is missing, butthaiyif September 916 has survived. He told of .the. arrival of the Cadboro on the night of September 3—having left Victoria on August 26! The Recovery reached port the. following day. The Cadboro., McKay boasted, was now/ready for her return.voyage.to Fort Victoria, "with 480 barrels of Coals on board." | This was the first commercial shipment from Nanaimo's mines, but was the second- in point of fact, as Douglas reported having taken 50 tons upon his exploratory inspection of the locality earlier in the year. The report continued:— The Natives commenced working Coal on the 8th Instant, and have been busily employed ever since, notwithstanding the inclemency of the weather, which has been very wet the last few days. Mr Muir and miners landed on the 6th and are at present living in a log hut lined and covered with cedar bark. Raymond and the rest of the men are also comfortably lodged and are in very good spirits. Raymond, the blacksmith, while " comfortably lodged and in very good spirits," had cause for complaint, for he had forgotten to bring his " toe iron," and he found that the bellows that he had brought from Fort Victoria was a poor thing and almost (i6) McKay to Douglas, September 9, 1852. 178 B. A. McKelvie. July " The greater part of the Cadboro's cargo was purchased with small trade," McKay explained. " A few of the chiefs have retained their tickets until they can afford to purchase blankets. 1 have continued the tariff established last voyage, as the Indians were at first, so extravagent in their demands, that I considered any concession on my part would only increase their importunacy. They are very well satisfied with the present arrangement. An able man can earn at the rate of one shirt per diem. They have opened the seam up to the bank and Mr Muir has a favorable opinion of the appearance of the Coal; he commenced boring about 10 yds further along the beach this morning, but has not as yet reached the Coal. . . ." Such was the account of the first steps in the development of the Nanaimo collieries, written by the man who was directing affairs. On September 10 McKay sent off another letter to Douglas, announcing news of importance. Muir had "reached coal at seven feet, ten yards beyond the section opened by the Indians. He is now boring ten yds further on." Reporting on September 16," the energetic McKay had further good tidings. It was the finding of a thick bed of coal probably near what was called " Pemberton's Encampment," in a steep bluff south of the present Comox Road. He wrote:— " The seam which attracted my attention on the 28th ult. is found by actual measurement to be 6 feet 2 inches in thickness including a stratum of clay 2 ins. thick, and 2 ft 4 ins below the upper surface of the coal which is about the level of highwater and 15ft from the cliff, which rising to height of 30 feet forms the coast along a bay M. mile Westward of a point from which Mr Pemberton took the bearings and angular distances between point Upwood, point Gore and Laurel point. A small stream of water enters the bay at which you landed on your visit to this place. . . . Between this seam' and low mark are three other seams of coal. ... Mr Muir pronounces the Coal in all the seams to be of good quality and equal to good English, coal. He thinks that ten thousand tons might be raised there by natives. On calculation," the careful McKay observes, " one thousand tons might certainly be raised by them within a short period. I Most of the natives are now at work on this seam as they have worked the 3 feet seam in the harbour near by to the level of low water mark and owing to the thickness of super stratum of clay a large quantity of coal cannot possibly be raised from it without raising embankment to shut off the sea." The natives worked on a strictly cash-and-carry basis; they not only mined, but they loaded the vessels as well. McKay in his letter announcing the new coal discovery observed that more (17) Ibid., September 16, 1852. 1944 The Founding of Nanaimo. 179 trade goods were urgently required, and especially tobacco, cut glass beads, kettles, and soap. At the same time the Chief Factor was told that Muir and his men had started a new shaft, " 100 yds further along the coast 8 feet from the edge of the bank He is confident that they will reach the coal at a depth of 12 fathoms. He will require two steady men as early as possible to work the winch. Indians are not to be trusted as they might endanger the lives of the men below." This latter observation is indicative of the ever-present hazards of mining with native labour. If, for any purpose, the Indians were to stop work, especially when hoisting a bucket, the result could easily be fatal to the men below. And the Indians were likely to do just that sort of thing. They would down tools in an instant to engage in hostilities against any strangers that might be sighted passing in a canoe if they were believed to be enemies. Work went steadily ahead on the pit, it having reached a depth of 9 feet by September 30, and it had been properly lined. Coal was raised from " the 5 feet seam " for the Recovery, which sailed on that day with 1,391 barrels of coal on board. Muir had done good work in laying the foundations of Nanaimo's collieries. Now he was to be succeeded by Boyd Gilmour, who had been in charge of the miners at Fort Rupert. Gilmour did not have much of an opinion of the capabilities of Mr. Muir, who had been his predecessor at Fort Rupert. It was on April 9,1853, that his name first appears as being at Nanaimo. Gilmour brought some Fort Rupert men with him, and the names of four of them were given in a letter from Douglas to McKay at that time: Pierre Versailles, George Cook, George Thomas, and Magnus Edgar. Unfortunately, the pages of the letter-book between September 27, 1852, and April 9, 1853, are blank. Fortunately, a record made in 1907 by the late Mark Bate, who came to Nanaimo in 1857, indicated the location of the first mining operations.18 These were all prior to the opening of the Park Head level, which was in front of the present fire-hall. It 5 Days," Nanaimo 180 B. A. McKelvie. July is from the development of the Park Head and Dunsmuir levels that the steady growth of Nanaimo's coal industry may be measured. There were seven openings made, as well as a number of bore-holes and experimental or prospect workings. Two more or less serious efforts were made to mine on Newcastle and Protection Islands, where later large operations were carried on. But the first mining was done on the then peninsula, which is now included in the heart of Nanaimo's business section. As indicated by Mr. Bate, and brought up to date with more precise data for permanent record, the first five workings were:— No. 1. An open-cut on the beach off Wharf Street at the point of Commercial Inlet. This was where coal was first discovered. No. 2. Between Bastion and Wharf streets, and between Commercial and Front streets. This was at first an open-cut and later a shaft. It was near the centre of the space enclosed by those streets. No. 3. Within the same block, but about 40 yards from Commercial Street on the Wharf Street side. No. 4. About 30 yards from No. 3 in a southwesterly direction on the Commercial Inlet side of Commercial Street. No. 5. About 40 yards south of Comox Road in a cliff that rises as one of the ramparts of the Ravine. It would be south of a point about two-thirds of the distance east of Bridge Street, on Comox Road. Coal-mining was not the only industry in Nanaimo's earlier days. Salt was manufactured from a brine spring, and a sawmill was constructed and operated for some years. The first mention of salt is contained in McKay's letter to Douglas of September 9, 1852,19 but earlier reference to it had been made by McKay in a letter not included in the dispatches copied into the Correspondence Book. " The Salt Spring mentioned in my last communication," McKay wrote, " yields by evaporation at the rate of 1 pint of Salt from 7 pints water. The salt is a little coloured by the debris brought down by the little rivulet which runs into it. It appears to be of good quality and might be much improved by deepening the spring and turning off the fresh water which would not be difficult to accomplish. . . . (19) Nanaimo Correspondence, 1852-1858. 1944 The Founding of Nanaimo. 181 " There is a salt lake or pond reported by the Indians as being at no great distance from the salt spring which I intend to visit per the first opportunity." Faced with the possibility of a shortage of provisions for the coming winter, McKay thought of utilizing the salt springs for the curing of meat. Writing to Douglas under cover of September 16, he said:— We. are also in want of salt and bbls as a large quantity of salmon and venison might be put up here; if we had a salt pan and a man to tend it we might manufacture a sufficient quantity for home consumption. The salt spring was on Millstone Creek, as it was known in earlier times, now called Millstream. It was located just about where an extension of Wallace Street would intersect the creek. Salt-pans were provided and a shed was built.20 (20) Mark Bate, " Brie a 1874," Na- ). 33, 40. 182 . A. McKelvie. July Salt of high quality21 was intermittently manufactured there until the Hudson's Bay Company sold out its holdings in and about Nanaimo to the Vancouver Coal Company in 1862, and disposed of its store to Cunningham Bros., of New Westminster. Not only was the salt used locally, but some shipments were made to Fort Langley for the salting of salmon. When the Hudson's Bay Company withdrew from the locality neither the new proprietors nor Cunningham Bros, were interested in manufacturing salt. The springs were neglected and filled up, and the salt-shed lay idle until it was acquired by Stewart & Keast, of Victoria, for use as part of the brewery they erected on the site.22 The sawmill was erected on the same creek. It was built in 1853 to cut lumber for the requirements of the mines and the settlement. It was operated by water-power. Conversion to steam-power was proposed by McKay, who remarked in a letter to Douglas:— A circular saw may be worked by the steam engine with apparently little extra trouble. ... As a great deal of Lumber is required for building the circular saw would be a great acquisition, the more so as our sawyers with three pit saws, are barely able to supply the increasing demand for sawn lumber in the coal mines.23 McKay's proposition was to use the steam-power for both mining and milling. The steam plant was secured, but it lay idle, as evidenced by a note in the Nanaimo Journal, kept by Captain Charles Edward Stuart, who succeeded McKay in charge of Nanaimo, under date of February 6, 1856: ". . . Employed boarding in ' 0' shed, and getting steam saw mill machinery, flat ropes &c into it, being more sheltered than the sheds erected on the wharf where they used to be. . . ."24 The cost of acquiring logs was not high. Captain Stuart reported:— The Nanaimo Indians bring us large quantities of saw logs—none less than fifteen inches in diameter at the small end and fifteen feet long, at the tariff of eight for a blanket delivered at high water mark where required. If (21) J. Despard Pemberton, Facts and Figures relating to Vancouver Island and British Columbia, London, 1860, p. 159. (22) Personal narration by the late Mark Bate to the writer. (23) Nanaimo Correspondence, 1852-1858, McKay to Douglas, September 24, 1853. (24) Nanaimo Journal, 1855-1857. (Transcript in B.C. Archives.) 1944 The Founding of Nanaimo. 183 an occasional one arrives under that size it is bought by us at the tariff of sixteen for a Blanket.25 When Mark Bate landed in Nanaimo in 1857 the mill was still operated by water, and continued so for many years. Mr. Bate described it as follows:— There was one saw, a perpendicular-up-and-down, jerky-jiggy thing. Who ever "saw to saw like that saw"? It was operated by a small horizontal water wheel, of rather crude construction, which also was very unsteady, and erratic in its revolutions. In 1860-61 a great improvement was made in the mill machinery—the horizontal wheel was supplanted by a large overshot wheel, which did fairly good work for many years.26 Community Life and Dangers. While the harbour had been named " Nanaimo " by Pemberton, the first official name of the settlement was " Colviletown " named in honour of Andrew Colviie, Governor of the Hudson's Bay Company. Despite the high authority of the proprietors the name did not stick. Even Douglas in his correspondence applied the Indian name to the community as well as the harbour. In 1861 the effort to maintain the official name was dropped, and the settlement formally adopted the name it has borne ever since.27 The first-habitations, as already indicated, were rude log and bark shelters. But immediate steps were taken to build more substantial dwellings of squared logs. On September 9, 1852, McKay wrote to Douglas: " Lazard and gang have most of the wood on the site for a house 25 x 15 feet and have commenced building. The Indians have brought 1000 pees bark. They cannot raise any more this year as the season is now far advanced." At the same time he noted that the Indians were bringing in " a constant supply of provisions." A week after announcing the start on house-building McKay was able to record that " the carpenters are now roofing the miners house." As the Muir family and McGregor constituted (25) Ibid., August 29, 1855. See also W. Kaye Lamb, " Early Lumbering on Vancouver Island," British Columbia Historical Quarterly, II. (1938), pp. 40-41. (26) Mark Bate, " Reminiscences of Early Nanaimo Days." (27) Mark Bate, "Nanaimo's Growth and Prosperity," Nanaimo Free Press, April 15,1924. 184 B. A. McKelvie. July the whole force of miners at the time, this dwelling was obviously intended for them. The building operations went on as steadily as could be expected with the few facilities and meagre force at McKay's command. Douglas kept reminding him that accommodations would be required for the coming of the Fort Rupert miners. The marvel of that first year of Nanaimo's history is how the capable McKay accomplished so much. He was a man of outstanding ability. When the war with Russia broke out in 1854 he was removed from Nanaimo and was sent to Fort Simpson, where his tact, courage, and enterprise were relied upon to prevent the Tsimpshean Indians from falling under Russian influence. In the spring of 1853 he had to direct the construction of the bastion, the defensive work that still occupies a dominating position on Nanaimo's waterfront. It was completed in June and was largely the handiwork of two French-Canadian axemen, Leon Labine and Jean Ba'tiste Fortier, with a gang of labourers. Proud of their handicraft were these axemen. Mark Bate relates in his reminiscences that Fortier would often offer to wager that he would permit himself to be dragged naked over any piece of timber he had squared without fear of being injured by splinters. By the time that the bastion was completed, " there were, as the make-up of Colville [sic] Town, four dwelling houses 26 x 15 feet, and three 30 x 20, habitable, and filling pieces raised for three more 30x20." The armament of the bastion consisted of two 6-lb. carronades, which were sufficiently powerful to overawe the natives, and were useful for firing salutes.28 The construction of a big store followed the building of the bastion. It was located facing Commercial Inlet and some 50 yards or more southwest of the block-house, and considerably below it in elevation. The store was surrounded by a high picket fence, with a water-gate where Indians could come to trade. It was fully protected from the bastion, which then stood on higher ground immediately to the west, and across Front Street, from its present site. Indian intertribal warfare had already disturbed the serenity of the little establishment though no attempt had been made to molest the white men. But during the winter of 1852-53 (28) Mark Bate, History of the Bastion, n.d. 1944 The Founding of Nanaimo. 185 a Nanaimo Indian and a Cowichan native murdered Peter Brown, a shepherd, near Christmas Hill, Saanich. Governor Douglas outfitted an expedition and started in pursuit. The Cowichan was apprehended. Arriving at Nanaimo the surrender of the other murderer was demanded from the native chiefs. They sought to protect him, although offering to pay indemnity according to Indian custom. This was refused. The wanted man escaped up a small stream. Sailors, marines, and a posse of miners followed him. The Indian hid in a hollow tree-trunk. It was snowing, and had he remained quiet he might have escaped, for his footprints had been obliterated; but seeing the approach of his pursuers he attempted to shoot one of them. A flake of snow had fallen into the firing-pan of his musket and it dampened the priming charge. He was detected and captured. An hour or so later he was given trial aboard the steamer Beaver and was sentenced, with his companion, to death. The sentence was immediately carried out and both were hanged on the point of Protection Island, which is now known as Gallows Point in remembrance of that gruesome occurrence.29 The little creek where the Nanaimo Indian was taken has ever since been called Chase River. The late Chief Justice Archer Martin stated that the trial aboard the Beaver was the first time that a jury was empanelled in British Columbia. This murder of Peter Brown undoubtedly hastened the construction of the defensive work at Nanaimo, for the condition of the times required means of protection against savage treachery. Prior to the construction of the block-house it was customary to have one or other of the Hudson's Bay vessels always in the harbour acting as a guard-ship, while coaling, as well as a trade- room. It was therefore an economic necessity as well as a protective one to construct the bastion and the store. Less than a month after his arrival at Nanaimo, McKay reported (September 18, 1852) " a tragical event" had taken place. Chief Tsan-si-si had arrived the previous day with forty Cowichan warriors, professing to be on a friendly visit to the Nanaimoes, but upon quitting the harbour the next morning the (29) John T. Walbran, op. cit. See also W. Kaye Lamb, " Four Letters Relating to the Cruise of the Thetis, 1852-53," British Columbia Historical Quarterly, VI. (1942), p. 205. iii m 186 B. A. McKelvie. July Cowichans had killed a Nanaimo Indian who had been employed about the mines. Twelve days later McKay reported: " A Sku-who-mish Indian was murdered at this place eight days ago by a Nanaimo in revenge for three Nanaimoes who were killed by the Sku-who- ' mish the last winter." The account given by McKay to Douglas on May 18, 1853, of a killing is characteristic of happenings common in the dangerous times and savage land in which the foundations of the future city were being laid. Two young Nanaimoes fired on a Cowichan last Wednesday in revenge for the murder committed on the 29th of last August. The Cowichan escaped with two wounds, not mortal; as this occurrence took place within 50 yards of Mr. Gilmour's house I was under the necessity of chasing the belligrent parties away from the place and warned the Nanaimoes to refrain for the future from carrying on their murderous practises so near the dwellings of the whitemen. Apparently McKay had no desire to interfere unduly with the private and public feuds of the savages, but he did object to them carrying on their warfare in and about the settlement. Such disturbances slowed down coal production. " The excitement occasioned by this occurrence [the killing of the Nanaimo Indian on September 18] has nearly died away and the coals are coming in this morning as usual." Early in September McKay reported that the Indians were bringing in a good supply of provisions, but this did not continue, and he was running short of supplies with which to pay the natives by October 22, when he informed his superior:— I have limited the number of Indians employed on a/c of want of goods to pay them as owing to their poverty they require to be paid up regularly. Upwards of 20 bbls of salmon have been salted down, potatoes are rather dull. The Nanaimoes do not appear to have a large stock of that vegetable. We have had little or no venison since the last fracas with the Cowechins. I am consequently obliged to indent for some salt provisions. The miners have also expended all their stock of tea and sugar and I have consequently been obliged to supply them with those necessaries from my own stock. The hard-worked and anxious McKay received but little sympathy from Douglas, who coldly replied that it was, in effect, a case of " feed yourself—or starve ":— I am glad to hear that you have put up so many salmon, and I would impress upon your mind the great importance of securing as large a stock 1944 The Founding of Nanaimo. 187 of Country provisions as possible, seeing that the stock here is quite inadequate to meet all the demands upon it.80 More or less thrown upon their own resources, the Nanaimo people managed to carry on through the winter, gathering what food they might where they could, mining, building, whip-sawing lumber, and laying the foundations for a permanent settlement. The advent of the Fort Rupert miners strengthened the force of workers, but it was the following year that saw the first large influx of population, when the ship Princess Royal arrived at Esquimalt, November 27, 1854, with some twenty-two Staffordshire miners and their families, numbering in all some eighty- three persons. Along with the party came George Robinson, who was to take charge of coal-mine operations in place of Boyd Gilmour, who was tired of the country and returned to Scotland upon the expiry of his contract of three years with the company. It was fortunate for Vancouver Island and British Columbia that Gilmour's nephew elected to stay here, for he was Robert Dunsmuir, who in later years made such a contribution to the development of coal-mining and who constructed the Esquimalt & Nanaimo Railway. Nanaimo of to-day really dates its historical happenings from the arrival of the Princess Royal. Proud, indeed, are families who can claim descent from the fine, sturdy stock that came at that time, and with justice, for they were worthy men and women. Life in the wilds was new to them, and particularly to the women and children, but they endured it cheerfully. Describing his own arrival in 1857, the late Mark Bate, in an address to the British Columbia Historical Association, at the Pioneers' Reunion, on May 9, 1924, gave a picture of the still earlier days, when the Princess Royal contingent arrived:— They told me how roughly the houses were constructed, of the dreary look outside, and cramped space inside; how the chinks between the logs and poles, through which the wind would blow with a shriek of triumph, were plastered up with clay or stuffed with moss; of the interior equipage of benches, boards and bunk-like bedsteads; of the Dutch ovens for baking and cooking; of the drugget rush mats and rugs made in part of dogs' hair by Indians, used for floor covering. (30) Douglas to McKay, October 27, 1852. B. A. McKelvte. But, he explained, the poverty of material things was not duplicated in the wealth and warmth of the welcome that they gave to the stranger, or the open-handed hospitality with which they greeted him. The coming of the Princess Royal marked the commencement of what may be called the second phase of Nanaimo's history. The community had been firmly established; the mines were well along to becoming famous as continuous producers for the next three-quarters of a century. Nanaimo had been founded. B. A. McKelvie. Victoria, B.C. John Foster McCreight. Amor De Cosmos. AMOR DE COSMOS, JOURNALIST AND POLITICIAN.* The second premier of the Province of British Columbia was Amor De Cosmos, that most colourful figure in our early political history. Born as William Alexander Smith in Windsor, Nova Scotia, in 1825, he changed his name by Act of the California Legislature in 1854. His death occurred at Victoria, B.C., in 1897. He never married and his new name died with him. De Cosmos was a journalist by profession and a politician by temperament. He arrived in Victoria during the hectic days of the gold-rush to Fraser River and on December 11, 1858, issued the first number of the British Colonist. He did not approve of the policies of Governor Douglas, whose actions, he claimed, were shrouded in a " wily diplomacy."1 To him Douglas " was not equal to the occasion." Douglas, on his part, did not greatly approve of De Cosmos. This was natural enough, since temperamentally they were poles apart. The Nova Scotian wished to play the role of reformer, inspired perhaps by the precepts and example of Joseph Howe.2 He became an active opponent of what he termed the Family-Company-Compact, but at first made little headway. Later he was elected to the Legislative Assembly of Vancouver Island and supported the Union of 1866. He championed the cause of Confederation and took a prominent part in the memorable debate in the Legislative Coun- * Based on a paper presented to Section II. of the Royal Society of Canada in May, 1942, at Toronto. As originally written the paper gave more space to De Cosmos's early life and less to his premiership. (1) British Colonist, Vol. I., No. 1, December 11, 1858. (2) The political relationship of Joseph Howe to Amor De Cosmos has never been fully investigated. In her valuable M.A. thesis on Amor De Cosmos, A British Columbia Reformer, accepted by the University of British Columbia in 1931, Margaret Ross (Mrs. William Robbing), having discussed the problem in some detail, draws the following conclusion: "It is difficult to prove by direct reference of De Cosmos that he consciously realized the influence of Howe though in many of his editorials one recognizes marked resemblances between the ideas and language of both." At the time of De Cosmos's death in 1897 the Victoria papers stated that during his early life in Nova Scotia he chose Joseph Howe for his political mentor. 190 Walter N. Sage. July cil of British Columbia in March, 1870. Governor Musgrave did not select him, however, as one of the delegates sent to Ottawa to arrange the terms of Union. De Cosmos sat in the first Legislative Assembly of British Columbia and was also elected to the House of Commons in Ottawa. In 1872 he succeeded John Foster McCreight as premier of British Columbia, but less than two years later, when dual representation was abolished, he preferred Ottawa to Victoria and resigned the premiership. He continued to represent British Columbia at Ottawa until his defeat in the election of 1882. His later years were spent in retirement at Victoria. In the Archives of British Columbia may be found a brief account of the early life of Amor De Cosmos. It was written by his elder brother, Charles McKeivers Smith, and from it the late Beaumont Boggs, of Victoria, seems to have derived much of the information regarding De Cosmos's early life for his paper " What I remember of Hon. Amor De Cosmos," delivered before the British Columbia Historical Association at its meeting on May 3, 1929.3 Since so little is known about De Cosmos before his arrival in British Columbia it is well to quote this valuable primary source in full:— Hon. Amor De Cosmos was born in Windsor Hants County Nova Scotia on the 20th of August 1825. His education began in a private school and from it he passed into the Windsor Academy and during the time he was there made rapid progress in his studies until he was about 14 years of age, when his parents moved to Halifax and took him with them. Shortly after his arrival in that city secured a clerkship in the old and well known wholesale and retail grocery and liquor house of William and Charles Whitham, in whose employ he remained for some ten or eleven years. During that time he attended the grammar school of John S. Thompson, father of the late premier of the Dominion and was also a member of the Dalhousie College Debating Club in which nearly all the political matters of the colony were debated, which doubtless was of great service to him in after years. When the California gold excitement was at its height in 1851 he like many other men being anxious to better his condition decided to seek his fortune in the Eldorado of the west. On leaving his home at Halifax went to New-York and from there crossed the continent to St. Louis on the Missouri River, at that time on the very outskirts of civil [iz]ation. There he joined a party who were leaving for California, but on account of indian troubles and other obstructions on the way were obliged to remain at Salt 1944 Amor De Cosmos. 191 Lake for the winter as they were too late to cross the Sierra Nevada mountains. In the spring of 1853 the party continued their journey on to California, and after some four or five days of slow traveling along the trail, he decided to go on alone, as he had a good horse and could travel much faster than the party he was with. Having provided himself with plenty of food and amunition for his rifle and pistol, he left the train and by fast traveling soon reached the Humbolt Valley and followed the river down until he came to the crossing then following the trail until he came to where it branched off into Northern California. When he'reached that point he and his horse were suffering terribly from drinking alkali water, as he was not able to find any other, however he pushed on as rapidly as possible and soon found fresh water which revived him and his [horse] and in a few days he arrived in Placerville Eldorado County in June 1853. Three weeks later the train came there, having his Camera and Daguerreotype stock in it which he brought across the plains. He at once set up his Camera and commenced to take views of mining claims with the owners on them, he being the first in that business it proved a very profitable speculation much better than mining. His sucess in taking views of mining claims induced him to continue the business through all the mining camps in the country from the Yuba River in the north to Jacksonville on the Tuolumne River south near the Mexican boundary line which enabled him to obtain and [sic] excellent view of all the mines [in the] great valley and was above a splendid paying speculation as well. On his return from the southern mines [he] settled down in the town of Orville Bute County, and was engaged in mining speculations and business of other kinds up to the time of the Fraser River gold discovery, when he decided to visit Vancouver Island see the country, investigate the gold mines reports and any other matters that might interest him. In order to carry out his desire took passage on board the steamer Brother Jonathen and arrived in Victoria on May 16th 1858, w[h]ere he remained for several days, and being satisfied from what he had seen and heard of the country and mines returned to California settled up his business there and came back to Victoria in the latter part of June in which place he made his home up to the time of his death.4 Some further particulars of De Cosmos's family and early years were secured by Dr. D. C. Harvey, Archivist of Nova Scotia, in 1933. Dr. Harvey discovered that one of De Cosmos's sisters, Mrs. Peter Hudson Le Noir, was still living in Halifax. She was then in her hundredth year. Writing to Dr. R. L. Reid, (4) The original narrative bears the stamp: " Library Legislative Assembly Nov. 3 1910 Victoria B.C." It is unsigned, but the hand-writing was identified as that of Charles McKeivers Smith by the late Beaumont Boggs, and a comparison of the writing with that of letters written by Smith in or about 1863 reveals close similarity. Charles McK. Smith died in Victoria on November 24, 1911, aged 88 years. 192 Walter N. Sage. July at whose request the search for information regarding De Cosmos had been made, Dr. Harvey reported as follows:— I arranged an interview, and though I found her hearing very good she suffers from the usual confusing of ideas, and has a tendency to wander from her brother to her husband and her son, all of whom are dead. I found it very difficult, therefore, to get any definite information, though I went like a reporter with specific questions, and kept repeating my questions at intervals for confirmation. It seems that the paternal grandfather was Joseph Smith who settled in Newport. I cannot find such a man getting a land grant under the Loyalists, although I found three Joseph Smiths, one of whom first settled at Shelburne. He may have drifted to Newport. The maternal grandfather was Daniel Weems or Wemyss, apparently a Haligonian. Jesse Smith, son of Joseph, married Charlotte Weems or Wemyss, daughter of Daniel, and they had ten children, Daniel, Charles, William Alexander, Jesse, John, Charlotte, Sarah Louise, Mary Ann, Frances Sophia, and Jessie. Charlotte and William Alexander are the two who went to British Columbia finally. Jesse Smith lived first in Windsor, and then in Halifax. William Alexander went to King's Academy, where he, according to Mrs. Le Noir, was very bright. One day the teacher called his father in and said, " You better take him home; instead of me learning him he's learning me." Mrs. Le Noir confirmed Boggs' memories that William Alexander worked ' in a shop in Halifax, and at the same time went to night school and took part in debating. She thought that he just took up photography, and she had no memory of his working with a professional. I quizzed her on his relationship with Howe, and she said he was a great admirer of Howe and tremendously interested in politics, and ready to fight for Howe.B While in California, as has been noted, William Alexander Smith changed his name to Amor De Cosmos. The reason usually given is that he wished to avoid confusion at the post-office. Mr. A. G. Harvey, of Vancouver, B.C., has gone fully into this problem of the change of name and it is only necessary to note that Smith employed three languages to create his new and rather high-sounding appellation.6 In June, 1858, De Cosmos returned to Victoria and settled there. He did not at first embark upon a journalistic career and it may be hazarded that he was either " engaged in mining (5) D. C. Harvey to R. L. Reid, May 9, 1933. Mrs. Le Noir died May 11,1938. (6) A. G. Harvey, "How William Alexander Smith became Amor De Cosmos," Washington Historical Quarterly, XXVI. (1935), pp. 274-279. 1944 Amor De Cosmos. 193 speculations " or was supporting himself by photography. Unfortunately, there is no evidence on this subject, except by inference from his brother's account. At this time the Victoria Gazette had the journalistic field to itself. The Gazette was founded in June, 1858, by experienced newspaper-men from California. It had sound financial backing and formed a strong link with California. According to a statement made by De Cosmos in 1883 he started the British Colonist " for amusement during the winter of 1858-9." De Cosmos's rival, David W. Higgins, had claimed that De Cosmos began the Colonist as an opposition paper, and the doughty Amor refuted the charge as follows:— The statement that the Colonist was started as an opposition paper is strictly untrue. It was started for amusement during the winter of 1858-9; but circumstances afterwards changed it into an established political journal.'' It should, however, be remembered that De Cosmos wrote this article soon after he had retired from politics, and that his statements are not altogether borne out by a careful perusal of the early numbers of the Colonist. His attacks upon Governor Douglas, as has been noted, began in the first issue of the paper.8 At first the Colonist had an up-hill fight against the more popular Gazette. De Cosmos concentrated on local issues and politics and his opposition to Governor Douglas gave him a certain following, especially when the Governor in April, 1859, tried, unsuccessfully, to suppress the Colonist. The Gazette, as a rule, avoided discussion of Vancouver Island politics. In July, 1859, the San Juan question came to a head and anti-American feeling waxed strong in Victoria. The Gazette felt the effects of this change in public sentiment and in November it suspended publication. This left the field open to De Cosmos and his Colonist, and he and his paper may be said, to have ruled the journalistic roost relatively undisturbed until D. W. Higgins (7) Daily Standard, August 21,1883. Reply by Higgins in the Colonist, August 22, 1883. (8) The relations between Douglas and De Cosmos are too well known to be discussed at length. See W. N. Sage, Sir James Douglas and British Columbia, Toronto, 1930, pp. 186, 208-211, 288-289. 194 Walter N. Sage. July (with whom De Cosmos had a lengthy feud) founded the Chronicle in 1862.9 De Cosmos remained editor and publisher of the British Colonist until 1863. During the intervening years he had taken a rather active part in politics. Defeated on a technicality in the elections of 1860, he was elected a member of the Legislative Assembly of Vancouver Island in 1863.10 When he was running for office in 1863 De Cosmos set forth a comprehensive platform: responsible government, the union of the colonies of Vancouver Island and British Columbia, the transfer of the Crown lands to the colony, free land grants to settlers, investigation into the claims of the Hudson's Bay Company to the townsite of Victoria, free non-sectarian education, reciprocity with the United States, the maintenance of the free port of Victoria, increased representation in the Assembly, and new electoral districts. It may well be questioned why De Cosmos was unable to carry out his programme of reforms. One reason was that the Family-Company-Compact was too strong, and that public feeling was apathetic. Another was that De Cosmos, in spite of his brilliance, lacked the qualities necessary for a real " tribune of the people." Soon after De Cosmos was elected to the Legislative Assembly of Vancouver Island, Sir James Douglas retired from the gover- (9) The connection of De Cosmos with the press may be summarized as follows: The Victoria Colonist, of which he was editor and proprietor, commenced publication on December 11, 1858. The paper remained under the control of De Cosmos until October, 1863, when he disposed of it to a syndicate composed of members of the staff. His valedictory, which appeared in the issue for October 7, 1863, states that he sold the paper because of ill-health. Nearly seven years later, on June 20, 1870, De Cosmos published the first issue of a new journal, the Victoria Standard. The next year, he sold a half interest in the paper to T. H. Long, and in July, 1872, sold the other half to his brother, Charles McK. Smith. Smith bought out Long in 1876, and retained control until after De Cosmos had retired from public life. De Cosmos contributed frequently to the Standard, but always insisted that he had no part in its ownership or management after 1872. (Data supplied by Dr. W. Kaye Lamb, who has devoted considerable study to the early history of printing and the press in British Columbia.) (10) In 1860 he was defeated by Captain Gordon, whom he termed the " obstructionist candidate." De Cosmos ran in that election as " Smith called De Cosmos," but apparently one voter declared for " De Cosmos " and Gordon was declared to be elected. 1944 Amor De Cosmos. 195 norship of both colonies. Separate Governors were appointed, Arthur Edward Kennedy for Vancouver Island and Frederick Seymour for British Columbia. De Cosmos had favoured the union of the two colonies as far back as 1859 and in 1865 championed that cause at the polls. But the Union of 1866 did not provide the hoped-for solution of the constitutional and financial difficulties of British Columbia. De Cosmos now came forward as a champion of Confederation, and in 1867 introduced into the Legislative Council of British Columbia a resolution requesting Governor Seymour " To take such steps without delay, as may be deemed by him adapted to insure the admission of British Columbia on fair and equitable terms, this Council being confident that in advising this step they are expressing the views of the Colonists generally."11 Governor Seymour was half-hearted in his inquiries and delayed till September 24,1867, the sending of a dispatch in reference to his telegram of March 17 inquiring whether provision could be made in the Bill before the British Parliament for the ultimate admission of British Columbia into the Dominion of Canada. By his policy of delay Seymour shelved the question.12 By 1868 the Legislative Council was anti-eonfederationist and an annexation movement had come into existence in British Columbia. De Cosmos visited Eastern Canada in the summer of 1867, and in August spoke at the Canadian Reform Convention on the twin subjects of Confederation and reform. He advocated the entrance of the Pacific colony into the new Dominion. On his return to Victoria he was chagrined to find that the Confederation movement had been blocked by the masterly inactivity of the Governor. During the winter he kept up the struggle for Confederation by writing letters to the British Colonist. By the spring of 1868 it was evident that the people of British Columbia were strongly supporting Confederation but that Governor Seymour and his officials along with a small group of (11) Journals of the Legislative Council of British Columbia 1867, New Westminster, 1867, p. 50 (Entry for 18 March, 1867). (12) See F. W. Howay, " The Attitude of Governor Seymour Towards Confederation," Transactions of the Royal Society of Canada, 3rd Series, Vol. XIV. (1920), Section II., pp. 31-49. 196 Walter N. Sage. July annexationists opposed it. The Conf ederationists, however, were not idle. On January 28,1868, a public meeting in Victoria had drawn up and adopted a lengthy memorial favouring federation with Canada. A copy of this memorial reached Ottawa in March and drew a favourable reply from the Canadian Government. Seymour still pursued his policy of delay, and a majority in the Legislative Council supported the Governor in his opposition to federation. De Cosmos, on April 24, 1868, moved, and Captain Edward Stamp seconded, an address to Queen Victoria favouring Confederation and setting out provisional terms. This motion was lost and an amendment was carried by the official majority which agreed with the general principle of union with Canada but counselled delay.13 Seymour had apparently won the day. De Cosmos, however, would not accept defeat. In association with John Robson, Dr. I. W. Powell, Dr. R. W. W. Carrall, J. Spencer Thompson, and others, he carried the fight to the people. A Confederation League was formed in May, 1868, in Victoria and branches were organized on the mainland. In September, 1868, the league held a convention at Yale, which passed resolutions in favour of federation and outlined terms of union. Although denounced by the anti-confederationists of Victoria, the Yale convention did its work well. It was in its way the British Columbia counterpart of the Charlottetown and Quebec conferences. In November, 1868, an election was held for the " popular " members for Victoria in the Legislative Council. By means of a political trick the Government party and the annexationists won. All residents of Victoria, including aliens, Indians, and Chinese, were permitted to vote. De Cosmos was defeated, but it was a pyrrhic victory. The Legislative Council on February 17, 1869, again went on record as opposing federation. The resolution was quite definite:— (13) Papers on the Union of British Columbia with the Dominion of Canada, p. 13. De Cosmos's address is given in full on pp. 14-15. Judge Howay's comments in " The Attitude of Governor Seymour Towards Confederation " are cogent and to the point. " Seymour was a master of evasion and a purveyor of partial and prejudiced information." 1944 Amor De Cosmos. 197 That this Council, impressed with the conviction that under existing circumstances the Confederation of this Colony with the Dominion of Canada would be undesirable, even if practicable, urge Her Majesty's Government not to take any decisive steps toward the present consummation of such Union." This resolution was the high-water mark of the anti-confed- erationist cause in British Columbia. Governor Seymour's sudden death in June, 1869, deprived the governmental group of their leader and in spite of their renewed activities in the autumn of that year the annexationists were unable to secure the support of more than a small fraction of the inhabitants of British Columbia. The new Governor, Anthony Musgrave, was sent to British Columbia to secure the passing of the legislation necessary for the admission of the Pacific Coast colony. Both the British and the Canadian Governments were by now anxious to have the question decided, especially since the proposed cession of the Hudson's Bay territory was expected to remove one of the chief causes for delay. Musgrave did his work well and the Legislative Council which had hitherto opposed federation now swung round to its favour. ' .'.''*' Late in 1869, Dr. Davie, one of the elected members of the Council for the Victoria District, died and, in spite of the opposition of the Colonist, now controlled by his rival, David W. Higgins, De Cosmos was triumphantly elected to fill the vacancy. He was, therefore, present to take part in the momentous debate on Confederation which occurred in March, 1870.16 De Cosmos had long been a supporter of union with Canada and in this debate he felt himself free to criticize those officials who had formerly strongly opposed but who now were equally enthusiastic for Confederation. He congratulated the House on its noble work of nation-building, and reiterated his faith in the " grand consolidation of the British Empire in North America." That this faith was of long standing was evident from his statement (14) Journals of the Legislative Council of British Columbia, 1869, Victoria, 1869, p. 43. (15) The Government Gazette Extraordinary of March, 1870,'published the full text of this Debate on the Subject of Confederation with Canada. The 1912 reprint is, however, now almost as rare as the original. Citations are from the 1912 reprint. Walter N. Sage. July that " From the time he first mastered the institutes of physical and political geography he could see Vancouver Island on the Pacific from his home on the Atlantic." He added the following significant passage:— Sir, my political course has been unlike that of most others in this Colony. Allow me to illustrate my meaning by the use of another old adage. My course has been that of ' beating the bush whilst others caught the bird.' My allegiance has been to principle, and the only reward I have asked or sought has been to see sound political principles in operation. Therefore, Sir, I say again that I congratulate you and this Honourable House on the noble work on which we are all engaged.1^ In concluding his speech De Cosmos stated that he favoured Confederation " provided that the financial terms are right in amount and if the other terms will contribute to the advancement and protection of our industry."17 In the later stages of the Confederation debate, John Robson and De Cosmos fought for the inclusion of responsible government in the Terms of Union, but Governor Musgrave and the officials were not ready to accept the proposal. Robson moved That a humble address be presented to His Excellency the Governor recommending that a Constitution based on the principle of Responsible Government, as existing in the Province of Ontario, may be conferred upon this Colony, coincident with its admission into the Dominion of Canada.18 De Cosmos declared in favour of "representative institutions and Responsible Government, irrespective of Confederation" and threatened if responsible government were not included to leave the Council and go to his constituents. When Governor Musgrave selected the three delegates to be sent to Ottawa from British Columbia to arrange the final Terms of Union he did not include Amor De Cosmos. John Robson was asked to go to Ottawa but refused on account of his newspaper- work. He was then editing the Victoria British Colonist. De Cosmos had now re-entered the newspaper field as editor and proprietor of the Victoria Daily Standard. Although Robson and De Cosmos were both supporters of Confederation and of responsible government they were by no means friends. Their editorial combats in the Victoria press were no mere shadow- (16) Debate on the subject of Confedera 1912, p. 31. (17) Ibid., p. 38. (18) Ibid., p. 103. i with Canada, Victoria, II 1944 Amor De Cosmos. 199 fights. It was a war to the knife between two able and ambitious men. To Lieutenant-Governor Joseph William Trutch, who succeeded Musgrave, fell the task of choosing the first Provincial ministry of British Columbia. Trutch had been formerly Chief Commissioner of Lands and Works in the colonial administration and was, therefore, well acquainted with the political situation in the new Province. He chose John Foster McCreight as first Premier of the Province. Neither Amor De Cosmos nor John Robson was included in McCreight's cabinet. In a letter to Sir John A. Macdonald, dated Victoria, B.C., November 21, 1871, Trutch thus comments: " The Newspapers however are rampant because no office has been provided for either of the editors," but adds: " As for the Newspapers if the Govt, want the support of either of them I dare say they can obtain it."19 De Cosmos was elected as a member for Victoria District in the first Legislative Assembly of. British Columbia. He was also elected as Member of Parliament for Victoria in the first Federal election held after British Columbia became a Province of the Dominion of Canada. At that time dual representation was allowed. It was later to be abolished. Lieutenant-Governor Trutch was of opinion that the people of British Columbia had " now got the best cabinet that can be formed out of the present House,"20 but De Cosmos did not agree with him. As early as November, 1871, De Cosmos had exhorted the Liberals of the Province To rally round their old leaders—the men who have year after year fought their battles and have in no instance deserted the popular cause. To take any other course is to convict themselves of Treason to manhood, Treason to the Liberal party, that year by year for fourteen years have urged Responsible Government, Union of the Provinces, and Confederation with the Dominion. It is no Treason, no public wrong to ignore the nominees of Governor Trutch.21 John Robson and D. W. Higgins, who had been on the whole opposed to McCreight, began in January, 1872, to veer round (19) Trutch Correspondence, 1871-1879, I., pp. 100-101, in Macdonald Papers, Public Archives of Canada. (20) Trutch to Sir John A. Macdonald, February 20,1872, in Macdonald Papers, Trutch Correspondence, I., 144. (21) Daily Standard, November 21, 1871. 