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British Columbia Historical Books Collection
Wagner, Henry R. (Henry Raup), 1862-1957
"750 copies printed, ref. Wagner, H.R. The published writings. An invaluable reference guide. The chief purpose of this book is to show, in one continuous account and with the aid of critical lists of maps and of place names, the evolution of cartography .. . from the fanciful beginnings in imaginary geography to the painstaking explorations of the Vancouver expeditions:- Publisher's statement. Vol. 1 contains the historical survey of the cartography together with the maps. Vol.2 contains the list of maps, giving physical description, notes, and the location of the original of each map; an index to the list; a gazetteer of place names still in use and one for obsolete place names; and a bibliography."-- Strathern, G. M., & Edwards, M. H. (1970). Navigations, traffiques & discoveries, 1774-1848: A guide to publications relating to the area now British Columbia. Victoria, BC: University of Victoria, p. 315-316.
xi, 270 pages : maps (12 folded), tables ; 32 cm
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r The Cartography of The Northwest Coast of America To the Year 1800 1 The Cartography of the Northwest Coast of America To the Year 1800 HENRY R. WAGNER IN TWO VOLUMES Volume L UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA PRESS Berkeley, California 1937 University of California Press Berkeley, California Cambridge University Press London, England Copyright, 1937, by the Regents of The University of Calif or NUT F SZ/z PRINTED IN THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA FOREWORD The longer one labors at any given piece of historical work the more lengthy, not to say long- winded, it becomes. The bulk to which this has now attained warns me to put an end to it, even if some desirable features must be omitted. It is now fifteen years since my interest in the history and cartography of the northwest coast of America was awakened and an ambition took possession of me to publish a translation of some original journal of every important expedition by sea to that coast, which had not yet seen its way into print. Anyone familiar with my publications in the field since 1923, or who glances at the list in my bibliography, will, I believe, be convinced that an earnest effort to carry out this plan has been made. Some omissions will be noticed,—for example, the journal of Francisco Antonio Mourelle of the 1779 expedition, those of Martinez in 1788 and of Fidalgo in 1790 to Alaska, and that of Jacinto Caamafio to the region near the boundary between Alaska and British Columbia in 1792. That of Caamafio has been translated by Captain Harold Grenfell, R. N. (retired), and that of Mourelle is in a fair way to completion by Mr. Charles L. Stewart. Time presses and they must be laid aside until a future day and for another editor. To supply the omissions, a more extended account of these expeditions is included than of those already in print. The definitive explorations of Captain George Vancouver from 1792 to 1794 close the period chosen and are given in rather full detail for that reason. The List of Maps will to some appear formidable and to others meager. What has been the principle of selection employed? A satisfactory answer is not easy; it has grown like the book itself. The essence of the list lies in the so-called Type Maps, and if it had been confined to them perhaps the chief aim of the work would have been attained, but the subsidiary one of furnishing as nearly complete a list as possible of place names would have been defeated. Therefore, many maps are included which are off type or without any historical basis whatever. Then again, many have been included because they are well known, and others because they are not known at all except by name and with the hope that some information about them will at some time become available. Thousands of engraved maps have been omitted because, from actual inspection or some reliable description, they have been found to offer nothing new. Personal inspection is, however, after all the only safe course to pursue; I have found descriptions by others either defective or deceptive. Until the great vogue for maps showing California as an island began some ten years ago, the descriptions available in print rarely mentioned the northwest coast. Even now it is usually considered sufficient to say that California appears as an island or a peninsula, as the case may be. The fact is, no one was interested in the subject. Of all the writers I have laid under contribution, Dr. J. G. Kohl and Dr. George Davidson are the only ones who have given the subject more than passing attention. Even Woodbury Lowery, whose work was supposed to cover the coast, merely introduced a few details, his real interest being in Florida. Henry Harrisse inspected personally and mentions in his writings many of the maps in my list, but he was only interested in the earliest period of discovery to 1540 and in northeast America. He hardly touched my field. Dr. E. L. Stevenson's works have proved useful and his book on Globes is a remarkable example of painstaking and profitable endeavor. Yet one should personally inspect most of his globes in order to garner sufficient data for such a work as this. That, I regret to say, has been impossible; the time and expense involved put it out of the question. To help out, recourse has been had not only to photographs of globes, but also to photostats and photographs of maps in Europe and even in America. This has given good if not always entirely satisfactory results, but at what a strain on one's patience and pocketbook. H vi Foreword—Continued The principal sources for the text of this book are original documents, either printed or still in manuscript. A large number of the manuscripts have been translated and published by me in various works beginning with The Voyage around the World of Sir Francis Drake, San Francisco, 1926, although translations of some of the Spanish documents had previously been published in .the Quarterly of the California Historical Society. These were: "The Voyage of Pedro de Unamuno to California in 1587," July, 1923; "The Voyage to California of Sebastian Rodriguez Cermefio in 1595," April, 1924; and "California Voyages 1539-41," December, 1924. All these were subsequently reissued with facsimiles of the original texts in my Spanish Voyages to the Northwest Coast of America in the Sixteenth Century, publication of which was begun in the Quarterly of the California Historical Society in December, 1927, and continued to March, 1929. The various numbers with those previously printed were finally combined in one volume under the title just given and issued in San Francisco in 1929. Two articles were contributed to the Proceedings of the American Antiquarian Society: "Some Imaginary California Geography," printed in April, 1926, and "Apocryphal Voyages to the Northwest Coast of America," in that for April, 1931. Much of the information contained in these two articles has been incorporated in the present work. In 1931 my article on the "Manuscript Atlases of Battista Agnese" appeared in the Papers of the Bibliographical Society of America, and finally, in 1932, Spanish Explorations in the Strait of Juan de Fuca was published. Several articles on expeditions not included in any of the works named above were issued in the magazines in 1930 and 1931. It may appear that in the present work too much of the information already incorporated in my own writings is being repeated, but full as they may have been, they for obvious reasons lack continuity. My main purpose is to show the evolution of cartography of the northwest coast of America down to the year 1800, and in order to accomplish this it has become necessary to fill in the various gaps which had been left' in pursuing the method previously adopted. To avoid unnecessary repetition much contained in the works just cited has been omitted, and the reader is enjoined to consult them in order to obtain a complete picture, not of the cartography, which I hope will be found here, but of the historical and bibliographical background on which most of this work is based. The bibliography is confined to printed material which in general may be said to contain descriptions or reproductions of the maps described. Supplementary works of a biographical character have been omitted, as the scope of this work does not allow for more than the very briefest allusions to the lives of the individuals whose cartographical labors are described. This is a subject in which Mr. P. Lee Phillips, formerly director of the map division of the Library of Congress, was much interested. Much of the information he had collected will be found attached to articles in his description of the maps in the Lowery collection and to some degree in descriptions of collections .of atlases in the Library of Congress. Mr. Phillips left at his death some nineteen typewritten volumes which he entitled The Bibliography of Cartography, and a supplement on cards containing about a fourth as many entries as the typewritten volumes. I have examined this collection on several occasions and cannot but admire the diligence that Mr. Phillips displayed in making it. The booksellers have been especially helpful to me. Let me name a few to whom I am under obligations: Quaritch, Ltd., Francis Edwards, Ltd., Henry Stevens, Son & Stiles, and Leon Kashnor, of London; Otto Lange, of Florence; Karl W. Hiersemann, of Leipzig; Ludwig Rosenthal, of Munich, and others whom I cannot now remember. Our own leading libraries have steadily supported the enterprise: the Bancroft and Huntington libraries here in California, the Ayer Library, Chicago, the New York Public Library, the John Carter Brown Library, Providence, and last but not least the Library of Congress. Few individuals are interested in the subject, so I have but few to thank and to most of them I have paid my respects in former works. I wish, however, to express my appreciation of much help from Dr. Louis C. Karpinski, not only by letter but also in the great use I have made of 1 Foreword—Continued vii his photographs of manuscript maps, especially of those in Paris, Madrid, and Lisbon. The Huntington Library in San Marino owns a complete set of these and they have proved invaluable. During the summer of 1934 my health became impaired and I looked with dismay on the unfinished state of the work. The List of Maps was not in order and the place names had not been taken off these. Even the text was unfinished. Fortunately I found a young man, Charles L. Stewart, who would take over the drudgery. Mr. Stewart performed his task satisfactorily and enabled me to add something to my own knowledge of the later period, with which he had some acquaintance. Most of the actual writing of this now completed book has been done by my secretary, Mrs. Ruth Frey Axe, whose faithful service over a period of eight years I gratefully acknowledge. Henry R. Wagner CONTENTS PAGE itroduction 1 CHAPTER I. Imaginary Geography: The First Period 5 Table 1 II. The First Discovery Period, 1533-1543. 13 The Discovery of California—Cortes' Map of Santa Cruz—Agnese's Maps of IS 41—The Ulpius Globe—The Tramezini Map—The Map of the World by Alonso de Santa Cruz— The Discoveries of Ulloa—Agnese's Map of IS42—Sebastian Cabot's Map of IS44—The Vallicelliana Map—Chart 1—Agnese-Gastaldi Maps, the Universale of Giacomo Gastaldi, IS46—The Venetian Ptolemy of lS48—Agnese-Gisolfo-Gastaldi Maps III. Alarcon and Coronado 30 artolomeu IV. The Discoveries of Bolafios and Cabrillo TheG6maraMap—TheRamusioMap—The Andre Homem Map of 1SS9—A Man Map of circa ISS6—Chart 4 V. Imaginary Geography: The Second Period.... The Strait of Anian—The Ortelius Map of lS64—ZaltierVs Map of 1S66 and Gastaldfs of 1S69—Forlanfs Map of 1S74 and the Harmsworth Map—The Maps of Joan Martinet —Fernan Vaz Dourado and his Maps VI. Gerard Mercator's "Carta Marina" The Atlases of Abraham Ortelius—Chart S VII. The Northwest Passage Revived.... The Gilbert Map—Dr. John Dee's Polar Map—The George Best Map—Michael Lok's Map VIII. English Maps of Spanish Origin John Dee's Map—Hakluyt's Map of 1 S87—The Molyneux Globe—The Maps of Gabriel Tatton—The Molyneux Map of 1600 IX. Later Explorations of the Sixteenth Century. X. New Cabrillo Information :::;:r;.::::~.^ XL Peter Plancius - Chart 6—Table 2 XII. Hondius and Blaeu Chart 7 XIII. The Expedition of Vizcaino and his Discoveries Chart 8—Chart 9 XIV. Cartography from 1630 to Sanson — ~.~ - XV. Cartography in the Latter Part of the Seventeenth Century—Nicolas Sanson Chart 10—Spanish Maps—English Maps—Italian Maps XVI. The North Pacific in the Seventeenth Century ■ XVII. The Eighteenth Century—Guillaume Delisle and his Followers XVIII. California as an Island Disappears x Cartography of the Northwest Coast of America Contents—Continued chapter page XIX. Spanish Maps of the Eighteenth Century - 148 Chart 11 XX. Spanish Explorations on the Peninsula „ „ ~ 152 XXI. Russian Discoveries ..„_i_„L™„ . _ 156 XXII. The Delisle-Buache Fantasy __ 158 XXIII. The Resumption of Spanish Explorations _ 163 The "Expedicion Sacra"—Land Expeditions XXIV. The Perez Expedition of 1774 2 „..__._._„ :...._.^£i-L„- 172 XXV. The Hezeta Expedition of 1775 __ 175 Ayala's and Quiros' Explorations of San Francisco Bay XXVI. Cartographical Results Attained by 1779 '. „ . 181 XXVII. The Voyage of James Cook, 1776-1780 '. _^_..^_ 183 The Voyage XXVIII. The Arteaga Expedition of 1779 i 191 XXIX. The Exploration of the Santa Barbara Channel Coast ! 197 XXX. The Voyage of M. de la Perouse— "'- • ■• •' 199 XXXI. The Martinez Expedition of 1788 _.,...• ■':*', 202 XXXII. Fur-Trading Enterprises __ 206 XXXIII. The Occupation of Nootka in 1789 L 214 XXXIV. The Spanish Campaign of 1790 'V 219 Fidalgo's Expedition of 1790—The Quimper Expedition XXXV. The Eliza Expedition of 1791 L. 223 XXXVI. The Malaspina Expedition ■ l 225 Table 3 XXXVII. The Campaign of 1792 ........ . u 231 The G alia no-V'aides Expedition—The Voyage of Jacinto Caamano XXXVIII. The Eliza-Martinez y Zayas Expedition of 1793 \ ___: _ 236 XXXIX. The Vancouver Expeditions ; 239 The Campaign of 1792—The Campaign of 1793—The Campaign of 1794 Conclusion •■ ■ - ■ Index. 251 257 MAPS VI. VII. VIII. IX. X. XI. XII. XIII. xrv. xv. XVI. XVII. XVIII. XIX. XX. XXI. XXII. XXIII. xxrv. XXV. XXVI. XXVII. XXVIII. XXIX. XXX. XXXI. XXXII. XXXIII. XXXIV. XXXV. XXXVI. XXXVII. XXXVIII. XXXIX. XL. The Basin of the Northeast Pacific. „ Schoner type (section of globe gores) Stobnicza type Verrazano type (Agnese world map) I _ The Cortes Map ..„ _...... Agnese type (The Pacific) Cabot type (section of planisphere of 1544) Gastaldi type No. 1 (The Universale of 1546) Castillo type _ Homem type (section of his planisphere of 1559) Bologna-Ayer map of circa 1556 Ortelius type (section of his map of 1564) Gastaldi type No. 2 (Zaltieri's map of 1566) Mercator type (Typus Orbis Terrarum of Ortelius).... Maris Pacifici (section of Ortelius' map of 1589) Hakluyt's map in the Orbe Novo of 1587 Molyneux Map of 1600 (section) The "Edwards" Map Janssonius-Goos type (se Laet type .. i of globe gores of 1621)..... Plancius type (section of his planisphere of 1592) Hondius type (section of his globe of 1600) _ Goos type Briggs type (section) America Maiestrale of Robert Dudley Daniell (section of John Daniell's map of 1637) Teixeira (section of his map of 1630) Briggs-Blaeu type (section of Blaeu's map) Delisle type No. 1 (section of his map of 1700) Delisle type No. 2 (section of his Amerique of 1722) The Anson Map of 1748 Delisle-Buache type (section of the Carte Generate of 1752).... The Pierre Mortier map (section of a Sanson map) Costanso's Carta Reducida of 1771 - The Carta Reducida of Bodega y Quadra of 1775 - The Lopez de Haro map of 1788 1 Arrowsmith's map of 1790 — Bodega's map of 1791 - The Carta Esferica of 1795 _ Bodega's map of 1792 - - - Martinez y Zayas' map of 1793 _ 27 31 48 ....._ 72 ....facing 82 facing 86 89 93 95 facing 97 105 115 117 119 120 .....facing 121 127 141 [ 143 150 .....facing 158 _. 161 .facing 167 ......facing 177 ..-.facing 205 208 —facing 223 .facing 233 .facing 236 . facing 238 The Basin of the Northeast Pacific Introduction The voyages to the northwest coast of America in the sixteenth century offer an interesting field for the examination of the current cosmographical ideas of America then obtaining. By northwest coast I mean all that which extends from Cabo San Lucas indefinitely to the north, and in the sixteenth century I include the voyage of Sebastian Vizcaino, which although not made until 1602 was in reality a sixteenth-century enterprise. These voyages were variously different in character, some having no discernible motive, others being for exploration or in search of treasure, and still others being merely return voyages from the Philippines by vessels which had to take that route in view of the prevailing winds in the north Pacific. The Pacific Ocean always seems to have had a certain fascination for minds of a speculative turn as a result of traditions inherited from ancient and medieval times. While barbarians were roaming through the primeval forests of Europe, the Orient had attained a high degree of civilization. What wealth existed in the world was in large measure concentrated there, and much of that wealth was in a form peculiarly attractive to savage and uncultivated man. Gold, silver, precious stones, silks, satins, and spices appealed to people who lived by a rude agriculture or on the products of the chase. As soon as Europe produced anything which could be given in exchange, a trade sprang up across the deserts of Asia or by the Indian Ocean which brought to Europe small quantities of such highly prized commodities. Attracted by adventure or by the necessities of trade, Europeans began to travel to the East and bring back glowing accounts of what they had seen. Chief among these was Marco Polo, a Venetian, who spent many years in China and was of an inquiring turn of mind. Only now are people beginning to realize that a great part of what he said was true. His tales fired the imagination, and as soon as the Western nations had arrived at the point of building ships sufficiently strong to navigate the wide ocean and had accumulated sufficient nautical knowledge to guide themselves on that ocean, they began to reach out toward the source of these commodities which at that time the Venetians, chiefly, were distributing through Europe. Principally owing to the mistakes of Ptolemy, India and China were supposed to be much closer to Europe on the west than they actually are, and so when Columbus set out for them, it did not seem to him that he had very far to go. When he discovered the islands off the coast of America he thought they were outlying islands of some Indian peninsula and expended great efforts in subsequent years to find a way to sail around the end of the land he had discovered to some part of India, which he considered to be not far distant. Not many years passed before Vasco Nufiez de Balboa reached the top of the divide between the Atlantic and the Pacific and saw a sea to the south of him which he named the South Sea, a name which it continued to bear among his compatriots for centuries to come. For a time the possibility that there might be some connection between the two oceans in that neighborhood or to the north of the Isthmus of Panama brought about a number of explorations on both sides of the Central American coast. By the year 1523, however, it had become fully demonstrated that such a passage did not exist, and for a short time the efforts of the Spaniards were directed to find one farther north. Other nations engaged in the same search, but the ill success attending all efforts soon sufficed to show that if a strait did exist it was far to the north among the frozen Arctic seas. [1] 2 Cartography of the Northwest Coast of America As soon as Hernando Cortes had mastered the City of Mexico and reduced the natives to abject submission, he began to look around for other worlds to conquer and other wealth to gather. Some of the parties he sent out soon discovered the Pacific, and he at once began to build ships at the mouth of the Balsas River, the point on that sea nearest available to Mexico, with the object, as he expressed it, of finding out its secrets. At this time Cort6s was not in a very secure position. His conquests had not yet received the sanction of the Emperor, nor did he hold any recognized position; all he had was the loyalty and support of his own followers. Before embarking, therefore, on any explorations, he sought a formal contract which would give him definite rights in what he might discover. Just when this petition was written is not known, but it was presented at the court in July, 1523. Before this time the Emperor had established the status of Cortes in Mexico by appointing him captain-general, but he did not see fit to take any action on this petition; instead he sent an order to him to see what he could find out about the South Sea and to send back a full account of it. Shortly thereafter the news of the return of Magellan's Victoria to Spain reached Mexico. The result of this expedition was to establish beyond any doubt the fact that New Spain was far removed from the spice islands of the East. The development of the cartography of the northwest coast is quite as interesting as that of the northeast coast, although it has received very much less attention. The reasons for the apparent discrimination are not difficult to find. A large number of explorers visited the northeast coast for one or another reason, it very early became the resort of numerous fishermen, and this in turn made necessary the construction of maps. There was a competition also in that region Between the various maritime European powers which made it advisable to obtain all the information possible regarding it. The first discovery in the northeast had been made by the English and the first in the southeast by the Spaniards. A belief arose that a connection existed between these discoveries long before the intervening coast line had been followed, and numerous expeditions were made to find it. The Spaniards insisted that by a prior right of discovery Florida, as they called it, extended indefinitely to the north. The English were equally sure that their discoveries gave them a prior right to everything extending to the south from Labrador. In time, by the process of occupation, the English and Spaniards came into contact with each other in Georgia, and the English being the stronger party ousted the Spaniards. Before this the French had intruded themselves into the territory between and occupied the greater part of what is now Canada, much to the disgust of both their neighbors. Toward the end of the sixteenth century a wordy war was carried on among these three powers about their respective rights and each of the parties made desperate efforts to make good its right by occupation. The difficulties inherent in all these schemes of occupation were the impossibility of obtaining any utility from them and the distance from the home country. One has only to range the eastern coast of America with its sand banks and pine forests in the southern part and rocks and forests in the northern part to realize that there was nothing useful to the earliest colonists to be obtained from either. For the first half of the sixteenth century the world was gold-mad and anything which did not promise gold (or silver) was passed by. A similar state of affairs existed on the northwest coast, the chief difference being the greater distance from Europe. The impossibility of obtaining anything of utility from it was the same. If anything, the northwest coast is more forbidding than the northeast; almost everywhere, mountains line it from one end to the other, broken only here and there with a small valley. California has obtained such a great name for riches that one is apt to forget that none of the products of the soil contiguous to the sea were of any commercial value until comparatively recent years. Gold did not exist near the sea, still less silver or other metals of value. From Cabo de San Lucas to Alaska but few places can be found near the coast where agricultural products can be raised, and even if Introduction 3 the country had been one vast fertile field, of what use would it have been? The distance from the Old World made it impossible to carry on trade with it except in such articles as commanded a high value in small bulk and none of these existed or could be produced on that coast. In other words, the riches of California, except gold, have been made riches by the progress of civilization. The vast advance in the means of transportation in the nineteenth century has made them available. One has only to read the accounts of the Franciscan missionaries to realize that the occupation of northern California was very premature as a colonization project. While the few colonists lived on for years in a rude plenty, it was not until the nineteenth century that a trade in hides and tallow sprang up -which enabled them to obtain a few of the refinements of civilization. One hardly realizes today that the northwest part of America was for a long time the farthest removed from Europe of the known inhabited world. No one wanted to go there, and no one did. The Russians, once they began to develop a fur trade, began in small numbers to creep down gradually from the northwest. Their slow but steady advance finally aroused the attention of the Spaniards, who had lost all interest in the ■country for two hundred years except for a brief moment. The result of this indifference, or lack of interest, was to fix the cartography of the country at the northern limit of some forty-two or forty-three degrees, as far as the Spaniards thought they had -discovered it. Here in the early Spanish maps we see the coast line break off with nothing but an •aching void beyond. Nature is said to abhor a vacuum, certainly a cartographer abhors a blank space -on a map; lacking facts he creates theories and the man with the greatest reputation succeeds in imposing his on the credulous public. It is thus that we see the development of the cartography of this part of the coast as in a kaleidoscope, leaving to the historian of the subject the function of supplying the best possible guess about the origin of the fables perpetuated on the maps. There is nothing that has such an air of verisimilitude as a map. If a Cabo Blanco appears on <one in a certain place the inference is obvious that someone must have seen it. If a gulf or a sea appears, one accepts almost without question the fact of its existence. The public is not too critical, and is ever ready to accept something new or novel. The mapmakers who catered to this failing of human nature sold their productions, and others did not, and of course finally could get no publishers. This general attitude of mind is just as common now as it was in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries. It is not rare to read that some learned man thinks there must have been an expedition on some coast because he has found a map with some places on it which had not appeared there iefore. Usually the inference is a fair one, but sometimes it leads to strange results. The number of maps which display the northwest coast is legion, even if we restrict ourselves to the period before the American occupation of northern California. Not only of course did it form part of every map of the world; it also was put on every map of Mexico and North America, and besides, after a gtfod part of it was believed to be an island many maps were made simply to show this feature. Cartography of the Northwest Coast of America mum Chapter I IMAGINARY GEOGRAPHY: THE FIRST PERIOD NO sooner had the New World been discovered than the question was asked, Was it part of Asia or a new land? At first some thought it to be one of the Indian peninsulas, but the entire dissimilarity of the country and its inhabitants from what was known of India soon led to the opinion that it must descend from some part of China. A school of cosmographers arose which thought that north of the discovered regions some part of China would be found, notably Cathay, the rich country of Marco Polo. The gores to what was thought to be the lost globe of Johann Schoner, printed in 1524 (VI), are perhaps the earliest published to display this theory. In a small tract dated 1523 Schoner refers to his globe and says that it was copied from a model which he had received from the Spaniards. In another tract, written in 1533, he stated that he had united America with Asia because Magellan had reached the Moluccas, which according to Schoner were in Upper India. The conclusion seems a bit forced, and it is more likely that he was impressed by the stories current about the riches discovered by Cortes and connected them with the traditional ones of Cathay described by Marco Polo. There may be another reason. When the Magellan survivors returned, they gave out very erroneous information about the distance from the Strait of Magellan to the Moluccas. The only detailed diary of the expedition which we now have is that of Francisco Albo. He states that the distance in longitude between the mouth of the Strait of Magellan and the first islands in the Philippines was 106° 30'. The Ladrones were three hundred leagues farther to the east. Now on the 1524 globe we find Cape Deseado in about 306°, while the 200th meridian runs exactly through the easternmost islands of the Philippines, plainly indicating that the map was based on Albo's calculations. The Ladrones we find to the east between 220° and 225°, that is, almost four hundred leagues, calculating seventeen and a half to the degree, but the maker of the globe may have figured less. Having made these locations and being also informed that Mexico was in about 225° E (at least so we judge from the map), Schoner could hardly have reached any other conclusion than that Mexico or New Spain must be a part of Asia. The erroneous location of Mexico, more than fifty degrees too far west, gives us the reason for this error. If the city had been placed by his informant in its approximately proper position Schoner would probably not have changed his opinion from that held earlier, namely, that Asia and America were separated. Besides the importance of the globe of 1524 in the subsequent discussion over whether or not America was joined to Asia, it had another as being perhaps the very first to show Cortes' discoveries on the west coast. This part has all the appearance of having been drawn from some account not very clearly written, as the topography is entirely erroneous. The equator passes through a peninsula almost directly south of Tremistitan. About twelve degrees farther north there is an R. daolia and just above it a Porto sanchus [Sanctus]. Tetutepe [Tututepec] is only in about 03°. N Lat. and less than eight degrees west of it are the Insule Latronum. There are a few other names so badly corrupted that it is impossible to identify them. The R. daolia I should think was an error for R. de Olid (after the discoverer of this coast), or R. del Oro, a name which might easily have been given to the Balsas. Porto Santo must have been either Zacatula or Sihuatanejo. The Coro- mara empties into the Pacific a little south of the Tropic of Cancer and just below its mouth are [5] 6 Cartography of the Northwest Coast of America two islands. Coromara was Marco Polo's name for a river in China and a number of his other names appear in the country bordering on the river. This idea persisted for a long time and was propagated by numerous other geographers, more especially by Oronce Fine, whose ideas expressed on his heart-shaped map issued in 1531 (XV) had perhaps a greater vogue than Schoner's. Fine moved the point of junction with Asia to about the Tropic of Cancer, and later this was pushed still farther north. The course of the Rio Coromara was copied by other geographers, who did not accept Schoner's theory and even gave it another name. The knowledge of the name almost died out, but it was resuscitated by Plancius in 1592 (167) for that of the river now known as the Colorado. The other idea—that the new lands were a new continent—is best exemplified by one of the earliest maps, that of Martin Waldseemuller published in 1507 (II). A doubt has been raised that Imaginary Geography: The First Period 7 this map with its straight north-south coast line represents a new world or a part of Asia. As in any event the map was imaginary, it is impossible for us to tell what Waldseemuller or Johannes de Stobnicza (III), who gave it currency, had in their minds, and we may therefore pass over the question as one having no practical importance. The fact is that their successors took it to represent America. Sufficient discoveries were soon made in the Atlantic to formulate for the east side a coast line somewhat resembling the actual one, but it was a long time before those on the west coast gave any warrant for modifying Stobnicza's straight north and south line of that coast. The separation of Asia and America is perhaps more marked in another type of west coast, which seems to have been evolved from the inner consciousness of Vesconte de Maiollo and is shown on a manuscript map which he produced in 1527 (IX). Giovanni da Verrazano had made an exploration of the Atlantic coast in 1524 in the service of the King of France, and when somewhere in the neighborhood of 35° or 40° had evidently seen another body of water beyond a stretch of sand. Nothing of this exists in the printed accounts of the expedition; the only evidence of it is found in the map of Maiollo where the sea beyond is labeled "Mare Indicum" and in that of Hier- onymo da Verrazano, supposed to have been drawn in 1529 (XIII). The coast line of this imaginary western ocean afterward known as the "Mare de Verrazano" then runs to the north, leaving what would be a strait between Maiollo's Francesca and Tera Florida, except for that small stretch of sand which on Verrazano's map is said to be six leagues wide. This theory was not abandoned even after the Spanish discoveries on the west coast as high as 40° became known. It was an especial favorite among believers in the existence of the northwest passage, and gave rise to several fables which attained some vogue. Battista Agnese accepted it and continued for some time to draw maps of America exemplifying it. Recently a map was sold in London which belonged at one time to Sir Humphrey Gilbert and was drawn by Dr. John Dee. There may be a question about the date of it, but it certainly was not drawn before 1575 or 1576 (109). On this map the "Mare de Verazana" appears in all its glory, but in a location quite different from that on Agnese's maps or on that of Michael Lok which Richard Hakluyt published in his Divers Voyages in 1582 (131). There is quite a little evidence that some other map appeared by or before 1530, the prototype of the delineation of North America of the Gemma Frisius globe now in Zerbst (XIX), the early Agnese oval maps of the world, and the heart-shaped map of Mercator of 1538 (XXI). The existence of the Agnese map (XVII) which depicts what might be called a pre-Verrazano type and the fact that the Desliens map of 1541 (XXII), that of Descelliers in 1545, and the map of Pierre Hamon of 1568 (XXXIV) are all similar in this respect, leads to the suspicion that such a map was made in France to accompany some account of the Verrazano expedition. The Maiollo and Verrazano maps themselves seem to be modifications of this type, further evidenced by the order in which Agnese's maps were produced. That no such map is known is not strange in view of the wholesale disappearance of early maps. Pedro Ruiz de Villegas, in an opinion about the location of the Line of Demarcation rendered in 1524 at a meeting of the Spanish and Portuguese commissioners, spoke of a number of maps then in existence which now are entirely unknown. He said that he had seen more than two hundred maps of the Mediterranean, evidently in manuscript, because he afterwards speaks of printed ones, and especially of Italian ones, and mentions numerous globes and even what he calls a "Mapa en piano en figura redonda" made in London. It is not possible to pick out one of these as the possible prototype of this elongated North America; all that he mentions by name seem to be of Portuguese or Spanish origin, which of course would not show it. Agnese only made use of it for a short time, taking up the Verrazano isthmus type, but he reverted to it in later years and in all his later atlases published from about 1550 on we again find this peculiar shape, sometimes with a strait in the far north as in the earlier period, but generally without it. Cartography of the Northwest Coast of Americ r Imaginary Geography: The First Period 9 In the Polyhistor of Julius Solinus, published in Basle in 1538, a map (XX) appeared which has suffered some modifications from the ordinary Ptolemy map. At the upper right-hand corner there is a piece of coast line extending northwest which is labeled "Terra incognita," perhaps some twenty degrees removed from the "Regnum Cathay." On the coast there are two trees and a river opposite a small bay. In the text on page 150 opposite the map there is a short paragraph in which, at the end, there is a reference to this piece of coast, namely, "In our days it has been explored by men." This remark has been noted by several writers who seem to think that it refers to some otherwise unknown expedition from Asia to the northwest coast of America. Sebastian Miinster, the author of the Notes to the Polyhistor, was, I think, responsible for this addition, for on the map of the world we also see north of Asia a "Mare congelatum," something like his, connected with a body of water to the east. There is not the slightest evidence that the Portuguese had ever discovered the coast of America in such a latitude. If not wholly imaginary, the "Terra incognita" may represent Japan, a country discovered about this time by the Portuguese, or, to speak more accurately, a land whose existence must have been pointed out to them by the Chinese in Canton. The trend of the coast and its distance from Asia reminds one very strongly of the delineation of this part of North America on the Ortelius map of 1564 (63). It is necessary here to notice a set of globe gores (XXXIX) in the Bodel Nyenhuis collection in Leyden, dated 1603, and purporting to have been drawn by Gulielmus Nicolai Belga, in Lug- duni (Lyons, no doubt). Although these gores were published by Muller in his set of Remarkable Maps they seem to'have attracted but little attention. It is clear even at first glance that we are dealing with a map drawn many years before and not an up-to-date work. The title is the same as that of the Fine map of 1531 (XV), but there is no other resemblance. It belongs to the class which displays a definite separation between Asia and America. There is but one clue to the date of it. In the upper part of Hispania Nova, close to the 60th degree of latitude, we find the words, "Victa 1530." This can be nothing but the remnant of the inscription which appears on the Zerbst globe of Gemma Frisius (XIX), "Hispania Maior a Nunno Gusmafio devicta anno 1530"; but the rest of the map is still earlier. Indeed, in many respects it has a remarkable resemblance to the globe of 1524 (VI), except for the separation of America and Asia as previously stated; even the longitudes are practically the same. In dealing with a map engraved as late as 1603 and taken from one of some seventy years earlier we are at a loss to know whether or not anything has been added to the original map and it is therefore dangerous to draw too positive conclusions from it. Just south of. the Tropic of Cancer and close to or on the west coast is the city of Temistitan [that is, Mexico]. It is almost on the same meridian as the Latronum Insulae and therefore farther west than on the 1524 globe. Only some five degrees off the coast opposite Temistitan is the island of Zipangri [Japan]. Several of the 1524 globe names are to be found on this part of the map, notably Masamatch, obviously the Masamalo of that globe. The west coast north of the 10th parallel is of the old Stobnicza type, but there is a connection at the north by some devious water passage with the Atlantic between Greenland and the Bacalaos country, just as shown on the globe. It appears to me that the original maker of the globe, who did not believe in Schoner's new theory, cut off the west coast of Mexico at about the 220th meridian and extended the coast almost due north from that point. One of the most interesting things on the globe gores, is some names on the 345th meridian: Amphiscii, Heteros, and Periscii, extending from the equator north to south and repeated from south to north. These are Greek words, which here have reference to the ways shadows are thrown by the sun. The first means, "shadows both ways," that is, sometimes north and sometimes south; the second, "a shadow only one way," and the third, "a shadow all around." Put in plain English they mean the Tropics, the Temperate Zone, and the Polar Regions. It is curious to note that on the 1524 globe only one of these appears, Periscii, but in the same position as on this map, near the South Pole. I think this can be taken to dispose of the ingenious theory advanced by Dr. Wieder that the Periscii Cartography of the Northwest Coast of America on the 1524 globe stood for "per I. Sch.," that destroys Dr. Wieder's best argument for ascrib have been drawn by him. I refer to it hereafter , "per Iohann Schoner." This ; the globe to Schoner, but n the Schoner globe of 1524. nfortunate error ertheless it may The question arises, Are these 1603 globe gores copied from a Gemma Frisius globe made about 1531? There are some obvious differences between it and the one in Zerbst, but as the latter was probably not made before 1536 or 1537 there was plenty of time for things to happen in between. There is evidence that Frisius' globes were being sold as early as 1530 or 1531. His pamphlet De Principiis Astronomiae et Cosmographiae was printed in Louvain in October, 1530. It is possible that Guzman's letter of July 8, 1530, might have reached Spain and even Brussels before October, but this is highly doubtful. Even if it had we would hardly expect to find on a map such an enigmatical expression as "Victa 1530." Perhaps, however, Nicolai was responsible for the elimination of the rest of it. Another question arises: Could this be the map which supplied the basis for those of Agnese, Desliens, and others of the French school? Although there are some similarities, especially between Agnese's earliest map and this one, they are not sufficient to warrant our giving an affirmative answer. The 1603 globe gores seem to be another map without any specific relation to its contemporaries. In studying the development of the cartography of the northwest coast of America it is necessary to examine the ideas current about the relative position which this coast bore to Asia on the west and to Europe on the east. Anyone who glances at an early map of the world will at once be struck by the enormous extent of Asia, and the nearness of its eastern coast to America in the higher parallels of latitude. The excessive extension of Asia to the east seems to have been due to a combination of causes—the erroneous calculations of Ptolemy, some misconception of Marco Polo's story, and an evident error by the Portuguese navigators in calculating the distance between the Cape of Good Hope and Malacca. In the dispute between Spain and Portugal over the Moluccas, this last fact became apparent. As soon as the positions of these islands became a subject of controversy, the Portuguese revised their calculations and removed these islands farther to the west. The distance around the world was for a long time supposed to be shorter in miles than it actually is, and most of this shortage occurs between America and Asia. The result of all these concurring circumstances was to create an idea that Japan was close to the American coast; on many of the early maps it appears to be only some twenty degrees away, and on some even only ten. Another factor contributing to the error in the distance between America and Asia, although of much less importance, was the too great extension of America to the west, and as this is one frequently met with hereafter it will be well to give at the outset a table showing the longitudes of the places which served as bases for the maps of the northwest coast. TABLE 1 (The seconds are omitte d as un necessary in this examinatior •) Greenwich meridian 2° 20' E Toledo meridian Greenwich meridiar Toledo meridian Paris Madrid 3° 45' W Mexico 99° 05' Navidad 104° 40' Acapulco 99° 48' 94° 16' Toledo 4° 49/ Cadiz 6° 17' Lisbon 9° 08' 94° 59' Santa Cr Liz 17° 46'(about). 17" 50' .-. 12° 13° 57' or 105° 05' Cabo Mendocino 124° 25' 119° 35' Imaginary Geography: The First Period II At that time the method of determining the differences of longitude by noting the differences in time between two places by means of a chronometer with fixed time, as is largely done today, was known, but the art of making the chronometers had not yet been perfected and they were still too unreliable for practical use at sea. Differences in longitude, therefore, were determined chiefly by two methods: first, by calculating the distances and courses run by a vessel; and second, by observing eclipses of the moon in different places. The difference in time, for example, at which the earth's shadow appeared on the moon at two different places was considered to be the difference in time between the two places. As one hour of solar time was equivalent to fifteen degrees, the reduction to degrees and minutes was simple. By a calculation of distances on each day's run and the courses run during that day on voyages from Seville to Vera Cruz, the Spaniards arrived very early ■ at a fairly accurate conception of the longitude of Mexico City west of Toledo. A comparison of their early maps indicates a difference of about one hundred degrees, which must be considered remarkably close to accuracy. Bordone's map of 1528 (X), one of the earliest, placed Mexico about one hundred degrees west of Toledo, but his degree only measured about fifty miles. The earliest notice of an observation of an eclipse in Mexico from which a comparison was made with that of the same eclipse in Toledo, must have occurred about 1537-8. Antonio de Men- doza, the viceroy, in a letter to Gonzalo Fernandez de Oviedo, dated October 6, 1541, wrote that from such an observation he had determined Mexico City to be 8 h. 2 m. 34 s. from Toledo. Reduced to degrees this is equivalent to 120° 38' 30". Although it has been stated by Manuel Orozco y Berra that this calculation was considered correct during the rest of the century, I have seen no map with such an enormous error. Mexico City, although not shown on the map of Alonso de Santa Cruz of 1542 (5), would be about 93° west of his meridian, which passes through the Canaries. The meridian is ten degrees west of the Strait of Gibraltar, and as the strait is about thirty minutes west of Toledo we find that his difference between Toledo and Mexico City is only about 103j°. On the Sebastian Cabot map of 1544 (10) the difference is about 113°. In 1544 Juanoto Duran observed two eclipses in Mexico. When the results were afterward compared with those in other places, it was ascertained that Mexico was 103° west of Toledo, and this was the figure that was then used to the end of the century. Juan Lopez de Velasco, in his Geografia y descripcion universal de las Indias, states that although this figure was adopted some observations of private persons less well informed made the difference four or five degrees less. Henrico Martinez, in his Repertorio de los tiempos published in Mexico in 1603, said that he had made some observations and found the difference to be 6 h. 53 m. or about 103 15'. One of the difficulties which one encounters in consulting sixteenth- and even seventeenth-century maps is the employment of different prime meridians. At first most of them followed Ptolemy in using the one between Teneriffe and Gran Canario. Unfortunately, as with other meridians adopted, hardly two cosmographers agreed on the location of these islands. The Spaniards, however, who really calculated by the meridian passing through Toledo, put the islands in such a position that the meridian twelve degrees west of Toledo would run through them. It is a mistake, therefore, to take the actual longitude of Palma or Santa Cruz from which to calculate the differences. As all the knowledge of this subject was derived from Spanish maps and as these reduced everything to terms of distance from Toledo, the location of the Canaries being purely arbitrary, it is necessary to add to the longitude shown on the maps, or subtract, if the longitude is figured to the east, twelve degrees for the difference. In later years, at some time not easy to discover, this difference was reduced to ten degrees; I think it occurred after the Spaniards began to use results obtained in the Lisbon observatory. To my knowledge, not a single Spanish map exists which has the prime meridian passing through Toledo. Even the Padron General in Seville, according to Lopez de Velasco, had one drawn through the Canaries with Mexico ninety-one degrees to the west of it. That this meridian was 12 Cartography of the Northwest Coast of America twelve degrees west of Toledo is only an inference from his remarks, but this seems most likely, especially in view of the Ptolemy traditions which located the line ten degrees west of Cadiz or the Pillars of Hercules, and other statements by Lopez de Velasco's contemporaries. The early explorations on the west coast were made from Navidad, and as no astronomical observations were made west of Guadalajara for a long time it became necessary to estimate the distance from Mexico City to the west coast. The point became of importance during the discussion which took place in Spain after the occupation of the Philippines. In 1566 the principal cosmog- xaphers of the Crown presented individual reports in which the question of the distance from Mexico City to Navidad had to be considered. No two of them agreed; one put it as low as six degrees of longitude and others as high as eight. Acapulco soon took the position as the point of departure for expeditions to the Philippines as well as for exploration. On the very early maps Acapulco appears almost west of Mexico, but undoubtedly the Spaniards had a very good idea from the start just where it was, almost south of Mexico. The main point of interest to us, however, was the location of Cabo San Lucas, as the coast from there north was continuous. Lopez de Velasco asserted that the Punta de California was in 113°, that is, west of Toledo, which would be ten degrees west of Mexico City, remarkably close to accuracy; but since according to his calculation Mexico itself was placed almost eight degrees too far west, it follows that the punta was also that much too far west. I do not pretend to give exact figures, because there was no agreement at that time on the subject. It is possible of course that Velasco's Punta de California was the southeast cape which is about one-half degree east of Cabo San Lucas. To sum up, it must be understood that on such maps as placed Mexico City ninety degrees west of the Ptolemaic meridian, Cabo San Lucas, the beginning of the northwest coast, was laid down about eight degrees too far west, a fundamental error for the whole of that coast. There was even a tendency on the part of some cartographers to make the error greater by increasing the distance between Mexico City and the cabo. Of course, on top of this error was another farther up the coast, from giving it a too great westerly trend. This will be discussed'elsewhere. In the later period of exploration, when San Bias was used as a base, the distance from San Bias to Cabo San Lucas was always taken roughly as five degrees. The eight degrees of error in the location of the cabo had been reduced at that time to less than half that amount by moving the location of Mexico City that much farther east. An example of the erroneous ideas then current regarding the location of islands through which meridians were drawn can be seen by the statement of Sigiienza y Gongora that the one which passed through Santa Cruz on Palma was twelve degrees west of Lisbon, whereas the actual difference is only about eight and one-half degrees. Chapter II THE FIRST DISCOVERY PERIOD, 1533-1543 Persons at all familiar with the histories of Hubert Howe Bancroft probably know that those parts of them which deal with the history of the northwest coast down to about 1846 were written by Henry L. Oak. Considering the comparatively limited resources at his command, it must be conceded that Mr. Oak did a good job. Like many others, however, Mr. Oak was much taken with an expression which he apparently coined himself, the "northern mystery." This bulks very large in his pages, and it cannot be denied that there was something which attracted the attention of the curious to the northern part of North America. The tendency to generalization so mon with all writers induced Mr. Oak to declare that the expeditions which the Spaniards to that part of the world were chiefly, if not wholly, directed to the task of solving that mystery. It is probable that he got the idea from Martin Fernandez de Navarrete, who laid down a somewhi similar proposition in the Introduction to the Viage hecho por las goletas Sutil y Mexicana, published in 1802. Navarrete was the first Spanish writer to present a comprehensive sketch of the voyages to the northwest coast based on original documents in the archives in Spain. One has only to consult his Biblioteca Maritima to be convinced of this. He had seen and copied a vast number of documents dealing with the maritime enterprises of the Spaniards and his opinion would naturally be entitled to great weight. The belief was very commonly held in the sixteenth century, and indeed for a long time afterward, that north of America there was a passage connecting the Atlantic and Pacific oceans. The truth is that the wish was father to the thought. If such a passage existed and could be navigated it certainly offered a much shorter way to the riches of the East than the routes by the Cape of Good Hope or the Strait of Magellan. In spite of the various apocryphal tales of voyages through it there was, however, no real evidence whatever of its existence. It was an assumption based on purely hypothetical reasoning, and had, indeed, fewer good arguments in its favor than had the other belief, also current, that America was a huge peninsula of eastern Asia. Hernan Cortes was the first to engage in efforts to discover the northwest coast and he began shortly after his arrival in Mexico in 1519. Some of his men, guided by Montezuma's messengers, reached the Pacific in the summer of 1520. The first discoveries were made at the mouth of the Rio Balsas and farther south in Oaxaca, probably on the Gulf of Tehuantepec, all gold-bearing regions. Cortes, driven from the city, had to fight his way back again, and was therefore obliged to abandon sending out exploring parties until the country was pacified. Then ensued four years of an active and insistent search for gold; Zacatula was founded, and farther north, Colima, which became a. center of activity. The probabilities are that before 1524 Cortes' men had reached the Rio Grande of Jalisco, if not even farther north. His journey to Honduras, his financial disasters, his visit to Spain, and the hostile attitude of the first Audiencia prevented him from pushing his operations farther north on the west coast, although he had made extensive plans to do so as early as 1527. In that year Alvaro de Saavedra Ceron went to the Moluccas with the best part of Cortes' fleet, but before departing he sailed up the coast as far as Santiago, now Manzanillo, which he named on that saint's day. It seems that another name, Salagua, had already been given to the bay or to a part of it, probably by the inhabitants of Colima. This double naming of places along the coast was. common and is very confusing. [13] 14 Cartography of the Northwest Coast of America Within this period Cortes established a shipyard which he also called "Santiago" at Tehuantepec, no doubt on the river of that name. Still another town, Sihuatanejo, was founded just north of Zaca- tula, and here other ships were constructed. Just when he settled Acapulco is uncertain, but there are indications that it was about 1530. Very little information about these settlements on the west -coast can be gleaned from the letters of Cortes or from those written by the royal officials. Some map to accompany a general description of the country was no doubt made, but it is difficult to discover any trace of it in subsequent ones. Although we begin to find Spanish maps of Cortes' discoveries as early as 1523, no part of this coast is shown on them until some time later than 1529. The globe of 1524 (VI) contains a few Cortes names here, evidently obtained from some account of his explorations. The Casa de Contratacion, an institution set up in Seville by the Spanish government to handle the trade with the colonies, was entrusted with the task of keeping a general map on which the discoveries were to be laid down from the diaries and maps of explorers. The object sought was to obtain reliable data from which to make sailing charts for the use of the marine. Under these circumstances it is hardly likely that this map, which was known as the Padron General, contained anything but coast lines and coast names. Perhaps this accounts for the fact that the several Spanish maps which were made in Seville and were based on this general map fail to show discoveries on the west coast of Mexico. Up to 1530, with the exception of the short expedition of Saavedra from Tehuantepec to Santiago, we know of none by sea north of the former place; all the discoveries had been made by land expeditions. Even Tehuantepec itself does not appear on the 1529 map of Diego Ribero (XII); the point farthest west on the coast named is the Sierra de Gil Gonzalez Davila registering the end of an exploration by him in 1523 west from Panama. No Spanish map is known which covers the west coast after 1529 until the one attributed to Sebastian Cabot was published in 1544 (10). Cabot's map was in all probability also based on the general map in Seville, but it may he just as well to state here that the general opinion is that none of these surviving Spanish planispheres was copied faithfully from that map. Not one which has survived partakes of the nature of a. sailing chart; they seem to have been made for display, perhaps as presents from the Emperor to some of his associates or friends. Several were sent to Italy and it is from these no doubt that the Italians obtained the information embodied in such maps as we find in the early atlases of Battista Agnese, in which traces of three can be distinguished which must have been made between 1529 and 1542: (1) in his atlas in the British Museum, 19,927; Vatican, 7586; and Bodleian, 144 (XVIII) and (XXII); (2) in his atlas in the Museo Civico Correr, Venice, and a number of later ones, on Map No. 1, on which the coast line has been extended to a rio serado (XXIII); and (3), in his atlas in the National Bibliothek, Vienna, with the Peninsula of California. The names on the peninsula were omitted on this map (7) for some reason, but they appear on the map of the Pacific on all those dated from 1542 onward. The world map itself is to be found in the atlas of the Hispanic Society, New York (14); in this atlas, on the map of the Pacific there are some different names •on the Central American and southern Mexican coasts which perhaps indicate a still different original. The additional names on the southern Mexican coast on Agnese's second Spanish map are of unknown origin. It is a matter of great difficulty even to identify them. The rio serado, the one shown farthest west, is apparently some river just west of the Gulf of Tehuantepec, perhaps the Rio Ondo, or the Rio Verde which is west of Tututepec on the Oaxaca coast. All this coast was well known in Mexico before even 1529 and it is rather curious to find traces of the place names only on maps which seem to have no Spanish cartographical basis. With the invasion of this coast by Nufio de Guzman in 1530 another era set in. He pushed •discoveries as far as the Rio Yaqui and was responsible for the land names, which were taken from accounts of his expeditions. After having passed through Michoacan he reached the provinces on The First Discovery Period, 1533-1543 15 the west coast just north of Colima and by July, 1530, had advanced to the famous province of Astatlan, where he expected to find the Amazons. June 5, 1530, he had named the "Rio de Espiritu Santo," now the Rio Grande, and one week later had reached the Rio San Pedro, which he named the "Trinidad," as it was the Sunday of the Trinidad. Omitlan was on this river and Astatlan was farther north. The two rivers appear on all the early maps as the Spirito Santo and the Trinita, their Italian names as given in the third volume of Ramusio's Navigationi published in 1556, where a translation of Guzman's letter was printed. A glimpse of his activities can be gained from the Frisius globe at Zerbst (XIX) and from Mercator's map of 1538 (XXI), on which a legend appears in the region "Hispania maior capta anno 1530." "Espana Mayor" was the name Guzman gave to the country in that year. His subsequent expeditions and those sent out by him between the date of his letter of July, 1530, and 1533 do not seem to have left any trace on the maps before 1541, and then only in part. Many of the places he named did not appear on maps before the Hispaniae Novae De- scriptio of Ortelius in 1579 (119). The year 1530 also marks the beginning of a new period of activity on the part of Cortes. On nis return from Spain he at once began to collect materials for further exploration by sea, but it was not until 1532 that he was enabled to dispatch in person from Santiago at Tehuantepec two vessels under the command of Diego Hurtado de Mendoza and Hernando de Grijalva. The vessels soon became separated. Grijalva discovered the Isla Santo Tomas, now known as Socorro, and then returned. Hurtado continued up the coast, just how far is not known but probably beyond the-Rio Fuerte, as he was subsequently killed by the natives with all his men on what seems to have been this river. Before this he sent back one of his ships and from some of the men on board Cortes obtained a little information. Cortes subsequently enlarged upon the results attained by Hurtado, without however giving any details, and made them his principal basis for the claims he advanced in 1539 and later to an exclusive right to explore the country of the "Seven Cities." The Discovery of California In 1533 Cortes sent out another expedition under Diego Becerra. When the ship was off the Colima coast a mutiny occurred. Becerra was killed, and most of the officers were badly wounded. The leader of the mutiny, the pilot Fortun Ximenez de Bertandofia, took command of the ship, landed the wounded and three Franciscan friars on the coast, and sailed away December 10, 1533. There is much reason to suppose that he discovered the Peninsula of California. Sometime later a few men came back to thfe coast with the ship and said that Ximenez and most of the men had been killed by the natives of some land they had discovered. These men spread a story about having discovered pearls, a story which warrants us in concluding that Ximenez must have landed at some place on the Peninsula of California north of Cabo Pulmo, as that is the southern limit of the pearl oyster in the Gulf of California. Another and perhaps more convincing indication leading to the same conclusion is the fact that when Cortes himself set out from Chiametla in search of pearls in April, 1535, he took a direct course for the southeastern point of the peninsula. On this occasion he led an imposing force with the intention of making a settlement. We know that he sent out some expeditions from near the Bahia de la Paz, where he formed a camp, and that a number of his men remained for quite a while after he himself returned in 1536, but we lack details of their operations. A few pearls were obtained but nothing to make a stay in the country worth while, although Cortes afterward alleged that he would have made a permanent settlement if he had not been prevented by the viceroy, Antonio de Mendoza. Cortes' Map of Santa Cruz (1) The earliest known map showing any part of the northwest coast of America from actual discoveries is a small sketch of the lower end of the Peninsula of California, with a little of the mainland opposite, which was no doubt attached to the act of taking possession by Cortes, May 16 Cartography of the Northwest Coast of America 3, 1535, of what he called the Puerto de Santa Cruz. The document was afterward filed in Madrid, in June, 1541, in the suit between Cortes, Mendoza, and others, generally known as the Proceso. Cortes' principal object in this suit was to establish a priority of occupation of the country north of that which Nuno de Guzman then possessed for the purpose of showing that he had a preferential right to the conquest of the new northern lands. The map is interesting as indicating the extent of Cortes' own discoveries on the peninsula, and those, besides, which no doubt he or his lieutenants had made on the mainland. It is clear that he knew that the Pacific lay to the west of Bahia de la Paz, and it would also appear that he had a very good conception of the location of the lower point of the peninsula. The map bears evidence of having been made after 1535, as it shows the places on the mainland where he and his ships had so much trouble in the latter part of the year. By reference to an account of this expedition now in my possession and first published by Navarrete in the Introduction to the Viage hecho por las goletas Sutil y Mexicana in 1802, which contains details not to be found elsewhere, we find that one of Cortes' vessels was driven up the coast by a storm and remained at the Rio San Pedro y San Pablo for three or four months. It seems fairly evident, then, that this party named the river on June 29, 1535, the day of these saints. The origin of the name "trabajos" written in, undoubtedly refers to Cortes' own troubles when he crossed over from the peninsula sometime in the latter part of the year to find his other ships. There is evidence that the port he entered was one called Guayaval, at the north end of the sand island then or later known as Guayaval. The river near there was known as Sebastian de Ebora. The name "Remedios" is in all probability indicative of some relief obtained there by Cortes, since the name does not seem to have occurred in any of the accounts of Guzman's operations. It is true that Diego Hurtado y Mendoza had been on this coast in 1532, and perhaps he named the port. The Cortes map shows four names on the peninsula: s. felipe, the name that Cortes gave to the mountains south of La Paz; s. tiago, for the Isla de Ceralvo; perlas for the Isla Espiritu Santo; and s. cruz, Cortes' name for the whole country as well as the port. A peculiar feature of the map is the extension to the west of the Pacific coast from about opposite La Paz. This I think indicates the extent of Cortes' discovery on the Pacific side as the trend is incorrect. The south point of the peninsula is in almost its proper latitude. Agnese's Maps of 1541 (3), The Ulpius Globe (6), and The Tramezini Map of 1554 (31) The next discoveries to appear cartographically were those on the Sonora and Sinaloa side alleged to have been made by Marcos de Niza on his expedition in the spring of 1539 in search of the cities with stone houses. Niza returned to Compostela before July 15 and made a declaration in Mexico City, September 2, which was filed in Madrid' in a lawsuit on July 15, 1540. No doubt his Relacion was filed at the same time, although it might have been sent earlier. This is now in the Archivo General de Indias in one of the selected files, 1-1-1/20, No. 5, R 10. An Italian translation of it was printed in Ramusio's Navigationi in 1556. However, we find most of his place names in their Spanish forms on two maps, which certainly appeared much earlier. The Ulpius globe (6) bears the date 1542 and contains in this region the following names: Marata, Tontoneac [for Ton- tonteac], Civola, Avis [for Acus], Petatlan, Cuiguacan, Nova Galitia, and Gvazacha, all, except the last, found in Niza's account. On a small oval world map in the Royal Library, Stockholm (3), and in several others in portolan atlases made by Battista Agnese, there appear the names just mentioned and P. Michel, El Nuovo Regno di S. Francesco, and Vacapa, also from Niza's account. An interesting feature of these maps, which is also additional proof that the names were taken from Niza's account, is the Y. de Fernado Cortese distributed in a circle opposite P. Michel. Niza makes several references to these islands, which he placed at various distances from the coast. As all the maps were made in Italy and as these Agnese atlases do not contain a map showing the dia of Ulloa such as Agnese produced in May, 1542 (4), it is plain that this oval map was i The First Discovery Period, 1533-1543 IV—The Cortes Map of 1535, No. i 18 Cartography of the Northwest Coast of America 1541, if not late in 1540. Under such circumstances we are led to suspect that Niza's account had been printed when it was received in Spain in the spring or summer of 1540, because of the interest aroused in his narrative—an interest heightened no doubt by the struggle then taking place before the Council of the Indies between Cortes and other contenders for the right to send expeditions to the north. Besides these cartographical indications that the account was printed first in Spain there are others cited in my Spanish Southwest, page 44. Battista Agnese had been engaged in turning out manuscript atlases for some years. He was a Genoese living and working in Venice. From the number of atlases produced by him which are still extant it is apparent that this was his business. Many of them are works of art and perhaps this is why so many have been preserved. No doubt for the same reason little attention has been paid to them as cartographical documents. For his maps of America he employed, largely if not wholly, Spanish models and it is just here that the value of his maps lies. The originals have disappeared, except that of Ribero of 1529 (XII); all that we have to show the progress of Spanish discovery as delineated on the general map in Seville between 1529 and 1544 must be looked for on his maps. Among the numerous fairy tales told by Marcos de Niza was one about "the coast of the sea" as he called it, that is, the Gulf of California. He said that the Indians at Vacapa told him that it continued to the north as far as it could be seen. Later, he said, he went to see it from some place, apparently on the Gila River, and found that it turned to the west in 35 . This tale seems to have formed the basis for the curious map of Tramezini (31) which was engraved in Venice in 1554. It is in the form of a sphere and has a northwest coast of America of the Stobnicza type, modified by the insertion of the Gulf of California. The Pacific Coast extends to the Arctic Circle, where it turns almost to the east, enclosing at the east end the Terra de Labrador. The Gulf of California has a peculiar shape. Up to about 34 it has a general resemblance to that shown on Cabot's map of 1544 (10), but from there north to 37° it gradually narrows to a point, just south of the R. de peturan, which empties into the Pacific just ten degrees too high. North of this in about 39° we find Niza's Pueblo de los Corrazones and south of it in about 36° the Pueblo de S. Michel, another of Niza's names. Farther south are a few of Ulloa's names, properly placed relative to each other but still too high. At the southern end of the peninsula is a C. de cruz and outside, out of place, is the Isla de Caxones (Cazones). As Niza did not mention either of these last two names nor those of Ulloa it is clear that Tramezini obtained them from some other source, and that, being ignorant of the precise location of Niza's places, he put them down incorrectly. The northeastern coast of North America is shown equally incorrectly. The peculiar Gulf of California was copied by Caspar Vopell in 1556 (36) and by Michael Lokin 1582 (131). The Map of The World by Alonso de Santa Cruz, 1542 (5) It is probable that the earliest cartographical representation of the Peninsula of California after the Cortes map is contained on a manuscript map of the world preserved in the Royal Academy in Stockholm. This remarkable production was drawn by Alonso de Santa Cruz, and is dated 1542 (5). At that time he was a cosmographer of the Gasa de Contratacion. The peninsula is cut off on it so as to form a large island, and underneath is a legend to the effect that this is an island which the Marques del Valle discovered. North of the peninsula is another, "The land which Antonio de Mendoza sent to discover." This latter legend almost certainly refers to the expedition of Niza in 1539, for if it had referred to that of Coronado it seems probable that some of Niza's names would have appeared on the map. Three islands appear in the west part of the gulf, three in the The First Discovery Period, 1533-1543 19 east, and another near the north end. The three in the west part may have been those discovered by^ Cortes, but it is difficult to account for those on the east side, which are located in about 24° to 25 of latitude, because actually there is only one small rock in that locality unless we count sand islands near the mouths of the rivers. On the whole, it is safest to consider that the map simply represents the discoveries of Cortes in 1535 and 1536, although Cortes was not supposed to have discovered any strait separating the southern end of the peninsula from the northern part. Yet it is obvious from Francisco Preciado's account of the Ulloa expedition that Ulloa was expected to find one. The round shape of the gulf, however, and the fact that the land on the Pacific side is continued north to about 28° might lead one to suspect that Santa Cruz had some knowledge of the expedition of Ulloa. It is probable also that this was the first Spanish map to show the coast of Peru and Chile as continuous to the Strait of Magellan and with a trend not very different from its actual one, at least below the 30th parallel. This coast line was laid down from the result of Alonso de Camargo's expedition, although it is plain from Santa Cruz's account of it in his Islario that the ship did not follow the coast. In speaking about it he says that they followed the coast from the strait for sixty leagues and found two large islands and many small ones close to which they remained for some days as the weather was not favorable. He adds that on the way to Peru they discovered many ports and rivers and some islands close to the coast besides those previously referred to which were more than one hundred leagues distant from it. These two large islands were the Juan Fernandez Islands. The Islario General of Santa Cruz was written about the year 1540, obviously before this map was made, if we can judge from internal evidence. Although he knew about Camargo's expedition, he evidently was not aware of that of Ulloa although the account of this voyage reached Mexico in May, 1540. From this I am inclined to believe that Camargo's ship reached Peru in 1540 instead of 1541 as is usually stated. He had lost his own ship in the Strait of Magellan on January 24, 1540, a date certainly allowing him plenty of time to reach Peru the same year. What Santa Cruz has to say about the discoveries of Cortes is very little. In describing the coast of Central America, of which he gives a map which reaches only as far west as the Bay of Nicaragua, he says (trans): "speaking of islands, there are many others and so along all the coast to New Galicia and as far as the gulf which was discovered a few days ago by Don Hernan Cortes, Marques del Valle, in which there are some islands both large and small which up to the present time are thought to be uninhabited." It is plain from this statement that Santa Cruz had nothing but the barest knowledge of the expedition of Cortes himself' to California, as Cortes had found plenty of Indians in that country. If we examine the maps which Santa Cruz appended to his book we shall find no trace of these islands nor even of the Juan Fernandez Islands, which Camargo's ship also discovered. Both of these groups appear on his map of 1542. It is almost certain, however, that this was drawn before that year. It does not even show as much as appeared on the Cortes map of 1535 (1). All that part of the map appears to be conjectural, based on some vague information that the land which Cortes discovered was an island, as no doubt it was considered to be when first discovered. The Isla de California and Islas Californias, as names for Cortes' discoveries, were still prevalent as late as 1550. Santa Cruz made numerous maps, but it is plain from Fernandez de Oviedo's remarks that he did not always agree with his colleagues. Alejo de Venegas in his Diferencias de libros que hay en el universo, first printed in 1540, gives an account of the cartographical labors of Santa Cruz. He states that Santa Cruz had made a round sphere on a flat projection but open along the meridians in order to make the relation of the round one to the flat one understood. He also.made another, he states, opened on the equinoctial with the poles in the center, and two others cut by the two poles, one on the meridian of Ptolemy and the other on the meridian of the Line of Demarcation between Spain and Portugal. Venegas also states that Santa Cruz corrected the heart-shaped maps of Oronce 20 Cartography of the Northwest Coast of America Fine and made two other heart-shaped maps more perfect. The map just described seems to be a later copy of one of the maps opened on the meridians. The Discoveries of Ulloa As late as 1536 nothing had been encountered by Cortes or Guzman in their explorations toward the north to warrant the idea that farther on there was anything of particular value. It is true that some stories were afloat which seemed to point to the existence of a large river in that direction, no doubt the Colorado, with which some fables were connected, but Sonora and Baja California so far as explored were unpromising. All this was changed when Alvar Nufiez Cabeza de Vaca and his companions reached Mexico in the summer of 1536. His story aroused new hopes and it was not long before a race to reach the promised land began. When Niza set out in March, 1539, to find out what truth there was in the tale, Cortes had an expedition of his own almost ready to depart on the same errand. In the course of his suit in Spain against the other contenders for the right to explore the region, he alleged that he had imparted to Niza before he set out all the information about the country which Niza brought back. Although Niza afterward strenuously denied this, there was probably some truth in Cortes' assertion. The Indians in northern Sonora undoubtedly had some knowledge of the "Seven Cities" which Niza said he had discovered; even in his narrative he tells about hearing of these towns long before he reached them—in fact, before he could have reached the Gila River. After he returned, Cortes and Mendoza, the viceroy, split on the question of further action and each proceeded to work out the problem in his own way. Mendoza of course knew about the preparations Cortes was making and tried to prevent the departure of his fleet. In spite of his efforts, however, Francisco de Ulloa, whom Cortes had left in charge of his camp at Santa Cruz when he returned and whom he had now appointed commander of this fleet, set sail from Acapulco, July 8, 1539. His business was to see if he could reach the north by way of the gulf. He was obliged to put into Santiago July 27, and there he remained until August 21. He must have heard all that Niza, who reached Compostela on his return by the middle of July, had to report. Niza positively stated that the gulf extended as high as 35*, so the project of reaching the famous "Seven Cities" in this way seemed feasible. Ulloa, however, found that the gulf did not extend as high as 35°, and being unable to reach farther north than the mouth of the Colorado River, returned south, coasting the west side of the gulf. He then sailed up the outer coast, stopping wherever possible to inspect the Indians and see if he could find any who appeared to be civilized. About January 1,1540, he passed Cedros and reached the mainland north of it at some point now unknown but just possibly Punta Canoas. Here began a long struggle with the northwest winds, which drove him back several times to Cedros for shelter and wood and water. There he ultimately decided to separate his little fleet and sent the Santa Agueda back to Acapulco with his account of the expedition to April 5, 1540, while he went on in the Trinidad. What became of Ulloa is unknown. He probably returned not long after the other vessel, but how far north he had managed to reach is equally unknown. If he came back, he must have made some report to Cortes, who was then in Spain, but up to the present time this has not been found. Possibly events had rendered it inadvisable or unnecessary to file the document as an exhibit in the Proceso. At least two accounts of the voyage were written. One, that of Ulloa himself, was copied and legally attested in Mexico on May 29, 1540, and sent to Spain by one of Cortes' agents. We do not know just when it reached the country or whether it was ever filed as an exhibit in the Proceso; probably it was not as it does not bear the notations usually found on documents filed in that suit. At present the document is in the Archivo General de Indias 1-1-1/20, No. 5, R 11. The lower part of the first leaf is torn off at the bottom, so a few lines are lost which evidently contained some account of the maps made by Ulloa's pilots. A translation made of it by Miss I. A. Wright was published with notes in my California Voyages in 1925 and, somewhat revised, was reprinted in my The First Discovery Period, 1533-1543 21 Spanish Voyages in 1929. The other account was written by Francisco Preciado, one of Ulloa's soldiers, possibly a captain. The original is no longer to be found, but an Italian translation was published by Ramusio in 1556 in the third volume of his Navigationi. Preciado gives some details not to be found in the account of Ulloa, but omits many of the names which were given by Ulloa to places discovered. Attached to the Ulloa account are some acts of possession taken by him which contain some information not contained in the narrative, and some of these give different information. An inspection of the map made by Agnese (4), which will be described hereafter, raises the question whether another narrative was not written and printed when first received in Spain. Names are found on it which were obviously taken from some other source than from the two now known. Some can be inferred from incidents related in one or the other of these narratives, but there is an unexplainable residuum. Three maps showing the results of this expedition are also extant, two of them contemporary and the third based on what was asserted to be a contemporary document. One was made by Bat- tista Agnese and appeared in 1542 (4); another, by Sebastian Cabot, was printed in 1544 (10), and the third, by Domingo del Castillo (2), was first published in 1770 from what is alleged to have been the original made in 1541—this latter being, at the time of its publication, in the archives in Mexico of the Cortes family, where I am assured that it still was only some ten or so years ago. The third map also contains names derived from the expedition of Hernando de Alarcon, for whom Castillo acted as pilot. Ulloa in his account of his expedition refers to two maps which showed his discoveries up to April 5, 1540, the date when he sent back the Santa Agueda. He had two pilots, Juan de Castellon and Pedro de Bermes, and each had made a map. From what can be made out of his remarks on the subject at the beginning of his narrative he must have sent both maps back with it. One, he says, was better than the other, but he does not specify which, unless on that part of the leaf which has been torn off. Cabot's map (10) is better than that of Agnese (4) and as Cabot presumably drew on the general map in Seville for his knowledge of the expedition the possibility always exists that we may have embodied in the Agnese map the poorer one. That, however, does not explain how Agnese became possessed of his information. His names with one exception are Spanish, indicating a Spanish source, and what could that source have been except some map made in Seville, unless, as suggested in the preceding paragraph, he had available some Spanish account of the expedition printed in 1541? I do not believe, however, that he used a written source; I do not see how he could have constructed his map without the aid of some other map. The differences between his map and that of Cabot, differences which extend not only to the place names but also to the trend of the coast and to the latitudes, indicate plainly that each was derived from a map constructed on different conceptions of the route pursued by the expedition. Very few place names on the west coast appear in the Ulloa narrative. The following is the list: Punta de la Trinidad (Punta Tosco), Laguna de Santa Catalina (Bahia de Almejas), Bahia de Abad, in Preciado, Porto de Santo Abate (Bahia Magda- lena), Isla de los Cedros (Cedros), Mas de San Esteban (perhaps the San Benitos or Cedros, Nati- vidad, and some others). Agnese's Map of 1542 (4) Since I reproduced in my California Voyages Agnese's map of the Peninsula of California in the Laurenziana in Florence (8) dated February 12, 1543, an earlier one has been discovered in the Pierpont Morgan Library in New York (4). This is dated May 15, 1542. It is even possible that one of his maps in an atlas in the National Bibliothek in Vienna may have been made in February of that year (4); unfortunately, the last two figures in the date in the inscription on this map have been obliterated. Besides the atlas in the Morgan Library there are similar ones in the Vatican Library in Rome, dated June 28 (4), and in the Permanent National Library in Cassel, dated 1542 The First Discovery Period, 1533-1543 23 in June (4). The one in Vienna differs slightly from the others just mentioned in having, on that part of the map which we are now considering, some names which did not appear on the other 1542 maps, and which, in fact are not shown on any dated map before June 25, 1543 (8). There are, however, a number of undated atlases which contain maps similar to it. Agnese frequently omitted one or two names from his maps either through carelessness in copying or because there was not enough space on the small maps to put them all in. A positive statement, therefore, cannot be made that the Vienna atlas was made in February, 1542, and it is probably safer to consider that the one in the Morgan Library is the earliest of Agnese's maps to show a nomenclature on the Peninsula of California. One of the chief accusations brought against Agnese is that he was not up to date in his cartography, but it certainly was no mean achievement to produce even in May, 1542, a map showing the discoveries of Ulloa, a knowledge of which could hardly have reached Spain before the fall or winter of 1540. Only coast names are shown on it because it is a portolan chart. The southern point of the peninsula is located in almost its true latitude although its southern coast has too much trend to the west. The Punta Engafio, the farthest point north shown on the map of the Pacific Coast, is in just about 30°, and the head of the gulf is in about 35° or 36°, much too high and even higher than Ulloa located it. He states in his account that the Ancon de San Andres, as he calls the mouth of the Colorado River, was in 34 , but in the document recording the possession taken at that point the latitude is given as 33£°, just about where it is shown on the Cabot map. To the name Ancon de San Andres Ulloa added, "y mar bermejo." A peculiarity of Agnese's maps is that the Ancon de San Andres does not appear on them, but only the addition, and even that in the form of a legend which, translated, reads: "Mar Bermejo in which there are eleven fathoms at high tide in the channel and more than eight at low." Agnese must have produced thirty or forty atlases which contain a map similar to the one just described. Like all manuscript maps, however, even when copied one from another, they show differences, sometimes by omitting one or more names, sometimes by altering the configuration of the coast, or sometimes even by changing the latitudes. For instance, on the map in the Vienna atlas (4) the Punta Engafio is in only about 28° and the mouth of the Colorado in 33£°. While the latter is more or less in agreement with Ulloa's narrative, the lowering of the Punta Engafio not only brought it lower than it could possibly have been, even if mentioned in Ulloa's narrative, but also resulted in reducing the latitude of the Isla Riparo, that is, Cedros, to much below its actual location. In fact on this map the latitudes are very similar to those on the Castillo map (2). Agnese's names beginning at the south point and reading north are as follows: Plaia Balenas [Cabo San Lucas], Laguna de Santa Catalina [abbreviated], B. de S. Abad, Punta de las Ancoras, Basos, an undistinguishable name probably Islas Inocentes, La Madalena, Isla Riparo [Cedros], Los Cazones, and Punta Engano. The Punta de las Ancoras is evidently the point off which Ulloa lost one of his anchors. Basos probably represents the Abreojos, La Madalena Natividad, and Punta Engano some undetermined point probably Punta Canoas. Los Cazones first appears on this map north of Cedros. Sebastian Cabot's Map of 1544 (10) The two maps sent by Ulloa to Cortes with his account of the voyage up to the departure of the Santa Agueda have disappeared. No mention of them occurs in the documents filed in the Proceso and it is possible that, as they were not essential in the proceedings Cortes deposited them in the Casa de Contratacion. One thing certain is that Cabot's planisphere of 1544 (10) displays Ulloa's discoveries. As Cabot does not lay down any of those of Alarcon, who undertook an expedition to the Colorado in 1540, and returned before December, it is clear that he could not have made use of the map made by Domingo del Castillo (2), the pilot of that expedition. A great number of the names 24 Cartography of the Northwest Coast of America on the map are badly butchered, even one of Ulloa's, but in the main there seems to be little doubt that it embodies the general features of the Padron General in Seville, that is, the standard map of the Casa de Contratacion on which discoveries were brought up to date, as it stood about 1541-2. It does not contain all the names found in Ulloa's account of the voyage or even in that of Preciado, and does show some not found in either of these. The names on the coast reading north from Cabo San Lucas are as follows: La trenidad, Pa de sanabad, aumadas, Pa de aracife [no doubt Punta Abreojos], Ynnocentes [San Roque and Asuncion], Ya de cedros, ys de cagenes, and c de lengagno. A great controversy has raged over the question of what Cabot had to do with this map. From the numerous errors in Spanish names it seems certain that if he drew it or had anything to do with drawing it he had no supervision over the engraving of it, which is generally supposed to have been done somewhere in the north of Europe, probably in Antwerp. Only one example of the map is known today, that in the Bibiotheque Nationale, Paris, but.it must once have had quite a circulation judging from the references to it in somewhat later literature. Indeed it has been stated that one Clement Adams reissued it in England in 1549; whether with corrections or not is uncertain. In essentials it was reproduced by Sancho Gutierrez in manuscript form in 1551 (23). The only copy of this map known is in the National Bibliothek, Vienna, and it is to be hoped that the authorities of the library will have it issued in facsimile. Unfortunately the part that shows the Peninsula of California is badly damaged, but enough can be made out to see that it only has the Ulloa names found on the Cabot map (10). The peculiar configuration of the Gulf of California is also the same as on that map, but the coast line facing the Pacific is nearer to the actual configuration than Cabot's although it still has too much trend to the north. On other parts of the map you can frequendy find the original names in their proper form, which appeared on Cabot's map very much corrupted. Most of the legends which were pasted on the sides of Cabot's map were incorporated by Gutierrez in the map itself. It thus appears that he must have used the same original as Cabot, perhaps with some later modifications; I have not subjected his map to a detailed examination. The Vallicelliana Map (21) It is apparent that the original from which Cabot's map was taken was copied by other cartographers. In view of the gross errors in place names on the Cabot map which could not have been rectified except by reference to the original, and of the further fact that such errors did not appear on other maps, it is a safe inference that these were not copied from his map. Two of them are of outstanding importance, the map of Diego Homem of 1558 (40) and an undated and unsigned one in the Biblioteca Vallicelliana, Rome (21). I think it probable that the latter is the earlier and so describe it first, deferring the Homem map for later treatment. The Vallicelliana map (21), which measures more than two meters by one, displays the usual Portuguese peculiarities and is undoubtedly of Portuguese origin. Although it purports to be a world map no part of the Pacific Ocean is found on it between New Guinea and about the island of Cedros near the Peninsula of California. The coast extends a little farther, to Cabo engano, to which the coast line on the Cabot map extended. The peninsula is drawn like that on the Cabot map except that it has almost its proper trend. Yvcatan is just like Cabot's and there are many other similarities. The Newfoundland part seems to be different from that on any of the contemporary maps, but Carder's discoveries are shown in much the style of the French maps of 1546 and 1547 and this part of the country is liberally plastered with French standards. One of the most interesting features of the map is the Philippine area and Japan, which proves it to be later than the Cabot map, although only a few traces of the Villalobos expedition are shown. The Villalobos survivors reached Lisbon in August, 1548, and certainly the Portuguese were by that time well apprised of all his discoveries. By that time also there was some knowledge in Portugal of the existence of a Japan entirely different from the mythical one shown on Cabot's map and others like it. Thus we find the coast of China evidently laid The First Discovery Period, 1533-1543 «. VI-Cabot type (section of his Planisphere of 1544) No. 10 26 Cartography of the Northwest Coast of America down from actual discovery as high as 32°. Not far from the coast in about 25° an island is depicted from which a string of others extends east and then northeast to one named Japam in about 30° and then north to about 40° where the name Ilhas de Miacoa appears. The lequio mayor is a large island in the string just south of the large one at the beginning of the string. The representation is of course grossly inaccurate, yet it demonstrates that the Portuguese had some knowledge which might have been obtained from about 1537 to 1540 in India, and, therefore, we may date the map sometime about 1550. Another peculiarity of the map is the excessive width given to South America. As a result of —the end is almost due also are corrupted, this, where the west coast line ends—at the same point as on the Cabot map northwest of the west end of the Strait of Magellan. Many of the names on thi but it is a great improvement in that respect over that of Cabot. CHART 1—Place Names- [Reading from north to south] nap a Cabot—(10) Homem—(40) Vallicelliana—(21) co de lengaguo c. del eganho Cacenes (?) or C. Engano ys. de cagenes I. de canones Cacenes (?) ya de cedros I. de cedros I. de cedros Is. de s esteua Is. (?) Ynnocentes inocetes pa de aracife Pa de arceifes Pa de arceifes aumadas ahumadas ahumadas Pa de san abad Pa de s. abat Pa de s. abat la trenidad la trinidad la trinidad mar de muchas balhenas Agnese-Gastaldi Maps, Universale of Giacomo Gastaldi, 1546 (15) Although Cabot's map was a printed one and must have enjoyed at least some circulation, it did not form the basis for a series of Italian maps published by Giacomo Gastaldi, a Piedmontese cartographer living and working in Venice, a city which at that time was perhaps the center of European civilization. Battista Agnese was working at the same place, and from his map or the original on which he drew, undoubtedly a Spanish map which may have been in Venice, Gastaldi obtained his names for the Peninsula of California and the Sonora-Sinaloa coast. The only knowledge, apparently, that he had of the discoveries in the interior is shown by La Sete Cite, Cipola, and an immense river named the Tontonteanch rising near the Arctic Circle and emptying into the Gulf of California. The continent is of Schoner type with Japan only some twenty degrees removed from the American coast. The point of junction between the two continents might be supposed to be at the turning point of the land, which is in a litde less than 40°. We thus see that already the point of connection had been removed farther to the north. Although there was nothing new in this theory the dissemination of Gastaldi's ideas in a series of modern maps executed for the Italian Ptolemy of 1548 (16, 18, 19) was sufficient to make him the father of a school of cartography which had considerable vogue. His influence for a time overshadowed that of any other map' maker. The Italians were recognized as most skilled cartographers, and certainly their engraving work could not then be surpassed in Europe. The number of maps issued by successive publishers of Gastaldi's works must have been very large, judging from the known editions of them. A few of these were reproduced in Antwerp, probably pirated, but in the main, until the appearance of Ortelius' adases in 1570, the Venetian publishers had almost a monopoly of the business. Furthermore, they probably had a monopoly of the knowledge of the discoveries of the Spaniards and Portuguese, enabling them to put out more authoritative maps than could the publishers in the north. Vll—Gastaldi type No. 1 (tfte Vniversale of 1S46) iVo. 15 28 Cartography of the Northwest Coast of America Gastaldi's first known map to show America was his oval Universale of 1546 (15), a very fine piece of copperplate engraving, extant in a very few copies. The only names on the peninsula are cazones, madalena, b. canoas, s. alad, balenas, and s. + and on the opposite coast tabursa, b. de s. -f-, s. Pablo, and Acapulco. The b canoas belongs on the gulf side and the alad is a misspelling of abad. A peculiarity of the map and its derivatives is the gross error in locating the southern point of the peninsula in about 19°, whereas on the Agnese maps it is in about 22°. As early perhaps as 1548 a woodcut map signed by Gastaldi and entided Dell Universale (17) was issued by Matio Pagan in Venice. There are some differences between this and the planisphere of 1546 (15), but not on the northwest coast. In 1555 what is said to be a copy of the planisphere of 1546 was published in Antwerp by Gerard de Jode, entitled Universalis exactissima . . . (33). An undated edition is also extant. In 1560 the planisphere was reengraved and issued in Venice by Gio. Fran. Camozio (45). Names from the Alarcon account published by Ramusio in 1556 were now inserted in the interior. This map was reissued with the dates 1561 and 1562 (49 and 57). A new series of maps made from the same model by Paolo di Forlani was begun in 1562, put out in Venice by Fer. Bertelli. Probably in order to distinguish his maps from those published previously, Forlani substituted a new tide: Universale descrittione di tutta la terra conosciuta fin qui (55). The northwest coast of America is the same as on the maps of Camozio except for a change in location of some of Ramusio's names and the omission of others. Quiuiera and Cicuit for Quivira and Cicuic have been added to the west of the Tontonteanch; Forlani's is, I believe, the earliest map on which these names are found out of place. With changes in the dedications and at times in the publisher's name this map was reissued in 1565 (66), 1569 (73), 1570 (78), 1571 (85), 1572 (89), 1576 (106), and reengraved and slightly changed in 1599 (203). The Venetian Ptolemy of 1548 In 1548 an Italian translation of Ptolemy made by Pietro Andrea Mattiolo from Minister's Latin edition was published in Venice. A feature was the inclusion of some modern maps by Gastaldi three of which display some part of the northwest coast of America, the Universale Novo (19), Nueva Hispania Tabula Nova (18), and a Carta Marina nova tabula (16). All these maps are of considerable interest although very small, about 17x13 centimeters each. The Universale novo (19) is merely a small reproduction of his planisphere of 1546 (15), but the other two call for some little further notice. On the Nueva Hispania the northwest coast is shown as high as 25J° with Agnese names, which -are also found on the coast of the mainland. The peculiarly low latitude of the southern point of California in about 19°, so conspicuous on the Universale of 1546 (15), is even more marked here. The Carta Marina (16) contains no names on the northwest coast but it is interesting as displaying a conception of the shape of North America entirely different from that on the Universale. Furthermore, the Moluccas are very close to the American continent. An isthmus separates the Tierra de Bacalaos from Florida, but it is not like Verrazano's isthmus, being in a much higher latitude and having on the north side of it the Oceano Septentrional. A long inland sea, that extends to within a few degrees of the meridian passing through the City of Mexico, enters the continent from the west. Where Gastaldi obtained this peculiar idea I do not know. In looking at it one would suspect that it formed part of some original Verrazano sea which for some reason he had cut off at this point. The map undoubtedly had later influence on those maps which show the Strait of Anian and was copied by Bartolomeo Olives in 1561 (53) in a very peculiar manner. In 1561 a new translation of Ptolemy made by Girolamo Ruscelli was published in Venice by Vincenso Valgrisi. Nos. 16 and 18 were inserted in it, reengraved in much better form and increased in size. Only trifling changes were made from those in the original edition, the most striking being that of Yucatan from an island to a peninsula. The plates were used for the Latin editions of 1562 The First Discovery Period, 1533-1543 29 and 1564, in Ruscelli's of 1573, and Malombra's of 1574. In Magini's edition of 1596 a few names were added on the Nueva Hispania (185) and the peninsula itself was named Calmifor. In the ocean to the west is a C. del Ingana. In 1599 the map was reengraved to add a few more names, including Siera Nevada and a C. Uermeio at the southeastern end of the peninsula. Agnese-Gisolfo-Gastaldi Maps In the Biblioteca Riccardiana in Florence there is an atlas No. 3140 (20) containing thirteen maps. On the back of the last one there is a sonnet by one Francesco Martelli in honor of Marco Francesco Gisolfo, the author of the work. The atlas lacks the map of the Pacific corresponding to Agnese's Map No. 1, but it contains an oval map of the world which is in all probability a copy of one of Agnese's. No names appear on the Peninsula of California and the only ones in that part of the world are the mare vermeglio and another which stands for the sete cite. It contains the twp routes, that of Magellan around the world and the one to Peru, and shows the long peninsula to the east of Malacca extending even farther south than the Malay Peninsula. One of the maps of the world is in two hemispheres and another is in four sections of ninety degrees each, both constructed on the model of Gastaldi's Universale (15). The double-hemisphere map has the same names as those above referred to on the oval map, but the one in four sections has on the peninsula: casenes, balenas, and madalena, and le sete cita with five buildings appears above all taken from Gastaldi's map. In the same library No. 3139 (20), in the John Carter Brown Library (20), and in the Huntington Library (20) there are similar atlases, all of which have the map of the Pacific copied from Agnese's with the peculiarity that no names are shown on the Peninsula of California. Many of the names on the opposite coast are Italianized, and the legend at the head of the gulf is also in Italian. The three atlases first mentioned must have been produced sometime between 1546 and about 1553, as Yucatan is still an island, whereas on the Huntington example it is a peninsula. The atlases all contain an oval map on the Agnese plan and two based on that of Gastaldi, one as a double hemisphere and the others, except the Riccardiana 3140, in five sections, four of sixty degrees each, and in the center one of one hundred twenty degrees. The atlas in the Huntington Library, HM 28, is almost a copy of the Riccardiana 3139 even to the figures painted on the world map, but it is somewhat later. In the Biblioteca Nazionale, Naples, there is another atlas, D VIII, No. 6, of eleven maps (20), containing a world map in eight sections which is said to be a copy of the one in the Riccardiana 3139. It also contains an oval map of the world with an Asiatic connection, different from Gastaldi's. Yucatan is still an island and none of Agnese's routes appears on it. AU these adases were obviously made by the same man and if the first was made by Gisolfo it seems natural to conclude that so were the others. Striking features of ad are almost identical borders of geometrical design. Generally speaking, aside from the world maps on the Gastaldi model the others are more or less faithful copies of Agnese's maps with the nomenclature in large part Italianized. We have the same world map divided into three sections, then the normal portolan, and the oval map of the world. None of the maps which Agnese added to his atlases in 1545 and later is found in them. It seems probable that when Gastaldi published his Universale the maker of these adases took advantage of the opportunity to copy it on different projections and add them to a copy of Agnese's atlas. We shall not, therefore, be far off in dating the first three about 1546 or 1547. The one in the Huntington Library, as stated above, is later. The Sociedad de Geografia in Mexico City owns a similar atlas but the oval map is constructed on a strictly Agnese model and none is of Gastaldi type. It may, therefore, be somewhat earlier than the others and antedate 1546. Chapter III ALARC6N AND CORONADO A lthough neither Hernando de Alarcon nor Francisco Vasquez de Coronado ever reached the /-\ northwest coast, yet the names of various places given by them figured somewhat in the later ~** *~ literature and cartography of that section of the world. Both expeditions formed part of one enterprise and both were directed to find the famous Seven Cities of Marcos de Niza or else to obtain information about them. Coronado went by land and Alarcon by water and they never met. After Coronado reached Zufii he sent Hernando de Alvarado on an exploring expedition to the east. Alvarado discovered the Rio Grande River, which he named the "Sefiora," because he discovered it on the birthday of the Virgin Mary, September 8. He continued on and finady returned to meet Coronado, bringing with him an Indian whom the Spaniards named the "Turk." He was probably a Pawnee Indian who had been captured by some tribe in eastern New Mexico from whom Alvarado obtained him. The Turk had some wonderful stories to tell, most of which are lost to us because the letter in which Coronado related them to the Viceroy is lost. The Viceroy, however, wrote a letter to the Emperor in which no doubt he reconveyed the information and we have an account of this letter in the first volume of Ramusio's Navigationi. Alarcon proceeded up the Sonora and Sinaloa coast and reached the mouth of the Colorado River about August 17 or 18, 1540. In a letter written to the Viceroy soon after bis return he communicates a large amount of information of doubtful value on the habits and customs of the Indians along the Colorado River, which he ascended twice in a boat. His letter has disappeared but an Italian translation of it will be found in the third volume of Ramusio's Navigationi printed in 1556. The river he named the "Buena Guia" and in one place he states that he ascended it for eighty-five leagues, and in another that he sailed beyond Ulloa four degrees of latitude. Another long river to the east is named "Brazo de Miraflores" on the map. Alarcon nowhere mentions the Gila or any river as entering the Buena Guia from the east. To the various places where he stopped on the Sonora coast he gave a set of names entirely different from those given by Ulloa, a proceeding entirely natural because in all probability he did not have a map of Ulloa's discoveries—although we cannot be quite certain of this, as he did not leave Santiago until after the Santa Agueda of Ulloa had returned to that port. Alarcon returned sometime in November and Coronado in the summer of 1542. Before the latter came back, however, Mendoza sent Alarcon north a second time. He probably did not proceed very far, as there is no record that he ever reached the river again. No map made of the Coronado expedition has survived, but Domingo del Castillo, one of Alarcon's pilots, made one in 1541 of bis expedition which until ten or twelve years ago was still extant in the old Cortes archives in Mexico. Fernandez de Oviedo tells us that another of Alarcon's pilots, Nicolas Zamorano, sent him a map of the expedition. It seems to have differed from the one made by Castillo, if we can judge from the later maps, which show the results of the expedition in a different way from that displayed on the Castillo map. [30] Alarcon and Coronado #1! H.^9 kl ^ H Li s^ -FyjgTpry |ai g g pi pi fci g pnp" 32 Cartography of the Northwest Coast of America The Map of Domingo Del Castillo (2) There is abundant evidence on later maps that Alarcon's discoveries were well known in Spain and had been laid down on some map, possibly the general one in Seville. We still have one which purports to have been made in Mexico in 1541. This map, which has done duty for a long time as the earliest map of California, is attributed to Domingo del Castillo and was reproduced in 1770 in Antonio de Lorenzana's Historia de Nueva Espana. Castillo was one of Alarcon's pilots and, therefore, delineated the discoveries of Alarcon as well as those of Ulloa. Alarcon declared that he had discovered the Colorado River and that Ulloa had not, and Castillo's evident intention to magnify his discoveries at the expense of Ulloa is further manifested by this map, which shows enormous exaggeration. Near the upper end of the gulf UUoa's Ancon de San Andr6s is found on the Sonora coast in about 31°, and the mouth of the Colorado is put in about 33£°. The wide arm of the sea labeled Brazo de Miraflores then continues up to 36|°, while slighdy farther to the west the end of a river called the Buena Guia is shown as previously related. A further proof of the deliberate falsifications of the map is to be found in CastiUo's treatment of the outer coast. Near the end of this is C. de Engafio shown in 27£°, and from here he left it headed due west. Cedros, named San Esteban or Reparo, is hardly in 26J°, a situation entirely out of keeping either with its actual location or with Ulloa's statement about it. Otherwise a comparison of the map with that of Cabot (10) shows a remarkable resemblance, the names on the Pacific coast being the same with the exception of those for Cedros, which appears on this as two islands. The configuration of the south coast is also the same, and to a very large extent also that of the west coast and of the gulf, except of course for the exaggeration just mentioned. The conclusion is inescapable that so far as Ulloa's discoveries are concerned they had a common origin. The map bears lengthwise along the lower end of the peninsula the name "California," and is generally stated to be the first to show it. As reproduced by Lorenzana, it contains in the upper right- hand corner an inscription that it was made by Castillo in Mexico, 1541. It is not likely that Castillo put this inscription on the map; but that the map bore such a date is very*Likely, as we would hardly be justified in assuming that Lorenzana or the engraver, Navarro, had invented it. In a note at the bottom it is asserted that it was taken from the original in the "estado del Marques del Valle." If the map was really made in 1541, there is litde likelihood that it then bore the name California, and if it did, we can be certain that it was a C or P California. No evidence has yet been produced that the name was in use before October, 1541, when Bolanos, who probably gave it, passed the southeast point. As he did not return until 1542, the name must have been put on Castillo's map after it was first drawn, or else by Lorenzana, or Navarro, who engraved it. On the Sonora coast the name B. Imperial appears, and a cross to indicate that Alarcon's ship anchored there. I must confess that I have never seen the name but once on any map of the epoch, and then as the name of a town in Chile, and it certainly smacks more of the eighteenth century. Castillo inserted on the gulf side of the peninsula a few names: Belen, Carrisal, and Po de Cargas, the last written across the land, probably an error for Canoas. At the end is the Pto. de Sto +. All are Ulloa's names. It is no wonder that later mapmakers were misguided into ascribing some of these names to places on the west coast. Even Castillo himself seems to have moved the Punta de Santiago from the mainland to the southwest point of the peninsula, certainly Ulloa did not name that point "Santiago," and if Cortes had done so previously, Ulloa would have known and employed it, as he was with Cortes. This point is shown on the map below 22°, very nearly in 21J°, nearly two degrees lower than on the Cabot map and even one and one-half lower than its actual location. Some map embodying the discoveries of Alarcon and Ulloa very similar to this if not the same must have found its way to Portugal, as the nomenclature of this map, especially in the Gulf of California and on its shores, was a favorite one with Portuguese cartographers. Perhaps the earliest maps to display this are those of Lopo Homem Alarcon and Coronado 33 of 1554 (30) and of Bartolomeu Velho of 1561 or 1564 (64), both dates being on the map; the later one, no doubt, is at least a warrant that the map was not made later. The Homem Maps Several maps and atlases are extant which bear the name Homo or Homem and from the documents in the Torre do Tombo, Lisbon, published by Sousa Viterbo, there seems little doubt that they were members of the same family. There is some reason to suppose that a Lopo Homem was the first in the family to make maps. One of the name was a royal mapmaker in Lisbon as early as 1517, and a world map dated 1519 was probably made by him, at least it bears his name. It may therefore be questioned whether the Lopo who made a map in 1554 (30). was the same man; if so, he certainly was then very old. Diogo Homem was probably the son of the first Lopo, although Dr. Cortesao thinks they were brothers, and whether Andre (Andreas) was brother of Lopo or Diogo or a more distant relative is uncertain. Andre Homem executed in Antwerp in 1559 a large map of the world (42) which has been cut up into ten sheets and bound in an atlas. In 1567 he was in London, where he and Antao Luiz addressed a letter to the Queen offering her a large tract of territory. There is also extant from him a letter dated Paris, 1565. Richard Hakluyt in a letter to Sir Walter Raleigh dated December 31, 1586, from Paris, speaks of Andre as the "prince of the cosmograph- ers of this age." He adds that he is engaged on a map of the Espejo expedition. His map of 1559 will be described later. The member of the family who produced the greatest number of maps, however, was Diogo,. or, as he is usually known, Diego. We gather from the documents that he had been guilty of some crime in Portugal and had fled the country. The King of Portugal issued a pardon to him in 1547. At that time he was in England, and there is no evidence that he ever returned to Portugal; on the contrary, we find him later in Venice. Most of his extant work consists of maps or atlases of the Mediterranean or of the normal portolan. Some of the works usually ascribed to him were not made by him at all. For instance, the one dated 1530 by the British Museum, usually called the "Lum- ley map" (XVII), is in reality by Agnese, and later than 1530; the one in the British Museum said to be dated 1540 belongs to the adas of 1558 (38), although the one which Dr. J. G. Kohl ascribed to him under that year and of which he printed a small reproduction on his Plate XV is also ob- . viously an Agnese map. So far as we know, his work of northwest American interest is contained in the following: 1558, British Museum, London, 9 maps (38); 1558, Bibliotheque Nationale,. Paris, 6 maps (40); 1568, Royal Library, Dresden, 22 maps (71); 1573, State Library, Vienna, 13 maps (93); 1573 (?), Sierakowski's, 15 maps, the last 2 Ptolemaic (95). It seems to be the general opinion that the last-mentioned atlas, which was once in Madrid and then disappeared,, was also the work of Homem. Lelewel published what he asserted was a general map made up from the various individual maps in the atlas and this certainly bears a striking resemblance to Homem's- work and especially to that in his atlas of 1573 in Vienna (93). The mapmakers of the day had a habit of copying from one another, but the general style and ornamentation is like Homem's- Work. It has occurred to me that Lelewel's atlas was the one now in Vienna. The same calendar from which he derived the date is in that adas and his description corresponds closely to it. There are,, however, a few differences which may really exist and not be ascribable to Lelewel's faulty account. Graf Teleki, who saw the atlas in Vienna, states that on the back of the last leaf is the title, "Diegi Homem cosmographi opus 1561," and he therefore considers the atlas to be of that year. I am of the opinion, however, that this was not written by Homem himself, as the title does not correspond to his usual method of signing maps; besides, I have yet to see a genuine signature on the back of any sixteenth-century map. I have a copy of the atlas and I think that the movable feasts in the calendar which are for the year 1573 are a plain indication that that was the date. 34 Cartography of the Northwest Coast of America It is disappointing to find that none of the Homems besides Andre put out maps showing the northwest coast of America above 34°. The natural inference would be that they knew nothing about it and prudently refrained from exercising their imaginations. Their restraint in this respect gives their work an unwonted value. That a map produced as late as 1573 should show no trace of Ca- brillo's expedition is of course strange, but even a long time after Diego Homem died other map- makers produced maps showing no more of the northwest coast than he did, in fact some not so much. Some slight traces of the additions made on this coast by him in 1568 are visible on later maps of others, indicative of some knowledge either of his maps or of the original from which his were drawn. One of the interesting things about the Lopo Homem map of 1554 (30) of this part of the world is the appearance of Alarcon names, which undoubtedly were taken from some Spanish original made either by a member of the expedition or in the Casa de Contratacion in Seville. In this Lopo was followed by Diego in his adas of 1568 (71). The original seems to have been a little different from that on which the adas in the Vatican, 283 (60), and subsequent Oliva maps were based. The Homems made litde change in Spanish names, which as a rule are clearly written, the most common change, especially in those of Diego, being that of an "n" to an "m." The Homems' maps are generally accorded high praise for their cartographical excellence, and certainly those of northwest America are among the best produced up to their time. Apart from their delineation of this part of the world their maps are very similar to those of other Portuguese cartographers. At first sight it might appear that Andre Homem, and Diego Homem in his map of 1568 (71), copied the map of Lopo Homem of 1554 (30), or at least made free use of it, but it is highly probable that neither of them ever saw it, as Lopo was living in Lisbon when he executed it and if so could only have made it for the Portuguese. The similarities are striking; but the same can be said of all the Portuguese maps of America and eastern Asia at this time. The presence of Andre and Diego in foreign countries after 1547 shows clearly that they were employed by foreigners, possibly by reason of the difficulty of obtaining maps made in Portugal. Although the earliest known map of this group was that of Lopo Homem of 1554 (30), I shall defer the description of it until after I have examined Diego Homem's maps of 1558 (38). This adas is the earliest of his known to contain maps of America. It includes a general map of the world without names on the coasts and with only a half-dozen or so on the American continent. There is, however, a beautifully decorated map which covers most of North and South America as far east as the meridian passing through the east end of Cuba. Two large towns are shown in the interior in the western part, the pueblo de los corasones and the pueblo de s. miguel. Farther south is compostela. An examination of the west coast shows that Homem copied Cabot's map (10), or more certainly the original from which that was taken, as some of the glaring errors on the Cabot map are corrected. The names on the outer coast are the same as on the Cabot map except that the Ys de s. esteva are added, and those on the coast of the mainland as far south as the R. de S. Juam. Below this, instead of the Costa derecha and Arboreda of Cabot we have chiamela and astalata, and just north of Corentes b. de s. matias has been inserted and banderas omitted. The inserted names may have been taken from some map like Lopo Homem's map of 1554 (30), as it is hardly likely that they would be found on the general map which Diego copied unless that map had also contained the names of the Alarcon expedition found on the Lopo Homem map. The trend of both coasts of the peninsula is much more westerly than on the Cabot map, in this respect being much more nearly correct, and generally it is an extremely accurate map of the peninsula for the times. The coast line ends at the north as on the Cabot map, and judging from another map in the atlas showing the Moluccas there is a wide expanse of ocean between them. In the Molucca section we find names derived from the Villalobos expedition of 1542-5 which must have been taken from some Portuguese map of not much later date. The same unfinished south coast lines of Java peculiar Alarcon and Coronado 35 to the maps of the first half of the century are seen, Borneo has an unfinished eastern coast line, and only the northern end of Celebes appears, doubtfully connected on the west with another coast line extending north. The undated atlas in the Bibliotheque Nationale, Paris, (40), must have been made about the same time as the one just described, inasmuch as what is finished of it corresponds very closely to the maps in the one in the British Museum (38). On Lopo Homem's map of 1554 (30) the entire Pacific is lacking between about 28° on the northwest coast and the Ladrones, one of which is very large. The Lower California section is in ■a bad state. One name at least is undistinguishable; we may, however, conclude that the word was arenales or aracifes. South of this are some Ulloa names: b. de s. abad, Laguna de Sta Catalina, •arenales [a new one], with a pa de lulbena at the southern end of the peninsula, and reading up and around the gulf are names mostly of Alarcon origin. The map reaches to just a little above the mouth of the Colorado in about 33J° where there are two undistinguishable names, no doubt the same as those found on Diego Homem's maps of 1568 (71) and 1573 (93): R. de buena guia and brazo de miraflores. An examination of the names and the configuration of the gulf and the peninsula tends to prove that we have here a map of the country based on some unknown Spanish map which must have contained both Ulloa and Alarcon names. Yucatan is a peninsula and the Chile coast breaks off farther down than on Agnese maps. Altogether the map has a very striking resemblance to the Castillo map (2) and would no doubt have much more if the latter had been reproduced on a larger scale from the original. It also enables us to correct some of the errors of the Castillo map, especially in the faulty configuration of the upper end of the gulf, a faultiness which, as I have previously explained, is undoubtedly attributable to the desire of Castillo to place Alarcon's discoveries far north of those of Ulloa. Both the rivers shown on his map are here but the larger is now the western one as it should be. There are numerous errors in the nomenclature, yet most of the names are recognizable. It was not copied from Castillo's map as it appears today. Homem's Indian Archipelago lacks the characteristic long line of Lucoes of contemporary Portuguese maps. The Ladrones are a prominent feature, numbering perhaps fifty. Japan is much the same as on Joao de Lisboa's map (XXXVII). As some of the names given by the Villalobos expedition in the Philippine area are shown, we might surmise that the islands discovered by Bernardo de la Torre to the northwest would also have appeared on the map if the portion of the Pacific where they are located had not been omitted. The 1568 atlas (71) of Diego was similar to this but on the northwest coast the names are better written and the coast extends beyond y de la madalena, which is north of y del reparo [or Cedros], the Baxos of Cabot are shown, and a new name, y de S. ana, apparently for Natividad, appears. Arenales is repeated about where the Aumadas of Cabot was shown. A peculiarity of this map is the extension beyond C. del Enganho to about 34° of a coast line which looks real and with two names, Laguna de los Apostoles and, just above, B. de sa Joan. In the similar map in the 1573 atlas (93) the coast line stops short of Cedros, but the names shown are the same as on the 1568 map, pa de balenas being properly spelled on both. The Philippine-Japan area is the same in both atlases and similar to that of Lopo Homem's map of 1554. Cartography of the Northwest Coast of America CHART 2—Place Names [Reading from north to south] Lopo Homen—1554 (30) Diego Homem—1568 b de sa. Joan Laguna de los apostol C. del enganho C. del tiburo I. de la madalena I. del reparo I. de S. ana baxos arenales (71) Vatican 283—(60) baxos b. de s. abad b. de s. abad laguna de Sta. catali laguna de S. catalina arenales Arenales pa. de lulbena pa. de lalenas Pa de uaUenas I. de perlas I. de perlas Sta eras S. tiago S. tiago Golfo de la California The Map of Bartolor i finished product than tha eu Velho (64) like t This is a much of the gulf is concerned, it is in some respect marked peculiarity is the westerly trend of the coast. The rude, but if it be assumed that a degree of latitude is n hide, the coast extends in this westerly direction for ab latitude is only increased from about 21° to 33°. At th north for some fifteen degi length and only sc illo: as far the< nfigi f Cabot than that of Castillo. A s not seem to be graduated for longi- ess equivalent to a degree of longi- y degrees and in this distance the point the coast turns slighdy east of and then forms a huge gulf some fifteen degrees of latitude in 1th. It then continues its northerly trend. This was of course a purely imaginary conception and indeed there is nothing to indicate that any new information is embodied in it. The names which have been added to those of Ulloa are purely descriptive and, although some of them would indicate a personal examination of the places, the entire lack of agreement with those found in any account of a known voyage makes this highly unlikely. There are some names on the lower end of the peninsula which might indicate that they had been taken from some account of Ulloa's voyage different from the one on which other maps were based. -- It is just possible that the name California appears on this map at the lower end of the peninsula in much the same position as it does on the Castillo map, but if so it probably has a C in front of it as on the Gutierrez map (58). Many of the errors of the Castillo map are corrected and most of the names retain their original Spanish forms. Milflores appears in place of Miraflores, and if Miraflores did not appear on other maps later than this one I should suspect that Milflores was the real name of the river. As indicating its Castillo origin I may mention that the C. Demganho is only in about 28°. Alarcon and Coronado CHART 3—Place Names [Reading from north to south] Castillo—(2) Velho—1561 (64) Engafio, C. de Demganho, C. Sierra, I. da Mosquito, R. da Dancon, I. Lancon Saltao, I. de Baixa, I. Montanhas, I. de R. Darboledas Casones, Pta de R. de- (?) Rincon de- (?) Reparo, Pta de I. de Arboledas Pta de Reyyes Sn Estevan Sn Estevan Inosentes, los Inosentes, los Isla Diamantes Arrasifes, Pta de Arrasifes, Pta de Chumadas Agumadas Costa de- (?) Sanabad, Pta de Sanabad, Pta de S. Anton, I de Trinidad, Pta de la Trinidad, Pta de la Ancones Pta Mar de las Muchas Belenas Santiago, Pta de Corrientes, C. de The Olivas The Oliva or Olives family was so numerous that it is very difficult to attribute to any particular member an atlas which does not happen to be signed. They all seem to have worked in the earlier years in Italy, either at Naples or at Messina, and only some of the later ones dated their maps in Marseilles. By far the greatest part of their work has to do with the Mediterranean, in whole or in part. In 1561 Bartolomeo Olives produced an atlas (53) which seems to have included part of Asia. In the Vatican Library, Latin 283 (60), there is another containing a map of South America. At the bottom is a legend in Spanish to the following effect (trans.): "It is to be noted that this coast from the Rio de la Plata to the Strait of Magellan is laid down northeast-southwest on all the maps and charts which have been made up to the present time. Now it is described as trending west-southwest in accordance with the new description of all the coast of Chile to the strait which Don Garcia brought this year 1562. It also seems to conform to the log of Magellan himself which by great good fortune came into our hands. In this, this coast is laid down part west-southwest and part a quarter west-southwest. Thus we describe it here until we have a fuller account, at the same time not varying the forms of the ports or their latitudes, which have been current up to the Cartography of the Northwest Coast of America present." The Garcia referred to was Garcia Hurtado de Mendoza, the governor of Chile who returned to Spain in 1562, and the description he brought back was no doubt a map made by Juan Fernandez de Ladrillero showing the results of his expedition to the Strait of Magellan in 1558. This; must be so because the map displays names on this coast which were given by him. The use of the words "this year 1562" indicates that the adas was made in that year. Very few decorations appear on the maps, really only three windroses and a fleur de lys on each map to indicate north. These windroses are similar to those in the 1561 atlas of Bartolomeo Olives and it has, therefore, been attributed to him. Nevertheless, the maps of America are very different from those in his adas. This; may be explained perhaps on the assumption that maps of America in this adas were copied from a. new map of America made in Spain in that year. It may be noted that in spite of the assertion in the legend just translated that the trend of the coasts of South America had been corrected this was not. true; if anything, the west coast has a still greater western trend than usual. The adas seems to be the one described by Fernandez Duro in his Area de Noe (p. 528), although the maps are now in an order the opposite of that given by him and the volume no longer contains the book plate of the Duque de Alba. The one he described cannot now be located in Spain— another reason for thinking that it is the one now in the Vatican. All the points about the different maps which he mentions are found on the corresponding ones in this adas, so that unless it be the same it must have been another just like it, possibly a distinct work made in Spain and afterward copied by Olives. As the earliest known Spanish adas to display the discoveries of Ulloa and Alarcon, it is of the greatest interest. There are several legends in Spanish besides the one translated, two on the same map, one on the map of India relating to Goa, and two on that of the Indian Archipelago. One of the last- mentioned is the familiar one about the island where Magellan was killed and the other relates to the bringing of spices from the Moluccas. On the map of northwest Europe, England and Scotland are still divided and the map extends no farther north than the earliest ones of Agnese. Map No. 1 displays the Gulf of Mexico from Espafiola on the east to the meridian which passes through the- locality of the Isla de Cedros, which however is not shown. The names on the peninsula—Pa de ballenas, Sta cruz, and Arenales—and those on the mainland coast are the same as those on the Lopo Homem map (30), with a few omissions, the addition of the name Golfo de la California, and the substitution of C. tiburon for C. Corrientes. The island of anublada has also been added. The nomenclature, however, is in far better shape than on the Homem map, indicating that it was not copied from that map but from the same original. This adds almost convincing proof to the supposition advanced regarding Homem's map that it was copied from some Sevillian map on which the Alarcon discoveries had been entered. Yucatan is a peninsula but the Lake of Nicaragua is shown as extending to the Pacific, that is to say, its western boundary coincides with the eastern boundary of the r. de posission. A peculiarity of the adas is a hiatus existing between the c. de traf algar on the east coast of North America and Cape Breton (not shown). Map No. 3 ends at the west just before this- cape is reached and shows Newfoundland divided into several islands with only one name on it—C. Rasso. South of this are four main islands of which three are named: breton, S. cms, and Juo luis. This map, which extends to 67° N, displays just the southern end of what must be a large island named frixlande. Map No. 10, of the Indian Archipelago, is of the familiar Vaz Dourado type but with a difference in the Japanese islands. The map extends just to the east end of these islands, where the name tierra ricola appears, no doubt an error for "sericola." At the south it ends just before Nova Guinea should appear. Between this meridian and the one passing through the Peninsula of California nothing is shown, and as the maps are not graduated for longitude, to attempt to estimate the distance lacking from the graduation for latitude, which appears on only a few of the maps, would hardly give satisfactory results since the scales on the different maps do not seem to be n Alarcon and Coronado 39 the same. There is a hiatus also on the west coast of South America between about 21°, the last point north shown on map No. 5, and about the equator, the last point south shown on map No. 1. This atlas was the progenitor of several others, only one of which is dated, all differing from this in being highly ornamented. Their style is so much alike that in spite of a few small differences in the windroses they may be considered to be the work of the same hand. The one in the private library of the King of Spain is dated "Naples 1580" (121), and signed "Joan Riezo alias Oliva." One of the maps, No. 4, is a world map on the Gastaldi model, so much unlike the others in its make-up and especially in its borders and size as to lead me to think it does not belong to the atlas. The others referred to are the Bodleian Douce 391 (206), and the British Museum Add. MSS. 9814 (207). Each of these atlases contains a map of the world in rectangular form, of modified Zaltieri type hereafter to be described, about as near alike as maps in manuscript usually are and with the trends of the southern coasts of South America corrected. In the special maps these are left as in the 1562 adas (60). The atlas in the Bodleian contains eight and that in the British Museum nine other maps, simply a different distribution of the same territory as in the 1562 atlas on a smaller number of maps. No change has been made on the northwest coast of America except that in the British Museum atlas the map is cut off a little bit farther east and California does not appear as the name of the gulf. The hiatus on northeast America has been filled by a coast line without names, and the same has been done with that on the west coast of South America, although names on the latter extend south on the coast as far as 07° S. In the atlas in the Bodleian the hiatus on the northeast coast of America is also filled, this time with names, and that on the west coast of South America extends from about 27°. In both appear names on Newfoundland. Among the decorations are numerous kings; I hesitate to draw any conclusion from these on the date of the atlases, but from the appearance in the Bodleian atlas of only the King of Spain on the Iberian peninsula and of both the kings of Spain and Portugal on the one in the British Museum, I should say that the latter was made before 1580 and the former after that year. They both have the St. Andrew's Cross on Scotland and the strait between that country and England, but in each somewhat disguised by a cloud or scroll effect. In the Huntington Library there is an atlas of fourteen maps, HM 32 (209), obviously copied from the one in the Vatican. It must, however, be of considerably later date, as the trends of the east and west coasts of South America have been corrected and Spanish standards appear on Brazil and northeast America, indicating that it was made after 1580 when Philip absorbed the Portuguese possessions. In spite of this late date there is no trace of the Indian Archipelago, of Legaspi's expedition, or of the Spanish settlements in the Philippines. The gap on the east coast of Borneo has been filled in and a line has been drawn to the east from the north end of the Lucoes. A different nomenclature is found on some parts of the map, noticeably on northeast America. Strange-looking mountains have been distributed promiscuously around the maps. Chapter IV THE DISCOVERIES OF BOLAftOS AND CABRILLO While Coronado was still in the far north and even before Alarcon had returned to Acapulco, Pedro de Alvarado appeared upon the scene. He also had a contract with Charles V for exploration in the South Sea, but it does not seem likely that the intention had been for him to pursue his enterprise in the field now under consideration. He was a shifty individual, however, and there can be but litde doubt that he was now bound for the northwest coast, seeking the same Seven Cities for which Coronado had begun to search. When he reached Guatulco in Oaxaca, about November 1, 1540, he had eleven ships and 850 men including some cavalry. Mendoza, the Viceroy, had been expecting him; in fact, he had a third interest in the expedition although he afterward said that he had not been aware of it, the provision having been inserted in the contract in Spain without his knowledge. Mendoza adopted a skillful policy of starving Alvarado out. He would not allow him to obtain any food supplies in Guatulco, Acapulco, or finally in Santiago in Colima, where he arrived about the middle of November. Alvarado wanted to see Mendoza and a meeting was arranged at Tiripi- tio, a small town in Michoacan, and there on November 29 a contract was made between the two men which was witnessed by Marroquin, the Bishop of Guatemala, Alonzo de Maldonado, Cherino, the oidor, and Luis de Castilla. It was arranged that Mendoza should have a half-interest in Alvarado's force, in return for which he agreed that Alvarado should have a half-interest in whatever Coronado and Alarcon might discover from that day, but only a quarter-interest in what they might have discovered previous to that date. Future expenses were to be shared equally, past expenses were to be absorbed by the party who had incurred them. The business having been concluded, all the parties went to Santiago. There they decided to send out two expeditions, one to the spice country, under the command of Ruy Lopez de Villalobos, and the other up the coast. The fleet was now moved from Santiago to Navidad, a port some twenty miles farther north, and much nearer Purificacion, reaching that place on Christmas day, 1540. There the news of the rising of the Indians in Xalisco reached them. The Viceroy returned to Mexico, accompanied by Alvarado, and on April 29 the partners prepared a set of instructions for Diego Lopez de Zufiiga and Gonzalo Dovallo, giving directions for a voyage up the west coast. Shortly thereafter, Mendoza issued a new set of instructions to Alarcon for another expedition up the Gulf of California. Alvarado, contemptuous of the Indians and scornful of any danger from them, attempted to scale Nochistlan on June 24, 1541. His force suffered a severe defeat the next day and in the disorder of the flight Alvarado was accidentally wounded. He died shortly thereafter. Mendoza was left with his fleet. Neither of the expeditions planned had left, on account of the Indian troubles, but after these had been settled haste was made to dispatch the one up the outer coast. L6pez de Zufiiga did not accompany it, as he was probably on guard duty somewhere in Xalisco when it left September 8. Just how close to the coast lay Cibola or Granada was of course unknown and there seems every reason to believe that the principal object in sending out this party was to pass beyond the limits which Ulloa had reached and thus possibly reach a point where communication could be effected with Coronado. The history of the expedition is veiled in great obscurity. There are several contemporary references [40] The Discoveries of Bolanos and Cabrillo 41 to it, but the only account of it which has survived will be found in a deposition made before the Audiencia of Guadalajara in 1574 by Juan Fernandez de Ladrillero. The investigation was directed to determine if possible how the English could get into the South Sea and more particularly whether they could do so by some strait at the north. Ladrillero was undoubtedly the man who had conducted the expedition to explore the Strait of Magellan in 1558 and 1559 and was, therefore, supposed to be an expert on the subject of straits. He testified that he had come to New Spain with Alvarado's fleet as chief pilot and had accompanied the expedition to the north as pilot and captain of the San Gabriel with Francisco de Bolafios, who was in command of the expedition. He was very pronounced in his opinion about the probability that the English or French could come into the South Sea through the Strait of Bacalaos, and what is more interesting to us, he gave some account of the expedition of which he had formed a part. It seems there were three ships in all and they had reached as far north as some high mountains where they saw some very large fires made by the Indians and where a great storm struck them from the northwest. The two principal vessels suffered broken masts and it was decided to go back, as he said, more than two hundred leagues for shelter. This place of shelter seems to have been the southeast point of California and it is not unlikely that the name "California" was applied to it at that time, for what reason we do not know. Ladrillero mentions a few places which they undoubtedly had named, as they are not Ulloa names, first, the Puerto de San Lucas, evidently the small bay under the Cabo de San Lucas, the Bahia de San Martin, and the Bahia de San Mateo, the last probably an error for Santiago. The description of the last-named corresponds in many respects to that of the Bahia de Ballenas, afterward called "Santiago" by Cabrillo. As Ladrillero denied having seen any island on this part of the coast, it is not probable that the expedition reached as far as Cedros. At the place he calls the Puerto de California, doubtless near the southeast point, Bolafios remained while he sent a messenger to advise the Viceroy of what had occurred and to ask for further instructions. The instructions came to return to Navidad, and Mendoza set out to organize another expedition. Meanwhile the conditions had changed materially, Mendoza now knew that Coronado was returning, having failed to find anything of importance. There was no longer, therefore, any object in trying to get in touch with him from some point on the northwest coast. No instructions to govern the commander have survived. We can only gather from internal evidence in the narrative of the expedition that one of the objects was to look for a river, the Sefiora. Ladrillero in his deposition had stated that just before the Bolafios expedition set sail, Luis de Castilla had come to Navidad with some supplementary instructions, among which was an extract of a letter from the Emperor about the purported discovery of a strait at the north by some Portuguese who had passed through it from one sea to the other. The inference would be that the Viceroy expected Bolanos to search for the strait, but although this is possible it seems most unlikely. In the depositions taken in Guatemala in 1560 at the instance of the son of Cabrillo, it was stated that he was expected to reach China, or Cathay, as it was called at that time, and if one examines the current maps of the Schoner type this would not look like a very wild enterprise. The expedition was now reduced to two vessels, one a ship and the other almost an open boat, named respectively the San Salvador and the Victoria. Juan Rodriguez Cabrillo, a Portuguese pilot, who had also come with Alvarado, was placed in command. The vessels set sail from Navidad on June 27,1542. What was called "Punta de Fortunas" [Pt. Arena, in 38° 57'] was in all probability the highest point of land sighted, although the ships were probably farther north out at sea. Cabrillo followed the land closely, stopped at many places, and gave many names. The only four Ulloa names which he used were the Punta de la Trinidad, Punta del Engafio, Isla de Cedros, and the Isla de San Esteban (Natividad). Of those given by Bolafios he mentions the Punta de la California, the Puerto de San Lucas, the Bahia de San Martin, and one, the Puerto de San Pedro [Bahia de Magdalena], which must also have been named by Bolafios. 42 Cartography of the Northwest Coast of America Beginning at Cabo de San Lucas and proceeding northward Cabrillo's names are as follows: Puerto de San Lucas, Punta and Puerto de la Trinidad, Puerto de San Pedro, Bahia de San Martin, Puerto de la Madalena, Punta de la Santa Catalina, Puerto de Santiago (and Punta de), Abreojo, Puerto de Santa Ana, Puerto Fondo, Puerto de San Pedro Vincula, Isla de Cedros, Isla de San Este- ban, Puerto de Santa Clara, Punta de Mai Abrigo, Isla San Bernardo, Punta del Engafio, Puerto de la Posesion, Isla San Agustin, Cabo de Santa Maria (and Puerto de), Cabo de Cruz, Puerto de San Mateo, Islas Desiertas, Puerto de San Miguel, Islas San Salvador and Vitoria, Bahia de los Fumos (or Fuegos), Pueblo de las Canoas, Isla San Lucas, Cabo de Galera, Islas de San Lucas, Isla Poses- ion, Puerto de Todos Santos, Puerto de Sardinas, Isla de San Sebastian, Sierras de San Martin, Cabo de Martin, Sierras Nevadas, Cabo de Nieve, Bahia de los Pinos, and Cabo de Pinos. To the names just given Herrera adds Cabo de Fortunas in 41°, the highest point reached. As previously stated, the search for a river which Herrera calls "La Sefiora" was one object, perhaps the only object of the expedition. From the 'Turk" whom Hernando de Alvarado brought back the Spaniards had heard that on some river there were large canoes with golden birds at' their prows. Conceivably this river was identified as the Sefiora, and as in the narrative of the Coronado expedition as well as in that of Hernando de Alvarado no statement was made of the direction in which this river flowed, it might conceivably be assumed that the Spaniards thought it ran north and finally into the Pacific. Certainly, as previously noted, Herrera says that they always went looking for the Sefiora, which of course they failed to find. Several difficult questions are involved in identifying places named by Cabrillo, especially north of San Miguel [San Diego]; in fact, few of the students of the voyage have agreed on these. One of the chief points is the exact or approximate location of his Pueblo de las Canoas. When the Portola expedition reached the mouth of the Ventura River in 1769, the travelers found an Indian village at the southern point of its oudet which Father Crespi thought must have been the Pueblo of Cabrillo. From this opinion, no doubt, can be traced the general view that this was the same place as the Pueblo de las Canoas. Recendy another opinion has been advanced, that it was at Rincon Point—an opinion based on a similarity between the Indian name of that village and the one attributed by Cabrillo to the Pueblo. In neither supposition do the topographical statements in the narrative warrant such an identification; they are both too near to the islands or to Pt. Conception. There was a large Chuinash Indian town near Pt. Mugu and the location of this is more in accordance with the distances to the other places named in the narrative. This village was large, in plain sight from the sea, and could hardly have been passed without being seen. It was the first town of importance on the coast to be noted by a traveler proceeding north, and being a Chumash town it must have been built of the half-orange-shaped houses characteristic of those Indians and consequendy bearing some resemblance to a real town and not a mere collection of primitive huts. Two attempts were made to reach the north. In the first, by the middle of November the ships seem to have sighted Pt. Reyes, which Cabrillo named the "Cabo de Pinos." Forced to return by a violent storm, he entered what is now known as Monterey Bay and named it "Bahia de Pinos." At San Miguel Island, where the winter was passed and the ships repaired, Cabrillo died, and Bartolome Ferrer, his successor, piloted the ships once more to the north at the end of February. It was at this time that Pt. Arena was sighted, but the ships were driven off shore again by a southwest storm and perhaps reached one degree higher latitude but at some distance from land. As the crews were now thoroughly exhausted Ferrer returned to Navidad without having accomplished any object which the Viceroy had in view in sending him out. By the year 1550 the Spanish discoveries in the New World and those of Portugal in the Far East had in the main been completed. Much of course remained to be done to fill in the details, and The Discoveries of Bolanos and Cabrillo 43 especially was this true of the stretch of coast between central Chile and the Strait of Magellan and of that on the east coast of America between Florida and Nova Scotia. The latter had indeed been explored several times but it still remained, cartographically speaking, an unknown country. The discoveries of the French in the lower St. Lawrence Basin had done much to clarify the previous conception of the cartography of northeast America. The time was ripe to sum up the history of the discoveries to this date. This was first accomplished by Francisco Lopez de Gomara, who published in Zaragoza in 1552 his Historia de las Indias and Conquista de Mexico. The latter work was almost entirely given over to the exploits of Cortes down to the year 1540, but the former embraced a general history of Spanish activities in the New World. Gomara was not, however, the first writer on the subject. Gonzalo Fernandez de Oviedo had published in 1526 his Historia de las Indias, Peter Martyr in his De Orbe Novo had given an account of the history of discovery down to about 1523, and Fernandez de Enciso, even earlier, had published an account of the discoveries in the Panama region. These had been supplemented by numerous accounts of particular episodes in the conquest of Mexico and Peru, not to speak of the letters of Columbus and Vespucci, and perhaps many others now lost to us. By 1563 Antonio Galvano was able to summarize the Portuguese explorations, interspersed with those of the Spaniards mostly taken from Spanish printed texts. His work seems to have made but little general appeal, but that of Gomara was speedily translated into most of the European languages, certainly those of Italy, England, France, and Germany. Much of his Conquista de Mexico seems to have been written from documents supplied to him by the conqueror. What he has to say about the period after 1540, when Cortes finally went to Spain, is to be found in two chapters at the end of his Historia de las Indias. As far as now known he was the first to publish accounts of the discoveries of Cortes on the west coast of Mexico, and of the subsequent expeditions of Ulloa, Alarcon, Coronado, and Cabrillo. The merit of the work is, therefore, unquestioned, even although it has been much criticized for the alleged partiality of the author to Cortes. It has now developed that Cortes agreed to pay him 500 ducats for writing the Conquista, a sum paid by the second Marques in 1553. While Gomara was writing his work, or at least before it was published, Giovanni Battista Ra- musio began in 1550 the publication of his monumental work, Navigationi et Viaggi. The first volume treats almost exclusively of the discoveries in Africa and Asia and it was not until 1556 that the third volume, on the discoveries in America, appeared. The second volume, containing the stories of Marco Polo and other travelers in Asia and Tartary, did not appear until 1558. Shortly after the first volume was published Ramusio seems to have come into contact with Giacomo Gastaldi. In his Preface to the third volume, dated June 20, 1553, he refers to Gastaldi as an excellent cosmographer who had reduced into a smaU compass a universal map and afterward had divided this into four parts. The volume contains an Universale (35) but not the maps of the four different parts of the world. On the strength of this statement the Universale is generally attributed, and probably correctly, to Gastaldi, but in my judgment the other maps in the volume are by a different hand. The Universale is simply a spherical map of the New World, graduated for longitude from the old Ptolemaic meridian. In the Introduction, Ramusio states that the city of Mexico is 100 degrees from the Ptolemaic meridian as determined by eclipses observed in Mexico and in Toledo, Spain, eight hours apart. Eight hours is equivalent to 120 degrees, and Toledo is not 20 degrees east of the Ptolemaic meridian but only some 12£°. Consequently there is a discrepancy in the statement. The Universale is much nearer reality in this respect, as Mexico is located 90 degrees west of the Ptolemaic meridian, or approximately 102£° degrees west of Toledo—the common opinion for a long time to come. There also appear in the volume translations of an extract from Peter Martyr of the discovery by Columbus, and of the work of Oviedo, the three letters of Cortes, and others relating to the period of the conquest, the relations of Nufiez Cabeza de Vaca, Nufio de Guzman, Francisco de Ulloa, Fray Marcos de Niza, Hernando Alarcon, and some letters written by Mendoza and Coronado, together 44 Cartography of the Northwest Coast of America with several accounts of the conquest of Peru. Some accounts of the discoveries of Giovanni da Verrazano and Jacques Carder were also included. As will be seen from the preceding recapitulation the majority of the material had been translated from printed Spanish sources still extant. We do not know where Ramusio obtained the others. The only manuscript now known to us which he might have employed is the Relacion of Marcos de Niza, which is still extant in the archives in SeviUe. The relations generaUy known, such as that of the anonymous conqueror, those of the expeditions of Ulloa and Alarcon, and the letters of Coronado and Mendoza were also taken, in my opinion, from printed Spanish sources which have not survived to our day. Through the constant references made in the latter part of the century to the work of Ramusio we can gain an idea of the immense influence which it had on the subsequent course of exploration and more especially in the cartography of the future, and this in spite of the fact that no general translation of it was made into other languages. Richard Eden published some extracts in his Decades of the Newe Worlde in 1555, and Hakluyt and Purchas afterward inserted in their works translations of several of the accounts of discoveries. Eden's attention was fixed on the next to the last chapter in Volume I, entided Discorso sopra li viaggi delle spetierie, and this chapter written by Ramusio himself also furnished abundant pabulum to later writers on the so-called Northwest Passage. Ramusio on a visit to his friend, Fracastro, had met a gende- man who had a globe, and on this he pointed out various ways of reaching the spice countries of the East. Among other stories he told was one about having seen in Flanders at the court of the Emperor a letter of Antonio de Mendoza written from Mexico in 1541 in which Mendoza said that he had found the kingdom of the Seven Cities toward the northwest and that farther toward the northwest Coronado, after passing over great deserts, had reached the sea and found there some ships loaded with merchandise which carried on their prows some birds made of gold and silver, called in Mexico alcatrazes (that is, pelicans). The sailors had explained by signs that they had been thirty days in reaching port, from which it was made out that the ships could only have come from Cataio since that country was opposite the land discovered. The letter was undoubtedly the one written by Mendoza on August 1, 1541, now lost. About July 10, letters from Coronado had reached him and it is stated in a contemporary letter that he had refused to reveal the contents to anyone. Among these letters must have been Coronado's letter of April 20, 1541, which also is now lost, but in referring to it in his letter of October 20 Coronado says that he had told in that letter aU that he had heard from the "Turk." The "Turk" is now generally supposed to have been a Pawnee Indian, a slave to some tribe which Hernando de Alvarado encountered on his visit to the buffalo plains in March of the same year. Alvarado brought him back to camp. Just how they obtained information from the "Turk" we do not know, but he is reported to have said that in his country, that is, one toward Florida, which would mean to the eastward, there was a river in the level country about two leagues wide on which there were a large number of canoes with more than twenty rowers on a side, and with sails, and big golden eagles at their prows. He also explained that the ordinary dishes there were made of wrought plate, and their bowls of gold. He also told about a populous setdement to the northeast named "Quivira." Coronado was so much impressed with his tale that he set out in search of this wonderful town, only to find it an Indian village built of sod huts and without any signs of gold or silver. The poor "Turk" paid for his supposed treachery with his life. Two years later, Gomara printed in his Historia de las Indias a short story of this Coronado expedition but without any indication of the direction in which Coronado moved on his journey to Quivira. He simply says: "Quivira is in 40 ... They saw on the coast ships with merchandise which had on their prows some pelicans made of gold and silver and they thought they must be from Cataio or China as they made signs that they had sailed thirty days." Except for the Quivira part this story is the same as that The Discoveries of Bolanos and Cabrillo 45 told by Ramusio's friend. Whether Gomara copied it from the pages of Ramusio or from some letter written by Coronado or Mendoza we cannot now know, but considering that Coronado never saw the coast, nor came anywhere near it, and consequently never could have written such a letter, we may perhaps be justified in assuming that he copied Ramusio's story. The natural inference from Gomara's statement would be that Quivira was somewhere northwest of Cibola, one of the Seven Cities, and consequendy the maps which soon began to appear with Coronado's names on them invariably placed Quivira northwest of that place. Gomara's book was translated and published in Italy in 1556, and it was not long before a map (37) appeared with the statement about the ships appearing from Cataio and a notice to the effect that that was as far as Coronado had discovered. To move Quivira to the seacoast was a small matter and Mercator accomplished the task on his Carta Marina of 1569 (75). Here we see a myth in the process of formation. As a matter of fact Quivira was a long distance northeast of Cibola, probably in the southern part of what is now the state of Kansas, although some doubt has recently been raised on this point, the argument being that there is nothing in Coronado's narrative to show that he ever crossed the Canadian River. Coronado did send out an expedition to the northwest, but it only reached the canyon of some river, either the Colorado or the Little Colorado. The Quivira myth had a long life. It was not until the closing years of the seventeenth century that any map appeared with the place located northeast of New Mexico. The universal belief was that there was such a town on the west coast of America in about 40°, although in subsequent years it was moved to a point in the Strait of Anian, that is, the old Strait of Bacalaos. This transposition was purely arbitrary and attributable to the introduction into the cartography of the north of a huge hyperborean ocean or a vast extension of the Strait of Bacalaos. It was destined to be a stopping place on the route of the English ships proceeding to China by the Northwest Passage. We even find allusions to it as late as 1789. Why Ramusio did not insert in his third volume the four separate maps of the world, we do not know. Even the Universale is not strictly speaking an universale but merely a spherical map of America. Gastaldi's Universale of 1546 (15) and the numerous copies of it embrace the entire world, as they should do in order to merit such a name. In 1561 Gastaldi published a map of Asia in three sheets (47) much too large to include in a printed work like that of Ramusio. It is also probable that he issued a map of Africa in 1562; certainly he put out one in 1564. No map of his of Europe appears to be known. However, he gave a description of Europe in his pamphlet of 1562; naturally, I should think, to explain a map. Unless the Universale in Ramusio (35) may be called his map of America no other general map of that country by him appears to be known, but there is extant a map of Peru which seems to have been made by him. Gomara's description of the Cabrillo voyage is very scanty and consists merely in a list of places reading from south up the gulf and around the southern end of the peninsula and then north, with the distances between them. This list is as follows, beginning at the southern point of California t Punta de Ballenas alias California, Bahia de Abad, Cabo de Engano, Cabo de Cruz, Ancon de San Miguel, Bahia de los Fuegos, Costa Blanca, Puerto de Sardinas, Puerto de Todos Santos, Cabo de Galera, Cabo Nevado, Bahia de los Primeros, and Sierras Nevadas in 40°. Gomara informs us that the Sierras Nevadas were the last country marked out, although the coast continued to the north. By adding up his distances from place to place we find that he calculated the whole from Punta de Ballenas to the Sierras Nevadas in 40° to be 507 leagues. Several errors will be noticed in the names taken from the account of the Cabrillo expedition: Cabo Nevado for Cabo de Nieve and Primeros for Pinos. The Sierras Nevadas were not in 40°, according to Cabrillo, but in about 38° or a little less. In the narrative, however, a reference is made to some mountains 46 Cartography of the Northwest Coast of America covered with snow which must have been in about 40° according to Cabrillo's observations and it is quite probable that when his discoveries were put down on the standard map in Seville some Sierras Nevadas were placed there, as he had already named the high range of mountains in the neighborhood of Mt. Carmel "Sierras de San Martin." It will be noticed that Herrera in his account of the expedition states that on January 15, 1543, when somewhere south of Pt. Reyes, they found the mountains covered with snow. This was just before they reached Monterey Bay. While they were in that bay they saw more snow-covered mountains to the south, but Herrera does not say that they named them "Sierras Nevadas" although he does speak of naming the cabo at the end "Cabo de Nieve." It is possible then that there may be some error in the main document with respect to the exact location of the mountains they named the "Sierras Nevadas," especially as the document is nothing but a summary from which a large part of the original must have been omitted. As no mapmaker except Andre Homem seems to have seen the cartographical results of the expedition before 1592, G6mara's list of names was universally used and the Sierras Nevadas became fixed at 40°. The GSmara Map (24) In the first edition of Gomara's Historia de las Indias published in Zaragoza in 1552 a crude woodcut map of the Americas appeared, without any names on the northwest coast except the C. de Vallenas for the present Cabo San Lucas. It has the peculiarity of being constructed on Gastaldi's type No. 1, although Gomara, in his description previously referred to, distincdy states that the coast after continuing to the north went on around and closed the country as an island. Perhaps the publishers were responsible for the map and Gomara objected to it and prevented its reissue. None of the later editions issued in Spain contains any map, and when the book was reprinted in Antwerp a small map was inserted which does not show the northwest coast at all. The Ramusio Map (35) Although no map was inserted in the Italian translation of Gomara's book Ramusio issued one in the third volume of his Navigationi in 1556. This map, which is a woodcut in the form of a sphere, was no doubt inserted to illustrate in a general way the various discoveries mentioned in the text. The wavy lines representing the Pacific Ocean do not extend much farther north than 38°, making it uncertain whether the author of the map intended this to be the limit of the ocean. If we consider that he intended the part above these lines to be land, the map is not so different from Gastaldi's earlier ones. Giapam is only some thirty degrees removed from the northwest coast and south of it are the Malvchi with some of Magellan's islands. The Sierras Nevadas appear on the map in about 41° or 42 , the only one of Cabrillo's names shown. In the interior, however, not far away are Quivira, Cicuich, Axa, and Tiguas, all Coronado names as they appear in the account of his journey in the text. The southern coast of the peninsula follows the Tropic of Cancer for nearly ten degrees of longitude. Ferrer undoubtedly brought back a map showing the discoveries made by the expedition, but it may well be doubted that it was ever deposited in the Casa de Contratacion. The enterprise was Men- doza's private speculation and perhaps he did not feel under any obligation to deliver a cartographic record of it. Little was known of the expedition in Europe and it was soon forgotten in New Spain itself. No Spanish map of the sixteenth century has yet been found on which names from the account of the expedition have been incorporated. They first appeared on a Portuguese map of Andre Homem's in 1559 (42). Aside from them the meager list of names given by Gomara was all that cartographers had with which to mark the discoveries. These appeared on several maps following the publication of his account in an Italian translation in Rome in 1556, four years after the first publication in Spanish in Zaragoza. As several of these maps are undated the question of which was the first to The Discoveries of Bolanos and Cabrillo 47 show them is one which never yet has been answered satisfactorily. For tentative purposes, however, they may be grouped as follows: No. 1. A manuscript map of Andre Homem's, dated 1559 (42). No. 2. A map contained in each of a group of manuscript atlases of which examples are known in the University Library, Bologna (37), in the Ayer Collection, Chicago (37), and in the Biblioteca Reale in Turin (37). This map, which shows part of North America, is one of a series of five which differ materially in technique from others in the same atlas constructed more or less on Agnese models. One is of South America, another is of Africa, and the other two cover northeastern America and part of the Gulf of Mexico with part of the northern coast of South America. No. 3. An engraved map published by Abraham Ortelius in Antwerp in 1564 (63). No. 4a. An engraved map purporting to have been made by Bolognino Zaltieri in 1566 (69). No. 4b. An engraved map published in Venice, 1569, by Camozio (74). No. 5a. An engraved map, a section of an incomplete general map undated and unsigned in the possession of Sir Leicester Harmsworth (83). No. 5b. An engraved map of America issued by Paolo Forlani in Venice in 1574 (98). Numbers 3, 4, and 5 will be described in a later chapter. The Andre Homem Map of 1559 (42) A description has already been given of the map of Lopo Homem of 1554 (30), which had been made from some original displaying the names