200 Walter N. Sage. July towards the administration. De Cosmos lost no time in attacking the Colonist " as chief trumpeter to sound the praises of the Legal Trio who have thoughtfully divided between them the only three Cabinet offices of emolument which Gov. Trutch at present has it in his power to bestow."22 The Colonist was not slow in answering De Cosmos's challenge. In a long editorial entitled "Party Government and Patriotic Journalism," it upheld the McCreight administration, and attacked De Cosmos as " utterly devoid of political principle and consistency." The following extract is illuminating: To put the whole issue between our local contemporary and ourselves in the plainest light the editor of the former has conceived the idea that he ought to have been selected as the first Premier of the Pacific Province under the new dispensation; and that he has turned upon us, and abuses us and misrepresents us in his usual happy style, because we will not assist in placing him in that position,—accusing us as is his custom, of all sorts of interested motives, he alone being the pattern of unselfish devotion! Although the reasons which have led this journal to take the position of an independent supporter or opposer, as the case may be, of the present Ministry, have already been stated, let us put the case as curtly as possible. It is extremely questionable whether the country would be better satisfied to see Mr. De Cosmos occupying the position of Premier. But, even assuming that it would have preferred him, to make the change now would be virtually to postpone all legislation till next winter, and we feel certain that the country is not prepared to accept the change at such a priced De Cosmos lost no time in taking up the Colonist's challenge. He claimed that the McCreight ministry were " nominees of the Crown,—almost self-elected,—not the choice of the majority,— not the leaders of the majority,—not appointed after the consent of the majority had been obtained,—and besides were not the men who had been battling for the rights and advancement of the people in any one particular."24 In another editorial he denounced McCreight and his fellow ministers as having " not one solitary, legitimate claim on the country." They never spent an hour's toil, never a dollar of their money,—never opposed the enemies of Union, Confederation, Representative Institutions, or Responsible Government. But when the battle was over, the victory won, and the spoil to be divided then they came forward as the purest patriots, (22) Ibid., January 5, 1872. (23) Daily British Colonist, January 7, 1872. (24) Daily Standard, January 11, 1872. 1944 Amor De Cosmos. 201 to greedily devour what better, more honorable, and much more patriotic men produced by years of toilsome labor in behalf of their country.26 The Colonist retorted with an attack on De Cosmos as the head of the Meites. It also pointed out that by seeking and obtaining a seat in the Federal house, when he was already sitting in the Legislative Assembly of British Columbia, De Cosmos was thereby depriving the Pacific Province of its full representation at Ottawa. In a spirited editorial on January 26, Robson poured the vials of his wrath on De Cosmos as follows:— There is one among us who for many years past has been talking patriotism and vaunting self-denial and love of country—the great ME of British Columbian Politics, the great promoter (in his own estimation and for his own ends) of Confederation, one who should be a great warrior for the Dominion. Where is he? Of course at Ottawa, or on his way there. Not he! The soldiers, the quiet, modest unprofessing, are all wending their way to the battlefield, or are about to do so; but he, the great De Cosmos, the Falstaff of the Pacific, is waiting here for more sacfe/26 When at length De Cosmos did leave for Ottawa in February, 1872, the Colonist speeded the departing legislator with a satirical attack entitled " Exit, Humbug ":— He turns his back upon the Local Legislature ere yet it has been a week in session and before a single public measure has come up! Nay, he runs away at the very moment the tariff question is on the notice-paper—the very question upon which he gained his election and fooled the farmers.27 In contrast to the above rather lurid passage may be cited the following statement which appeared in the Daily Standard on February 17, 1872, setting forth De Cosmos's reasons for leaving for Ottawa:— As very important matters will come before the Dominion Parliament in which this province has a deep interest, it was of great moment that Mr. De Cosmos should be early at his post, to make himself thoroughly acquainted with all their details, and thereby be the better prepared to discharge the high and responsible duties devolving upon him. At Ottawa the last session of the First Parliament of Canada was duly opened on April 11, 1872. Eight new members took their seats, of whom six were from British Columbia. In the record Amor De Cosmos is listed as coming from British Columbia, but the other five as sitting for specific ridings in the new (25) Ibid., January 16, 1872. (26) British Colonist, January 26, 1872. (27) Ibid., February 23,1872. 202 Walter N. Sage. July Province.28 De Cosmos delivered his maiden speech on April 19, in the debate on the Hon. Joseph Howe's motion that a sum of $45,000 be paid annually for five years to defray the expenses of the Geological Survey of Canada. He praised the work already done in British Columbia, and called attention to the policy adopted in California and Oregon " where men of the highest attainments were engaged in what was termed economic geology, the results being most beneficial, and hoped that in any directions or instructions given to the gentlemen who might be chosen in Canada, they should be asked to attend particularly to that branch."29 It is probably rather typical of De Cosmos that as early as 1872 he should have already grasped the importance of economic geology. De Cosmos spoke again three days later in a debate on the protection of agricultural interests. He stated that "the feeling of British Columbia was a unit in favor of the protection of agricultural industry."30 The fact that British Columbia had accepted the Canadian tariff should not be interpreted to mean that the Pacific Province " was not in favor of protection on agricultural interests." " The farmers of British Columbia," he added, " were comparatively poor and the country rugged and they could not compete with America without protection." On May 1,1872, De Cosmos spoke in support of a motion by T. Oliver, M.P. for Oxford North, Ontario, asking for " the correspondence relating to fees charged by American officials on goods and produce passing through the United States in bond."81 He pointed out that " the question was one in which British Columbia was specially interested, as they imported largely from Great Britain via San Francisco and Panama." He also stated that " the pack trade along the frontier was at times compelled to cross the border, when they had to crave indulgence and assis- (28) Parliamentary Debates, Dominion of Canada, Fourth Session, 34 Victoria, 1872, Ottawa, Robertson, Roger & Co., 1872, col. 5. (According to the Table of Durations and Sessions of the Dominion Parliament in the Canada Year Book, this was actually the fifth session and it lasted from April 11 to June 14, 1872.) (29) Parliamentary Debates, 1872, col. 82. (30) Ibid., col. 129. (31) Ibid., col. 259. 1944 Amor De Cosmos. tance from the Custom House officers, often causing great expense."32 In the debates on the Canadian Pacific Railway which took place on May 7 and May 28, 1872, Amor De Cosmos spoke on behalf of Esquimalt and not a port on Burrard Inlet as the terminus of the proposed line. He stated that one of the British Columbian delegates to Ottawa on his return had maintained " that the Pacific Ocean, referred to in the Terms of Union, meant the Pacific above and west of Vancouver's Island."83 He was strongly opposed by Crowell Wilson, M.P. for East Middlesex, Ontario, who championed the Burrard Inlet route. Hon. H. H. Langevin stated that " the intention of the Government was to go to Esquimalt; but of course if it was impracticable they could not go, and should the railway be carried to Burrard's Inlet, a ferry will be established and a line will be carried to Esquimalt as part of the railway."34 De Cosmos expressed himself as perfectly satisfied with the explanation made. In the long debate on the Treaty of Washington, the so-called Treaty Bill, which lasted from May 8 to May 16, 1872, Amor De Cosmos took no part, but his colleagues Wallace and Thompson spoke briefly in support of the Government. Wallace stated that the Treaty " gave a free market for the fish and oil, the trade in which was now carried on at a- loss " and claimed that " the ratification of the Treaty would open up the maritime trade and produce the most beneficial results."36 J. S. Thompson, M.P. for Cariboo, on May 16 " thought too much time had already been wasted in discussing the Treaty," but was of opinion that "the Treaty was not all they could expect, but he thought it would be madness to reject it."36 The second reading of the Bill was passed on May 16 by a vote of 121 to 55. De Cosmos and the other British Columbia members voted for the Government and with the majority. On June 3, 1872, occurred a sharp debate on the subject of the salaries of Judges and Stipendiary Magistrates in Quebec, (32) Ibid. (33) Ibid., May 28, 1872, col. 876. (34) Ibid., col. 879. (35) Ibid., May 13, 1872, col. 526. (36) Ibid., col. 642. J 204 Walter N. Sage. July Nova Scotia, Manitoba, and British Columbia. Hon. Edward Blake objected to the appointment of six Stipendiary Magistrates for 10,000 people in British Columbia, and especially to their payment by the Dominion Government. Sir John A. Macdonald explained that the Stipendiary Magistrates had been appointed by the British Government and that they performed the functions of County Court Judges. De Cosmos added that these Stipendiary Magistrates acted as Gold Commissioners, ordinary Magistrates, and also as Justices of the Peace, '.' and that there was a very general feeling throughout the country against non professional men acting as County Court Judges."37 Macdonald, questioned by Blake, replied that when the Gold Commissioners acted as County Court Judges they were paid by the Dominion. This was in accordance with the Terms of Union, whereby " all these gentlemen must be employed or pensioned at two-thirds salary."38 David Mills, M.P. for Bothwell, Ontario, objected to " Six Stipendiary Magistrates and three Superior Court Judges to a population of 10,000." Sir John pointed out that the "salaries were the same as before the Union, and were fixed by the Imperial Government." The population, he claimed, " was nearer 60,000 than 10,000."39 Replying to a charge that since Nova Scotia had no County Courts, their extension to British Columbia had come too soon, De Cosmos stated " that for a long time British Columbia had had County Courts, and the large space of territory and scattered population necessitated the appointment of six stipendiary magistrates."40 After further debate the resolution passed. The vexed problem of dual representation occupied much of the attention of the Canadian Parliament during this session. J. Costigan, M.P. (Victoria Co., New Brunswick) on April 23, 1872, introduced a " Bill to compel Members of the Local Parliament when dual representation is not allowed to resign their seats before becoming Members of this House."41 On May 27 Costigan moved the second reading of the Bill, and F. Geoffrion, M.P. (Vercheres, Quebec) moved in amendment that the Bill (37) Ibid., June 3, 1872, col. 940. (38) Ibid. (39) Ibid., col. 941. (40) Ibid. (41) Ibid., col. 114. 1944 Amor De Cosmos. 205 " be read that day three months."42 In the division which followed Geoffrion's amendment was lost, 65 to 39. De Cosmos voted with the minority. Sir John A. Macdonald did not vote, but when questioned answered much to the amusement of the House that " he had paired with Sir George Cartier," who, incidentally, had voted against the amendment.43 A lengthy debate on this question took place on June 3, and a wordy battle ensued between Edward Blake, Sir John A. Macdonald, Sir George Cartier, Alexander MacKenzie, and others as to whether or not Ontario members were affected by the proposed Bill. On division the Bill passed its third reading by a vote of 70 to 36, but Edward Blake reiterated a former statement " that the bill just passed would not prevent Members of the House of Commons from sitting in the Local Legislatures."44 De Cosmos, apparently, took no part in the debate and since the final division list is not recorded in the Parliamentary Debates, it is not certain how he voted. It may, however, be inferred that he opposed Costigan's Bill. The Legislature of British Columbia had not yet passed legislation barring its local members from sitting in the House of Commons, but as we have seen, the issue was by no means dead. The First Parliament of Canada was' prorogued on June 14, 1872, and general elections were held during the summer. De Cosmos was re-elected with a reduced majority for Victoria, B.C. He returned from Ottawa in August in time to take part in the election campaign, but spent part of his time campaigning for Hon. Francis Hincks in the Nanaimo riding. Feeling against dual representation was strong in Victoria, and that may account for the reduction in De Cosmos's majority. The McCreight administration in the meantime had weathered the gales of its first legislative session and all was now fairly quiet on the provincial political front. None the less a storm was brewing. John Robson had withdrawn his allegiance from McCreight and had gone over to the opposition.46 The (42) Ibid., col. 808. (43) Ibid., col. 809. (44) Ibid., col. 965. (45) The reasons for Robson's action are discussed in W. N. Sage, "John Foster McCreight, The First Premier of British Columbia," in Transactions of the Royal Society of Canada, Third Series, XXXIV. (1940), Section II., pp. 179-182. 206 Walter N. Sage. July Legislature was summoned for October 11, 1872, but the date was later changed to December 17. McCreight's government had remained in office not so much on account of its strength but because the opposition had been unwilling to force the issue. But by December, 1872, it was evident that a trial of strength was fast approaching. The second session of the First Legislature of the Province of British Columbia was duly opened on December 17, 1872. Lieutenant-Governor Joseph W. Trutch in the Speech from the Throne flung down the gauntlet to the opposition in the following paragraph:— I congratulate you on the fact, that far from the prognostications of the failure of Responsible Government in this Province, which were indulged in at the time of the Union, having been verified, the administration of public affairs has been in the main satisfactory to the people in general." The next day two supporters of the McCreight administration, Messrs. Simeon Duck and Barnston, moved in reply to the Address from the Throne a resolution which contained an expression of pleasure that the Lieutenant-Governor had made the above statement regarding the success of responsible government. The opposition was not slow in taking up the challenge. On December 19, Thomas Basil Humphreys moved and Arthur Bunster seconded a substitute motion:— Whilst entertaining the fullest confidence in that form of administration known as Responsible Government, still we believe that the administration of public affairs has not been satisfactory to the people in general.47 The amendment was carried by one vote, 11 to 10. Two members of the House were absent, Mara and Semlin. If they had been present and had supported McCreight the Government might have been sustained. McCreight resigned on December 20, and Trutch called upon Amor De Cosmos to form an administration. In this connection it is interesting to quote the following comment by R. E. Gosnell taken from his article on Amor De (46) B.C. Legislature, Journal, Vol. II., 1872-3 (Victoria, B.C. 1872), p. 1. (47) Ibid., p. 8. (48) " Prime Ministers of B.C. 2. Amor de Cosmos," in Vancouver Daily Province, February 15, 1921. 1944 Amor De Cosmos. 207 The man who succeeded him [McCreight] was [as] unlike him in temperament, in mental calibre, in moral outlook, in training and accomplishments as any man could very well be. McCreight was direct in action and frankly outspoken. Amor De Cosmos was indirect in action and canny of speech when it came to revealing his true mind. If language was ever given to a man to conceal his thoughts it was certainly given to De Cosmos. If McCreight were challenged or provoked to a fight he would fight—fight after the fashion of an Irish gentleman—but fight to a finish. De Cosmos would suffer physical punishment from an opponent without hitting back, but he would lash out with tongue and pen. His predecessor would impulsively forget and forgive; he never. McCreight was bred in an atmosphere of the public schools of the Old Country and Inns of Court. De Cosmos was educated largely in the School of Hard Knocks. Going early to California and to the Western States and afterward to British Columbia, mingling in a society that was not always too polite about words or actions, he acquired that spirit of worldliness and shrewdness that qualified him for the rough and tumble of politics. McCreight was painfully conscientious and scrupulous. De Cosmos had none of such scrupulosities and his political policies were dictated by considerations which were unmoral if need be. De Cosmos became Premier and President of the Council with George A. Walkem as Attorney-General, Robert Beaven as Chief Commissioner of Lands and Works, John Ash as Provincial Secretary, and W. J. Armstrong, Minister without portfolio. In February, 1873, Armstrong became Minister of Finance and Agriculture. Walkem had been a member of the McCreight ministry and criticism arose because he had accepted office under De Cosmos. But McCreight generously stated that Walkem had entered the new ministry with his approval. The De Cosmos government, in spite of the new premier's protests while in opposition, in the main carried out its predecessor's programme. One notable omission from the cabinet was John Robson. But Robson was no friend of De Cosmos and probably had no desire nor ambition to be included in the new ministry. The now familiar " Island v. Mainland " cry had once more been raised, and De Cosmos had attempted to pacify the mainland by selecting two of his ministers from that portion of the Province—Walkem from Cariboo, and Armstrong from New Westminster. But the move was unsuccessful and the new administration laid itself open to the charge of first preaching economy and retrenchment and then later adding a new portfolio. 208 Walter N. Sage. July Two issues which arose in the Legislative Assembly of British Columbia in the early months of 1873 were the tariff and dual representation. According to the Terms of Union British Columbia was allowed to retain her own tariff until the completion of the transcontinental railway, " unless the Legislature of British Columbia should sooner decide to accept the tariff and excise laws of Canada."49 The Canada Customs Laws' Adoption Act, 1872, passed by_the McCreight administration, had adopted the Canadian tariff. There was much opposition in Victoria to this Act and De Cosmos had been outspoken in his criticism. On January 6, 1873, Arthur Bunster complained in the House that the Lieutenant-Governor had solemnly promised that if he (Bunster) would withdraw his candidacy to the House of Commons and allow Sir Francis Hincks to run in his place, Trutch "would have a modified tariff measure introduced by the late Ministry " and he " regretted that the New Ministry had not foreshadowed any scheme for the Modification of the Tariff."60 Bunster's motion to this effect was lost by a vote of 16-4.61 Charles A. Semlin on January 10 " asked leave to introduce a Bill to render Members of the House of Commons of Canada ineligible as Members of the Legislative Assembly of British Columbia."62 The second reading of this Bill was carried on January 17 by a vote of 13-9; De Cosmos did not vote. The third reading was passed without debate on January 20.63 The Bill received the Royal Assent on February 21, 1873.64 De Cosmos, however, did not resign his seat in Victoria but in March, 1873, left for Ottawa where he was active in his support of the claims of Esquimalt as the railway terminal. In his absence Attorney-General George A. Walkem acted as head of (49) Terms of Union, Section 7. Printed i British Columbia from the earliest days to the p 1914, II., pp. 665-666. (50) British Colonist, January 7, 1873. (51) Journals of the Legislative Assembly of British Columbia, Session 1872-73, p. 11. (52) Ibid., p. 18. (53) Journals, op. cit, pp. 30, 33. (54) Ibid., p. 78. By 35 Victoria, c. XV. (1872), no member of Parliament could sit in a Provincial Legislature if the laws of the Province forbade it. (Statutes of Canada 1872, pp. 44-45.) 1944 ' Amor De Cosmos. 209 the administration. It was now evident that De Cosmos was beginning to lose his influence in British Columbia, but he was still able to command respect. This was shown when he was empowered to negotiate with both the Dominion and British Governments regarding the proposed graving dock at Esquimalt. The fall of the Macdonald ministry as a result of the Pacific Scandal and the rather stiff attitude of Alexander Mackenzie towards the building of the Canadian Pacific Railway impeded the negotiations at Ottawa. In London De Cosmos managed to secure a small loan.56 The third session of the First Parliament of the Province of British Columbia opened on December 18,1873. De Cosmos was still Premier, but the sands in his political hour-glass were fast running out. The Speech from the Throne alluded to the difficulties over the railway clause and graving dock, but stated that the Dominion Government had " agreed to submit a measure to Parliament to carry out the proposal to advance £50,000 in lieu of the guarantee."66 A political controversy ensued both inside and outside of the Legislature, and De Cosmos had to face strong opposition. On February 9,1874, De Cosmos and Bunster, both of whom had been successful in the elections of January 22 to the House of Commons, resigned their seats in the local Legislature.67 George A. Walkem became Premier and asked the other ministers of state to remain in office. De Cosmos had now taken the irrevocable step. His political career in British Columbia was over. He had none the less to face an investigation by a Royal Commission regarding certain proceedings in connection with pre-emptions of land on Texada Island in which he was involved as well as members of his former government. The commission in its report in October, 1874, found that "while circumstances apparently suspicious attended the preemptions on Texada Island in August 1873, yet there was not sufficient ground to believe that any member of the late [De Cosmos] or (55) Section 12 of the Terms of Union dealt with the question of the graving dock. (56) Journals of the Legislative Assembly of British Columbia, Session 1873-74, pp. 1-2. (57) Ibid., p. 39. 210 Walter N. Sage. July present [Walkem] Government, either by himself or in unlawful or dishonourable combination with any other person, had attempted to acquire the iron of Texada in a manner prejudicial to the interests of the public."68 De Cosmos remained a member of the House of Commons until 1882. He protested against the non-fulfilment of the railway terms. He championed the construction of the Esquimalt and Nanaimo Railway, the so-called " island section" of the Canadian Pacific. After his return to power in 1878 on the defeat of the Mackenzie administration, Sir John A. Macdonald seemed to favour Burrard Inlet as the terminus of the railway. The Walkem government objected, and in 1880 sent De Cosmos on a rather futile mission to London to lay the Provincial case at the foot of the throne. In Ottawa De Cosmos also spoke strongly in favour of the expulsion and restriction of Chinese from British Columbia. Arthur Bunster supported him, but their stand that no Chinese should be employed in railway construction in British Columbia met with no support in the House of Commons. De Cosmos's last speech in the Parliament of Canada was in favour of the right of the Dominion to negotiate her own trade treaties:— I am one of those who believe that this country should have the right to negotiate its commercial treaties. I go a step farther, I believe this country should have the right to negotiate every treaty. The tendency of this resolution is, as the right hon. the First Minister pointed out, in the direction of independence. I see no reason why the people of Canada should not look forward to Canada becoming a sovereign and independent State. The right hon. gentleman stated that he was born a British subject and hoped to die one. Sir I was born a British colonist, but do not wish to die a tadpole British colonist. I do not wish to die without having all the rights, privileges and immunities of the citizen of a nation.69 In the general election of 1882 Amor De Cosmos was defeated. His speech of April 21 had not endeared him to the Imperialists of Victoria. He became known ironically as the (58) Howay and Scholefield, op. cit., II., p. 337. See " Papers relating to the appointment and proceedings of the Royal Commission for instituting enquiries into the acquisition of Texada Island" (38 Vict. 1874) in Sessional Papers of British Columbia, 1875, pp. 181-246. (59) Debates, Canadian House of Commons, 1882, Ottawa, 1882, col. 1084 (April 21, 1882). 1944 Amor De 211 " nation-maker." After his defeat De Cosmos retired from politics and lived quietly in Victoria, making his home with his brother, Charles MeK. Smith, editor of the Daily Standard. As he grew older his eccentricities increased, and before his death his mind seems to have been somewhat affected. He died on July 4, 1897.60 Gilbert Malcolm Sproat, who knew De Cosmos well, has thus described the young political journalist as he first remembered him:— I first met him in 1860—a tallish, handsome man, pale complexion, dark hair combed back, regular features, set off by a sufficient, shapely nose, addicted to a frock-coat, top hat and big-handled stick hung on the forearm, and not used in locomotion—relic, perhaps, of a western editor's equipment —such was the man to the eye. He was wide minded, yet methodical, laborious, and a master of details. A great reader, chiefly but not exclusively, in the line of history and politics; he made no parade in general conversation of what he knew, only by some incidental allusion would you become aware of his familiarity with the writings of Shakespeare and Scott. Few ascribed to him humor, but, in reality he had a pretty good, though perhaps rather limited, sense of it. . . . From a certain reticence, interrogative habit, and occasional irregularities of thought and aim, I should judge that Mr. De Cosmos was, largely, . a self-educated man; indeed, he was educating himself all the time with good results, for he was observant, with an active principle of growth in his nature. As a public speaker he was confident and clear but did not stir the audience; the share of humor which he possessed did not appear in his speeches, nor has his newspaper writing much literary grace, notwithstanding his own appreciation of good literature. . . . From after talk with Mr. De Cosmos, when our intimacy permitted candor, I am inclined to think his was the case of an impulsive man in search of a career, on a larger field than the Pacific seaboard colonies then presented, which career he strove to prosecute by ways that entailed, on the (60) The inscription on De Cosmos's tombstone in Ross Bay Cemetery, Victoria, reads as follows:— IN MEMORY OF THE HON. AMOR De COSMOS WHO DIED AT VICTORIA B.C. JULY 4th 1897, AGED 72 YEARS LESS 1 MONTH AND 16 DAYS A NATIVE OF WINDSOR HANTS COUNTY, NOVA SCOTIA 212 Walter N. Sage. public, certain present sacrifices and risks. It appeared to me that he had from the first mapped for himself a policy and career, which he advocated and followed with persistence, in the firm belief that, ultimately, the public would benefit as much as he, personally, would or might benefit. The East and West were to be one politically, and he hailing from the West was to be a political figure in the East. Like Sir James Douglas, whom he constantly assailed, and like Mr. Alfred Waddington, with whom he found it easier to act, Mr. De Cosmos was in relation to the eastern colonies, what might be termed a Pacific seaboard ' Confederationist,' though Confederation was not yet a practical question either in the East or the West. Already, too, in conception he was a Canadian ' Nationalist,' favoring, nevertheless, a connection of some sort with the Empire. The nature of the connection, he thought, could not be worked out without the prerequisite of Canada's independence; hence his after nickname of 'nation maker.'si Sproat was of opinion that " the best of Mr. De Cosmos . . . was not on the surface." He was " more impulsive than wary " and was unable "to establish an equilibrium between his impulses and the control which they needed." This lack of self- control militated against his political success and probably also against his powers as a journalist. He was rather too aloof, too much a " mystery man," possibly just a bit introverted, to become a great " tribune of the people." None the less as premier he " approved himself as an unpretentious, most laborious, just and business-like official."62 Such was Amor De Cosmos, a figure of note in the history of British Columbia. In his early days he championed reform and fought Douglas and the Family-Company-Compact. Later he strove for responsible government and for Confederation. Sproat considered that the most notable portion of his political career was after the Union of British Columbia with Canada. Unfortunately, his idiosyncracies and mannerisms, and possibly too his political inconsistencies, militated against his success. He was a British North American and as such he represented in Victoria a Canadian rather than an English point of view. At Ottawa he was a Canadian from the Pacific Coast. Taken all in all, Amor De Cosmos was a notable figure who deserves more recognition than he has heretofore received. Walter N. Sage. (61) "Amor De Cosmos, a singular figure Daily Times, January 19, 1906. (62) Ibid. THE APPOINTMENT OF GOVERNOR BLANSHARD.* Much of interest has been added in recent years to our knowledge of the old Crown Colony of Vancouver Island. In part this has been the result of a careful re-examination of records long preserved in the Provincial Archives. Other details have come from new acquisitions in the manuscript collection, and in par- ' ticular from papers that belonged originally to James Douglas or John Sebastian Helmcken. Finally, the courtesy of the Governor and Committee of the Hudson's Bay Company has made it possible, for the first time, to lay under tribute the immense store of documents in the archives of the Company. Although further searching for and through old records must still be done before a definitive account of the Colony can be written, many aspects of its history have now been fairly thoroughly explored. Amongst them is the official career of the first Governor, Richard Blanshard. Ridicule has been heaped upon his brief and uncomfortable tenure of office, and it is usual to assume that Blanshard himself was insignificant. But even if this were true, the fact remains that the reading of his commission marked the commencement of formal British rule in Western America—a circumstance which makes his arrival an event of constitutional and historical importance. The establishment of a British colony on the Pacific Coast was a direct result of the Oregon Boundary settlement of June, 1846. The Hudson's Bay Company, which had seen American settlers overrun Oregon, feared that they might likewise pour into the country north of 49° unless some counter settlement were started by the British. In September, 1846, Sir John Pelly, Governor of the Company, made a preliminary inquiry regarding the advisability of the Company acting as the colonizing agency. The reaction thereto of Lord Grey, the Colonial Secretary, was significant. 214 Willard E. Ireland. July This is a very difficult and important quest[io]n. Looking to the encroaching spirit of the U.S. I think it is of importance to strengthen the B[ritis]h hold upon the territory now assigned to us by treaty by encouraging the settlement upon it of B[ri]t[is]h subjects; & I am also of opin[io]n that such settlement c[oul]d only be advantageously effected under the auspices of the Hudson's Bay Co. wh[ich]. I am therefore disposed to encourage.i From the outset it thus became apparent that the Government, fully aware of the necessity for colonization, was favourably disposed towards the Hudson's Bay Company. Thus encouraged, the Company in March, 1847, informed Grey that it was " ready to receive a grant of all the territories belonging to the Crown which are situated to the north and west of Rupert's Land."2 This sweeping proposal was quite impracticable, owing to the state of political opinion, which, in spite of the attitude of the Colonial Secretary, was none too friendly to the Hudson's Bay Company. It was therefore whittled down in subsequent correspondence, and by March, 1848, the Company expressed its willingness to have the grant " limited to the territory north of 49°, bounded on the east by the Rocky Mountains, or even to Vancouver's Island alone."3 Grey was of the opinion that " in the first instance " it should in fact be limited to the Island, and discussions regarding terms and conditions commenced upon that assumption.4 Negotiations did not proceed this far without arousing opposition. Some opposed any grant to the Company on principle. Others had rival schemes of settlement to offer. Of the latter, the most vocal was one James Edward Fitzgerald, who in June, 1847, submitted to the Colonial Office a detailed colonization plan to be carried out by a joint-stock company. Later Fitzgerald's interest shifted to the coal deposits on Vancouver Island, and he discussed with Pelly the possibility of forming a company to work the mines, on terms agreeable to the Hudson's Bay Company. According to Fitzgerald, Pelly actually offered him a grant of the mines, terms to be arranged. In the late spring of 1848, (1) Minute on Pelly to Grey, September 7, 1846; original in Public Record Office, London (hereafter cited as P.R.O.). (2) Pelly to Grey, March 5, 1847, in Correspondence . . . relative to the Colonization of Vancouver's Island, London, 1848, p. 9. (3) Pelly to Grey, March 4, 1848. Ibid., p. 11. (4) Hawes to Pelly, March 13, 1848. Ibid., p. 13. 1944 APPOINTMENT OF GOVERNOR BLANSHARD. 215 however, word reached London that Sir George Simpson, senior official of the Company in North America, had already entered into an arrangement by which the Company itself would work the mines and supply coal for the steamers of the new Pacific Mail Steamship Company.6 Infuriated by this news, Fitzgerald launched a vigorous attack upon the Hudson's Bay Company and all its works, declaring roundly that the Company was seeking the grant in order to prevent rather than to encourage the founding of a strong colony. In 1849 he embodied his criticisms in a book entitled An Examination of the Charter and Proceedings of the Hudson's Bay Company, with Reference to the Grant of Vancouver's Island.6 As this title implies, the Company meantime had received the grant of the Island. Most of the details had been settled by September, 1848, and the formal grant itself was made by Proclamation in January, 1849. Vancouver Island was handed over to the Hudson's Bay Company, upon condition that a settlement was established there. Even at this late date it is difficult to see what other course the Colonial Office could have pursued, assuming that the Government itself was not prepared to sponsor the colony. The year 1848 was a year of unrest and revolution. The financial world was much upset. Even Fitzgerald himself admitted it would be most difficult to raise capital, and it seems clear that he was proposing a counter scheme which he would have been incapable of carrying into effect. It is significant that one of Pelly's letters bears a minute in Grey's handwriting stating that there was " no probability of the capital required to begin being raised unless by the Co's assistance . . ."' Moreover, the Hudson's Bay Company had an unrivalled firsthand knowledge of the country, for it had been trading on or around Vancouver Island for almost thirty years. Finally, the Company already possessed an exclusive right to trade with the Indians which would not expire until 1859. To extend its rights, (5) See John Haskell Kemble (ed.), "Coal from the Northwest Coast, 1848-1850," British Columbia Historical Quarterly, II. (1938), pp. 123-130. (6) See the letters and documents relating to Fitzgerald's proposals printed in the Report of the Provincial Archives Department . . . 1918, Victoria, 1914, pp. V 54-V 68. (7) Minute, June 29, 1848, on Pelly to Grey, March 4, 1848. CO. 305/1; P.R.O. I 216 Willard E. Ireland. July rather than to require it to share control of the Island with another authority, seemed a sensible course to pursue. Although the sale of lands and many other public matters were to be managed by the Hudson's Bay Company, the new colony was to have its own government as well. This was to consist of a Governor, an appointed Legislative Council, and—when conditions warranted—an elected House of Assembly. But it is significant to find that Lord Grey was willing to leave the selection of the governor to the Company,8 and that the Company in turn had chosen its candidate several months before the grant of the Island was actually made. The choice fell upon James Douglas, one of the three Chief Factors who composed the far-western Board of Management, with headquarters at Fort Vancouver. To do the Company justice, it seems clear that this appointment was not suggested by purely selfish motives. It realized that for a time at least the revenue of the colony would be extremely small, and considered that it would be wise therefore to recommend as governor some one who had an adequate income from another source. It is apparent, moveover, that the Company expected the appointment to be neither popular nor permanent. The correspondence bearing upon the matter is interesting. " We shall have the nomination of the Governor," Pelly wrote to Simpson on September 8, 1848, " and I contemplate placing Douglas in that situation temporarily, but his allowce must be small—what should you think—[£] 150 or 200 a year."9 The same day the Governor and Committee dealt with the matter at greater length in a dispatch to the members of the Board of Management at Fort Vancouver, which then consisted of Peter Skene Ogden, John Work, and James Douglas. It will be observed that the appointment of Douglas, and his transfer to Vancouver Island, were to be associated with a partial transfer of the Com- (8) " As the power of the Gov wd be restrained by an Ass'y represents: the inhabitants I can see no danger in allowing the Company to select him . . ." Minute by Grey, on Pelly to Grey, March 4, 1848, in CO. 305/1; P.R.O. (9) Hudson's Bay Company Archives (hereafter cited as H.B.C. Arch.), D5/22. This and all other quotations from documents in the Archives of the Company are printed by kind permission of the Governor and Committee. 1944 Appointment of Governor Blanshard. 217 pany's district administration from Fort Vancouver to Fort Victoria. The paragraph reads:— We think it necessary that a Member of the Board of Management should in future reside permanently at Fort Victoria, and it appears to us that Mr. Douglas can be better spared from Fort Vancouver than Mr. Ogden. We shall forward to Mr. Douglas a Government Commission, to act as Governor of Vancouver's Island pro tempore. We say pro tempore because it is not improbable that those persons, who may settle on the Island may not be content that a Gentleman, having so deep an interest in the Fur Trade, should hold the situation of Governor of a Colony, which is to be free and independent.1*! On September 13, Pelly wrote to Grey and formally recommended Douglas for the governorship. Once again he stressed the point that he did " not propose this as a permanent appointment, but merely as a temporary expedient, until the colony can afford to pay a Governor unconnected with the Hudson's Bay Company."11 In reply he was assured that Grey saw " no objection to the appointment of the chief factor of the Company as a temporary arrangement . . ."12 Pelly thereupon wrote once again to Simpson, on September 29:— I have recommended Douglas as Governor pro tem: and I expect he will be appointed, you must therefore find means to spare him, whatever salary will be given him will be from the Colony, the Fur trade will not have to pay it.13 The dispatch to Fort Vancouver reached its destination early in 1849. Douglas's reaction to the news of his pending appointment was anything but favourable. The slight implied in the remark that he could be " better spared from Fort Vancouver " than Ogden evidently stung him to the quick, and in March he poured out his resentment in a private letter to Simpson:— Pray what does the appointment of " Governor of Vancouver's Island pro tempore " imply, does it mean that I am to be thrown aside like a cast off garment, when the heat and toil of the day is over? if so, I am not ambitious of such honours, nor do I think them a proper reward for thirty (10) H.B.C Arch., A 6/27. (11) Copies and Extracts of Despatches and other Papers relating to Vancouver's Island, London, 1849, p. 18. A minute by Merivale on the original letter (CO. 305/1 in P.R.O.) dated September 15, 1848, states that the governor's commission was then already in draft. (12) Hawes to Pelly, September 27, 1848. Ibid, (j (13) H.B.C. Arch., D 5/22. 218 Willard E. Ireland. ! July years of incessant toil, borne without a murmur, and with a devotion of body and mind deserving of a better fate.14 Precisely what happened thereafter is not clear, as a number of papers relating to the matter have not been found. Apparently Simpson himself had written to Douglas on January 29, 1849, mentioning that a salary of £300 per annum would be attached to the post of governor,16 and a statement made some years later implies that Douglas was actually appointed Governor pro tern, on May 12.16 In any event, Peter Skene Ogden remarked, in a letter to Simpson written from Fort Vancouver in June, that " On 17th May the new Governor -pro tern for Victoria took his departure."17 Travelling by easy stages and attending to various Company matters by the way, Douglas did not reach Vancouver Island until the first days of June. Meanwhile opposition to the grant of Vancouver Island to the Hudson's Bay Company had increased sharply in England. It culminated in a speech delivered in the Commons on June 19, 1849, by the Earl of Lincoln (later Duke of Newcastle) which lasted four and a half hours. At the end of that time the House was counted out, but there was no denying that the attack had been both able and effective. In such a hostile atmosphere the Company realized that to appoint Douglas would simply be to add fuel to the flames, and it decided to look elsewhere for a governor.18 Contrary to the general view, this decision was not a result of Lincoln's speech, for the minutes of the Governor and Committee show that it was on June 13, six days before the debate, that it was " Resolved that Richard Blanshard Esq. be recommended to Earl Grey Her Majesty's Principal Secretary of State for the Colonies, to be appointed Govr of Vancouver Island."19 Moreover, the Colonial Secretary had already held his (14) Ibid., D 5/24. (15) See ibid., A 6/29; Archibald Barclay to Simpson, October 29, 1852. (16) See ibid., A 6/30; Barclay to Douglas, February 3, 1854. (17) Ibid., D 5/23; Ogden to Simpson, June 18, 1849. (18) " It was proposed to appoint you Governor pro tempore, of the Island, but you will see by the Public Press, from the jealousy of some parties, and the interested motives of others, how next to impossible it would have been to give you the situation." Pelly to Douglas, August 4, 1849. (Original in Provincial Archives.) (19) H.B.C. Arch., A1/66. 1944 APPOINTMENT OP GOVERNOR BLANSHARD. 219 first interview with the prospective Governor, for Pelly, writing to Grey on June 15, makes reference to an interview held the previous Thursday at which he had introduced Blanshard, whom the Committee of the Company were going to recommend for the position of Governor of Vancouver Island.20 The recommendation was accepted, and Blanshard received his commission' on July 16, 1849. It is evident that the Company regretted the substitution of Blanshard for Douglas, but there is little to suggest that it was either angry or resentful. As we have seen, it was expected that a demand would arise for a governor unconnected with the fur trade. All that happened was that this demand appeared much sooner than was anticipated. This view of the matter is borne out by the letters which passed between various officers of the Company at the time. In September, 1849, for example, Pelly wrote in a private letter to Simpson as follows:— With respect to the appointment of Mr. Blanshard to the Governorship of Vancouver's Island, it was with my entire concurrence, indeed recommendation. It wrests from those adverse to the Company the charge of making the Colony subservient to their views alone, and retaining in their hands the power of tyranizing over the settlers, which the ill disposed are too ready to charge them with.21 In December, Eden Colville, falling at that early date into the error of ascribing the change to Lincoln, had this to say:— I suppose the effect of Lincoln's motion was the appointment of Gov. Blanshard in the room of Mr. Douglas, which I am very sorry for, as I think that from his experience in the country, and the interest he took in the colony he would have conducted the affairs thereof fully as well as a perfect stranger. Be that as it may I suppose there was no alternative left to you but to appoint a person unconnected with the Company & we must try to make the best of it.22 Douglas was notified promptly of the change in plans by Archibald Barclay, Secretary to the Governor and Committee, to whom he replied with typical frankness:— Having accepted the appointment of Governor of Vancouvers Island only in obedience to the wishes of the Governor and Committee, without any desire, on my part, to possess that responsible office, I shall in obedience to the same - (20) Pelly to Grey, June 15, 1849. Ibid., A 8/4. (21) Pelly to Simpson, September 7, 1849 (private). Ibid., D 5/26. (22) Eden Colville to Simpson, December 7, 1849. Ibid. 220 Willard E. Ireland. July authority and with even greater alacrity, resign my office to Governor Blanshard on his arrival. In making these remarks I, of course, understand that the new appointment emanated entirely from the Crown, and that their Honours, have not withdrawn from me, any part of the confidence, with which I have been hitherto so much honored.23 Any doubt he may have felt in this regard must have vanished when he received a second letter from Barclay informing him that he had been " appointed Agent to the Company for all matters relating to the territory of Vancouver's Island . . ." For Barclay took pains to point out that the duties of the governor would be " confined to the administration of the civil government of the colony and to military affairs ;"24 and it was obvious that the Company expected the office of Agent to be an influential At this point two questions naturally come to mind: Who was Richard Blanshard, and why was he appointed Governor? Relatively little is known about his early life. Blanshard was born on October 19, 1817, the son of Thomas Henry Blanshard, a well-to-do London merchant.26 He matriculated at Christ Church on October 22, 1835, received the degree of B.A. at Queen's College, Oxford, in 1840, and that of M.A. in 1844. Meanwhile, in 1839, he had been admitted as a student of Lincoln's Inn, and he was called to the bar on November 22,1844, at the age of 27.26 Contrary to the usual story,27 there is no evidence that Blanshard had held any previous appointments under the Colonial Office. This belief appears to be based upon a misinterpretation, of his replies to two questions put to him by J. A. Roebuck in 1857, in the course of the well-known parliamentary investigation into the affairs of the Hudson's Bay Company. The official record reads as follows:— (23) Douglas to Barclay, December 10, 1849. Ibid., All/51. (24) Barclay to Douglas, August 3, 1849. Provincial Archives. (25) Lymington and South Hants Chronicle, June 14, 1894. (26) From notes in the Provincial Archives based upon Joseph Foster, Men-at-the-Bar; Alumni Oxonienses, the admission register of Lincoln's Inn, and other sources. (27) For example, see E. 0. S. Scholefield, British Columbia, Vancouver, 1914, I., p. 512. 1944 Appointment of Governor Blanshard. 221 What previous knowledge had you of colonisation or colonial government?—I had been in one or two of the West India islands; I had been in British Honduras, and I had been in India. And upon the ground of the experience which you there gained, you thought that you could make a good Governor of Vancouver's Island?— I saw no reason to believe the contrary,2s It will be noted that Blanshard claimed no more than that he had been in the colonies mentioned, and there is no indication that he visited them other than as an ordinary traveller. The records of the Colonial Office offer no clues whatever as to the reasons for his selection—no letter of application, no testimonials of any sort, are to be found. The entire absence of any material makes it impossible to accept the suggestion that he had had previous experience in the colonial service, for had such been the case it is reasonable to assume that some mention of it would have been made by the Colonial Office officials. Curiously enough the records of the Hudson's Bay Company throw no further light on the reasons for the Company's selection of him as Governor. In contemporary references he is referred to almost invariably simply as a barrister. When writing to Douglas, Archibald Barclaj characterized him still more vaguely as " a gentleman of great intelligence and respectability . . . "29 One change of importance was made with respect to the governorship between the time Douglas's name was put forward and Blanshard was appointed. Pelly, writing to Simpson, had proposed a small allowance to the holder of the office and had suggested £150 or £200 a year.30 It was understood that this would be paid out of the moneys received from the sale of lands. Later, however, it was decided that the Governor should receive no salary until such time as the expense could be met by taxation and royalities on coal. Basing his conclusions very largely upon this fact, the historian Bancroft explained Blanshard's appointment in the following terms:— If they [the officials of the Company] could not have Douglas, if some noodle was required for a figure-head—for they knew that no very able or sensible man would assume the office under the circumstances—they could easily, even under the cloak of courteous consideration, make it so uncom- (28) Report from the Select Committee on the Hudson's.Bay Company . . . London, 1857, p. 289. (29) Barclay to Douglas, August 3, 1849. Provincial Archives. (30) H.B.C. Arch., D 5/22. 222.' Willard E. Ireland. . July fortable for him that he would not long remain. So, when the name of Richard Blanshard was suggested by Earl Grey, never having heard ill of him, never having heard of him at all, Sir John Pelly offered no objection. The friends of his lordship's friends knew him, and that was sufficient.31 Bancroft's account is amusing, and it is important because it is the accepted version. But it would appear to be contrary to the facts. To begin with, Pelly told Simpson quite definitely that Blanshard had been appointed upon his recommendation.82 To end with, Blanshard explained his acceptance of the office quite candidly to the Select Committee in 1857. He expected that funds to pay a salary would soon be available, that in the meantime he would receive a thousand acres of land, and that this first appointment, though a modest one, might lead on to a career in the Colonial service. The two questions and answers in the evidence which bear upon the matter read:— Do you mean that you accepted the governorship of this colony, with the understanding that you were to get nothing whatever for your services in that respect?—Nothing at the first beginning. I was certainly led to believe that colonial settlers would flock out there; that all facilities would be given to them; and that of course as the colony increased a civil list would be formed; that the land sales and the royalties on the coal would produce a considerable colonial revenue. And those expectations, with the grant of 1,000 acres of land, to be selected by yourself, were your inducements for going to the colony?—Just so, and moreover I also hoped that my services would be considered by Her Majesty's Government afterwards.33 So it came about that Richard Blanshard, a well educated and travelled young barrister of 31, became the first Governor of the . Colony of Vancouver Island.34 (31) H. H. Bancroft, History of British Columbia, San Francisco, 1887, p. 265. • (32) H.B.C Arch., D5/26; Pelly to Simpson, September 7, 1849 (private). (33) Report from the Select Committee on the Hudson's Bay Company, (34) Copies of most of the important records relative to Blanshard's appointment are in the Provincial Archives. The " Warrant to prepare Letters Patent under the Great Seal for appointing Richard Blanshard, Esq., to be Governor and Commander-in-Chief in and over the Island of Vancouver and its Dependencies " is dated July 9, 1849. His Commission and Instructions are both dated July 16. The Letters Patent appointing him Vice- Admiral are dated September 24, but the Warrant to use the Public Seal of the new colony was not issued until June 28, 1850. 1944 APPOINTMENT OF GOVERNOR BLANSHARD. 223 Blanshard was scheduled to leave England in September, 1849, in the Royal Mail Steam Packet Company's regular West Indian mail steamer,36 presumably the Avon, which left Southampton on the 17th, with seventy passengers and a full cargo.36 The Admiralty had agreed to instruct Read-Admiral Hornby, Commander-in-Chief on the Pacific Station, to arrange if possible to have a ship at Panama to convey Blanshard to Vancouver Island.37 But means of communication were slow and uncertain, and there was no vessel there when Blanshard arrived on November 28. After waiting a month, Blanshard reported briefly to the Colonial Office and wrote to Rear-Admiral Hornby.38 Eventually he was picked up by H.M.S. Driver, Captain Charles R. Johnson, a small steam sloop of 1,056 tons. By that time Blanshard must have been very weary indeed, for the Driver did not reach Victoria, Vancouver Island, until March, 1850. An extract copied many years ago from the Fort Victoria Journal records Blanshard's arrival as follows:— Saturday, March 9, 1850. ... At noon a boat having an English flag flying entered the harbor and anchored at Ogden point, which proved to be H.M.S. Sloop (steam) Driver Capt. Johnson. Governor Blanshard of this Island was on board and will take up residence here.39 Blanshard himself states that he arrived on March 10; but both he and the fort journal agree that he landed and read his commission on Monday, March ll.40 The ceremony was made as formal and impressive as the rudeness of the surroundings would permit. Blanshard landed under a salute of seventeen guns from the Driver, which was answered from the bastion of Fort Victoria. The officers and servants of the Hudson's Bay Company, Captain Johnson, and all the British residents assembled, and in their presence Blanshard read his commission, thereby bringing into being the (35) W. A. B. Hamilton to B. Hawes, August 9, 1849. CO. 305, v. 2, pp. 131-2; transcript in Provincial Archives. (36) The Times, London, September 18, 1849. (37) W. A. B. Hamilton to B. Hawes, August 9, 1849. CO. 305, v. 2, pp. 131-2; transcript in Provincial Archives. (38) Blanshard to Grey, December 26, 1849. Provincial Archives. (39) Notes in' the possession of W. Kaye Lamb. (40) Blanshard to Grey, April 8, 1850. Willard E. Ireland. July Crown Colony of Vancouver Island. The scene was a wintry one, for Blanshard recalled in later years that there was about a foot of snow on the ground.41 Chief Factor James Douglas was, of course, amongst those present. The contrast between the Factor and the Governor must have been striking. In March, 1850, Douglas was 46 years' of age, and had spent more than thirty years in the fur trade. Only Peter Skene Ogden could rival him in prestige and experience in all the West. He had been nine months at Fort Victoria, and in his methodical way had made himself familiar with every detail of the affairs of Vancouver Island. Blanshard, by contrast, was only 32, and by comparison a babe in arms in the wilderness. Yet Douglas's first impressions of the Governor were kindly and not unfavourable. On March 18 he wrote to his old friend A. C. Anderson. Mr. Blanshard has neither Secretary nor Troops, being accompanied by a single body servant. I have not had time to become acquainted, but I may say that his quiet gentlemanly manner, is prepossessing. He has not yet entered upon his Executive duties, further than reading his commission to the assembled states of the Colony.*2 Two days later Douglas penned a parallel impression in a private letter to Sir George Simpson:— I am pleased with Mr. Blanshard the Governor, his quiet gentlemanly manner is prepossessing. We received him on landing with a salute of 17 Guns; he is rather startled by the wild aspect of the country, but will get used to it in timers Circumstances now brought Blanshard under the gaze of another interested observer. The Driver happened to arrive at a moment when Fort Victoria and the infant colony were badly ■in need of a shipment of cattle and sheep from Nisqually. Captain Johnson, in Douglas's words, " tendered his services for our relief " in a " handsome manner . . . beyond all praise," and undertook to transport the animals in the Driver.^ Blanshard accompanied the ship. At this time Dr. William Fraser Tolmie was still in charge of the Nisqually farms, and on March 25 he (41) Report from the Select Committee on the Hudson's Bay Company, p. 294. (42) Douglas to Anderson, March 18,1850. Provincial Archives. (43) H.B.C. Arch., D 5/27; Douglas to Simpson, March 20,1850. • (44) Douglas to Tolmie, March 13, 1850; see also Douglas to Tolmie, March 17, 1850. Provincial Archives. 1944 Appointment of Governor Blanshard. 225 included a lively thumb-nail sketch of Blanshard in a letter to Simpson:— Mr. Blanshard the Governor of Vancouver's Island came passage in the Driver and spent three days here. He is a tall, thin person, with a pale intellectual countenance—is a great smoker, a great sportsman, a protectionist in politics and a latitudinarian in religious matters. His manner is quiet, and rather abstracted, and tho' free from hauteur, or pomposity, he • does not converse much.45 On March 24, 1850, the Hudson's Bay annual supply ship Norman Morison arrived at Esquimalt from England. Amongst those on board was a 25-year-old surgeon, John Sebastian Helmcken, who was expected to act as Blanshard's secretary. In his reminiscences Helmcken recalls guiltily the somewhat cavalier fashion in which he first treated the Goyernor:— One night while I was in bed and asleep, the Capt. woke me, and said Govr. Blanshard has come on board from HMS Driver to see you. Well I suppose I grumbled, and the governor sent word not to bother, as there would be plenty opportunities later. I did not see him. The fact is I should have got up with alacrity, but I supposed I was tired or lazy.46 Later Helmcken, by this time much worried by his discourtesy, called on Blanshard in company with Dr. Benson, surgeon at Fort Victoria. The Governor bore no grudge, and years later Helmcken wrote this account of the visit:— We found Governor Blanshard smoking a very thick pipe with a very long stem. He was a comparatively young man, of medium height, with aquiline, aristocratic features, set off by a large, military moustache. He had arrived only a few days previously, and had been riding. He said, " Benson, you told me all the trails led to the fort, but you did not tell me they all led away from it. Now, I got off the trail, to wander about, and I lost it; but I found another, and it led away from the fort. I should not have been here now had I not turned my horse's head and tail—as it is, I have lost my dinner." He was a very intelligent and affable man. We left him with his pipe-stem still in his mouth.47 (45) H.B.C. Arch., D 5/27; Tolmie to Simpson, March 25,1850 (private). The Driver arrived at Nisqually on the morning of March 19. Blanshard dined at the fort that evening, and on the 20th rode over to Steilacoom and visited the officers of the American garrison there. On the 21st he went on a shooting excursion. The Driver sailed for Victoria on the afternoon of the 22nd, carrying 85 cattle and about 800 sheep. See Victor J. Farrar (ed.), "The Nisqually Journal," Washington Historical Quarterly, XI. (1920), pp. 146-7. (46) Helmcken's Reminiscences, II., p. 89. MS., in Provincial Archives. (47) Victoria Colonist, Christmas number, 1887. 226 Willard E. Ireland. Not long after this visit Dr. Helmcken was ordered to Fort Rupert, at the northern end of Vancouver Island, where the Hudson's Bay Company had established a post in 1849, and was seeking to develop the near-by coal deposits. Due to this transfer he never acted as the Governor's secretary. The letters which passed between them are cordial in tone, and Blanshard always spoke well of Helmcken; but the latter remarks in his memoirs that " Blanshard and I never became friends—he evidently did not care for me." Willard E. Ireland. Royal Canadian Am Force. THE JOURNAL OF JOHN WORK, 1835: BEING AN ACCOUNT OF HIS VOYAGE NORTHWARD FROM THE COLUMBIA RIVER TO FORT SIMPSON AND RETURN IN THE BRIG LAMA, JANUARY-OCTOBER, 1835. Edited by Henry Drummond Dee. [At Fort Simpson.] Friday, March IS. Thick drizzling rain.all day with little or no wind. Since I left here,53 the square of the dwelling house has been put up, and the rafters, but the most of the latter were blown down with the storm two nights ago. They are unable to go on with the building at present for want of Nails, as there are none but what the blacksmith makes and, and [sic] he has been sick and unable to work ever since I left. Indeed several more of the men have been ill, all winter always between the % & % of the whole number have been on the sick list. The Sawyers are employed sawing boards for the roof of the dwelling house, and altho there are but a small part of the boards wanted yet cut, yet the saw will soon have to be stopped as there are no files to sharpen it with. Saturday, March 14. Stormy with very heavy rain in the night which continued till towards noon when the wind fell and the weather cleared up. Had what furs were traded at Kygarny64 landed, also about 5 bushels of potatoes for seed. The ones I left when I was here last, were inadvertently exposed to the frost and all spoiled. Several of the Indians went off to Nass during the day. An Indian arrived from that place in the evening, and reports that the little fish have not yet arrived, and that not many Indians are yet assembled. It is our object to proceed to Nass, as soon as the wind will admit. Sunday, March 15. Heavy rain, little or no wind all day. Dr. Kennedy65 was taken very ill during the day yesterday, and continues so. From the number of sick Fort Simpson appears to be an unhealthy place. The remainder of the Indians went off to Nass today. Monday, March 16. Stormy in the night, Squally with rain and hail during the day. Thick weather. The weather was deemed unfavourable for the vessel to sail for Nass, tho' had we got into the straits the wind was favorable to run up. We are in hopes that we will get off tomorrow. (53) An Admiralty plan of Fort Simpson, dated 1853 (No. 2426; copy in Provincial Archives), shows the fort in some detail. (54) Kaigani Harbour, Alaska. See supra, p. 140, n. 30. (55) Surgeon and clerk at Fort Simpson. See supra, p. 137, n. 19. [Voyage to the Nass River.] Tuesday, March 17. Frost in the night, raw cold weather during the . day. Got under weigh with a favourable wind for Nass,66 about 8 Oclock A.M., and proceeded up the straits, but towards noon the wind died away when we were able to make but little progress, and in the evening the tide being against us we are losing ground, tho we are within sight of the Old Fort57 and within a short distance of the anchoring place at the little river»8 a short distance below it. Saw several canoes proceeding up the straits along shore, one of them came along side and informed us that the little fish59 have not yet arrived; nor are the Indians assembled, but few of those from the fort have yet reached this place. Wednesday, March 18. Bleak cold frosty weather. The steep mountains with which we are surrounded are covered with snow. The wind freshened a little with the flood tide in the night when we got worked up, tho' it was very dark, to abreast of the little river where we anchored about 2 Oclock in the morning, in sight of and a few miles below the old fort. A gun was fired to apprise the Indians above that we are here. Several canoes passed up during the day, and some of those from above came aboard, but traded only a few Martens. They were examining the goods and enquiring the prices, which does not appear to please them. We keep to the same tariff as Thursday, March 19. Fine dry frosty weather. The Indians from the fort were passing up with their canoes all day. The three chiefs and several of their people came aboard to beg for liquor. Several of the Indians from above also came aboard and after hanging on a long time about the price traded 34 Beaver, 53 Martens, 1 Marten Robe,60 2 Bears. They appear little disposed to trade, they complain about the price, a blanket & head of Tobacco per Beaver, which I look upon as high enough, 'and it is probable that even were we to pay higher, that they would hold up their skins in hopes of (56) The Lama was bound for the Nass River to trade with the Indians which gathered there at this season for the oolachan fishing. (57) The " Old Fort" (i.e., the original Fort Simpson; see supra, p. 137, n. 23), was about 20 miles up the Nass Estuary, near a large Indian village called Ewen Nass. The post is described by Dr. W. F. Tolmie in his Diary, entry for June 15, 1834: " Ft. Simpson is situated on a projecting rocky point, on the eastern shore of the channel,—exposed to all the fury of the NE. gales so prevalent in winter the buildings are placed in the centre of a flat of about 2 or 3 acres in extent, which [is] elevated about 40 feet above highwater mark & presents a breastwork of bold rocks to the sea. . . . Several lodges of the Nasse tribe are scattered around the Fort. An excellent path leads from the landing place to the Fort Gate. Within everything is nicely arranged—court macadamized pathways of cedar logs formed & over the central one extending from the inner gate to the hall door a broad awning is spread—houses whitewashed outside—Dwelling house covered with'cedar shingles which form a neat roof—wainscoated within." (58) Not identified. Several streams flow into the Nass Estuary at this (59) Oolachans. (60) A skin robe or cape which was thrown over the shoulders in cool weather. Blankets were substituted later for these robes. John Work's Journal. getting more from the Americans whom they expect to arrive soon. Some Crabs of a large size and a few small halibut5! were traded. Friday, March 20. Thick weather; snow, sleet, & hail all day. There was a good depth of snow on the deck in the morning. Bad as the weather was, some Indians came off and traded 8 Beaver, 21 Martens, 1 Marten Robe, 1 Bear Skin & a few Mink & Rats. Saturday, March 21. Very unpleasant weather, hail, sleet, & rain, with squalls of wind all day. Notwithstanding the bad weather some Indians came off but did not trade any thing. They had a few small furs but would not take the price offered for them. Sunday, March 22. Fair in the morning, but stormy with a fall of snow and sleet towards evening. Several Indians came off and traded 8 Beaver and a few small furs. The Indians were out after Srauw62 a small fish but without success, tho' there is no doubt they have arrived, a sure sign of which is the number of gulls which are hovering over the water. The water was also rather rough. Monday, March 28. Stormy in the night, sleet & drizling [sic] rain during the [day], squally in the evening. Several more of the Indians came off but traded very little, their principal object appears to be begging. The ShrauW are arrived at last, the Indians took some today, a part of which they brought us. Tuesday, March 24. Cloudy mild fair weather. Several Indians came off and traded as much small fish as is required for the vessel, but sold only 4 beaver skins. They seem so little inclined to trade at present that we • mean to go off tomorrow and cruise elsewhere & return here 1% or 2 Months hence. The expectation of obtaining a better price should an opposition cast up, induces the Natives to hold up their furs. Late last night a party of Sabassa64 men passed here, but did not come aboard. But we learn from them that their people have some furs. [Voyage from the Nass'to Clemencitty.] Wednesday, March 25. Fine weather very little wind. Got under weigh in the morning but the wind was so light and ahead at the same time, that we made but little progress, and now late in the evening we are still a considerable distance from the mouth of the straits. (61) It is interesting to note that this is one of the earliest references to the now extensive halibut fisheries of the North Pacific. The Indians caught these fish by means of a wooden hook made of a forked branch, or of two pieces of wood lashed together to form an acute angle. The line was fastened to the middle of one fork, while to the other, so as to project obliquely backward, was lashed a bone point. Good specimens of these hooks, which were used mainly for halibut, are to be seen in the Provincial Museum at Victoria. B.C. interpretation of the Haida word for the oolachan. ?" in W. Fraser Tolmie and George M. Dawson, ts-of the Indian Tribes of British Columbia, 1884, Com; s Work's (63) Another form of the same word. (64) Sabassa (sometimes rendered as Sebassa, o have been a collective term applied to the Indians of Laredo and Principe channels. ' The tribe was often named after the chief, who was given an hereditary name. The chief Sabassa is mentioned in Tolmie's Diary, entry for April 3, 1835. Thursday, March 26. Fine weather till towards evening when it began to blow from the S.E. Continued under way all night with very little wind and did not get out of the straits till the morning when we bore down to Clemencitty55 and sent in a boat to ascertain if the Tongass Indians55 were there and found that they were. A ship which proved to be the Europe [sic], Capt. Allen57 was now observed bearing down from Fort Simpson and soon joined us, when we.both went into Clemencitty about noon, and shortly after Capt. Allen came aboard. It appears he left the Islands^ in February and put in here the first place, where he remained 3 days and traded a few skins, but not many. The Indians have some furs yet. We have obtained very little news from Capt. Allen. The Dryad^ had not yet reached the Islands when he left. The arrival of this vessel will oblige us to raise our Tariff or we will have no chance to get a share of the furs. Friday, March 27. Blew strong from the S.E. in the night and all day with heavy rain and sleet. Bad as the weather was, several Indians were aboard and as usual examining the goods and examining the prices & endeavouring to beat down the prices. Only 2 or 3 beaver were traded. When both vessels are here they will trade little with either in hopes that they may get [a] higher price. Capt. Allen brought over the Indians which Capt. Dominis75 had hunting the Sea Otter. Dominis, it appears, was not very successful. Saturday, March 28. Fair weather, but blowing fresh from the S.E. Several Indians were aboard but traded only 3 or 4 beaver for which we had to raise our price 1 gall. Ind[ian]. liquor7! per beaver. Sunday, March 29. Blew a storm in the night, squally from S.E. with a great deal of sleet hail & rain during the day. Some more Indians were aboard during the day & traded 4 'or 5 beaver. With what few beaver they have, they are going from vessel to vessel trying where they can get most. We are anxious to get out from this place and proceed on to the Southward as little is to be made here. (65) See supra, p. 146, n. 52. (66) A tribe of Tlingit Indians at the mouth of Portland Canal. (67) Captain Allan, of the American brig Europa, which was on the coast in 1834 and 1835. (68) The Hawaiian Islands. (69) For a description of this brig, owned by the Hudson's Bay Company, see H.B.S. IV., p. 25, n. 1. The Dryad had been sent to Honolulu from Fort Vancouver for a cargo of salt to be used in the Columbia River salmon fisheries. (70) Captain John Dominis had been on the coast the previous year in the 212- or 224-ton brig Bolivar Liberator. He had hired twenty Tongass Indians to act as hunters for him in the California sea-otter trade which, by that time, had become illegal. These natives were now being returned to their villages by Captain Allan. See Adele Ogden, The California Sea Otter Trade, pp. 125, 178; and supra, p. 140, n. 31. (71) Diluted rum. 1944 John Work's Journal. 231 Monday, March SO. Wind still S.E. blowing right into the harbour so that there is no chance of getting out. i Stormy in the night, and blowing fresh with sleet and rain during the day. Traded a Sea Otter and 4 beaver. The Indians were fighting the most of the day just round a point a little above where we are lying. It does not appear they were drinking, but probably from some old grudge, the quarrel arose from a trifling circumstance. A man had been ill treating his wife when her brother interferred [sic], when they immediately took to arms and the partizans on each side espoused their respective friends and kept up a brisk fire for a considerable time. One of the Chiefs, Cootanah, came along side in the evening badly wounded in the head and body with buck shot and stabs from knives. They state that 7 are killed and others wounded, but perhaps some of those said to be killed are only badly wounded. It is dreadful to see people belonging to the same tribe, and relations too, thus butchering each other for a trivial quarrel. It was the Jones's party that were opposed to Cootanah, who headed Necoot's'2 party. The Jonese's [sic] it appears have had the worst of it. They had a quarrel last summer, when Capt. Allan was lieing here. The Indians were drunk and upset their canoe when going ashore. Old Jones missed his sister in the scuffle & thought she was drowned, & in revenge laid hold of a man & held him under water till he drowned him, and his friends in retaliation, shot Jones in the night. These are reckoned the best Indians on the coast, and when they butcher each other in this manner what may be thought of the others? Tuesday, March 81. Rain most of the day, Wind Southerly. Stormy during the night & forepart of the day. No chance of getting out of the harbour. By the accounts received today it appears that 9 Indians were killed dead in the affray which took place yesterday besides several wounded. Of Jones's party 6, and of Cootanas 3 were killed. The Jones's fled in the night and went to Nass. Cootana will scarcely recover of his wounds, and one of his people has received a very severe wound in the groin. Wednesday, April 1. Rain & sleet with very cold unpleasant weather the most of the day. There being no chance of the vessel getting out of the harbour, I took a boat and five men and went to Fort Simpson where I arrived in 5% hours.73 We were all drenched with wet and very cold. It was too late to return again to the vessel in the evening and I had to defer starting till tomorrow. My object in coming here was to confer with Mr. Birnie relative to the trade in consequence of the opposition casting up. Nothing material has occurred here since I last left. [The " Lama " seeks shelter in Kaigani Harbour.] Thursday, April 2. A good deal of snow fell in the night and continued stormy with snow till near noon, when the weather moderated and cleared up. At noon when the weather had moderated I started on my return to the vessel and past 3 Oclock P.M. Met her a little to the Southward of Clement- Citty in Company with the Europa. 'They had got out in the forenoon. Towards evening it began to blow fresh from the Southward, and though (72) Not all of these chiefs can be identified. Necoots is described by W. F. Tolmie in his Diary, entry for June 8, 1834, as a " Kyarnie chief." Tolmie also mentions an Indian by the name of Jones at old Fort Simpson on the Nass. Diary, entry for September 2, 1834. (73) The distance from Fort Simpson to Clemencitty is approximately 16 miles. 232 H. D. Dee. July our object is to proceed to the Southward, yet from the unfavourable appearance of the weather it was deemed advisable to steer for Kygarny, where we will be able to obtain shelter. Little way could be made beating against a head wind. I brought a supply of some Kettles, Files, and Knives from the Fort. Friday, April 8. Blew strong in the night and all day. We got into Kygarny and anchored in the upper harbour74 which is the safest place, about Noon. The Europa arrived some time after and anchored in the lower harbour. Some Indians visited us but had nothing but a few fish. Saturday, April 4. Blew a storm from the Southward in the night and greater part of the day with heavy rain and sleet. Towards evening the wind moderated. I rather regretted that we came in here yesterday, but we have now reason to congratulate ourselves that we were in, as we could have made no way, and run great risk had we been out in such a storm. Sunday, April 5. Mild weather in the morning, blowing fresh from the S.E. afterwards, with rain towards evening. Several Indians visited us during the day from whom we obtained some fish. They had also some bear and marten skins to trade but demanded such an extravagant price that it could not be granted. From all we can learn, they have got but few skins except some California Sea Otters,75 which they had when we were here before, and which we will not buy except at a reduced price, which they dont appear disposed to accept of. Monday, April 6. Little wind & that variable. Fair weather till towards evening, when it again set in to rain and become thick. Several more Indians visited us but only 1 beaver and a few bear skins were traded from them. It is annoying being so long detained thus and doing nothing, it is difficult to get out of these parts, generally much more so than getting into them, particularly during those prevalent Southerly winds. Tuesday, April 7. Stormy with very heavy rain in the night, moderate in the morning, but blowing strong from S.E. afterwards, with rain towards evening. A few more Indians were aboard today but no trade. We learn from the Natives that a vessel was seen some time ago passing to the N.E. It is conjectured it could be none else but a Russian vessel,75 probably going up to their establishment at Stikine.77 She was a two masted vessel. The Indians below it seems have been quarreling among themselves, and it is apprehended it may turn to serious consequences. [Voyage from Kaigani to Nahwitti, on Vancouver Island.] Wednesday, April 8. Blowing fresh with heavy rain forepart of the night. Fair weather during the day. Very little wind in the morning but a fine breeze from the Westward afterwards. Got under weigh at 10 A.M., and towed out of the harbour. The wind being light we did not get out of (74) These harbours on the south-east coast of Dall Island are shown on Admiralty Chart No. 2431 (copy in Provincial Archives). See also Marcus Baker, Geographic Dictionary of Alaska, p. 225. (75) Doubtless these skins were a few which the Indians, recruited for the California sea-otter hunt, had managed to keep back for themselves. (76) Later identified, when this vessel turned out to be the American brig Bolivar, Capt. Dominis. (77) On Wrangell Island, at Point Highfield. Described by Tolmie in his Diary, entry for June 20, 1834, as " a shapeless mass of logs or planks." See supra, p. 129, and p. 143, n. 43. 1944 John Work's Journal. 233 Kygarny till 1 P.M., when we carried on with all sail set and were off Tongass in the evening. Capt. Allen came out of Kygarny when we did, but as his vessel outsails us, he passed us and is now some distance ahead of us. Thursday, April 9. Fine weather. Kept on our course all night and by 8 A.M. were at the North entrance of Canall de Principe78 down which we continued to Seal harbour's at the S. end of it where we anchored at 8 P.M. The wind was light and baffling a considerable part of the day, which delayed us several hours. The Europa had hauled in towards Catsack8" harbour in the morning when we passed her. We saw her following us on afterwards but she has not yet come up. This place, Seal harbour, is where we expected to find the Sabassa Indians but not one is to be seen. Different old villages on both sides of the Canall as we came down, where they used to resort, are all at present abandoned.3! it is conjectured that they are on the opposite side of the island and may visit us tomorrow. We fired two guns when we anchored to apprise the Natives that we are here. We also fired at different times coming down the Canall to give them Notice of our coming. Friday, April 10. Fine weather, little wind. Late last night two canoes of Indians came alongside, enquiring what ship. In the course of the day several natives came aboard, but had very few furs to trade. 2 beaver 6 Otters & a few Martens and Minks were obtained from them. We also got a good deal of fish & a deer from them & some geese and ducks. From these people we learn that they are scattered about in small parties, that the greater number are [on] the opposite side of the island8^ at Skidoon harbour,88 about 30 miles distant. Some were to go off to apprise them of our arrival. The Chief Sabassas has been off some time with a party on a visit to the Fort at Millbank84 and probably they have taken a good many of the furs they had with them. Two guns were fired to apprise the Indians of our being here. The Europa has not yet made her appearance. It is conjectured she has put into Land Otter harbour85 and found a few Indians, tho' we saw none in passing. (78) Principe Channel, between Banks and Pitt islands. Named by Jacinto Caamano. (79) Not exactly identified, but judging by this entry and those for April 15, 16, and 17, Seal Harbour must have been a rock-bound bay at the southern end of Banks Island. It is mentioned in the Fur Trade Journal of the Lama, March-August 1836, entry for April 8, which was kept by Captain William Henry McNeill. (80) Catsack or Cossack was somewhere near the entrance to Principe Channel. This place is also mentioned in the Fur Trade Journal, but not identified. The village was the headquarters of the chief Sabassa and his name, " Shebashes," appears in quotation marks under the entry for Cossack Harbour. It may be an oft-visited Indian village on Dolphin Island, or Port Canaveral, on McCauley Island. (81) The only reason for abandonment was the usual seasonal one, when the Indians went from place to place for salmon and the like. (82) Banks Island. (83) Skidoon Harbour is specifically mentioned by Work, entry for May 14, as being on the west side of Banks Island, but no such place has been located, nor does the B.C. Pilot list any anchorage on that side. (84) Fort McLoughlin. (86) Not identified. Perhaps Port Stephens, on Pitt Island, or a Kit- katlah summer village just north of that place. 234 H. D. DEE. July Saturday, April 11. Fine mild, overcast weather. Several more Indians visited us, but only 3 beaver 3 Otters and a few Martens were traded from them. Indeed they do not appear to have many furs, and from their clothing they appear to be poor. They are nevertheless very difficult to deal with. No appearance yet of the Europa, the wind was so light and variable today, that she could make but little way. The men were ashore procuring spars these two days. Sunday, April 12. Very heavy rain in the night and during the day till towards evening when it faired up. Very little wind and that variable. Several Indians came aboard and traded 1 beaver, 5 land Otters, and a few Martens & Minks and some fish and wild fowl & a deer. There is little appearance of getting any thing more from them, nor is it likely that they have much more furs of any kind. They brought a small sized inferior sea otter but would not accept the price offered for it. There being so little prospects of getting any thing more from them, we have determined to proceed on to the Southward tomorrow should the wind be favourable. We are anxious to get to Neweetie85 before the American vessel.87 She has not yet made her appearance here. Perhaps she has found a few Indians at Land Otter harbour and from the state of the weather has not yet got out of it. Monday, April 18. Overcast showry weather. Wind variable and little of it. The want of wind deterred us from sailing today. Some more Indians visited us and traded 1 beaver and 1 Otter and 10 Martens. Some Indians proposed being paid for going to Skidoon Harbour for a part of the tribe which are there, but we declined their offer as it was uncertain when they might arrive and we did not like to lose so much time as would probably be required to wait for them, and perhaps not get much from them when they would come. They are now scattered about in small parties and might take a considerable time to collect. Tuesday, April 14. Excessive heavy rain, and thick weather all day. Blowing fresh from the S.E., stormy afterpart of the day. The unfavourable weather deterred us from sailing as was intended. Two Indian men and a woman came aboard with a sea otter and a land one recently killed. While they were aboard a gun was fired from the shore and a ball or buckshot struck the side of the vessel and recoiled off it a little above the woman's head who was sitting in the canoe. We did not see who fired the gun nor can we conjecture whether it was discharged at us or the woman. We are not aware of the least offence having been given to any of the Natives since we have been here, but they are such savage brutes that the least trifle would induce them to commit murder. Some of the men with the 1st Mate, Mr. Scarborough, were ashore near the place cutting a spar; they heard the shot but did not see any of the Natives. The Indians report that there are still a few Sea Otters to be found about here. Wednesday, April 15. Heavy rain in the night and morning, showry thick weather most of the day. In the afternoon the wind shifted round to the S.S.W., but it was too late in the day for us to make a move as there (86) Nahwitte (as the name is now spelled) is a few miles east of Cape Scott and near the entrance to Goletas Channel. It was erroneously identified by the editor of this journal as the spot where Fort Rupert was later built. Fort Rupert lay to the south, on Beaver Harbour. See H. D. Dee, "An Irishman in the Fur Trade," in British Columbia Historical Quarterly, VH. (1943), p. 258. (87) The Europa. 1944 John Work's Journal. 235 are dangerous rocks to pass, which we would have to grope our way through in the night & would be dangerous. We are in hopes of getting off tomorrow morning. Some Indians were aboard and traded a land Otter, they had a Sea Otter but demanded too high a price for it. Thursday, April 16. Light rain in the morning very little wind all day, but fine weather, what little. wind was from the Westward. Got under weigh at 7 A.M. and towed the vessel out of the harbour, but though the wind was favorable it was so light that we made but little progress and we are now in the evening not more than 8 or 10 Miles from where we started. We hauled out past the South end of Bank's Island.88 Some Indians came aboard in the morning and traded 1 Sea Otter & 2 land otters and some Halibut. Friday, April 17. Fine weather, some light rain in the morning. The wind continues the same as yesterday, very light. Continued under way all night and all day, but from the lightness of the wind making very little progress, seldom over 2% Miles an hour and often only 1 Mile. In the evening we were off Cape Swaine.89 It was past noon before we lost sight of the harbour we left yesterday. Saturday, April 18. Hazy Low[er]ing weather. The wind more round to the Southward which enables us still to lie our course, but the wind is still so light that we make but little progress, from 1 to 4 Miles an hour. Late in the evening we were off Calvert's island,95 the wind was shifted to the S.E. when we had to tack and stand off the land for the night. Large flocks of geese have been passing these two days' to the Northward. Sunday, April 19. Still overcast lowering weather. Very little wind and that from the Southward which was ahead of us. We kept working to windward during the night and all day. About noon passed close by the Virgin rocks9! and in the evening were within 8 or 10 Miles of the land on the South side of Queen Charlotte's Sound«2 near Naweetie, but were not able to make the harbour, which would have been dangerous to attempt entering in the night, and had to put about and stand out from the land. Monday, April 20. Thick weather, some light rain part of the day, with very little wind. A stiff breeze of wind with rain part of the night, which, with the cross tide made a nasty jabble98 of a sea, which caused some of the sails to be taken in. About 8 A.M. we again made the land, but the wind was so light that we did not get into [blank in MS.] or Newettie harbour tin 5 P.M. This harbour is situated on the South side of Queen Charlotte's Sound, North end of Vancouver's Island. Several Indians came along side, and sold us some fish. We have had a tedious long voyage from Seal har- (88) The Lama is now in Otter Passage, Nepean Sound. This channel is obstructed by rocks and rendered even more dangerous by strong tides. (89) On the southern side of the entrance to Milbanke Sound. (90) Calvert Island, at the left of the entrance to Fitzhugh Sound. Work was now some 125 miles south of Banks Island. (91) A patch of rocks in the Sea Otter Group in Smith Sound, southwest of Calvert Island. (92) Separating the northern extremity of Vancouver Island from the mainland. (93) Work had a flair for descriptive words. "Jabble" is an obsolescent onomatopoeic word meaning a confused motion of waves in a cross- sea. For further examples see British Columbia Historical Quarterly, VII. (1943), p. 232. 236 H. D. DEE. July bour here. There was no wind worth mentioning and that little, variable and baffling. The distance is but about 140 Miles. Tuesday April 21. Weather the same as these days past. A considerable number of the Indians came aboard and along side, but traded only 1 Small Sea Otter, 2 land Otters, 13 Martens, 26 Minks, and a few Hiaquas94 and some fish. They say they have some Sea Otters, but they did not bring any of them aboard. As usual they passed the day enquiring about the price &c that would be given them. It is not thought that they have many furs. They appear very difficult to deal with. This is always the case when Indians are very poor and these appear to be so in their clothing and they appear wretched, notwithstanding an American vessel was here last year. They are not very numerous, there might be about 40 or 50 men about the vessel today, but perhaps this was not the whole of them. There are two other tribes at no great distance, the principal of which, the Col- cauth,95 are accustomed to have most furs. Two Indians were engaged and sent off to apprise them that we were here & to bring them. They are to be back in three days. Wednesday, April 22. Fine weather, Wind Northerly. The most of the Indians were about the vessel during the day and traded 9 Land Otters, 61 Minks 2 Martens, & 2 beaver, and a few Heyaquas. They had two or three sea otters but would not trade them. They appear to have but few furs of any kind, and demand very high prices for them. When the American vessel arrived, they stopped trade at once. About noon the Europa, Capt. Allen, arrived. It appears he came to Seal harbour the next day after we left it, where unfavorable winds detained him till yesterday, when having a chance of a favourable wind, he came off and was lucky enough to get here in about 30 hours, while on account of foul light winds we were five days and four nights coming the same distance. We were unlucky, in having such unfavorable winds, had the weather permited [sic] of our leaving Seal harbour on the [blank in MS.]95 as we intended and been favourable coming, we would probably have had all the skins here collected by this time. Capt. Allen states that he got but few furs at Sabasses.9' Thursday, April 28. Some light rain in the Morning, fine weather afterwards. The Indians have a few land otters and three beaver with which they passed the day going from One vessel to another trying to raise the price. Nothing pleases them better than to have two vessels thus opposing each other. It is annoying in the extreme to see the advantage which the black vagabonds endeavor to make of this circumstance. Friday, April 24. Overcast raw cold weather. Wind Northerly. The Natives passed the day going from vessel to vessel as yesterday. We traded only 3 land otters and a few Martens and Minks. Capt. Allan's blankets are much larger than ours and of a superior quality, which renders it neces- (94) Shell money composed of strings of dentalia (tooth-like shells) used by the Indians of the North Pacific. This word is spelled variously, haiqua, heyaqua, hykwa, ioqua, etc. (95) Work's attempt at the spelling of the name Kwakiutl. In its more restricted sense this term applies to a group of closely related tribes in the Fort Rupert area, around Beaver Harbour. (96) April 13th is probably meant. (97) Cossack Harbour. John Work's Journal. sary for us to give some ammunition and some other articles in addition, to make up for the difference. He has traded little more than us today. Saturday, April 25. Weather as yesterday. The Indians going on as usual. Our trade today only 2 beaver, one of which was a fresh killed one, which shows that there are some beaver here. There is a small river falls into the head of the harbour which appears remarkably well adapted for them, but from the quantity of underwood it appears a very difficult country to travel through. The shore in most places is very rocky. The Natives bring us a sufficiency of fish, principally halibut. We got a few large trout yesterday but they are of a very inferior quality. It is a pity that we could not make some arrangement as to the scale of trade so as to prevent the Indians from playing so much upon us and bring them down in their demands, but the difference in the quality of Capt. Allan's goods from ours render such a thing difficult. Late in the evening a Canoe of Naspatte98 men arrived with 2 Sea Otters and some land Otters but they have not yet offered them for sale. Naspatte is a harbour to the Southward. Sunday, April 26. Wind continues Northerly. Overcast raw cold weather. The Natives as usual going from vessel to vessel trying where they can get most for the chance skin, they have. The people that arrived yesterday have a couple of Sea Otters and a few land ones but have not traded them. In the evening a large Canoe arrived from the Colcauths, they [word omitted in MS.]99 that more of the people are on the way coming. We traded only 1 bear, 2 Otters & 3 Martens. Monday, April 27. Wind Southerly. Rained a good deal during the day. This is the first Southerly wind we have had since we have been here. Our trade today, 6 land otters & 2 beaver. Our neighbours have far the advantage of us in the quality and variety of their goods yet it does not appear that they are doing much more than ourselves. Another canoe arrived from the Colcauths and report that more are on the way. They have probably been off scattered, fishing, which is the cause of their being so long of coming. When we sent off the Message for them it was expected they would be back in three days, formerly when sent for they used always to come in two or three days. It is a hardship to be remaining so long losing so much time here, doing little or nothing, but as this is the principal place where any thing of a trade is to be expected, we must remain and see what is to be done. We might go away and return again, but we cannot do so and leave our opponent here. Later in the season is the best time to visit these people. Tuesday, April 28. Heavy rain most of the day. Wind Southerly. The Natives as usual going from vessel to vessel with a chance land otter skin. They are telling us that the Colcauths will be here in 5 or 6 days, but they have been telling us the same thing every day. It is probable that they either have few skins to trade, or that they are dispersed fishing, or they would be here before now. On former occasions, they always arrived in 2 or 3 days after being sent for. Wednesday, April 29. Rain most of the day. Wind Westerly. Two Otters & a couple of beaver are the only trade of this day. As there is no prospect of the Indians which we have been so long waiting for, we would (98) Nasparti Inlet is adjacent to Cape Cook, on the west side of Vancouver Island. Work's use of the word " southward " makes one feel that Nasparti lay farther south from Nahwitti along the east coast instead of being located on the west coast. (99) Possibly " intimated." 238 H. D. Dee. July make a move and go some where else at once were it not for our opponent who, if he remains, might get the Indians just after we start. He says he means to sail also the first opportunity. Thursday, April 80. Showry squally weather in the morning, fine weather blowing fresh from the Westward afterwards. Two Otters were traded today. Our trade altogether since we have been here amounts to 8 beaver, 27 land Otters, 20 Martens 111 Mink and 1 Pup Sea Otter. [Voyage to the Queen Charlotte Islands.] Friday, May 1. Heavy rain forepart of the day. Having given up hopes of the arrival of the Colcauth Indians for whom we have been waiting so long, we got under weigh & towed out of the harbour in the morning and continued working down the sound, and have got out opposite Cape Scott by the evening. In the afternoon the wind, which is N. Westerly and right ahead, freshened up and with the strong cross current in the entrance of Queen Charlotte's Sound caused a nasty jabble of a sea in which the vessel pitched considerably, and occasioned a good deal of seasickness. The Europa got under weigh before we did and came out also, but we are now some distance ahead of her. Our object is to proceed to the Northward, call at some of the tribes which we have not yet seen and then pay another visit Saturday, May 2. Fair weather blowing fresh and a heavy sea on. Continued working on to the Northward but owing to the roughness of the sea and the wind still ahead we made but little progress and have got only abreast of Calvert's island. The Europa was not to be seen in the morning and it is conjectured she has proceeded to the Southward to Nasspatte, a place near Woody point.!"0 This is a place where very few furs have ever been found, particularly since Sea Otters became scarce. Sunday, May 8. The weather more moderate than these days past, but the wind being still ahead we made but slow progress working to windward. Monday, May 4. Weather fine, wind still from the Northward, So that we made but little progress. In the evening we were close to the land off the S. end of Canall de Rideau.i"! Here about a score of Indians came off to us at 6 Oclock. They had some furs with them and after spending some time quibling [sic] about the price commenced trading and continued till after dark near 9 Oclock, when they went ashore, and we are to come in again in the morning as they have still a few more furs. These Indians are of the Inchelo [?]l°2 tribe. Tuesday, May 5. Fine mild weather. Very little wind in the morning but a fresh breeze afterpart of the day. Kept off and on all night and stood into the land early in the morning, when the Indians came off and by 9 A.M. had traded the most of their furs, and a good many fish, which are a seasonable supply as our stock was out. We now stood out from the land with a (100) Woody Point was named by Captain James Cook. It was changed to Cape Cook by Captain G. H. Richards in 1860. See Walbran, British Columbia Coast Names, p. 107. (101) Laredo Sound, named by Jacinto Caamano in 1792. Work's prolonged association with French-Canadian servants of the Hudson's Bay Company undoubtedly accounts for his Gallic twist to the word. The sound lies between Aristazabal and Price islands. The Channel of the same name, which Work calls a " Canall," lies behind the former island. (102) Not identified. 1944 John Work's Journal. 239 fine breeze which raised a jabble of a sea; but the wind being still ahead we stood across to Charlotte's Island!98 and in the evening are off Cape James.194 From these Indians we traded- 29 beaver, 16 land otters, 60 Martens & 74 Minks. Wednesday, May 6. Fine weather. Wind still the same, but so light that we make but very little progress, moreover, (probably from the long continuance of these Northerly winds,) a strong current is setting us to the Southward. Thursday, May 7. Wind still continues the same, a thick fog part of the day. We continue working to windward, but owing to the lightness of the wind that we make very little progress. Indeed we have not gained over 20 to 30 Miles these two days. The wind died away last night and the current swept the vessel near a rock off the lower end of Isle de Stephen.!"* Friday, May 8. Wind continues still from the Northward, foggy weather most of the day. It blew fresh most of the night and greater part of the day, and raised a pretty heavy sea. Notwithstanding that the wind is so strong that a part of the sails had to be taken in, we are able to make little progress working against the head sea. At noon we were off Seal harbour, Isle de Stephen. It is extremely irksome being thus so long baffled with contrary winds, now 8 days coming a distance that might have been done in 24 hours with a favorable breeze. Capt. McNeill, all the time he has been cruising on the coast, never experienced the like before. Saturday, May 9. Continued squaly [sic] during the night & became calm in the morning, a nice breeze in the middle of the day, & calm again in the evening. In the morning the wind shifted round to the Southward and continued so till towards evening, when_h\fell calm and again shifted round to the westward. We made good progress while the wind continued favourable, and by the evening were well up with Skidegates harbour,!"5 but the wind failing we could not get in, & will have to keep off & on during the night. Sunday, May 10. Showry squally weather, wind baffling, occasionally blowing in squalls, and then dieing away. Wind Westerly. In the morning we were out off Skiddinasi"7 harbour, East side of Q. Charlotte's Islands but as the wind was blowing right out of the harbour and not being steady there was some difficulty working in. At 10 A.M. we anchored inside of the bar in an exposed place, not being able to get up to the proper anchorage. In the course of the day a considerable number of the Skidegate Indians came off, and supplied us with some fish & a bear skin and a few Martens. There was such a jabble of a sea on, that the canoes could not lay along side & they had to go ashore. The Indians were shy to come aboard for some time till they were told they had nothing to fear. Their shyness arose, from the outhern extremity of the Queen Charlotte group. (105) Not identified, but if Work's sailing directions may be relied upon, this must refer to some spot off the south-east coast of Moresby Island, in the vicinity of Skincuttle Inlet, and not to Stephens Island at the southern end of Chatham Sound. (106) Skidegate Inlet, between Graham and Moresby,islands. (107) This may refer to Skedans, on Cumshewa Inlet, a little south of Skidegate, where a large Haida village was to be found. However, from the subsequent mention of the sand-bar at the harbour entrance, it seems to refer to the main village at Skidegate, on Graham Island. 