given by Ulloa and Alarcon, much in the style of the CastUlo map (2). That map, like most of the Portuguese maps of the period, is cut off at the west and just above the island of Cedros and on the east at the end of a very large island which occupies the north end of an immense group in the relative position of the Ladrones. A critical examination of this map shows that it has been mutilated either by the author himself or by some subsequent owner. A part has been cut from the east end, and in all probability another has been cut from the west end. An attempt has also been made to erase that part of the peninsular coast of California which should be on the west side above the Tropic of Cancer. The deterioration of this part of the map makes difficult the deciphering of the names, but so far as can be made out they are essentially those of Ulloa. In 1559 a member of the Homem family, named Andre, drew a remarkable map of the world on which the space omitted or, more probably, cut off from the map of Lopo Homem, is shown in full. The part of the peninsula and the mainland opposite it on the Lopo Homem map appear on this in almost the same form, but with the one important difference that the Tropic of Cancer has been lowered to nearly its proper position. The parts of the peninsula that are almost obliterated on the map of Lopo appear here in almost their actual form. The large island of Cedros is so named, another one of two west of it appears to be called "Reparo," and of the three to the west now known as the Be- nitos the southern is caUed "Madalena." Above Cabo Engafio we find Laguna de los Apostoles, Bahia or Puerto San Juan, C. de Cruz, Bahia de San Mateo, Ancon de San Migel, P. de los Fuegos, Costa Blanca, P. de las Canoas, P. de Sardinas, P. de Todos Santos, P. Galera, Sant Martin (?), C. Nevado, P. de los Primeros in about 40°, B. Blanca, and Sierras Nevadas in about 42°. A little north of this the coast ends. The islands beginning opposite Cabo Engafio are San Agustin, another San Agustin farther north, Islas Desiertas (?), la Vittoria, San Salvador, San Lucas, Palma, and Conception. The longitudinal distance between the point of California and the Sierras Nevadas is about twenty degrees, and that between the point and Mexico City is about twelve and one-half degrees. All this would seem to indicate that so far as the additions are concerned the map was based on some actual one, and the detailed configuration of the coast is sufficiently accurate to lead us to the same conclusion although the bays are much exaggerated in size. The lower end of the peninsula has the inaccurate westerly trend so common on later maps. The markedly western trend of the Santa Barbara Channel does not Cartography of the Northwest Coast of America 1 The Discoveries of Bolanos and Cabrillo 49 appear; the coast runs almost northwest from the Laguna de los Apostoles to what should be the Cabo Galera. Although some of the names on the northwest coast are the same as in Gomara's list, others are found which do not occur in any account of the voyage, namely, B. Blanca and those for two of the channel islands. I have discussed the origin of the Laguna de los Apostoles and the Bahia de San Juan in my Spanish Voyages, from their appearance on the map of Diego Homem of 1568 (71). As Diego Homem copied this map to that point and even a little farther north, and even showed the islands in that neighborhood without names which are named on this map, it appears that he must have purposely cut off his map a little short of 34° N Lat. A new question, therefore, arises: Did Cabrillo name these two places? At the time the Spanish Voyages was written no opportunity had been afforded me to consult this map. Although several references had been made to it by Harrisse of which I was well aware, he made no mention of any new names on the northwest coast. The Laguna de los Apostoles and the Bahia San Juan are adjoining bays with a long headland between them off which is the Isla de San Agustin. There is no island in this neighborhood except San Geronimo, which Cabrillo christened "San Bernardo." According to his account it is about twenty miles south of the Punta del Engano. Ten leagues beyond the punta he says they found a port with a large lagoon where he first took possession. Some distance beyond was another port under Cabo de Santa Maria, where there was another lagoon. This all took place in the latter part of August and in early September, 1542. Possession was first taken August 22 and the second time about September 5. On August 29 the beheading of San Juan Bautista is celebrated, but on that day Cabrillo was at sea north of the island of San Agustin which he had named on the 28th. As he named the second place where he took possession "Santa Maria," if he gave the name San Juan it must have been to some other point not named in the narrative as it now stands. It is possible that the Puerto de la Posesion might have been named by one of the friars "San Juan Bautista," in which event the Laguna de los Apostoles would have to be Cabrillo's Puerto de Santa Clara. On the whole these identifications do not appear likely, the theory I have previously advanced, that they represent names given by Ulloa, being much more plausible. The Isla San Agustin farther north seems to be an error since it stands opposite two islands somewhat in the position of the Islas Todos Santos. No mention of these islands appears in Cabrillo's narrative, but of course he must have seen them. Northeast America is substantially the same as on Lopo Homem's map of 1554 (30). The open sea, however, to the north of the archipelago of islands which had been discovered by the French is now named Paramantiel, and near the end of his coast to the west two names have been added, Cap Paramanetia and Los Jardines. Some other changes have also been made; for example, the huge gulf studded with islands so conspicuous on the Lopo Homem map is equally so on this, but instead of opening at the north into a body of water which connects with the Atlantic it is now closed. More of the land to the north of this has been fractionated. The differences between the two can hardly be explained by later information obtained by Andre. If anything, the delineation of northeast America is more inaccurate than that on the 1554 map. Although, as previously stated, the map is in many respects substantially the same as that of Lopo Homem of 1554, it does not follow that it was copied from it. On the contrary, there are indications that both were copied from one or perhaps two similar originals. This is especially noticeable in the Indian Archipelago, where the two maps are almost exactly alike. The treatment of the Japanese islands, however, is quite different. The huge aggregation of islands corresponding more or less to the position of the Ladrones is found on both maps, but on this one the large island at the top near the north end of the group is named Siapabu, and Japan is shown as a long, narrow peninsula more or less in its proper place, entirely unlike the representation on the 1554 map. South America is much the same on both maps, the end of the coast discovered from the north on the west side being left out in the ocean nearly west-northwest of the Strait of Magellan. As Lopo Homem was living in Lisbon in 1554 and Andre was in Antwerp in 50 Cartography of the Northwest Coast of America 1559, when he drew his map, it is obviously impossible to trace the connection between the two men. In 1568 Diego Homem, in all probability a member of the same family, drew a map (71) similar in the main to the map of Andre. Like that of Lopo Homem it is cut off, or at least ends on the Peninsula of California just above the B. de San Juan. None of Cabrillo's names appears on it, but the island named San Agustin on the map of Andre is shown although without name. The configuration of the coast is the same, as far as it goes. I do not think it at all unlikely that the 1554 map (30) of Lopo Homem may have extended as far as this and have shown the same names in this section. The northeast America of Diego, however, is more like that of Andre Homem, the sea at the north being called Paramantium and the great gulf being closed at the north. The islands north of this are somewhat differendy arranged and Labrador is cut off almost straight north of Newfoundland, but is now extended west as on the Lopo Homem map of 1554. In Diego's 1573 (93) map all the aggregation of islands in the northern part of the French discoveries is omitted, only the southern coast being shown; in fact, the map only extends to 51° N Lat. The northwest coast is the same as on the 1568 (71) map. The width of the Pacific is shown by the graduation. No use seems to have been made of the information about the Cabrillo voyage shown on the Andre Homem map; even Ortelius in his map of 1564 (63) used other names in spite of the fact that he almost certainly was acquainted with the map and copied from it the sea to the north of the eastern part of America. The source on which later cartographers drew for the names they inserted on the northwest coast was the list given by Gomara. A Manuscript Map of circa 1556-60 (37) In 1892 Konrad Kretschmer reproduced in the adas to his Die Entdeckung Amerika's four maps from a portolan adas in the library of the University of Bologna. He attributed the maps or at least the atlas to Battista Agnese. Sophus Ruge in his Kartographie von Amerika, 1892, pages 76 and 82, and Carlo Errera in the Rivista Geografica Italiana, Volume II, page 395, contested his assertion. Kretschmer answered his critics in Die Atlanten des Battisten Agnese, 1896. His reasons for assigning to Agnese the four maps which he had reproduced are not very convincing, although he says that in correspondence with Ruge he had convinced him that he was right. The maps have litde resemblance to any of Agnese's acknowledged works, either in their general appearance or in the geography displayed on them. At the beginning of the volume in which the maps occur is the coat of arms of Alfonso II, Duke of Este, who held the title from 1559 to 1597. Kretschmer, therefore, concluded that the atlas must have been made between those dates. There are, however, other better reasons for supposing that the atlas was made not later than 1560. In the Ayer Collection in the Newberry Library in Chicago there are two portolan adases, one of fifteen maps and the other of nine, each containing four maps so similar to those reproduced by Kretschmer that the conclusion that they were made by the same person cannot be escaped. In fact, it seems probable that the one with fifteen maps is the same as the one in Bologna except that it lacks the maps of Candia and the world map found in that atlas. There is another in the Biblioteca Reale, Turin, with similar maps (37). The Ayer atlas (37) with nine maps differs from the others in some particulars, among them the four maps under discussion. Two of them look almost as if they were mere oudine maps, and it might be considered that they are unfinished; the atlas is certainly incomplete. The incompleteness is further indicated by the lack of a table of declinations and an oval world map, both of which were features of almost every adas either signed by Agnese, justly attributable to him, or copied from him. The objections to considering that these atlases are the product of Agnese's hand lie not so much in the mere inclusion of maps dissimilar to those of his earlier adases as in the corruptions in the place names, especially marked on the maps reproduced by Kretschmer and those in the Ayer atlas of fifteen maps (37). It is difficult to conceive how Agnese could have made such gross 52 Cartography of the Northwest Coast of America errors after having already written some of these names so many times. Each atlas contains, however, three maps corresponding very closely to Nos. 1-3 of Agnese's regular Type No. 3, characterized by the appearance of Yucatan as a peninsula. The Cabot map of 1544 (10) was perhaps the first to depart from the earlier custom of the Sevillian school of displaying this as an island, but some years passed before geographers accepted the correction. The outstanding fact about these special maps of America is that they display Cabrillo names on the northwest coast of America as contained in Gomara's list. The maps here described could not, then, have been drawn before 1553 and more likely not before 1556 or 1557. There is an additional reason for so thinking. In each of the adases in the Ayer Collection there is a map of north Europe on which the sovereigns of the various countries are represented. A woman sits on the throne of England, Philip on that of Spain, and Soliman on Turkey. As Philip only became king in January, 1556, the map could not have been made before that time. It might be thought that the man on the throne of Scodand represents Frangois II, who married Mary, Queen of Scots, in 1558, and if that were so we could place the date of the adas after 1558 or 1559, but this theory will not hold, for a man appears on the throne of Scodand on maps in atlases made before that date, notably those of Agnese. A curious feature of the corresponding map in the small Ayer adas is the erasure of the figures of both Soliman and Philip, their tides, however, being retained. This is not an omission but an erasure. It might appear that at the time it was done Soliman had died, an event which occurred in 1566, but why then the figure of Philip, who was still King of Spain, should also have been erased cannot be fathomed. Probably the change was made much later, for some reason now unknown. In view of these facts, we feel justified in assuming that the Bologna atlas was probably made about 1558, certainly not much later than 1560, and that the map of North America is therefore the earliest known to show Cabrillo's discoveries, always excepting Gastaldi's map of 1556 (35) in Ramusio with its single Cabrillo name and that of Andre Homem of 1559 (42). On land near the Sierra Nevadas, a large mountain, there is a legend, "Fin qui scoperse Franco Vasquez de Coronado," and off the coast opposite the mountain is another, "Naue del cataio ouer china." Coronado's names from Ramusio are arranged in a southeasterly line from the mountain. CHART 4—Place Names [Reading from north to south] Ayer—15 map atlas (37) Ortelius—1564 (63) Zaltieri—1566 (69) Harmsworth—(83) Forlani—1574 (98) Sierra neuados Sierra Neuada P.primero Sierra Nevada P.Primo Sierra Nevada Pto Primero Baia de los primieros P.Primo C.neuados C. Neuado C. Neua C. Neuado P. de todos Santos P. de Ogni sti C. Galera C. Galera C. galera C. galera Galera Pto de Ogi sancti P. d ogni santi costa biaca Pto di Sardegna Pto del fuogo Pto de S. Michele PoSardinas B. de los fuogos P. del fuego P. del fuoco P. d Fuogo C Croce P. s michel C. della crus P. de S. Michel Y Canzone . C. della croce Ancon d S. Michiel C. de Crus Cazones C. de Crus Y del riparo Ancoras Ancoras Ancoras Ancoras Y. di Cedri Cazones C. del inganno Cazone yadicedn Isola di riparo P.dLea Pto del Ea Y. del rippa B. de S. abbate C. de Inganno P. de Lea Basos Ancoras _ C. de Corintes C. de lingano C. ingano Y. di Cedri Y. di Cedri P. del ca B. de Canons Y. de Cedri Po d S cruz P. de Labbate Costa del Abbate C. Califormia Chapter V IMAGINARY GEOGRAPHY: THE SECOND PERIOD The Strait of Anian The abandonment by Gastaldi of his conception of the union of Asia and America apparently dates from the year 1562, when he published a pamphlet, La Universale Descrittione del Mundo. He had become famous for his world maps illustrating his first conception and it would be natural to suppose that he drew a new one to illustrate his new views. From such a map I once suggested that the Ortelius map of 1564 (63) had been, in large measure, copied. Recently a map engraved in 1569 (74) was discovered in Trieste, Italy, with a tide resembling that of the Ortelius map of 1564. There is an inscription on it to the effect that it had been drawn by Gastaldi, but as he is supposed to have died in 1564 or 1565, he could hardly have made this map; it must have been a copy of an earlier one. Roberto Almagia, who described it recently, thinks that it is a second edition of Gastaldi's lost map of 1562, in other words, the one published by him to display his new views. Gastaldi had named the strait separating Asia from America "Anian" and placed it near the eastern end of the Pacific. In his map of this part of Asia published in 1561 (47), Anian appears in about 50° on the far eastern Asiatic side just as it does on the Ortelius map of 1564 (63). The Strait of Anian figured for a long time in the imaginary geography of the northwest coast and many today think that it must have had either some real existence or else was a kind of inspiration for Bering Strait, which actually divides Asia and America. There is no evidence that anyone had ever seen it nor is there any reason to look on it as an inspiration. It was simply a good guess, probably based on the very inaccurate reading of a passage in Marco Polo's book. If my theory is correct, that Ortelius copied Gastaldi's first map to show this innovation, the strait was quite long and some four hundred miles wide, differing but litde from earlier conceptions of the body of water separating the two continents. Later it became narrower and very crooked. The Ortelius Map of 1564 (63) The heart-shaped map published by Abraham Ortelius in 1564 in Antwerp is one of the most interesting of sixteenth-century maps and would repay a more detailed examination than I can give it. It was obviously made the subject of much study by the seekers after a northwest passage in the last quarter of the century. It cannot be said to have been up to date; one has only to look at the representation of northeast America to see that. The Golfo de las Gamas connects not with the St. Lawrence River, but with open sea. A feature of the map is an enormous Gronlandia which extends over more than twenty degrees of longitude; otherwise, as far as can be made out from the peculiar projection of the map, there is no other land around the North Pole. Between this land and the Terra de Labrador, that is, between about 60° and almost 62°, there is a strait leading into a hyperborean ocean. To this sea there is another entrance at the west some ten degrees wide and extending roughly between the 40th and 60th parallels, being a little wider at both ends. Direcdy south of the western entrance is Giapan, placed very similarly to the way it is shown on Gastaldi's maps. The Philippine-Molucca area, and in fact the whole Indian Archipelago, consists of islands 53 Cartography of the Northwest Coast of America Imaginary Geography: The Second Period 55 indiscriminately scattered around. Novo Guinea is made to extend to the Strait of Magellan and thence on eastward. There is plenty of evidence on the map to show that it was of immediate Italian origin, and most of it from more remote Spanish sources. The northwest coast of the original must have been drawn from an old map showing the Peninsula of California with Agnese names and from Gomara's list of Cabrillo names as given in the Spanish original. A few of the names have been Italianized, notably P. de S. Michel, both on the coast of California and on that of Sonora, the y delle perle south of the peninsula, and the S. jacomo for Santiago. A few Italian "di's" are used in place of the Spanish preposition "de." I have always maintained that the maker of the Ortelius map, who for the moment we will assume to have been Ortelius himself, made use of the map of Diego Gutierrez of 1562 (58), also published in Antwerp. Gutierrez' map does not extend to the west beyond the C. Califormia, just as the name is written on this map, so we cannot say how he would have written the S. Michel on the California coast, but he wrote it that way on the Sonora coast and farther south wrote others in exactly the same places and ways as they appear on the Ortelius map (63). Ortelius did not obtain all his names from Gutierrez, by any means, nor did he copy his map in many other respects. It is in fact a combination principally based on an Italian model, the accounts published by Ramusio, and to a large extent drawn perhaps from his own imagination. To point out the manifest resemblances and differences between it and the map of Gutierrez would be tiresome and of no practical advantage to the present purpose. The obvious derivation in part from the Gutierrez map points to an original quite different from that used for any of the other maps in this category. The general trend of the northwest coast is very similar to that shown on the Ramusio map of 1556 (35), the longitudinal difference between the Sierra Nevada and the southwestern cape of the peninsula being only about twenty-four degrees. Andre Homem's map (42) was employed for the hyperborean oCean and its shores, and numerous errors were committed in transcribing names from Spanish maps. On the whole, it does not compare for accuracy with Portuguese manuscript maps of even earlier date. South America is fashioned after the late Spanish model, with an east coast trending almost southwest and a west coast almost south. In spite of the fact that there are three names on the latter south of about 40°, they are not very convincing. In the interior, names are numerous and there are very small vignettes of towns, most of which had a real existence, indicating that the maker of the original map had some authentic Spanish information. This is also indicated by the alternative name for the Amazon, "Oregliana" [the Orellana]. It is nothing strange to find on this map names for two rivers given by Nufio de Guzman in 1530 and mentioned in his letter of July 8, since this was printed by Ramusio in 1556 in an Italian translation. The Espiritu Santo and Trinidad under their Italian forms Spirito Santo and Trinita figure here and on ftiany subsequent maps, as do the Cazones now placed by Ortelius in about 31°. Ulloa's Belen is shifted to the Sonora coast and his b. de la Cruz, or Esteros de la Cruz, as he named it, masquerades under two names, La Vittoria and P. Cosma, the Vittoria de la caus of the Bologna (37) and Ayer maps (37). Zaltieri's Map of 1566 (69) and Gastaldi's of 1569 (74) The northwest coast as it appears on the 1569 Gastaldi map does not resemble that on the Ortelius map (63) nor that on the one belonging to Sir Leicester Harmsworth (83) to be described hereafter, but rather that of the Zaltieri map of 1566 (69). Its almost complete likeness to Zaltieri's as far as this goes was also noticed by Almagia. As that of Zaltieri only covers part of the territory and is also dated after Gastaldi is supposed to have died, Almagia reasoned that Zaltieri had copied the first edition. Almagia's principal reason for his opinion was that Asia and America on the 1569 map (74) are separated by a strait as described by Gastaldi in his pamphlet in 1562. Cartography of the Northwest Coast of America Imaginary Geography: The Second Period 57 I have examined this subject at some length in discussing the Strait of Anian in articles in Some Imaginary California Geography and in my Spanish Voyages, expressing the opinion that Gastaldi probably had made a map in 1562 with a strait, which Ortelius had substantially copied in 1564. If, however, the 1569 map with its narrow crooked Strait of Anian is a faithful copy of one issued in 1562 by Gastaldi, that opinion would have to be modified. Since, however, it does not conform even to Gastaldi's description of the strait in his pamphlet, it could hardly have been the new map. The configuration of the northwest coast on those maps differs materially from that shown on previous maps except possibly that of Velho of 1561 (64). The large gulf shown north of Galera reminds one of the* inland sea in much the same locality on Gastaldi's Carta Marina of 1548 (16). It may just be noticed in passing that the "primeros" of the Ortelius map, and its proper name in the Gomara account, is put down on these maps as "primo," and Neuada becomes "Neua." Otherwise the names are the same as on the Ortelius map and with the same displacement except on the Sonora coast, where it may be noted that Colima is equally out of place. Farther south we have the p. serado strongly reminiscent of the rio serado of Agnese. Forlani's Map of 1574 (98) and The Harmsworth Map (83) The question whether Gastaldi produced a map in 1562 with the first representation of the Strait of Anian remains still unsolved in spite of the fact that in 1921 Henri Vignaud thought that he had found a map (83) with the answer in an atlas which then belonged to M. Charles Chadenat, the well-known Paris bookseller, and is now in the possession of Sir Leicester Harms- worth. Vignaud published a short article about it in the Journal de la Societe des Americanistes de Paris entitled, "Une ancienne Carte Inconnue de I' Amerique, la premiere oil figure le futur Detroit de Behring." It covers six sheets of different sizes without any name of author or publisher and is evidently unfinished. Together the sheets are supposed to embrace the Americas, but as a matter of fact they do not, a large section of the lower end of the Peninsula of California being missing. Other maps in the atlas comprise one of Gastaldi's maps of Asia, dated 1575, and his Universale Descrittione of 1562 (56), a later edition of one of his first type. In recent years another copy of this interesting map has turned up in the Museo Civico Correr in Venice (83), which is also contained in a factitious collection of maps, comprising an edition of Gastaldi's Africa of 1564, an Ortelius map of Asia undated, and some fragments dated 1585. Most of the maps in both atlases were issued by Camozio. Professor Caraci reproduced the Venice map in Volume II of his Tabulae in 1927. I had previously reproduced the sheet which shows the northwest coast of America and the strait from the atlas of Sir Leicester, with his kind permission, in Some Imaginary California Geography. I am unable to agree with Vignaud that the unnamed strait corresponds to Gastaldi's description of it in his pamphlet of 1562, yet it seems highly probable that the map was made by Gastaldi. The resemblance of this particular part of the map to one produced by Paolo Forlani in 1574 (98) is so remarkable that there must be some connection between them. Forlani has a statement in the dedication on his map to the effect that it was made from a design or particular description of all the navigation routes of the New World courteously given to him a few months previously by one "Don Diego Hermano di Toledo, a gentleman of the most noble quality." This he said he had hastened to have engraved and now dedicated it [to Antonio Tognale]. If Forlani told the truth it is plain that the Harmsworth map was copied from this also, as it could hardly be considered to be "Don Diego's" original map. Caraci, however, thinks that the statement is, to put it mildly, a piece of literary imposture and that "Don Diego" had no real existence, being simply invented for the purpose of palming off on the public as something new what in reality was simply a later edition of a map which probably had been published much earlier. Hermano, the name of the gentleman of Toledo, is not a Spanish family name but means "brother." This in itself lends some 58 Cartography of the Northwest Coast of America color to Caraci's assumption, and the further fact that there are certain parts of the map which show little evidence of Spanish origin points in the same direction. It may, however, be noted that Forlani did not say that Don Diego was the author of the map, nor did he say that he hirhself did not make any changes when he had it engraved. In my article previously referred to in discussing the question of possible authorship, I suggested that the Don Diego "Hermano" might have been Diego Gutierrez, the author of the map of 1562 (58) and the brother of another Gutierrez, Sancho, of much greater importance in the cartographical history of Spain. Caraci rather ridiculed my idea, but I see nothing more ridiculous about it than his assumption that the man never existed at all. In discussing the Ortelius map (63) of this type I have previously pointed out some striking points of contact between it and the one of Diego Gutierrez of 1562 (58). Those same resemblances, as well as many others to which I did not then draw attention, are repeated on Forlani's map. As these also appear on the Harmsworth map (83), we are brought back to the original question, Is the Harmsworth map Gastaldi's original map of 1562 (57) on which that of Ortelius of 1564 (63) was based? If so, Ortelius certainly made some startling changes. It is peculiarly unfortunate that the only known copy of Gastaldi's pamphlet has disappeared. The extract published by Stefano Grande is so brief that it perhaps does not represent Gastaldi's views even although Grande evidendy thought it did. Gastaldi had invented nothing beyond possibly the peculiar crookedness and narrowness of the body of water separating Asia from America. Previously this body of water had been represented as much wider; indeed, the general shape of it shown on the Ortelius map is strongly reminiscent of that displayed on the map of Asia in the Polyhistor of 1538 (XX). Perhaps Ortelius adopted that theory in preference to that of Gastaldi. On the supposition that in other respects he copied a Gastaldi map of 1562, perhaps one similar to the Harms- worth map, this would move the first appearance of Gomara's Cabrillo's names on a printed map back to that year. The question then would naturally arise, Did Gastaldi copy the nomenclature on the northwest coast from a manuscript map like those at Bologna (37) and Chicago (37) or were these made later and copied from his? It is impossible to answer the question, because the Ortelius map embodies numerous errors made in copying and the Harmsworth map contains the narrow strait at the north of which no trace exists on the manuscript maps. On the whole, it appears probable that the manuscript maps are independent productions made before Gastaldi had announced his new theory. The new type showing the Strait of Anian in a narrow form is hereafter known as Gastaldi Type No. 2. The Maps of Joan Martines Another celebrated mapmaker of the sixteenth century who drew his inspiration for his maps of the northwest coast of America from those of Ortelius of 1564 and of Zaltieri was Joannes Mar- tines, as he signed his name. Nothing seems to be known of him beyond the fact that he dated his adases from Messina in Sicily. His name would indicate that he was a Spaniard, but there is nothing Spanish about his maps. He produced a number of atlases of no use whatever for purposes of navigation but, like Agnese's, intended for the delectation of the rich and curious. They are clearly and beautifully drawn and not overloaded with ornamentation. One of his adases, that which belongs to the Hispanic Society (59), is now dated 1562, but there is every evidence that the last two figures have been changed. My impression is that the date was originally 1580, as the maps much resemble those of his atlas of 1578 (115). In examining his work we are at once struck with the general resemblance to the work of the Olivas, previously described. The style of ornamentation is very similar, in fact so much so that for a long time I thought that the Oliva atlas (207) in the British Museum had been made by Martines. The maps of the world are almost the same, although Martines depicts it in two hemispheres. Imaginary Geography: The Second Period 591 His earliest known atlas of unquestioned date is one of seven maps dated 1567 (70). The next seems to be one of the normal portolan dated 1571, then one dated 1572 (90) which was exhibited by Messrs. Maggs Bros, in the Library of Congress in 1929. Then follow one dated 1577 (111) belonging to the Duque de Alba in Madrid, the British Museum Harleian MS 3489 of 1578 (116) and another in the same collection, No. 3450 (115), now dated 1618 but betraying very strong; indications that the original date was 1578. Several others followed in 1579, but without showing America. The last of his first type is one in the British Museum (Sloane MS 5019), dated 1582 (133). All the atlases just mentioned except the one of 1579 contain world maps, and some of them have detailed maps of the northwest coast. A feature of these latter is the series of seven vignettes of the "Seven Cities." The peculiarity of all is a representation of that coast very much like that of the Zaltieri map (-69) with modifications from that of the Harmsworth map (83) and some other sources, probably the Forlani map of 1574 (98). The nomenclature is like that of Ortelius but the configuration of the southern coast of the peninsula is different. On the west coast of the peninsula Martines introduced a new name, Isolisechi [Barren Islands], in about the position of Basos on the Ortelius map (63). Large islands are here shown, none of which exists. For both sides of the peninsula he also seems to have copied some Agnese map although in part he used Ortelius' names. In the Harleian 3450 (115) and in an atlas in the Huntington Library (117) very much like it, the most important undated one, there are maps of the northwest coast which are almost exactly the same, the only essential difference being that the Harleian map extends north to 53° whereas that in. the Huntington Library only reaches 45°. His Strait of Anian is different from any others of the period, resembling most that of the Harmsworth map (83) but with a clear-cut connection with the ocean to the north. The north coast of America, however, is entirely different, consisting of an almost: straight line following the 70th parallel to the strait at the east end, the strait, however, being placed, a long distance west of its usual position on maps of this type. The Huntington atlas (117) also lacks, the world map which is an almost constant feature of his other atlases. An inspection of the maps in Harleian No. 3450 (115) and those in the Huntington copy convinces us that there was a map in circulation in Italy, now unknown, which differed slightly from the- 1564 (63) map of Ortelius and that of Zaltieri. In the world map in the Harleian 3450 (115), the configuration of the coast shown on the map of America (No. 10) is reproduced, although the map- is on a very small scale. One of the peculiarities of these world maps is the mythical Antarctic continent which extends on both sides from below Terra del Fuego to a connection just north of the Tropic of Capricorn. No. 11 in the Huntington atlas (117) is the same as No. 10 in Harleian 3450, as far as. the configuration is concerned, but appears to me to be somewhat earlier. The rivers on the Sonora side are not named, and the p. de ogni santo is mistakenly placed above C. galera, just as it is on the- Ortelius map of 1564, an error which was corrected on the Forlani map of 1574 (98). The longitude of California is only about twenty-seven degrees between Cabo San Lucas and the most western, part in about 45° N. The meridian is the old Ptolemaic one, as a rule. Among the atlases of this type is one in the Biblioteca Angelica in Rome of twenty maps (92) so much like those of Martines in the British Museum and in the Huntington Library that it can hardly be doubted that they were drawn, by him. A number of them, in fact, are almost the same. The maps lack decorations and there is no world map, indicating that the atlas is unfinished. The one ascribed to Martines in the Museo Civico- Correr by Kretschmer is apparently an Oliva production, similar to British Museum 9814 (207). In 1582 Martines produced an atlas with a world map (132) based on the Mercator model and followed this with one or more of the same type in 1587 (144). There is another of fourteen maps, in the Prussian State Library in Berlin dated 1591 (164) in which the map of the northwest coast- contains an extensive nomenclature different from any that I have seen. On the world map the northwest coast ends in about 45° and about 140° west of the Ptolemaic meridian, the last name being; 60 Cartography of the Northwest Coast of America C. Mindocino. From here it extends in a flattened curve to about the end of the Gulf of St. Lawrence, no doubt some fancy of Martines of the Verrazano theory. Dr. W. Ruge in discussing the adas states that California appears as an island, and this has been repeated several times. He is entirely incorrect. The Mercator Polar Islands and a strait that looks like Mercator's are shown at the north. What Ruge describes is obviously a map of the Briggs type which only came to public notice in 1625 (295) and must have been seen by him in some other adas. The maps of Martines although very beautiful are of no cartographical importance, certainly as far as the north Pacific is concerned. There is nothing on them to show that he used anything but earlier maps of which examples are still extant, or a combination of these. I think it probable that the unfinished adas in the Biblioteca Angelica, Rome (92), is his earliest, made sometime between 1565 and 1567. Generally speaking, it is of a different model from his later adases and follows the Portuguese type of adas in the distribution of the territory between the different maps. Fernan Vaz Dourado and His Maps Six manuscript portolan adases are known which have such a striking resemblance to one another that there can hardly be any doubt that they are the work of one hand. Two of these are signed Fernan Vaz Dourado and another once bore his name. The six are: Madrid, Palacio Liria, fourteen maps, signed and dated Goa, 1568 (72). Lisbon, Torre do Tombo, fifteen maps (Goa, 1571) (88). Lisbon, Biblioteca Nacional, seventeen maps (96). San Marino, Huntington Library, HM 41, seventeen maps (97). London, British Museum, Add. MSS 31,317, seventeen maps (103). Munich, Bayerische Staats-Bibliothek, sixteen maps said by Kunstmann to be signed and dated 1580 (in Goa) (122). The second atlas (88), according to Sousa Viterbo, has suffered since 1839 the loss of two maps and the frontispiece, which bore Vaz Dourado's name and the date Goa, 1571. At that time it was described by F. A. Varnhagen and an account of it will be found in the Tratado de Geografia of Jose de Urcullu, printed in Porto, 1839, Volume 3, pages 490-500. According to Kunstmann, who evi- dendy saw it before the mutilation, it had sixteen maps. By comparing the remains of the adas with the one of seventeen maps in the British Museum it appears that the missing map is that of the eastern Mediterranean and that it probably never had but sixteen. A paper frontispiece made up from Varnhagen's description now adorns the volume. In discussing the maps the numbers used refer to their respective positions in the British Museum atlas, which are as follows: No. 1. East coast of South America from the Rio de Plata north. No. 2. Southern end of South America. No. 3. Gulf of Mexico. Northeast America. Northwest Europe with England and Scotland divided. On Scodand, which has the square form, there is the Cross of St. Andrew. The rivers at the ends of the Baltic Sea do not connect with the ocean. No. 6. West Europe and the western Mediterranean to beyond Malta. No. 7. The eastern Mediterranean. Imaginary Geography: The Second Period 61 No. 8. West Africa including the Gulf of Guinea. No. 9. South Africa. No. 10. East Africa with Madagascar. No. 11. Northeast Africa to beyond Ceylon. No. 12. Ceylon to the end of Japan and from the equator to a little over 37° N. No. 13. Indian Archipelago. This map on the west begins at the same point as the preceding but does not extend quite so far east. In latitude it extends from 14° S to 24° N. No. 14. Nova Ethiopia [New Guinea], extending from 08° S to 30° N. The legend about Magellan is in the border. No. 15. "The country which Fernan Cortes discovered." This is the usual Vaz Dourado extension of the northwest coast of America almost to Asia and in latitude extends from 18° to 56° N. No. 16. California and the northwest coast to a connection with the preceding. No. 17. West coast of South America. The graduated scale is upside down. It extends from about 03° N to about 36° S, just showing at the top the snakelike Amazon. Although no two of these atlases are alike, in general it may be said that they cover the same territory and exhibit the same periplus. The division of the earth among the maps in different atlases is quite dissimilar, and although most of them are on a plane projection some are on a spherical projection in one atlas and on a plane projection in another. They are of the usual portolan style crossed by numerous direction lines and covered with windroses. Besides the normal portolan figured on Nos. 5-8 we find a reproduction of the Ribero type with extensions to the north and south on Nos. 1-4 and 15-17. Between the westernmost limit of No. 16 and the east coast of Africa, a new set, Nos. 10-14, has been inserted to cover the territory about which the Portuguese had the most complete information. These appear to be earlier than those of the same region in the Vatican atlas No. 283 (60). The one in the Biblioteca Nacional, Lisbon (96), has less ornamentation than the others, the names are more clearly written, are fewer in number, and as a rule are less corrupted, indicative usually of an earlier state. It is from this atlas that the map of northeast America and the two of the northwest coast of America and its extension to Asia which have done duty for a long time as maps of Juan Freire were copied. They were first attributed to him by Dr. J. G. Kohl, whose statement I have always questioned because his sketches were those of maps peculiar to Vaz Dourado, but as they did not agree absolutely with maps in atlases which I had then seen it was not possible to affirm definitely that they did not come from the Freire atlas. Dr. Karpinski's photographs of the atlas in the Biblioteca Nacional, Lisbon (96), now settle the matter. Dr. Kohl states that he obtained his sketches from the Visconde de Santarem. No doubt Santarem had copies of the maps in the Lisbon atlas, and he also had a copy of a map of the northeast coast of America in the Juan Freire atlas of 1546 which was formerly in the PhiUipps Collection and is now in the Huntington Library. In the Freire adas there are no maps of the northwest coast but there is a similarity between his delineation of the northeast coast and that of Vaz Dourado. Possibly the latter used Freire's map for that region. The atlas dated Goa, 1568 (72), belonging to the Duquesa de Alba in Madrid, is quite different from any of the others. The region of the Moluccas, that of the southern part of South America, and that of the British Islands and Scandinavia are each included in spherical maps and there is a special plan of the house and fortress of the King of Dachem. The Mediterranean area and Africa are omitted, but South and North America are much the same as in the other atlases. There is only one other dated atlas besides the one formerly dated 1571 (88). To determine the dates of the others is not easy. Kunstmann, who reproduced five of the maps in the Munich adas (122), said it was dated 1580 and was a revised edition of the one in the Torre do Tombo, Lisbon (88), but a comparison of 62 Cartography of the Northwest Coast of America his plates with maps in the Goa 1568 (72) and other atlases does not warrant his conclusion. His reproductions certainly resemble corresponding maps in the Torre do Tombo atlas, but so they do maps in other Vaz Dourado adases. It is doubtful if any of the maps contain geographical information obtained much after the year 1545. A prominent feature on No. 14 is a long coast line with a legend on it concerning its discovery by a junk from Borneo. Antonio Galvano gives us the clue to this in his Tratado, better known in English as his Discoveries of the World. He states that in June, 1545, a junk from Borneo, on board of which was a Portuguese named Pero Fidalgo, was driven by contrary winds to the north and discovered an island stretching from 09° or 10° to 22°, called the Lucoes. This was the west coast of the Island of Luzon. Galvano's Tratado also gives us a clue to some of the legends on the maps. He states that in January, 1545, Ruy Lopez de Villalobos came to the island of Moro with the Spaniards and put the Portuguese captain to great trouble. In the same year, he adds, Villalobos sent from Tidore toward New Spain some men with another ship which sailed to the coast of Papuas, along which they ranged and called the country New Guinea because the inhabitants were black and had frizzled hair. Under the year 1543 he also chronicles that in August Villalobos sent Bartholomew [Bernardo] de la Torre to New Spain and gives quite an account of his discoveries: las dos Her- manos, los bolcanos, farfana, malabrigos, and an aggregation of islands in about 15° or 16°. In aU this there is a mixture of truth and error. In 1543 Bernardo de la Torre did make such a voyage and discovered these islands, although the only knowledge of some of them is found in Galvano's account; but Villalobos, commander of the Spanish expedition which left Navidad, November 1, 1542, to explore what is now known as the Philippine Islands, really reached Tidore April 4, 1544. In the latter part of that year some of his men who were in search of food on Tandaya sailed around for some short distance, but there is no warrant in any of the narratives of the expedition for the statement that Villalobos or any of bis men ever saw the coast of China or even Japan; yet on No. 15 we find on the border a legend which, translated, reads as follows: "In the month of January, 1545, Ruy Lopez de Villalobos, the general of the Spaniards, discovered this coast while running before a storm when proceeding to Maluca." An even stronger indication of the indebtedness of Vaz Dourado to Galvano is a legend which occurs on some maps No. 16 (trans.): "On this leaf is depicted the Cabo del Emganho with all the coast of Mexico and the coast that Villalobos discovered." Galvano says (page 210; trans.): "From the Ponta de Engano to another cape called Liampo in China there are 1000 or 1200 leagues of sailing and which Cortes and his companions discovered and conquered, from 12 to 32°, from south to north, being 700 leagues of coast from east to west." This passage is ambiguous, an ambiguity equally noticeable in the original Portuguese. More likely Galvano meant to say: "Cortes and his companions discovered and conquered from 12° to 32° of east-west coast, say perhaps 700 leagues." On all these maps on which the C. del Enganho (Engafio) is found it is located in 32°. On No. 15 almost at the farthest point west is another legend which, translated, reads: "Fernan Cortes discovered this land," and around the border there is another which reads: "This sheet is that of the coast which Fernan Cortes discovered in the year 1545." In other adases this map has the latter legend changed to the one about Villalobos just quoted and this is moved far east to above the Peninsula of California. There are some other striking differences between some of the corresponding maps in different atlases; for instance: on those of the Gulf of Mexico, that in the Huntington Library (97) does not show the Lake of Nicaragua or the river flowing from it at all; the one in the British Museum (103) shows it with the river running into the Pacific while those in the other atlases so far as noted show the river flowing into the Atlantic; in those of northeast America in the Biblioteca Nacional in Lisbon (96) and in the British Museum the bay or gulf filled with islands usually called "Gamas" is not cut through to a connection with what is now known as the St. Lawrence River, as it is in those in Imaginary Geography: The Second Period 63 the Palacio Liria (72) and the Huntington (97) and Munich libraries (122). A feature of all maps No. 16 (or those corresponding to this) is an enormous river flowing from north to south in Mexico, usually with two lakes in it, in the lower of which is what is intended to be the City of Mexico. In some of the maps it empties into the Pacific under the name of R. de Mexiquo and in the British Museum map (103) under that of the Ro de Sequo. Both of these names appear on all the maps close together; on the British Museum map they are probably displaced. On most of the other maps the river does not reach the Pacific. What river this is supposed to represent, it is rather difficult to determine. One would naturally expect from the appearance of the northernmost lake that it was Cha- pala and the river the Rio Grande or Santiago, but the river does not follow the course of the Rio Grande but empties into the ocean in about the location of the Rio de Colima. On the whole, the atlas in the British Museum (103) appears to be the earliest, chiefly because of the legend about Cortes on No. 15. There are also other indications to the same effect some of which have been outlined in the preceding paragraph. The one in the Biblioteca Nacional, Lisbon (96), is also one of the earliest (probably made before 1573) and that in the Huntington Library (97) I think antedates 1575. It appears likely that unless the British Museum atlas was made in Lisbon, which seems possible, the range of years during which Vaz Dourado worked did not in all probability exceed fifteen. As, according to Sousa Viterbo, there is extant a letter of his dated from Goa August 17, 1584, any work done by him after 1568 was most likely executed in that city. I do not accept unreservedly Kunstmann's conclusion that the Munich atlas (122) is dated 1580; around 1571 is a much more likely date; indeed, Teleki indicated a date of 1560 for it. As the reference to the tides on a sheet of nautical information in the Huntington copy indicates that this was made in Goa, the same sheet in other atlases may afford similar information concerning the places where they were executed. Besides the letter just mentioned, which may possibly refer to another man, little has been found bearing on the life of Vaz Dourado. On the tide pages of the two atlases of 1568 (72) and 1571 (88) and the one in Munich (122) he describes himself as a "fronteiro nestas partes." At present, fronteiro means a commander of a frontier force or fort, and the word probably had the same meaning at that time. In other words, he was not a pilot or a sailor, but a soldier with some artistic talent. He probably, therefore, simply copied some preexisting maps and added the ornamentation and perhaps the legends, some of which, as I have previously explained, were apparently taken from Galvano's Tratado. This book was published in 1563, and unless Vaz Dourado had had access to the manuscript or some other work of Galvano's it would appear that his first adas was not made before that year and, if in Goa, not before 1565 or 1566. There is a great similarity except in the degree of ornamentation between his maps and those of Joao de Lisboa (XXXVII). From this the Lisboa maps are comparatively free, but as at present constituted his atlas does not contain maps of some of the territory included in those of Vaz Dourado. Between them there is also an essential difference in the delineation of the Indian Archipelago and a striking one in that of Japan. The first is principally noticeable in that of Borneo, Lisboa's being certainly later than Vaz Dourado's although the general arrangement of the islands is the same. That of Japan on Vaz Dourado's map strikes me as being rather conventional; perhaps it is a copy of a Japanese map. Lisboa's is no more accurate, but it has the appearance of having been made from charts of Portuguese navigators. There are several other Portuguese atlases in existence, one in the Ayer collection (105) in Chicago, and less notably one in the Huntington Library, which resemble Vaz Dourado's but are undoubtedly of later date. HM 44 (210) shows a large island named Macasar which appears to represent what Luzon might have looked like on a Spanish map of about 1566. On the east side of this is a name, Enseada de nuno de costa. Possibly Macasar is Puloan and the Costa de Cabo [Cebu] is Luzon. HM 32 (209) in the Huntington Library resembles Lisboa's in the Philippine-Japan area but also is later as there is a provisional north coast line to Luzon, simply a straight extension east of the long western line of the Lisbon and Vaz Dourado maps. 64 Cartography of the Northwest Coast of Ai The geography of the northwest coast of America displayed in these adases has no historical value whatever but is interesting as being in all probability the earliest example and perhaps the most brilliant of the wholesale use of the imagination in filling up the space between the known discoveries in western America and eastern Asia. The only facts with which Vaz Dourado had to deal were the Ulloa discoveries as far as C. de Enganho, as he wrote the name, and some map of Japan; between, all is fancy. The coast from C. de Enganho has a general northwest trend to about 38°, where it bends more to the west to about 40° and then extends in an almost straight line but still bearing slightly north of west to about 48 . As his maps are not graduated for longitude and as the connection with Asia is not clearly shown, it is a question just how much space is left between the western end of this map and the eastern end of the one which shows Japan; apparendy, however, there is very little. Not far from the west end of No. 15 are llos bolcanes, islands discovered by Bernardo de la Torre in 1543 on his attempt to return to New Spain from the Moluccas by the northeast. These, now known as the Bonin group, are in reality north and five degrees west of the islands then known as the Ladrones. We may, therefore, suppose that the map extends almost as far west as the meridian passing through eastern Japan. If we assume that the maps are drawn on a projection of equal meridians and parallels we find that the distance from Navidad to the bolcanes is about eighty-five degrees and, adding fifteen degrees more for the distance to the Philippines, a total of about one hundred degrees. This is still thirty degrees short of the actual distance and as the Portuguese were not given to underestimating this we are left somewhat uncertain about the length of his degree of longitude relative to that of his degree of latitude. Galvano apparendy accepted 1200 leagues as the distance from Cabo de Engafio to Cabo Liampo, that is, two places about on the 30th parallel and one hundred and twenty-three degrees apart. His 1200 leagues represent eighty degrees only on this parallel, so he underestimated the distance by forty-three degrees. The most striking feature of No. 15 is the enormous gulf extending north from about 42£° and filled with islands of all sizes. On the scale I have used this is situated fifty-seven and one-half degrees west of Navidad. Two large rivers flow into it in about 50° and near the mouth of the gulf on one side is the name Ro dell estrecho and on the other side ffin dell estrecho. The inference, of course, would be that this was intended to be a strait, and on maps in other and probably later adases of his, usually cut off at about 50° and consequently not showing the rivers, this appearance is pronounced. The southern end of the Peninsula of California is in the form of a shallow bowl with a circular island at each end. At the west end between the island and the mainland is the b. della trenidad and at the east end is the p. de balena (ballena, Bib. Nac). About opposite Cedros is the name [C ?]alifomca. On the Sonora side the names are mosdy Alarcon names, similar to those on Castillo's map (2). Two rivers enter the gulf at the top, the buena guia and the mirafroles, but the latter is entided the bllamco de mirafroles, the "bllamco" being an error, no doubt, for the proper word "braco." Lower down, a few of Ulloa's names remain. The crescent-shaped island shown at the east end of the southern part of the peninsula is a strange feature, not found on any other maps to my knowledge. It apparently represents the one now known as Ceralbo. The southernmost extremity is entided p. de s. eras as on some other maps. The island off the west end is no doubt a duplication of the one shown in about the proper position of Santa Margarita, next to which b. de la trenidad also appears on the maps in the adases in the Biblioteca Nacional, Lisbon (96), and in the one in the Torre do Tombo (88). None of the other names of Ulloa appears excepfCedros and the Cabo del Engafio which always appears on maps showing his discoveries. This is not, however, styled a C. or Cabo but apparendy an I., representing two islands just below 32° and just north of the Rio Nouo. The diamantes off the west coast are not the islands to which the name was originally applied, which were some rocks in the north end of the Gulf of California. The large gulf now known as "Sebastian Vizcaino" is quite well shown on the map, and on some of those in the other atlases it is entided the "Enceada Pllanoza." The prominent cape or point now known as "Eugenio" opposite Cedros is also well shown and on the Imaginary Geography: The Second Period 65 map in the Palacio Liria (72) is named the "c. deseado" and on that in the Munich atlas (122) "c. grueso." There is something curious about the way the name California is written on all the maps. It invariably occurs either on one side of the peninsula or on the other at the bottom of the Bahia" de Sebastian Vizcaino, far removed from its proper position at that time at the southern end. If the letter C began the word it is always lost in the shaded margin of the coast line, a device frequently used by geographers and indicating an uncertainty. The spellings are all different; that on the Palacio Liria map, Alliffonca; on the Huntington (97), Alifonia; on the Torre do Tombo (88), Allifonia; and on the Munich, Allifora. On the one in the Biblioteca Nacional, Lisbon (96), the name is not found at all. Navidad is certainly out of place and in fact is in almost the position of Acapulco. Attached to it on the British Museum map is a legend which, translated, reads: "From here they leave for the Moluccas." A similar legend is found on the corresponding maps in the other adases except those in the Biblioteca Nacional, Lisbon, and the Palacio Liria. On the map in the Torre do Tombo there is a slight variation in the legend in that the "Spice islands" replace the Moluccas. In view of the references on the maps to the Villalobos discoveries there can hardly be a doubt that, this legend refers to the departure of his expedition from Navidad in 1542. Lopez de Legaspi also left Navidad for the Moluccas, but not until 1564. Of his expedition there is no trace whatever on the maps. We find, however, traces of Legaspi's expedition on a Portuguese map in the Ayer collection in Chicago (105). The Island of Luzon assumes a certain form, incorrect to be sure, but still such as we might imagine the Spaniards in the islands conceived it to be about the year 1570. Vaz Dourado's map was used as a basis and the main features for the whole Philippine area are still the same as on his. The most striking difference between them is the omission of the vast extent of the imaginary coast of Vaz Dourado's, the maker of the atlas having discreetly ended his on the Peninsula of California in about 29 , approximately the limit of the actual discoveries that appear on Vaz Dourado's map. He leaves us in doubt concerning what he considered intervened between this point and a few degrees east of Japan. He did not use, however, Vaz Dourado's distorted conception of the peninsula, but another more nearly correct. It shows some Homem influence. Dr. Cortesao in his Cartografia gives his attention to Vaz Dourado and describes in full the atlases which I have mentioned. He took the ground that the one I have attributed to Joao Lisboa (XXXVII) was also made by him. He remarks, on page 288 of Volume I, that in spite of the fact that Vaz Dourado lived in India he continued to the end to copy his earliest conception of Polynesia. Very litde evidence can be found that subsequent mapmakers made use of Vaz Dourado's work. His atlases were certainly not made for public consumption and although we now find three of them in places as far removed from Portugal and Spain as California, London, and Munich we can be fairly certain that these are modern importations. In spite of his entirely fictitious coast line uniting America and Asia the width he ascribes to the Pacific on the higher parallels interests us. He was not, however, the first cartographer to show this. From 1560 onward some comprehension of the actual distance between Asia and America on the 40th parallel began to filter into the work of European geographers. The Gastaldi-type maps were so much in vogue that even those cartographers who believed in the separation between the two continents were obliged to depict it as a narrow one. By this time the Portuguese had discovered the relative position of Japan to China and it was not difficult to approximate the distance from that country to the American continent as shown, for example, on the map of Lopo Homem. Much discussion over the same question had also arisen in Spain after the Villalobos expedition to the Moluccas and the return of some of its survivors in 1548. In 1561 in Ruscelli's edition of Ptolemy a map was inserted entitled Orbis Descriptio (54). It takes the place of the Universale Novo (19) of the 1548 edition. 66 Cartography of the Northwest Coast of America No indication of the authorship of this map can be gathered from the description in the text, most of which is given over to explaining the superiority of his double-hemisphere form. Ruscelli states, however, that it is also superior to those that preceded it, and we would, therefore, take for granted that he had something to do with the drawing of the map or the general design. The northwest coast is shown to about 38° and then a dotted line named Litum incognitum is drawn westward to the coast of what is called Serica (that is, China), which is located some seventy degrees to the west. The dotted line bears some resemblance to what we might consider to be the line of the Ramusio map (35) which appears to indicate the southern extremity of land. About the same time, Pedro de Medina wrote his Suma de Cosmographia, now in the Biblioteca Nacional, Madrid. Attached to this is a map which embraces almost the entire world. The Peninsula of California extends north to about 35 , where it turns slightly south of west for perhaps six degrees and then ends, but there is quite a large expanse of water between this and Asia. The map which was published by him in his Arte de Navegar in 1545 appears to have been purposely cut off to the west just beyond Mexico City. Whether or not Medina had obtained any information about the Villalobos expedition in 1545 cannot be ascertained, but he certainly had some in 1561. The general idea current in Spain at that time was that the distance traversed by ViUalobos on bis voyage from Navidad to the Philippines was about 1500 leagues, and the Spaniards continued to hold this belief for some years. The reason is plain; they desired to include the Moluccas in their portion of the world between the two Lines of Demarcation, and for a long while their maps continued to minimize the distance from the coast of America to the islands. The Portuguese naturally ran the eastern Line of Demarcation much farther to the east than the Spaniards did, in order to include the Moluccas in their portion of the world. In this respect it finally turned out that they were right, but for a long time the matter was the subject of great controversy. Even the carefully kept logs of the Lopez de Legaspi expedition, which departed from Navidad near the end of 1564, estimated that the distance from Navidad to the Philippines was about 1900 leagues, although the experts who discussed the subject in Madrid in 1566 were still inclined to believe that the distance was only 1500 leagues. On the return voyage of the San Pedro in 1565 the pilot, Rodrigo de Espinosa, estimated that the ship covered 1892 leagues, but because this route was a roundabout one it was generally agreed that the difference in longitude between the Philippines and the American coast in about 38° was only some seventy-five degrees. Espinosa's estimate was that the distance between Cebu and Cabo Galera was about 1545 leagues. The earliest map I have seen which shows America and Asia with a wide expanse of ocean between is a manuscript one (94) made by Domingos Teixeira, a member of a well-known family of Portuguese cartographers. One of the objects of the map was to include the Moluccas in the Portuguese division of the world. The map is characterized by a comparative narrowness of the American continent in the higher latitudes, the closeness of Japan to the coast of China, and the absence of an Antarctic continent. The northwest coast only extends to about 32° and there is no name on it north of Cedros; even south of this names are not numerous. Generally speaking, it approaches the Castillo-Portuguese type although the place names are generally written in Spanish. In 1574 Juan Lopez de Velasco, who had been appointed cosmographer and chronicler of the Indies in 1571, finished his Geografia y Descripcidn Universal de las Indias, which lay in obscurity until 1894 when it was published by Don Justo Zaragoza. It seems that no maps accompanied this work, but Lopez de Velasco seems to have written sometime between 1574 and 1580 a summary of it entitled Demarcacion y Division de las Indias. This summary was accompanied by maps which were afterward utilized by Antonio de Herrera in 1601 in his Descripcion de las Yndias. Apparently, publication of this Sumario was contemplated and it was, therefore, submitted by the Council of the Indies in 1580 to an alleged expert on the subject, Juan Bautista Gessio. Imaginary Geography: The Second Period 67 Gessio censured it severely and pointed out numerous errors which indeed today are still manifest. The Demarcacion y Division was finally published in 1871 in Tomo XV of the Coleccion de documents ineditos relativos a los descubrimientos etc. de America. The maps were not published, but I have lately had the opportunity to see a general map which belongs to one of the copies of the manuscript lately acquired by the John Carter Brown Library and which extends from the Pillars of Hercules westward to slightly beyond the Island of Sumatra. The map is intended to illustrate the various routes taken by Spanish ships both between Europe and America and between America and the Philippines as set forth in the text. One of these routes is obviously that taken by the Lopez de Legaspi expedition from Navidad to the Philippines, and another is the return route of the San Pedro. Although the map is not graduated for either latitude or longitude the two Tropics are shown, and taking the distances between these to be forty-five degrees the difference in longitude between Navidad and the Philippines can be roughly estimated to be about sixty-five degrees, which is much too small. Both Lines of Demarcation are shown on the map and the eastern one passes about through Malacca, as is duly set forth in the text of the Demarcacion. Although Lopez de Velasco speaks of the founding of Manila by Lopez de Legaspi in 1572 the western coast of the Island of Luzon is not shown, indicating that the map was drawn previously. The difference in longitude between the coast of China and the American coast in about 35° is also about sixty-five degrees, and America and Asia are separated. Chapter VI GERARD MERCATOR'S "CARTA MARINA" (75) MERCATOR was not only a cartographer, but a student of geography and history as well. As early as 1538 he published a heart-shaped map of the world (XXI) and in 1541 (XXVII) put out a set of gores for a globe. He was an adherent of the conception of the insularity of America. In 1569 he produced his famous marine chart (75) of the world in which he attempted to bring together the best and latest opinions on the configuration of the coasts of the different countries so far as discovered. In this he introduced a new projection, of doubtful merit but for a time considered to be a great discovery, which is still in use. Largely through the publicity which the map obtained through its reduction in the atlases of Abraham Ortelius, his views of the geography of the New World were imposed on several generations. The most essential modifications which he introduced were an excrescence on the coast of Chile and a great extension to the west of the northwest coast. The origin of the first of these peculiarities is not difficult to discover. Attention has been directed to the fact that in the maps of Cabot, Agnese, and several other cartographers the west coast of South America was left unfinished. As the discoveries progressed from the north toward the south the coast line was also extended and thus became farther and farther removed from the meridian passing through the Strait of Magellan, which was placed very much too far to the east. As the coast to the north of the strait had only been discovered for several degrees of latitude, in making a hypothetical connection between the farthest points of these discoveries the line drawn necessarily extended almost northwest-southeast. Such a configuration of South America would have been logical up to about 1560. The discoveries of Juan Fernandez de Ladrillero in 1559 demonstrated clearly that the western entrance of the Strait of Magellan was not southeast of the southernmost discoveries in Chile, but nearly south. Mercator, however, was not aware of Ladrillero's expedition and formulated a theory of his own. Extending the coast somewhat north of west for nearly twenty degrees from the latitude of about 45° S, he then turned it a little east of north to about 33° and then northeast to about 25°. At the latitude of 20° he recovered almost all the twenty degrees by which he had extended the lower coast too far to the west, the result being to leave on western South America a huge excrescence which does not exist. The Chilean "elbow," although less marked, appears on some of the early globes made in the north of Europe and perhaps dated from that of the reputed Schoner globe of 1524 (V). The reasons for his change of the northwest coast are not so easy to discern. Here from the southwest point of the Peninsula of California the coast extends in a general northwesterly direction to the 40th parallel, covering about thirty degrees of longitude, ten degrees more than on the map of Ortelius of 1564 (63). This was itself an error, but to make the matter worse Mercator now extended the coast almost due west for twenty degrees and then northwest until in 45° he reached a point more than fifty-five degrees west of the southern point of the peninsula. This westerly bend 70 Cartography of the Northwest Coast of America is quite visible in his globe gores of 1541 (XXVII) although in a somewhat lower latitude. In Some Imaginary California Geography I advanced a theory that Mercator was induced to make this extension of twenty degrees from reading the account of the Coronado expedition in the work of Gomara. Gomara states that the place where the ships from China were seen was Quivira in 40°. As this name had not appeared either in Gomara's list of places on the coast or on the maps showing the results of the Cabrillo expedition which Mercator used, Quivira must have been farther to the west. He, therefore, extended the coast in that direction for nearly twenty degrees to where we find the town of Quivira close to it. He also moved Cicuic and Tiguex to the coast, leaving the Sierra Nevada between and in the latitude of about 40°, where it was in Gomara's list and on the maps based on his description of the coast. At 45° the coast turns north and continues almost in that direction until it turns east to form the southern shore of the strait which extended to the Adantic. This strait was undoubtedly adopted from Sebastian Miinster's map of 1540 (XXIV), since we plainly see Minister's four polar islands. The coast of Asia is only about ten degrees removed from America in 45°, much as on Ortelius' map of 1564 (63). One result of this peculiar configuration of North America was to give it a width of almost one hundred and fifty degrees between Cape Race and the point farthest west, and of course to shorten correspondingly the distance across Asia as shown on the Ortelius map of 1564. He adopted St. Michaelin the Azores as his prime meridian and, therefore, Mexico City is in 84° W Long., about one hundred and ten degrees west of Greenwich, some four degrees farther west than on the usual Spanish maps. The distance between Mexico City and Cabo San Lucas is thirty-four degrees, and this is the earliest known map on which the latter name given by Bolafios is found. Mercator adopted the nomenclature of the coast displayed on the Ortelius map of 1564 with the addition of his towns of Quivira, Cicuic, and Tiguex, the insertion of rivers emptying into the ocean at Quivira and Tiguex, and with some omissions and a few changes in position. Some of these changes were in the nature of improvements and some in the nature of errors. For example the Isla de Cazones was moved to about the location of San Clemente, and two islands named Cedros appear in different places. The Isla del Riparo was placed north of the Cazones. On the coast of Sonora he used a different map; the names are chiefly those found on that of Castillo (2), but he made some additions and some changes which make it certain that he used some now unknown map or maps, one of Portuguese origin. In describing the maps of Vaz Dourado, attention has been directed to the islands in the North Pacific discovered by Bernardo de la Torre, and to those off the coast of New Guinea by Ortiz de Retes. These names are all found on Mercator's map, although the remarkable delineation of the Philippines on Vaz Dourado's maps has not been copied. The distincdy earlier type of the Indian Archipelago would warrant us in believing that Mercator possessed a Portuguese map which dated but litde after 1545 at the latest. The Diamantes off the west coast of the Peninsula of California had only appeared previously to my knowledge on Vaz Dourado maps. I have often wondered whether if by any chance Mercator had seen one of these; to be sure, the imaginary coast line drawn by Vaz Dourado differs entirely from that adopted by Mercator, but it is a rather curious coincidence that the famous gulf filled with islands of the Vaz Dourado maps occupies very nearly the longitudinal position on the Mercator map of the strait separating Asia from America. On the whole, it may be said that so far as the northwest coast is concerned Mercator took a distinct step backward and that his map does not deserve the eulogies usually bestowed upon it. His removal of Quivira to a position on the coast in about 40° had some important results in forwarding schemes of northwest exploration. In the reduction effected the following year by Ortelius the map was copied extensively, and it formed the basis for maps subsequently published by Peter Plancius and Jodocus Hondius, who even improved on Mercator by extending the northwest coast still farther. In order to distinguish the type he established from that of the Ortelius map of 1564 (63), hereafter it will be referred to as the Mercator type. Gerard Mercator's "Carta Marina" (75) 71 The Atlases of Abraham Ortelius In 1570 Ortelius issued an atlas containing fifty-three plates of maps—the first atlas to contain new maps of the world (82) and of America (80, 81) after the Venetian Ptolemy of 1548 (16, 18, 19) and the subsequent edition of the work in 1561 (54). He utilized Mercator's world chart, reducing it greatly in size and presenting it in the old and familiar oval form. He also made some sectional maps from it, including one of America also in oval form (80). In these all the Mercator peculiarities are reproduced, including most of his errors. A few changes were made in the nomenclature on the map of America, where Ortelius corrected a few of Mercator's errors. Numerous editions of the atlas without appreciable change in the geography of the northwest coast appeared until 1587, when Ortelius made a new Typus orbis terrarum (148) and a new map of America (147). Both may have appeared in the French edition of the atlas in 1587, although it is usually stated that they were first published in 1590 in the Additamentum No. 4. They are like those issued in 1570, with a few important changes. In the first place, the excrescence on the coast of Chile has disappeared; the coast extends almost directly south from 32° to the western entrance of the strait, approximately its true trend. Although no change is made in the configuration of the northwest coast, a few new names were inserted, indicating later information, probably not obtained from a map but from some written or verbal account. On Ortelius' Typus Orbis Terrarum we find introduced a river flowing into the Pacific in about 58° named R. de los estrechos; Cab. Mendocino is added in about 52° with a string of four islands extending from the ca6o to the north; another island off the coast is introduced at 46°, and S. Michel and Baya de pinaz appear on the coast between Quivira and Cicuic. On the map of America he further introduced the Grandes corrientes in about 55°, a C. de trabaios in 47°, and placed the R. de los estrechos in 49° instead of 58°, and C. Mendocino in 45° instead of 52°, omitting all the islands. Instead of S. Michel and the Baya de pinaz we now find the B. de los primeros just where the coast turns to the west, in about 40°. Cabo Nevado disappeared, as well as the southernmost Cedros. From there southward and on the Sonora coast the map is the same as that of 1570 (80). He added, however, a name, the "Rio hermoso," to the unnamed river on which Ceuola is located on the 1570 map, and another, "California", as the name of the peninsula. We also find on it the Solomon Islands, discovered in 1568 by Alvaro de Mendafia. No change seems to have been made in northeast These are the first maps so far found to show the name Cabo Mendocino. In discussing the subject of the naming of this cape in Sir Francis Drake's Voyage, I suggested that the name possibly found its way to this map from some story related by Pedro Sarmiento de Gamboa while he was a captive in England in 1585. As Sarmiento had a most vivid imagination he perhaps also supplied the other names. The name may, however, have been given in the fall of 1584 by the captain of a returning Philippine galleon, or in Mexico itself after the arrival of the ship. The Mendoza thus honored would be the Conde de Corufia, a Suarez de Mendoza who had died only a year before. The story that it was named by Cabrillo or by one of Villalobos' ships, returning from the Philippines, in honor of Antonio de Mendoza is without foundation. In 1589 a recut copy of the Ortelius Typus Orbis Terrarum (158) of 1587 was inserted in a few copies of Hakluyt's voyages, and afterward in 1598 in the English edition of Linschoten's Itinerario. Besides a change in the corners from ornaments to clouds the differences between it and the original are more numerous than are usually noted. A set of boundary lines was introduced in both North and South America and the town of Ceuola was omitted. Previous to the issuance of these maps Ortelius had put out in the Additamentum No. 2 of 1579 his Hispaniae novae sivae magnae recens et vera descriptio 1579 (119) and Cvliacanae, Americae regionis descriptio 1579. These maps bear every indication of being simply copies of Spanish maps, and are the earliest published which have even the appearance of being real maps of the interior of Cartography of the Northwest Coast of America Gerard Mercator's "Carta Marina" (75) 73 that country. They contain numerous errors probably made in copying the original manuscript. In the same Additamentum there is another map dated 1579 of which the author is said to have been Hieron- ymo Chiaues, that is, Geronimo Chaves, a celebrated Spanish cartographer of the day. That Chaves made the other two maps is also highly probable. Ortelius also cites in his list of sources an unedited map of his. They were undoubtedly drawn up from the descriptions of the different provinces of New Spain made about 1570 which were utilized by Lopez de Velasco in his Geografia y descripcion universal de las Indias. Most of the names on these maps in the interior can also be found in this work. From these maps Ortelius discovered that he had previously given too great a width to North America on the Tropic of Cancer. No change was made in this respect on his map of America in 1587 (147), but he soon put out a new one entitled Maris Pacifici and dated 1589 (156). It was apparently first issued in his Additamentum No. 4 of 1590, and first appeared in an atlas in 1592. On this the width of the country on that parallel was reduced from about twenty-seven to about sixteen degrees. The effect of this was to move the point of California that much more to the east. Some five degrees more were also taken out, eliminated at some other point farther east, and the net result was that the point of California, which down to 1587 had been shown on his maps in about 241J° E, was now removed to about 257£° E, that is, east of the Canaries, through which his prime meridian ran. The Maris Pacifici (156) constitutes a distinct departure, being unlike any map of the northwest coast published before 1589. Ortelius could not possibly have taken it from a Spanish map, because this coast is now extended in longitudinal length from about the sixty degrees of the Mercator type to nearly sixty-five. All along this new names have been introduced and there are even some new ones on the Sonora side, though they are still Castillo's names with corrections and additions. The peninsula is named Cali-formia and the southwestern point is now only about sixteen degrees west of Mexico City, instead of about thirty-four as on the Mercator map. The spelling of some of the names would indicate that an Italian map had been copied. The map of South America has again been changed; the west coast extends in an almost direct south-southeast line to the western entrance of the Strait of Magellan. The most interesting changes have taken place in the Philippine- Japan area. Here we see plainly the influence of maps of the Vaz Dourado type in the same shape of Japan, in even the small Ladrones off the east coast, and in other of their peculiarities, including the names taken from them by Mercator. Above Japan a large Isla de Plata has been inserted. In spite of this resemblance to Vaz Dourado's maps we do not find his nomenclature on the northwest coast. From Mendocino south a number of new names have been inserted, all descriptive except the R. de San Juan in about 38J°. The Cabrillo names which previously had appeared between 30° and 33° have been moved up to above 40°. Mercator's fabled towns on the coast have disappeared, as well as the names of the islands and Costa Blanca. The Gulf of California is of an entirely different form. The origin of the new nomenclature is a mystery. The opinion has at times been expressed that this map, and those of Plancius and Hondius to be considered below, were derived from some now unknown exploration. Aside from the fact that the character of these new names, almost entirely descriptive, is an indication of imaginary origin, there is no record of any voyage along the coast from which the names might have been obtained. No expedition had appeared on the coast, to our knowledge, between 1542 and 1589 except that of Pedro de Unamuno. If Unamuno made a map it certainly looked nothing like this one, and he certainly would have put on it San Lucas, the port he had discovered and named. A more convincing evidence of their imaginary character is the fact that no such coast exists and consequently could not have been explored. Cabo Mendocino is actually in about 124° W of Greenwich, only some fourteen degrees west of Cabo San Lucas. On the Maris Pacifici (156) of Ortelius it is in almost 180° W and C. de Trabaios, the point on the coast farthest west, is in about 183° W. In other words, this part of the northwest coast of America extends into the Pacific Ocean about sixty degrees too far. 74 Cartography of the Northwest Coast of America A map of America engraved by Franciscus Hogenberg and another like it said to have been made by Giovanni Battista Mazza (159) and published in Venice are extant, the latter reproduced by Muller, who dated it 1584. Hogenberg's map (152), which is dated 1589, contains the nomenclature of the map we are considering beyond the Rio Bravo in 41° and might therefore be thought to be the original on which Ortelius drew. Unfortunately for Muller's theory Hogenberg's and Mazza's maps display the name Virginia, a name not given until 1585. Even on the Ortelius map the older name, Wingandekoa, is still used. There is a curious duplication of names on the west coast, indicating that Hogenberg copied not only Ortelius' map of 1589 but also his America of 1587 (147); in fact, but for the added names from the Maris Pacifici (156) this is of Mercator type. His legends seem to be somewhat earlier than those of the Ortelius map simply because they are less abbreviated. He also used the Ortelius map Nova Hispania (119) of 1579. CHART 5—Place Names [Reading from north to south] Mercator—1569 (75) Ortelius—1570 America (80) Ortelius—1587 America (147) Grandes Corrientes B. de los Estrechos C. de Trabaios C. Mendocino Quiuira Rio Grande B.de los primeros Cicuic P. Sardinas Ya del riparo Costa blanca Cazanesins. Baia de los fuegos C. de crus Ins. Cedri C. del ingano Los diamantes Baia de la trinidad C. Califormia Ortelius—1587 Typus (148) Ortelius—1589 Maris Pacifici (156) Quiuira Sierra neuada Cicuic Quiuira Sierra neuada B. de los Estrechos C. Mendocino Rio Grande S. Michel Bahia de Pinaz Cazones Ins. Cedri C. del ingano Baia de la trinidad Grandes Corrientes 58° N R. de los Estrechos Cde Trabaios C. Mendocino 48° N Costa Brava Bahia hermosa Tiguex Monro hermoso Po de sardinas costa blanca baia de los f uegos P. Sardinas Costa blanca ya del riparo Cazonesins: Baia de los fuegos Cdecrus P. de Sardinas P. de S. Michel Baia de los isleos B. hermosa Plaia y del riparo Casenesinsula Punta de pocicion Baia de Pinas Baia de fuegos Rio bravo Cdecruz C del engano ins: Cedri C. del ingafio B.de S.Juan Rio Bravo 35" N baia la Trinidad Pto de S. Lucas Baia de la trinidad Cabo bianco Cabo del Engano Tierradelaspalmas Islas hermosas C. California, alys punta de vallenas C. California Islas de los diamantes C. de Calif ormia The change made by Ort move toward putting it in sora on the Mercator map, it was r the southwestern cape of the peninsula was a Dosition. Instead of being in about 24l£° E, as 7£° E, or 102£° west of the Ptolemaic meridian Gerard Mercator's "Carta Marina" (75) 75- running through the Canaries. This meridian was generally supposed at that time to be twelve and a half or thirteen degrees west of Toledo, which was itself nearly five degrees west of Greenwich. Relative to the meridian of Greenwich, then,- Ortelius located- his C. de California in 120° W. Actually Cabo San Lucas, as it is now called, is only in 110° W, so Ortelius still had his cape ten degrees too far west. As previously explained, at least half of this excess was occasioned by the location of the City of Mexico that much too far west. We thus see that Ortelius did not confine himself to exploiting the geographical conceptions of Mercator. Even in the first edition of his atlas he had introduced new maps, and as time went on he continued to bring out others. Some of these bear the names of the authors, but some do not. The assumption that the latter were drawn by Ortelius himself seems hardly justifiable. He was essentially a map publisher, obtaining reliable maps where he could, or at least such as he thought to be reliable, and having them engraved under his supervision. In the process he may have made some changes which perhaps he considered entitled him to appear as the possible author by the simple device of omitting the name of the real one. From now on, we find two types more or less established for this coast: the Mercator type, because of the great currency given to his maps; and one which might be denominated the Hakluyt type, although in reality this is very similar to that of Ortelius of 1564. Why it is that the mind of man is so constituted that when alternatives are presented he will almost invariably choose the one that is most incorrect, is a psychological problem which I shall not attempt to fathom. Of all the numerous maps published in the course of the century following 1589 which were not modified by the discoveries of Vizcaino, hardly one will be found which does not follow in some modified form the Mercator type. The names were sometimes different, but the general configuration of the coast was the same with some modifications. Occasionally all of Gomara's Cabrillo names were used and sometimes new ones. It would be useless to attempt to enumerate all the maps of the Mercator type which made- their appearance from 1570 onward. Many of them will be found in the list of maps entered simply because they have been frequently mentioned. There were two map publishers, however, Corneille de Jode and Jacob Floriz van Langren, whose maps deserve some consideration. Jode published a. map of the world on a plane projection of Mercator type in 1589 (155), or at least it bears that date. It is generally found, if not always, in the Speculum orbis terrae published in Antwerp in 1593. In this work were also included two polar maps, one apparently copied from the Septen- trionalium of Mercator (170). Both were of Mercator type. An edition of the Speculum had been issued in 1578, which I have not seen. The maps were engraved by Gerard de Jode. Van Langren was a Dane. Dr. E. L. Stevenson describes one of his globes dated 1585, which I have been unable to locate (141). A few years ago, however, one dated 1589 appeared (155a) which is of unusual interest. Van Langren's globe of 1612 was already known (258). A comparison of the two indicates that the one of 1612 is simply a later edition of that of 1589, with some changes. The legend about wild horses, sheep, and cattle appears in North America on the 1589 globe, possibly for the first time. Although it is generally of Mercator type we find on it a number of names on the northwest coast which hitherto have not been found earlier than on the 1590 map of Plancius (163). Dr. W. Voorbeijtel-Cannenburg, the Director of the Amsterdam Nederlandsch Scheep- vaart Museum, seems to think that Van Langren and Plancius both used the same original and cites other evidence to support this conclusion. The problem is an interesting one, the more especially as in the same year, 1589, both Ortelius and Hogenberg had put out new types of maps of the northwest coast. In 1592 Van Langren obtained a privilege from the States General of the Netherlands for his globes, and it may be that in spite of the date 1589 on the globe which we are considering it might not have been issued until 1592. If so, we can easily account for the Plancius names on it. However, Dr. Voorbeijtel-Cannenburg, who describes the 1589 globe, does not mention the fact that 76 Cartography of the Northwest Coast of America any privilege is to be found on it. There are in existence later issues of Van Langren's globe dated 1616(270) and 1625 (300). Another and perhaps the most interesting map of this period (168) also based on Mercator, is the manuscript one drawn by Christian Sgrooten, as his name is usually spelled. It is in four parts and, according to Dr. Karpinski, who photographed it, seems to measure all told 121.6x97.5 cms. The title is as follows: Praeseti tabula totius terrae hemisphaerium Arcticum instar medietatis pilae palmariae in duas partes aequales divisae atque extesae lustrandu oculis sublicitur cu gnomone sursu et deorsum mobili elevationem poli indicante. Sgrooten was apparendy employed by the Spanish government to make a set of maps. Wauwermans, in a note about him, states that in 1595 Philip II wrote to Cardinal Albert to find out what had become of Sgrooten's maps, indicating that he was probably living in Cologne or Calcar near Cleves. He ordered the Cardinal to pay him his back pension and to try to recover the documents. The Cardinal soon informed the King that the maps, thirty- eight in number, were in his possession and that the pension had been paid. This volume is now in the Biblioteca Nacional, Madrid, and the map which we are describing is contained in it. It is difficult to ascribe any date to the map, but it is obviously after 1577, for it shows the results of the second Frobisher expedition, which took place in that year. After the dedication in the text to Philip II there is a statement that the map was finished in 1592. It may be that a more detailed examination of the map would disclose traces of later discoveries. It is one of the most beautiful maps ever drawn and has more the appearance of being engraved than of being a manuscript. Mercator's names are found on the northwest coast of America and his elbow in Chile, and as none of the additions made by Ortelius in 1587 are apparent it may perhaps be assumed that it was made sometime between 1577 and 1587. Notwithstanding the obvious copying of Mercator's map, Sgrooten did not hesitate to make use also of that of Ortelius of 1564 (63). He left Japan and the Moluccas in almost the same position that they occupy on that map, and instead of copying Mercator's strait at the north of America and his polar islands he adopted a large open sea in which he placed Nova Anglia, that is, the land discovered by Frobisher. The most noticeable improvement on the map is in that of the northwest coast of America, which bears some resemblance to its actual shape, the excessive longitude of the Mercator map being eliminated. The result of this was to reduce Mercator's width of the continent between Cape Race and about the latitude of Mendocino from about one hundred and fifty degrees to about one hundred and thirty degrees, the same as that shown on the Ortelius map of 1564. Having taken off, however, this twenty degrees, he added to the northwest coast of the Ortelius map enough to increase the length of California to about 40°. The result of the shortening of the eastern part of the continent was to place Mexico City in about 102° W of Greenwich. When we come to the Philippine area and Japan we find a very curious condition. The latter country is highly developed, being covered with names which make me suspect that Sgrooten copied some map made by the Jesuits. In spite of this, it is in much too low a latitude, the Tropic of Cancer crossing the lower end of the island which he denominated Cangoxima, and the islands bear very little resemblance to their actual position and shape. The Philippines do not exist at all. There are a few islands between the Equator and 10° N Lat., one of which, labeled "Batachina," seems to be intended for Mindanao. As for the rest, except for Selano of obvious Magellan origin, they are simply unrecognizable. It is difficult to see how anyone could make a map after 1577 and not put on it a better delineation of these islands. China is covered with names and rivers, mostly in entirely incorrect latitudes as far as they can be recognized. The wide strait separating Asia from America has no name, but Anian appears on the American side. Nearly south of Sumatra and extending from almost 20° to nearly 40° S Lat. is a huge country labeled "Java Maior," sufficiently detailed to make one believe that it was a real discovery. A huge Ceylon named Taprobana also appears on the map. The atlas contains another map showing northeast America of entirely different type. Chapter VII THE NORTHWEST PASSAGE REVIVED The revival in England of interest in the Northwest Passage as an easy way to reach the riches of the East seems to date from about the time of the appearance of the Ortelius map of 1564 (63). Interest in the subject had been aroused by accounts of these riches published by Ramusio in 1550 and by Richard Eden in 1555. Attention was directed at first to the Northeast Passage, but this route proved not to be feasible. The appearance of the Ortelius map with its wide open sea north of America and with comparatively short straits at both ends was bound to attract notice. As early as 1566 a movement was under way to try out this route. Sir Humphrey Gilbert seems to have been interested in it, but nothing was accomplished. Dr. John Dee in his Mathematical Preface to Euclid states that in 1567 Gilbert was ready to attempt a discovery either by Cape Paramantia (one of Ortelius' names) or easterly—thus establishing a clear connection between Gilbert and the Ortelius map. In 1573 the subject was revived and in the following year Gilbert and others petitioned the Queen for permission to undertake an enterprise "for the Discovery of sundry Riches and unknown lands." This application seems to have borne fruit; preparations were begun to send out an expedition, and these were carried on during 1575 and the early part of 1576. Martin Frobisher was appointed to the command and departed in June of the latter year. The movement was productive not only of various memorials, but also of a pamphlet written by Gilbert and published in 1576, his Discourse of a Discoverie of a new passage to Cataia. In this a map (107) was inserted based on Ortelius' map of 1564. Meanwhile,'of course, Mercator's map of 1569 (75) had appeared, but it is plain that the promoters of these voyages paid little attention to it. The reasons are not far to seek. Mercator's Northwest Passage did not appear so easy to navigate as that of Ortelius. Gilbert did not mention this fact in his pamphlet, but Richard Willes did in the following year in his addition to a new edition of Richard Eden's work. A great deal of argument was wasted by the proponents of this enterprise in endeavoring to prove that America was an island, and not only were the Ortelius and Mercator maps brought forward in support of the theory, but also those of Zaltieri of 1566 (69), of Forlani of 1574 (98), and, strangely enough, of Gastaldi himself. It is plain from this that Gastaldi's new views were well known in England. The maps now to be considered have little value except as illustrative of the ideas of those who were seeking the shortest possible route to Cathay. The Gilbert Map (107) Gilbert's pamphlet was just a piece of promotion literature and the map (107) published with it may be presumed to represent his views. As stated previously, it is nothing but a copy in outline of the Ortelius map of 1564 (63), almost without names. Si: Nevada is shown in the middle of the western strait, just as on the Ortelius map, but whoever made this map moved Quivira a little farther to the east. [77] 78 Cartography of the Northwest Coast of America Dr. John Dee's Polar Map (109) In April, 1928, a sale took place at Sotheby's in London of some books and manuscripts from the library of Lord Leconfield, many of which had once belonged to Henry Percy, the Earl of Northumberland, who was a friend of Sir Walter Raleigh and associated with him in some of his enterprises. Among the manuscripts was a map on a north polar projection which contains the autograph signature of Sir Humphrey Gilbert and a cabalistic device which has been ascribed to Dr. John Dee, with the word "fecit" after it. The map is certainly one of the most curious ever made, very worthy of the hand of the visionary Dr. Dee. Most of the geographical fables about the Northwest Passage current from 1550 to 1600 are displayed on it, with just enough of the accurately located parts of the world to which to tie them. Surrounding the pole are Mercator's four islands and on the northwest coast of America in 40° we find his city of Quivira and just above it on the same coast Sierra Nevada. South from 40° the coast is generally of the type of Ortelius'1564 map (63). On this map we see depicted four ways to reach the fabled East: one known as the Northeast Passage; another, the Northwest Passage; another, a route by a river now known as the St. Lawrence to -a large lake, and then out of that lake by a rio s. peiro to the upper end of the Mare Bermegio, .that is, the Gulf of California; and a fourth connection direcdy south over ten degrees of latitude from about opposite Saguenai on the St. Lawrence in 50° to a "Mare de Verazana, 1524." On the east side of this sea is an isthmus in about 36° connecting what would be New Spain with the province Auacal, or perhaps Apalchin, as this is the name nearest the isthmus. Northwest of Florida and between this and the Mare Verazana there is what I suppose could be called a very large lake from which one river empties into the Atlantic north of Florida in about 32° and another into what ■would be the Gulf of Mexico. The isthmus is very narrow, intended I think for the real Verrazano isthmus in about 37^ . From the St. Lawrence another channel or canal extends from near Hoche- laga northwest to another large lake, which has a connection with the Arctic Ocean similar to that of the one north of Florida with the Adantic. The through route by way of the river doing duty for the St. Lawrence and the rio s. peiro is the most curious of all. The latter river is no doubt the one shown on Mercator's map (75) as passing through Ceuola, the source of which is in the same spot as that of the river now known as the St. Xawrence, which descends through Canada. About all Dee added was the lake shown west of Hoche- laga. Mercator's river was named the Tiguas, the San Pedro being another farther south. Why Dee shifted the name I cannot imagine. Before 1560 a fable arose about some sailors ascending a river somewhere on the northeast coast for two hundred leagues, and then another river another two hundred leagues, to where they found a city the inhabitants of which were partly civilized. They did not continue on to the Pacific, but returned the way they had come and finally emerged into the Adantic somewhere in the Bacalaos region. The "Mare de Verazana, 1524," the fourth waterway across the continent, was left by Dee very much in its position on the original Maiollo map (IX) on which it first appeared, but as Mercator displayed a continent for a long distance north of the limit of the land shown on that map, Dee was •obliged to leave the "Mare" as an inland sea extending in a general southwesterly direction across almost the entire continent to debouch into the Pacific and with a connection through the strait at the west of Auacal with the St. Lawrence as previously explained. One can hardly avoid seeing in this curious representation an echo of one of the fable3 set forth by Fray Andres de Urdaneta in his memorial presented to the Viceroy of New Spain in 1560. Briefly he stated that the French had discovered a passage in the latitude of 70° or more through which they passed into the Sea of the West. On their return they followed the coast of the land of Florida on the north side and found an outlet into the Atlantic in a latitude lower than 50°. Perhaps Gilbert received this information also from Salvaterra, who related in Ireland in 1568 'he story of the return of Urdaneta through the The Northwest Passage Revived 79 Northwest Passage. To Urdaneta Florida meant the entire eastern part of the continent north at least as far as the Bacalaos, whereas to Dee and Gilbert Florida only meant the east coast possibly as high as Chesapeake Bay. Dee's conception is shown on his map where perhaps the large lake shown between Apalchin and Florida represents some vague idea of that bay. Obviously what we have here is a collection of possible routes by which to reach the South Sea based on all the fables Dee could find, modified as some of them had to be by the appearance of maps showing a continuous continental body even higher than 45°. It is just such a sketch as might have been presented to a council in 1575 or 1576 which had under consideration the forthcoming voyage of Frobisher. That it was used for such a purpose I think is certain. In 1577 Dr. Dee wrote a book, General and Rare Memorials Pertaining to the Perfect Art of Navigation. That he was interested not only in the general subject but also in the Northwest Passage is evident from one of Michael Lok's effusions on the subject printed on page 90 of the Hakluyt Society's edition of Frobisher's Voyages. From this we learn that Lok, while promoting the first Frobisher voyage, met Dee in May, 1576. Later at another meeting Martin Frobisher and some others were also present. Lok displayed his maps and then Dr. Dee exhibited his. Lok was already acquainted with Gilbert and refers to his Discourse which he put into print in May, 157 [6]. We may infer from a letter of Bernardino de Mendoza dated June 3, 1578, and printed in the Spanish Calendar that Simon Fernandez must have been in England for some time, as Mendoza wrote that he had done the King of Portugal a great deal of harm since he had been there. The occasion for this letter was the approaching departure of Gilbert with an expedition that Mendoza believed was destined to plunder the West Indies. We thus see that about 1576 and 1577 Lok, Gilbert, Dee, and Fernandez were in close contact, and Dee, before he made this map, doubtless had already seen that of Fernandez which in all human probability the latter had brought from Portugal. What more fitting time could there have been for Dee to produce his map than at these conferences in 1576? Note that Frobisher's discoveries in that year are not shown on it, in spite of the fact that Dee was pointing out the various possible passages to the South Sea, and Frobisher was supposed to have discovered one—at least he thought so when he first returned. Dee's polar map has been assigned to about the year 1583 in the sale catalogue and in an article in the Geographical Journal for September, 1928. The resemblance between his map and that of Michael Lok printed in Hakluyt's Divers Voyages in 1582 (131), a resemblance which was advanced in that article as a good argument from which to date the map after the appearance of Lok's, is wholly illusory. Even the particular point brought forward, the Mare de Verazana, as the characteristic representation on both maps, is misleading. Although the Mare appears on each map, it is shown in totally different ways; Lok's is copied from the general run of maps of that type, whereas that of Dee is a conception peculiarly his own—so far as one can judge. Lok also took as his model the map of Michael Tramezini of 1554 (31) and made the necessary modifications to suit his purpose. This purpose was to show the feasibility of the Northwest Passage, and perhaps he added the Mare de Verazana to provide an alternative route. Richard Willes, in the additions to his edition of Richard Eden's History of Traveyle published in 1577, speaks of different maps and among others of that of Cabot, not the one printed in 1544 (10), which he also mentions, but another which must have been made much earlier. On page 197 of Volume VII of Hakluyt, Willes alludes to a discourse of navigation by Cabot and to a map made by his own hand in which the eastern entrance of the Northwest Passage was laid down between 61° and 64° N and at about 318° E. This passage, however, continued west for about ten degrees with about the same breadth and then turned more to the south, finally ending in the South Sea at the Tropic of Cancer, where it was eighteen degrees wider than at the beginning. This conception of a strait resembles in some Iff go Cartography of the Northwest Coast of America respects the Mare de Verazana on the Dee map, especially the direction and the end of it at the Tropic of Cancer although the entrance is in a lower latitude than 61°. The other arguments in the Geographical Journal brought forward to support the supposed date of 1583 are of little weight. The water mark on the paper is acknowledged by Mr. Heawood, the author of the article, to have been used also for a map dated 1578, and although Dee may have made a polar map in 1583, the title of it as given in the list of his writings is entirely inapplicable to the one which we are considering. The George Best Map (112) George Best inserted in his True Discourse of the Three Voyages of Discoverie for the finding of a Passage to Cathaye, published in 1578, another sketch map designed to show Frobisher's discoveries. Here we see Mercator's idea of the north with the name of his strait changed to "Frobisher's Straightes." Best, or whoever made the map, did not accept Mercator's conception of the vast extension of the northwest coast to the west; that obviously would put the sought-for South Sea too far away. We therefore find the Straight of Anian only about one hundred and ten degrees removed from the eastern extremity of the continent instead of one hundred and thirty degrees as on Mercar tor's own map. The author of the map chopped the extra twenty degrees off the west side of America. Michael Lok's Map (131) ais Div i Voy tap, dra Richard Hakluyt inser was made by Michael Lok according to the Vei As we have seen, Lok was one of the principal pre Verrazana, 1524," is a conspicuous feature of d Maiollo map (IX). Discoveries had been made, I what Lok really did was to copy Tramezini's map He lowered Tramezini's north coast line of Amei into correspondence with the Verrazano type ar really been discovered; in fact, it shows a little m is no appearance of land to the west in the twenl ships, one west of the continent in about 48° with £ here to the Moluccas in fifty days in 1518. The ol nected by a bracket with the other ship we might consider it to be referred to in another legend as having been in the neighborhood in 154 sents Drake's Golden Hinde, as the legend also states that the Englisr. Quivira appears on the Pacific coast in 44° and Sierre Nevada on the latitude, just as on Dee's map (109). d in 1582, a map which he asserted en in the possession of a Mr. Locke. Frobisher voyages. The "Mare de very similarly to that on the original wever, since Maiollo's and Verrazano's time and (31) with modifications to suit his own purpose. pa twenty degrees to bring his map more nearly I yet show all of northwest America that had re. Everything north of this is ocean and there degrees of longitude shown, but there are two legend that it is a Spanish ship which sailed from er is shown off Sie Nevada and as it is con- a Spar ish ship which is ossibly, however, it repre re off t ss coast in 1580. ic coast in about the same ! Mare Bei We have seen that on Tramezini's map (31) t about 37°. On this map we find it extended to 45° and then turning back slighdy south of east for a few degrees more. The bend is within about one degree of the Sierre Nevada and consequently the Arctic Ocean. C. Californio is attached to the southernmost cape and above is S. Croce. On the Pacific side there are no names but C. Inganno and Cedri. In. Chapter VIII ENGLISH MAPS OF SPANISH ORIGIN Something has already been said about the traces of Spanish maps found on the Mercator map of 1569 (75). No dated map of direct Spanish origin showing the northwest coast appeared after 1551 for a long time. The Vatican map of 1562 (60) ends at about the middle of Lower California and the later maps derived from it go no farther. Even the existing Portuguese maps made during this period, except that of Andre Homem (42), exhibit only imaginary geography. The inference is rather convincing that the Spanish government did not permit such maps to be made. The ships on the Acapulco-Manila route had to have charts, and some of these, certainly those of the westbound route, were captured by Sir Francis Drake off the coast of Central America in the spring of 1579. Such charts did not necessarily contain any delineation of the northwest coast; it would only be those used on the eastbound voyages that would show it. I have never seen any satisfactory evidence that maps of obvious English origin produced later in the century were based on Drake's maps, either such as he made himself of the northwest coast or some that he had captured; an examination of them will invariably show that they had some other origin. In November, 1587, Sir Thomas Cavendish captured an eastbound galleon off Cabo San Lucas. If the captain lacked the foresight to throw his charts overboard Cavendish undoubtedly found some of the northwest coast on the ship, and statements have frequendy been made that later maps were based on just such charts. This has been the case notably respecting those of this part of the coast in Robert Dudley's Arcano del Mare issued in the following century. It is impossible, however, to detect on Dudley's maps, except on the one based on Vizcaino's discoveries (350), anything on any part of the northwest coast which looks as though it might have been obtained from a genuine Spanish chart. The origin of his delineation and nomenclature must be sought elsewhere. John Dee's Map (120) Among the treasures in the British Museum is a large manuscript map on a sort of polar projection which bears an inscription at the top: Ioannes Dee anno 1580. That Dee had anything to do with the map beyond possibly translating some of the inscriptions into Latin or writing them himself is doubtful. There is a notation on the back that he had it drawn from a map lent to him by Simon Fernandez, to whom I have already alluded in discussing the Gilbert map (107). Fernandez was a Portuguese, but his map was Spanish—a fact plainly discernible from the drawing of the meridian through Toledo and the almost entirely Spanish nomenclature. He probably had brought it with him to England as early as 1576 and consequently it must have been of earlier date still. It covers the territory north of the Equator between a meridian drawn ten degrees east of Toledo and one a hundred and eighty degrees west. A few names on the northwest coast are of Ulloa and Cabrillo origin, some of them in their Italian form, suggesting that this part might have been copied from an Italian map. The shape and trend of the peninsula, however, are not Italian. A curious feature is the break in the southern coast of Mexico just about south of the City of Mexico, the result obviously of setting down two sets of discoveries, one from the east which