240 H. D. Dee. July loss of the Vancouver!"* last year, as they are connected with the tribe who inhabit where she was lost, and who plundered her. We learn from them that 25 Canoes of that tribe and these people are off now at the fort Simpson for the purpose of making up matters, and that the Chief means to exculpate himself & his people by stating that it was not their fault, but the fault of the waves that occasioned the loss of the vessel This appears to be their way of reasoning on the subject. They have also taken some things with them to the fort. These people say they have few furs, that those who have gone to the fort have taken what furs they had with them, but that another tribe the Cawwilth,!"9 which live a little farther up the Sound have got some furs. Monday, May 11. Showry weather, some squalls. Wind variable. Moved 5 miles farther up the Sound to well sheltered good anchorage a few miles above the village. The most of the Indians visited us during the day and traded 6 or 8 bear skins and about 40 Martens & 1 land Otter, which is probably the most of what they have got. We also bought some potatoes,!'" for which we paid higher than usual for, but they are scarce now, and I much want these for seed at the fort. A few of the Cawelth men were also here, but had very little with them. They have two Sea Otters which they are to bring tomorrow. These people appear very poor; they are wretchedly clothed and apparently badly off for every thing. This formerly used to be one of the best places for Sea Otters on the coast, but now scarcely any is to be found among them. They grow a considerable quantity of potatoes they have several patches under cultivation about their villages. The Necoonin tribe, who who [sic] reside at Point Rose, 60 Miles to the Northward of this, where the Vancouver was wrecked, speak the same language as these people and are in some measure connected with them; yet I have not been able to observe any of the articles belonging to the vessel about them. So that it is probable they have not come in for much share of the plunder. I counted near 100 about the vessel at one time today. Tuesday, May 12. Blew strong from the Eastward part of the day with showers. Several more of the Indians visited us and traded two small Sea Otters. It is believed they have got no more furs. All we have got is not worth coming in for, but we did not know that. What few furs they had, those that have gone to Nass (15 Canoes) have taken them with them. Should the wind be favourable we intend to leave this tomorrow. (108) The schooner Vancouver, wrecked on March 3, 1834. See.supra, pp. 141, 143. (109) These Haida people are referred to in George M. Dawson, Report on the Queen Charlotte Islands, p. 173B, where an estimate of Haida and Kaigani Indians, made by John Work, is given. In this publication the name is given as " Kow-welth," and indeed, Work renders it variously in this present journal. The Handbook of American Indians (Frederick Webb Hodge, ed.), I., p. 230, identifies these people as living in the village of Chaahl, on the north-west coast of Moresby Island. This is undoubtedly Chaatl Village on Chaatl Island, at the west entrance to Skidegate Channel. (110) The Hudson's Bay servants at Fort Simpson and other establishments were under orders to be to the greatest possible extent self-supporting. There and at Fort McLoughlin they bought quantities of potatoes from the Indians until their own gardens were in production. When and from whom the Indians first obtained potatoes is hot clear. Dawson, Report, p. 113B, states vaguely that they were introduced by early voyagers. (111) Necoon, or long nose, was the name given by the Haidas to Rose Point, at the north-eastern extremity of Graham Island. 1944 John Work's Journal. 241 [Voyage to the Nass River.] Wednesday, May 13. Fine weather, light variable winds. Got under weigh at 1 P.M., but the wind was so light that it was past 6 when we got across the bar. We are certainly very ill lucked for wind. In the forenoon there were 28 Canoes about the vessel in which I counted 157 Natives 30 to 40 of whom were women and children and about 120 Men; 15 Canoes of these people are off to Nass. Suppose they would average only 10 Men each, it would make 150. Thursday, May 14. Fine weather. Wind still light and variable from S.W. to S.E. The wind was so light that we made very slow progress, not over 30 to 40 Miles during the 24 hours. It was first our intention to have touched at Skidoon harbour on the W. side of Bank's island but have abandoned the idea and proceed direct to Nass least [sic] Allanii2 be there before us. Friday, May 15. Fine weather during the day, and a nice breeze of favourable wind afterpart of the day. Some rain in the night. We passed Isle de Zayas early in the morning and got into Nass straits past noon and proceeded to Nass where we anchored a little past 12 Oclock at night. As we got towards the anchorage it came on to blow with very heavy rain and was so dark that we could scarcely see the land and had to get to the anchorage by sounding. We have the Mortification to find the Europa here, she arrived this morning, and has already been busy trading with the Indians. We have been exceedingly unfortunate, in having unfavourable winds, or according to our plan we would have been here long enough ago and have had the trade all secured before this. Saturday, May 16. Fine weather. Early in the morning the Indians began to assemble and were about both vessels and going from one to another all day. We traded 51 Beaver, 5 Land Otters, 9 Bears & a few Martens. The Americans have 3% point Blankets, far superior to ours both in size and quality, of which the Indians are well aware. In order that we might have a chance for a share of the trade we were induced to rise our Tariff to a Blanket 3 gall. Ind[ian]. Rum, 6 head Tobacco, per Beaver large. It is high but without we do so we will have no chance to get our share of the trade. We also give 7 gall. Mixed liquor for a beaver which is a gallon more than our opponents give. The Indians glory in having in having [sic] opposition and know well how to take advantage of it. There are a great many Natives assembled here now from different quarters, they are encamped some distance up the river. Sunday, May 17. Still fine weather. The Indians assembled again in the morning as usual, and kept going between us and our opponents as usual. During the day we traded 94 Beaver, 5 Otters, 28 Bears, 21 Martens. We had more customers than our opponents owing to the superior quality of our Rum and Tobacco. Capt. Allan who must have been perfectly aware of our scale of trade, came aboard and enquired what we were giving, and on being told, got in a violent passion and declared that he would do his utmost to rise the price and make us pay as high as possible for all the furs we would trade on the coast this season, that he had plenty of goods to do so (& as our deck was full of Natives busy trading) without waiting to be spoke to went over the side and proclaimed to the Indians that he would give 4 gall. Rum & 8 heads of tobacco with one of his large blankets for a beaver. The (112) Captain Allan of the Europa. 242 H. D. Dee. July Indians received this intimation with several loud hurrahs, and immediately ceased trading, and began to clear off to his vessel. It remained with us now either to lose the beaver or rise our price, the latter was preferred and we accordingly offered 5 gal. Mixed rum & 10 heads tobacco with a blanket per beaver, the result of which was that we secured, as we think, the best share of the day's trade. At this rate the furs cost high, but as our expenses are going on the same, let us get beaver or not, and as we have a good stock of goods, it is deemed best rather than let the furs fall all into the hands of our Opponents, to secure them even at a light profit. The Indians seem perfectly aware that this is not to last, for they are enquiring how long these prices are likely to continue and were promptly told by us only so long as our Opponents remained. A large party of Necoon & Skidegate Indians, who had been here, went off on their return home this morning. These are the people that pillaged the Vancouver when she was wrecked last year and probably being afraid, did not come near us. In the course of the afternoon, 20 Canoes containing from 7 to 20 persons each of Cumshewas men,"8 arrived, also from Q. Charlotte's Island. Monday, May 18. Still fine weather. The Indians still about us in great numbers, but the trade has not been so brisk as yesterday. We secured 45 Beaver 2 Otters, 19 Bears and a few Martens, and 6 Sea Otters. The Natives have got such an ample supply of liquor, that they are in no hurry. Tuesday, May 19. Fine weather. Fewer Indians than usual about today. We traded only 12 beaver. The Natives are said to have a good many yet, but they were all busy drinking today, which was the cause of but few of them coming to trade. Capt. Allan got under weigh in the forenoon and stood down the straits, but returned and anchored again in the evening. We had prepared to follow him, for though we learn from the Natives that they have still a good many beaver, should our opponents go off, it would be better for us to leave them as they will most likely be obtained at the fort hereafter at a much cheaper rate than we can procure them now. Wednesday, May 20. Raining most part of the day. As the Americans still remain here we have not moved either. Several Indians again visited us but traded only [blank in MS.] Beaver & [blank in MS.] Bears. They brought a considerable quantity of small fish Oilu4 here but we did not purchase any of it. Formerly the Americans used to buy a great deal of this article and sell it elsewhere on the coast for furs, but as this has been an indifferent fishing year the Oil is scarce and such high prices demanded for it that there would be no gain in buying it to sell it elsewhere. We are led to conclude that the Natives have fewer beaver remaining among them than we thought. We have therefore determined to leave this tomorrow. [Return to Fort Simpson.] Thursday, May 21. Raw cold weather, blowing fresh from the Southward which is right up the Straits.115 Rain in the evening. At a little before 11 A.M. about high water, we weighed anchor and proceeded down (113) From Cumshewa Inlet, on the east side of Moresby Island. (114) Oil from the oolachans was in demand by all the coast Indians. To extract this oil the fish were allowed to putrefy partially, and were then boiled in a mass in wooden boxes with hot stones. No condiment was more pleasing to the Indian palate that oolachan grease. (115) Nass Straits, the entrance to Portland Inlet. John Work's Journal. 243 ork against the wind. We made but slow ng we are not more than 10 or 12 Miles from where we started. The American vessel got under weigh at the same time as we did, and as we were both tacking from side to side of the Straits on one occasion the two vessels came in contact, when our Martingain5 and part of the boarding netting chainsii7 were carried away, some ropes &c also gave way in the other vessel. I was below at the time this occurred. Capt. McNeill says that it was Capt. Allan's fault for, as he was on the larboard tack, according to Naval rules, it was his business to keep off. Be this as it may very serious damage might have been sustained by both vessels had they not fortunately separated as they did. It would appear that Capt. Allan did not perceive when Capt. McNeill ordered his helm alee. We have traded altogether at this place 8 Sea Otters, 205 Beaver 11 Land Otters 59 Bears 53 Martens & 3 Marten Robes. As far as we can judge Our Opponents may have procured about 240 or 250 Beaver and land Otters, and probably from his articles of trade and the price he gave, he has got rather more Marten than we have got, but he got few or no Bears. Moreover of the Number of beaver and land Otters which he got, as he gave , a higher price for the land otters than we could afford, he got a greater proportion of land Otters than we have. Friday, May 22. Rain during the night and most of the day with very little wind. The wind was so light that the current carried us back in in [sic] the night nearly half of the way that we came yesterday, and our progress was so Slow during the day that we are yet some distance from the Mouth of the Straits. The Europa being on the one side of the straits while we were on the opposite side got a little breeze of wind in the night which shoved her on a piece when she got a few miles ahead of us, and got out of the Straits in the morning but appears becalmed at some distance outside. Two Indians delivered me a note from Dr Kennedy dated yesterday, stating that a strange vessel, a brig, was seen on the 19th working up past the mouth of the straits to towards the fort,ns but that she had put about again and stood into Clemencitty, and had fired several guns. We suppose it must be a Russian vessel.119 Her guns were answered from the fort. Late in the evening a gun was supposed to be heard, when we answered it with two. Some days ago the Indians reported to us that they had seen a vessel but they are such notorious liars that we did not credit them. Saturday, May 23. Fine weather. Very light wind & variable. Early in the Morning we were out of the straits and abreast of the fort, and at 4 A.M. Capt. McNeill and I landed with the furs leaving the vessel standing off and on outside so that time might not be lossed [sic]. A few hours after the Capt. returned on board with a supply of 3 bales of blankets & 1 Cwt. Buck Shot, and proceeded on his voyage. It was his intention to proceed through Brown's passage!29 but the wind shifted a little and he passed round by the (116) An ash bar fixed downward from the bow-sprit cap, by which the martingale stay supports the jib-boom. (117) It will be remembered that the Lama carried protective netting, to guard against surprise attacks by the natives. (118) Fort Simpson. (119) Identified later by Work as being the American brig Bolivar.' (120) Brown's Passage, between the Tree Nob islands and South Dundas islands. North end of Dundass' island,i2i but the wind was so light that he was not out of sight late in the evening. He is directed to proceed to Naweetie and endeavour to procure the furs that the Caucoulth men may have, (we did not see this tribe when we were last there) and then to cruise about where he can make most, but to be back here in sufficient time, to have the vessel in readiness to sail for the Columbial22 by the 1st September. I remained ashore myself and mean to remain at the fort now. The Europa was seen in the morning out towards the N. end of Dundass' Island. [To be continued.] NOTES AND COMMENTS. "A MOUNTAIN MEMORIAL." Shortly after the death of Judge F. W. Howay, in October, 1943, it was announced by Lieutenant-Colonel G. G. Aitken, British Columbia's representative on the Geographic Board of Canada, that the Board had approved the suggestion made by himself and the late A. Wells Gray, then Minister of Lands, that a prominent peak in the vicinity of Stave Lake should be named Mount Judge Howay. Some time ago it occurred to Mr. B. A. McKelvie, President of the British Columbia Historical Association, that it would be peculiarly fitting if a companion peak nearby could be named after Judge Howay's life-long friend, Dr. Robie L. Reid. This suggestion was promptly submitted to the Geographic Board by Colonel Aitken, and official approval was given early in July. A few days later Mr. D. A. McGregor, editorial writer for the Vancouver Daily Province, wrote the following leading article, which appeared in the Province for July 7, 1944:— "A Mountain Memorial. I Fifty-one years ago, two young men began the practice of law in partnership in New Westminster. They had long been close friends. They had both taught school in the Fraser Valley. They had studied together at Dalhousie University and read law in the Nova Scotia town of Kentville. Both were soon to marry daughters of Fraser Valley pioneers. " The two young barristers were Frederick W. Howay and Robie L. Reid. The subsequent careers of these two men are well known. Both achieved prominence in the lower mainland community. Judge Howay, after serving as alderman and school trustee of New Westminster, went to the County Court bench, devoted his leisure to the study of British ■ Columbia history and became a national figure and one of the authorities on the early history of the Pacific Coast. He died nine months ago. " Mr. Reid, who had also served as an alderman of New Westminster, removed to Vancouver after his partner went to the bench and has long been in practice in this city, devoting himself, meanwhile, to public service in various fields. He was one of the first governors of the University. He served for many years on the Library Board. He was the first president of the Little Theatre Association. He was [one of the] organizer [s] of the British Columbia Historical Association. He also has been interested in British Columbia's early story and his contribution to the general knowledge of B.C. history has been enormous. Happily, he is still with us, though not as active as formerly. "After the death of Judge Howay, the Provincial Government paid a unique tribute to his memory by naming after him a mountain peak north of Stave Lake. Now, a like tribute has been paid to the work and qualities of Mr. Reid. A mountain in the same area has been named Mount Robie 245 246 Notes and Comments. July Reid. Mount Robie Reid stands 6,847 feet high near the head of Alouette Lake and west of Stave Lake. " The two peaks are visible from New Westminster, where the partners began their life-work, and though they are 10 miles apart, at that distance they appear to stand side by side. And so they will stand, a continuing memorial to the high qualities and public spirit of two of British Columbia's finest citizens." BRITISH COLUMBIA HISTORICAL ASSOCIATION. Victoria Section. The last regular meeting of the year was held in the Provincial Library on the evening of Thursday, April 27. Mr. F. C. Green, Vice-Chairman, presided. The speaker was Dr. W. Kaye Lamb, who spoke on Peter and James and John. The reference was to the three leading figures in the history of the fur trade on the Pacific Coast: Peter Skene Ogden, James Douglas, and John McLoughlin. Dr. Lamb explained that he referred to them in this familiar fashion because he wished to speak of the men themselves and their personalities, and not merely to outline their careers and list their accomplishments. It was usually forgotten, for example, that Ogden's ancestors had come to America as long ago as 1642; that he came of a family that produced many distinguished lawyers and judges who achieved distinction in Canada, the United States, and Great Britain; and that phrases and references in his letters indicated that Peter Skene himself had studied law. No other fur-trader had a more remarkable ability to handle both his traders and the Indians, as could be demonstrated by incident after incident dating from the great days of the Snake River expeditions to the tragedy of the Whitman massacre. James Douglas, equally successful and prominent in the service of the Hudson's Bay Company, had very different gifts and a curiously different career. His life was primarily that of an administrator, and he advanced in life rapidly because he was always so well qualified for any higher position that might fall vacant or be created that he was the obvious choice for the appointment. McLoughlin, very different once again, was the most complex personality of the three, and unhappily his career, remarkable and successful as it was in many respects, ended in frustration and sorrow. The annual summer meeting took the form of a garden party held in the grounds of " Little Harbour," the residence of Dr. and Mrs. T. A. Rickard, on the afternoon of Saturday, July 15. More than eighty members and friends attended. The guest speaker was Dr. Erna Gunther, Director of the Anthropological Museum at the University of Washington, who spoke on early Indian civilization in the Victoria region. She described the daily life of the Indians, and pointed out the ingenuity with which they made use of what they had. Known chiefly as warriors, hunters, and fishermen, the Indians were also fine farmers. Dr. Gunther deplored the loss of old traditions and native customs, and expressed the hope that the historian and anthropologist, working together, might recreate a permanent picture of primitive life on this continent. Dr. Rickard spoke on the history of 1944 Notes and Comments. 247 Victoria Harbour, and related interesting and little known facts about historic points in the vicinity of his home. Mr. Justice H. B. Robertson, Chairman of the Section, presided at the outdoor programme, at the conclusion of which tea was served indoors with Mrs. Robertson and Mrs. Curtis Sampson presiding. Mrs. Rickard, accompanied on the piano by Mrs. George Phillips, led in community singing. CONTRIBUTORS TO THIS ISSUE. Bruce A. McKelvie, journalist and historian, is the author of Pelts and Powder, Early History of the Province of British Columbia, and other books. He is President of the British Columbia Historical Association. W. N. Sage, M.A. (Oxon.), Ph.D. (Toronto), is Head of the Department of History in the University of British Columbia. He was recently named British Columbia member of the Historic Sites and Monuments Board of Canada, in succession to the late Judge F. W. Howay. Willard E. Ireland, M.A. (Toronto), Provincial Archivist since 1940, is at present on leave of absence, and serving irl the Royal Canadian Air Force. Henry Drummond Dee, M.A. (British Columbia), is Vice-Principal of Victoria High School. George F. Drummond, M.A. (St. Andrews), M.Sc. (London), is Associate Professor of Economics in the University of British Columbia. THE NORTHWEST BOOKSHELF. Here is Alaska. By Evelyn Stefansson. New York: Charles Scribner's Sons, 1943. Pp. 154. Hlus. $3. Intelligent curiosity concerning Alaska, and, more especially, the Aleutian Islands, has been stimulated by the incidence of war. The importance of Alaska, in these later days, is due largely to its geographic position, which makes it a key point in global air communication. Moreover, in this war, it is serving as an air-base for the coming attack on the Japanese outposts. The American Northland is an interesting region, as is proved in this book, written by Evelyn Stefansson, the wife of the Arctic explorer, Vilhjalmur Stefansson. To most educated people the territory has been known as a sub-Arctic country, the chief products of which were gold, fish, and furs. The treacherous attack on Pearl Harbour pushed the United States suddenly into war with Japan, and the prompt action of the Asiatic savages in bombing Dutch Harbour, followed by landings on the Kiska and Attu islands of the Aleutian chain, brought Alaska into the footlights of contemporary history. Most of us therefore should be glad to read a book that tells us much about this part of the world, about its people and its resources, about its early development and its recent progress. The book is liberally illustrated by means of photographic pictures, handsomely reproduced. The author takes us first to the Diomede Islands, the two stepping-stones from Asia to America. The international date-line passes between these two islands, one of which, belonging to the United States, is the island of today, while the other, belonging to Russia, is that of tomorrow. On Little Diomede a picture of Abraham Lincoln hangs in the school-house; on Big Diomede the picture in the school-house is that of Karl Marx. The width of Bering Strait appears to be variable, for various distances have been given, ranging from 30 to 100 miles. One might infer that the two continents, Asia and America, advanced to, or retreated from, each other at intervals. Two years ago I took pains to measure the width of the strait on a good map, and found it to be 42 miles. Now our author says it is 56 miles. Whereupon I went to the office of the Surveyor-General and examined several maps. The most authoritative gave the distance as a little over 54% miles. Mrs. Stefansson therefore is right. Perhaps we might accept 55 as the nearest approximation. Next, our author refutes many of the current untruths about Alaska. Like her gallant husband, she is eager to protest against the idea that the great Northland is not fit for human habitation. Have you read Stefansson's Friendly Arctic? Ii not, do so. The persistent myth that Alaska is never warm is exploded by Mrs. Stefansson by quoting U.S. Weather Bureau statistics, which inform us of 100° F. in the shade at Fort Yukon and 99° at Fairbanks. The summers are warm, and yet bracing, on account of the 1944 The Northwest Bookshelf. 249 purity of the air. In winter it seems colder at Toronto or New York than at Nome or Dutch Harbour, as I know from personal experience. The author explains the derivation of husky, the name given to the Eskimo dog. We are informed that some early traders in the service of the Hudson's Bay Company were Cockney Englishmen, improvident in their use of aspirates; so they called Eskimos, HesMmos. Therefore the dogs became Heskys, for short; and that was soon corrupted further to Huskys. The crews on the whalers in the Arctic seas used the name for the Eskimos themselves. Their name is derived from the Ojibway Indian word ashkimaq, which means " eaters of raw flesh." The Eskimos name themselves Innuit, meaning people. They are the people, just as the Huns deem, or deemed not long ago, themselves the master race. A typical Alaskan village, Unalakleet, is described, with a detailed account of its Eskimo inhabitants. The start and development of agriculture is an important part of the story. " The plants grow according to the amount of sun they receive rather than the number of days they are in the ground, and this is believed to account for the size and goodness of the vegetables." Each family owns about two hundred reindeer, and the children are taught in school all about them so as to make the best use of them in their daily life. Fishing is important because it provides food for the dogs. Seals and whales are hunted. " Happy by nature, Unalakleet Eskimos find pleasure in almost all their activities, whether it be gardening, hunting, visiting, or playing." The Aleutian Islands are passed in review. The number is not known accurately; it is more than sixty and less than a hundred and fifty. How large must a rock be in order to qualify as an island? The prevalence of thick fogs is due to the fact that the icy Arctic waters wash these islands along their northern coast, while the warm Pacific current passes along their southern shores. The meeting of cold air with warm water produces the fog. The Aleuts have a considerable admixture of Russian blood, thanks to the fur-traders of other days. Since the start of the war most of these natives have been removed to the mainland. The outlying islands, but little known, are described by the author, who, evidently, has been to them. These include the Pribilof, or Seal, Islands, whose Eskimo inhabitants have been taken to Admiralty Island for the "duration. Nunivak Island, near the coast between Bristol Bay and Norton Sound, is the second largest in Bering Sea. It is the site of successful experiments in the breeding of musk-oxen and reindeer. The first are valued for their meat and their wool, both excellent. Northward is St. Lawrence Island, the largest in these parts. This also, in prehistoric days, must have been a stepping-stone in the migration of the Mongoloid people to North America. In 1900 the United States Government placed seventy Siberian reindeer on the island to provide food and clothing for the Eskimo inhabitants. Now there are 10,000 reindeer on the island, in consequence of which the Eskimos are happy and prosperous. The author reminds us that the reindeer and caribou are the same kind of animal, the difference being in their condition, the one domesticated and the other wild. 250 The Northwest Bookshelf. July Mrs. Stefansson devotes comparatively little space to the interior of Alaska, being herself apparently more familiar with the insular and coastal parts of the territory. But as these are the parts least known, her contribution to our knowledge of this northwestern region is the more valuable. Like the books of her intrepid husband, this is another useful and interesting addition to our information concerning a part of the world that is of constantly increasing importance. T. A. Rickard. Victoria, B.C. The U.S.-Canadian Northwest: A Demonstration Area for International Postwar Planning and Development. By Benjamin H. Kizer. Princeton: Princeton University Press; and Toronto: The Ryerson Press, 1943. Pp. xvi., 71. $1.35. There is an old Scottish proverb which says, " Guid gear gangs into little book." There is a lot of " guid gear" in this little book, and its publication at a time when there is so much discussion concerning the potentialities of the Northwest is not only opportune but will help to temper optimism with a sense of realism. The author, Mr. Benjamin H. Kizer, Regional Chairman of the National Resources Planning Board and Chairman of the Pacific Northwest Regional Planning Commission, has given us an excellent digest of a large subject. This vast territory, comprising roughly the Northwest expanse of the North American continent and under the suzerainty of both Canada and the United States, presents a challenge to a new pioneering spirit, not the old grab-and-get predations of the gold- rush days, but the rational development of the area's varied resources on a long-range plan. It presents another challenge also, namely, that of good neighbourly co-operation between Canada and the United States in agreement on the plan and its successful prosecution. A good deal of administrative groundwork has already been done. The Joint Economic Committee of Canada and the United States decided in January, 1943, to sponsor an international study of the region; the codirectors, Dr. Charles Camsell, Deputy Minister of the Department of Mines and Resources, Ottawa, and Mr. J. C. Rettie, of the National Resources Planning Board, Portland, Oregon, were given the responsibility of analysing the economic data of the region on behalf of the Joint Economic Committee. Mr. J. C. Rettie under the aegis of the National Resources Planning Board has, in co-operation with his staff, produced some excellent brochures on the industrial development of the Pacific Northwest region, and Mr. Kizer acknowledges his debt to the work of the Portland office. There is no corresponding office in British Columbia nor has there been, to my knowledge, any comparable output of analytical material. The need for co-operative research on the West Coast is a primary condition of success. The immediate background of the problem of the Canadian-Alaskan Northwest has been, of course, the military pioneering of the present war, namely, the building of the Alaska Highway, the Canol pipe-line, the string of airfields, the improvement of port facilities, etc. The degree of perma- i The Northwest Bookshelf. 251 i in these developments depends not only on the overhead cost of their e but fundamentally on the supporting economy. There is no suggestion that these investments should be written off as war costs, but rather that they should become the framework of a post-war economic development offering opportunities for still further investment, for settlement and growth. It is in this light that Mr. Kizer views the whole problem. He sets himself the task of reviewing what is already known about the actual resources of this great region, the timber resources and their use for both primary and secondary production, the varied mineral resources and their utility in a variety of industries, the presence of good iron ores, coal, and limestone as the basis for a Pacific Coast steel industry, ■ the agricultural possibilities and post-war settlement, the oil n their accessibility. This correlation of resources with potential development is linked in turn with the problems of transportation, by rail, by road, by air, and by sea. Here international co-operation is essential. The basic problem is to eliminate trade restrictions which, before the war, prevented the integrated development of the area; Canadians, and especially British Columbians, have looked with a sour historical eye on the Alaskan panhandle; it-has shut out a good part of the Yukon, the North West Territories and Northern British Columbia from direct access to the Pacific Coast. American coastal shipping regulations and the tariff structures of the two countries have further aggravated the situation and turned their northern political boundaries into economic hurdles. It is one thing to make economic surveys and plans for development; it is quite another to get the two governments committed to joint action which will envisage long-range planning for the development of this vast territory as .an economic whole. Mr. Kizer is well aware of all these problems and presents them not only in their historical setting but as a challenge to the future co-operation of Canada and the United States. Whether the reconciliation of political sovereignties with the economic unification of the Northwest can best be handled by an International Northwest Commission or by a series of treaties suspending shipping, tariff, and other restrictions on a regional basis is a question which Mr. Kizer does not touch. One has the feeling that he is content to leave it to the goodwill of the future, but Canada's recent action in providing for the reclamation of American-built airfields on her territory suggests that political sovereignty has still to find the appropriate means for making international economic co-operation a reality. Mr. Kizer's book is not only written in a clear, concise style but is very suitably illustrated with good reference maps of the North Pacific region. Here is the last economic frontier of our continent, comparable with the climatic conditions of Northeastern Europe, and capable with its manifold resources of sustaining a new expansion of economic activity and a growing population. It lies on the Arctic air route to Asia and Russia; it also lies astride great natural resources hardly explored as yet but giving great promise for the future. All who are interested in that future should read Mr. Kizer's little book, The U.S.-Canadian Northwest. Vancouver, B.C. George F. Drummond. 252 The Northwest Bookshelf. July Canadian-American Relations, 1875-1911. By Charles Callan Tansill. New Haven: Yale University Press; and Toronto: The Ryerson Press, 1943. Pp. xviii., 507. $4.50. (The relations of Canada and the United States.) This stout volume might well have been entitled Four Studies in Canadian- American Relations, 1875-1911, for it consists essentially not of a continuous narrative but of four case-studies. The topics dealt with are the North Atlantic fisheries controversy, the Alaskan boundary dispute, the fur-seal arbitration, and the movement for commercial union that culminated in the reciprocity campaign of 1911. British Columbians will naturally be most interested in the accounts of the Alaskan boundary and the fur-seal dispute. Both are considered at great length, the two studies together occupying 250 closely printed pages. Text and footnotes alike indicate that the search for material has been unusually widespread and thorough. In particular, the personal papers of many of the men concerned have been examined with care and discrimination, and the viewpoint of almost every important individual concerned in a matter at almost every moment is carefully noted. Unfortunately this approach carries with it a penalty, and the story is told in such detail that the picture as a whole tends on many occasions to be obscured. Indeed, one might hazard the opinion that the distinctive value of the whole book will prove to be its usefulness as a guide to a vast array of source material. Canadians will find the discussion of the Alaskan boundary in some respects surprising. Thus the basic assumption throughout is that Canada's case was a trumped-up affair, and that she never really had a leg to stand upon. One of Laurier's private messengers is quoted as having confessed to the Americans: " Sir Wilfrid knows, and all of us know, that we have no case" (p. 239). Conscientiously believing this to have been true, Dr. Tansill feels that the Canadians were unreasonable and unreliable, to say the least, and that they were led by a group of politicians whose chief concern was their own continuance in office. By contrast, the British statesmen showed every desire to be accommodating, while south of the 49th parallel all was of almost lily-white purity—at least until the appearance upon the scene of Theodore Roosevelt. This interpretation takes far too little account of the fact that the British were " reasonable " because they actually knew very little and cared less about what was at stake, and that Canadian " unreasonableness " arose mostly from the exasperating conviction that the British would handle the Canadian case not on its merits, but in the way that best suited the over-all Imperial interests. If the whole matter had suddenly been turned over to Canada, to be settled by direct negotiation with the United States, the Canadian attitude would doubtless have been very different. As it is, the whole episode is not very much to the credit of any country or any person, and in the perspective of the years it begins to look as if nothing very vital had actually been at stake. The account of the fur-seal controversy is less open to criticism, but it is clear that the author feels that Canada fared better than she deserved upon this occasion. His concluding word is that she " had been able to drive a hard bargain," and " secured a nice diplomatic plum," presumably because 1944 The Northwest Bookshelf. 253 (if Russian suspicions were correct) " President Taft was willing to make order to prepare the basis for reciprocity negotiations." W. Kaye Lamb. We BRITISH COLUMBIA HISTORICAL ASSOCIATION Organized October 31st, 1922. PATRON. His Honour W. C. Woodward, Lieutenant-Governor of British Columbia. OFFICERS, 1944. Hon. H. G. T. PERRY ... - Honorary President. B. A. McKelvie ----- President. J. C Goodfellow ----- Past President. A. G. Harvey 1st Vice-President. Mrs. Curtis Sampson - - - 2nd Vice-President. Madge Wolfenden ... - Honorary Treasurer. H. T. Nation - - - - - - Honorary Secretary. MEMBERS OF THE COUNCIL. Mrs. M. R. Cree. Helen R. Boutilier. F. C. Green. Robie L. Reid. T. A. Rickard. E. G. Baynes. W. N. Sage. Willard E. Ireland W. Kaye Lamb (Provincial Archivist.) (Editor, Quarterly). A. G. Harvey H. B. Robertson (Vancouver Section). (Victoria Section.) OBJECTS. To encourage historical research and stimulate public interest in history; to promote the preservation and marking of historic sites, buildings, relics, natural features, and other objects and places of historical interest, and to publish historical sketches, studies, and documents. MEMBERSHIP. Ordinary members pay a fee of $2 annually in advance. The fiscal year commences on the first day of January. All members in good standing receive the British Columbia Historical Quarterly without further charge. Correspondence and fees may be addressed to the Provincial Archives, Parliament Buildings, Victoria, B.C. THE BRITISH COLUMBIA HISTORICAL QUARTERLY OCTOBER, 1944 BR] We BRITISH COLUMBIA HISTORICAL QUARTERLY Published by the Archives of British Columbia EDITOR. W. Kaye Lamb. The University of British Columbia, Vancouver, B ASSOCIATE EDITOR. Willard E. Ireland. Provincial Archives, Victoria, B.C. (On active service, R.C.A.F.) ADVISORY BOARD. Editorial communications should be addressed to the Editor. Subscriptions should be sent to the Provincial Archives, Parliament Buildings, Victoria, B.C. Price, 50c. the copy, c of the British Columbia Historical Association in Quarterly without further charge. Neither the Provincial Archives nor the British Columbia Historical Association assumes any responsibility for statements made by contributors to the magazine. The Quarterly is indexed in Faxon's Annual Magazine Subject-Index. We BRITISH COLUMBIA HISTORICAL QUARTERLY " Any country worthy of a future should be interested in its past." Vol. VIII. Victoria, B.C., October, 1944. No. 4 CONTENTS. Page. " Steamboat 'Round the Bend ": American Steamers o nthe Fraser River in 1858. Boom Days in Prince George: 1906-1918. Bv F. E. Rnnnalls 281 The Journal of John Work, 1885. Being an account of his voyage northward from the Columbia River to Fort Simpson and return in the brig "Lama," January- October, 1835. Part III. Edited by Henry Drummond Dee 3 Royal Commissions and Commissions of Inquiry in British Columbia. A Checklist. Notes and Comments: British Columbia Historical Association Local Historical Societies Contributors to this Issue The Northwest Bookshelf: The Letters of John McLoughlin, Second Series. By Burt Brown Barker Van Alstyne: American Diplomacy in Action. By W. N. Sage r of gold-seekers on April 25,1 I STEAMBOAT 'ROUND THE BEND." AMERICAN STEAMERS ON THE FRASER RIVER IN 1858. Westward expansion on the North American continent has been closely linked with river navigation. The early explorers, fur-traders, and gold-seekers all made use of the mighty network of navigable rivers and lakes that stretches from the Hudson to the Yukon and from the Mississippi to the Mackenzie. The success of Robert Fulton's pioneer steamboat Clermont on the Hudson in 1807 was the signal for the opening of a colourful era of river navigation, which Mark Twain immortalized in his Life on the Mississippi. Within a few years all the great rivers of America resounded to the churn of the paddle-wheel and the high-pitched screech of the steam-whistle. The heyday of the river steamer was the 1850's and '60's, when fabulous fortunes were being amassed, based on America's I manifest destiny " of westward expansion. Some of these fortunes, notably that of the Vanderbilts, were founded on the huge profits accruing from operation of river steamboats. It was a day of cut-throat competition and piratical business methods, in which the rewards often went to the most unscrupulous; nevertheless, the successful steamboat captain, no matter what his ethics, was usually acclaimed in pioneer communities with the hero-worship that is now reserved for great aviators and mass killers. River steamboats came relatively late to the Fraser. They were attracted thither by the gold fever that swept down the Pacific coast from the sand-bars of the river in the spring of 1858. Vessels had entered the river prior to this date, but none had ventured much beyond Fort Langley, about 30 miles from the mouth. The first vessel to enter the river was the schooner Cadboro, owned by the Hudson's Bay Company. In July, 1827, she crept slowly up-stream, carrying the men and equipment to build Fort Langley. The pioneer steamer on the river was another Hudson's Bay craft, the historic Beaver. She paid the first of her 256 Norman R. Hacking. October many visits to the fort in the autumn of 1836. Twenty-two years passed before any vessel ventured much beyond that point; and when the time came, the steamers that churned the swift currents and shallows up to Fort Hope and Fort Yale flew the American flag. Fort Langley thus marked the dividing line between British and American pioneering on the river. Citizens of San Francisco, ever lured by the magic word "gold," first heard confirmation of rumours of gold on the Fraser River with the arrival of the Pacific Mail Steamship Company's steamer Columbia from Puget Sound on April 3, 1858. The Washington Territory correspondent of the Daily Alta California, of San Francisco, writing from Olympia under date of March 26, said: " We have had great times since last I wrote you. We are crazy with the gold fever. Everybody that can get away is off to Frazer's river after gold. Mills and mines, ships and shops, roads and ranches, all contribute to swell the number of the sturdy miners. We have two steamers running on the sound . . . the Sea Bird and the Constitution. Two weeks ago, and the mails were carried round in a canoe. Now we have two steamers running opposition; both demanding the mails, entering protests, etc. Verily it is a feast or a famine."1 The only British steamers anywhere near at the time were the Beaver and her newer running-mate, the Otter, both owned by the Hudson's Bay Company. Of the two, the Beaver was absent on a trading cruise from which she did not return until the end of October. The Otter alone was therefore available for immediate service. She was at once placed on the run between Victoria and Fort Langley, but the traffic offering was far greater than she could possibly handle. Nor could she carry her passengers and freight to a point conveniently near to the gold diggings. The Otter was screw-driven, and had been designed for deep-sea service between coastal fur-trading posts. As a result she drew so much water that she could not ascend the Fraser above Fort Langley. What the trade demanded was a steamer that could go up at least another 70 miles, to the vicinity of Fort Hope. (1) Daily Alta California, San Francisco, April 4, 1858. 1944 " Steamboat 'Round the Bend." 257 Navigation of the Fraser was in law confined to British vessels, but with only the Otter available it was obvious that American steamers would have to be employed. Closest at hand were the Constitution and Sea Bird, on Puget Sound. The former was a wooden screw-steamer unsuitable for river navigation.2 She landed a few Puget Sound gold-seekers at Point Roberts, about 6 miles from the mouth of the Fraser, but before the excitement became intense her owner took her to San Francisco for repairs, where she arrived on April 14. The Sea Bird was controlled by Captain John T. Wright and his sons, who had been operating river and deep-sea craft out of San Francisco since 1849. Captain Wright was the first man to recognize the steamboat potentialities of the new gold-rush. As early as April 14, 1858, he was advertising in the San Francisco papers:— In consequence of the favorable news received from Frazer's River, the undersigned has been induced to put on the well known steamship Commodore, which will sail from Pacific Wharf on Tuesday Apr. 20, 1858, touching at Mendocino, Trinidad, Crescent City, Port Orford and Victoria, Vancouver's Island. Connecting with Steamship Sea Bird, at Port Townsend, for all ports on Puget Sound. J. T. Wright, Agents Prices of passage were $50 and $25. The steamer Commodore merits some mention, for she carried the first large party of gold-seekers from San Francisco to the Fraser River mines. She was a wooden sidewheel steamer, launched in 1850 at Williamsburgh, N.Y., as the Brother Jonathan, the name by which she was best known. Purchased in 1852 by Cornelius Vanderbilt, she operated on the Panama-San Francisco route until 1856. Captain Wright renamed her in 1858, but her career under his management was short.4 She nearly foundered in July of that year, and so unsavoury was (2) The Constitution, 167 feet long, was built in Philadelphia in 1850, and purchased by the Pacific Mail Company in 1851. She carried the Puget Sound mails for a short time in 1858 for Hunt and Seranton, but was sold by the U.S. Marshal at Olympia in March for $10,050 to Capt. A. B. Gove. See Puget Sound Herald, Steilacoom, March 19, 1858. (3) Daily Alta California, April 14, 1858. (4) As her new name would imply, Commodore Vanderbilt probably still had a financial interest in her. Captain Wright became the Vanderbilt agent in San- Francisco in 1859. See Wheaton J. Lane, Commodore Vanderbilt. An Epic of the Steam Age, New York, 1942, p. 167. 258 Norman R. Hacking. October her reputation that she was sold to the California Steam Navigation Company and reverted to her original name. She continued to run on the Pacific coast as the Brother Jonathan until July 30, 1865, when she was wrecked near Crescent City with heavy loss of life.6 A contemporary account by a passenger in the Commodore describes graphically her momentous arrival. The good people of Victoria were at church when we arrived, and were perfectly astounded when they came out, and beheld between 400 and 500 Yankees, armed with revolvers and bowie knives. . . . The owner of the Commodore, Captain Wright, I have been told, has made arrangements with the Governor of Vancouver's Island, to take the passengers from his steamers at Victoria, and run up the Frazer river, landing them at Fort Langley, at the rate of five dollars per head, they finding themselves.6 But the plans of Wright were temporarily frustrated. James Douglas, Governor of the Colony of Vancouver Island and Chief Factor of the Hudson's Bay Company, had concluded that British interests and the trading privileges of the Company could best be safeguarded by entering into a contract with the Pacific Mail Steamship Company. The latter, Douglas felt, "having steamers of every class . . . and a staff of experienced officers at their disposal" were " perhaps better qualified than any other parties" to give the necessary service on the Fraser.7 His proposal to the Pacific Mail Company was as follows:— 1st. That they should place steamers on the navigable route between this place [Victoria] and the Falls [i.e., the Canyon] of Fraser's River, 130 miles distant from its discharge into the Gulf of Georgia, for the transport of goods and passengers to that point. 2d. That they should carry the Hudson's Bay Company's goods into Fraser's River, and no other. 3d. That they carry no passengers except such as have taken out and paid for a gold mining license and permit from the Government of Vancouver's Island. 4th. That they pay to the Hudson's Bay Company, as compensation to them, at the rate of two dollars head money for each passenger carried into Fraser's River. (5) John H. Kemble, The Panama (6) Letter in Daily Alta Californ-u 1858. (7) Papers Relative to the Affairs of British Columbia, Part I., London, 1859, p. 12. (Douglas to the Colonial Secretary, May 19, 1858.) 1944 | Steamboat 'Round the Bend." 259 5th. That they should otherwise be allowed to enjoy the whole of the profits on the river transport. 6th. That arrangement to continue in force for one year from this date, and no longer.8 These terms the Pacific Mail Company undertook to accept or reject by May 24,1858. Meanwhile the impatient passengers who arrived in the Commodore were forced to proceed from Victoria to the Fraser River by canoe and barge, although some chose to accept Wright's offer to proceed to Bellingham Bay or Point Roberts via the waiting Sea Bird. No one can accuse Douglas of neglecting the interests of the Hudson's Bay Company in drafting the proposed contract. Indeed, it may well have been because he safeguarded them too well that the Pacific Mail decided not to sign. If so, they were in good company, for the terms were eventually disallowed by the Colonial Office, on the grounds that they sought to enforce on behalf of the Hudson's Bay Company rights and monopolies that the Company did not in actual fact possess.9 Meanwhile other enterprising steamboat owners were planning to take advantage of the new bonanza. Chief of these was the powerful California Steam Navigation Company, of San Francisco, which since 1854 had managed to maintain a virtual monopoly on San Francisco Bay and on the Sacramento and San Joaquin rivers. Conveniently at hand was the sidewheel steamer Surprise, which had been employed the previous winter running between San Francisco and San Diego. On May 27, 1858, she sailed from San Francisco for Victoria, under command of Captain Thomas Huntington, one of the best-known and most capable steamboat captains on the Pacific coast. " It was rumored on the streets yesterday that the steamer Surprise, advertised to sail for Puget Sound today," said the Alta California, " will make her first stop at Victoria, and if permission can be had that she will proceed direct to Frazer river, and as far as navigation will permit."10 The Surprise, which was to gain a measure of fame as the first vessel to ascend the Fraser River to Fort Hope, was a low- (8) Ibid. (9) Ibid., pp. 42-3. (The Colonial Secretary to Douglas, July 16, 1858. This dispatch did not reach Douglas until September.) (10) Daily Alta California, May 27, 1858. 