carried the coast [81] 82 Cartography of the Northwest Coast of America line too far south, and the other from the north or from Mexico which ended at the Gulf of Tehuan tepee and carried the coast line too far north. The longitudes at the end are almost the same but they are six degrees of latitude apart. The southeastern cape is still styled "Califormia" as on the Gutierrez map (58), but the longitudinal width of California from the southwestern cape to the point where the 40th parallel crosses the coast line, which incidentally is the point farthest west, is only about twenty degrees. The coast line extends north to about 44° and then all is open ocean to near the Pole, where we seem to see Mercator's islands. Only names on the coast appear in America, with the exception of a few in Mexico and South America and along the St. Lawrence River. In what is shown of Europe, however, these are numerous. The Galapagos Islands are duplicated. Aside from this and a few other errors this map is the best of Spanish North America which had yet been produced. There is hardly a name which appears in a corrupted form. The only evidence of any Portuguese influence is on the northeast coast, where a name is occasionaUy found as spelled in Portuguese or with a Portuguese article or preposition. Hakluyes Map of 1587 (145) In Richard Hakluyt's edition of Peter Martyr's De Orbe Novo published in Paris in 1587 there is a map of outstanding interest. The meridian passes through Toledo, an almost certain indication that the original was a Spanish map. There are other indications on the map to a similar effect. The mouth of what is the Colorado River has been moved down in latitude to 31° or 32° and the south end of the peninsula has been moved up one degree. The map is small, too small to be of much geographic value. It covers that part of the world which lies between 10° E Long, west to 210° W Long. No Antarctic continent is shown on it and Japan is removed at least forty-five degrees from the American coast, which extends to about 58° N Lat., where a faint conjectural line is drawn westward to Asia. The width of California in longitude between Cabo San Lucas and the westernmost part is only twenty degrees and the southeast point of California is only about eighteen degrees from Mexico City. The continent between Cape Race and where Cabo Mendocino should be is ninety- two degrees wide. On the 40th parallel it is only seventy degrees wide and here, near the Pacific Coast, is located Quivira. The only other names on this coast are: P. de Sardinas in about 36°, the C. del Engano in about 30°, and the Punch! Californias for Cabo San Lucas. Only a few names are shown on the mainland coast: S. Michel, P. Nativit, P. S. Jacobj [Santiago], and Acapulco. A feature of the map afterwards found on others is the large lake in Nvevo Mexico (probably the first appearance of the name on a map) and another smaller one slighdy southeast of it. In North America above the 60th parallel is the Mare dulce and below it in about 52° is the name Conibas without any lake. Although Quivira is shown quite close to the coast, Tiguex has been removed to the interior. The Philippines are so named but are in a quite primitive state with the remains of the old Vaz Dourado coast line of Luzon. The Japanese islands differ from their delineation on Portuguese maps and the Solomon Islands are not shown. There are numerous legends on the map, small as it is, and two of these have a direct connection with the Drake expedition. One is the name for some islands at the south end of South America called "Elizabeth Islands," said to have been discovered in 1579, and "Nova Albion," said to have been discovered by the English in 1580. Both these statements are erroneous, each being one year too late. As Hakluyt was presumably familiar with Drake's voyage, and as he certainly must have been responsible for putting the legends on the map, we have the singular condition of finding erroneous statements about the Drake expedition on what is almost certainly the first map to show signs of it. Much speculation has been indulged in with respect to the initials "F. G. S." in what seems to be the dedication at the bottom of the map, dated: Paris Kalends of May, 1587. As the book was published in Paris it would be reasonable to suppose that the map had been engraved there, but no English Maps of Spanish Origin 83 engraver with initials as just given has yet been found. I have a theory that Hakluyt, who evidently had Spanish friends, obtained a map from one of them and had it engraved with such additions about English discoveries as he thought suitable. The original had certainly been made but very shortly before 1587; the lake in New Mexico and the name prove that. This lake and the one southeast of it must have been obtained from the report of Antonio de Espejo printed in Madrid in 1586 in Juan Gonzalez de Mendoza's Historia de la China. This account was separately printed at the expense of Hakluyt in Paris in 1586, and it was also at Hakluyt's suggestion translated into French and published in Paris in 1587. In a letter to Raleigh from Paris, Hakluyt refers to Andre Homem as being engaged on an Espejo map for him. It thus appears likely that the map was intended to illustrate the account of the Espejo expedition which he was about to publish. It was probably not ready in time, so Hakluyt inserted it in his edition of the De Orbe Novo, with the text of which it has no connection whatever. What Espejo did not say, however, was that the outlet of the large lake was into the Gulf of California. Nevertheless, it so appears on the map, with another emptying into the Pacific in about 42°. The first river became the famous Rio del Norte of the Briggs map after appearing on Tatton's map without a name. Other curious features of the map are three rivers in what is now the center of North America, flowing north without any sea into which to empty. The Molyneux Globe (166) Again in 1592 we have on an English map unmistakable evidence that the maker had in his possession some Spanish map of even later date than the one employed by Hakluyt. In the Middle Temple, in London, there are two globes, one terrestrial, the other celestial, each 26 inches in diameter, believed to be the largest which had been made up to that time. There is a statement on the maps that they were engraved by Emery Molyneux and were published at the expense of William Sanderson. Sanderson was a London merchant of considerable repute and, judging from contemporary statements that he also had an edition of these globes made in smaller size, there is every probability that he engaged in this affair as a business enterprise, in other words, as a publisher. On the celestial globe, in a cartouche, is found a statement that it was engraved by Jodocus Hondius in 1592. This, of course, need not entirely convince us that he also engraved the map on the terrestrial globe, but from statements subsequently made by him it appears likely. Robert Hues, who wrote a book in 1594 about the globes, states that they were not produced until 1593, and this agrees with the statement of Hondius in 1600 that he had engraved a globe map in that year. The maps were undoubtedly engraved in gores and then pasted on wooden globes. The terrestrial map has different •colors for different countries, such as New France, Virginia, and Florida, and Drake's route around the world is shown by a line originally red and that of Cavendish by a heavier blue line. No satisfactory photograph of the map on the terrestrial globe has ever been published, but I am convinced that for all practical purposes a map engraved by Benjamin Wright for John Blagrave and published in 1596 (181) is a copy of it, although on a peculiar polar or zenithal projection. Blagrave was obliged to omit most of the legends on account of the small size of his map, but the latitudes and longitudes of places in the Northern Hemisphere agree with those given in a table on the latitudes and longitudes of the globe as published in the edition of the Hues Globis printed in Heidelberg in 1613. A few extracts from this table will be of interest. The prime meridian on the globe passes through St. Michael in the Azores, located 25° 15' W of London. This is almost the correct distance; so, revising the figures given, to correspond with longitudes from Greenwich, we find that Cape Race is in 51° W Long, (actual 52° 54'), Cabo Mendocino in 153° W Long, and Cabo Espiritu Santo in the Philippines in 135° 20' E Long, (actually, 125° 3C E). We thus see that th*width of the continent between Cape Race and Mendocino is 102° as against the actual width of 72° 03', and the width of the Pacific about 71° 30' instead of the actual width of 111°. The width of the continent is not ten 84 Cartography of the Northwest Coast of America degrees more than that on the Hakluyt map of 1587 (145), and the longitudinal difference between Cabo San Lucas and Cabo Mendocino is about twenty degrees, a little less than on that map. The vast improvement in this respect and in that of the width of the continent over maps of the Mercator or Plancius type is at once apparent. The proof that Molyneux possessed a Spanish map now unknown lies in the fact that he has introduced on the Peninsula of California, from some account of the Cabrillo voyage, two names, Possession and Santa Maria, which never appeared on any preceding known map. On the Blagrave map (181) Possession has by mistake been moved over to the gulf side of the peninsula. Cabo Mendocino is in about 42° of latitude and Cabo Nevado in 41°. Close to the latter on the coast is the town of Quivira. Proceeding south, we find the foUowing names: B. de Pinos in 40° 30', Cabo Formosa, Buena Vista in about 37° 30', P. de Sardinas in 37°, P. de Canoas in 36° 40', B. de Fumos in 36°, P. de San Miguel in 35°, Santa Maria in 34° 20', C. Formoso in 33° 33', Possession in 32° 20', Cedros in 29° 50', Puerto de los Reyes in 28° 40', Costa Poblada in 26° 5<Y, Punta de San Lucas in 23° 30', and Aguada Segura in 24°. The name California appears on the map in about 30°, Nova Albion in about 50°, with F. Dracus just below and the Sierra Nevadas in about 49° but nearly sixty degrees east of Cabo Mendocino. In this list appears the name Paiale, in 31° 2(f N Lat. and 241° 50' E Long., that is, close to Possession. I think there is a mistake in this as I do not recall ever having seen any such name on the Molyneux globe although I examined it carefully in 1923. The Isla de Paxaros is located in 28° and nearly six degrees west of Cedros. In the western part of the Pacific the discoveries of the Legaspi expedition are shown, including those of Alonso de Arellano, whose name appears attached to one of the islands. The Japan has much the appearance of that shown on the Vaz Dourado maps. The Philippine area is not well developed. In my Voyage of Sir Francis Drake around the World I have discussed this latter subject in connection with the route of Drake. The names shown on the northwest coast are mosdy those of Cabrillo or are descriptive names which might be inferred from the narrative. The Cabo Formoso is obviously an error for Hermoso, and as the latitudes are about one degree higher than those given by Cabrillo it should correspond to something in the neighborhood of 32° 3(y. There is no such cape here, however. The only one mentioned in that neighborhood by Cabrillo is Santa Maria, a name found on the globe two degrees farther north. It is possible, therefore, that Molyneux took this name from the Ortelius map of 1589 (156). I do not know what the Puerto de los Reyes represents. The Costa Sana and the Costa Poblada seem to have first appeared here, reminiscent perhaps of episodes which took place in the course of Cabrillo's voyage. The name Aguada Segura on the globe is a rather clear indication that Molyneux had obtained some information from Cavendish. Some years ago, Dr. F. C. Wieder in his Monumenta Carto- graphica reproduced a map of Spanish origin which had evidendy been brought back by Cavendish. Another, similar, was reproduced by Caraci in his Tabulae, I. It only reaches a litde beyond Cabo San Lucas. East of this is the Aguada Segura about in the position of San Jos6. The port is also mentioned by Pretty in his account of Cavendish's voyage. The Maps of Gabriel Tatton Tatton was an English cartographer of whom practically nothing is known, but on his printed map, now dated 1616 (218), he is described as a celebrated hydrographer. There was only one Tatton; at least, one man made all these maps, although some have tried to make out that there were two or three. In 1600 a map of his engraved by Benjamin Wright appeared (217), with the tide Maris Pacifici quod vulgo Mar del Zur. It differs somewhat from the Molyneux globe, noticeably so at the lower end of the Peninsula of California, which here extends due east and west for about eight degrees of longitude with P. de San Lucas in about the middle. Tatton used most of the names on the English Maps of Spanish Origin 85 northwest coast on the Molyneux globe (166) and added more of Cabrillo's names, perhaps an indication that Molyneux did not use all that he had found on his original map. The longitudinal difference between P. de San Lucas and Cabo Mendocino is about twenty-five degrees. Tatton's names on the northwest coast, reading from north to south, are as follows: C. Mendocino in about 40°, Neuado, B. de Cabrillo in about 38°, R. de Sardinas, B. de S. Miguell, P. de S. Pedro, P. dela Gallera in about 35° 30', R. Limpio, B. de Pescadores, C. de Cruz, B. de S. Matheo, C. del Engano, B. Enganosa, Passage, P. de los Reis, Aguada de Pozos, B. S. Martin, Ahumadas, Costa Poblada, Aguada Segura, P. de S. Lucas. On the Sonora side of the map are, for the most part, Ulloa names. A noticeable feature in this list is that Sardinas and San Miguel are both north of Galera and consequently out of place. Numerous islands are shown but not a single one is named. In Florence in the Biblioteca Nazionale there is a manuscript map (219) so similar to 217 that it might almost be supposed to be the original of the engraved map. On this the signature is: By Myn Gabriell Tatton van London Englishman—a plain indication that he was then living in Holland. .It extends almost to Bombay, whereas the printed map ends just west of Japan. Both have very marked resemblance to modern maps except for the undue extension of the southern coast of the Peninsula of California. On this map, however, we find several of the islands named: S. Ildefonsp opposite the P. de S. Pedro, San Augustin north of Cabo del Engano, Cedros in its proper place, and Abreojo for two islands just north of the P. de los Reis. A strange feature is a name Mirocomovas (that is, "Look where you are going"), apparently representing the shoals in the bay east of what would be Cabo San Lazaro. In addition to these are some other names not shown on the printed map, P. de las Canoas south of Gallera, another B. de S. Miguel in its proper place for San Diego, B. de Santa Anna just south of Cabo de Cruz, Laguna dlos Aples [Apostoles] opposite the Isla San Augustin, and Costa Sana with C. de Arrecifes. P. de San Lucas is shown near the far eastern end of the peninsula. North of this on the east side is P. de California, and still north the Islas Santiago and Perlas like the P. de California also in their relatively proper positions. On the Sonora side there is a different set of names, more like those on the Lopo Homem map (30) except for the few at the north end. The arrangement of the rivers entering the gulf is also different. These are three in number, all emptying near the same point in about 36°, and named from west to east Quivira, Alarcon, and Tizon. Below these is an island almost three degrees of latitude in length which reaches what was really the head of the gulf at a point named Ancones. It is curious to note that this island occupies almost the same position as the famous Isla de Gigante on the Briggs map of 1625 (295). It seems to have been taken from a map of Oronce Fine's on which the river was named the Coromara (Comara on 217). An island is also shown at the upper part of the gulf on 217, but it is of an entirely different shape and occupies an entirely different position. On both maps a line is drawn from C. Mendocino to the Anian Fretum, to which a legend is attached that this part is still to be discovered. The Anian Fretum, or Estrecho de Anian, as it is named on the manuscript map (219), is directly north of Japan in about 51°. Tatton has copied the lake in New Mexico and its river emptying into the Gulf of California from the Hakluyt map of 1587 (145). In the account of the voyage of Francisco Gali published by Linschoten in 1596 [1595] no mention is made of any places by name on the northwest coast except Cabo Mendocino, the islands of San Agustin and Cedros, and what he calls the island and banks of San Martin. It is a curious fact that on both these maps of Tatton all these places are shown, and in the same latitudes as given by Gali. It is also noticeable that Gali's Islas de Armenio Ricas de Plata appear on the map as two, thus agreeing with the statement in Gali's narrative, except that Gali did not say that the islands were rich in silver, but in gold. The islands rich in silver to which he referred were the Japanese islands. Still to be accounted for is the Cuimpango [Cumpango] Maior Rica de Oray y Plata. Gali does not mention this island, but it is apparently the Pago Maior to which Alonso de Arellano 86 Cartography of the Northwest Coast of America referred in his account of his voyage, no doubt nothing other than Zipangu, the fabulous Japan of the early part of the century. There are other names on the map derived from the Arellano account. The error in writing Oray or Oro (correcdy on the manuscript map) must have been made by the engraver. An interesting question arises: Did Tatton simply take these names from the Linschoten account, or did he see some map made by Gali from which he derived them? Here it may also be desirable to draw attention to the other curious fact that we have on these maps for the first time some names mentioned by Cermeno in his account of his expedition along this coast in 1595: B. de San Pedro, Baia de Pescadores, Baia Enganosa, and the Pasage between Natividad and the mainland. Probably Tatton had a map similar to the one Cermeno carried. I think even Cermeno's Cha- cala, a port north of Cabo Corrientes where he ended his voyage, is shown on the manuscript map as Cacvalla. Tatton published another map (218), which only extends on the west to C. del Engano. It was also engraved by Benjamin Wright and dated 1616, but the last two figures have been changed possibly from two ciphers. It has features of both of the others. The Molyneux Map of 1600 (224) If Molyneux drew this map, which I do not believe, he embodied in it but few of the notable improvements shown on his globe of 1592 (166); in fact, Plancius was his main guide. There are two issues of it, but without any differences beyond the insertion in the second issue of a legend about Drake near the Strait of Magellan. Japan and the Indian Archipelago are substantially the same as on the Plancius planisphere of 1592 (167) and so is the nomenclature of the northwest coast of America with the exception of a few names from the Ortelius maps of 1587 and 1589. The southwestern point of California is more than one degree too high and Cedros is nearly twenty-five degrees off the coast in 28° of latitude. In 1596 Linschoten had published in his Itinerario an account of the voyage of Francisco Gali from Macao to Acapulco and a translation of this is found jn Volume III of Hakluyt's Principall Navigations of 1600 in which the Molyneux map is sometimes found. Gali had very little to say about the northwest coast and the few places he mentioned by name are not shown on this map. What he did say, however, was that at the latitude of 38°, near where he sighted land, the distance to the east coast of Asia was about 1200 leagues, and that the distance between Cabo Mendocino and the southern point of California was hardly as much as 600 leagues, instead of the 1200 or 1300 usually shown on the maps. The maker of this map therefore attempted to adjust the position of the northwest coast to this statement and succeeded as far as the 1200 leagues was concerned, and perhaps the other as well, since he may have figured twenty leagues to a degree and thus reduced the longitude of California to thirty degrees as shown on the map. This made it necessary to shorten Plancius' coast line, in fact just about cut it in half, and of course this also naturally made necessary a change in the trend of the coast. This was done by taking out the various bends to the west in the Plancius map, so that the coast now trends almost due northwest instead of about west-northwest as on that of Plancius, Gali did not say anything about the width of the Pacific north of 38°, but the maker of the map took no chances on that and adhered to the- Spanish model of not showing anything north of Cabo Mendocino. The polar regions are left blank either for this reason or because the map is. drawn on Mercator's projection. The slight influence of Drake's expedition on English cartography is shown in the name Nova Albion just above Cabo Mendocino and in Queens Hand, the southernmost of a promiscuous group of islands south of the Strait of Magellan, both of which had first appeared on the Hakluyt Peter Martyr map of 1587 (145). In the selection of the Plancius map (167) instead of the Molyneux globe of 1592 (166) as the model for this part of the world, the maker was no doubt influenced by a very human motive, the desire to be up to date. When this map appeared no acdount had been published of any authentic discovery on the northwest coast of America after that of Ulloa except the very brief account of the- XVl—The Molyneux map of l(M JVo.224 English Maps of Spanish Origin 87 return voyage of the San Pedro in 1566 printed in Barcelona and an even briefer one of that of Francisco Gali. Between such conflicting maps as those of Molyneux and of Plancius it was practically impossible to make a wise choice. That of Plancius was the latest and bore every indication of having been based on actual discoveries. Perhaps there was another reason. Whoever drew the map may have thought that, one conception of the geography of the northwest coast having already been published in England, it was now advisable to publish the other, leaving the public to take its choice. This was a common attitude of map publishers in the seventeenth century. It has frequently been asserted that this map was in part based on information derived from Drake. It may be pertinent to inquire at this point just what evidence of Drake's expedition there is in cartography. We have already seen that on the Hakluyt Peter Martyr map of 1587 (145) there were some traces of the Drake expedition in the form of two legends giving erroneous dates. This was only two years before Hakluyt published in his Principall Navigations an account of that expedition in which the correct dates appear. There is somewhat convincing evidence that the Queen had forbidden any account of the expedition to be published, a prohibition not lifted until after the return of Cavendish. There is also some evidence that very incorrect information about the expedition was afloat and no good evidence has yet been produced that any map which shows any result of it whatever had been produced before Hakluyt published his, and even that was published in Paris. Some time after this, at some date unknown, a silver medal was cut, of which the American section was obviously copied from Hakluyt's map. It is of no importance except as containing the track of Drake's ship the Golden Hinde around the world. This is very incorrectly shown, as I have pointed out in my Drake's Voyage, where the whole question which I am now treating has been thoroughly ventilated. In 1589 Hondius engraved a map (154) of the Ortelius 1587 type with Hakluyt's islands at the south end of South America but with no reference to Nova Albion. In the same year he evidently engraved a larger map, known by a reissue in 1602 (153). On this map, which was copied from the Maris Pacifici (156) of Ortelius, the islands are also shown with the incorrect date and there is still no mention of Nova Albion. The prohibition against publishing anything on the voyage had by now been removed, however, and we again find Drake's track around the world on the Molyneux globe —if indeed this was not issued before the medal was cut. Nova Albion appears on this, but not the islands at the south. Molyneux had evidently adopted the Cavendish theory that these Drake islands did not exist but that theland south of the strait was continental. The next important piece of evidence bearing on the subject is the so-called "Hondius broadside" (176), generally supposed, for what reason I have never been able to discover, tohave been issued in Amsterdam in 1595. On this, Nova Albion has been lowered to the 40th parallel, and a legend about Drake is attached to it with the proper date. Drake's track around the world is shown and that is all that there is about Drake on it, except another legend about the cold weather in June in the latitude of 42°. The map itself is practically a copy of the Rumold Mercator map of 1587 (146) differently arranged, the prime meridian being at the center of the right-hand hemisphere instead of forming the division between the two hemispheres as it does on the Mercator map. The Antarctic continent is a prominent feature just as on Mercator's map but it has been removed sufficiently far from the south end of South America to make room for the islands that Drake said he had discovered. There are other changes, which I think were inspired by the accounts of the voyage published in 1589, but I see none on the northwest coast, nor anything to indicate that anything on that part could have been taken from any map made by Drake.. This map was copied in 1599 by Theodore de Bry (202) and published in his Americae Pars VIII. This is of no interest beyond establishing that the Hondius broadside had been published previously. In 1928 the Royal Geographical Society obtained one of these broadsides, with the portraits of Drake and Cavendish pasted on the back marked "fecit Londini" and signed by Hondius. This would seem to put the date of the broadside before 1595, even before 1594, and indicate that it had been issued in London. m 88 Cartography of the Northwest Coast of America I have also discussed at length in my Drake's Voyage the map published in 1641 (345) in the third edition of the French account of Drake's voyage taken from that of Hakluyt of 1589. There is nothing of Drake on this map besides his track around the world, except the islands at the south end of South America and Nova Albia in 50°, unless it may be the four islands close to the coast in about that latitude, which however, do not exist, although they appear on the Ortelius Typus Orbis Terrarum of 1587 (148). The legend about Drake turning about on account of the ice is found in the ocean just north of Japan. I have never been able to discover the original from which this map was made. In some respects it is of Mercator type, but the northwest coast has been shortened in longitude to not much more than twenty-five degrees. At the south end of South America it resembles the Hondius globe type of 1600 (216), as do the boundaries shown on it. The same map with a Dutch inscription in the upper left-hand corner appears to be earlier. Cuba, for example, occupies somewhat its proper position and shape, whereas on the French map its position is gready distorted. I refer anyone interested to my Drake's Voyage as the subject was treated there with greater length than it deserved, simply because the Hakluyt Society had been careless enough to reproduce as a sixteenth-century production the French map in Mrs. NuttaU's New Light on Drake. That it is not; it was, however, certainly based on sixteenth-century maps, many of which were in circulation in the seventeenth century. The only object the publisher had in issuing it was to illustrate the account by showing Drake's route around the world. The manifest inaccuracy of all the tracks of Drake's vessel on these various maps is a very clear indication that Drake himself had nothing to do with them. The probabilities are that the English government did not wish accurate information about the voyage to be published and was content to let the account issued in 1589 stand. This is more accurate in many respects than the World Encompassed published in 1628, but in the latter are inserted some slight, apparendy authentic geographic details, especiaUy of the route through the Moluccas. Nova Albion appeared on a few maps beginning in 1600, generally those of English origin, but the islands at the south end of South America soon faded away, to be replaced in different form when they were rediscovered by Schouten and Lemaire. The archipelago was not explored until a long time afterward, when Drake's supposition that it was an archipelago was confirmed. I use the word "supposition" advisedly because in my judgment he did not have sufficient information on which to base his assertion. It has frequendy been asserted that the map published by Joseph Moxon in 1655 (372) in bis edition of Edward Wright's Certaine errors in Navigation was copied from the Molyneux map of 1600 (224). The only resemblance between them, however, lies in the few names on Moxon's map which, except for the northernmost B. S. Anne, are also found on the 1600 map. These, however, as well as B. S. Anne are found on all Plancius-type maps. California is of the island type but without any of Briggs's names. The origin of the map is unknown but it seems to be a modification of an English manuscript map (279) in the possession of Francis Edwards, London. This map was drawn much earlier than 1655, being of the peninsular California type, and with the. long eastern trend of America north of Florida so common on early maps. It shows Lemaire's Strait, however, and must be later than 1617. The names on the northwest coast are the same as those on the 1655 map, and it is also drawn on Mercator's or Wright's projection. I should imagine it to be a copy, with additions, of one drawn by Wright himself about 1615, perhaps a litde earlier, as Baffin's discoveries of 1615- 16 are not shown on it. On the Moxon map the western part of America is moved east about ten degrees from its position on the Molyneux map. 1 -The "Edwards" map (reproduced by the kindness of Francis Edwards, Ltd.) No. 279 r^ Chapter IX LATER EXPLORATIONS OF THE SIXTEENTH CENTURY The occupation of the Philippines by a Spanish force under the command of Miguel Lopez de Legaspi in 1565 brought new problems with which the viceroys in Mexico and the government in Spain had to wresde for a long time. The constant supply of men necessary to make up for the excessive mortality in the islands, and the frightful loss of sailors and even passengers on the return route to New Spain created a never-ending demand for recruits. The trade which soon sprang up between the two countries was harmful to Spain^ even though it may have been advantageous to Mexico. Some inducement had to be offered to Spaniards to live in the islands and although the Spanish government at times restricted the trade and even attempted to stop it altogether it was obliged by the very nature of things to allow it to continue because it was essential to holding the islands. The voyages back from Manila to Acapulco took a long time, hardly ever less than four months, from the necessity of taking a northerly course from the islands in order to get into the region of the west winds. The first person to navigate the return route was one Alonso de Arellano, who had deserted Legaspi with a small vessel named the San Lucas before reaching the islands and managed to evade him after Legaspi reached them. He left the islands on his return before Legaspi had a chance to send back one of his own vessels. The voyage of Arellano, as he related it, is not wholly above suspicion, but he certainly came back to Mexico on some course. On the one which he declared he had followed he never saw the northwest coast until he reached the neighborhood of Cedros, after having, according to his own account, gained a latitude as high as 43°. He made a few discoveries of islands in the Pacific which in time appeared upon the maps. Legaspi himself sent back his largest vessel, the San Pedro, June 1, 1565. Fray Andres de Urdaneta sailed on her but left a very short account of the journey. The second pilot, Rodrigo de la Isla Espinosa, however, kept a log which is still extant. September 18, land was sighted in the neighborhood of 34 . Some doubt exists over the exact island which they saw. Urdaneta asserted that it was San Salvador (Cabrillo's name for the present Santa Catalina), but it is much more likely that it was either San Miguel or San Nicolas. October 1, the San Pedro was off Navidad. The voyage had lasted exactly four months; sixteen men had died, and all the rest were sick. It is plain from the memorials addressed by Urdaneta to the King before the expedition departed from New Spain that he was well acquainted with the discoveries of Cabrillo even if we had not the further evidence of that fact in his calling the island they first sighted "San Salvador" on their return voyage. It is probable, then, that he had a map showing Cabrillo's discoveries. In after years it was said that the chart which Urdaneta made during this expedition was in use on the returning Philippine galleons for a Jong time. No trace of such a chart is now known to exist, but there is no particular reason to doubt the statement. Richard Willes in his Certaine other reasons or arguments to proove a passage by the northwest (Hakluyt, VII, page 196) asserts that gentlemen of good credit had seen it. From the general resemblance of the nomenclature and configuration of the coast on Andre Homem's map of 1559 (42) to those on Tatton's map of 1600 (219), it may be surmised that the latter is in general a copy of some Spanish chart used in that navigation. [90] Later Explorations of the Sixteenth Century 91 Alvaro de Mendaiia, after discovering the Solomon Islands in 1568, undertook to return to Peru and late in December sighted the northwest coast in what his pilot said was 30°. He asserts that there were two small islands within a league of the mainland. From here a southeasterly course was taken and the vessel encountered a bay which was named "San Tome." It is stated that it was in N Lat. 27° 45'. Whether this bay was the Puerto de San Bartolome or one farther south, it is now impossible to determine. Pedro Sarmiento de Gamboa, who was in command of one of Mendana's vessels which had become separated from the others, later made various references to his voyage in which he asserted first that he had sighted the coast in 30° and many years later that he had run along the coast from 34°—which I take to have been exaggeration. As time went on, numerous disasters occurred on the return route and an idea grew up that it would be advisable to find some port advantageously located on the northwest coast where these vessels could stop if necessary. After 1575, the voyages became numerous, sometimes three or four vessels leaving Manila each year for Acapulco. Usually some of them were late and caused great anxiety in Mexico. No account of a return voyage is extant after 1565, when the San Pedro returned, until 1584,. when Francisco Gali sailed from Macao and sighted land in the neighborhood of 37^°. Before Gali reached Acapulco, December 17, the Viceroy had undertaken on his own authority to build two small vessels to make a reconnaissance of the northwest coast in search of an appropriate port. After consulting with Gali, however, he decided to abandon this plan and sent Gali back to Manila in the vessel in which he had come, the San Juan de Bautista, with orders and money to- fit the ship out in the islands or else buy a new one. Gali sailed from Acapulco March 25, 1585, but died in the islands before he could return. Pursuant to the instructions which had been issued to him to provide for such an emergency, Pedro de Unamuno was nominated to succeed him. A new- vessel was built, and this delayed Unamuno so that he did not leave Manila until the summer or fall of 1586, and then went to Macao, where she was taken away from him. He was able, however, to- obtain another one, quite small, and set sail from Macao July 12, 1587. From his account of the- voyage, which is extant, it appears that he reached a latitude as high as 39°. He sighted land finally in the neighborhood of Pt. Buchon and entered what is now known as Morro Bay just a little to the- north of that point. He named the port he discovered "San Lucas." After making a short expedition inland about as far as the present San Luis Obispo, he resumed his voyage south and reached* Acapulco November 22, 1587. The then viceroy, the Marques de Villamanrique, was not in sympathy with the object of these voyages and the Spanish government in Madrid postponed any further efforts until Luis de Velasco became viceroy and again took up the subject. In 1591 he stated that the navigation to and from the islands was giving him great concern, and especially the return, voyage. He wanted to have another expedition dispatched to that coast and to this the government: agreed on the 17th of January, 1594. The San Pedro was assigned for the purpose and Sebastian Rodriguez Cermeno was appointed her commander. Cermeno was a Portuguese pilot who had evidently been in Manila before. He sailed from Acapulco March 21, 1594, but after reaching the- Philippines the San Pedro was discarded and the governor persuaded Pedro Sarmiento, a well- known Philippine captain, to furnish the San Agustin for the purpose. She was a vessel of about 200 tons burden and carried some freight. In the various documents which have come down to us relating to this expedition it is stated that the voyage was "for the discovery of Cabo Mendocino," and in another it is stated that the vessel arrived at Cabo Mendocino November 4, 1595. Before reaching this point Cermeno had sailed as- far north as 42°, whence he continued directly east and claimed to have struck the coast in the same latitude. The only description that he gives of the cabo is that in approaching it from the north he- discovered a reef about a league at sea. In all probability what he thought was Cabo Mendocino. 92 Cartography of the Northwest Coast of America was not that place at all but the headland at the south end of which Trinidad Bay is found. In fact, he seems to have entered this bay but did not anchor because he found some rocks in it. Sailing south, he discovered anew what is now known as Pt. Reyes and entered what is now known as Drake's Bay on November 7. He landed and took possession, naming it "La Bahia de San Francisco." Cermeno made several expeditions up the esteros while his men were setting up on land a longboat which he had brought out in pieces. While this work was in progress a southeasterly storm blew up and drove the San Agustin ashore, a hopeless wreck. Cermeno completed the longboat and, putting all his men and what food he could on board of her, started south, stopping in what is now known as San Luis Obispo Bay and at the island now known as San Martin. January 7, 1596, he made the coast of New Spain near the Port of Chacala, just north of Cabo Corrientes. A good description of the country surrounding La Bahia de San Francisco was given in his declaration, all of which is quite sufficient to enable us to identify die spot with certainty. He located it in 38° 40', some forty minutes of latitude too high, a common fault at that time. Besides naming the bay in which the ship was wrecked he also bestowed the name "San Pedro" on what is now known as Monterey Bay. The other places mentioned in the narrative had been previously named. In time perhaps some sixteenth-century manuscript Spanish charts of the North Pacific may be found. Navarrete, in bis Viajes Apdcrifos, page 226, mentions one made in 1577 by an Augustine friar at the order of the King, showing part of the Californias and the Philippines. I doubt if this map was still in existence even in Navarrete's day. It was most likely made by Fray Martin de Rada and perhaps, being based on the return voyage of the San Pedro in 1565, was the one usually referred to as in use on the Philippine-Acapulco route for a long time. In my Spanish Voyages (p. 360) I have brought together what evidence exists to show that Francisco Dominguez made a map of the Pacific about 1584 or a titde earlier, a map apparently seen by Hakluyt which he says had been intercepted. Chapter X NEW CABRILLO INFORMATION Reference has been made hitherto to Lopez de Gomara's list of places named by Cabrillo, a list which supplied the nomenclature of numerous maps based on his text. We now have - to record the first published account of the voyage. This appeared in the fourth volume of Antonio de Herrera's Historia General, published in 1615. He undoubtedly had the manuscript, however, when he first published his Descripcion de las Indias Occidentales in 1601. In this will be found a map (226) on which the northwest coast is portrayed with only two names, C. de Fortun in about 42° and the Isla de Cedros. The longitude of California is about twenty-two degrees. When the map was issued Vizcaino's expedition had not yet set out. It was issued several fepsy PL XVlIl—Janssonius-Goos >f the gores of 1621) No. 287 f 94 Cartography of the Northwest Coast of America times in later editions of his work but without material change. In 1606 Andres Garcia de Ces- pedes inserted in his Regimiento de Navegacion a small map (244), based on that of Herrera, but with the longitude of California reduced to about fifteen degrees. The first use made of Herrera's map by other cartographers seems to have been by Abraham Goos, and the first use of the text of the Cabrillo voyage by Jean de Laet. Goos engraved a set of gores for a globe (287) which was published in Amsterdam in 1621 by Jean Janssonius, the son-in-law and one of the successors of Jodocus Hondius. The basis of this map, then, was a Hondius map. In spite of the fact that Herrera had failed to show on his map anything but a coast line continuing north and then northeast, Goos was not ready to abandon the old fictitious one extending northwest. He compromised by leaving a space of six degrees in width between 256° and 250° E. To the west of this is the old Hondius coast line and to the east that of Herrera ending at about 50° N. This type, which I call the Janssonius- Goos type, was frequendy copied. The sanest map of the northwest coast produced in the seventeenth century was that of Jean de Laet, even if it be true that it did not display the discoveries of Vizcaino and was in this respect less up to date than the maps of Briggs and Goos. Laet's book, the Beschrijvinghe, was first issued in Dutch in 1625. His map of America (309), which was said to have been drawn by Hessel Ger- ritz, first appeared in the 1630 edition. Laet was acquainted with the account of the Cabrillo expedition which had appeared in Herrera's work in 1615, and was also well informed concerning the previous history of that part of the world. Although Torquemada's Monorchia Indiana had also been published in 1615 there is nothing to show that Laet had ever seen it. Indeed, there is nothing to show that any other writer or cartographer in the seventeenth century ever saw it. Even today only two or three copies of the book appear to be known. The reason usually given is that almost the entire edition was shipped to Mexico and was lost at sea. Laet had, however, seen a map said to have been taken from the Spaniards on which California was depicted as an island; but he did not propose to be rushed into supporting this theory. He preferred to rely on Herrera and added to Gomara's nomenclature some Cabrillo names from his text and, of course, Cabo Mendocino. Laet's work enjoyed a great reputation in Europe and his opinion on this subject no doubt carried great weight. Although his map is too small to show all of Herrera's names it is on the whole the best published up to that time. The longitudinal distance between Cabo San Lucas and Cabo Mendocino is-only some twenty degrees, and the coast ends at Mendocino at 43° N, beyond which, as Laet stated in his text, there had never been anything but imaginary names. The Gulf of California is closed at the north, but the large island of Tatton's map (219) at the mouth of the Colorado River is shown. Litde advantage was taken of this map, since imaginary geography had too strong a hold; but about the year 1700 Guillaume Delisle borrowed from it. Very few records have been found of the return voyages from the Philippines along this coast in the seventeenth century. In 1600 Pedro Teixeira made the voyage and in his account of his travels states that they sighted land November 3 at Cabo Mendocino in 40°, and then ran south looking for some islands. In* 1603 Lope de Ulloa sighted the American coast November 10, in what is stated to have been 42°. In 1605 the Spiritu Santo sighted the coast November 5 in 36° and passed the Santa Barbara Channel islands and Cenizas, which was placed in 30°. In 1606 Pedro Fernandez de Quiros reached the coast September 23 in 34°. In 1678 Pedro Cubero Sebastian made a voyage of which he left some account. Land of lofty, white, and treeless bills was sighted November 29 in 27° 36'. In 1696 Giovanni Francesco Gemelli Careri made the voyage or at least said that he did, and left us a most graphic description of it in his book published in 1699. On December 14 land toward the east was discovered in 36°, said to have been Santa Catalina Island. It will thus be seen that after the early days of the seventeenth century there is no record of any ship sighting the coast north of 38°. Occasional brief references to this coast make it possible New Cabrillo Information F~ 96 Cartography of the Northwest Coast of America that it was sighted in a higher latitude, but on the whole this seems unlikely. Nor do ^ any real Spanish chart of the North Pacific or map of the northwest coast of this century. Navarrete, on page 226 of Viajes Apocrifos, refers to one made in Manila in 1626, but neglects to mention where he found it. We have two Portuguese manuscript nautical charts of the seventeenth century, both on a plane projection, showing this coast. They may have been, and probably were, taken at least in part from Spanish maps. The first, made by Joao Teixeira, is dated 1630 (310) and will be considered hereafter. The second chart is one drawn by Antonio Sanchez and dated 1641 (344). It shows the western ocean, and is much like that of Teixeira except that there is no Strait of Anian on it separating two mythical countries. In fact, it more resembles Tatton's map of 1600, for its northwest coast contains none of Vizcaino's names and only a few older ones. It also has the mythical islands Rica de Oro and Rica de Plata, and that of Armenio in addition. Although not graduated for longitude, the projection enables us to determine the longitudinal width of California to be about twenty degrees. It also has an island, Iezo, north of Japan. Plainly, the chart is more archaic than that of Teixeira. It is more like such a one as we can imagine Cermeno to have carried, and consequendy cannot be accepted as a product of the seventeenth century. The Teixeira chart, although of seventeenth-century Spanish type, so far as the northwest coast of America is concerned, is otherwise Portuguese. The Line of Demarcation in the east is more than ten degrees east of the Moluccas, which alone would be enough to stamp it as a Portuguese production. Furthermore, Cabo Mendocino is in almost 50° of latitude, several degrees higher than shown on any Spanish chart of the day. Some changes must have been made, for what reason we do not know. PL XX—Plancius type (sectiofhis Planisphere of 1592) No. 167 Chapter XI PETER PLANCIUS Plancius was a minister of the reformed church living in Amsterdam, and Dr. F. C. Wieder, who reproduced his planisphere (167) of 1592 in the second volume of his Monumenta Cartographica, thinks that he became interested in cartography before 1590, when he issued some maps in a Dutch bible. One of these was a world map in two hemispheres (163) engraved by Baptista Doetecum, obviously based on the Ortelius Typus Orbis Terrarum of 1587 (148) as far as the configuration is concerned, but by no means a faithful copy of that map, nor even of that of Rumold Mercator (146) of the same year (though Dr. Wieder says it is). In fact, it has very little resemblance to the latter, except such as there is between all maps of the original Mercator type, especially of the arctic regions and northeast America. The principal changes he introduced were a new nomenclature on the northwest coast and a new elbow above 55° that increased the longitudinal width of California from about sixty degrees on the Mercator map to seventy-six. Part of this difference Plancius took up by reducing the distance in longitude between Mexico City and the southwestern point of California from nearly thirty degrees to about eighteen, as had Ortelius in 1589 in his Maris Pacifici (156). In the Indian Archipelago he probably used the Rumold Mercator map, as appears from the addition of the "Provincia Aurifera" to the "Beach" south of Java—an addition not found on the Ortelius map, which in other respects is here like that of Rumold Mercator. This is not to imply that Plancius did not have other sources of information; a close comparison of the three maps will show, that he had. One noticeable difference is in the names of some of the Solomon Islands. These islands, which do not appear at all on the Rumold Mercator map, are provided on that of Ortelius with a fairly accurate set of names, some of which are different from those of Plancius, some even being corrupted. The fact that on his planisphere of 1592 (167) Plancius adopted many of the features of this Ortelius map, including almost the same nomenclature on the northwest coast of America and the westward trend of that coast for about thirty degrees on the 30th parallel, makes it necessary to examine his possible sources for specific areas. It seems that he had bought in Lisbon a planisphere made by Bartolomeu Lasso. The map has disappeared, so we cannot say how much Plancius might have taken froip it. As we have already seen, he could have taken very little, however, except perhaps the change in the northwest coast of America; and I am convinced that he did not even obtain this from such a source, because Lasso was a Portuguese and his map could not have failed to show at least some of the names in their Portuguese forms, something not found on Plancius' map. I shall discuss the question more fully in considering the planisphere of 1592. This remarkable planisphere (167) was discovered some years ago in the Colegio de Corpus Cristi in Valencia, Spain, although that such a map had been made had been known since 1594 when Thomas Blundeville published a long description of it in his Exercises. It is engraved and highly decorated, gold being profusely employed, and is one of the largest known of the early maps. Although in general it is similar to his map of 1590 (163), there are some radical departures from it. The Indian Archipelago and Japan are entirely different and a marked change on [97] IF 98 Cartography of the Northwest Coast of America the northwest coast was made by shortening this about six degrees, adding more names and making an occasional shift in the latitudes of others. The additions are for the most part south of C. Blanco in 30° and on the coast of the Gulf of California. Plancius may have known of these in 1590 and omitted them because of the small size of the 1590 map. Several errors occur in these which I think were taken from some Portuguese source. It may be noted that Japan is of Vaz Dourado type although not taken from his maps, and that Luzon is much too close to China. Dr. Wieder states that Lasso came to Holland about 1592. If his planisphere is lost Mr. W. A. Engelbrecht of Rotterdam has an atlas with eight of his manuscript maps, dated 1590. Now there is no likelihood that Lasso's maps, except in the Philippine area, differ from other Portuguese maps of earlier date. The periplus of Africa and India had been known for a long time and but litde change had been made in the maps on which this is displayed. The discoveries were taking place farther east and in America. Dr. Wieder's effort, therefore, to discover some resemblance between Lasso's maps and that of Plancius was futile and even on his own showing entirely inadequate to justify any assumption that Plancius used them. The sole possible exception is in that part of Lasso's map which shows the Indian Archipelago and Japan. I have not seen this map, but from Dr. Wieder's description of it the Philippine area on it seems to be very similar to that of Plancius, if not the very same. Dr. Wieder's failure to mention Japan leads me to .suspect that in this they differ. The legend to which Dr. Wieder refers on this part of the map had been on Portuguese maps for fifty years. What the Plancius map certainly does resemble in the Indian Archipelago is the famous Carte Portugaise du Depot (104) of Harrisse. The geography of the northeast coast of America displayed on this map induced Harrisse to ascribe it to about 1550. He neglected, however, to look at the Indian Archipelago. As Dr. G. P. Rouffaer pointed out, the map of the Philippines must have been made after 1572 when Luzon was occupied by Legaspi. I might add that the Portuguese who made it could hardly have obtained such information from the Spaniards before 1580. In its general appearance the map is strikingly like that of Plancius, except for the omission of an Antarctic continent, but when one comes to examine it in detail numerous differences are found. Unfortunately the Pacific is not shown between the end of Japan and the northwest coast of America. Japan is of Vaz Dourado type, but the Philippines are more or less complete and strikingly similar to their delineation on the Plancius map. It contains a very fair representation of the Peninsula of California and of the gulf, except that the latter is prolonged too far to the north. It would be useless, however, to attempt to compare the two maps without having a photograph of the one in Paris (104) on a sufficiently large scale to be able to read all the names on it, and this I have not yet been able to obtain. The number of broken coast lines in the Indian Archipelago seems to indicate an earlier date than 1590. About all that is left on the Plancius map of Mercator's names on the northwest coast are the three towns, Quivira, still in 40, Cicuic, and Tiguex, and the Diamantes off the west coast of the peninsula. Not much more is left of Ortelius than his Cabo Mendocino. The question naturally arises, Where did Plancius obtain the rest of this imposing list of names? The naming of places after saints is usually an indication of a real discovery. On this map we find the names of three, Francisco, Juan, and Lorenzo, names common to Spanish maps. The only San Lorenzo whom any Spaniard would be likely to commemorate was the Spanish martyr of that name who had two days celebrated by the Church—August 10 and September 28. San Francisco is celebrated October 4 and September 17; there are other saints of that name, with some explanatory additions, but I have never found that any of these had places named after them in the sixteenth century. There are also several San Juans, but San Juan Bautista, the usual $an Juan honored, has two days, June 24 and August 29. The day of San Juan of Rome is June 25 and that of the Ascension of San Juan the Apostle is December 27. If these names were given in the course of any actual exploration, we Peter Plancius 99 should expect to find them, therefore, in some sort of consecutive order. The Cabo de San Francisco is so close to the Bahia de San Juan that they would have been named almost simultaneously. That of San Lorenzo, if the voyage was south, might have been named two or three weeks later, but if the voyage was north, would probably have been named two or three months earlier. No sort of combination can be made out of the dates given above that will fit in with any actual but otherwise unknown discovery. Furthermore, it may be taken for granted that if there had been a real discovery and made by Spaniards, saints' names would have figured much more prominently in the list. The fact is, of course, that there could have been no such exploration. One has only to look at the map to be satisfied on that point. The actual difference in longitude between Cabo Mendocino and Cabo San Lucas is only a little more than fourteen degrees, whereas on this map it is sixty and Cabo Mendocino extends just that many degrees too far out into the Pacific. The whole coast line and the nomenclature is imaginary above Cabo Engano; and indeed, even this is incorrectly placed. Cedros is about the farthest place north that is represented on the map with any relation to its actual position, or even to that which it was supposed to occupy on the maps of Ulloa's discoveries. Dr. Wieder seems to think that because the coast line is filled with names Plancius must have had some up-to-date information. Perhaps he had, but it was entirely incorrect information, and personally I do not believe that he had any beyond what was contained on the maps of Ortelius and Mercator published in 1587 and 1589 and perhaps the globe of Van Langren of 1589 (155a). It was in the latter year that a new line of imaginative geography was initiated by Ortelius in his Maris Pacifici (156.) I have already stated what I thought might have been the source of Ortelius' few facts, but his coast line no doubt looked very authentic and demanded some attention from other cartographers. The epoch now begins when names on the northwest coast were bandied about among the mapmakers, simply for the purpose of convincing the public that each was not copying in toto the maps of some other cartographer. No new information was available, but it was easy to find preexisting maps from which new combinations of names might be effected if one did not have sufficient audacity to invent new ones. We shall see that but few years passed before Hondius took the latter course. In 1594 Plancius reproduced (174) his map of 1590 (163) with pictorial borders and some changes. In all probability the map was issued separately. It is usually found, however, in the different editions of Linschoten's Itinerario, first issued in Dutch in 1596 and reprinted from the same plate in most of the Latin, French, and Dutch editions of that work. It is supposed to have been printed by Cornelius Claesz. The map was also engraved by Vrient, probably, as suggested by Dr. Wieder, in order to make a change in the part of the map north of Europe and in the polar region. It was copied by Bry in his America in 1596 (182), and reprinted in 1604 (234) and again in 1607 (247), with some changes in the borders. Several undated reprints were made, some as late as 1650. Some of these have additions, but, so far as I have seen, the representation of the northwest coast in all of them is the same as that on the original map of 1590, with the exception that the south end of California is extended some four or five degrees farther east. There is a record in Anthony Linton's Newes of 1609 that the Plancius planisphere was reissued in London in 1595 (178). Certainly it was reengraved by Henricus a Langren after 1598 (205). I have not seen any photograph of this map but I understand from Dr. Wieder's description that the geography in general is the same. Van Langren, however, adopted the Portuguese style of sharp-angled indentations on the coast and apparently used a Portuguese map of northeast America even earlier than that of Mercator. Mercator's polar islands have disappeared, and it seems that Korea appears as an island. I judge that the interesting changes are of sufficient importance to make of it an independent production. Cartography c e Northwest Coast of America In 1602 Plancius was appointed cartographer to the Dutch East India Company and in 1607 issued a new world map (248) in two hemispheres, which apparently bore the title, Universi orbis tabula de integro delineato Ao 1607; auctore Petro Plancio. No copy of the map is known, this title being taken from a copy of it issued by Danckerts in Amsterdam in 1651 (364). As the discoveries of Lemaire in 1616 and others of 1644 are shown on this reissue, it is plain that numerous changes had been made since its first appearance. Apparendy there was a return to something like the original Mercator conception of the coast. Nova Albion was introduced, some of the islands in the North Pacific were eliminated, and, judging from an inscription on the map, the Eastern Hernia sphere was copied from Blaeu's map of 1605 (239). Plancius also issued terrestrial globes in Amsterdam in 1613 (261) and 1614 (264). The first was engraved by Peter Kaerius and the second by Kaerius and Abraham Goos. Dr. Wieder did not publish any description of the terrestrial globes, merely stating that they resembled the Van Langren globe of 1589 (155a) and that of Blaeu of 1599 (201). The 1614 one (264) was reissued in 1645 by Joannes Janssonius, with the Strait of Lemaire added. Dr. Wieder at the end of his text describes an unsigned globe (287) dated 1621 which he thinks was probably made by Plancius, but I do not agree with him. It was engraved by Abraham Goos and issued by Joannes Janssonius and has already been mentioned. About 1597, Jodocus Hondius put out an extremely interesting map, farthesi "Christian Knight" map (194) because of a scene depicted in the coast was copied from the Plancius planisphere (167). The project: Wright afterward asserted was his, being an improvement on that us< Cornelius Wytfliet were also copied from the planisphere. Even The produced important maps with the northwest coast taken from it with consisting in increasing the distance from Cabo San Lucas to the poin degrees. In order to give some idea of the varying positions assigned to promii coast by various cartographers a table is herewith inserted of comparativ Cape Race and Cabo Espiritu Santo in the Philippines have been added so the width assigned to the continent in the first case and to the width of th< although the cape is in a lower latitude than that of Cape Race and Mendo [ally called the ower border. The northwest on was one which Edward d by Mercator. The maps of )dore de Bry in 1596 (182) "improvements," these latter st to some eighty ent places on the west longitudes. Those of is to give some idea of Pacific in the second, A table of c [Chart 6] is also 5 on Plancius-type maps and .those adopted by Blaeu in 1599 Peter Plancius CHART 6—PLACE NAMES [Reading from north to south] Plancius—1590 (163), Plancius—1592 Hondius—"Christian Blaeu—1599* 1594 (174) (167) Knight" (194) (201) Anian £regnum] Anian Regnum Cabo de Corientes Anian Regnum Cabo de Corrientes (60°) C.Blanco (53°) Anian R. C. de Corrientes C.Blanoo (55°) Tierra f risida C.Blanco (40°) C. Blanco Tierra f isida B. hermosa Terra f rigida Terra frisida B hermosa C. de fortuna B. Hermosa B. Hermosa R. de los Estrechos C. defortuna (50°) C. de Corrientes (46°) C. de fortuna C. de Fortuna C. de Trabaios (48°) Tierra medocina Cabo de Corrientes (42°) Cabo Mendocino C. de Trabaios C. de Trabaios C.Mendocino (42°) C. Mendocino C. Mendocino C de Corrientes B. de Trabaios C. de Corrientes Plaia Quivira (42°) B. del Isleo C. Blanco C.Blanco (41°) C. Blanco (38°) Quivira Tierra de pascoa Quivira B. Hermosa Terra de Pascoa Terra de pascoa B. hermosa R. brabe C. de S. Francisco (40°) C. de S. Francisco (40°) C. de S. Francisco C. de S. Francisco R. brabe Rio brabe R. Brabe B. de S. Iuan Plaia B. de S. Iuan B. de Suan Plaia B. de Suan Plaia Plaia Sierra nevada C. Roxo Sierra Nevada Sierra Nevada C. Roxo (twice) Tierra de los Pescadores Tierra de los Pescadores C. Roxo Plaia C.Blanco (36°) Tierra de los Pescadores Terra de los Pescadores C. Blanco Plaia Plaia Ciouic R. Grande C. Blanco C. Blanco Rio Grande R. Hermosa Ciouic Cicuic Tiguex Los Pinales R. Grande R. Grande R. hermoso Sierra nouada Tiguex Tiguex Los Pinales C.Blanco (30°) R. Hermoso R. Hermosa C. Blanco Cicuic Los Pinales Los Pinales iPIaia Plaia C. Blanco C. Blanco Tiguex Los Farillones Plaia I. de Cedro Plaia Los Farillones Los Farillones Tierra prata Las Farillones Terra preta Terra preta I. de Cedri Cazones Cazones C. del Engano Cazones C. del Engano C. del Engano Cazones Cabo del Enganon B. hermosa B. Hermosa Baia de S. Lourenco I. de Paxaros Baia de S. Lourenco L de Paxaros I. de Cedros I. de Cedros C. de Islas de los Cedros Los Diamantes I. de Cedros P.deCruz B. de la Trinidad B.de la Trinidad P. de los Iudeos C. de Ballena California "California California C. de California t of focus in many places, so many of the n undecipherable, but they appear ti I IT Cartography of the Northwest Coast of America TABLE 2 COMPARATIVE LONGITUDES sridian of Greenwich and all west longitude, meridian was 17° W and that of St. Michael 25J°.) turning that the Ptolemaic CAPEKACE ~ C. SAN LUCAS C. MENDOCINO SANTO ACTUAL 52° 40' 99° 05' 109° 54' 124° 24' 234° 25' 39° 120° 146° 169°) 192° Ortelius 1564 (63) 52° 30' 109° W 143*30' 200° (50th parallel) 190° (70th parallel) 221° 30' Mercator 1569 (75) 51" 108° 121° (140°) John Dee (109) 52°30/ 109° 30" 143° 3(r* 207° 30' 221° 30' Ortelius 1587 (148) 45° 107° 138° 175° (40th parallel) 190° (farthest west) 51° 109* 123° 137° Hakluyt 1587 (145) 50° 30' 116° 30' 133° 153° 223° 4C Molyneux Globe (166) 51' 30' 109° 30' 125° 3W 185° 3<y 227° 3C Plancius 1592 (167) 47° 102° 114° 190° (220°) Plancius 1594 (174) 43° 102° 134° 174° Sirrooten (168) 35° 113" 128° 185° Hondius type Chapter XII HONDIUS AND BLAEU IN spite of the fact that a more correct type of coast had been developed by Ortelius in 1564 (63) and Hakluyt in 1587 (145), little use was made of it except in manuscript maps, especially the Molyneux globe of 1592 (166) and Tatton's maps. None of the great map-publishers of the early sixteenth century—Jodocus Hondius, Willem Jansz. Blaeu, or Joannes Janssonius—adopted it. The vogue of the Mercator type was so great that the Spaniards themselves made use of it, or at least published maps displaying it. It even lingered on long after a more accurate type of map became common, both frequently appearing side by side in the same atlas. After 1600 there were no discoveries on the coast except those of Vizcaino in 1602-3. These did not appear on maps until 1624 or 1625, The only reasonable supposition that can be advanced to account for the shifting about of names from one map to another and the wholesale or retail introduction of new ones, which now became common, is that because a mapmaker only had the maps of other mapmakers to copy—frequently those of his competitors—he was forced to invent some new names or shift the old ones in order to avoid being charged with plagiarism. The only interest that such maps of California have for some fifty years lies in discovering how much one mapmaker borrowed from another and how much he invented. This process by no means stopped after the appearance of Vizcaino maps. We still have the remarkable productions of Robert Dudley, published in 1646-7, in which an even greater inventive genius is displayed. The principal parts played in this intense competition were by Hondius and Blaeu. The relationship between them must have been a very curious one. At times each bitterly assailed the other and at other times they seemed to have worked in harmony. At the present day it is almost impossible to say definitely whether a given map of the northwest coast of America was by one or the other unless it is signed. There were just enough changes made to afford proof that one was not an exact copy of another; otherwise their work, as far as this part of the world is concerned, was practically the same. We shall therefore consider their cartographical activities together. In other parts of the world there may be more distinction between their respective productions, but it must be left to others to define this if it exists. Jodocus Hondius, to mention him first because, so far as we know, he created the type, was a native of Wacken but of a Ghent family. His real name was Josse de Hondt. He was born in 1567 and was early placed by his father as an apprentice to an engraver.in Antwerp. It is quite uncertain just when he went to England, but he was certainly there in 1589, and possibly as early as 1585. In the former year he engraved a small world map (154) which was evidently to be used in a book. The map is of pure Ortelius 1587 type, except that he introduced at the south end of South America the islands which figure later on his broadside (176). In the same year he evidently produced a map of America (153) of which a second edition appeared in 1602. This is also of the Ortelius 1587 type, with names from Ortelius' Maris Pacifici of 1589 (156). In the same year he engraved a heraldic plate and I have but little doubt that he also engraved for Hakluyt's Principall Navigations the recut Ortelius Typus Orbis Terrarum (158). In 1592 he engraved the gores for the Molyneux globes (166); that fact is stated on the celestial one, and later assertions of his that he engraved a globe in 1593 quite convince us that he also engraved the terrestrial one, as we have evidence that the globe did not appear until that year. In 1593 he left England and settled in Amsterdam. [103] 104 Cartography of the Northwest Coast of America While there he is supposed to have engraved the so-called Hondius broadside (176) to show the routes of Drake and Cavendish around the world, and the so-called "Christian Knight" map (194). All his extant maps engraved before 1600 differ so much from one another that it is plain he had not yet embarked on his career as a cartographer. Certainly he had no settled ideas. I should judge that he was employed by others simply as an engraver. The "Christian Knight" map is simply a copy of the Plancius map on a projection similar to that of Mercator. The Huntington Library and Art Gallery in San Marino, California, possesses a globe made by him dated 1600 (216), which is the first of a long series of cartographical productions on which that part of the world which we are considering appeared almost without change. In other words, he created a type. It is but a modification of the Mercator type embellished with a new nomenclature and with sdme geographical changes in the far north. Although his longitudinal width of California is usually about sixty-five degrees, similar to that of Mercator, the configuration of the coast is somewhat different. In the first twenty-eight degrees of longitude, measuring from the sputhern point of California, the latitude is only increased to about 33°. The coast then trends almost northwest to 43° and then north-northwest to 55°, where it turns north and even slightly northeast to 70°, and then east. One of the curious features is the configuration of the northeast coast and the water passages. North of America are a Sinus Magnus and a Grano Baya which connect with the sea north of Anian, that is, the northern extremity of the northwest coast. North of these two bodies of water is Canada, and there is a connection between the Grano Baya and the Atlantic between a great agglomeration of islands. The St. Lawrence River, if it appears at all, is very smaU, and runs from the west into the Lago de Angoleme, a body of water which appears to be what might out of a vast lak« Magnus. That Hondiu his address to the from those others are the title and is, "Globe of the corrected" will at of words? It lost be the Gulf of St. La rth of the illel :. What is hich then videndy the Mississippi Ri\ ctdeti the Sin "Globus rth s be noted. To what previous s when we examine the nomenclature not merely revision but something entirely new. 1 names, added a few from the Ortelius map of 158" from his imagination. The Laguna de los Apostole fact wherever there is a bay there is plenty of spat an extensive coast line as was called for by the Mei too small to make a showing, but after all, Hondiu inal on whom Plancius may have drawn. The legend about horses, wild sheep, and humpbacked cattle res Van Langren, Plancius, or Jode, is accompanied by the picture of a b in about 60°, and in about 55° there is another legend concerning d like Tartars. Remembering the Hondius broadside with its Drake leg find it on the globe, but there are no Drake islands at the bottom of Soi name, Nova Albion, inserted just inside of Cabo Nevado, which is in remind us of the Drake expedition. The prime meridian passes throuj Verde group and through Terceira in the Azores. On this globe there but on Hondius' globe of the next year, 1601 (227), there is an in which he says that he reckons this from the Azores because the nautici >rld with a new type of map is manifest from delineation on our globe is very different of North America inside the Arctic Circle integri revisus & emendatus an. 1600," that n the year 1600." The words "revised and lobe does this refer? Or is it simply a flourish n the northwest coast of America that we see restored to his map most of Gomara's Cabrillo and in all human probability drew the rest of Homem appears of enormous size and in made for it. On all the maps which had such as PI: ; names was i or the orig- bling camels, copied from e and a buffalo. It appears Indians wandering about 1 we are not surprised to America. Only the single bout 47°, and the legend San Antonio of the Cape no mention of a meridian, iption about longitude in teedle there points directly Hondius and Blaeu PI. XXl—Hondiw irr' 106 Cartography of the Northwest Coast of America to the north. This was Mercator's system, but Mercator's meridian runs through St. Michael, which is almost on the same meridian as San Antonio, Terceira being 1° 40' farther west. Toledo is in about 23° E, C. Mendocino in 203°, C. de San Lucas in 260°, Mexico in 275°, and Cape Race in 341°. We thus see that Mexico is about 108 degrees west of Toledo and Cabo San Lucas 15 degrees farther west. Practically, then, the position he assigns to Mexico City is much the same as that of Mercator, but he has reduced the distance between that place and Cabo San Lucas from the 34 degrees of Mercator to only 15 degrees, approximating the results displayed on the Maris Pacifici of Ortelius (156) where this difference was reduced to about 18 degrees. The 1601 globes have a diameter of only 21 centimeters. The terrestrial one is dedicated to the Princes Albert and Isabella by Hondius and Vriendt. As I have not seen it, I cannot say wherein it differs from that of 1600, if in fact there is any difference at all. I should judge that it is simply the same globe in smaller size. It now becomes necessary to investigate the productions of Blaeu. Blaeu was born in Alkmaar in 1571. About 1593 he went to Uranienburg, where the observatory of Tycho Brahe was situated and remained with him for about two years. When he returned to Amsterdam about the end of 1596, he established himself as a maker of mathematical instruments and as an engraver and printer. In his earlier years of business he was more interested in turning out books than maps or globes. His establishment was decorated with a gilded sun dial, frequent reference to which is found in the imprints of his various works. The business was carried on here until 1637, when it was moved into larger quarters about one year before his death. The earliest known map by him to show the northwest coast of America is the globe dated 1599 (201). This is of Plancius type, more resembling Plancius' map of 1594 (174) than his planisphere (167). Several of these globes are still extant and I have a poor photograph of the one in Nuremburg. The northwest coast does not seem to extend nearly so far beyond C. Blanco as it does on the Plancius maps. In 1602 Blaeu issued another globe (229) of entirely different character, containing the route of Olivier Van der Noort's expedition around the world. The meridian runs through Flores, just as it does on a map attributed to Franciscus Hoeius. No copy of this Hoeius map seems to be extant, but Hugo Allardt, perhaps about 1640, put out a map (338) on Mercator's projection which has the statement on the tide that it was made by Hoeius. The map shows Cape Hoorn and consequently must have been engraved subsequent to the Lemaire expedition. I suspect that this is simply an addition of Allardt's, as the legend about the navigators through the strait which appears on Blaeu's map of 1605 (239) is copied unchanged, and naturally that had no reference to Lemaire. Allardt's original map may have been copied from the globe; one would have to compare the two more carefully than I have been able to do to reach any conclusion on the matter; I prefer, however, to think that it was reduced from Blaeu's great map of 1605 (239) and that Hoeius worked under Blaeu's supervision. It was quite customary to have reduced copies of large maps or globes made to meet a more popular demand. A comparison of the globe of 1602 (229) with that of Hondius of 1600 (216) supplies convincing evidence that the northwest coast of America was taken bodily from Hondius with a few omissions and a few additions. The plagiarism, if such we may call it, is apparent from the errors. I have been able to obtain a good photograph of this part of the globe from the one owned by Karl W. Hiersemann in 1930 through his courtesy, but unfortunately the lower end of the peninsula of California is not shown. Blaeu added to the embellishments of Hondius by putting some wild sheep and another steer in the picture in North America, but left off the legends. His polar geography differs completely from that of Hondius, but the Japan and the Indian Archipelago areas seem to be the same. In order to show the difference between the nomenclature adopted by Blaeu from that of Hondius I append here a list of names (Chart 7). The initials after the names indicate the probable source, M standing for Mercator, O for Ortelius, and P for Plancius. Hondius and Blaeu CHART 7—Place Names [Reading from north to south] Hondius—globe of 1600 (216) Blaeu—globe of 1602 (229) Blaeu—globe of 1617 (272) C. Escondido 60° C. Escondido 60° C. de Fortuna 55° C. de Fortuna 55° C. de Fortuna 55° Ancon de Ila 54° Anco d. Isla Anco d. Islas Costa de los Tachaios (P) 53° Trabaios Costa de Trabaios Costa Brava 52° Costa Brava 52° Costa Brava 52° Alcoanas 51° Ancones Ancones C. Mendocino 50° (0) C. Mendocino 50° C. Mendocino 50° Terra de monthanas Cabo Nevado 47° C. nevado C nevado G. denio G. denio B. S. Miguel with an island B. de S. Miguel B. de S. Miguel B. de S. Petro S.Po B. de San Petro Serra Nevada 43° Serra Nevado Sierra Nevada Sierra comprida De la Galera 43° De la Galera 43° P. de todas los Santos Nova Albion P. de todas los Santos P. de Todas Santos P.deSardina42° P. de Sardu P. de Sardir Costa Triste Costa Triste Costa Triste C.delaguia40° C. del Aguia C. de laguia B. de fuegos B.de fuegos B. de fuegos Tierra de Piscadores (P) 38° Terra de Pescadores Terra de Pescadores Sierra Nevado R. de fuegos B. de fuegos B. de fuegos R. deMontanhas R. de Montantias CBaxo C. Baco B. de S. Anna 35J/2° B. de S. Anna 35^2° 1 G. de S. Miguel 35° with many G. de S. Miguel 35° with many islands £ Fin de Serra Nevada (P) 35° Fur de Serra Nevado without the "Fin" © C. de Parcelas 32° C. de Perceles C. de Perceles B. de S. Mattheus B. de S. Mattheus B. de S. Matheo Laguna de los Apostolos 32J/2° Laguna de los Apostolos 32!/2° C. de Calmas 32° C. de Calinas C. de Calmas Costa Calmas Costa Calinas Costa Calinas Tierra Preta 32° (P) Tierra Preta 32° Tierra Preta 32° C. Hondo 31° C. Hondo 31° C. Hondo 31° Ancon grande 30° Tecon grande Ancon Grande Tierra de fuegos 30° C. delfuegos C. del Enganno (2) Tierra de Eneanhosa 30° tierra Enghanoso Cazones 29^4° J'Sj Cazones 29J/2° R.de Piscadores R. de los Pescadores Las despablados a § B. Hermosa (P) B. de S. Lourenco (P) I. de Cedros 28° m I. de los Cedros Buenpas «"c C. de Islas d. Cedros (P) m P. de Iudeos Costa funda B.de la Trinidad (P) C. de S. Lucas (M) 23°-260° E B. de Balhena (P) C. California I1 C. California 108 Cartography of the Northwest Coast of America An inspection of the list shows that the 1602 Blaeu globe (229) is a very inferior production. Both his map of 1605 (239) and his globe of 1617 (272) were much more carefuUy drawn and •engraved. Although I have put a P after some of the names to indicate that they are derived from Plancius there might be some doubt about it, because the latitudes are quite dissimilar, those of Plancius being much lower. I am sorry not to have a photograph of the Peninsula of California on the 1602 globe, because it is probably somewhat different from that of the Hondius globe and those of Blaeu issued somewhat later. On the Blaeu globe of 1602 occurs the first appearance, to my knowledge, of a puzzling word—"G. denio." I have spent more time trying to find the origin of this name than that of all the others combined. It probably is a contraction, but for what it may be intended I do not know. The first two letters are apparendy simply the Spanish word de. On the so-called Hoeius map (338) the name is written G. Demo, which might readily be an abbreviation for "de Medio," but that does not help us much. However, as all the names in this neighborhood are imaginary so far as we know, this may be simply one more of the same class. The new Hondius names are all descriptive except three, San Petro [for San Pedro], S. Mattheus [for S. Mateo], and S. Anna. The first at once recalls the fact that when Sebastian Rodriguez Cermeno crossed Monterey Bay in 1595 he either named it "San Pedro" or used this name for it which might have been previously given to it. I do not think it possible that Hondius had any account of Cermeno's voyage or had seen any map showing the results of it. If he had, he would have used more of Cermeno's names. These saints' names seem to be simply inventions, similar to those bestowed by Plancius on this part of the coast. A duplication of the G. San Miguel may be noticed; the southernmost one I think was, without much doubt, the San Miguel of Cabrillo, since "we find other names on the map given by him—Sardinas, P. de Fuegos, Cabo Nevado, C. de Fortuna, •and Serra Nevada. Most of these are found on the globe almost ten degrees too high in latitude. In 1604 Hondius purchased from the heirs of Mercator the plates of their atlas and in 1606 issued a new edition of it which he entided Gerardi Mercatoris atlas sive cosmographicae medita- tiones de fabrica mundi et fabricata figura. To this was added a statement that it contained maps of Spain, Africa, Asia, and America (245), added by Hondius, and a text written by Peter Mon- tanus. The text was printed in Amsterdam by Cornelis Nicolai and the maps by Hondius himself. What was the map of America issued in this adas? Was it a new map, or was it printed from the plate of one issued by Hondius in 1602? According to Anthony Linton, in his Newes published in 1609, Hondius had issued in 1602 four great quarter-maps of the world on Mercator's projection. No doubt these were taken from his globe. Recently a map entitled Nova universi orbis descriptio (233), said to have been signed by Hondius and dated 1602, was sold at Sotheby's in London. Unless this map is one of those referred to by Linton no trace of them exists. The one of Hondius in the adas of 1606 is not on Mercator's projection but on a globular projection and extends from 66° S to 66° N. A few changes from the globe are noticeable: Nova Albion at 42°, Plancius' B. de S. Lourenzo in 30°, and a C. de Cedros have been added; the Cazones, the I. de Cedros, C. de San Lucas, Las Despabladas, and the P. de los Indios on the peninsula have been omitted. Plancius' "R." Coromara appears as a "G," and several other changes were made on the mainland coast. The west coast of South America appears with almost its true trend. The greatest change, however, consisted in moving the south end of the Peninsula of California, named "C. California," ten degrees farther east, so that now the southwest cape is only some eleven degrees west of Mexico City while it is at least eighty-five degrees east of C. de Fortun, the point on the coast farthest west. This was probably a careless error. In this issue there was no text on the verso of the map, and a scene in Brazil of natives cooking, eating, and drinking appears in the lower left- hand corner with the signature "Jodocus Hondius excudit Amsterodami." It continued to appear in his atlases under this title until about 1633. Hondius and Blaeu 109- On this map of America we find a few Plancius names which did not occur on the globe of 1600 (216). We do, however, find them on the first of Blaeu's great maps, the Nova universi terrarum orbis mappa ex optimis ... of 1605 (239), and the question at once arises, Did Hondius. copy them from Blaeu's map? I think the chances are that he did, since it was just about this time that Blaeu charged Hondius with plagiarism. While adding some of Plancius' names to his map, Blaeu omitted several of Hondius' names below Cabo de Engano. He also changed the name C. de San Lucas to the C. de Balhena [for Ballena]. Part of the map is so badly damaged that names are lost in whole or in part, but by reference to other Hondius and Blaeu maps it is possible to- make out all but a few of them. The decipherable names correspond to those of the Hondius. map of 1611 (255), so it is fair to assume that the others do also. The latitudes are essentially the same as those on the Hondius globe of 1600. Blaeu added another of Cabrillo's names, Galera, as the name of the cabo now known as Pt. Conception, and corrected a few of Hondius' names. Apart from the northwest coast the map differs very much from those of Hondius. Even the names, on the Mexican coast are different. The prime meridian runs through about the west end of St. Michael in the Azores. Mexico City is in about 278° E, and C. San Lucas in about 262° E. We have just seen that Hondius in the following year reduced the distance between these two places still more. According to Dr. Wieder, a later state of this map was published in Amsterdam by Estienne- Roger after 1648 with Blaeu's name effaced and some changes to bring it up to date. In 1606 Blaeu issued a small globe; at least it is so dated (242), though obviously it is of later date since it shows the Strait of Lemaire. The same can be said about a Nova totius terrarum of Peter Kaerius, dated 1608 (251). In 1606 Blaeu issued his Nova totius terrarum orbis geographica ac hydrographica- (243), a reduction to Mercator's projection of his large map of 1605 (239). This map was reissued several times, notably in Blaeu's Appendices of 1630 and 1631 (312) and in his atlas of 1634 (320), and usually contains an inscription that it was engraved by Ja van den Ende and shows. Lemaire's Strait. In 1608 Hondius issued the first of his large maps (249). It is very highly decorated and covered with legends, especially in the northern part of North America. The northwest coast is almost the same as that shown on his America of 1606 (245), with one striking exception. The- name of the southwestern point of California has been changed to C. de San Lucas but the C. California still remains, though now attached to the southeastern point. Between these two points-, the coast extends almost east-west, different from that on the 1606 map, on which it is rounded. In 1610 another Nova orbis terrarum geographica ac hydrographica (253) was published by Har- men Jansz and Marten Jansz. The northwest coast on this is similar to that on the Blaeu map of" 1605 (239) and the Hondius America of 1606 (245). About this time Hondius put out another very large map in two hemispheres, each about 125 centimeters in diameter, the Novissima ac exactissima totius orbis (255). This grand map, elaborately drawn and illustrated, belongs to the library of Wolfegg Castle and is of the usual Hondius type. It was reproduced in facsimile in 1907 under the joint auspices of the American Geographical Society and the Hispanic Society in New York and a pamphlet describing it was issued by Dr. E. L. Stevenson and Father Joseph Fischer. The map bears the statement that it was executed in Amsterdam in the habitation of Jodocus Hondius, but no date is given. As Hondius died in February, 1611, the supposition is that it was finished if not actually issued before that date. Nevertheless, "Lemayrs' Passage" is found on it. It also shows Hudson's discoveries of 1608. Hondius has added some of Blaeu's names to those shown on his own map of America. He also extended the longitude of California about ten degrees. Like the Blaeu map and other large ones of the day it is covered with illustrations and legends, including the one about Drake in 42°. This map shows-, signs of Tatton's influence. The lake in New Mexico appears on it but the river which runs out. of it empties into what is now known as the Colorado. The prime meridian runs through St.. Michael.. HO Cartography of the Northwest Coast of America Mexico is in 276° E, and C. California in 264° E. The Mare Septentrional Americae is a feature of the map, showing a continuous development in this region of his Sinus Magnus and Grano Baya of 1600. The map was obviously reissued in 1618 (276) and again in 1627 (302). One of the latter date was formerly in the possession of Captain Gustav Niebaum of San Francisco and was lost in the great fire there. A sketch from it of the northwest coast was included by Dr. George Davidson in bis Identification. The original plate had been changed to show Lemaire's Strait. This probably had already been shown on the 1618 issue, of which no copy has ever been located. What is more curious is that this strait is also shown on the 1611 map (255) although the expedition which discovered it did not return to Holland until 1617. Indeed it may be said that few maps or globes exist, produced between 1600 and 1617, which do not show the strait. The event was evidendy considered in Holland to be of such importance that the existing plates of maps were immediately changed to show it. After the death of Hondius the business fell into the hands of his two sons, Jodocus and Henricus, and his son-in-law, commonly known as Jean Jansson. The new firm, of which Henricus was the head until his death in 1638, displayed an intense activity in the engraving and printing business. New atlases were issued in 1613, 1623, and 1633, mostly in four languages, and numerous Atlas Minores. They all kept getting larger and larger as new maps were issued. In 1617 Blaeu had issued another large globe (272) about 70 centimeters in diameter and with the prime meridian passing through Teneriffe, located about ten degrees east of San Antonio. The northwest coast is similar to that of his globe of 1602 (229), his map of 1605 (239), and to that on the Hondius map of 1611 (255). C. Mendocino is in 50° N Lat. and in 198° E Long., C. Balhena in 253£°, and Mexico in 270°. In the same year, apparendy, he issued a smaller map taken from this globe. It is entided America Nova Tabula (271). The map is undated and may have been issued separately. It is usually found in his Appendices of 1630 and 1631 (311) -and in his adases of 1634 and 1635. It is surrounded on three sides with an engraved border, with national types on the sides and plans and views on the top. It is of the usual Hondius-Blaeu type with C. California for the southwestern point. It also contains the large lake of New Mexico out of which the R. Coromara runs and empties into the Gulf of California. In 1622 Blaeu issued another globe (288). A number of these are extant in reprints and reissues. They are about 68 centimeters in diameter and a number of them are signed Guiljelmus Caesius, a Latin name for Blaeu. One of the reissues was made about 1630. The last discovery mentioned on it is of the year 1628. Dr. Stevenson, however, dates the globe 1640 and some may have been issued then; certainly some were later. Dr. Wieder directs attention to a Nova totius Americae by G. Janssonio with the imprint of Henricus Hondius 1624 (294). This was the map with the portraits of the four circumnavigators, Magellan, Drake, Cavendish, and Van der Noort, and was frequendy reissued under different guises. It was afterward issued by Visscher. The association of the names of the two rivals on the map is interesting, to say the least. In 1629 Blaeu acquired thirty-seven plates of maps from the Hondius firm. Up to this time he had put out no adas although he had published a few adas maps and it is probable that the purchase was made for the purpose of obtaining sufficient material to issue one. The plates thus acquired were mosdy of South America and Europe. In 1630, therefore, Blaeu issued what is known as his Atlantis Appendix sive pars altera, with his Nova totius terrarum orbis (312), a reissue of Hondius' map of 1606, undated but with Lemaire's Strait added, and his own Americae nova tabula (311), a reissue of his map of 1617 (271). In the following year the Appendix was reissued with one hundred and seventeen maps and a slightly different tide, Appendix Theatri A. Ortelii et Atlantis G. Mercatoris. This contains the same two maps just mentioned and they are also to be found in Blaeu's adas of 1634, entitled Novus Atlas, and in that of 1635, entitled Theatrum orbis terrarum sive novus atlas, and in all his adases to 1662-3. Chapter XIII THE EXPEDITION OF VIZCAINO AND HIS DISCOVERIES The loss of the San Agustin in 1595 with a valuable cargo and some of her men and passengers proved a severe blow to the Viceroy, who had held out high hopes of a successful issue to the campaign. Nothing daunted, however, he laid plans for another expedition, and this time, after numerous consultations with persons supposed to be experienced in the matter, it was decided to have the expedition start from Acapulco instead of from the islands. It was finally organized, and departed May 5, 1602, under the command of Sebastian Vizcaino, a man who had conducted an expedition to the Peninsula of California in search of pearls a few years before. He was neither soldier nor sailor but a merchant, and more particularly a speculator. He was devoid of executive ability and was not overburdened with courage. The avowed purpose was to find a suitable port in which to establish a post where returning Philippine galleons could stop in case of necessity. At this time these galleons very rarely if ever sighted the coast above 36°, and it would seem that Cabrillo's port of San Miguel, the modern San Diego, would have been peculiarly appropriate for the purpose. Cabrillo had given a good account of it and it had appeared on the maps for a number of years, but it seems likely that the account of his expedition was overlooked or else had been lost in Mexico, for no mention of it was made in the instructions to Vizcaino. It is apparent from these that the Viceroy had some map of the coast of the Plancius type on which a Cabo Blanco was marked down in 44°. It may be, however, that the Cabrillo expedition had given the name "Blanco" to something supposed to be in that neighborhood, since we find the name on the Andre Homem map (42). Vizcaino was to proceed as far as that point, it being stated that this part of the coast was unknown and unexplored. If he should find that the coast trended to the west between Cabo Mendocino and Cabo Blanco he was instructed to explore it for one hundred leagues. Nothing was said about what he should do if it trended toward the east. On the Maris Pacifici map of 1589 (156) the coast does run west from Cabo Mendocino and even on the Plancius map it runs only a litde north of west. Fray Antonio de la Ascension in his account of the expedition asserted that the real purpose was to find the Strait of Anian, the entrance to which would have been found on maps of Gastaldi type No. 2 in the neighborhood of 44°. There is no contemporary evidence to substantiate this affirmation, but it is not impossible that the Council of the Indies may have had some such object in view, since it had before it about this time a memorial of Hernando de los Rios Coronel, addressed from Manila, in which he strongly urged the government to make an effort to find this strait. The Conde de Monterey, the Viceroy, afterward wrote that he did not wish to find it, as if it existed the knowledge of it could not be withheld from foreigners, who would thus find an easy entrance into the South Sea. The expedition of three ships was well equipped and carried with it a pilot, Francisco de Bolanos, who had accompanied Cermeno in 1595. Beyond finding Monterey which Vizcaino and Fr. Ascension said was one of the finest ports in the world, no more was really accomplished by Vizcaino than by Cabrillo. It is true that he claimed to have reached a latitude which, if it had been a correct one, would have been higher than any reached by Cabrillo. His experience was much the same as that of the latter. When north of Pt. [HI] . 1 I 112 Cartography of the Northwest Coast of America Reyes his ships were assailed by a storm and nothing can be more certain than that thereafter he only saw the coast at a great distance. Just how far north he reached is uncertain. The highest latitude actually observed on the ship was 42° but this was certainly one-half degree too high, as can be seen by his errors at well-known places farther south. From the rate of increasing errors as higher latitude was gained it is more likely that the observation of 42 was even more in error. His own narrative states that he saw what he thought was Cabo Blanco in 43°, but I think it plain that this was sheer estimation. The smallest of the three ships, a mere open boat, was also supposed to have reached 43°,. but I think it plain that this was another estimate wilder even than the other. There is nothing to show that she even passed beyond Cabo Mendocino except one of the plans. The exact location of the cabo proved to be a matter of great uncertainty. The accounts do not agree on the latitude of it and it is clear that nobody on the ships knew what Cabo Mendocino was, nor where it was. Bolanos was supposed to have seen it while he had been with Cermeno and if we take his statement and that in the narrative of Cermeno it is fairly evident that, as stated previously, the one they finally settled on was Trinidad Head or Rocky Point, possibly the headland of which both these are part. Very elaborate records were kept of the expedition, many of which are still extant in the Arch, de Indias, Seville. Vizcaino had a cosmographer, Geronimo Martin Palacios, who afterward turned out to be an imposter and was finally rewarded for his share in the expedition by being executed. It would not seem likely, then, that his maps could be entitled to much credit. Fr. Ascension, who also claimed to be a bit of a cosmographer, says that he acted as second cosmographer, but no maps made by him are now to be found. From the detailed maps brought back by the expedition—maps which I reproduced in my Spanish Voyages—a general map was made and sent to Madrid. This has disappeared. Besides the official accounts of the expedition, written by Vizcaino and Palacios, Fr. Ascension wrote one, a translation of which was also published in my Spanish Voyages. It is much more detailed and much more interesting than that of Vizcaino. Among the documents which have also survived is a derrotero which, although it purports to have been made by Fr. Ascension, was, according to his own statement, only corrected and added to by him. It was reaUy made by Bolanos for the purpose of serving as sailing directions on the coast for the returning Philippine galleons. Such service it seems to have performed for a long time. As late as 1734 it must still have been in use, for in that year Joseph Gonzalez Cabrera Bueno published it in Manila almost without change and without giving any credit whatever to the original authors. The derrotero contains a rather good description of the coast from Cabo Mendocino as far as San Clemente Island, and again of the Mexican coast. Little is said about the intervening section because, according to Bolanos, the ships would stand away from the coast from San Clemente and only direct their course from island to island. Palacios also wrote a derrotero which describes the coast in a direction opposite to that of Bolanos as far as Monterey, which is as far as Palacios went. Naturally there is a very close agreement between the two, but the differences are sufficient to show that the pilot and the cosmographer did not always agree. The principal result of the expedition was to endow the coast with a new set of names in spite of the instructions of the Viceroy to Vizcaino not to change those already established. Vizcaino, however, had purposes of his own in contemplation and desired to give the impression that all the places that he had seen were new discoveries. One of the grand discoveries of this expedition was a large island which was named "Cenizas." This happened to be a well-known island, the one now called San Martin. Cermeno had been there, and so had Bolanos in 1595. It was a small island, in reality, although if we accept Cermeno's account of it, it must have been about as large as Vizcaino said it was. The curious thing about it is that Vizcaino actually saw San Martin and described it correcdy, but .all the chroniclers of the expedition located Cenizas farther south and farther from the coast. Vizcaino did not attempt to explain his reason for giving all these new names. Probably he deemed discretion the wisest thing under the circumstances. A curious example of his intentions occurred in an attempt to change 1 The Expedition of Vizcaino and His Discoveries 113 the name of the Bahia de San Francisco to Don Gaspar. Don Gaspar was the Viceroy, the Conde de Monterey, his superior, and I take it that he hoped by this subtle piece of flattery to excuse himself for his breach of instructions. No doubt he would have liked to believe that the port he found under Pt. Reyes was different from the one in which Cermeno had lost his ship, but unfortunately Bolanos recognized the place. This was one case in which Vizcaino did not succeed; the place was too well- known under its proper name. "Don Gaspar" must have appeared on some map, however, for we find it on those of Teixeira, John Daniell, and Robert Dudley to be hereafter described. Palacios was discreet and avoided any controversy or friction with his superior by naming it on his chart the "Puerto de los Reyes." This action of Vizcaino's was nothing new in Spanish maritime circles nor was it the last time that some explorer attempted to absorb the credit due to a previous one. During the period of active exploration on the northwest coast at the end of the eighteenth century the complaint was repeatedly made that commanders insisted on giving new names to places which had already been discovered by their predecessors, a practice which could hardly have been defended by allegations that the positions previously assigned to these places had been incorrect. The Spaniards seem to have had the habit of sending out a new expedition without giving the commanders a map of the preceding one, and perhaps that would be the excuse Vizcaino would offer if we could now interview him on the subject. His names for most places are still used on this coast, while not a single one of Cabrillo's remains. • When Vizcaino and Fr. Ascension returned they were so loud in their praises of Monterey that the Viceroy was deceived. He thought it must be a wonderful port and advocated the settlement of it. The Spanish government looked favorably on the proposal and at one time sent out instructions to the Conde de Monterey's successor to arrange to carry out Vizcaino's plan. The new Viceroy, however, the Conde de Montesclaros, was very skeptical about the whole scheme. He said that a colony there would be of no use in protecting the settlements farther south from any piratical intrusion, and that the Philippine galleons would not stop there, because when they were that far along on their journey they could set the sails and proceed with a favorable wind to Acapulco in a very short time. Whatever may be" thought of his first argument, the second was undoubtedly true. He probably fortified his opinion with that of some pilots on the route, and the Spanish government, on receiving his communication, canceled the previous orders, thus ending for a long time any chance that the Spaniards might secure a settlement in what is now the State of California. The first period of active exploration on the northwest coast which began with the expedition of Ulloa, ended with that of Vizcaino. In spite of all the difficulties encountered a fairly thorough examination of the coast had been made as far north as Pt. Reyes and some knowledge of it, at least, had been obtained as far as Pt. St. George. This, in fact, was all that was necessary; there was no particular reason for extending the explorations farther north. The object of the Spanish government after 1570 in carrying them on had simply been to find a port favorably situated to serve as a stopping place for the Manila galleons. This port it was believed had now been found; no more expeditions, therefore, were necessary. If Vizcaino's orders were, as suggested by Fr. Antonio de la Ascension, to discover the mythical Strait of Anian and the still more mythical City of Quivira, his failure to find any trace of either must have been enough to chill the enthusiasm even of Fray Antonio. Some individuals continued to urge the government to discover this alleged strait, by which it was asserted that men and supplies could be taken to the Philippines from Spain in a comparatively short time, but the Council of the Indies, while admitting that the matter might be important, declined to support it. Opposed to the proponents of such an enterprise was another and much more influential class of men like the Conde de Montesclaros who thought it would be prejudicial to the interests of Spain to discover such a strait, as the South Sea would soon become infested with foreign enemies once a navigable passage should be discovered. One of the last acts even of the Conde de Monterey 114 Cartography of the Northwest Coast of America before leaving for Peru was to suggest to his successor that it was not wise to push the discoveries too far north, for fear that something might be found which, as he expressed it, "would awaken someone who was asleep." He said he had always thought it advisable to do no more than explore the pearl fishery and the coasts. His successor, Montesclaros, was even more strongly of this opinion, and his views prevailed. The authorities had become convinced by this time that the returning Manila ships would not stop on the coast. Some excuse would always be found to keep on, as the certainty of reaching home in less than a month was too powerful an inducement. It is true that in later years some of the would- be pearl fishers talked about the Strait of Anian and manifested an intense desire to discover it, but no efforts in that direction were made. All such talk was probably thoroughly understood by the Viceroys and the government in Spain and licenses were given to fish for pearls without any conditions calling for such voyages of discovery. Even the mythical tale of Juan de Fuca about the discovery in 1592 of something which he supposed to be a strait—a tale which was thoroughly exploited by Samuel Purchas in his Pilgrimes in 1625—failed to move the Spaniards. So far as the records show at present, no expedition whatever was sent forth from Mexico or from the Philippines with any object of exploration on the northwest coast until after the determination to occupy the northern part of the country in 1769. The project to make a settlement at Monterey or elsewhere on the coast was revived later but received no support. The fact was that a change had been made in the course across the Pacific followed by the returning Philippine ships. About 1600 an idea became prevalent that the scurvy, so common on these voyages, was occasioned by sailing so far north. An effort was now made to sail between the parallels of 30° and 36° until the sends or driftwood should be found, where the ships turned southeast. As time went on, many voyages were made without sight of the coast being had before Cabo San Lucas was reached, the aim being to pass by Isla Guadalupe. During the whole period there is no record that anyone from these ships landed on the coast above Cabo San Lucas, and none even there until 1733. The earliest maps to show the discoveries of Vizcaino appeared in Europe in 1624 and 1625. In the former year a small book was published in Amsterdam entided West-Indische Spieghel, which purported to have been written by one Athanasium Inga, a Peruvian from Cusco. The dedication is dated July 10, 1624, and is signed by the publisher. The book is a general description of what was then known as the West Indies and inserted in it was a map engraved by Abraham Goos entided 't Noorder deel van West-Indien (292). In 1625, in the third volume of Purchas' Pilgrimes a map of North America (295) engraved by R. Elstracke was inserted to accompany an article by Henry Briggs entided, A Treatise of the Northwest Passage to the South Sea through the continent of Virginia and by Fretum Hudson. This treatise (now somewhat modified) had first appeared in 1622 as a kind of appendix to The Declaration of the state ofthe colony and affairs in Virginia. In 1622 Briggs stated that California had been found to be an island as appeared on a map brought from Holland which he had seen in London. It is evident, therefore, that he had already seen a map in 1622, either a Spanish map or one drawn from it. The one he published in 1625 contains a statement that California had been found to be an island only about five hundred leagues long, by a Spanish chart taken by the Hollanders. In my Spanish Voyages I have, I think, produced sufficient evidence, circumstantial to be sure, to establish that the Spanish chart was one made by Fr. Antonio de la Ascension, though whether one captured in 1615 by Joris van Speilbergen or one that he sent to Spain in 1620 and has since disappeared is somewhat uncertain. His description of his 1620 map in his Relacion breve of that year corresponds with that from which Briggs's map was copied. Although apparently appearing a year earlier, the Goos map (292), in my opinion, was almost certainly taken from the Briggs map. The same errors will be found on it, fewer names, and the same Puerto Sr Francisco Draco in place of the Bahia de San Francisco, which undoubtedly appeared on the original map. 1 • 116 Cartography of the Northwest Coast of America It is somewhat difficult to say just how great a longitudinal extension between Cabo Mendocino and Cabo de San Lucas was calculated by the Vizcaino pilots. The Briggs map shows about twenty- three degrees and the Goos map about twenty-four. This was ten degrees too much and was even greater than had been shown on maps in the sixteenth century of undoubted Spanish origin. The principal feature of the maps is, of course, Fr. Ascension's "Mediterranean Sea of California," as he called it. It is probable that his own map showed a connection of this sea at the north with what he caUed the "Strait of Anian" which extended to the Adantic, but as Briggs and Goos both knew very well that no such strait existed in that latitude they omitted it from their maps, leaving open sea to the north and an undefined land to the west of Hudson's Bay and Buttons Bay. The Goos map, however, continues the continental coast in oudine to the north to the 60th parallel, where it ends. Between 55° and 60° there is a strait between this and another coast in oudine which on the 55th parallel extends about ten degrees to the west and then turns northwest for a few degrees. The western side of the strait runs north to 60° and then also turns northwest. This noticeably strange formation can be seen on later maps evidendy derived from this one. I have named this type of map the "Goos" type. Whether Briggs followed Fr. Ascension's map on the Sonora side is uncertain. The most prominent feature of this part of both maps is an R. del Norto nearly in the position of the Yaqui. It takes its rise in a lake north of the Real de Nuevo Mexico and north of the 40th parallel, all as on Tatton's map. In its upper course this river represents the Rio Grande. Perhaps Fr. Antonio had seen Tatton's Maris Pacifici (217) and erroneously concluded that the Rio Grande turned southwest into the Gulf of California instead of southeast into the Gulf of Mexico. The Isla de Giganta, the Corall and Tecon rivers, and the famous Lake of Gold were derived from the account of Juan de Onate's expedition to the gulf written by Geronimo Marques and included by Fr. Ascension in his account of the Vizcaino expedition, but the huge isla had also appeared on Tatton's map without a name. The names on the outer coast on these maps were not taken from the official accounts of the Vizcaino expedition nor from that published by Torquemada in 1615 in his Monorchia Indiana, but from the derrotero made by Francisco de Bolanos, the chief pilot of the expedition, and corrected by Fr. Ascension. Numerous errors occur in these names, no doubt made in copying the original by someone unfamiliar with Spanish, the most noticeable one being the substitution of a duplicated Punta de la Conception for the Punta de la Conversion. In this form, which I style the "Briggs" type, the map was reproduced apparendy until 1648 (354), when Joannes Blaeu corrected the southernmost Punta de la Concepcion to the P. de la Conversion and the Punta de St. Apalmat to S. Apolinas. The change of "Concepcion" to "Conversion" indicates that Blaeu had either seen the original map or some other Dutch map on which the change had appeared. Cartography of the Northwest Coast of America CHART 8—PLACE NAMES [Reading from north to south] Bolanos Derrotero—1603 Briggs—1625 (295) Goos—1624 (292) Blaeu—1648 (354) Agubela del Cabo R. de Estiete Tolaago C. Blanco C. Blanco Cabo de San Sebastian (42°) C. de St. Sebastian C. de S. Sebastian C. S. Sebastian Cabo Mendocino (4>VA°) C. Mendocino C. Mendocino C. Mendocino Punta de los Reyes Puerto de San Francisco (38^°) Po. Sr. Francisco Draco Po. Sr. Franciso Draco Punta de los Reyes Punta de los Reyes P. de los Reyes Farallones Puerto de Afio Nuevo (37H°) Puerto de Monterey (37°) P. de monte Rey Po. de monte Rey P. de Monte Rey Punta del Pinos (37°) Rio del Carmelo P. de Carinde P. de Carinde P. de Carinde Sierra de Santa Lucia Morro P. de Carinda Punta de la Concepcion (35H°) Punta de la Conception Punta de la Conception P. de la Conception Farallon de Lobos Canal de Santa Barbara Canal de St. Barbaria P. S. Diego Canal de S. Barbara Punta de la Conversion (35°) Punta de la Conception P. de la Conversion Isla de Santa Barbara P. de St. Diego S. Catalina P. de S. Diego Isla de Santa Catalina (3454°) St. Catalina I. S. Catalina Baia de todos Santos Isla de San Clemente (34-) St. Clement S. Cleme't S. Clement Ensenada de San Pedro (35°) B. de S. Quintin B. de las Virgines Puerto de San Diego (34°) I. St Martin I. San Martin I. S. Martin Islas de San Martin St. Martin B. d. Virgines Ensenada de Todos Santos (32H*) B. de todos Santos C. Engano C. d. Engano B. de St. Quinten B. d. Francisco Isla de San Marcos (32°) S. Marco Baia de las Virgines (31* 4C) I. de Pararos I. de Barraras B. da virgines P. de S. Bartolome Isla de San Geronimo (31K°) C. de Engano I. S. Marco St. Marco C. de Roqui Isla de Cenizas (31° 20') B. de Francisco P. de S. Simon Mesas de Juan Gomez P. de St. Symon Baia de San Francisco (31° 1C) I. de Ceintas P. de St. Bartolome I. de S. Bartolome Isla de Cerros (29°) I. de la Carre I. de la Carre Cabo de San Agustin (on Cerros) Isla de la Natividad de N. S. Puerto de San Bartolome (28° 15') Isla de San Roque Isla de Asuncion de N. S. (28°) Sierra Pintado Sierra Pintada I. de la Cerros Punta de Abreojos (27° 15') P. de Roqui P. de Roqui Ensenada de Ballenas (27° 15') B. de las arenas B. de las Arenas B. de las Arenas R. de S. Cristoval Sierra de los Infantes R. de St: Cristoual P. de S. Apalmat B. de S. Martin Isla de la Magdalena (25°) Punta de St. Apalmat B. de S. Martin R. de S. Cristoval P. de la Magdalena Baia de la Magdalena P. de la Magdalena Baia de Santa Maria [Marina] (24H°) P. de la Marque P. del Marques Po. de Cenoas P. de Canoas Sierras del Enfado (23.5°) Po. de la Paz [east coast] P. de la Paz Cabo de San Lucas (23°) C. de St. Lucas C. S. Lucas C. de S. Lucas Baia de San Bernabe B. de San Bernabe The Expedition of Vizcaino and His Discoveries 119 it seems obvious that the general map of the discoveries sent to Spain was the work of Palacios, certainly the original. At this time Enrique Martinez occupied a very prominent position in Mexico City. Although no original map made by him is today in existence, so far as we know, yet there is evidence that he was a mapmaker in addition to his various other vocations. The small maps of the expedition as they exist today were made by him. The nomenclature on these is naturaUy much fuller than that on any maps that Fr. Ascension might have made; furthermore, it is somewhat different. When examining some years ago the small map of Robert Dudley (350), published in his Arcano del Mare in 1646-47, I was struck by the appearance on it of names obviously derived from those small maps. I think that Dudley obtained his knowledge of this coast from the map of John Daniell (327). This map, a very beautiful manuscript, is today in the National Library at Florence, with several others of Daniell's which together seem to take in about all the then known world. Nothing seems to be known about him, but his name is English and all the maps purport to have been made 1 ■' tr-*\'*$m '-nil.' i jL,!.