260 Norman R. Hacking. October pressure sidewheel steamer, built in 1854 at Williamsburgh, N.Y., by Lawrence & Foulkes for a ship-owner named A. N. Brown. A vessel of 456 tons, she was 181.1 feet long, 27.9 feet wide, and had a depth of 9.6 feet.11 In 1856 she was sent via the Straits of Magellan to San Francisco, and there purchased by the watchful California Steam Navigation Company for $105,000, to frustrate competition.12 She arrived at Victoria on May 31, a strategic moment, for on June 3 Douglas decided to issue sufferances to American steamers, authorizing them to enter the Fraser River trade. Nominally these sufferances were for a single trip only, and were issued upon terms very similar to those in the proposed Pacific Mail contract.13 Actually sufferances issued to American steamers were renewed regularly— one might almost say automatically—and the original conditions proved so cumbersome and impracticable that even Douglas himself must have been glad to let them lapse. Two American steamers were available to take advantage of the first sufferances, the Surprise and Sea Bird. The former proved a lucky ship; the latter met with nothing but grief. The passengers in the Surprise from San Francisco included R. J. Vandewater, the agent of her owners. He was a prominent citizen who had previously been San Francisco agent for the Pacific Mail Company. Vandewater subsequently penned a lengthy account of the steamboat's first trip to Fort Hope, which appeared in the Daily Alta California.14 The little steamboat must have had good seagoing qualities, for Vandewater boasted that on her trip from San Francisco to Victoria she "behaved charmingly, and is easier in a seaway, than any ship I have ever been on board of." The fact that she (11) I am indebted to Mr. Elwin M. Eldredge, of New York, for these details. (12) See Data concerning the History of Steam Transportation on the Pacific Coast, prepared for the use of H. H. Bancroft. MS. in Bancroft Library, University of California, Berkeley, Cal. (13) For the terms in detail see Papers Relative to the Affairs of British Columbia, Part I, pp. 18-19, and Daily Alta California, June 6, 1858. (14) " Narrative of a Trip up the Fraser River on the First Trip of the Steamer Surprise." Daily Alta California, June 27, 1858. Another correspondent described the same trip in the issue of June 20, 1858. 1944 " Steamboat 'Round the Bend." 261 had already made the sea voyage from New York, and subsequently made a voyage to China, is proof of this statement. She sailed from Esquimalt to Bellingham Bay on June 1, where she coaled. This was a mistake, for she should have first called at Port Townsend, which was the United States customs port for entry to Puget Sound. She was thus liable to seizure, and Captain Hyde of the U.S. revenue cutter Lane was ordered to seize her; but before she could be captured she returned to Port Townsend, and Vandewater settled the difficulty by paying a fine imposed by the collector of the port.15 After another brief call at Victoria for passengers she proceeded again to Whatcom, on Bellingham Bay, where she found the Sea Bird, also prepared to make the ascent of the river. The Surprise left Bellingham Bay at 7.15 a.m. on June 5, and got into the Fraser River at 1.30 p.m. She ran the 30 miles to Fort Langley in exactly four hours, finding at no place less than three fathoms of water. Near the mouth she passed the Otter, which was waiting for the wind and waves to abate so she could proceed to Victoria. After reporting to the British customs, the Surprise proceeded 16 miles above Fort Langley and anchored for the night. At the fort she took aboard an Indian pilot, named Speel-est. He joined the ship barefooted and in a blanket, but returned after his successful mission in a pilot-cloth suit, white hat, and calfskin boots, the proudest Indian in the valley. He was paid $160 for his services, in eight $20 gold pieces. Henceforth he was known as Captain John. The steamboat got under way at 3.30 a.m. on the 6th, reaching Fort Hope at 2 p.m., nearly out of fuel. The crew immediately set to work to cut wood for the return trip, but their exertions were complicated by the exuberance of the populace. " We cut and sawd large trees of pitch pine, but could only split them by blasting with powder," wrote Vandewater. "This kept up a succession of reports like sounding cannon, and set the populace all agog. The 'fire boat' was an event on the strength of which most of them got drunk." By the night of June 7, ten cords were aboard. The steamboat was ready to sail down the river at 4.30 a.m. on the 9th. "Beautifully did our craft take the helm, like a (15) Daily Alta California, June 26, 1858. 262 Norman R. Hacking. October mettled horse taking his bit, and in less than five minutes we were around the point, and below the first rapid," wrote Vandewater. " We were three hours and 45 minutes to Fort Langley, and we ran to the mouth of the river in 2% hours." She reached Bellingham Bay at 7 p.m., and sailed at 3 p.m. on the 10th for Victoria, where she arrived at 8 p.m. Thus was concluded the first steamboat ascent of the Fraser River to Fort Hope. Her rival in the trade, the Sea Bird, was less suitable for the river. One reason was that she had less powerful engines, although she was a relatively large vessel of 450 tons burden, with a length of 225 feet.16 She had been brought from New York to San Francisco around the Horn in 1850-51. The voyage took no less than 240 days, and in the course of it she struck on the Island of San Martin, and had to be beached for repairs.17 She was intended for service on the Sacramento River, but was soon bought by the Wrights and employed mostly on the run between San Francisco and San Diego. In 1857 and again in 1858 she appeared on Puget Sound, and it was from there that she came to the Fraser, under the command of Captain Francis Connor. She started her initial trip up the river from Bellingham Bay on June 8.18 On arriving at Fort Langley she took aboard passengers and canoes for Fort Hope, and anchored for the night about 25 miles above Langley. Next day she found it hard going to stem the current, and was forced to anchor again 18 miles below Fort Hope and about 45 miles above Fort Langley. Here her impatient passengers were landed. After great puffing and straining the Sea Bird herself at last managed to get within a mile of Fort Hope, but was then forced to turn back. She made only one more trip, and succeeded in reaching Hope by the merest chance. " Her progress up," the Victoria Gazette states, " is reported to have been of the most curious character, sometimes the current would get the better of the battle and the steamer would drift astern despite herself."19 On June 24, on (16) Evening Picayune, San Francisco, July 31, 1851. (17) Ibid. (18) Daily Alta California, June 22, 1858. Letter from Victoria dated June 12. (19) Victoria Gazette, June 25, 1858. 1944 " Steamboat 'Round the Bend." 263 her downward trip, she grounded on Sea Bird Bar, a few miles below Hope, where she lay helpless until September 2, thereby losing the cream of the traffic to the mines. Before she could be refloated it was found necessary to hoist her up with jack- screws, build ways under her, and move her nearly 200 feet. Salvaging her was a notable achievement, and her owners considered themselves fortunate that she finally slid into deep water. Unhappily only five days later, on September 7, when bound from Victoria to Langley, she caught fire and had to be beached on Discovery Island, where she burned to the water's edge. Her engineer was unable to shut down the engines when he fled from the flames, and her wheels threshed the mud and water for half an hour before the fire cut the hull down close enough to fill and avert the imminent explosion. Two of those on board perished. The survivors included Dr. Carl Friesach, a Vienna-born professor, whose vivid account of the disaster was printed in this Quarterly three years ago.20 The wreck of the Sea Bird was sold at auction for $1,200. The purchaser succeeded in getting it afloat and it was towed into Victoria Harbour, where it was found that much of the machinery could be salvaged.21 The engines were eventually installed in the John T. Wright, built at Port Ludlow in 1859- 60.22 Thus like innumerable other early river-steamers, the Sea Bird herself vanished, but her engines went marching on. The Surprise continued to run successfully throughout the summer. The fare from Victoria to Fort Hope was $25 for passage, plus $5 for a mining licence. Freight was $4 to $7 a ton. Meals were a dollar each and berths a dollar a night.23 These rates, however, varied with the advent of competition. Much of her success must have been due to her captain. " Captain Huntington of the Surprise is the only steamboat man I ever knew who gave satisfaction to all his passengers," wrote one enthusiastic traveller to the Alta California. " His responsibili- (20) See Robie L. Reid (ed.), "Two Narratives of the Fraser River Gold-rush," in British Columbia Historical Quarterly, V. (1941), pp. 223-4. (21) Victoria Gazette, October 15, 1858. (22) E. W. Wright (ed.), Lewis & Dryden's Marine History of the Pacific Northwest, Portland, Oregon, 1895, p. 85. Hereafter cited as Lewis & Dryden. (23) Daily Alta California, July 16, 1858. 264 Norman R. Hacking. October ties and cares in this river, whose channel is not only unsounded, but is constantly changing, are great and arduous, but he performs all his duties and hospitalities, and the trust in his judgment and discretion is unbounded."24 In spite of her deficiencies the Surprise made a good-sized fortune for her owners. She made about fifteen-return trips between Victoria and the Fraser, carrying hundreds of passengers on most of them. Her capacity, if crowded, was said to be about 400,25 but she was reported more than once to have sailed with 500 on board.26 She did not remain long on the river, for her owners decided to replace her by another California Steam Navigation Company steamer, the Wilson G. Hunt, which cleared from San Francisco for Victoria on July 23,1858. The Surprise arrived back in the Bay on August 24, eighty hours from Victoria. She was employed thereabouts for a time and was afterwards sent to China by her speculative owners, and sold there in I860.27 What the Fraser River really required was a sternwheeler. As early as April 28 the Port Townsend correspondent of the Daily Alta California had written: " Some enterprising Californian ought to send a sternwheel boat up here, this is the place for her, you can carry 3% feet 20 miles above Fort Langley, the year around."28 But the first sternwheeler on the Fraser came from the Columbia River, not the Sacramento. She was the Umatilla, which arrived at Victoria on July 13.29 Her appearance was an event of the first importance, for on the Fraser, as almost everywhere on the inland waters of western America, the sternwheeler proved to be the most practical type of vessel, admirably adapted to the dangers and vagaries encountered in shallow streams and treacherous currents. During the many years that river navigation was in its heyday the type changed very little, whether on the Columbia, Fraser, Skeena, Stikine, or Yukon rivers. The (24) Ibid. (25) Victoria Gazette, July 3, 1858. (26) As for example in the Gazette for June 30, 1858. (27) Data Concerning the History of Steam Transportation on the Pacific Coast. MS. (28) Daily Alta California, May 4, 1858. (29) Victoria Gazette, July 14, 1858. 1944 " STEAMBOAT 'ROUND THE BEND." 265 Umatilla was the first of many sternwheelers on the Fraser, large and small, and it was only in comparatively recent years that they were displaced by more economical and modern means of transportation. The hulls of the sternwheelers were flat-bottomed, drawing, as a rule, no more than 2 feet of water. Their length and beam were proportionately very great. The bows were " shovel-nosed," and the hull ran aft quite straight to the huge wheel at the stern. At many of the river and lake landings there were no wharves, so the steamer simply ran her bow on to the bank, from which a plank could be laid ashore. It required only a reverse churn of her paddles to pull her back into midstream. In this free and easy fashion the sternwheelers went their way, taking things as they found them. It is no exaggeration to say that resourceful skippers could in times of necessity actually walk a steamer over a sand-bar on its paddle-wheel. The vessels were particularly adapted to pass between snags, and close to bluffs, where a side-wheel would be knocked away. The stern-wheel was generally from 18 to 24 feet in diameter, extending across the entire width of the boat. The individual paddles attached to it had a depth of about 18 inches; at no time was the wheel immersed any deeper. The boilers were well forward and the furnaces on a level with the main deck. They were generally quite open, in order to enable them to secure all the draught possible. Steam was conducted from the boilers to the engines, which were far astern, by long steam-pipes that made the main deck fearfully hot. Consequently the open spaces on this level were employed only for imperishable freight, and for Indians, Chinamen, and " niggers," who were not allowed to travel in the saloon. Above the main deck was the saloon deck, which was fitted up for passengers, generally with a few staterooms and a dining- room. The style of these furnishings varied with the type of passenger carried, the amount of competition on the river, and the age of the vessel. Sometimes yet another smaller deck was added, while surmounting everything was the pilot-house, placed at the forward extremity of the upper deck. The huge steering- wheel was connected with the rudders by means of chains running in grooves along the hurricane deck. 266 Norman R. Hacking. October The engines were of the high-pressure type, with consequent severe strain on the boilers. Steamboat laws were lax in the early days, and explosions took many lives, generally because of faulty boilers or excessive steam-pressures.80 Commander R. C. Mayne gives an excellent description of the joys and perils of navigation on the Fraser at this time in his well-known volume, Four Years in British Columbia and Vancouver Island. He says:— There is something very exciting about it, certainly; struggling up the river against the stream, the greatest risk comes from the overcharged boilers giving way; but tearing down the current at some twelve or fourteen knots an hour,31 bumping over shoals, striking against snags, and shooting rapids, is far more animated work. Snags, which form the most dangerous impediment to the navigation of rivers like the Fraser, are, as may be known to most of my readers, large trees which, having been carried down the stream to a shallow spot, become firmly embedded there. As a rule, they float down the river heavy end first, so that when they stick the upper part of the trunk opposes the stream and is worn by it to a sharp point, in many cases sufficiently below the surface to be hidden from the steers- Going up against the current, therefore, at a comparatively slow pace, the steamer can afford to disregard the snags; for if she strikes on one, it is easy to shut off the steam and drift back from it. But spinning down the current, it is a very serious matter for one of these large unwieldy boats to become transfixed upon a well-rooted, obstinate snag. In some spots of the Fraser an awkward snag may equally impede the navigation of a steamer up or down the stream. One, known as the Umatilla Snag, from a steamer of that name having first struck upon it, lies in a very narrow and rapid bend of the river, at which, from the swiftness of the current, the steamer is very liable to be caught and drifted back upon it, after, as she imagined, having safely passed it. Upon one occasion, when I was going up the river in the " Enterprise," no less than three times after we had struggled past the snag the strong current caught and swung us broadside across the stream; and it was only by running the vessel's bow into the muddy bank without a moment's hesitation, and holding her there by the nose, as it were, until she recovered breath to make another effort, that we escaped impalement. There was something very exciting in this struggle between the forces of steam and water. Each time, as we hung by the bank, the engineer might be heard below freshening his fires, and getting up as much steam as the boilers could, or might not, bear for the next effort. The wheel-house in these vessels is situated forward, so that there (30) This description is based in part on the account in R. Byron Johnson, Very Far West Indeed: A Few Rough Experiences on the North-west Pacific Coast, London, 1872, pp. 55-7, 63-6. (31) This is a curiously unnautical expression for a naval officer to use. 1944 " Steamboat 'Round the Bend." 267 is almost direct communication between it and the engine-room.32 By the helm stands the captain. " Ho! Frank," he hails down the tube, " how much steam have you? " " So many pounds," is Frank's reply. " Guess you must give her ten pounds more, or we shan't get past that infernal snag." And then more stoking is heard below, and the unpleasant feeling comes over the listener that the boilers lie just beneath his feet, and that, if anything should happen to them, there can be no doubt about his fate. But, presently, Frank's voice sounds again. " All ready, Cap'en: can't give her any more! " The skipper loses no time; " Stand by, then! " is his response. Then, to the men forward, who have made a rope fast to some stump on the bank to keep the boat from dropping off, " Let go! " and she falls off for a second or two; her bow cants out a little: " ting! ting! ting! " goes the engine-room bell, the signal for full speed ahead; every timber of the lightly built vessel trembles. We watch the trees on the bank eagerly to see if she moves ahead. Presently she drops a little, but her head is still kept up; then the stream catches her on one bow. "Stand by with the trip-pole! " is heard, and, as she swings round, " Trip! " is shouted from the wheel-house. Into the swift shallow water the heavy pole plunges, and perhaps she is brought up by it and run into the bank again; or, as probably, if the bottom should be hard and rocky, or the water deeper than was thought, away she flies down the river until she is brought up against the bank or across the snag. The perseverance of the Yankee skipper in overcoming these difficulties is certainly remarkable. Upon one occasion, after making four unsuccessful efforts to steam past this " Umatilla Snag," all the men had to be landed and track her past the dangerous spot. So further up it was found necessary to resort to the same tedious process, and the united strength of crew and passengers with difficulty got her over a few hundred yards in the space of two hours, " Frank " below in his engine-room cramming on all the steam he could to help us. Nor is the composure with which the captain meets and remedies an accident less remarkable. A supply of tarred blankets is always kept handy for service, and if a hole is stove in the steamer's bottom, the captain coolly runs her ashore on the nearest convenient shoal, jams as many blankets into the crevice as seem necessary, nails down a few boards over them, and continues his journey composedly. He is often reduced to very serious straits, no doubt, and is not at all particular in the use of means to master a difficulty. I was assured by a passenger in the " Enterprise " to Hope in 1859, that he saw the contents of a cask of bacon turned on to the fires when additional steam to pass a troublesome rapid was necessary.33 The Umatilla was not an imposing specimen of the sternwheeler, but she had the shallow draught and powerful engines that made the type so well adapted for the Fraser. She had (32) This should be boiler-room. The engines were aft. (33) R. C. Mayne, Four Years in British Columbia and Vancouver Island, London, 1862, pp. 90-93. 268 Norman R. Hacking. October been built by Thompson & Coe on the Upper Columbia, near the Cascades, as the Venture, but set out on her trial trip with insufficient steam up, was caught in the swift currents, carried down through the rapids, and badly damaged.34 She was then purchased by the firm of Ainsworth, Leonard & Green, who repaired the hull, renamed her Umatilla, and dispatched her to Victoria in tow of the mail steamer Columbia, in order to partake of the lucrative Fraser River trade. Her length was 110 feet, and beam 22 feet.86 When light she drew 14 inches forward and 19 inches aft; loaded, her draught was 28 inches.36 Her only defect seems to have been her passenger accommodation, which at least one passenger found distinctly rough and ready: " It did not contain any cabins and even mattresses and blankets were lacking; the floor of the saloon was so covered with coal dust that it was impossible to lie down [for the night] without getting very dirty."37 On her first trip the Umatilla was commanded by one of her owners, Captain J. C. Ainsworth, who later made millions on the Columbia.38 The pilot was Captain Thomas Gladwell, who succeeded Ainsworth in command. On this trip the little vessel demonstrated her ability to cope with the Fraser's currents by reaching not only Fort Hope but Fort Yale, the highest point on the river a steamer can go. An eye-witness account of her arrival at Yale on July 21 has survived, and deserves quotation :— On our return, about half-past noon, the town was thrown into a high state of excitement, upon hearing the report of a cannon and the screech- ings of a steam-whistle, and a rumor gaining circulation that a little stern- wheel steamer was on her way up the river. Everybody was soon on the lookout, and canoes were sent beyond the bend of the river, to ascertain the (34) She went over the falls on May 11, 1858. See Daily Alta California, May 23, 1858. (35) Lewis & Dryden, pp. 72-3, n. 48, for an account of the accident. Other dimensions were: depth of hold 4 feet 6 inches; engines, 14 by 48 (36) Victoria Gazette, July 24,1858. (37) The complaint was made by Dr. Freisach. See British Columbia Historical Quarterly, V. (1941), p. 224. (38) For a short biography of Captain Ainsworth (1822-93), who was later the moving spirit in the Oregon Steam Navigation Company, see Lewis & Dryden, p. 90, n. 17. 1944 " Steamboat 'Round the Bend." 269 cause of the strange noises and the truth of the report. Soon we learned by the shoutings along the banks of the river and the continuous discharge of guns and pistols, that the report was true; whereupon, there was the greatest rejoicing and pleasure manifested by everyone, and powder was burnt amidst the wildest excitement. In a few minutes, the Umatilla—the pioneer steamboat on Fraser River above Fort Hope—made her first appearance to the people of Yale, and was warmly welcomed. Before her plank was shoved ashore, a number of men were clambering up her sides, eager to get aboard. The Indians, too, partook of the enthusiasm, and seemed delighted at—to them—the novel spectacle. She made the passage from Fort Hope to Fort Yale in five hours, one hour of which time she was aground, but without any accident. Immediately after arrival a dinner was prepared on board, and a number of the principal inhabitants invited to partake of it. After dinner, exactly at thirteen minutes past three o'clock, she started on her first down trip. Desiring to be one of the passengers of the first steamboat that ever penetrated above Fort Hope on her pioneer trip, I put my blankets aboard. We came down like " a streak of chain lightning," with a very light head of steam, being precisely fifty-one minutes on the way. On her upward passage, she was welcomed by the miners on the banks of the river with shouts of joy, and the firing of guns and pistols all along the route.3' Contemporary accounts state that the Umatilla reached Yale with her boiler pressure no higher than 70 lb., whereas she was designed for pressures as high as 120 lb. The return trip from Yale to Victoria was accomplished in sixteen hours, running time.40 On her second trip, instead of proceeding to Hope and Yale from Fort Langley, the Umatilla turned up the Harrison River, which joins the Fraser some distance below Hope, and explored Harrison Lake. Much attention was being given at this time to the development of a travel route to Lillooet, on the upper Fraser, by way of the chain of waterways beyond Harrison Lake, and the Umatilla's pioneer run attracted much interest. A special correspondent accompanied her, and a detailed description of her progress appeared in the Victoria Gazette. Eighty passengers were on board when she left Langley on Sunday, July 25.41 Some ten minutes inside the entrance from Fraser River, the word was passed to " wood up! " and the Umatilla was headed into a quiet little cove, (39) Alexander Begg, History of British Columbia, Toronto, 1894, p. 282. (40) Victoria Gazette, July 24, 1858. (41) The date is incorrectly given as July 26 in the Victoria Gazette, July 28,1858. 270 Norman R. Hacking. October which was named after the boat, where all hands, passengers and all, sprang ashore with the alacrity of school boys, to cut and collect the required fuel. This cove is . . . backed by a dense fir and cedar forest whose defunct members furnished material for wood choppers and carriers for about an Her fuel supply replenished, the Umatilla continued up the Harrison River into Harrison Lake. At nightfall she tied up to a snag, and the next morning completed the run to the head of the lake. We know that she made at least one more trip up the Harrison. The Gazette records that in August the Otter left Victoria carrying 260 men who had contracted to work on the Lillooet trail. Off Point Roberts she met the Umatilla, which took her passengers aboard, and carried them on to Harrison Lake.43 The Umatilla only spent about ten weeks on the Fraser, for not long after she arrived she was exchanged by her owners for the sternwheeler Maria. The reason for this exchange gives . an insight into steamboat practices of the day. The Maria had been purchased by Lubbock Brothers from the California Steam Navigation Company, which had secured a monopoly on the Sacramento River by the process of buying up all the vessels that attempted to oppose them. These they sold occasionally for use on other rivers, with the stipulation that they should never be brought back to the Sacramento. By trading the Maria for the Umatilla, the owners of the former were able to return to the Sacramento and once more force the monopoly to buy them out. This practice was very common in the Pacific Northwest. Wherever there was a lucrative trade, some competitor would squeeze in with a worthless hulk, cut the rates, and force the original company to buy off the competition at an exorbitant price.44 The Maria was practically new, as she had been in service for only a little more than a year. She was 127 feet long, 24 (42) Victoria Gazette, July 28, 1858. See also Daily Alta California, August 2, 1858. (43) Ibid., August 11, 1858. (44) The Maria, for example, is mento for $22,500, and sold for s Gazette, July 21, 1858. 1944 " Steamboat 'Round the Bend." 271 feet wide, and drew only 2 feet of water when carrying 75 tons of freight.46 Most of the river-steamers that had to brave the open sea in order to reach the Fraser were badly knocked about, but the Maria arrived in excellent condition, thanks to the ingenuity of Captain William M. Lubbock:— ... To carry out his plans he chartered the barge Sacramento, which he loaded to five feet draft with brick and coal. He then hauled the barge into position in the dock, sunk it and floated the Maria aboard, afterward lightening the barge and securing the tug Hercules to pump it out. Two masts were then stepped through the bottom of the steamer to the keelson of the barge, and the combination craft was schooner-rigged as a safeguard against accident to the tug which was to accompany her. The start from the Bay City [San Francisco] was made in tow of the Sacramento Transportation Company's tug Martin White, and in due course they reached Esquimalt, the only delay having been a week's lay-over at Port Orford during a spell of bad weather. On arrival at Esquimalt the masts were removed, the boat jacked up and repaired, and when all was in readiness the barge was sunk and the steamer floated.46 The Maria left San Francisco on July 29. Before the end of August she was running on the Fraser. Governor Douglas and other Government and Hudson's Bay Company officials travelled in her to Fort Langley and Hope on one of her first trips.47 As sternwheelers frequently found the Strait of Georgia too rough for comfort and safety, she spent most of her time on the river itself, usually connecting with the Otter, which brought passengers and freight from Victoria to the mouth of the Fraser or to Fort Langley. The Umatilla's last round trip to the river ended at Victoria on October 2. Captain Gladwell was in command.48 In Esquimalt Harbour the barge Sacramento was waiting, and she was floated aboard and taken to California in the same fashion as the Maria had been brought north. Few steamers in the Northwest have had more " firsts " to their credit than the Umatilla. She was the first sternwheel steamer on the middle Columbia, the first steamer (even though unintentionally so) to go over the Cascades, the first steamer to (45) Details given when she was advertised for sale in the Victoria Gazette, October 21, 1858. (46) Lewis & Dryden, p. 74. (47) Victoria Gazette, August 31, 1858. (48) Ibid., October 5, 1858. 272 Norman R. Hacking. October reach Fort Yale, on the Fraser, and the first to explore Harrison River and Harrison Lake.49 The Wrights, who had brought the sidewheeler Sea Bird to the Fraser, knew as well as their rivals that a sternwheel steamer was much the best type of craft for the river. In July, about the time the Umatilla arrived, one of Captain Wright's sons, Captain Thomas Wright, went to Oregon and there purchased the sternwheeler Enterprise. To distinguish her from other vessels of the same name, several of which found their way to the Fraser, she was known ever after as " Tom Wright's Enterprise," after her famous owner and skipper. The Enterprise had been built in the fall of 1855 for the Willamette River trade, and ran between Oregon City and Cor- vallis until 1858. She was 115 feet long, 22 feet wide, and could carry 80 tons of freight on 26 inches of water.50 Captain Wright lined her over the falls of the Willamette, took her down the Columbia to Astoria, and started her for Victoria in tow of the mail steamer. The mouth of the Columbia was a dreaded spot in those days, and the Enterprise . . . was so terribly racked in crossing out that she began leaking, and it was only by the merest chance that they got her back into shallow water at Astoria before she sank.M Having been raised and repaired, she tried again, and this time reached Victoria safely on August 19, in tow of the Pacific.™ The Enterprise was perhaps the best-known of all the early steamers on the Fraser, and she carried a substantial portion (49) Compare Lewis & Dryden, p. 72-3, n. 48. (50) Details given when she was : Gazette, October 21, 1858. She had e Dryden, p. 56. (51) Lewis & Dryden, p. 57. (52) Victoria Gazette, August 21, 1858, p. 3. The Enterprise seems actually to have arrived on the night of August 19 (see ibid., news item on p. 2), but her formal entry in the port records was evidently dated August 20. According to Lewis & Dryden, p. 57, she was towed from Astoria by the mail steamer Pacific, which arrived at Esquimalt on the afternoon of the 19th (see ibid., August 20, 1858). If the Pacific cast off the Enterprise and left her to proceed under her own power as soon as she was safely within the Straits, this would account for the difference in their times of arrival. The point is of some interest, for if the Pacific (a Vanderbilt steamer) did tow the Enterprise, it would strengthen the suggestion that Vanderbilt and the Wrights were working together. 1944 & STEAMBOAT 'ROUND THE BEND." 273 of the traffic offering. Relatively comfortable accommodation and the popularity and resourcefulness of Captain Tom Wright contributed to that end. Like most of the sternwheelers, she was unsuitable for the more or less open water between Victoria and the river's mouth, and to serve that part of the route, and connect with her, the Wrights co-operated with the sidewheeler Wilson G. Hunt. The Hunt's long and colourful career began in New York, where she was built in 1849 for the Coney Island excursion trade. Only a few months after her completion it was decided to send her to California, where the gold-rush was in full swing. Carl D. Lane thus describes her voyage thither:— The Wilson G. Hunt left New York on March 3, 1850, in command of Captain G. W. Spall, and arrived at St. Georges, Bermuda, on Sunday, the 10th, in a wrecked condition—leaking, foremast gone, upper works torn to pieces,—having narrowly escaped foundering during a violent gale on the 8th and 9th. An immense sea struck her, sweeping away bulwarks, extinguished the fire, and killed a fireman. . . . After repairs had been made, she proceeded, but was obliged to put into other ports for minor repairs, finally arriving at Montevideo, where she laid for nearly three months waiting for a crew. The entire trip took 322 days.63 The Wilson G. Hunt was a good-sized steamer, 185 feet 6 inches long, 25 feet 6 inches wide, and of 468 tons gross. She had a " steeple " engine, with a 36-inch cylinder and a stroke of 108 inches. She reaped a fantastic harvest for her owners in California, where she was reputed to have cleared over a million dollars in one year in the Sacramento River trade.64 She came to British Columbia in August, 1858, under the command of Captain A. M. Burns. Her first venture in these waters was discouraging and she remained only two months. Trade had fallen off sharply, for by the late summer the first shallow claims had been pretty well worked out and the rich gold-deposits on the upper Fraser had not yet been uncovered. Hundreds of men were leaving the mines and a general exodus seemed imminent. On October 2—the same day the Umatilla arrived from her last trip to the Fraser—the Wilson G. Hunt ended what proved to be her final voyage of the year. On the 7th she sailed for San (53) Carl D. Lane, American Paddle Steamboats, New York, 1943, p. 86. Quoted by kind permission of the publishers, Coward-McCann, Inc. (54) Lewis & Dryden, p. 73. 274 Norman R. Hacking. October Francisco.66 Unlike the Umatilla, however, the Hunt was soon to return to British Columbia, and it will be of interest to summarize her later career here. She arrived back from the south in May, 1859, and was placed on the Puget Sound and Victoria run. In 1860 she was back on the route to the Fraser, under Captain H. H. Welch, and for a time paid well. Later in the year, because of declining trade, she was laid up at Victoria. After a year of idleness she was sent to the Columbia and sold to the Oregon Steam Navigation Company, for whom she coined money. She was rebuilt in Portland in 1865, and in 1869 returned to Puget Sound, at which time the Wrights had an interest in her. Later still she was sent back to San Francisco, where she was purchased very cheaply in 1877 by Captain John Irving, who brought her back to Victoria for the fourth time, registered her under the British flag, and placed her on the Victoria-New Westminster run. In 1881 she was sold to Joseph Spratt, of Victoria, who operated her in his East Coast Mail Line. In 1883 she was repurchased by Captain Irving's Canadian Pacific Navigation Company, in order to dispose of Spratt's competition. She soon sank at her dock, and the hulk was sold finally in 1890 to Cohn & Company, of San Francisco, who broke her up and burned her for scrap in Victoria. In September and early October of 1858 the outlook on the Fraser was dark. Although the Surprise, Umatilla, and Wilson G. Hunt had all been withdrawn, there was little enough trade left for the Otter, Maria, and Enterprise. In October both the Maria and Enterprise were advertised for sale, the price in each instance being $25,000.66 By the end of the month, however, things were looking up; the steamers were off the market and once more paying their way. Late in the season the river fell rapidly, hazards of navigation increased, and both the Maria and Enterprise suffered minor misfortunes. Upon one occasion the Maria grounded on a bar 3 miles below the Harrison River and remained stuck fast for ten days.57 Soon after this the Enterprise had a still more un- (55) Victoria Gazette, October 5 and 8, 1868. (56) Ibid., October 21, 1858. (57) Ibid., December 9 and 30, 1858. 1944 " Steamboat 'Round the Bend." 275 pleasant experience. She left Hope with 125 passengers, but after a few miles ice in the river made it impossible for her to proceed and she was frozen in. The plight of those on board was serious, as there were few provisions available. About a hundred persons decided to leave the steamer and continue the journey by land, and many of them suffered greatly from exposure. Meanwhile Captain Wright made every effort to work the vessel free, and after three days finally succeeded. The Enterprise thereupon came down the river blowing her whistle and firing guns to attract attention, and picked up all of her company that she could find.68 Several other vessels deserve mention in any chronicle of American steamers on the Fraser, however brief. One of these is the Julia Barclay, or Julia, as she was known for most of her career. She was " a very handsome craft," with a length of 145 feet and a beam of 25 feet,69 and was built at Port Gamble by a syndicate headed by Captain George Barclay. As she was the first steamer constructed on Puget Sound her launching on September 11, 1858, was a gala occasion.60 The Julia was also the first vessel expressly designed for service on the Fraser, but owing to the trade slump her owners decided to send her to the Columbia. She spent a few days at Victoria at the end of September, but cleared for Astoria on October l.61 She returned the next spring and ran for a few months from Victoria to Puget Sound ports and to New Westminster, which had by that time come into being on the Fraser. In April, 1860, she ran an exciting race across the Gulf of Georgia with the Hudson's Bay steamer Beaver. The old veteran arrived at New Westminster thirty-five minutes ahead of her new American rival, a considerable amount of money changing hands over the affair.62 Her owners must have felt the stigma of this defeat, for the same month she again cleared for the Columbia. She ran on that stream until 1872, when she was dismantled. Rumour has it (58) Ibid., December 18, 1858. (59) Ibid., September 28,1858; also Lewis & Dryden, p. 74, n. 52. The Julia's depth of hold was 5 feet 7 inches, her engines were 16 by 72 inches, and her boiler was 33 feet long. (60) Victoria Gazette, September 15,1858; Lewis & Dryden, p. 72, n. 52. (61) Victoria Gazette, September 28, October 2, 1858. (62) Victoria Colonist, April 3, 1860. 1 276 Norman R. Hacking. October that she ended her days somewhat ingloriously as a pigsty in the boneyard at Portland.63 How many steamers started for the Fraser and failed to arrive we do not know, but the number included the Latona, another sternwheeler, that left San Francisco on August 3,1858, in tow of the Santa Cruz. She suffered so much damage that she got no farther north than the mouth of the Columbia.64 The smallest vessel to complete the journey was the Ranger No. 2, Captain Hill, a steam launch some 40 feet long, that ran between Victoria and the river, weather permitting, in September and October.65 Diminutive in everything but name was the better- known Leviathan, built at Benicia, California, early in 1858. She was named Leviathan in honour of the original name of the famous Great Eastern, the greatest steamer in the world at that time, whose launching caused a world-wide sensation in 1858. The first arrival of the little Leviathan under steam power at San Francisco from nearby Benicia was described at length in the Daily Alta California:— Our harbor was honored yesterday [April 17, 1858], by the presence of the steamship Leviathan, (not of England, but of Benicia,) which vessel arrived at this place in a passage of 2 hours and 50 minutes, exceeding the average passage of our river boats, with a consumption of only 120 pounds of coal. Her dimensions are as follows: Length 51' 9"; beam, 10' 1"; depth 4' 2". She is schooner rigged, and presents quite a tasteful appearance, and is fitted with a vertical engine, connected by direct action with the shaft that turns a two-bladed propellor of 3' 4" in diameter. . . . The engines and boiler were built by the Pacific Mail S.S. Company's works at Benicia. . . . The hull is a fine specimen of the " clipper steamer" with hollow water lines, and.a beautiful clearance, constructed by her owner, Mr. C Allison of Benicia, who has devoted much time and attention to the (63) Lewis & Dryden, p. 74, n. 52. (64) Ibid., pp. 73-4; Victoria Gazette, August 11, 1858. The Latona was built at San Francisco for trade between San Francisco, Sacramento, and Red Bluff. Her principal owner was Captain E. J. Weeks. She made her first departure from San Francisco on April 15, 1857, arriving at Sacramento the next day. Sacramento Union, April 17, 1857. (65) Victoria Gazette, September 8, October 5, 1858; Lewis & Dryden, p. 73. The Ranger had been bought off the Sacramento River in April, 1858, by the ubiquitous California Steam Navigation Company. Sacramento Union, April 23, 1858. After her trips to the Fraser she ran to Puget Sound. She cleared from Victoria for Port Townsend on June 13, 1859. Victoria Colonist, June 15, 1859. 1944 I Steamboat 'Round the Bend." 277 screw propulsion of vessels as an auxiliary power, with a view to demonstrate the superiority of the screw over the paddle-wheel. With a consumption of coal not exceeding 40 pounds per hour, she attains a speed of 8 knots, and with the aid of sail has run 11 % knots—a result in proportion to her size engine and draft, never before accomplished. Altogether she may be regarded as a success, of which her constructor and Mr. James Pollock, the builder of her engines, may well be proud.66 With the news of the Fraser River gold-rush the Leviathan was sent north on the deck of the steamer Panama in July, 1858. At that time she was owned by Messrs. Dall, French & Company. She was put afloat in Esquimalt Harbour on July 22, though not without a small misadventure. " From some oversight in adjusting the ropes by which her launch was regulated, the little boat slipped out of her fastenings while poised in the air and entered the water with a furious plunge. . . ."67 None the worse for this experience, she steamed around to Victoria on Sunday, July 25, firing her guns as a salute, which caused some sensation.68 She was ready for service a few days later, and was advertised as available " for towing Vessels, Lighters, or Barges."69 She was employed for a short time on the Langley and Puget Sound routes, under Captain Bulger. In the spring of 1859 she was sent to the Columbia, where she remained until 1864, when she returned to Victoria. There she was transferred to British registry and purchased as a yacht for His Excellency, Governor Seymour, and in this capacity met with the derision of the good democrats of British Columbia. On more than one occasion she was referred to in the local press as a . . . useless and expensive relic of an effete and luxurious administration. And again when news came that she was to be sold: The expensive toy will be improved off the face of these waters ... it has cost more dollar for dollar to " run " the animal than to capture a school of leviathans.70 In November, 1869, the Colonial government received the sum of $1,320 by selling her at auction. She was placed on the run to San Juan Island in 1871, and eventually wore herself out jobbing around Victoria. She was listed in the official registers for the last time in 1877, when she was owned by Captain C. (66) Daily Alta California, April 18, 1858. (67) Victoria Gazette, July 24, 1858. (68) Daily Alta California, August 2, 1858. (69) Victoria Gazette, July 29, 1858. (70) Victoria Colonist, August 25, August 31, 1869. 1 278 Norman R. Hacking. October Mayers, of Burrard Inlet, and operated as a tug in the Inlet and nearby waters. She was broken up the next year. By the end of 1858 it was apparent that sufficient British vessels would be available shortly to handle the Fraser River trade. The days of American pioneering were drawing to a close. On September 8 the sidewheeler Caledonia, the first steamer launched on Vancouver Island, took the water at Victoria. She was built by J. W. Trahey for Faulkner, Bell & Company, of San Francisco. Her dimensions were: length 100 feet, width 18 feet 6 inches, depth 5 feet 3 inches.71 She made her trial trip around the harbour on September 16,72 and after an excursion to San Juan Island ran for a time from Victoria to Esquimalt. She subsequently ran to the Fraser River for many years.78 On October 30 the old Beaver returned to Victoria from her trading cruise in northern waters. The same day the fine new stern- wheel steamer Governor Douglas was launched from a shipyard beside the Songhees Indian village, on Victoria Harbour.74 She was expected to be ready for service in about three weeks, but owing to a delay in the delivery of her machinery she did not make her trial trip until late in January, 1859.76 The Governor Douglas was 145 feet long and 26 feet wide. A second steamer, the slightly larger Colonel Moody, was put in hand at once, and was completed in July, 1859. Both vessels were operated by the British Columbia and Victoria Navigation Company, in which the celebrated Captain William Irving was senior partner. The company came quickly to the front in the Fraser River trade, and in 1859 purchased the Maria from her American owners and transferred her to British registry. She was operated chiefly on the Harrison River route, under the command of Thomas Gladwell, William Irving, and other well-known river (71) Victoria Gazette, September 9, 1858. (72) Ibid., September 17, 1858. (73) The original engine of the Caledonia was of only twenty-five horsepower, but new and much more powerful machinery was installed in July, 1859. Victoria Gazette, July 16, 1859. She blew up on November 2, 1859, killing a fireman and wounding five others. She drifted in the Gulf for twenty-eight hours, but was repaired and returned to service. Victoria Gazette, November 10, 1859. She was also known variously as the New Caledonia and Caledonian. (74) Victoria Gazette, November 2, 1858. (75) Ibid., January 25, 1859. 1944 & Steamboat 'Round the Bend." 279 captains. The Maria remained on the Fraser for four years, much longer than any of the other American pioneers. She left the river finally in July, 1862, when she was sold and taken by her new owners to the Columbia, where freights were high and steamers scarce at the time. Her somewhat perilous ocean journey was made under the command of Captain Robert Haley. She soon got herself into difficulties, as she had entered Astoria on the old certificate of registry given at San Francisco, thereby ignoring the intervening transfer to British ownership.76 She was seized by the United States Marshal and tied up at a wharf in Portland, where she sank early in 1864 due to disrepair. She was sold for $5,500, and raised for the sake of the machinery, which was removed from the hull.77 Captain Tom Wright's Enterprise, the other American steamer still running on the Fraser at the end of 1858, left the river in the fall of 1859. Trade had declined again, and Captain Wright, looking about for fresh fields to conquer, took the Enterprise to Grays Harbor and then up the Chehalis River. She was nearly lost in the Strait of Juan de Fuca, and when she got to the Chehalis sank three times before she reached its headwaters. The venture did not prove profitable, so the steamer was laid up. Later she was dismantled and her machinery transported overland to the Sound.78 Her owner always considered it the great blunder of his career that he took his vessel off the Fraser while she was yet a paying proposition. The Enterprise is said to have received more money for a single run than any other steamer ever operated on the Fraser, Wright having.been paid $25,000 for a special run from Victoria to Murderer's Bar. In conclusion, some notice must be taken of the American sidewheeler Eliza Anderson. It is true that she was not completed until 1859 and that she came to the Fraser only occasionally; but she plied the waters of British Columbia for so many years that she deserves mention. She was launched at Portland in November, 1858, and ran her trials early in January, 1859. She was 140 feet long, 24 (76) Under the U.S. steamship laws of that time no vessel once of foreign register could be readmitted t (77) Victoria Colonist, March 30, (78) For additional details see Le 1 280 Norman R. Hacking. feet 6 inches wide, and of 279 tons register.79 She was named in honour of the daughter of Alexander Caulfield Anderson, the veteran Hudson's Bay official and first Collector of Customs at Victoria. The Eliza was soon acquired by Captain John T. Wright and associates, who took her to Puget Sound. There she "began a career of money-making which has never been equaled by so slow a boat."80 From 1859 until 1870 she maintained a monopoly of the Victoria-Puget Sound run, and made many side-trips to New Westminster, on the Fraser, as well. Every attempt at competition was thwarted by her vigorous owners. She made several voyages to the north during the Cassiar gold excitement, and then from 1877 to 1882 experienced her first spell of idleness, at a Seattle wharf. In the latter year she sank at the dock. In 1883 she was raised by Captain Tom Wright, who ran her to New Westminster, and then engaged in one of the most spectacular of the many Puget Sound steamboat wars. In 1886 she passed out of the hands of the Wrights, and after jobbing about the Sound for another three years she was laid up in Snohomish slough, forgotten, and allowed to rot.81 In 1897 the first news of the Klondyke rush brought an immediate demand for steam tonnage. American steamboat laws were lax, and the owners of the Eliza Anderson had the audacity to resurrect her from the boneyard and fit her up for the Alaska trade. On August 10, 1897, she sailed from Seattle for St. Michael with 100 passengers and 400 tons of freight.82 It was her last voyage; and, as was to be expected, the venerable coffin never reached her destination. After a perilous trip up the coast she foundered off Unalaska, fortunately without loss of life. One distinction came ijo her as the result of this voyage; she was the sole vessel that lived to participate in both the Fraser River rush of 1859 and the Yukon rush of 1897. Norman R. Hacking. Royal Canadian Naval Volunteer Reserve. (79) Ibid., pp. 76-7. (80) Ibid., for a general account of her career up to 1889. (81) By this time the combination of affection and derision with which she was regarded had given rise to the sobriquet Lousy Anderson! (82) Vancouver News-Advertiser, August 11, 1897. BOOM DAYS IN PRINCE GEORGE* 1906-1913. During the years from 1906 until the outbreak of the Great War in 1914 the great game of Western Canada was speculation in real estate. Two new transcontinental railways—the Canadian Northern and the Grand Trunk Pacific—were under construction, and the buying and selling of lots for profit was rife in every town and city springing up in anticipation or as a result of their coming. Along the line of the Grand Trunk Pacific Railway in British Columbia the townsites of Hazelton, Smithers, Houston, Fort Fraser, and Willow River were among those exploited in this way. But the development of South and Central Fort George overshadowed all the others in this area. The first sod of the Grand Trunk Pacific was turned in 1906, in Manitoba,1 and the advance guard of fortune-seekers began to trickle into Fort George, then a Hudson's Bay Company trading- post and little else, the same year. A. G. Hamilton, who had been operating a store as a free-trader at Giscome Portage, arrived and took up a pre-emption immediately south of the Hudson's Bay property, where he opened a store in opposition to the post. A pre-emption west of the post was occupied by James Bird, and one south of Hamilton's belonged to Joseph Thapage, while the next farther south on the banks of the Fraser was taken up by Pierre Rois. In the same year, 1906, George Wil- * The writer has been a resident of Prince George for three years only, and so had no part in the stirring events described in this article. Information has been gathered from numerous printed sources and from a considerable number of people. Among those to whom he is indebted are: Miss Madge Wolfenden, Acting Provincial Archivist; the archives department of the Vancouver Daily Province; Neil McKelvie, editor of the Prince George Citizen; Miss Jeanette Sargent, librarian, North Central District, Public Library Commission; the late Bishop of Cariboo; Samuel Pollinger; Charles H. Wisenden; Fred J. Shearer; George B.Williams; J. Simonson; William L. Hughes; Mrs. J. Munro; Ernest H. Burden; M. C. Wiggins; R. A. Harlow, and others.—F. E. R. (1) See J. A. Lower, "The Construction of the Grand Trunk Pacific Railway in British Columbia," British Columbia Historical Quarterly, IV. (1940), pp. 163-81. 282 F. E. Runnalls. October liams arrived to prepare for the transportation of the railway survey parties which were to follow. In February, 1907, George Ovasko, one of the first farmers in the district, arrived to spy out the land. After looking about he took up a pre-emption some distance west, on the banks of the Nechako River, near the present Otway station. In April, Charles W. Moore came in from Quesnel by dog-team with the two Indian mail-carriers, who were bringing in the monthly mail to the Fort. He was accompanied by L. C. Gunn, a Grand Trunk Pacific surveyor, who was coming in to work on the survey throughout the district. Moore tells us that when he came in, the only white man was A. G. Hamilton, and the only means of getting food and supplies was by canoe or scow from Quesnel. The Indians still depended largely on salmon for their food, and they were frequently seen taking eight or nine hundred salmon in one night with a dip-net, while the Indian girls sang all night as a kind of charm to make good fishing. Moore settled on land west of what was later the Central Fort George townsite, and the following winter (1907-08) guarded a surveyor's cache some distance east.2 During 1907 and 1908 a few pre-emptions in the direction of Giscome Portage were also taken up. The railway survey proceeded apace, and in 1908, when it was well advanced, three of the officials made a trip of inspection along the survey line right through to Prince Rupert. These were B. B. Kelliher, the chief engineer; C. C. Vanarsdol, the chief engineer of the district from Edmonton to Prince Rupert, who is credited with actually locating the grade through the mountains; and Bob Lett, the publicity and colonization agent.3 Among those who worked with the survey parties who have remained as permanent residents of the district are George Williams, L. C. Gunn, and A. K. Bourchier. A few pioneer trappers came in about the same time, among whom were Joe McNamee, Jack Evans, and Hank Munro. Of the first of these George Williams says:— (2) See Fort George Weekly Tribune, January 24, 1914; Prince George Citizen, January 3,1919. (3) These details related to the writer by Charles H. Wisenden, of Prince George, who in 1908 was in Winnipeg, in the employ of the Grand Trunk Development Company. 1944 Boom Days in Prince George. 283 Joe was getting on in years then (1907), but there was no better trapper, or hunter in central B. C. Old " crooknecked " Joe used to bring a boat up from Revelstoke every spring and take it clear up to the McGregor River headwaters. He'd pole the river and when need be use block and tackle to drag the heavy boat overland.4 Fort George had changed but little during the hundred years since its founding in 1807. It was still a small Hudson's Bay post and Indian village. But promise of the coming of a transcontinental railway, together with the assurance that there would be a divisional point at the confluence of the Nechako and Fraser Rivers, focused the attention of real-estate promoters and land speculators upon the strategic situation of this area. One of the best known of these was George J. Hammond, who had had some experience in financial ventures, including the selling of I tips " on the wheat market at Chicago and of real estate in different western towns, including Nelson, B.C. He had discovered the possibilities of advertising and high-pressure salesmanship, and he was able to exploit both of these at Fort George. He became interested in the area in 1908, and in the fall of that year staked a considerable tract of land about 2 miles west of the Hudson's Bay property, and half a mile south of the Nechako River, as a townsite. He organized the Natural Resources Security Company, which, during 1909, subdivided 100 acres, and in October put on sale in Vancouver town lots in this, the original ■ Central Fort George," at $100, $150, and $200 each. In December, the Natural Resources Security Company sent in Mr. F. C. Green (now Surveyor-General of British Columbia) with three assistants to survey and subdivide an additional 400 acres; and early in 1910 the sale of lots in Fort George (Central) town- site was in full swing.5 Those who came in early realized the need for better transportation facilities. Nick S. Clark, who came north from Vancouver in June, 1908, saw this opportunity and proceeded to organize the Fort George Lumber and Navigation Company for (4) Prince George Citizen, June 24, 1943. (5) See Fort George Tribune, November 6, December 18, 1909; also the article entitled " Early History of the Three Georges " in Prince George Citizen, May 26, 1938. For biographical material on George J. Hammond see this article and Howay and Scholefield, British Columbia, Vancouver, B.C., 1914, III., pp. 22-3. Hammond was born in Port Dover, Ontario, in 1866, and came to British Columbia in 1906. 284 F. E. RUNNALLS. October the purpose of providing transportation and building material. At Quesnel, on March 7, 1909, the keel of a sternwheel river steamer was laid, and on May 12 the Nechacco was launched.6 Under Captain Bonser she came up the Fraser, lining through the Fort George Canyon and reaching the embryo townsite early in the season. During the summer she pioneered her way up the Nechako River to the foot of Fraser Lake Canyon, at Fort Fraser, and up the Stuart River almost to Stuart Lake and Fort St. James. On the return journey she went to Soda Creek, 165 miles south of Fort George. Towards the end of the summer she made her first trip to the upper Fraser, through Giscome Rapids and the dreaded Grand Canyon to Goat River Rapids, 205 miles above Fort George, with a cargo of 6 tons of supplies on their way to Tete Jaune Cache for the Canadian Northern Railway. Captain Bonser reported that at places along the river moose were as thick as cattle in a ranching country.7 The Nechacco, soon renamed the Chilco, was riot destined to serve very long, for she met disaster and was lost in Cottonwood Canyon in May, 1911.8 In September, 1909, competition for the Chilco appeared when two other sternwheelers, the Charlotte and the Quesnel,3 (6) See Fort George Weekly Tribune, July 25, 1914, in which appears a history of the Fort George Lumber Company. Although the newspapers invariably spelled the steamer's name Nechaco, a photograph of the vessel shows that the spelling on the hull was Nechacco. Oddly enough, she seems never to have been registered under that name, and appears from the first in the official lists as the Chilco. Later she was known locally by the latter name. Her dimensions were: 80 by 16.4 by 3.2 feet; gross tonnage, 129. She was licensed to carry thirty-nine passengers. (7) See Fort George Tribune, November 6, 1909, and Fort George Weekly Tribune, July 25, 1914. (8) The writer has not been able to secure exact details of the loss of the Chilco. The story would appear to be somewhat as follows: In October, 1910, while north-bound with a full cargo from Quesnel to Fort George, the Chilco sank, probably in China Rapids. There she was frozen in and lay at the bottom all winter. In the spring breakup she was carried down and lost in Cottonwood Canyon. (9) The Charlotte had been built at Quesnel as long ago as 1896, for the run between Quesnel and Soda Creek. Her dimensions were 111.4 by 20.6 by 4.6 feet; gross tonnage, 217. She was owned by the Northern British Columbia Navigation Company, Ltd. The smaller Quesnel was a new sternwheeler measuring 70 by 16.2 by 3.7 feet, and of 130 tons, licensed to carry nineteen passengers. 1944 Boom Days in Prince George. 285 made their way up to Fort George. In 1910, Clark himself launched two new steamers, the Fort Fraser and the Chilcotin, the former of which in July, 1910, made the first successful trip ever made to Tete Jaune Cache.10 In June, 1910, the British Columbia Express Company launched the 513-ton B.X., the " queen of the upper Fraser." She was 127.5 feet long, with a beam of 28 feet, and when loaded with 100 tons of freight drew only 30 inches of water. She was powered with compound engines of 320 horse-power and an auxiliary turbine, and was the first steamer to navigate up through the Fort George Canyon under her own power, without lining through. She was licensed to carry 125 passengers and had sleeping accommodation for 70. She was commodiously furnished throughout; the bed linen and silver were monogrammed; there were real baths, with hot and cold running water, and there was a staff of Japanese servants to serve the passengers. She was lighted by electricity and steam-heated, and provided every comfort for travel. By the time the " rush " to Fort George was in full swing in 1910 there were thus six sternwheelers to provide transportation on the Fraser. In September of 1909, the Fort George Lumber and Navigation Company brought in the first sawmill, which was in full operation by November. It worked all winter and had a yard full of lumber to supply the building boom of 1910.11 This first mill was situated on the Fraser River, in South Fort George. The Fort George Tribune noted that "the first logs sawed at Clark's mill were hauled to the mill by Hamilton's big red bull," and added the amusing comment: "That bull should be pensioned and not slaughtered."12 Two other sawmills appeared in 1910. One, owned by Russell Peden, with whom was associated William F. Cooke, was (10) See Vancouver Daily Province, July 28,1910. Both these st were built at Soda Creek and registered in the name of John K. McLennan and Alan J. Adamson, of Winnipeg. The Chilcotin was a relatively big craft, 134.5 by 23.5 by 4.5 feet and of 435 tons gross. The little Fort Fraser measured only 56 by 11.8 by 2.9 feet and was of 33 tons gross. (11) See the history of the Fort George Lumber Company in the Fort George Weekly Tribune, July 25, 1914; also Fort George Tribune, November 6, 1909. (12) Fort George Tribune, November 6, 1909 (first issue). 286 F. E. RUNNALLS. October some distance south of the town, by the hill known to-day as Peden's Hill; the other, owned by the Natural Resources Security Company, was on the Nechako River. The latter was known as Bogue and Brown's mill. There was sufficient business for all three mills, and on occasions customers were waiting to pick up the boards and carry them away as they came from the saw. It was probably in 1909 that William Blair & Company, who had well-established general stores in Quesnel and Barkerville, decided to extend their business northward and opened a branch in Fort George. William Kennedy was made manager. They also had branch stores at Stella, on Fraser Lake, and at Stoney Creek, in the Nechako Valley. We have also to record the arrival, in 1909, of John Houston, pioneer newspaperman, who had been Mayor of Nelson in early days. Later he founded the first newspaper in Prince Rupert, which he sold for a considerable sum. After a trip to Mexico he returned to the north and decided to start a newspaper in Fort George. With a few fonts of type and a Gordon job-press set up in a tent-covered shack, he published the first issue of the Fort George Tribune on Saturday, November 6, 1909. Thereafter, throughout the winter, and despite the bitter cold, the Tribune appeared regularly each Saturday. There were still very few local residents to read the paper. Its circulation was largely " outside," and it became a medium of information to prospective investors everywhere. The law required publication of notice of all land-staking and, as staking was widespread, the publishing of land notices provided ample revenue to support the venture. Unfortunately Houston became ill during the winter, and while being taken out to the nearest doctor at Quesnel for treatment, he died on the trail on March 8, 1910.13 The Tribune was carried on for a time by W. J. Mackay, formerly of Atlin, Port Essington, and other points. During the summer of 1910, George J. Hammond, realizing the publicity value of such a medium as the Tribune, backed Albert Dollen- meyer in buying the paper and moving it from South Fort George to his townsite at (Central) Fort George. Jack Quinn, n Prince George Map showing South Fort George, Fort George (Central), and the several additions surveyed in 1910 and later years. The Fort George Weekly Tribune for November 6, 1909, mentions two tracts not shov, 1944 Boom Days in Prince George. 287 who had been in charge of the Cariboo Observer in Quesnel, was brought in to take charge of the Tribune.14 For a description of Fort George as it was late in 1909, we quote from the first issue of the Tribune:— The Fort George of today is an Indian village of 100 men, women and children, who live in log houses on an Indian reserve of approximately 1500 acres, with a frontage of half a mile on the Fraser and about two miles on the Nechako. Adjoining it on the south is the Hudson's Bay reserve of 97 acres, on which are the Company's store, manager's residence, and a few small warehouses. This land also fronts on the Fraser River. Next south is a piece of land, (60 acres) owned by A. G. Hamilton, who has subdivided a portion of it into town lots. It is known as South Fort George. Here are located William Blair and Company's general store, Clark's sawmill, and the Tribune printing office. Adjoining Hamilton's 60 acres is Joseph Lapage's [Thapage's?] pre-emption, on which Hamilton has a general store and several smaller buildings, and Frank Hoferkamp a barber shop. West of the Indian reserve are two tracts of over 100 acres each. One is called Central Fort George, and lots in it are being sold at Vancouver for $100 each. The other tract is called " Leask's," and it is said to be subdivided. West of the Hudson's Bay Company tract and adjoining the Indian Reserve on the south are James Bird's pre-emption, a tract known as " Bronger's," which is said to have been subdivided, and Hiram A. Carney's pre-emption. South Fort George is half a mile south of the Hudson's Bay Company's store and a mile from where the G. T. P. crosses the Fraser River. Central Fort George is two miles west of the Fraser and half a mile south of the Nechako. Opposite Fort George and for a mile or so to the south, the water from the Nechako runs clear on the west side, while the muddy waters of the Fraser keep on the east side of the channel. The three general merchandise stores at Fort George keep very complete stocks and few articles needed by settlers are wanting. The sawmill supplies rough lumber at $25 a thousand, and will have a planer and shingle mill added in a short time. Meals can be procured at the Hudson's Bay Company's and at Hamilton's; but sleeping accommodations are limited and travellers should have their own blankets.15 The second issue of the Tribune informs prospective newcomers that between May 1 and November 1 they can reach Fort George by steamer from Soda Creek, and that in the winter they may come in over a wagon-road from Quesnel as far as Blackwater Crossing, where the road continues on to Stoney Creek and Fort Fraser. From Blackwater Crossing to Fort George, a distance of 60 miles, there is a trail, where a wagon- road is " under way." It is a four-day trip from Quesnel to i, November 6, 1909. 288 F. E. RUNNALLS. October Fort George, and since there is no road-house or stopping-place between the Crossing and Fort George one must camp out over night.16 The paper further informs us that "there are no bakeries, laundries, milliners, tailors, blacksmiths, tinners, carpenters, stenographers, lawyers, doctors, preachers, constables or school teachers at Fort George. There are no white children or women to raise white children: The white men who are here have their wives and white children back East or down at Vancouver. There are about 50 white people in the whole district."17 The fourth issue gives the Fort George poll in the Provincial election of November 25, 1909, when the McBride Government appealed to the electorate on its railway policy and was returned to power with an increased majority. In this poll—the first ever held in Fort George—twenty-six votes were cast, and the results were as follows:— John A. Fraser, Conservative 21 Michael Callanan, Conservative 20 Harry Jones, Liberal 5 John Yorston, Liberal 5 Local Option: For 8; against 15 Great interest was taken in the vote; some of the electors came in from Giscome Portage, over 40 miles away, spending three days on the road, in order to cast their ballots. Only two of those counted on to vote at Fort George failed to appear.18 The winter of 1909-10 was a quiet one, and the editor of the • Tribune must frequently have been hard-pressed for copy. This may account for the appearance of the following item in the social column:— Born to Hamilton's cow, a bull calf. The Indian Reserve, through which the railway survey passed, was not available for a townsite. Consequently there was much speculation as to where the town would eventually be established. The initial activities of the Natural Resources Security Company at (Central) Fort George have already been noted. Soon the Northern Development Company, headed by Nick S. Clark, with (16) Ibid., November 13, 1909. (17) Ibid. (18) Ibid., November 27, 1909. 1944 Boom Days in Prince George. 289 whom were associated William F. Cooke and other local people, bought the land originally owned by A. G. Hamilton, together with Joseph Thapage's pre-emption, and put them on the market as South Fort George. This townsite had the advantage of being on the Fraser River, which is a navigable stream at all stages of the water, while it was close enough to the railway survey to make it a good speculation. South Fort George was put on the market in the spring of 1910, and by the summer of that year the big rush was on. The starting-point for Fort George was 300 miles south, at Ashcroft, on the Canadian Pacific Railway. From there one travelled by stage to Soda Creek, and thence by river steamer to Fort George. The regular stages made the journey to Soda Creek in two and a half days.19 The heavily increased travel of 1910 led the British Columbia Express Company to increase the number of its horses to 200. During the same year the Company also made the first trial of automobiles.20 However, it was some three or four years before the automobile displaced horses entirely. Both the stage service and river steamers were operated by the B. C. Express Company, better known as the " B.X." This Company, originally organized as Barnard's Express and Stage Line by Frank J. Barnard in 1864, had for many years maintained a regular semi-weekly service from Ashcroft to Barkerville. In 1897 it was acquired by Eastern interests, headed by Charles Millar, of Toronto, and James Carruthers, of Montreal. Millar won notoriety after his death by his curious will, which initiated the famous " stork derby " in Toronto. His interest in Fort George is perpetuated in the name of the " Millar Addition " in Prince George, a subdivision which he acquired and put on the market when Prince George was established. Under the new management the first superintendent of the " B.X." was J. B. Leighton, who in 1904 was succeeded by Willis J. West. ' In 1909 the " B.X." decided to extend its services to Fort George, (19) Overnight stops were made at the 83- (Stoddart's) and 150-mile houses. Drivers were also changed at these points. Horses were changed at relay points, every 13 miles or so. Special stages could be engaged to go right through from Ashcroft to Soda Creek or Quesnel. (20) See Vancouver Daily Province, July 28, July 30, 1910. «||! 290 F. E. Runnalls. October • and the big steamer B.X., already described, was built. She plied regularly between Soda Creek and Fort George, making her first trip north through the Fort George Canyon on June 24, 1910. As this canyon was considered too dangerous to carry passengers through, they had to disembark and walk around the canyon by land. When darkness overtook the steamer en route, she was tied up to a tree on the bank for the night.21 The B. C. Express Company acquired property at the foot of Fourth Street, in South Fort George, where their steamer- landing was built. Since this became the embarkation point for passengers to and from all points in and around Fort George, it gave a decided advantage to the new town of South Fort George. In the spring of 1912 the Company built a second steamer, the B. C. Express™ which was placed on the river above Fort George, and in the summer of 1913 made twelve round trips to Tete Jaune Cache. The arrival of the railway in 1914 reduced the river traffic, but the Provincial Government subsidized the steamers, and they continued to run until the fall of 1920. The completion of the Pacific Great Eastern Railway into Soda Creek that year, and the expectation of its completion to Prince George in 1921, brought the colourful days of steam- boating on the upper Fraser to an end. The B.X. and B. C. Express were dismantled and their fittings and equipment taken north to be built into new boats for use on the Mackenzie River. The old hulls were beached at South Fort George, and remained for nearly 20 years an attraction to visitors. But at last they disappeared, thus removing the last visible evidence of the stirring days of the river boat. Before the Fraser was open in the spring of 1910, men seeking an early start in the new town of South Fort George were trickling in. One party included L. G. MacHaffie, J. Munro, and J. Anderson, who were coming in to open the first bank. They brought in their equipment and supplies, including cash with (21) See the interesting account by J. D. Moore, who was a passenger, in " Steamboating colorful operation before Railway," Prince George Citizen, May 26,1938. (22) Dimensions: 121.3 by 27.9 by 4.8 feet; gross tonnage, 449. She was thus somewhat smaller than the B.X. 1944 Boom Days in Prince George. 291 which to commence business. In order to hide their identity they travelled as prospectors, and carried the money in sacks thrown over their shoulders. They travelled by special stage to Quesnel, and thence by pack-horses. Some distance north of Blackwater Crossing they saw two men approaching on foot, and fully expected to be held up. However, these men proved to be Albert Johnson and a companion, who had located in the new town for a hotel and were walking out to secure supplies. The bank opened for business in a lean-to off William Blair & Company's store on April 15, 1910, and two days later moved into its own premises, a tent-covered shack, which was distinguished by a large sign: " Bank of British North America." Later in the year a small but substantial building was erected.23 During the summer the Traders' Bank of Canada also opened a branch in South Fort George, with H. C. Seaman as manager. With the opening of the river every boat brought in newcomers. Tents were thrown up everywhere, and soon buildings began to appear, including several real-estate offices, and the first hotel with a licence, built by Albert Johnson, just a short distance from the steamer landing. On May 1 the Quesnel arrived with the first white women on board.24 Others followed, and in the autumn of the same year occurred the birth of the first white child, the daughter of Mr. and Mrs: John Mclnnis.25 She was named Georgina, in honour of her birthplace, and is now Mrs. Percy L. Williams, A.T.C.M. Among the passengers to arrive on the B.X. on her maiden voyage to South Fort George on June 24, 1910, was a representative of the Methodist Church, Rev. Alfred T. Bell. He brought with him a large tent, 40 feet long, which he pitched near the corner of Fourth Street and Hamilton Avenue. There on Sun- (23) Based upon notes made by J. Munro, of the Bank party, kindly loaned to the writer by Mrs. Munro; see also Vancouver. Daily Province, January 25, 1931 (article by Mrs. Albert Johnson). (24) A photograph of this event, taken by J. Simonson, pioneer photographer of South Fort George, is inscribed: "Arrival of first white women, May 1, 1910." (Copy in the writer's possession.) (25) Mr. John Mclnnis states—and no old-timer has been found who disputes the fact—that his daughter was the first white child born in South Fort George, but he believes an earlier birth took place in Central Fort m F. E. RUNNALLS. day, June 26, the first religious service in the new town was conducted. In July, Mr. Bell conducted the first service in the neighbouring town of (Central) Fort George, around a camp- fire.26 In September the first school was opened, and after a week under one teacher and a month under another, both unqualified teachers, Mrs. A. B. Campbell, now of Finmoore, B.C., took charge. She had twenty-four pupils, nine of whom were white and the rest half-breeds. She thus describes her experience:— The breed children were a trial at first. I had to find a system of teaching them that they could understand. These children were raised like the Indians and very rarely saw any white people, with the exception of the Hudson's Bay factors until [the town of] Fort George started. School to them was a funny place, the teacher something to laugh at, and books and pencils play toys. They could speak very little English, and they had very unsanitary habits, such as spitting on the floor, dirty hands and faces, etc. When I finally got them to understand that they could not spit on the floor, they would spit in their hands and carry it out of doors. Then there was a lot of waste time making them wash their hands. When studying, I would have to have them study very near out loud, otherwise, they would not know whether they could pronounce the word right. Noisy! Yes, and I never came out of the school room at the end of the day without a headache. They learned very fast, and after one month we had a real school.27 An event that stirred the new community in August, 1910, was the visit of Premier McBride. Travelling with a party composed of his private secretary, Lawrence Macrae, the Hon. F. L. Carter-Cotton, M.L.A., C. H. Lugrin, of Victoria, the Earl of Dunmore, and Harry Brittain, a well-known English journalist, he came north on the B.X., and after going up the Fraser as far as Willow River, returned to visit the two new towns. On the evening of Friday, August 26, the citizens tendered a banquet to the Premier and his party on the B.X. It was just a cold lunch with liquid refreshments, but it cost $5 a plate.28 A special comradeship sprang up among those who arrived in 1910, and their friendliness and hospitality were noteworthy. One lady who arrived as a stranger tells us that before she left (26) Letters, Rev. Alfred T. Bell to Dr. J. H. White, January 3, 1937, and from Mr. Bell to the writer, January 15, 1943. (27) Letter, Mrs. Campbell to the writer, July 7, 1943. (28) Vancouver Daily Province, August 29, 1910; letter, Rev. A. T. Bell to the writer, January 15, 1943. 1944 Boom Days in Prince George. 293 the steamer-landing she had five invitations to lunch. " Come to Red and Black's for lunch," was a common form of invitation. " Red and Black's " was a restaurant operated by two English girls, one of whom had red hair and the other black. By the end of 1910 there was a considerable population, and the problem of securing adequate supplies was a serious one. Late in the season the Nechacco, now the Chilco, northward bound with winter provisions for the little town, sank with all her cargo. Albert Johnson and Russell Peden thereupon hurried out to Quesnel, where they bought up all the hogs, sheep, cattle, etc., they could secure. Then they persuaded the captain of the B.X. to make another trip north. Though the season was well advanced, the steamer got through, arriving at South Fort George on November 4. Even so, by March the meat-supply was exhausted. Some more came in, and the people fought over it at 50 cents a pound. One lady paid $5 for an old red rooster, and Jack Daniell, editor of the Herald, paid a dollar each for eggs for a banquet. Bread was sold at 25 cents a loaf.29 ■ During the winter the mail came in but once a month, so the little community had to make its own recreation. The winter was cold, so there was plenty of ice and snow. As there were few horses, there was not much sleigh-riding. The chief amusements were skating on the river, snow-shoeing, and dancing. Music for the dancing was provided by a one-man orchestra of harp, mouth-organ, and drum. Since there were only about a dozen women in South Fort George, and the same number in Central Fort George, they were never short of partners at a dance. One social event of more than passing interest took place on December 30, 1910, when William F. (Billy) Cooke and P. A. Landry entertained their friends at a New Year's dance and supper. The supper was held in the Northern Hotel and the party and dance in the McGaghren-Thorne Hall. Billy Cooke was a veteran of the South African War, and Landry, a surveyor, was an old militiaman, so they entertained the party with tales of old battles. In order to illustrate their stories properly, they ordered two hundred bottles of beer brought up, for which they (29) Details from article by Mrs. Albert Johnson in Vancouver Daily Province, January 25, 1931. 294 F. E. Runnalls. October paid cash down at $1 per bottle, and lined up the bottles on the floor like soldiers. As their stories were told, these were moved about to illustrate the changing tide of battle. Before the party ended, most of the soldiers were " dead men."30 We have already referred to the first town lots of Central Fort George, put on the market by George J. Hammond in 1909. Early in 1910, the Natural Resources Security Company, Limited, commonly called the " Hammond Company," had their new townsite ready for the market. It was located about 3 miles from South Fort George, on the extensive bench-land overlooking the lovely Nechako River. It was an ideal townsite, covered only with a very light growth of jackpine, and it was evident from the beginning that this town would be a formidable rival of South Fort George. Hammond stole a march on his neighbours by having his townsite registered with the name "Fort George."31 The Grand Trunk Pacific Railway had selected this same area for a townsite, and made contest for their claim in the Provincial Department of Lands, but Hammond's ownership was upheld. Thus began a contest between the Grand Trunk Pacific and the Hammond interests which overshadowed the new community for a decade and more. Hammond knew the possibilities of attractive advertising, and since his townsite was distinctly a real-estate proposition, the " legal registered townsite of Fort George " was advertised far and wide, and.lots were sold to investors and speculators all over the continent, and even in the Old Country. Within a period of four years, something like half a million dollars was spent in a world-wide publicity campaign. Early in 1910 a crew of men was-sent to clear the new town- site, and by midsummer it was a small city of tents. Soon per- (30) Details from E. H. Burden, now postmaster at Prince George, who was present on the occasion. (31) Hammond's use of the name " Fort George " was not appreciated by the promoters of South Fort George, and they transferred the term | Central" from the original Hammond project to his new and larger townsite. This name has somehow stuck ever since, and despite the fact that the post-office is called Fort George, and the town itself registered as Fort George, common usage has always referred to it as Central Fort George. Hence for the convenience of the reader, we shall continue to refer to the Hammond townsite as Central Fort George. 1944 Boom Days in Prince George. 295 manent buildings began to appear. Since Hammond desired to advertise the town as a place where facilities of all kinds were available, the Company undertook the building of a hotel, a log school, and—since the Hammonds were Presbyterians—a log manse for the Presbyterian minister, who was expected to arrive soon. On September 30, Rev. C. Melville Wright and his wife arrived to occupy the manse, and the first Presbyterian service was held in the dining-tent of the hotel on Sunday, October 2.32 Rev. A. T. Bell, the Methodist minister, who had been holding services in both towns since midsummer, had moved over to Central Fort George with his bride, and they were engaged by Hammond to teach the school. Between them the Bells saw that instruction was provided for the five children of school age until the spring of 1911. Then Mrs. Jennie B. Baker was engaged as teacher, and gave distinguished service for nearly two years. She is remembered affectionately by the old-timers of the old Central Fort George school. Reference has been made to the fact that in the summer of 1910 the first newspaper in the district, the Fort George Tribune, was bought and moved from South Fort George to the new town- site. At about the same time J. B. Daniell, who had previously published a paper in Quesnel, moved to " South " and established the South Fort George Herald. From then on each of the rival towns had a mouth-piece, and there was a continual wordy war between the two papers as to the merits of their respective towns. As an example of the splenetic vituperation which sometimes graced or disgraced their pages, we quote the following from the Fort George Tribune of November 11,1911, written as a reply to an editorial in the South Fort George Herald of November 4, referring to the writings of Hay Stead, correspondent of the Winnipeg Saturday Post, who had visited both South and Central Fort George:— A few weeks ago notice was given on this page of some remarks published in the Winnipeg Saturday Post about Fort George. That paper got in wrong by taking as gospel the ravings of a mangy idiot who runs an alleged newspaper in South Fort George. The Post followed the policy adopted by this paper in August, 1910, and sent a representative to the (32) Details from a brief history of the early work of the Presbyterian Church in the district, prepared by Mrs. Hugh Ellis from the records of Rev. C M. Wright. 296 F. E. Runnalls. October spot to ascertain for himself the real conditions. The Post being absolutely independent and honest has repudiated the assertions of the squirt who edits the South Fort George paper, and has arrived at precisely the same conclusions I did in 1910 after looking over the situation at Fort George. The fact of the matter is that the red-light agent who edits the South Fort George sheet has an obsession which takes the form of lying villifica- tion of George J. Hammond, president of the Natural Resources Security Company, and of the editor of this paper. The editor of the Saturday Post, now that he, too, has expressed an unbiassed opinion of the situation at Fort George, may expect to receive the same sort of treatment. But neither he, Mr. Hammond, nor myself need concern ourselves about the frothings of the subtracted nothing who edits the South Fort George publication. He has been repudiated by everyone in his own district, save and except Bootlegger Hamilton, and that old reprobate could not repudiate a flea- The first postmaster at Central Fort George was Warren DeBeck, who late in 1910 was stricken down with tuberculosis. In the dead of winter he was taken over the road to Kamloops, but died before he got there.33 J. A. Shearer built the Fort George Hotel, which was opened for business in 1910, and the same summer the Bank of Vancouver opened a branch there, with F. N. Dewar as manager. Lots were selling fast all over Canada and the United States at $600 for corner lots and $400 for inside lots. Yet when people came in from the outside, sometimes on foot, and saw what they had been sold, they demanded readjustments from the Company, and got them. Unlike South Fort George, which from the beginning was a " wide-open " town, the promoters and citizens of Central Fort George sought to create a decent and healthful community. No liquor licence was granted until 1912, and consequently none of the allied promoters of iniquity opened for business. A number of pre-emptions north of the Nechako, toward Chief Lake, were taken up in 1910, and the following year the Provincial Government installed a ferry across the Nechako River a short distance above Central Fort George. Later on pre- emptors were attracted to the Mud River district, and by 1913 these two areas were pretty well exploited. Due to the excessive freight rates from the nearest point of supply the cost of living was very high. A small bag of salt cost i July 28, 1910; letter, Rev. A. T. Bell 1944 Boom Days in Prince George. 297 $1.25; flour, $12 to $16 per hundredweight; sugar, 15 cents per pound; butter, 75 cents per pound; new laid eggs were 25 cents each. Oats were 12 cents per pound, and hay was $100 per ton. Live chickens sold on the streets at $6 each. Local farmers who had garden produce to spare brought it in by dog-train or horses, and were paid $10 for a sack of potatoes and $12 for a bag of carrots.34 However, the new community continued to grow, and by the close of the summer of 1911 there were reported to be 600 white people in the two towns, while the census returns showed nearly 2,000 persons within the Land Recording District. Following the opening boom of 1910 Fort George experienced a period of reaction, due partly to the delay in the coming of the railway and partly to the uncertainty about the railway town- site. It was reported that the Grand Trunk Pacific had secured the Indian Reserve and planned to subdivide it. No one knew for certain, but the rumour, which was generally believed, was certainly a disturbing factor in the development of the two towns. The facts, as they are now known to us, are these. When the Railway Company found themselves too late to secure possession of the land at Central Fort George, where it was their original intention to build the town, they turned to the possibility of getting possession of the Indian Reserve. This was not a simple transaction, as it involved both the Department of Indian Affairs and the local Indians. Negotiations took some considerable time. At this point Charles Millar, of the B. C. Express Company, entered the picture, and sent an agent to negotiate with the Indians on his own behalf. The Indians depended largely on Father Coccola to be their spokesman. Believing that the man sent by Millar had the sanction of the Indian Department, since he had a telegram from the Department authorizing him to buy, Father Coccola came to an arrangement to sell the Reserve to him. Then he wrote to the Department and reported the deal; but when the Grand Trunk Pacific heard (34) Prices from Vancouver Daily Pr ovine on the early work of the Presbyterian Church ii Ellis; letters from Rev. A. T. Bell, as cited in fi I 298 F. E. Runnalls. October of it they influenced the Department to cancel the agreement, by saying that the buyer had no authority to make the purchase. Thereupon the Railway Company set their own agent to work, and he finally succeeded in purchasing the Reserve from the Indians, through Father Coccola, at a price reported to be $125,000. But Millar was not so easily bested, and he went to the Courts to defend his prior claim. The Railway finally agreed to a settlement which gave Millar 200 acres of their townsite.35 This was subdivided and put on the market at the end of January, 1914, just before the arrival of steel. It was called the Millar Addition. In the meantime G. J. Hammond was seeking an agreement with the Railway to secure a station on or near his townsite, and in this he had the ear of Charles M. Hays, President of the Grand Trunk Pacific, as well as that of Hugo Ross, capitalist and financier, of Winnipeg. These two shared Hammond's optimistic vision of building a great city which would be the junction point of the G.T.P. and the Pacific Great Eastern Railway, then projected from Vancouver to the Peace River country, as well as a number of other projected railway-lines. In March, 1911, an agreement was made that the station should be built just east of the new townsite, about where the Prince George City power plant is to-day.36 On the application of the Natural Resources Security Company the Board of Railway Commissioners approved this site in March, 1912. But when President Hays and Hugo Ross went down in the ill-fated Titanic, on April 15, 1912, Hammond lost two of his best backers and associates. The new President of the Railway Company, Edson J. Chamber- lin, refused to put the station at the agreed place, and the fight over the station-site developed into one of the most bitter and drawn-out cases ever fought before the Board of Railway Commissioners. It was not finally settled until March, 1921. Hammond is credited with having spent more than half a million (35) On the negotiations with the Indians see Denys Nelson, Memoirs of Father Coccola, MS. in Vancouver Public Library. For the details of Millar's activities the writer is indebted to M. C. Wiggins, of Prince George, a pioneer real-estate agent. (36) See Fort George Weekly Tribune, February 7, 1914. 1944 Boom Days in Prince George. 299 dollars in trying to force the Grand Trunk Pacific Railway to put the station nearer to Central Fort George.37 Throughout 1911 and 1912 Hammond carried on his worldwide advertising campaign. It was financed out of the sale of lots, which was in turn stimulated by his publicity. His advertising folders were attractive, and his salesmanship most persuasive. From one of his folders we quote:— Fort George occupies the same strategic commercial location in relation to its own territory as Chicago and Winnipeg. From the Rocky Mountains east to Lake Michigan—a territory comprising eight of the largest states in the Union—Chicago sits at the gate, and takes toll of all that goes in and comes out. It is the bung of the barrel—the place where the currents of trade must pass. North of the international boundary, Winnipeg occupies a similar strategic commercial position. It is the door through which every bushel of grain, every hoof of stock, every pound of merchandise raised or required for a territory one-third the area of the whole of Europe must go or come, and all are helping to build it up into one of the great cities of the Similar causes will produce similar results at Fort George. If, as I have already shown—the products of the rich Peace River district must come westward to the Pacific, they must flow through Fort George in one ever- increasing stream, the currents there splitting, one going straight west to Prince Rupert, the other straight south down the Fraser Valley to Vancouver. Think what it will mean when there passes through Fort George the imports for a rich and prosperous country as large as New York and Pennsylvania combined. Think of the enormous return traffic—the varied natural products of this rich region going down towards the sea. And they must pass through Fort George. It is the natural, the easy, the cheap, the inevitable route.38 Another folder included a map showing Fort George as the hub, from which radiated, like the spokes of a wheel, no less than eleven railways which were said to be either chartered or building into Fort George. It gave the following interesting quotation from the Vancouver Province of November 26, 1910:— A survey for a proposed electric railway between Barkerville and Fort George was completed this week. The route is via the valley of the Willow River, a distance of about 150 miles. The party was in charge of Mr. Murphy of Vancouver. It is said construction operations will be started (37) See " Early History of the Three Georges," Prince George.Citizen, May 26, 1938. (38) From an illustrated booklet entitled Fort George, B.C., issued in 1912 by the Publicity Department of the Natural Resources Security Company. Copy in the possession of Fred J. Shearer, Prince George. 300 F. E. RUNNALLS. October next spring. A water power will be developed to supply the electrical energy for operating the line. Such advertising naturally produced results, not only for Central Fort George but also for South Fort George and a number of other subdivisions and additions which were being developed in the vicinity. However, citizens of South Fort George could not be expected to appreciate the following description, which accompanied a picture of South Fort George in one of Hammond's folders:— South Fort George, on the Fraser, is a busy little river town, whose growth has been due to its proximity to Fort George proper, and to the fact that all communication with the outer world has been from the south, by the Fraser River and the Cariboo Road, the original steamer landing being at the Hudson's Bay Post. Eventually, of course, South Fort George will be part of the Fort George of the future, but at the present time, and for years to come, it is and will be some miles from the immediate business development that will result from the coming of the railways, for while all of these are building into Fort George proper, or the Indian Reserve, not a single line has been surveyed into South Fort George.39 Less than 3 miles away, at the top of the hill east of the steel bridge (which, of course, was not yet built), a subdivision known as Birmingham was being developed, and lots sold. Across the Nechako River, subdivisions known as Bella Vista and Nechako Heights were developed. Investors who were unlucky enough to buy lots in these subdivisions usually said good-bye to their money. The story is told that one day a citizen of Central Fort George found a young man sitting on the bank of the Nechako River, looking across to the cut-banks on the other side with a despondent look. When asked what was the matter he replied:— " Do you see that sand-bank over there? " " I do," said the Central Fort Georgite. " Well," said the young man, " I spent all I had on four lots in Bella Vista subdivision, right on the edge of that bank. Every time one of those slides comes down, I figure it costs me fifty dollars. I've lost two hundred dollars since nine o'clock this morning, and I don't know whether to jump in the river or go back East and sell the lots to my brother-in-law before they are all washed away." (39) Ibid. 1944 Boom Days in Prince George. 301 After the close of navigation in 1911 the B. C. Express Company, who had the contract for carrying the mail, decided to extend their stage service from Quesnel to Fort George. The trail via Blackwater Crossing had now been made passable for wagons, and the first stage arrived at South Fort George on October 18,1911,40 driven by Al Young, the veteran stage-driver, who in summer operated between Ashcroft and Soda Creek. The stage service was weekly during the first year, but in 1912 it was made twice weekly and extended to Central Fort George. Thus winter transportation was provided for the new communities until the railway arrived. In the summer of 1911 the Provincial Government granted some recognition to the importance of the new towns by the appointment of Thomas W. Heme as Government Agent at Fort George. Government buildings, including a Court-house and police barracks, were erected immediately adjoining the Hudson's Bay Post, overlooking the Fraser River. At the same time the Government installed two ferries: one crossing the Fraser River opposite the Hudson's Bay Post, to serve the district to the east, and one crossing the Nechako a short distance above Central Fort George, to serve the settlers north of the river. It was also in 1911 that the first Anglican missionary arrived in the area. The Anglican Church had maintained a missionary in the Cariboo more or less continuously since gold-rush days, and the first Protestant church built in the Cariboo was the Anglican Church in Barkerville, erected in 1869. But no Anglican missionary had ever visited Fort George. In the spring of 1911, a mission of five clergymen and three lay readers from London, sent out under the auspices of the Church of St. John the Divine, arrived in the Cariboo to carry on missionary work and to provide a boarding school for the children of the district. They established their headquarters in Quesnel, but the Rev. R. H. Isaac Williams—a cousin of the Rt. Rev. L. W. Williams, formerly Bishop of Quebec—came on to Fort George. He began services in both towns, and the same year church buildings were erected—St. Stephen's in South Fort George and St. George's in (40) Prince George Citizen, May 26, 1938, containing an article on " Prince George's first mail by Stage Coach." Some accounts give the date of the first arrival as October 11, 1911. 302 F. E. Runnalls. October Central Fort George. The following year saw Rev. R. T. Sadler, with Samuel Pollinger as lay reader, at South Fort George. Mr. Pollinger later entered college and trained for the ministry. From his ordination nearly all his ministry was spent in the Cariboo, and a major part of it in Prince George. Eventually he was elected Bishop of Cariboo, a diocese established in February, 1914. Unfortunately he lived but a few months after his consecration, and passed away in Kamloops on March 22,1943.41 The year 1912 brought disillusionment to many hopeful speculators. The land boom of 1910 had begun to break, and the large sums invested in the Fort George area were beginning to sprout wings and fly away. The railway was still a long way off, and the Grand Trunk Pacific was not disposed to encourage investment in either of the existing townsites. However, Hammond's advertising was still bringing returns, and new people came in. Among those arriving in 1912 were Mr. and Mrs. H. G. T. Perry. From the beginning Mr. Perry took an interest in community affairs, and he has become one of the district's most prominent citizens. He served as Member of the Provincial Legislature for Fort George from 1920 to 1928, and has again served in that capacity from 1933 to the present time. He was Speaker of the House from 1933 to 1937, and is at present Minister of Education in the Government of British Columbia. By the end of 1912, steel had reached Mile 53, at Tete Jaune Cache. It was evident that 1913 would be a big year, and might bring the railway to Fort George. It was now possible to bring supplies by rail to Tete Jaune Cache, and thence by scow and steamboat down the Fraser River. Tete Jaune Cache itself was a hive of activity throughout the winter, and by April it was reported that a thousand scows had been built, as well as a fleet of gasoline launches and steamers, all waiting to go as soon as the river opened.42 Firms like William Blair & Company, and D. A. Hood's, who were bringing in large quantities of supplies, operated' their own fleets of scows. But the larger portion of" (41) Details secured verbally from the late Bishop Pollinger, who was a member of the original missionary party of five. For a biographical sketch of the Bishop see the article in the Canadian Churchman, December 31, 1942; reprinted in the Prince George Citizen, January 21,1943. (42) Fort George Weekly Tribune, May 3, May 31, 1913. 1944 Boom Days in Prince George. 303 the scows were carrying supplies for Foley, Welch & Stewart, .the firm that had the general contract for the construction of the railway. In the spring of 1913 they established their headquarters for the district just above the mouth of the Nechako River, where they built large warehouses and docks. A miniature town sprang up there, and became known as Foley's Cache. This section, north of the present railway yards, is still known as the Cache. For their freighting on -the river, Foley, Welch & Stewart operated, in addition to their scows, two large stern- wheel steamers, the Conveyor and Operator.*1 Scowing goods down the Fraser River was a colourful and exciting experience. The scows were about 40 feet long and 12 to 16 feet wide, and carried a load of 20 to 30 tons. They had long sweeps at both ends, manned by two men on each sweep. The crews were kept particularly busy in the numerous rapids, and in the Grand Canyon. Many of the scows were wrecked along the way, and nearly fifty men lost their lives in the one season in the swirling waters of the Grand Canyon. During 1913 about fifteen hundred men were employed as scowmen. They were known as " river hogs." Their work was highly dangerous, and although they made money fast, they spent it faster. By the end of May, 1913, scows were arriving at Fort George at the rate of from twelve to twenty a day, and throughout the summer the excitement never lagged.44 In May the Grand Trunk Pacific Development Company, a subsidiary of the Railway, began clearing a new townsite, and published plans of the survey of Prince George in the local papers. At first their application for registration of the name "Prince George" was refused by the Provincial Government, because of strenuous opposition from the Hammond interests. Later in the season, however, the application was granted, and (43) The hulls of these steamers were built at Tete Jaune Cache in 1912; the machinery came from earlier vessels of the same name that-had run on the Skeena River. Their dimensions were: Conveyor, 141.7 by 34.8 by 5.2 feet, gross tonnage, 725; Operator, similar hull dimensions, but of only 698 tons gross. (44) Some details of this colourful episode will be found in the following articles: J. D. Moore, " Steamboating colorful operation before railway," Prince George Citizen, May 26, 1938; and George B. Williams, " Freighting by Scow on Fraser River in Pioneer Days," ibid. 304 F. E. Runnalls. October " Prince George " lots were on the market in September, 1913. On March 30 the Grand Trunk Pacific had secured the consent of the Board of Railway Commissioners to build their station at the foot of George Street, and prepared to sell lots on that understanding. However, the Natural Resources Security Company appealed against this, and secured a new order, dated May 14, that placed the station-site at the foot of Maple Street. Thereupon the Grand Trunk Pacific appealed, but their application was eventually dismissed on February 7, 1914. The construction boom naturally brought new life to the " Georges." By this time the hotel in Central Fort George was licensed and doing a flourishing business. In South Fort George, Albert Johnson, who had lost his first hotel by fire, had erected the large and up-to-date Northern Hotel, advertised as "the newest and most modern hotel in the Northern Interior." It had a 100-foot bar and a staff of twenty-four bartenders, who worked twelve on a shift. Hundreds of men crowded in to be served, and frequently stood five or six deep behind the bar. As much as $7,000 was taken in in one day, and it is said that the average throughout the season was $2,000 a day. The softwood floor was soon worn out by the hob-nailed boots of the men, and had to be renewed frequently. Behind the bar was the "snake-room," for victims of the " D.T.'s." " The barroom was packed out to the curb with fine young chaps from the right-of-way," one witness recalls, "many with hopes of visiting the old folk in the east, waking up to find their stake spent."45 There was a flourishing " red light" district, from which women travelled on the boats to carry on their trade, and serve the numerous camps along the river. This was the frontier, and men lived recklessly. Life on the river might be brief, but while it lasted it could be exciting. In June, 1913, Rev. C. Melville Wright attended a large missionary congress held by the Presbyterian Church in Toronto. He was asked to address this meeting, and in the course of telling about his work, naturally referred to prevailing conditions. The next day the Toronto Globe headlined the account of his address: (45) This paragraph based on details supplied by old-timers; the quotation is from a letter, Rev. A. C. Justice (who was in South Fort George at the time) to Rev. N. J. Crees, October 29,1935. 1944 Boom Days in Prince George. 305 " Walked 300 miles from the Gates of Hell." When news of this reached Fort George, a wave of resentment against Mr. Wright swept through the community. Plans were made to give him a hot reception when he returned; but by the time he arrived wiser counsels had prevailed, and he was spared. He brought with him Rev. A. C. Justice and his wife, who took over the work of Knox Presbyterian Church in South Fort George, while Mr. Wright remained in Central Fort George. Railway construction proceeded apace. As it came nearer to Prince George more people crowded in, and the "Georges" became a mecca for the construction-workers. By the end of the year steel had arrived on the east bank of the Fraser, where a small city of tents had sprung up. The bridge across the river was not yet ready and this occasioned a delay of some weeks. The first or temporary bridge was built on piling, alongside the foundations of the permanent steel structure. At last the track was laid over this temporary bridge, and on January 27, 1914, the track-layer Pioneer, with her train of cars, moved over the bridge and proceeded to swing the rails into position ahead of her, where they were connected and spiked, so that she could move forward. Steel had arrived at last, and this day would long be remembered in the history of Prince George. In spite of the bitter cold—eight below zero at 2 o'clock—more than fifteen hundred people turned out to witness the event. The school children from • South Fort George and Central Fort George were brought in sleighs. Speeches were made by C. W. Moore, pioneer resident; H. G. T. Perry, President of the Board of Trade in Central Fort George; and William F. Cooke, of South Fort George. A brass band of ten pieces was on hand, and with the help of a bonfire the players managed to keep their instruments from freezing. In addition, there was a parade, illustrating the various stages in the history of the town, including representatives of the Indians, the Hudson's Bay Company, the pioneer settlers, and the surveyors. Prince George was quickly linked by rail with the outside world, as a passenger service from McBride west was inaugu- 306 F. E. Runnalls. rated at once by the construction company. The first westbound train arrived on January 30. The first train left Prince George for the East on February 3. F. E. Runnalls. Prince George, B.C. THE JOURNAL OF JOHN WORK, 1835: BEING AN ACCOUNT OF HIS VOYAGE NORTHWARD FROM THE COLUMBIA RIVER TO FORT SIMPSON AND RETURN IN THE BRIG LAMA, JANUARY- OCTOBER, 1835. Edited by Henry Drummond Dee. [At Fort Simpson.] Sunday, May 24. Fine weather. Very little wind & that variable. Rain towards evening. A few canoes of Indians arrived from Nass and encamped along side of the fort. They have nothing to trade. Monday, May 25. Rained the most of the day. Wind Southerly. Jack, a Tongass Indian, arrived with two canoes, he has a few beaver but has not yet traded them. This man has come last from Cape Fox and Clemencitty. He can give us no information regarding the strange vessel which was seen a few days ago. It is conjectured she has stood into Tongass. The Men employed clearing ground for potatoes and a most tedious & laborious job it is. When the trees are cleared off with their branches, the stumps that remain are mostly of a large size and so close together that there is no means of making the ground of any use but by entirely removing them, which from their great weight is very difficult. Indeed the ground is mixed with a complete mass of roots intertwined, and in order to get rid of them the ground has to be all turned over from 1 to 2% or 3' feet in depth; moreover it is so wet that a considerable part of it is a complete quagmire. Drains have to be made to draw off the water. The soil which is composed of peat on a bed of sand mixed with shells, after being reclaimed, will doubtless yield fine crops of potatoes. About 11 or 12 bushels on about % Acres are already sowed and about % Acres are now being cleared which is probably as much as we will be able to manage this Since I was last here [blank in MS.] Skins have been traded. It is to be apprehended that the returns this year will be very poor. Beaver appear to be falling off rapidly. Some Queen Charlotte Island Indians have been here some time ago and traded 177 bush, potatoes, which is a great acquisition, as they serve to enable the people to be fed with salt fish. Tuesday, May 26. Wind Southerly, rained the most of the day. This will be an unfavorable wind for the Lama proceeding to the Southward. The Men employed as yesterday. Wednesday, May 27. Overcast showry weather. Wind variable. The men employed rooting up the stumps out of the garden. This rainy weather is unfavourable. Thursday, May 28. Weather as yesterday. Wind from the Northward in the morning, but Southerly afterwards with rain. The men finished rooting up the stumps and commenced rolling them off the ground. A party I of about a dozen canoes of Cunshewa [sic] Q. Charlotte Island Indians stopped here today on their way going home from Nass. The Indians of this place who arrived from Nass on Sunday are off to Pearl Harbour.i2S An Indian brought us a deer which is very acceptable as we were out of fresh provisions. Friday, May 29. Wind Southerly. Drizzling rain with occasionally heavy showers the most of the day. The Men employed rolling the stumps off the garden and from their great weight, it is a very laborious tedious job, the unfavorable wet weather is also much against them. One of the Men [blank in MS.], an Islander,12* who was cutting firewood, laid down his Axe for a moment to light his pipe and it was stolen by one of the Q. Charlotte Island Indians that arrived yesterday. The thief was pursued but the Axe could not be found. The fellow immediately drew his knife on the Islander, who being unarmed, had to desist. Shortly after their Chief, who is called Mr Charlie, arrived with a few Canoes from Nass, when the theft was mentioned to him and he was made to understand that we would put up with their thefts no longer (when they were last here they stole an axe and some other articles) and that if any thing of the kind ' should occur again we would fire upon them. He felt hurt at what was said to him and went to recover the Axe late in the evening, when an altercation took place between him and the thief, who seized his musket, and without further ceremony shot the Chief, who died in a few minutes afterward. A great cry and lamentation were immediately set up by the Wife and near relatives of the deceased, the women dashing themselves down in the mires and dirt. These paroxysms of grief still continue. We have not yet learned any particulars relative to the circumstances of the murder. As these are a most savage set of Indians and may be disposed to attribute the man's death to us and attempt to revenge it upon us, the guard has been strengthened and every thing prepared to receive them should they attempt any thing. The Chief applied to Dr. Kennedy to accompany him to seek the Axe, and the Dr. was on the point of going, when I fortunately saw him & stopped him. Had he gone it is not improbable he might have been killed. Saturday, May 80. Heavy [rain] in the night and during the day. Wind Southerly. Owing to the disturbance among the Indians it was deemed not safe to send out the men to work outside. Indeed the ground is so miry with the rain that they could have done little at rolling off the stumps. The howling and lamentation among the Indians still continue, some of the women are become completely hoarse with crying. They brought across the corpse this morning and have it set up in a sitting posture wrapped up in a new blanket, but the face left bare & painted, a handkerchief tied round the head, quantities of calico thrown over it with shells and other ornaments fastened over the breast. These Indians are all of the same tribe, but they appear to be divided into two parties. There are about 100 men of them here altogether, only about the % of which seem to be the adherents of the late Chief, so that the others are too numerous for them, but some of them appear to wish to remain neutral in the affair. Numerous messengers were passing and repassing between the two parties (123) A few miles south of Fort Simpson, on the s; (124) Hawaiian Islander, many of whom v, pany, especially aboard their ships. 1944 John Work's Journal. 309 during the day, and a great deal of yelling and threatening made use off [sic], till late in the evening, when about a dozen of the Chief's friends armed with muskets, pistols, and knives repaired to the rocks on the little island12? near the other partie's [sic] encampment and opened a brisk fire upon them, which they kept up a short time but apparently without effect. The others returned the fire but very feebly. The Chief's party are encamped along side of the fort, the others are on the little island a few hundred yards distant. Sunday, May 81. Wind still Southerly. Squally during the night, heavy rain all day. The Indian women occasionally joined by the men still continue their lamentations. The men commenced firing upon those of [on?] the islands early in the morning which they continued at intervals during the forepart of the day; but afterwards they had a parley and towards [word omitted in MS.] made up matters with all except the murder[er] and a very few of his friends who made their escape in two canoes. They report that one woman was killed. Indeed the party who adhered to the murder [er], from the feeble manner in which they opposed the others, dont appear to have wished to carry things to extremities, but acted principally on the defensive. It appears a transfer of property^ is to take place to cement the peace, and that the Murderer and the few friends that adhere to him will be deprived of every thing they have. It is also threatened that war will be renewed against them when they get home. A canoe of 4 Indians belonging to this place came into this bay yesterday evening, but learning what was going on they would not venture to land, but went off Monday, June 1. Very heavy rain during the night and all day till towards evening, when it faired up and the wind shifted from S. to S.W. The ground is in a perfect mire with the heavy rain. On the ground where the potatoes are sowed the water lies in pools, which it is apprehended, will injure the potatoes if the weather does not soon change. The bad weather and the Indians being still unsettled deterred the men from being sent to work outside the fort. When the weather faired up in the afternoon the Indians all went off, the deceased Chief was removed into the Canoe and placed in a sitting posture in his usual place. We are pleased to see them off for they are infamous blood thirsty villains. They recovered the Axe which was stolen and promised to return it but when going off denied they had it and would not give it up, denying that they had it. By firing upon them we might have easily killed a good many of them or made them give it up but as this most likely could not have been effected without bloodshed, and as the Chief has already been killed on account of the Axe, it was thought better to let them go off without any more mischief. They were all armed as indeed they are always. There is no doubt but that our own safety will eventually compell [sic] us to come to extremities with these people, and let them feel (125) This " little island " is apparently the half-peninsula, half-island, to-day called Village Island, lying about a quarter of a mile west of Fort Simpson. Finlayson and Birnie islands are too large and too far away to fit the description. See Admiralty plan No. 2426, Fort Simpson and Adjacent Anchorages. . (126) A common method of atoning for a crime among the Indians. " Property " here does not apply to land, which was held in common, but to personal possessions. 310 H. D. Dee. October our force by destroying a number of them. Their daring is insufferable, and our forbearance probably not viewed in the proper light or assigned to the proper cause. Tuesday, June 2. Some rain in the morning, fine weather afterwards. Wind Northerly, a fine breeze. The men employed rolling the stumps out of the gardin [sic], which is rendered more difficult by the late rain as every hollow is a pool of water. They are also much annoyed by sandflies which are very numerous and exceedingly troublesome, indeed, they have been so whenever it was fine weather for some time past. Wednesday, June 3. Fine weather. What little wind was, was Northerly but it was nearly calm. The men employed as yesterday. Only two of them are sick today which is extraordinary, as hitherto seldom or ever fewer than from the % to the % of them were always laid up. Notwithstanding the great quantity of rain which has fallen lately, it is astonishing how much the ground has dried up these two days. Various places where large streams were runing [sic] two days ago are now nearly dry. Three Canoes of Pearl Harbour Indians arrived from the entrance of the Straits and traded a few halibut, which is a seasonable supply, as we have been for some time all hands living on salt fish & salt Venison. It is fortunate for us that we have some potatoes to use with it. Thursday, June 4. Overcast mild weather, very little wind, variable. Some rain in the evening. The men finished clearing clearing [sic] the stumps off the garden, and were afterwards employed, livelling [sic] & hoeing the ground, cutting drains and putting up the fence, till the afternoon; when they were called into the fort on the Arrival of a band of Masset Indians12' from Queen Charlotte's Island. In the forenoon 13 Canoes of Indians belonging to this place arrived from Nass and encamped a little distance from the fort. In the afternoon 19 Canoes some of them very large, of Masset Indians arrived from Q. Charlotte's Island, and encamped on the little island. On their approaching the shore, the men belonging to the party which had previously arrived, flew to their arms and ran to meet and oppose them if they appeared hostile, while the women were all in confusion running with their property to near the fort gates to be in security. After the interview the New comers were allowed to land peaceably. Such is the distrust there people entertain towards each other, which is much required to guard against the savage treachery common among them all. These Massets are the people or part of them that pillaged the Vancouver when she was cast away last year. A most daring cutthroat looking set of scoundrels they are. There may be about 150 men in the party besides some women. Only a few of them came to the fort gates and proposed selling some potatoes. They have very few if any furs. One of the women offered one of the teacups belonging to the Vancouver for sale. We could not be sure whether any of the other articles about them had belonged to her or not. Arms &c are so much alike. The old Chief did not present himself but kept at a distance. Did a favourable opportunity offer, these scoundrels ought undoubtedly to be punished, their being allowed to escape with impunity, renders them more daring and gives both them and the other Indians a very despicable opinion of us. Where they are is from the northern part of Graham John Work's Journal. my thing. little injury from ie fort, £ 1 durst n Friday, June 5. Wind Northerly but nearly calm. Rained the most of the day, light rain. The men employed at the garden. It is now ready for the seed except a few small drains to draw off the water. The piece they have now finished is only about 5 half Roods, yet 20 men have been employed about 3 weeks rooting up the stumps and rolling them off the ground,, besides all the labour previously bestowed upon it, felling the trees and clearing off the trunks and branches.™ 91 Canoes of the Indians belonging to this place arrived from Nass during the day. The Indians who arrived yesterday traded about 50 bush, potatoes and a beaver or two. Saturday, June 6. Cloudy fine weather. The potatoes were all planted except a small piece where the ground was too wet, which had to be left till Monday to dry. There is now altogether 1 Acre & 1 Rood nearly planted and fenced in. The first sowed ones are coming up, and appear well. 94 Canoes more of the people of this place arrived from Nass during the day. Sunday, June 7. Heavy rain in the night and forepart of the day cloudy. Fine weather afterwards. The Indians still coming from Nass. Upwards of 100 Canoes arrived during the day. Some stopped and others besides some of those that were here before, proceeded on to Pearl Harbour, a few "•miles to the Southward. Monday, June 8. Cloudy fair weather, but cold for this season of the year. The Blacksmith & assistant employed making Nails, 2 men sawing, 2 preparing wood for a beaver press,12' and the others cutting wood for Coals.™ But as we were likely to have some disturbance with the Masset Indians the men were kept in the fort from breakfast time to noon. As many canoes arrived from Nass today as yesterday, part of which stopped and the rest proceeded on to Pearl Harbour. The Masset Indians went off about noon. Their Old Chief, (the Old scoundrel Kinsly, who was the head and active hand at pillaging the Vancouver) presented himself with a party of his men at the gates in the morning, but knowing he merited punishment he would not trust himself in the fort. When Dr. Kennedy went out to speak to him, he said we are friends now and that when a vessel went to Necoon he would give some beaver skins. His offer of friendship was not accepted or refused, and indeed very little conversation took place, as he did not feel himself safe and shortly went off. It was our object to have got him into the fort & secured, but (128) Any one who knows the dense forests of the coast of British Columbia can appreciate the monumental task of clearing land. (129) For compressing beaver-skins into bales for shipment. (130) Charcoal made from wood was used by the blacksmith in place of mineral coal. It was not Work's first experience of making charcoal, since he had, among other duties, directed the firing of charcoal-pits at Fort Spokane in 1825. However, its manufacture at Fort Simpson was not entirely successful. Actually the use of charcoal was unusual. Coal was brought from England to Fort Vancouver, and the Hudson's Bay people did not become very efficient at charcoal-making for some years. See E. E. Rich (ed.), The Letters of John McLoughlin, Second Series, 1889-44, Toronto and London, 1943, p. 22 and n., and p. 94 n. as his men were armed we could not effect this without bloodshed. We had every wish to punish them and we might have shot several of them without much risk to ourselves, but as several of the Pearl Harbour Indians were mixed among them, some of them would have been unavoidably killed also and that would have embroiled us in a quarrel with them also, and been attended with a heavy expense to make up the matter. We were therefore compelled reluctantly, to let them go off unhurt, but it is to be hoped that some favourable opportunity may offer when they can be chastised effectually. After they were gone we learned that the Chiefs here were anxious that we would get the old scoundrel into the fort and that a row would be the consequence, when they would avail themselves of the opportunity to join the fracas and pillage them of every thing they had. Even had we been aware of these sentiments, no matter how desirable it would have been to punish the villains, it would not have been advisable to have acceded to this plan, because the want of principle and love of pillage in these Indians would urge them to pillage any other tribes that would come here, and strangers from a distance would thereby be deterred from visiting the fort. We also learned after they were gone, that they had some of the Vancouver's blunderbusses with them which they intended to make us a present of had matters been made up. They also had been trying to draw over the Pearl Harbour Chiefs to their side, but the others say they declined. What little they traded here was done only by slaves131 or men of little note . so that seizing any of them would have been of no avail. Tuesday, June 9. Rained the most of the day, wind variable. The men employed as yesterday. The ground being dried a little, the remainder of the potatoes were sowed, and about 700 Cabbage plants transplanted. About 50 more canoes arrived from Nass. A number of those which were here went off to Pearl Harbour. Wednesday, June 10. Rained in the morning, showry during the day. Wind light and variable till towards afternoon, when there was a fine breeze from the Northward. The men employed still cutting wood for Coals. About 60 more Canoes of Pearl Harbour Indians arrived from Nass, some of whom stopped here and some proceeded on to Pearl Harbour. Several of those who were here also went off to the same place. These Indians have still a few beaver as far as we can learn, probably 60 to 80, which they wish to trade but insist upon getting a blanket with rum and tobacco for each beaver. As there was so much trouble getting the Tariff reduced to a blanket, and their having so few skins, and not likely to have any more till after the Salmon season, when our opponents will most probably be gone, it is not deemed advisable to alter our present tariff. Our own vessel has as good a chance to get these skins as our opponents. Rum also is an article for which beaver are obtained cheaper than any other and if the Natives get it along with a blanket they will purchase none. It is therefore considered most advantageous, even at the risk of losing the few skins they now have, not to alter the present prices. Thursday, June 11. Fine clear weather. Wind Northerly. This is the first clear day we have had for I don't know how long. The men still employed cutting wood and building up the coal kiln. The wood is mostly of a large size, and takes a great deal of labour to cut & split it and still more (131) Slavery was common among the Coast Indians even at this late 1944 • John Work's Journal. 313 to carry it to the kiln, as some of it has to be carried far and only on the men s shoulders. The road is very bad through fallen trees stumps and branches. It was also a work of labour and difficulty to clear a spot sufficiently large to build the kiln on. The Indians continue still arriving from Nass, about 60 more canoes came today. Several also moved off to Pearl Harbour. It is difficult to ascertain how many come or go as they keep going in the night as well as the day. Friday, June 12. Fine clear & very warm weather, what little wind was from the Northward. The Men employed as before. A Kygarny Indian of some note, Cogill, arrived with a party of his people in a large Canoe. On his approaching, the Indians here went out in several canoes, all armed, shouting and yelling, to meet them and on landing fairly hauled'the canoe up to the lodges, and carried all the baggage into one of the Chief's houses. Whether it will all come out again is a question of doubt. At all events let the strangers like this proceeding or not, they had to submit, indeed they could not well do otherwise as they were fairly in the hands of the Philistines, and perhaps felt it necessary to take all in good part. It appears that some ancient feud exists between these people and the Kygarny men which is not yet compromised, but perhaps Cogill's party are not implicated in it. Cogill shortly came to the fort and deposited some of his trunks. We learn that he is a fugitive here himself, having to fly from among his own people in consequence of a battle he was engaged in lately, in which 8 men were killed. He informs us that about 10 or 14 days ago, no less than four vessels were in Kygarny, viz., our own vessel Capt. McNeill, Capt. Allen, Capt. Dominis, and Capt. Bancroft.132 The latter came with Indians whom he had had away hunting sea otters, the others were trading furs. I cannot conceive what occurred to induce Capt. McNeill to go there,133 for when he left this it was to proceed to the Southward, particularly to Nawety, to secure the Cawelth13* furs. Several more of the Pearl Harbour Indians, at least 60 Canoes arrived from Nass, part of them passed on to Pearl Harbour and part of them stopped here. Several of those who were here, also went off to Pearl Harbour. Indeed they are coming and going in great numbers daily. Saturday, June 18. Still fine clear and very warm weather, a light air of Northerly wind. The men still employed at the coalkiln. Two canoes of Nass Indians arrived in the evening and were taken ashore by the people here the same as the one that arrived yesterday. Sunday, June 14. The weather still continues fine, indeed the heat today was unpleasant. The two Nass canoes which arrived yesterday went off this evening. They had a few beaver with them, which they have probably (132) All of these men have been identified, with the exception of the last. John Bancroft was the captain of the 135-ton American brig Convoy. In 1837, when the Lama was sold by the Hudson's Bay Company, her new owners placed Bancroft in command. He was murdered in a mutiny off the coast of California in 1838 by his Kaigani hunters, when hunting for sea otters. See Ogden, The California Sea Otter Trade, pp. 128-130. (133) Captain McNeill had gone to Kaigani because of contrary winds. See entry for Friday, July 3, 1835, infra. Work had had a similar experience himself; see entry for Thursday, April 2, 1835, supra, pp. 231-2. (134) Work means the Colcauths (Kwakiutl) at Beaver Harbour, not Cow-welths, which were natives of the Queen Charlotte Islands. 314 H. D. Dee. October disposed off [sic] to the other Indians. They brought them here but would not accept of our prices; they demanded a blanket & a gallon of mixed liquor per beaver. A Stikine Indian who has been at Pearl Harbour some days paid us a visit, and was kindly received. He has some beaver but will not accept of our prices but insists upon having rum with the blanket. Yet we learn that the Russians give only a blanket. There are a few skins among the Natives here, but they will not part with them at our prices, in expectation that the American vessels will cast up, when they will get more from them, and hearing that another vessel was come on the coast inclines them still more to hold up their skins. Seeing that there was no hopes of getting the beaver at our present price and that should the American vessels cast up, which there is no doubt they will, we would either have to raise the price or allow all the skins to go to our opponents, and even when we did raise the price then we would get only a part of the beaver, we have deemed it advisable to apprise the Indians that we will give them the gallon of liquor with a blanket for each large beaver skin, & also instead of 2 that we will give 3 gallons of liquor per beaver. By this means it is hoped we will get the most of what furs they have among them before our opponents make their appearance, and that it may also be the means of inducing the Stikines to bring a good many of their beaver here,- which it is probable they would not do if they got no more from them here than from the Russians. The Stikine Chiefs with a large party are expected here in a short time, at least the man who is here informs us that they are coming. It is also expected that raising the price will induce the Tongass people to come here also as well as some other strangers. It is intended to reduce the price immediately when our opponents leave the coast. It is with much reluctance we raise the price after having had so much trouble reducing it, but we must either do so, or allow the furs to go to our opponents, which will be the means of encouraging them to persevere in opposing us, which will incur an annual heavy expence without any adequate returns.135 Monday, June 15. Overcast thick lowering weather. Wind Southerly. The men finished covering up the Coal kiln; it is now ready to set fire to. One of the Chiefs, Cacax, came here from Pearl Harbour this morning with a party of his people to perform the funeral obsequies of an infant daughter which has been dead several weeks. The body was in a box. They raised a mound of stones [blank in MS.] feet high and piled a quantity of wood upon it on which they placed the box and then set fire to it and consumed the whole, besides the man's coat and other articles that were thrown upon it. After the whole was burnt, such of the bones as could be collected, were placed in a small round box and that put in another, which was wrapped in a piece of Calico and deposited on a stage some height from the ground apart from the mound. All the rest of the ashes were collected and put into another large hollow vessel, which was cut in the form of some rude animal, but it would be difficult to say from its uncouth figure what creature it was meant to represent. This figure was then placed on the mound which the fire had occupied.136 During all this ceremony, all present kept (135) This summarizes Work's policy very concisely, which was to overbid his competitors until they found it no longer profitable to remain in competition. How greatly the practice violated his thrifty nature is obvious. (136) This method of disposing of the dead was common among the Haida and Tsimpsean Indians of the time. See infra, entry for Saturday, June 27, 1835. The carving referred to was undoubtedly the totem of the 1944 John Work's Journal. 315 up continual lamentation or rather howling, accompanied by savage gestures. They had provided themselves with some liquor previously, which made their appearance doubly ferocious. This ceremony, deterred the Indians from trading so that only 9 skins were obtained from them. Tuesday, June 16. Wind Westerly. Thick weather in the morning but clear afterwards. The coal kiln was kindled this morning, and three men sent to attend it, the others employed, making a beaver press, sawing, preparing boards for roofing the houses, and clearing up and burning wood about the fort. The Indians traded 24 beaver. Wednesday, June 17. Rained all day. Wind Southerly. The people employed as yesterday. 7 beaver traded today. It is rumoured among the Indians that four of the Natives, who were off on a hunting excursion towards Skeena some time ago, killed 8 Indians from that place who were on their way here to trade. These ruffians returned with a good many beaver, though they had not been long absent, and it could not be conjectured where they had obtained them. The Chiefs are very much displeased as it will probably cause a war, so that they dare not go up that river to trade as usual, where they used to find a good many beaver. One of the Chiefs, Neshoot, arrived from Tongass where he had been trading. The strange vessel which was seen off here some time ago was a Russian but she had not been into any of the harbours about Tongass. Thursday, June 18. Cloudy weather. Wind Southerly, Heavy rain in the morning. The people employed as yesterday. Several of the Indians moved off today to Pearl Harbour. This is the first day that no canoes have been arriving from Nass for a length of time back. There have arrived altogether from that place since the 4th Inst, at least 850 Canoes. Only six beaver were traded today. Friday, June 19. Overcast showry weather. The people employed as these days past. Late last night a Canoe arrived from Pearl Harbour and reported that the Masset Indians and Pearl Harbour Indians were fighting. Both parties had sent off their women into the woods & had commenced firing, but from accounts received today the Masset people drew off and the affair terminated without bloodshed. Several more of the Indians went off during the day. Saturday, June 20. Cloudy fair weather. The Chiefs went off accompanied by the most of their people to Pearl Harbour, and are to proceed shortly to Millbank.13' Only four or five lodges now remain about the place. We are glad to see them off, for they were an annoyance, eternally begging, and no satisfying them. I sent a letter by one of the Chiefs to Mr. Manson,13* Millbank. Sunday, June 21. Overcast raw cold weather, some light rain. The weather continues very cold for this season of the year. Vegetation is making very slow progress. Potatoes which have been sowed more than a month are not yet coming up. Monday, June 22. Wind Southerly, drizzling rain the most of the day and raw cold weather. The men employed clearing up about the fort & preparing to roof the dwelling house. s, p. 134, n. 8. Tuesday, June 28. Showry in the morning, fine weather afterwards. Wind shifted round to the Westward. The Men employed puting [sic] the roof on the dwelling house, sawing and attending the coal kiln. Some more of the Indians went off today. Wednesday, June 24. Fine weather, light Westerly wind. The men employed as yesterday. Some more of the Indians went off, and a canoe arrived from Pearl Harbour. 15 beaver were traded, making 76 which have been traded since we raised the price on the 14th Inst. Very few of which we would have got had we not raised the price. Though but few it is still so many out of the way of our opponents. The Indians have still a few more skins in their, hands but hold them up expecting to get a higher price from our Opponents or from us when they arrive. Thursday, June 25. Fine clear warm weather. Part of the people employed as yesterday, the others at sundry jobs. Part of the furs were aired and beat, and the store arranged and the goods restowed. Friday, June 26. Clear fine warm weather, Wind Westerly, but nearly calm. The men employed, 2 sawing, 2 at the coal kiln, and the others at the dwelling house, part of them at the chimney which is a tedious laborious job; the foundation has to be sunk 8 feet below the flooring, and requires a great quantity of stones to fill it up. The chimney will altogether be from the foundation [blank in MS.] feet high. The clay for the mortar has to be brought a considerable distance by water. The greater part of the stones have also to be brought with boats and both require a great deal of both time and labour. One of the Indians was drowned in the afternoon, a young man, he had gone into the water to bathe it seems without being perceived, and it is conjectured had fallen into a fit or something of that kind. They are all excellent swimmers, and he was close to the shore and scarcely out of his depth. He had been but a short time in the water yet he was quite dead. His Mother, an old woman, and other relatives are overwhelmed with grief, and still continue their lamentations. Saturday, June 27. Fine warm weather forepart of the day. Wind Westerly till the afternoon, when it shifted to the Southward, when the weather became overcast with some light rain in the evening. The men employed as yesterday. An Indian brought us a deer today, which was a seasonable supply as we have been living on salt provisions for some days. The men have constantly salt fish & potatoes, as we are getting very little fresh provisions since the Indians went off. The Natives burnt the young man who was drowned yesterday, but as he was a man of little note there was much less ceremony than with the Chief's child which was burnt some time ago. Sunday, June 28. Wind Southerly. Overcast weather some light rain. The weather is really very cold for this season of the year, and vegetation is getting on very slowly. The potatoes, which were sowed more than a month ago, are only some of them beginning to come up yet, and some of those which were sowed in the beginning of May are only coming up. Monday, June 29. Wind Southerly. Squally weather with very heavy rain the most of the day. The men employed still about the dwelling house. Those that are boating the stones and clay for the chimney have an unpleas- 1944 John Work's Journal. 317 ant job as they are continually wet and the weather so cold. A deer was traded. Some Indians from Pearl Harbour brought a few halibut and some eggs. Tuesday, June SO. Wind still Southerly. Stormy squally weather with heavy rain. The Men employed as yesterday. Wednesday, July l.iss Wind Westerly, more moderate than these days past, very heavy showers of rain during the day. The men still employed as before. A Canoe arrived from Pearl Harbour and brought a deer. Thursday, July 2. Showry weather, wind Westerly. The weather still continues cold, and vegetation making very slow progress. The potatoes are coming coming [sic] on slowly. Some cresses, raddishes [sic] and lettuces are ready for use; but they have been sowed more than two months, yet they are still small. The men still employed at the dwelling house, the coal kill [sic],™> sawing, &c. Building the Chimney is a tedious job. A foundation had to be laid for it 18 feet by 12 feet and 8 feet deep. Burn- ' ing shells into lime is also a tedious job, as the people are not acquainted with the proper mode. Two Canoes arrived from Pearl Harbour but brought nothing but a few eggs. Friday, July 3. Fine warm weather, wind Westerly but very little of it. The people employed still the same. In the afternoon an American brig the. Bolivar, Capt. Dominis, arrived and anchored abreast of the fort last from Clemencitty. She left Capt. McNeill at Naweetie on Monday last.1" It was this vessel which was seen off here some time ago and was taken for a Russian."2 Shortly after that she met the Europa in Tongass where they traded about [blank in MS.] beaver from a party of Stikeen Indians143 after which they both proceeded to Kygarny, where they found Capt. McNeill, who it appears had been induced to go there by foul winds. All the three vessels then proceeded to Sabasses, thence to Millbank, where they separated from the Europa and the other two went to Naweetie where they procured 500 to 600 beaver. It is not known where Capt. Allan went to from Millbank."* The Bolivar left Woahoo1*6 10th April, last, whence she went to Sitka,1*6 and made pretty good sales of a considerable part of her cargo and then came on here to the coast. Shortly previous to leaving the islands1*' another (139) This entry marks the beginning of Work's fifteenth journal. The original is to be found in the Provincial Archives, Victoria, B.C. (140) Charcoal kiln. (141) It will be recalled that Captain McNeill had left Fort Simpson m the Lama on a trading expedition as far south as Nahwitte, on Vancouver Island. (142) See supra, p. 232, n. 76. (143) It is interesting to note how often the Stikine Indians were lured away from the Russian traders in the hope of securing higher prices from the competition between the Hudson's Bay Company and the Americans to the south. (144) Fort McLoughlin. . (145) Common spelling for Oahu, the most important of the Hawaiian Islands, on which Honolulu is situated. . (146) Headquarters of the Russian American Company, on Baranof Island, Alaska. (147) Hawaiian Islands. vessel arrived in 120 days from the States, from the same owners with a cargo of supplies, and also to come on to the Coast; but as Capt. Dominis supposed justly that little was to be done here, he took out her cargo and returned her again. We conjectured that his object now is to remain on the coast till towards the fall, and then proceed with Indians to hunt Sea Otters and smuggle goods at California, and probably return to the Coast here the ensuing summer. Now as there is every likelihood that Snow1*8 who was here last summer, and made pretty well out, will also be back next summer, we will have two vessels at least opposing us next summer also, which will render it utterly impossible for us to make any thing but a heavy losing business of it, particularly as affairs stand now, when beavers are diminishing so rapidly in numbers. The Americans^ never calculate on making more than a part of their voyage on the coast. They dispose of part of their cargo at the islands, and make further sales to the Russians, and then come on here with the residue here [sic], which is disposed of at almost any price rather than take it home. Their Captains act in the double capacity of Master and supercargo for which they are allowed a very moderate monthly wages [sic], and a percentage upon their sales, so that it is their interest (as they express themselves) to "get rid of it" even should the owners be no gainers by the bargain. From these causes, their mode of dealing with the natives is calculated to be highly detrimental to us who are permanently trading with them, because they estimate the greater part of their commodities by the rate they stand themselves in, and not by the value they are to the Indians. For instance they never give less than 12%—and mostly 25 lbs. of powder for a beaver skin, and most other articles in proportion. Hence the Natives obtain these things, which should be so essential to them, in such abundance that they lay little or no value upon them. Saturday, July 4- Cloudy fine weather, wind Westerly. The men employed as before. The Indians brought a few salmon from Pearl Harbour. In the evening the Europa, Capt. Allan, arrived last from Tongass. [To be continued.] (148) Captain Snow from Boston, in the American barque Lagrange. See W. F. Tolmie, Diary, entry for June 3, 1834. It is interesting to note that both Captain Snow and Captain Allan had been as active in competition with the Russians as they were with the Hudson's Bay Company. The Russian-American Treaty of April, 1824, had permitted free recourse of American ships to harbours between Lynn Canal and 54° 40'. On the very day that this treaty expired both skippers were served notice to keep out of Russian waters. For more details see Donald C Davidson, " Relations of the Hudson's Bay Company with the Russian American Company on the Northwest Coast, 1829-1867," in British Columbia Historical Quarterly, V. (1941), p. 38. (149) See supra, p. 128, for a word of explanation on the part which the Russians played in this struggle between the American trading vessels and the Hudson's Bay Company. See also Ogden, The California Sea Otter ROYAL COMMISSIONS AND COMMISSIONS OF INQUIRY UNDER THE "PUBLIC INQUIRIES ACT" IN BRITISH COLUMBIA. A CHECKLIST. By Marjorie C. Holmes. Part II., 1900-1910. 1900 29. Porcupine-Chilkat Districts. Report under the Porcupine District Commission, 1900, by the Honourable Archer Martin, Special Commissioner, with observations on the P & C Districts. Victoria, B.C.: Printed by Richard Wolfenden, Printer to the King's Most Excellent Majesty. 1901. Cover-title, 13 pp. Also in Sessional Papers . . . Session 1901. pp. 1055-1065. The file book, maps, and photographs are on file in the Provincial Secretary's Office, Victoria. Commissioner: Mr. Justice Archer Martin of the Supreme Court of British Columbia. Appointed August 23, 1900; report dated December 31, 1900. The commissioner was appointed under the " Public Inquiries Act" and the " Porcupine District Commission Act, 1900," to settle disputes and difficulties in regard to matters arising under the " Mineral Act" and the " Placer Mining Act" and amending acts, in the Porcupine District of the Lake Bennett Mining Division. He was given the necessary powers to settle these difficulties. The Appendix to the commissioner's report gives an interesting account of the Porcupine District, including its history, fauna, native races, the story of the Dalton trail, and a short list of books relating to that part of the country. 1901 30. Report of the Commission appointed to inquire into the grievances of the Settlers within the tract of lands granted to the Esquimalt and Nanaimo Railway Company. 32 pp. In Sessional Papers . . . Session 1901. pp. 337-368. Original evidence on file in the Provincial Secretary's Office, Victoria. Commissioner: Eli Harrison, Junior, Judge of the County Court of Appointed October 12, 1900; report dated January 4, 1901. Marjorif C. Holmes. October n inquired into the grievances of certain settlers in the Esquimalt and Nanaimo Railway belt regarding the titles and grants of their lands and the mineral rights in those lands. The question was a very involved one. The commissioner ruled that the settlers held surface rights only. Reference should alsc E. & N. Railway Belt] ii pp. lix.-lxii. . Report of C. K. Clarke, M.D., Superintendent of the Rockwood Asylum for the Insane, Kingston, Ontario, appointed a Commissioner to inquire into and concerning all matters connected with the general administration of the Hospital for the Insane at New Westminster. In Sessional Papers . . . Session 1901. pp. 229-235. Original typewritten report on file in the Provincial Secretary's Office, Victoria. Commissioner: C. K. Clarke, M.D., of the Rockwood Asylum for the Insane, Kingston, Ontario. Appointed January 16, 1901; report dated January 23, 1901. The commissioner in his report called attention to certain administrative defects as to cost of maintenance, which he considered was too heavy, and offered recommendations to remedy this condition. He paid tribute to the advances which had been made since the previous inquiry of 1894, but advocated changes in the treatment of patients. Original typewritten report, evidence, and exhibits on file in the Provincial Secretary's Office, Victoria. Commissioner: Eli Harrison, Junior, Judge of the County Court of Nanaimo. Appointed July 24, 1901; report dated September 4, 1901. Charges had been made against the warden of the gaol of immorality, neglect of duty, violation of the rules and regulations of the prison, and of ill-treatment of prisoners. One gaoler and three trusties were also charged with the same offences. The commissioner found that the warden was lax in his duties, that he made no effort to remedy abuses, and that he disregarded the rules and regulations, but that the evidence did not show that the charge of immorality was sustained. 33. [Commission . . . to hold an enquiry into the conduct of the offices of the Gold Commissioner and Mining Recorder of the Bennett Lake and Atlin Lake Mining Divisions . . .] No report found. Commissions of Inquiry. Appointed July 10, 1901. Chief Justice McColl died in January, 1902, and therefore it is possible that he did not complete his report, as no trace of it has been 34. [Report of the Royal Commission under the "Public Inquiries Act" to inquire into certain charges against the Hon. James Dunsmuir and certain members of his cabinet in connection with matters set forth in the Resolution in the Legislative Assembly on March 19th, 1902.] No report found. Original typewritten evidence on file in the Provincial Secretary's Office, Victoria. Commissioner: Mr. Justice George Anthony Walkem, of the Supreme Court of British Columbia. Appointed March 25, 1902. Smith Curtis, M.L.A. for Rossland, charged the Hon. James Dunsmuir and his cabinet with negotiating to give an excessive subsidy of Provincial money and lands to the Canadian Northern Railway without " proper safeguards." The railway was planning to build a line from Bute Inlet to the Yellowhead Pass " with a view ... to the sale at a greater price than could otherwise be got, of the E. & N. Railway and Comox and Cape Scott Railway Companies' railways and rights " whereby James Dunsmuir, as a heavy shareholder in the companies, would reap the benefit. The evidence was dramatic. Curtis attempted to obtain a copy of a secret code which had been used, and also at one time walked out of the trial chamber. The evidence on file shows that the commission was adjourned " until after the sitting of the Full Court at Vancouver," but there the record ceases. 35. Return under Sub-section (2) of Section 10 of the "Public In quiries Act" [re administration of the " Liquor Licence Act," Fort Steele Licence District]. lp. In Sessional Papers . . . Session 19%S. p. J 27. Original typewritten report and evidence on file in the Provincial Secretary's Office, Victoria. Commissioner: William H. Bullock-Webster, barrister, of Nelson. Appointed April 8, 1902; report dated August 6, 1902. The commissioner investigated the methods employed by the Chief Licence Inspector in issuing liquor licences. While considering that the methods employed by the Inspector were careless, the commissioner did not think that his actions were in any way irregular, nor that the charges made against him were justified. Marjorie C. Holmes. i. Report of the Special Commission appointed to inquire int Causes of Explosions in Coal Mines. 8 pp. In Sessional Papers . . . Session 1908. pp. J 9-J16. Original typewritten report, evidence, and exhibits on file i Provincial Secretary's Office, Victoria. Commissioners: JohnBryden, of Victoria; Tully Boyce, of Nan Peter S. Lampman, of Victoria. Appointed August 7, 1902; report dated February 18, 1903. This \ ras a fact-finding commissic n which made full inquiries into causes of explosions in coa rious mines in Fernie, Nana imo, Cumberland, and Ladysmith, nee of mining engineers, mil ers, and others, and made recom- endation s for safety measures in n ines, with a view to subsequent 37. Return under Sub-section (2) of Section 10 of the "Public In quiries Act." [Provincial Home, Kamloops, inquiry.] 3 pp. In Sessional Papers . . . Session li Original MS. report and evidence o: tary's Office, Victoria. Commissioner: S. A. Fletcher, of New Westminster. Appointed December 2, 1903; report dated January 22, 1904. Certain inmates and others at the Provincial Home, Kamloops, made charges of cruelty, and neglect of duty generally, against the Superintendent. The commissioner, after hearing evidence, found that the complaints were not proven and that " the institution might well be considered a credit to the Province." 38. In the matter of the " Public Inquiries Act" and in the matter of the conduct of Archibald Dick as Inspector of Mines. lp. Original typewritten report and evidence on file in the Provincial Secretary's Office, Victoria. Commissioner: William Ward Spinks, Judge of the County Court, Yale. Appointed October 24, 1904; report dated December 31, 1904. Archibald Dick was accused of receiving money, either directly or indirectly, from the Crows Nest Pass Coal Company. The commissioner found that the accusations were unfounded. 39. [Commission issued to Hugh Archibald Maclean ... as Special Commissioner under the " Public Inquiries Act" to inquire into the administration of justice in the City of Phoenix, the discharge of duties devolving on the Police Magistrate, and the Police and Licence Commissioners of that City.] 13 pp. 1944 COMMISSIONS OF INQUIRY. 323 The original typewritten report and evidence are on file in the Provincial Secretary's Office, Victoria. Commissioner: Hugh Archibald Maclean, Deputy Attorney-General, of Victoria. Appointed May 26, 1904; report dated June 10, 1904. The inquiry "largely resolved itself into a consideration of the conduct of the Chief of Police, Police Magistrate, Police Commissioners, Mayor and Municipal Council of Phoenix relative to a charge of assault laid by a woman of the town, called Alice Chase, against Charles H. Flood, Chief of Police." The case developed into an important factor in municipal politics, gave rise to disagreements between the municipal officers, and caused several resignations and new appointments. This outcome rendered unnecessary any comment on the performance of the duties of Police and Licence Commissioners by the Special Commissioner. With respect to the Police Magistrate, no valid reason for his dismissal was uncovered. Flood, the Chief of Police, was held not entirely blameless in the assault case, but the commissioner took the view that in spite of this, Flood was a good officer. It is interesting to note that, despite the furore, his services as Chief of Police were retained. 1905 40. Report of Commission on Assessment Act. 4 pp. In Sessional Papers . . . Session 1905. pp. F 27-F 30. The original typewritten report, evidence, and exhibits are on file in the Provincial Secretary's Office, Victoria. Commissioners: Hon. F. Carter-Cotton, President of the Executive Council; Hon. R. G. Tatlow, Minister of Finance; David R. Ker, of Victoria, and J. Buntzen, of Victoria. Appointed December 29, 1904; report dated February 16, 1905. The commission was appointed to investigate the " Assessment Act, 1903," " with respect to its practical bearings on the financial requirements of the province." After investigation, the commissioners made certain recommendations, many of which were implemented in the amendment to the " Assessment Act," passed in 1906. . 41. Report of R. F. Tolmie, Commissioner on the inquiry into the con duct of Hugh Hunter in his capacity as an officer of the Provincial Government. Original typewritten report on file in the Provincial Secretary's Office, Victoria. Commissioner: Roderick F. Tolmie, Deputy Minister of Mines. Appointed April 18, 1905; report dated June 29, 1905. Hugh Hunter, of Princeton, was charged with being neglectful of his official duties, but the commissioner did not find that the charges were sustained by the evidence brought out at the inquiry. 324 Marjorie C. Holmes. October 42. [In the matter of a Commission under the " Public Inquiries Act" dated August 18,1905 . . . in the matter of the Union Club, the Elks Club, Eureka Club, Chess Club, Playgoers Club and the Railway Porters Club.] Original typewritten report and evidence on file in the Provincial Secretary's Office, Victoria. Commissioner: Hugh Archibald Maclean, Deputy Attorney-General, of Victoria. Appointed August 31, 1905; report dated September 29, 1905. The clubs above mentioned, incorporated under the " Benevolent Societies Act," were accused of carrying on in " a manner adverse to intention of the said statutes." They were charged with gambling, etc., and police court convictions were produced in support of the charge. The conduct of the clubs was an open scandal, which was freely ventilated in the newspapers at the time. The commissioner found that the charges were well-founded, except in the case of the Union Club. He recommended that the charters of all clubs, except that of the Union Club, be cancelled, and that the societies or associations be dissolved. 1906 Original typewritten report on file in the Provincial Secretary's Office, Victoria. Commissioner: Peter S. Lampman, Judge of the County Court of Victoria. Appointed November 29,1905; report dated February 23,1906. The commissioner investigated matters pertaining to the action of the Board of Examiners, the Department of Education, and Miss Agnes Deans Cameron, principal of South Park School, Victoria, in connection with drawing books submitted by pupils of the school at the high school entrance examinations held in June, 1905. Exercises in the drawing books completed during the term had'been submitted for examination. David Blair, examiner in drawing, called the attention of the Education Department to the fact, that, in the examination of December, 1903, lines which should have been " freehand " had been ruled, and that measurements contrary to the regulations had been made. Teachers had been circularized, and their attention had been drawn to the rules of the examination. The commissioner carefully scrutinized drawing books submitted for examination in June, 1905, and questioned each pupil. Evidence of " ruling " was found in twenty-nine books, each of which had been certified by Miss Cameron. The commissioner found that the action of the Department of Education was fully justified, and as a result of the findings Miss Cameron's teaching certificate was suspended for a period of three years. 1944 Commissions of Inquiry. 325 44. In the matter of the " Public Inquiries Act " ... to inquire into and report . . . concerning the action of the Department of Lands and Works in connection with the notice dated September 22nd, 1905, inviting tenders for the purchase of government property, situated at Laurel Point, Victoria Harbour, known as Lot 570b, Victoria City. U PP. Original typewritten report and evidence on file in the Provincial Secretary's Office, Victoria. Commissioner: Frederick Peters, K.C, of Victoria. Appointed July 14, 1906; report dated July 30, 1906. This is commonly known as the " Pendray commission." W. J. Pendray was anxious to purchase the lot next to that on which his business was situated. As was usual, the lot was submitted by the Department of Lands and Works for public tender. Pendray's tender was for $2,000. It was charged that the amount of Pendray's tender had been permitted to " leak out," and that as a result a higher one for $2,100 was submitted by a Mrs. Logie, which the Department intended to accept. However, the Board of Trade sent a deputation to interview the Government, submitting that the lot in question should not be allowed to fall into private hands. Further, it was charged that some one in the Department talked about the amount of the Pendray tender, and that the official in charge of the Department, R. F. Green, had agreed to lease the lot to Pendray at a nominal rent on Pendray's threat to expose the transaction. The commissioner found that the charges were not substantiated. 45. [Commission issued to Alexander Middleton of Coleridge, Alta., James William Scallion of Virden, Man., Gordon Wright Quick of Maple Creek, Sask., and Frederick Miles Logan of Victoria to enquire into all matters relating to the purchase and sale of cattle, sheep and meat in the province of British Columbia . . . and into the facts tending to the ascertainment of whether there exists . . . any combination in restraint of or affecting trade in cattle, sheep or meat . . . such as would infringe upon the provisions of the Criminal Code . . .] No report found. Commissioners: Alexander Middleton, of Coleridge, Alta.; James William Scallion, of Virden, Man.; Gordon Wright Quick, of Maple Creek, Sask.; Frederick Miles Logan, of Victoria. Appointed October 11, 1906. 1907 46. Commission to make enquiry into the standing of the Liquor License granted to [James] Hill, one of the proprietors of the Cecil Hotel in the City of Ladysmith, and into the conduct of the License Commissioners for the City of Ladysmith . . . in connection with said License. 326 Marjorie C. Holmes. October The original typewritten report and exhibits are on file in the Provincial Secretary's Office, Victoria. Commissioner: William Charles Moresby, barrister, of Victoria. Appointed October 17, 1907; report dated November 1, 1907. . The commission was appointed following a letter of complaint from Parker Williams, M.L.A. for the district, contending that Hill's licence had been wrongly revoked. The licence in question had been issued to James Hill, of Messrs. Hill & Haslett, Cecil Hotel, Ladysmith, by the Licensing Commissioners. Later it was revoked by that body, following an informal meeting with the chief of police of Ladysmith. On investigating, Commissioner Moresby found that no misconduct on the part of the Licensing Board or of any member thereof had taken place, but he recommended that the resolution of September 30, 1907, revoking the licence be rescinded by a special meeting called for that purpose. 1908 47. Report submitted to His Honour the Lieutenant-Governor by Pro fessor Louis G. Carpenter, of Fort Collins, Colorado, and the Honourable Frederick J. Fulton, who were appointed Commissioners to inquire into the Irrigation of Land in the Province of British Columbia. 13 pp. In Sessional Papers . . . Session 1908. pp. D 1-D13. Commissioners: Professor Louis G. Carpenter, of Fort Collins, Colorado, and Hon. Frederick James Fulton, Commissioner of Lands and Works. Appointed August 19, 1907; report dated February 10, 1908. The commissioners inspected the districts near Ashcroft, Kamloops, Vernon, Kelowna, Penticton, Osoyoos, and Keremeos, with a view to sizing up irrigation problems. Later, the commissioners visited Colorado and consulted with authorities on irrigation there. Separate reports were submitted by each commissioner; that of Professor Carpenter making recommendations regarding the tightening-up of the water laws of the Province and recommending the formation of a body to administer water affairs. He compared the situation and legal aspects of the Province in this respect with Colorado somewhat fully, as the situation seemed to him to be similar. Fulton's report consists merely of a " diary " of the places visited and things seen. He states, however, that he fully concurs in the report of his co-commissioner. 48. [Commission . . . to investigate the charges brought by Miss [Agnes] Gertrude Donovan of Victoria against the Department of Education.] No report found. Original evidence on file in the Department of Education, Victoria. "Iruce Robertson, barrister, of Victoria. 08; report dated February 11, 1908.* n the Department of Education. 1944 Commissions of Inquiry. 327 The inquiry was the culmination of a long dispute between a school teacher, Gertrude Donovan, the school boards of Kaslo and Vancouver, and the Department of Education. In 1906 Miss Donovan had been summarily dismissed by the Kaslo school board, with consequent loss of salary. On appeal to the Council of Public Instruction, and investigation by the Inspector of Schools, David Wilson, the salary decision was reversed, with the Kaslo board protesting. Subsequently Miss Donovan taught in the Vancouver schools. This engagement also terminated suddenly after charges which she made against the city superintendent were found, by a trustees' investigation, to be unfounded. The commissioner under the " Public Inquiries Act" was appointed on the request of the Lieutenant-Governor, personally, in order to investigate the state of affairs which had been steadily growing since 1906 between Miss Donovan and the Superintendent of Education, Dr. Alexander Robinson. 49. Report of Commissioner appointed to make an inquiry into the claims of certain persons who had entered upon the Crown Lands in the District of Kootenay under reserve for reclamation purposes, with a view to effecting an adjustment of such claim. Original typewritten report and evidence on file in the Provincial Secretary's Office, Victoria. Commissioner: William Franklin Teetzel, of Victoria. Appointed March 31, 1908; report dated June 4, 1908. The commissioner divided the claimants into two classes, those who "for any lengthy period had been in actual occupation of Crown lands and who during such occupancy had made substantial improvements on the lands so occupied," and those " who within a recent period had gone upon the lands in the belief . . . that your government would shortly open these lands for settlement." He expressed the opinion that only the first class of person should be entitled to avail himself of the privilege of purchasing 40 acres of land, and suggested a price to be paid. The second class of settler should be allowed to purchase only 10 acres of land at the suggested price. The commissioner also investigated certain claims to Crown lands in the Creston area, consisting of meadow lands, inundated for several months in the year, which had been used for hay. He recommended that claimants be allowed to purchase 40 acres of these lands, and suggested the price to be paid. 50. [Commission under the " Public Inquiries Act" to ascertain the truth as to matters in re Gaoler W. J. Norfolk's suspension from the Provincial Gaol at Kamloops.] No report found. Commissioner: Albert Edward Beck, barrii Appointed September 10, 1908. Marjorie C. Holmes. 1909 51. [Commission . . . to investigate the affairs of the Fruit and Produce Exchange of British Columbia Ltd., the mode in which the said Company has transacted its business, the application that the Company has made of the money advanced to it by the Government, and generally, the present financial condition of the Company.] No report found. Typewritten supplementary report (2 pp.), evidence, and exhibits on file in the Provincial Secretary's Office, Victoria. Commissioner: Albert Francis Griffiths, of Victoria. Appointed April 7, 1909; report dated June 29, 1909; supplementary report dated October 16, 1909. . The affairs of the company in question had gone from bad to worse, and in order to bolster up its finances certain money had been advanced to it by the Government. The head office of the company was situated in Revelstoke; shareholders were the various fruit and vegetable growers' associations throughout the Province, who were interested in marketing their crops in the various provinces in Canada by a co-operative method. The commissioner held that the group who undertook to carry on the business in liquidation were not authorized by the company to do so in a proper legal manner, and had therefore rendered themselves liable ,to legal proceedings. 52. Royal Commission of Inquiry on Timber and Forestry. Interim 2 pp. In Sessional Papers . . . Session 1910. pp. H 12-H 14. Also in Appendix to the Final Report of the Royal Commission on Timber and Forestry 1909-1910. Original report and partial evidence on file in the Provincial Secretary's Office, Victoria. Commissioners: Frederick John Fulton, K.C, Commissioner of Lands; Arthur Samuel Goodeve, M.L.A. for Rossland; Alfred Cornelius Flumerfelt, J.P., of Victoria. Appointed July 9,1909; report not dated.* s made certain suggestions as to the * Covering letter to the Provincial Secretary is dated December 21 COMMISSIONS OF INQUIRY. 53. Report of the Fire Insurance Commission, 1910; appointed on the 4th day of February, 1910, under Chapter 99, of the Revised Statutes of British Columbia, 1897, intituled " An Act Respecting Inquiries into Public Matters." Printed by authority of the Legislative Assembly of British Columbia, Victoria, B.C.: Printed by Richard Wolfenden, I.S.O., V.D., Printer to the King's Most Excellent Majesty. 1910. Cover-title, 52 pp. Also in Sessional Papers . . . Session 1911. pp. B 1-B 52. Original typewritten report and evidence on file in the Provincial Secretary's Office, Victoria. Commissioners: R. S. Lennie, barrister, of Nelson; Day Hort Mac- Dowell, of Victoria; A. B. Erskine, of Vancouver. Appointed February 4, 1910; report not dated. The commission was appointed to investigate matters connected with fire insurance, including the placing of insurance by residents of British Columbia with "outside companies, and the best methods of Government supervision of fire insurance." A digest of the evidence which was taken is included in the report. The commissioners made certain recommendations stressing the need for the Government to create an insurance department and to issue proper regulations. 54. Commission . . . under the " Public Inquiries Act" ... to enquire into all actions of the Commissioners of Police for the City of Victoria for the year 1910, in connection with their public duties . . . 13 pp. Original typewritten report on file in the Provincial Secretary's Office, Victoria. Commissioner: Peter Secord Lampman, Judge of the County Court of Victoria. Appointed March 24,1910; report dated April 20, 1910. The commissioners whose actions were questioned were the Mayor of Victoria (A. J. Morley), Alderman H. F. Bishop, and Leonard Tait. No definite complaint had been laid, but constant assertions had been made on the streets that money was being collected from professional gamblers, both white and Chinese, and from keepers of houses of prostitution, in return for " protection," and inferences had been drawn that the police commissioners were getting all or part of the money. References to the rumours had been made in the two Victoria newspapers, the Times of March 12, 1910, and the Week of March 19. The commissioner investigated the rumours and found that while the police commissioners and the police force had knowingly allowed bawdy-houses to operate freely in the " restricted " district of Victoria, yet there was no evidence to show that any of the commissioners had ever received bribes from gamblers, either Chinese or white, or from the keepers of those houses. Marjorie C. Holmes. 4 pp. In Sessional Papers . . . Session 1911. pp. M13-M16. Commissioners: Dean R. C Weldon, of Dalhousie University; Canon G. Dauth, Vice-Rector of Laval University, Montreal; C. C. Jones, Chancellor of the University of New Brunswick; Professor 0. D. Skel- ton, of Queen's University; Walter C. Murray, President of the University of Saskatchewan. Appointed May 30,1910; report dated June.28, 1910. The commissioners, in accordance with the " University Site Commission Act, 1910," visited and made a careful examination of certain cities and rural districts of the Province, which had been suggested as suitable sites for a university. They recommended as the most suitable location " the vicinity of the City of Vancouver."- The report is composed of three parts: the report, a supplementary report, and the minutes of the c< 56. Final report of the Royal Commission of Inquiry on Timber and Forestry 1909-1910 appointed on the 9th day of July, 1909, under Chapter 99, of the Revised Statutes of British Columbia, 1897, intituled " An Act Respecting Inquiries Concerning Public Matters." Printed by authority of the Legislative Assembly of British Columbia. Victoria, B.C.: Printed by Richard Wolfenden, I.S.O., V.D., Printer to the King's Most Excellent Majesty. 1910. Cover-title, 116 pp., 8 plates, 1 map. Also in Sessional Papers . . . Session 1911. pp. D 1-D 116. Commissioners: Frederick John Fulton, K.C; Arthur Samuel Good- eve, M.L.A. for Rossland; Alfred Cornelius Flumerfelt, of Victoria. Appointed July 9, 1909; report dated November 15, 1910. The commissioners were appointed to " cause inquiry to be made into and concerning the timber resources of the province, the preservation of the forests, the prevention of forest fires, the utilization of timber areas, afforestation, and the diversification of tree-growing, and generally all matters connected with timber resources of the province." The report of this commission is a valuable one, inasmuch as it contains information concerning the early history of forestry and timber legislation in the Province, as well as some early statistics of forest revenue and production. The recommendations made were the foundation of forestry legislation as we now know it in British Columbia, and formed the basis of the organization of the British Columbia Forest Branch of the Department of Lands in 1912. The Interim report of the commission is included in the Appendix of the Final report. ya is included here on 1944 Commissions op Inquiry. 331 57. [Commission . . . appointed to hear the claims of all persons who consider they are entitled to compensation in respect to the re-survey and plan of District Lot 284a. in the City of Van- No report found. Commissioner: John Louis Graham Abbott, barrister, of Vancouver. Appointed August 19,1910. NOTES AND COMMENTS. BRITISH COLUMBIA HISTORICAL ASSOCIATION. Victoria Section. An outstanding address by Mr. Sydney G. Pettit, Assistant Professor of History in Victoria College, on The Life of Sir Matthew Baillie Begbie, was the main item on the programme at the first meeting of the new season, held in the Provincial Library on Monday, September 11. The Chairman of the Section, Mr. Justice H. B. Robertson, presided. Sir Matthew, Mr. Pettit said, was born in England in 1819, the son of a colonel in the British Army whose wife was the daughter of a general. He was brought up in a barracks, and his first school teacher—" a fine type and a type more needed to-day," Mr. Pettit remarked—was a regimental sergeant-major. His father inherited money, and moved his family to the Channel Islands, where young Begbie was tutored by a Cambridge man, a brilliant failure much given to the bottle. Begbie's marked aversion to strong drink was doubtless the result of this association. At 14 young Begbie won a scholarship, and later another which took him to Peterhouse, at Cambridge. At 25 he was called to the Bar, and from then until 1858 lived the life of an impecunious lawyer in London, " a man about town." He went to Italy, studied music, learned French and Italian, " and tasted nearly everything life had to offer." Begbie came to British Columbia, drawn no doubt by adventure, but probably also, Mr. Pettit said, because he was the unfortunate candidate for a lady's hand. After describing Begbie's outstanding part in the task of maintaining law and order in gold-rush days, Mr. Pettit gave many interesting details of his later years, when he lived in Victoria in a rambling grey house, recently pulled down, on the south side of Collinson, between Cook and Vancouver streets. He gave Tuesday tennis parties, at which he played the first set, clad in a velvet jacket, " and everyone in town worth knowing came to tennis." He took the gentlemen aside, and asked them what they liked to drink. On Saturday evening he invited the clergy to dinner, and later other friends came in for whist. He sang in the choir of St. John's Church; he wore a sweeping black cape, and spaniels usually followed at his heels. In stature he was six feet five inches. He could look back on a life as oarsman at Cambridge, Bohemian, student of music, linguist, expert horseman, fine shot. He died at 75, after an agonizing illness, refusing both morphine and operation. That was 50 years ago last June, and his memory, Mr. Pettit remarked, is almost as obscured as his Collinson Street garden, for he left no diaries, few private letters, only some note-books in an old-fashioned shorthand that no one now can read. " His was a life full of intelligence, service, and love for the country of his adoption." As a fitting preface to the lecture, Mr. Justice Robertson displayed the judicial wigs and gowns given to the Provincial Archives by the late Chief British Columbia Historical Quarterly, Vol. VIII., No. 4. 334 Notes and Comments. October Justice of British Columbia, the Hon. Archer Martin. He explained the history of these historic articles, now no longer worn in Canada, but still in use in England. The gavel he used as Chairman was also presented by the late Chief Justice, and was made from wood of the old steamer Beaver. Vancouver Section. The first meeting this autumn was held in the Grosvenor Hotel on Thursday, October 5. The many members present were sorry to hear of the serious illness of Mr. A. G. Harvey, President of the Section, and to learn that it may be some little time before he is again able to attend meetings. In his absence the Vice-President, Miss Helen Boutilier, presided. The speaker for the evening was Rev. John C. Goodfellow, of Princeton, whose topic was Survival Values in Human Life. Turning first to the realm of biology and zoology, Mr. Goodfellow touched upon Darwin's observations and upon the rules of existence that had been summed up in a rough and ready fashion in the phrase, " the survival of the fittest." The enormous dinosaur had vanished, while the flea had survived the ages; thus illustrating in a striking way the fact that mere physical size or strength did not ensure survival. Something more, and something extremely difficult to discover, let alone define, was required—an adaptability, a universality, that, for want of a better term, might be termed " survival value." Mr. Goodfellow next applied this same principle to art and music. When speaking of the latter he hazarded an interesting opinion as to which songs of our own time would survive, and included in his list Pack up your troubles in your old kit bag, not because it was great music or its lyric great literature, but because it had captured something that was all but universal in the experience of mankind. This song, he pointed out, offered an interesting contrast to several others that, during the present war, had enjoyed sudden and immense popularity, only to vanish almost as quickly as they appeared because they caught only the mood of a moment, or of a specific In conclusion, Mr. Goodfellow applied the principle to politics, and offered interesting observations, and a suggestion or two by way of prophecy, as to what political institutions promised to have the elusive quality of " survival value." In closing the meeting, Miss Boutilier announced that the annual meeting of the Section would be held in November, and appointed a nominating committee to whom those wishing to nominate persons for the new executive should submit names. In this connection it should be noted that the officers and councillors for 1944 were incorrectly listed in the Quarterly last January. The corrected list is as follows:— Honorary President - - - - Dr. Robie L. Reid. President Mr. A. G. Harvey. Vice-President Miss Helen Boutilier. Honorary Secretary - Miss Audrey Reid. Honorary Treasurer - Mr. G. B. White. Notes and Comments. Members of the Council- Mr. E. G. Baynes. Dr. W. Kaye Lamb. Mr. A. DeB. McPhilli Mr. E. M. Cotton. Miss Eleanor Mercer Miss Lillian Cope. Mr. J. R. V. Dunlop. Dr. W. N. Sage. Mr. K. A. Waites. Mr. D. A. McGregor. ' Dr. Sylvia Thrupp. Mr. George Green. LOCAL HISTORICAL SOCIETIES. Okanagan Historical Society.—The financial statement for the year ended June 7, 1944, was mailed to members some weeks ago by the Society's indefatigable Secretary, Mr. Leonard Norris. Revenue from the Tenth Report, published a year ago, is reported as being no less than $615, which indicates that the membership has passed the 500 mark. The cash balance on hand was $351.13. Mr. Norris hopes to have the Eleventh Report ready for mailing to members sometime in December. The Society continues to take a special interest in "that remarkable phenomenon known as the Okanagan Arc which appears from time to time in the sky over British Columbia," and which was first reported upon in detail in 1843 by Sir James Douglas, who observed it from Victoria at the time the original fort buildings were under construction. In an effort to systematize observation, and secure, if possible, a number of simultaneous observations made at different latitudes, Mr. Norris has issued a circular letter of instructions which it is hoped will enable anyone observing the arc to record some information of value. Further details may be secured from Mr. Norris, whose permanent address is Box 897, Vernon, B.C. Kamloops Museum Association.—Mr. J. J. Morse, the very active President of the Association, joined the war-service staff of the Y.M.C.A. in the winter of 1941-42, but the organization has managed to carry on in a modest way, due largely to the efforts of the Vice-President, Mr. Burt Campbell. The number of outside visitors to the museum is much lower than formerly, owing to the virtual disappearance of the motor tourist, but Jocal interest is surviving the war years. The museum was closed during the winter months, from October to March, but has been open on Saturday evenings since the spring. Attendance has been encouraging, and as many as fifty people have visited the exhibits in a single day. Two years and more ago the Association lost a valued member in the death of Mr. J. H. Wilson, who had given most generously of his time. This September the death occurred of Mr. David Power, a member of the executive, who had contributed largely to the work of the Association. It was Mr. Power who identified and preserved the old Hudson's Bay Company fort building which was re-erected in Riverside Park in 1937, and it will be recalled that it was also due to Mr. Power's efforts that several original journals of old Fort Kamloops, dating back to the 1850's, were rescued from a bonfire many years ago. Notes and Comments. o occupy part of the house presented to the City of Kamloops early in 1939 by Mrs. J. S. Burris for library and museum purposes. These quarters were opened officially on April 29, 1939. CONTRIBUTORS TO THIS ISSUE. Lieutenant Norman R. Hacking, R.C.N.V.R., graduated from the University of British Columbia in 1934. The subject of his graduating essay was The Early Marine History of British Columbia, and the article printed in this issue is a revised and much enlarged version of one chapter of the essay. As this indicates, Lieutenant Hacking's interest in the maritime history of this region has'grown through the years, and he ranks as an authority in the field. Before joining the Royal Canadian Naval Volunteer Reserve he was a member of the staff of the Vancouver Daily Province. A brief shore leave, following a long spell of convoy duty, enabled Lieutenant Hacking to complete the revision of the present article, and it is hoped that, as his naval duties permit, publication of other chapters of the History may follow. Rev. Frank E. Runnalls, B.A., B.D., is Minister of Knox United Church, Prince George. Some time ago he became seriously interested in the history of the city, and he recently completed a manuscript History of Prince George. The article printed in this issue is a slightly revised version of several chapters of the History. Burt Brown Barker, A.B., LL.B., LL.D., was born in Waitsburg, Washington, but grew up in the Willamette Valley, in Oregon. After a distinguished legal career in Chicago and New York, he was appointed Vice- President of the University of Oregon in 1928. He has been for many years one of Portland's most active and public-spirited citizens. Dr. Barker is a Director of the Oregon Historical Society, and took an active part in the preservation and restoration of Dr. John McLoughlin's home in Oregon City, which was recently classified as a national historic monument by the United States Government. THE NORTHWEST BOOKSHELF. The Letters of John McLoughlin from Fort Vancouver to the Governor and Committee. Second Series, 1839-44. Edited by E. E. Rich, with an introduction by W. Kaye Lamb. Toronto: The Champlain Society, and London: The Hudson's Bay Record Society, 1943. Pp. xlix., 427. This is the second volume of McLoughlin's letters, and the introduction is thus the second instalment of Dr. Lamb's biography of Dr. McLoughlin. A third volume to follow will contain his final chapters. When completed, this will be the standard and authentic work on the life of McLoughlin. It has been long waited for. Eager biographers of Dr. McLoughlin have too long fed our generation on fancies hybridized by hearsay, resulting in a traditional image of the man which is a cross between a god and a devil. For the first time we are seeing Dr. McLoughlin as a human being, with the normal mixture of virtues and faults. For the first time, also, we have a comprehensive and well co-ordinated account of the activities of the Hudson's Bay Company west of the Rocky Mountains, under the supervision and direction of Dr. McLoughlin. In this second part of his introduction, Dr. Lamb discusses two topics, both of which have long since become so barnacled with tradition that the true character of Dr. McLoughlin has been materially slowed down in its course towards its rightful historic harbour. It is a relief to see Dr. Lamb sail his biographical vessel into fresh archival waters, where the encrusting barnacles loosen and fall of their own weight. The first of these subjects is the much discussed controversy between Dr. McLoughlin and Governor Simpson. There are those who contend that it began in 1824, at the time they supposedly differed on the location of Fort Vancouver. Others contend that there was a series of differences which culminated in 1838, when Dr. McLoughlin is alleged to have rushed to London to preserve his empire in the Northwest because he had reason to fear that Governor Simpson was using his influence in London to have him removed from his post at Fort Vancouver. Dr. Lamb says, per contra, that so far from there being any difference between these men in 1838, " his [McLoughlin's] relations both with Simpson and with the Governor and Committee were particularly cordial, and he returned to his post with extended authority, wider responsibility, and increased remuneration." (p. xi.) He goes on to point out that the difference between them did not spring up till 1841, and then it was over the conduct of the trade on the Northwest Coast, subsequently aggravated and finally embittered by the death of John McLoughlin, Jr., at Stikine, in April, 1842. Many letters on the subject passed between them, including a series exchanged while both men were in Honolulu, and Dr. Lamb indicates that when Simpson worsted McLoughlin in the argument, the old Doctor lost his temper. British Columbia Historical Quarterly, Vol. VIII.. No. 4. 337 338 The Northwest Bookshelf. October But the victory was not always with Simpson. It was a parry and thrust affair. Sometimes Simpson drew blood, and then again McLoughlin would transfix Simpson. By way of illustration, Simpson ordered the California business closed, and the lot in San Francisco which McLoughlin had bought, sold. He was especially emphatic about the sale of the lot "at the wretched place of Yerba Buena [San Francisco], which of all others is the least adapted in point of situation & climate for an Establishment." (p. 277.) Those could be found who would think McLoughlin had a better long- range view in this instance than Simpson. McLoughlin wanted to give the business there another trial, and also urged that another trapping expedition be sent, reminding Simpson that the trappers had left their traps en cache, and if lost the Company would be liable. Simpson brushed this all aside with the apparently simple solution that a half dozen men on horseback could be sent from the Willamette and " recover them in a very few days." (p. 279.) McLoughlin replied that this was out of the question as " every man hides his traps by himself ... & therefore none but himself can find them." (p. 284.) Naturally Simpson had no comeback. Another instance was where Simpson insisted that McLoughlin should discourage the retired servants of the Company from settling in the Willamette, on the south side of the Columbia River, and induce them to go to the Cowlitz or Nisqually. McLoughlin replied that such a procedure " will be keeping the Country to be settled by the Americans who will certainly be very differently disposed towards the Company." (p. 275.) To this Simpson made no reply. It is well he did not, for in less than eighteen months thereafter the Governor and Committee spoke as follows on that subject:— "... We think, the settlement of the Company's retired servants on the Walamet may ultimately prove beneficial, as they will naturally incline to British connexion, and serve to counteract the hostile proceedings of the Simpson not only ignored McLoughlin's suggestion regarding this matter, but cut the discussion short with a bit of irritation on his own part when he closed his letter with the statement:— ■ I do not consider it necessary to occupy your time or my own on the other points noticed in your much valued communication, further than to say that no fresh light has been thrown upon them, to induce any alteration in the remarks and instructions I have deemed it my duty to give upon those subjects." (p. 282.) Cut to the quick, McLoughlin was not a man to take such a remark lying down, and he replied with a barbed shaft which Simpson had quite obviously invited:— "... You observe [that you are] ' unwilling to enter into discussion upon subjects which have been so fully discussed already,' I am not aware that these subjects have been discussed, as it is perfectly out of the question, to talk of discussion, when there are only two persons at the discussion, and one has the power to decide as he pleases and does." (p. 285; italics added.) 1944 The Northwest Bookshelf. 339 It is obvious that one must read the letters if one would get the full import of this quarrel. No summary can show the spark which set the tinder of hostility aflame when the steel of McLoughlin struck the flint of Simpson. In his second point, Dr. Lamb brings out for the first time the real story of the death of John McLoujghlin, Jr., and shows how the construction Simpson put on it so incensed McLoughlin that he left no stones unturned to prove Simpson was wrong. Naturally it put the Governor and Committee in an awkward position having to decide who was right. In the end, Dr. Lamb thinks the decision " came perilously near to being a complete acceptance of McLoughlin's point of view, with the exception of his contention that Simpson was personally responsible for what had occurred." (p. xlii.) This certainly is not an overstatement. Dr. Lamb says on the same page: "But little or nothing of all this appeared in the public dispatches." That again is not an overstatement in view of the fact that the Governor and Committee on June 1, 1843, wrote quite frankly to Simpson sustaining most of McLoughlin's contention, and on September 27, 1843, verified this to McLoughlin. Considering that the Governor and Committee, as Dr. Lamb says, were in a position where they could not openly repudiate Simpson, it seems evident that they went about as far as they could without such an open repudiation. The final conclusion seems sound that both men were unyielding in their positions; Simpson unjustifiably harsh in defending a conclusion he reached without sufficient supporting evidence; McLoughlin unwilling to accept what was tantamount to a favourable decision, so harangued the Governor and Committee in succeeding letters that he disgusted both them and his friends in the Company,- and brought his own downfall upon himself. Yet as between them, Simpson was the greater sinner. He let his irritation cause him to write a letter to McLoughlin announcing the death of his son which should never have been written, even if every charge he made against the boy had been true; and when one considers that scarcely any charge he made was true, one sees the length to which Simpson went to wound a grief-stricken father. McLoughlin, on the other hand, was merely defending the reputation of his dead son, a thing which any red-blooded father would do, and for this he cannot be blamed. He sinned in not knowing when to stop. But age was creeping on him, and Simpson's unjustifiable act so enraged him that he knew no bounds in his defence of the name of his murdered son. This also explains the length to which he went in his effort to bring the guilty parties to justice. So untiring was he in this respect that his failure even to bring them to trial, to say nothing of having them convicted, must have been a blow second only to the death of his son. This volume is well edited, and the letters of major importance appear in the body of the book and in Appendix A, while a few additional biographies appear in Appendix B. It is evident from references to letters not appearing in this volume, that the editor had to use his judgment as to what to leave out. It is noted in this respect that the Kanaquasse deposi- The Northwest Bookshelf. Burt Brown Barker. University op Oregon. American Diplomacy in Action. A Series of Case Studies. By Richard W. Van Alstyne. Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1944. Pp. xvi., 760. $5. In his preface the author sets forth his reasons for writing this volume: " Some five years ago I conceived the possibility of vitalizing the study of diplomatic history by presenting it as a series of related instances or cases. The project suggested the modification of the chronological approach to history; but the more I reflected on the notion the less I was impressed with the importance of mere chronology." With this object in view Dr. Van Alstyne, who is Professor of History in Chico State College, California, set to work to rearrange the basic facts of American diplomatic history. He groups his case studies under three main headings: " Security and the Monroe Doctrine," " Expansion and the Concept of Manifest Destiny," and " Neutrality and Isolation." Each part or section is subdivided, and the chapters are grouped under the subdivisions. A general introduction, which provides the approach to the whole field, begins with the clear-cut sentence: " The course of American diplomacy is a course of action." Each part has its introductory chapter which surveys the problem which is to be discussed and then each subsection deals with its appropriate topics, or " cases." A word of warning should be uttered at this point. A diplomatic I case " is not as cut and dried as a legal case, and cannot be discussed in a purely legalistic way. It is impossible to review this lengthy volume in detail, but British Columbian readers will be chiefly interested in two chapters in Part II. which deal respectively with "The Partition of Oregon, 1818-1846," and " Alaska and the Quest for Canada." In these chapters Professor Van Alstyne has carefully attempted to place Oregon and Alaska in their proper perspective in American diplomatic history, and to show how in the crucial years 1867-1871 the American expansionists still hoped to obtain Canada as a settlement in full for the Alabama claims. His account is, on the whole, fair and unbiased, although marred by one or two unnecessary factual errors. " The Oregon country," he states, " was in the first half of the nineteenth century an extraordinary international frontier." To the American mind Oregon was " a vital link between the United States and the Far East," " a distant marine base." It was not until the arrival of American missionaries and settlers in the 1830's and 1840's that Manifest Destiny demanded the inclusion of the Oregon country in the United States. Until 1818 I Oregon was still a virgin territory without boundaries," but "within the next seven years a set of four unilateral treaties partitioned all the territories except Oregon and left that country open only to British n enterprise." The four treaties were, of course, the Anglo- 1944 The Northwest Bookshelf. 341 American Convention of 1818, which settled the boundary between the United States and British North America to the heights of the Rocky Mountains; the Florida Treaty of 1819, whereby the United States obtained Florida from Spain, abandoned any pretentions she might have to California, but took over the Spanish claims to Oregon; the Russo-American Treaty of 1824, whereby the Russians agreed not to go south of fifty-four forty and the Americans promised to limit their activities to the territory south of that line; and finally the Anglo-Russian Treaty of 1825, which settled the land boundary between Russian Alaska and British North America. In his treatment of the Oregon question Professor Van Alstyne is very fair to the Hudson's Bay Company. He shows how Senator Linn, of Missouri, sought to drive the British not only out of Oregon but, if possible, from the whole of the North American continent. To him " fifty-four forty or fight" was a " famous war whoop," " a slogan nothing short of a stroke of genius," originated by Senator Allen of Ohio; but he states that the movement " was chiefly a Western agitation," and that the moderates, led by J. C. Calhoun, Daniel Webster, and T. H. Benton, had no intention of going to extremes. The course of negotiation between the British and Americans is faithfully portrayed, but the author is of opinion that " Oregon was partitioned along practical lines and greatly to the advantage of the United States, whose claims to the land north of the Columbia were very slender from every standpoint." The purchase of Alaska Dr. Van Alstyne considers to have been "the lucky chance." There was, he tells us, "no popular quest for Russian America, no deep-seated historical tradition in connection with it." Russia was willing to sell and William H. Seward, Secretary of State in President Andrew Johnson's cabinet, was prepared to buy. Alaska was to be a lever by which the United States could " pry loose the hold of the British lion on North America and make good the dream of a great continental American empire." The Hudson's Bay Territory and British Columbia could easily pass under the control of the United States, and the newly formed Dominion of Canada might be the price of the settlement of the Alabama claims! But Canada spread west and reached the Pacific in 1871. One feature of the volume should be mentioned in conclusion. The author has carefully carried his treatment down to the present day, and his chapters on collective security, dealing with the period since 1914, are among the most interesting in the book. Dr. Van Alstyne is a firm believer in the United Nations and "a competent system of collective security in The bibliography of thirty-three pages indicates wide reading and extensive research. A pleasing feature is the listing of sources relating to Canada. On the whole, Professor Van Alstyne has produced a new and radical treatment of American diplomatic history. Walter N. Sage. The University op British Columbia. AeropIaneB, built by ^ Bibliography of the Printed T " Rainbows," The, ); Eliza, 11, 14; Eliza A, 11B |gjg Journal, au. fS« iives Accessions Wright, Eev. C Wright, Capt Wright, Capt. 1 •„toT."e2672,9 2'B8,V6280 ?*. - Zayas Island, 1 7, 146, 241 We BRITISH COLUMBIA HISTORICAL ASSOCIATION Organized October 31st, 1922. PATRON. His Honour W. C Woodward, Lieutenant-Governor of British Columbi OFFICERS, 1944. Hon. H. G. T. Perry B. A. McKelvie - J. C. Goodfellow - A. G. Harvey Mrs. Curtis Sampson Madge Wolfenden - H. T. Nation '- Past 1st Vice-President. 2nd Vice-President. Honorary Treasurer. Honorary Secretary. MEMBERS OF THE COUNCIL. Mrs. M. R. Cree. Helen R. Boutilier. F. C Green. Robie L. Reid. T. A. Rickard. E. G, Baynes. W. N. Sage. Willard E. Ireland W. Kaye Lamb (Provincial Archivist.) (Editor, Quarterly). A. G. Harvey H. B. Robertson (Vancouver Section). (Victoria Section.) OBJECTS. To encourage historical research and stimulate public interest in history; to promote the preservation and marking of historic sites, buildings, relics, natural features, and other objects and places of historical interest, and to publish historical sketches, studies, and documents. MEMBERSHIP. • Ordinary members pay a fee of $2 annually in advance. The fiscal year commences on the first day of January. All members in good standing receive the British Columbia Historical Quarterly without further charge. Correspondence and fees may be addressed to the Provincial Archives, Parliament Buildings, Victoria, B.C. "his book is for us© in Library Building ONLY
Includes an index Includes bibliographic references There are 21 volumes of The British Columbia historical quarterly. Other copies: http://www.worldcat.org/oclc/937942070 Part of: Dr. C.E. Dolman Collection
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FC3801.B75 H59
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Original Format: University of British Columbia. Library. Rare Books and Special Collections. FC3801.B75 H59
Canadian periodicals
British Columbia
Public Archives of Canada
The British Columbia historical quarterly. Vol. VIII
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