- AMERICA m w^. ..i-i 1 . MdiWWdlc. ^^""w-eS** •^JU—™»i iC:»lm{~~ «<wt • '.% !r*Q >?k§| Hi ouaA fm&f& ****" ^&L>v m ;;. \^' U California | j \^° s* • <e -Os iJXUTd iC: £'; s z^6 y TU.r^ft-J. td>°£? &f a 1 P : 1 2| ** / 1 Vvs&&*-< :i0^ ■ SlllR / |j$ *-«H / Jj5 Jy p t 1" *i£#8j S icVw, . . i ^^t^^S t I 0, kr—. — ~ 1&AR6 DEL ZDR ^hI '#' Il| PZ. XXIV—America Maiestrale of Robert Dudley of 1647. No. 350 XXVI—Teixeira {section of his map of 1630) No. 310 1 The Expedition of Vizcaino and His Discoveries 121 in St. Catherines, near the Iron Gate by the Tower of London. All that Dudley did was to add to DanielFs map of the northwest coast a few names from sixteenth-century maps and omit one or two real ones which Daniell had given, incidentally perpetrating a great number of errors. One of these errors shows the obvious derivation from Daniell's map. Along the Santa Barbara coast Daniell has a name "Costa Sigura del Pueblo Grande," a reference to the large town mentioned by Vizcaino and the sheltered position of the coast. Dudley has transferred this as "Costa Sicura, la gente sono Grande," an Italian translation in which pueblo, which in Spanish means "town," is translated as "gente," that is, "people." Not only were the natives on this coast not large; they were actually described as of medium or of small size. There are one or two other slight differences, but as the names on Daniell's map are difficult to decipher on my photograph such differences might disappear if the two maps could be compared. Dudley added a few anchors'to show where Vizcaino's ships had anchored and even one in his Porto dell' Nuovo Albion where he supposed Drake to have been. Before Daniell made his map a Portuguese, Joao Teixeira, drew a map of the world (310a) and one of the North Pacific (310b) which are found in a manuscript atlas in the Library of Congress containing twenty-six maps, and two added by Francisco de Seixas y Lovera dated 1692, together with an introduction by him. The atlas is dated 1630 and on the northwest coast will be found some of Vizcaino's names on the world map mixed with some of Cabrillo's, while on that of America, with the exception of the Sierras Nevadas, Sardinas, and San Agustin, they are all of Vizcaino origin. We even find some of the islands on it—San Ambrosio, San Nicolas, an abbreviation which probably stands for Santa Catalina, and Ceniza. The map of the North Pacific is not graduated for longitude, but on the world map we find that the longitudes are measured from the Line of Demarcation, which is about 43£° W of Greenwich. Counting from this we find Cabo Mendocino in about 113° W and Cabo San Lucas in about 77° W. At Cabo Mendocino, which is in about 42° N, the coast turns almost northeast to about 55° and then extends nearly thirty-five degrees west to the Estreito de Anian, which is just about midway between America and the island of Yezo north of Japan. Aside from the Vizcaino features of the map there are some others of outstanding interest. For instance, at the head of Mar Vermelho or Gulf of California there are three rivers entering it named respectively from west to east, Quivira, Alarcon, and Tizon. Whereas Quivira (the city) appears on the coast on the world map, it only appears as a province in the interior on the other map. In a latitude of about 20° on the latter and in fact on the world map, though unnamed, there is a small group of islands named Vezinas, and adjoining it on the east La Desgraciada, not more than twenty degrees west of the southern point of California. The Quiros discoveries of the Solomon Islands in 1606 are shown on the map, and on the world map a land south of Java has a developed north coast line and a legend that it was discovered by Manuel de Godinho y Eredia in the year 1601, by order of the Viceroy, Aires de Saldanha. This appears to have been Australia, the discovery of which by Godinho de Eredia is described by him in a document in Brussels. To remove, however, the first appearance of these Vizcaino names outside of Spain back to Daniell, who made his map in 1637 (327), or even to Teixeira (310), does not solve the problem of where or how they were obtained. Spanish maps had a habit of turning up in England because English privateers were very active. It might be permissible to surmise that the general map of the Vizcaino expedition which has now disappeared was captured by some such privateer in 1603, except for Purchas' failure to make any reference to it in his Pilgrimes. Purchas was interested in cartography and such a map could hardly have escaped some observations by him if he had known of it. It would be very interesting to compare other maps of Daniell with those of Dudley to see if Dudley made any such use of them as he did of this. Dudley was living in Florence during the last part of his life and the fact that Daniell's maps are still in Florence is significant, to say the least. 122 Cartography of the Northwest Coast of America An opinion has been expressed by Dr. J. G. Kohl that the Arcano del Mare of Dudley was first published in 1630. He based this no doubt on the fact that in the Royal Library in Munich there are some manuscript maps of Dudley's of obviously earlier date than the published ones. I have not seen the originals of these maps, but reproductions published by Dr. George Davidson in 1890 in his Identification convince me that they are nothing but preliminary sketches for the final adas. It is , noticeable that none of them contains Vizcaino's names; they are the models on which the old maps in his Arcano del Mare were based (352b-d). These latter display Dudley's usual penchant for Dudley's old maps are graduated to single degrees of latitude and longitude, thus together forming one of the largest maps of the coast ever produced. Furthermore, the map taken as a whole exhibits one of the most remarkable geniuses for invention ever displayed by a cartographer. Perhaps half the names on the map are of Dudley's own making, though, to be sure, most of these are cabos and bahias connected with other well-known names. For instance, if an unnamed river was shown on the coast on a previous map, Dudley named it the Rio Incognito and usually added Boccha del Fiume. If we eliminate all such additions, we see that the nomenclature down to C. de Inganno was taken from the Geilekerck-Janssonius map of 1618 (275). All the names in what Dudley calls the Baia Grande Pericolosa, between C. de Inganno and Cedros, were invented by him, as also those from Cedros to the Punta de Abrolhos. From there to C. San Lucar there are a few old names and two or three taken from his Vizcaino map of California. On the east coast of the peninsula as far as the map extends there is another set of imaginary names. At about 38£° Dudley inserted a large bay with an anchor in it which he styled "Porto di Nuoua Albion." There is also a legend concerning New Albion just below the 40th parallel and between the 41st and 42nd another concerning the location of C. Mendocino in 50°, which he states that Drake and the Spanish pilots found to be in 40°. C. de Fortuna, the farthest point west, is placed in about 228° 40' E, C. Mendocino in about 233° 40', and C. S. Lucar in 273° 10'. The longitudinal extension of California, then, is about 45 degrees, or about 39 degrees if measuring from the 40th parallel, which is as far as it was known when Janssonius made his map, a considerable improvement on the usual maps of the latter part of the sixteenth century. Dudley in his description of New Albion and Map No. XXXII (352c) says that Drake found wild horses there. Dudley's maps were brought forward by Dr. Davidson as evidence that the port where Sir Francis Drake repaired his ship was in a little over 38°. Unfortunately the only proof that the map affords about Drake is that Dudley obtained his information about Drake's voyage from Hakluyt's Famous Voyage of 1589. Consequendy it is not a first authority on the subject. Although Dudley's Arcano del Mare enjoys today a great reputation his maps do not seem to have inspired much confidence among his contemporaries, few of whom copied either his geography or his nomenclature^ either from his old maps or from the one which shows the results of the Vizcaino expedition. Delisle, however, took a few names from the latter. Those of the Briggs type had too strong a hold on public favor to be displaced. The trouble with Dudley's maps, in my judgment, is that they were drawn on such a large scale that the existing supply of names was insufficient to make a good showing, so that he was obliged to invent some, in this respect emulating some of his predecessors. In 1661 a second edition of the Arcano was issued. I The Expedition of Vizcaino and His Discoveries CHART 9—PLACE NAMES [Reading from north to south] Palacios charts (236) Teixeira—1630 (310b) Daniel—1637 (327) Dudley—1647 (350) Costa q. va al Cabo Blanco Cabo Mendocino C. Mendocino C. Mendocino C. Mendocino Punta del Cabo blanquisias C. Mendosino C. Corrientes Punta de la Baia grande Los blanquisales Baya del Cabo [?] Bahia del Capo- Baia grande cerca del Cabo Sierras nevadas C. Doblada C. di Blado Costa doblada de lomas arboledas—[and] costa de Arboledas R. Arboleda —Quivira [world map] C. Arboledo Rio grande de S. Sebastian Ensa. Larga Ensa. Larga Puerto de los Reyes po. de d. gaspar [Reyes] P. de Don Gaspar Po di Don Gaspar Rio Salado S. anbrozio R. Salado R. Salado Punta o Frayles de barrancas blancas barreras blancas I. Barrancas Blancas Po dell nuovo Albion Isla Hendido Ensenada grande Punta de Afio Nuevo Ensenada p. de ano nuevo P. de Anonuebo Po di Anonaebo Puerto de Monterrei P. de Monterey Po di Moneerei Punta de Pinos p. de Sardinas Sta. Barbara C. S. Barbara Punta q. Parece Isla St. Augustin C. S. Agostino Costa de sierras dobladas S:Cna de Mucha arboleda Costa de arboledas Costa de Mucha Arboleda Costa di muchios arbo- ledes Costa Saluarica Ensenada del Roque I. de Ceniza Ensenada de Roque Enseada di Roques Ensenada de Abrigo Punta de la Limpia Con cepcion Isla de baxos S. agostin Costa Sigura del Pueblo Grande Costa Tirado ay Canoas de Tablas Costa Sicura, la gente Costa de Mucha Arboleda y Segura Pueblo grande sono Grande Costa de arboleda S. anicleto S. Ambrosio I. S. Ambrogio Isleo grande Isla de gente barbuda- de Barbudas I. de Barbadas Tres Isleos Costa de arboleda Costa sigura de buena gente Costa de barcos [Punta] de rio dulce S. Nicolas Isla de Sta Barbera P. de Rio Dulce P. del Rio Dolce S. Nicholas I. de S. Nicolas Costa de Indios amigos Ensenada de S. Andres Ensenada S. Andres de Encieada di S. Andres d5 Buena Gente Isla raza de buena gente Isla de Sta Catalina [with] Puerta de Sta Catalina [at St. Catalina I. di S. Catarina the isthmus] Costa sigura Costa raza Punta de Arboleda Costa sigura Costa Sigura Costa Sicura Ensenada de baxa entrada Cartography of the Northwest Coast of America CHART 9 (Continued) [Reading form north to south] Palacios charts, (236) Teixeira—1630 (310b) Daniel—1637 (327) Dudley—1647 (350) Puerto bueno de S. Diego P. de S. diogo P. de S. Diego Po. de S. Diego Islas de S. Martin Mesa de la Sena El Calvario El Calvario Punta de Sierras Islas de Todos Santos Todos Santos Todos Santos Cabo de Todos Santos P. [?] de Todos Santos C. di Todos Sanctos Costa de Sierras Altos de humos Cabo tajado de S. Simon y Judas [or] S. Quintin San Quintin Sanquintin Ensenada de S. Quintin I. de Cenisa I. Cenica Isla de S. Martin Laguna Grande [in Las Po. di S. Martino Punta de las Virgines S. frco Virgines] I. Palmas [for San Mar- Ensenada de las Virgines Encenada de las virgines Ensenada de las virgines Enseada de las virgines Ensenada enganosa Enseada d'Ingannos Punta delgada P. Delgada Po. del Gada Ensenada pequena Ensa. Pequena Ensa Pequena Bahia de St. Francisco Enseada di S. Francesco Ensenada de Canoas Costa Limpia [?] C. Blanco di Sta Maria C. Blanco de Sta Maria C. Blanco de Sta Maria C. Engano Costa Limpia la asunsion Laguna Ensenada de pescado bianco Ensa. de Pescado Blanco Golfo Profondo Isla de Serros I. de Cedros I. de Cedros I. di Cedros Isla de la Natividad Punta de S. Eugenio P. de S. Eugenio Po. di S. Eugenio Puerto de San bartolomeo S. Bartolome [world map] P. St. Bartolomeo P. di St. Bartolome Morro Hermoso C. di Cedros Punta de Ensenada Morro hermos Isla de S. Roque Farallones Farallones Punta de la Assumpcion Enseada de la Asumcion Enseada del Almuron Isla de la Assumpcion P. de St. Ypolito Po. de S. Ipolito Ensenada de la Assumpcion C. del Porto Ensenada de S. Hippolito Playas Plaias "Mesa Messa Costa Piana Mesa de Marien Punta de Abreojos P. de Abreojos B. d' Abrolhos Arrecifes (in Bahia de Bal- Punta de baxos Punta de N. S. de los Nieves Punta de Sto Domingo Ensenada pequena Ensa. Pequena Ensa. Pequena Ensenada larga Enseada Grande Golfo Profondo Punta de S. Lazaro P. de S. Lazaro I. S. Lazaro Baia de S. Martin Los ermanos Ensa. grande Baia de la Madalena Morro redondo Baia pequena Ens. Pequena Ens. Pequena Punta de Sta Margarita Ens. Bor. Baia de Sta Marina B. de Sta . . . [Marina] S. Martino [Marina] Morro de ensenada P. de . . . J [Cabo de San Lucas] C: de S. Lucas Sierras Efadas C. S. Lucar Cabo del Nordeste [Peninsula named Cali Porto [Bernabe] fornia] C. S. Clara Chapter XIV CARTOGRAPHY FROM 1630 TO SANSON In the year 1629, no doubt with a view to issuing new maps in another edition, the Hondius firm had sold thirty-seven plates of maps to Blaeu and consequently we find in the 1633 edition of their adas some new maps, notably a Nova totius terrarum (308) of the type of the Janssonius- Goos globe of 1621 (287) and of the Goos map in the West-Indische' Spieghel (292). It is also probable that the America Septentrionalis (314) was issued in the French edition of that year. This is of Briggs type. It is therefore plain that the Hondius firm had accepted the idea that California was an island, and although they retained in future atlases maps of the old type the new ones became more and more prominent. No further change except corrections could be made to maps of the northwest coast of America and consequently we find no new map of this region in future atlases published by the firm. After the death of Henricus, in 1638, Jean Jansson, the survivor, associated with him his two sons-in-law, also named Jansson, commonly known as de Waesburg. In 1653 they put out a Spanish edition in five volumes and in 1657 a Latin one in five volumes, the largest ever issued by them. There was, however, another issued in 1668, the Novus Atlas Absolutissimus, which contains eleven volumes, but several of these were simply reissues of earlier editions, and in fact, although the set purports to have been issued by Johannes Janssonius, my own impression is that it was issued by Nicholas Visscher after 1672. The volumes contain numerous maps by Visscher, all without date and mostly without any text on the backs. These include his maps of the world and one of America (378) which had not previously been included in the Jansson atlas of 1656, for which Visscher engraved the title-page. The fifth volume of Jansson's Nouvel Atlas, bearing dates from 1646 to 1653, contains the Mar del Zur (359), which is also of Briggs type and is apparently-the first chart of the South Sea to be issued by the firm. Their last publication seems to have been an Atlas Minor issued in 1676. In all probability, Robert Dudley had been the first to issue a. Mar del Zur (352a), in his Arcano del Mare. It is Chart No. 98 and was issued in 1647. It covers almost the same ground as was covered by the maps or charts of the South Sea which had appeared in the manuscript Spanish and Portugese atlases of the sixteenth century. It does not show California as an island and contains an earlier nomenclature on the northwest coast. Jansson's Mar del Zur is also found in his Atlantis Majoris of 1657 and the Atlas Novus Absolutissimus of 1668. None of Blaeu's corrections appears on the map, but there is only one Punta de la Concepcion, indicating that Jansson had also consulted the Goos map of 1624 (292). The map contains discoveries as late as 1647. A vast Terra Incognita is separated from America by a Fretum Anian ten degrees wide. A long string of imaginary islands occupies the place of the old Antarctic continent in the Pacific and extends to the Strait of Magellan, or rather below it, from Nova Guinea, to which a legend is attached to the effect that the King of Spain sent Hernando Gal- lego there in 1576. The map was also published by A. Colom about 1656. Various Pascarts of the South Sea were issued in Zee-Atlases of Hendrick Doncker of 1660-1 (382) and 1665, and 1672; [125] W 126 Cartography of the Northwest Coast of America of J. van Loon, 1661 (388) and 1666; of Pieter Goos, 1666 (394) and 1670 in English and 1671 in French, reissued in Amsterdam in 1668 and 1675, and in French in 1687. It was about this time that Johannes Vingboons was engaged on his colossal work of drawing manuscript maps for the use of the Dutch West India Company. They are now scattered in various places and are fully described by Dr. Wieder in the fourth volume of his Monumenta Cartographica, with the exception of the thirteen maps belonging to the Library of Congress. These maps had been acquired by Henry Harrisse and were bequeathed by him to the Library in 1912. Among them is the only one that I have noticed which shows the northwest coast of America; this is a special map of California (332) and is supposed to have been drawn in 1639. It is of the Briggs type, with numerous errors in nomenclature. The interesting thing about the map is that it does not contain the corrections made by Blaeu in 1648 and therefore could not have been drawn from the original Spanish map which we must suppose to have been either in The Hague or in Amsterdam. In England in the first half of the century the most important maps issued were those by Thomas Speed. His America (301b), dated 1626, is of Goos type but the names are mainly from the Briggs map (295). It was not engraved in London but by Abraham Goos in Amsterdam. The side borders contain figures of the inhabitants of different countries and that on the top contains plans of towns. It was reissued in Speed's book of 1631. Another map (304), engraved by Robert Vaughan, was issued in the Worlde Encompassed in 1628 and in the Relations of the most famous kingdomes of Botero, translated by Robert Johnson. It is of Briggs type. In 1635-6 an issue in English was made in Amsterdam of the Hondius adas, the text having been translated by Henry Hexham. The plates were not reengraved. In the same year an extract from the Hondius adas, entided Historia Mundi or Mercator's Atlas, translated by W. Saltonstall, was printed in London by Michaell Sparke. It contains two small maps, Typus orbis terrarum (322a) and America descript. (322b), which were not copied from the Mercator adas but are Hondius maps of the type published by Purchas in 1625. Purchas had employed the younger Hondius to engrave some small maps for him which he issued in his Pilgrimes. They are really reductions in size of those in one of the Hondius adases and the two above mentioned are of pre-Briggs type. They are printed in the text and are too small to be of any value. In 1643 in an edition of Joseph Hall's Mundus Alter a small map (347) engraved by Peter Kaerius appeared. It only shows the northwest coast to about 22° N. The French cartography of this period did not concern itself much with America and very little with the northwest coast. The Amsterdam publishers kept the market supplied with adases with French texts, and judging from the size of these works it must have taken all the money available for geographical study in France to pay for them. Philippe Bertius, an Antwerp engraver and a former associate of Ortelius, was obliged to take refuge in France and published a few small atlases there of Mercator type. In the early part of the century in Dieppe, Jean Guerard drew on Mercator's projection a manuscript map of pre-Briggs type dated 1625 (296), obviously of Hondius lineage. A Destroit Danian about ten degrees wide separates the coast from Cathaya. In 1634 he drew another (321), also on Mercator's projection, which illustrates the confusion into which cartographers were thrown by the appearance of the Briggs map. Guerard took as his basis his own map of 1625 but made an island out of California with C. Mendocino near the top of it in about 42°. From there the outer coast extends west-northwest and north to the Arctic Circle, similarly to that shown on maps of the Jans- sonius-Goos type but with only Serra Nevado and Nouvelle Albion. The discoveries of Quiros are shown on the map and the longitudes are the same as those on his map of 1625. Just above the north end of California is a legend to the effect that this is the great ocean discovered in 1612 by Henry Hudson, an Englishman, and it is believed that there is a passage from there to Japan. In 1641 Jean Boisseau published a small adas, Tresor des Cartes Geographiques, which contains two hemispherical maps (341) of the world, and in 1646 he issued a map with both hemispheres on one sheet. In 1643 Cartography From 1630 to Sanson 127 Claude Morisot published an Orbis Maritimi in Dijon. A small map (348), Americae septentrionalis, was inserted in it with the place names translated into Latin. It is a Hondius map and some of the translations are rather amusing. For example, Cabo Nevado appears as Pr. Niuguidum and the Sierra Nevada as Montes Niuguidi, Coste Triste is translated Ora Tristis, and the Bahia de Fuegos as the Baja Flammea. Cabo Engano is P. Fraudulentum. About 1644 Picard issued some Hondius maps, among them his America noviter delineata (349). In 1928 Dr. Wieder reproduced in the third volume of his Monumenta Cartographica a large map (354) issued by Joannes Blaeu, the son of Willem Jansz Blaeu, entitled Nova totius terrarum of c. 1648) No. 354 128 Cartography of the Northwest Coast of America orbis tabula. It is dedicated to Casparo de Bracamonte et Guzman, and from the fact that this man was the Spanish plenipotentiary at the Peace of Miinster and from the remarks by Blaeu in the dedication Dr. Wieder came to the conclusion that the map had been made in 1648. The map is on a stereographic projection in two hemispheres, each about 150 centimeters in diameter. A copy of it was sold by Midler and Co., after appearing in their catalogue for 1875 and 1877—probably the one now in the possession of the Royal Geographical Society. There is another copy of it in the British Museum in the Klencke atlas. These differ, inasmuch as the sheet showing China has been revised in the one belonging to the Royal Geographical Society, in all probability to utilize the information brought back by Martinius from China in 1654. Dr. Wieder pertinently questions whether this fact is compatible with the date 1648 which he ascribes to the first issue. The question is of importance because, if the proper date is 1648, this map is the first to my knowledge on which the corrections to the Briggs or Goos types of map appear. In 1656 Nicolas Sanson published a map like it (374) and the point therefore arises, Did Blaeu copy Sanson or did Sanson copy Blaeu? While I am not convinced that Blaeu's map was made in 1648, since he might have dedicated it to Bracamonte at any time afterward, when both he and Bracamonte were living, I nevertheless think it likely that the map was issued before 1656. The principal reason for thinking so is that the corrections of Blaeu could only have been made possible through examination of the original manuscript map. That this was in Holland is much more likely than that it was in Paris. To the corrections were added some new names which I think did not occur on the original manuscript map, but were inventions of Blaeu or were found by him on some map now unknown. These are also found on the Sanson map, and are as follows: Agubela de Cato [for Gato], on the mainland at the north oudet of the strait separating California from the continent; and the R. de Estiete and Tolaago on the northern end of the island of California. The origin of these names is a mystery but the Agubela de Gato seems to have some connection with a Cabo de Gato which on the early maps had been located somewhere at the eastern entrance to the Strait of Bacalaos. The chief corrections and changes which Blaeu made were to omit the C. Sir Francisco Draco, change the southernmost Concepcion to Conversion, its proper name, Briggs's Carre to the proper name Cerros, and his St. Apalmat to S. Apolinas. The B. de las Arenas of Briggs remained uncorrected. Blaeu committed one grievous error—the Real de Nueva Mexico of Briggs [that is, Santa Fe] appears as the Real de Nueva Mogui. He also used a different map for the coast of Sonora and Sinaloa below the famous R. del Norto, as it is written on both maps. The famous "Lacus" of Blaeu appears in part on the map and there are others of his peculiarities in the handling of the rivers. About the same time, a new issue (337) of the 68-centimeter globe (288) was made with the corrections of the 1648 map. It is undated but may antedate the map. After Blaeu once got started in the business of issuing atlases he was almost as active as the Hondius-Jansson firm. In 1638 he died, leaving his business to his son Joannes, who published a new edition of the Theatrum in three volumes about 1640-2 in four languages, another edition in four volumes shortly thereafter, and one in five volumes about the same time. Between 1645 and 1655 one in six volumes was issued. The famous Cosmographiae Blaviana was issued in Latin in eleven volumes in 1662. In the following year a French edition in twelve volumes was brought out, in 1667 a second edition, and in 1672 a Spanish edition in fourteen volumes. Sometime previously, Cor- neille Blaeu had joined his brother in business. In 1672 the establishment was destroyed by fire and it is usually stated that the plates and most of the Spanish edition were lost. In 1673 Joannes died leaving three sons, but the firm seems to have disappeared as map publishers. Indeed in the later atlases published by them a number of maps appeared engraved by Visscher and De Wit, indicating that these men possibly had some connection with the firm. There is no doubt that Visscher the Younger obtained possession of a number of the Blaeu plates and continued to issue atlases. Many of the plates in these bear the name of some member of the Blaeu family but from the larger number the name has been erased. As Visscher's productions are seldom if ever dated, it is quite impossible 1 Cartography From 1630 to Sanson 129- to say when his atlases containing these plates appeared, but as those which he or his successors issued obviously in the following century seldom if ever include any of them we may conclude that they had almost all disappeared before the year 1700. No change was made on any of the maps in the northwest coast of America. Even when engraved by Visscher and De Wit or some other engraver the old maps were simply copied. The later issues of Blaeu's plates are beautiful works of art, simple, and not overloaded with ornament. The maps of different parts of Europe are distinguished by being embellished with beautiful coats of arms, usually of the rulers, or sometimes of families residing in the district. About 1675 Frederick De Wit issued an atlas containing the Magnum Mare del Zur cum Insula California (411). This is a copy of Blaeu's map of 1648 (354) with some names omitted. It differs from the ordinary Mar del Zur map by not showing much of anything south of California and extending west to Japan. In the same year J. Seller's Atlas Maritimus, issued in London, contained one (410) of these maps. I do not profess to give a complete list of these South Sea maps, or. rather of the atlases in which they were contained; there were frequent issues of the atlases in various languages, but the maps were all practically the same since all of them were based on either the Goos and Briggs maps of 1624 (292) and 1625 (295) or the modified Blaeu map of 1648 (354). It is not my intention to dilate on the general cartographic value of either the later Blaeu or the Hondius-Janssonius maps. As far as the northwest coast of America is .concerned they have no more value than the originals on which they were based. In the early period Hondius' model was his globe of 1600 (216). It was not until 1630 (308) that a change was made. In that year Henricus Hondius adopted the type of the Janssonius-Goos globe of 1621 (287) and of the Goos map of 1624 (292). Blaeu's model was his map of 1605 (239), which, generally speaking, is the same as the Hondius globe with some minor modifications. It was not until 1648 that Blaeu's son Jean seems to have adopted the island type of California and even then the map (354) was not inserted in his- atlases. Indeed the island theory of California did not make any great headway until it was taken up by Nicolas Sanson in 1656. Very few maps of the first half of the century can be found which display it. A few adopted the Janssonius-Goos type, which at least could be supported by the authority of Herrera. Chapter XV CARTOGRAPHY IN THE LATTER PART OF THE SEVENTEENTH CENTURY Nicolas Sanson During the first half of the seventeenth century the map-publishing business was, as we have seen, practically centered in Amsterdam. Holland was at the height of its power at the beginning of the century and just beginning its extension overseas which became such an important factor in the relations between the various European powers. When we stop to consider that almost all the Blaeu editions, and many of those of Hondius and Jansson were issued in four languages and that on top of this there was a never-ending stream of "Adas Minors" we can realize the enormous vogue which the Amsterdam maps had at that period. It was not simply a question of printing maps, but of printing texts as well, many of the maps having numerous pages giving a history or description of the particular parts depicted. The editions of the large adases could never have been very great, as they were too expensive for the ordinary purse. In 1650 a new star appeared in the cartographical firmament, that of Nicolas Sanson, and before the end of the century the center of mapmaking had shifted from Holland to France. It is true that Visscher, De Wit, and other less celebrated cartographers and map publishers continued to issue adases in Holland, but their productions no longer enjoyed the same vogue as before. The reason for the change is not any too apparent, but I think it likely that the Blaeus and the Janssons had killed the market by putting out adases which were not only too expensive but also too large and unmanageable.. They had attempted to cultivate a wider public by the issuance of their "Adas Minors," but these though perhaps cheap enough, were unsatisfactory. The maps generally were too small to be of any great utility. The power of Holland was declining relatively during this period, and that of France was on the ascending grade. Louis XIV with his great ministers, Mazarin and Colbert, was bending every energy to develop the industries of France, and before the end of the century that country was the dominating power in Europe. Perhaps all this had something to do with the shift. Nicolas Sanson was born in Abbeville in the year 1600. His first map, which appears to have been of ancient Gaul, was published in 1629, but it was not until 1650 that he seems to have produced a map of the New World (360), at least one that he signed. In a small adas of maps of America published by him in my possession there is a Carte de VAmerique (351) on a stereographic projection of Hondius type without name of author or engraver but dated 1646. California is of the old peninsula type and the coast ends at about 30° at C. del Engano. From here there is a line of dots extending to 200° E Long, and ending at 44° N Lat. with an inscription on it to the effect that the old false relations made this a coast. On the Sonora side are some Plancius names. The general style is quite distinct from that of maps drawn later by Sanson. In 1650 he published his Amerique Septentrionale (360). This is of Briggs type but with changes that make it almost a new type. About ten degrees west of Cap Blanc and about five degrees to the north the coast line begins again and extends in a south of west direction some twenty degrees to the end of the map. Mixed up with Briggs's names are some taken from Laet's map (309) and in some cases Briggs's names have been replaced by Laet's; for instance, C. de Pinos occupies the position of Pt. Reyes, which is put lower [130] Cartography in the Latter Part of the Seventeenth Century CHART 10—PLACE NAMES [Reading from north to south] LAET—1630 (309) SANSON—1650 (360) DELISLE—1700 (459) C. Blanc C. de S. Sebastien •C. Mendocino C. Mendocino C. Mendocin C. de Fortunas C. de Fortune C. de Fortune Nova Albion P. de S. Francisque Drac •C. de Pinos C. de Pinos C. et R. des Pins Sierra Neuada C. Arboledo C. de Neges Nouv. Albion Pointe des Roys M. de St. Martin P. de Drak <C. de S. Martin C. de S. Martin C. de S. Martin Village des Canots Seyo port de Monterey Port de Carinde Seyo C. de Galera C. de Galera I. des Barbades Pueblo de las Canoas Canal de Ste Barbe P. des Sardines Pointe de la Conception I. de S. Nicolas T. de Ste Caterine Port de S. Diego Port de S. Diego I. de Ste Catherine S. Clement I. de Cenica (for San Clemente) Baye de tous les Saints I. S. Martin B. de S. Quentin I. de Parracoe P. de S. Martin Baye des Vierges C. de la Croix B. de Francisque X St. Augustin I. de S. Augustin ggg C. de Engano I. de S. Marc B. de S. Simon I. de Ceinta C. de Engano I. de Cedros I. de la Carree Pointe de S. Barthelemy Port de Roque B. des Arenes R. de S. Christouval Pointe de S. Apalmat I. de Cedres P. de la Madalena Port de la Magdalene B. de S. Martin P. de la Madalene P. de la Trinidad P. de la Marque ou de la Trinite P. de la Trinite P. de la Pas P. de l'Abad Enseada dengano C. de S. Lucar C. de S. Lucas C. S. Lucar down, and C. Galera takes the place of the Punta de la Concepcion while the southernmost Punta de la Concepcion is shown. On the Sonora coast some new names are added to those of Briggs but the Rey •Coromedo is conspicuous by its absence. Most of the names are in French. It could not be on this jnap that Sanson introduced a new projection, for it appears to be on a stereographic projection. It was reissued in 1667, 1669 (on a smaller scale), 1674, in 1677 by Rossi, in 1690 and 1695 by Jaillot, and perhaps many other times. In 1656, as has already been explained, Sanson issued a map 132 Cartography of the Northwest Coast of America (374) of the Briggs-Blaeu type, entided Nouveau Mexique et la Floride. On both this map and the preceding one Santa Fe is on the wrong side of the Rio Grande, which on both maps is the R. del Norte flowing into the Gulf of California. In 1651 he had published a Mappe-monde (365) of Briggs type and with a coast line extending west to the Destroit d'Anian, somewhat resembling the Janssonius-Goos type but containing some remarkable names: Sierra Nevada in 220° of longitude, Nouvelle Albion in 210°, and Quivira in 190°. His prime meridian is just about twenty degrees west of London. His Orbis vetus of 1657 (375) is of the same type, but his Hydrographie (367) of 1652 is quite different. Next to California is the Destr. d'Anian. No coast line extends to the west or it has been erased, but out in the middle of the Pacific we have the name Terre de Iesso and next to China the Destroit de Iesso. His Harmonie (381) of 1659 is of similar type except that the name Terre de Iesso is missing. I am unable to account for the popularity of his maps beyond the fact that the place names are well and clearly written, and that they have a general air of simplicity which is rather pleasing, but in my opinion they do not equal the Blaeu maps in point of execution. Sanson died in 1667; his son Nicolas had died in 1649. Another son, Guillaume, lived until 1703. and his grandson, Pierre Moullart-Sanson, until 1730. The later issues of Nicolas Sanson's maps were made by Hubert Jaillot, who must have possessed the plates. Jaillot was born about 1632 and died in 1712. He began to issue Sanson's maps about 1674, usually with expanded titles and sometimes reengraving them so as to add additional material, but as far as the northwest coast of America is- concerned they remained the same as Sanson's maps of 1650 (360) and 1656 (374), sometimes one,, sometimes the other. Spanish Maps Spanish maps of the northwest coast of the seventeenth century are almost unknown. Navarrete in his Viajes Apocrifos, page 226, mentions one of the Phdippine-California route made by Pedro de Vera in Manila, but he does not say where he found it, and so far as I know it does not exist today. In July, 1681, Bartholomew Sharp captured off the coast of Peru a vessel called the Rosario- and found on board a Derrotero General del Mar del Zur (398) ma the coast from the Californias to the Strait of Magellan and contai maps. The document as it exists today in the British Museum appei Englishman. The highest point shown on the coast is San Roque in Colorado on the east coast in about 37°. From San Roque south w end of the peninsula: Ensenada la Ascencion, Abreojos, N. Sa de lai Magdalena, Bahia de la N. Sa, Porto de la Marques, Bahia de la Tr de San Lucas in 23°. At the head of the gulf there are three rivers le in Panama in 1669. It covers is one hundred and forty-nine rs to be a copy made by some bout 32°, and the mouth of the : find the following names to the Nievas, Ens. Larga, Bahia de la. nidad, Cabo Blanco, Plaia, Cabo ! with the Isla de Giganta at the mouths of them. There is a very similar derrotero in the Real Academia de la Historia, Madrid, but the smaller maps begin farther south. At the beginning, however, is a map (455) which shows California as an island and with a set of names some of which I have never seen on any other map. From) the fact that at the top of the island is a name Ttalago, one would infer that it had been copied from some map of the Blaeu 1648 type, but at the northeast end of the island is the name Cavo de Ttortru- gas, while on the west side, besides the familiar names of Magdalena, Punta de Roque, Cedros, Pajaros, and Cabo Mendocino and Cabo Blanco, we find the Isla de Cazones south of Magdalena, the Isla de Naipes just north of it, the Isla Seca, and the Islas Abrigadas which seem to be some of the Santa Barbara Channel islands. It is quite impossible to fix a date for it, but it would seem to have been made in the latter part of the seventeenth century. From the derrotero of 1669 William Hack almost certainly drew up his famous Buccaneers' Atlas. He, however, added some information that he had obtained from Sharp himself or other survivors of the expedition. In 1687 Hack drew a large "Description of the navigable parts of the world" (429) to represent Ambrose Cowley's track around the world in 1685. Cowley evidently had obtained possession of some Spanish chart of tht- Cartography in the Latter Part of the Seventeenth Century 133 North Pacific or else used one of the ordinary maps of California of the Briggs-Blaeu type, with a few errors as usual. In 1683 Father Eusebio Kino accompanied the expedition to California of Isidro Atondo y Antillon and made a map (422) of the southern part of the peninsula. It only shows a little of the west coast, principally between 24° and 25° of latitude. The Puerto de Santa Maria Madalena is put in 25° with a river of the same name flowing into it, and the Puerto del Marques is shown in 24° 37^'. The Puerto de la Paz appears on the gulf side. English Maps Aside from the few maps previously referred to and especially the one in Moxon's edition of Wright's Errors in Navigation in 1655 (372), there are few English maps extant of this period of Any importance. In 1651 a New and Accurate Map of the World (366) was issued in London by Thomas Bassett and Richard Chiswell which is almost like Guerard's map of 1634 (321) except that it has names on the peninsula. This was reissued by Bassett in 1676 with a printed text on the back—"The General Description of the World"—in Speed's Theater of the Empire of Great Britain. One of the most interesting maps published at this time in London was a Mapp of Virginia discovered to the Hills . . . (363). It was drawn by Virginia Farrer and contains a fanciful representation of the northwest coast, which is shown just beyond the Appalachian Mountains, and thereabouts is a legend concerning Drake. A somewhat similar map appeared in the same year in a second edition of Virginia more especially the south part thereof. In Heylin's Cosmographie of 1652 appeared a map of America (368). It is a copy of the Briggs map (295) but the coast is extended in a hatched line north to nearly 60°. In the text, page 119, Heylin teds us that some one had laid down Quivira on the back of Virginia and on the map it appears as a province north of New Mexico. In his description of the northwest coast he obviously made use of Herrera, for he employs old Cabrillo names. A small, well-known map (371) issued in Thomas Gage's New Survey of the West Indies and in America by N. N., both published in London in 1655, and in America painted to the Life in 1658, seems to be a copy of the one issued in Purchas' Pilgrimes, 1625 (298). In 1666 a New and Exact Map of America . . . (395) was engraved by Hodar and issued in 1668 by Thomas Jenner in his A Map of the Whole World or the Orb Terrestrial. It was simply a Briggs type map with a few of Dudley's inventions. It was reissued in 1676 in Jenner's book with a new tide-page and with the dates .on the maps erased. In 1671 another map (404) of America was issued in John Ogilby's America, for the most part a copy of the one (368) in Heylin's Cosmographie, with one noticeable change, that Quivira had been moved to the northeast of New Mexico. The map is not a copy of the one in the Dutch edition of Montanus which was engraved by Schagen. In 1680 William Berry issued an atlas with a map of the world (417) and another of North America (418), both taken from Sanson's maps, and in the same year Moses Pitt issued an atlas in Oxford with a map of the world (415) showing the northwest coast of America, principally copied from Blaeu's map of 1634 (320) with the exception that California appears as an island of the Briggs type with some Cabrillo names. About the same time John Seller issued his Atlas Minimus containing a map of the world (413) of Goos type, and another of New Mexico and one of America, both too small to be of any value. About 1681, or possibly 1686, Philip Lea and John Overton issued a new map (428) of America, of Briggs-Blaeu type except that the famous "Agubela de Gato" is missing. Richard Blome, in 1682, in his Cosmography issued a general map of the world (419a) and a map of North America (419b), of which the latter, taken from Sanson's 1650 map (360), had previously been published in Blome's Geographical Description in 1670. In the following year John Thornton issued a new map of the world (423) on the Mercator projection. It is a Blaeu 1648 map 134 Cartography of the Northwest Coast of America (354) with many omissions and errors. In the same year John Overton issued a New and Most exact map of America, largely taken from Speed's map of 1626 (301b) but with some corrections. It was evidently a copy of a Visscher map. I have already referred to Hack's Buccaneers' Atlas of 1684 and his map of 1687 (429). Italian Maps The method of determining longitude by eclipses of the moon lent itself to numerous" ertOrsV Some of these were obviated by the discovery of the telescope in Holland about 1608. The development of this instrument, however, was in large measure attributable to Galileo, who as early as 1610? discovered by this means the sateUites of Jupiter. The frequency of the eclipses, or emersions, as they/ are usually called, of these satellites provides a comparatively easy method of determining longitude.- This was soon recognized by Galileo and in 1636 he offered his plan or method to the States General- of Holland. It does not appear, however, that they took any action in the matter. In reality, tables were necessary for the use of his method and it seems likely that the first set of these was published in Bologna by Jean Dominique Cassini in 1668, and later, improved, in Paris in 1693. The telescope also made it possible to make much more accurate observations during eclipses of the moon, and thus to secure a greater approach to accuracy in the location of particular places on the earth's surface. The Jesuits, who were scattered over the larger part of the globe, were especially interested in astronomical work. A member of this order, Giovanni Battista Riccioli, who had been born in Ferrera in 1595 and had entered the order in 1614, devoted part of his life to an attempt to refute the Coper* nican theory. In 1661 he published in Bologna his Geographiae et Hydrographiae Reformatae. In this work will be found the results of numerous observations made in the Far East by the Jesuits with the new telescopes. These enabled Riccioli to improve the maps of that part of the world, although 1 am unaware of any actual map made by him. His book contains tables of latitudes and longitudes for a large number of places. He established as his prime meridian Santa Cruz on the island of Palma. This meridian, he states, was eighteen degrees west of Toledo, twenty-two and one-half degrees west of London, and twenty-four and one-half degrees west of Paris. He established the position of the island by reference to that of the observatory in Lisbon, which he said was twelve degrees from Palma. Palma is actually about eighteen degrees west of London or Greenwich and consequently Ric- cioli's location of it was some four and one-half degrees too far west. However, he really did not calculate his longitudes from this point but from Bologna, which he placed at thirty-four and one-half degrees east of Palma. The same method was employed by Louis XD7, who established in 1634 a standard prime meridian for French maps at Ferro, which he located twenty degrees west of Paris, although actually the island is twenty degrees and twenty-seven minutes west of it. The locations of very few places in America were reestablished by Riccioli, so we are at a loss to know where he obtained the longitudes for the others. He does, however, explain how he arrived at the longitude of Mexico City, which he placed at 277° E. According to Herrera, he said, it is 103° W of Toledo, but according to a statement of Andres Garcia Cespedes only 100° W. He compromised by caUing it 101°, and, therefore, 83° W of Palma. As Palma is actually only some eighteen degrees west of Greenwich we arrive at 101° as the proper position of Mexico west of Greenwich, very close to the actual figure, but on Riccioli's own calculations, when laid down on a map, Mexico would have been at least six degrees too far west, a very slight improvement over earlier maps. On examining the names given in his list for places on the northwest coast of America we find*, that he made use of Dudley's map (350). The names and the latitudes correspond, and even the longitudes approximately, adowing for the difference between his meridian and that of Dudley—namely; eight degrees, fifty minutes. On Dudley's map Mexico is in 286° E, a difference of nine degrees from that given by Riccioli; thus the positions are substantially the same, allowing for the differences in Cartography in the Latter Part of the Seventeenth Century 135 the prime meridians used. Mendocino, however, he puts in 234°, whereas on Dudley's map it is in 245 , or a difference of eleven degrees, two too many. For Cabo San Lucar he gives two figures, 263° 50' and 265° 36', the latter for what he calls the "Porto." His first figure is obviously the correct one, that is, as taken from Dudley, on whose map it is in about 273° 10'. One of the interesting items in the list not taken from Dudley's map but in all probability from his text is that C. Arboledo was False Mendocino, and, just as on Dudley's map, this cape is placed in 40° of latitude and one and one- half degrees east of C. Mendocino proper. Although I read Dudley's text years ago I do not recall having found any mention in it of a "False Mendocino." In reality, the reforms in the part of the world in which we are interested were insignificant. The principal changes were in the Far East. Riccioli followed the Portuguese system in showing that the Moluccas were in the Portuguese part of the division of the world. He placed Ternate 146° E of Palma; and, since according to him the Line of Demarcation was 28° 35' W of Palma, Ternate was 174 35' east of the Line of Demarcation, some three or four degrees too far east. It may be only fair to say, however, that this location was based on an observation of an eclipse of the moon made by the Dutch at Ternate in 1599 before telescopes came into use. Cabo Espirito Santo in the Philippines, the point from which distances were calculated to and from New Spain by the Spaniards, was located by him in 146° 41' E Long., or 124° 11' east of London. The actual longitude is 125° 35' E. Riccioli discusses at some length the figures given by other geographers, notably Blaeu, Hondius, Jansson, and Mercator, all of whom committed, he declared, large errors in the East. The book contains much the same class of information as had been published in the larger works of Blaeu and Jansson, but his discussion of other cartographers is always interesting. Written in the barbarous Latin of the day it has had few readers, which is the more to be regretted. Almost simultaneously with the appearance of Riccioli's book was that of a series of maps with accompanying text, the well-known Dell' Hercole e Studio Geografico, issued by Giovanni Battista Nicolosi, a Sicilian ecclesiastic who was born in 1610 and died in 1670. The book appeared in Rome in 1660, and in another edition in 1670-1. The text is rather elementary and of but little value, but the maps are interesting, distinguished as they are by an entire absence of legend and ornamentation. Indeed, Nicolosi went too far in aiming at simplicity and left off too many names. The northwest cd"ast is shown on several of his maps, the hemisphere of America (383) after Sanson's Hydro- graphie (367) of 1652, and a large map of four sections of what he calls Mexicum (384), in all probability taken from Sanson's Amerique Septentrionale of 1650 (360), although there are so few names on it that this is uncertain. The old lake in New Mexico from which the Rio del Norto emptied is missing, but the river remains. A new one, evidently the present Rio Grande, is laid down with some accuracy. Quivira is located on the east side of the Mediterranean Sea of California in about 39°. C. Blanco is in 233° 42' E and Cabo San Lucas in about 255° 23', about the usual difference on this type of map. Mexico City is in 269° 20'. The prime meridian runs through Teneriffe in the Canaries, and since, according to Riccioli, Teneriffe was two degrees east of Palma, if the position of Mexico is reduced to that of the meridian of Palma the longitude would be 271° 20' E, about six degrees less than that of Riccioli and consequently six degrees still more in error to the west. Evidently Nicolosi was using a difference of 106° between Toledo and Mexico City, a figure which I do not remember to have seen on any other map. He had evidently studied the reports in Rome from the New Mexico missionaries for the purpose of laying down the interior more accurately than had previously been done. In the same century an Italian far more famous than either of those just mentioned appeared on the scene, Vincenzo Maria Coronelli. Coronelli was born in Ravenna in 1650. He passed nearly his entire adult life as a Franciscan monk in a convent on one of the Venetian islands. In 1701 he was elected General of the Franciscan order, but soon afterward was demoted. He is now chiefly known for 136 Cartography of the Northwest Coast of America the two immense globes (420) which he constructed in Paris for Cardinal d'Estrees as a gift to Louis XIV. These globes, 3.87 meters in diameter, are the largest that have ever been made. The history of them is detailed at some length by Dr. Stevenson in his book on Globes. The terrestrial one was dated 1683. Although they are stiU in existence, or at least were a few years ago, no examination of them seems to have been made in recent years. I am, therefore, unable to state what particular type of northwest coast was adopted by the author, but presumably it was the same as that used by him in the maps in his Atlante Veneto, which in fact he states to have been reductions from that on the globe. On his Planisfero del Mundo Nuovo (435) and his Mare del Sud (436) we find the northwest coast of the Blaeu 1648 type (354) with the addition of Terra di Yesso like that on Sanson's Hydro- graphie of 1652 (367). On his America Settentrionale (434) there is no Terra di Yesso, perhaps because there is no room for it, but California is of the pure Blaeu 1648 type. That CoroneUi had information from travelers, either secular or religious, is generally and no doubt rightfuUy assumed. We certainly find instances of it in legends which he has entered on the latter map. One relates to the expeditions of Fr. Ruiz in 1581, and of Antonio de Espejo in 1582-3 to New Mexico, information no doubt obtained from the Diego de Penalosa mentioned in the same legend, who was in Paris while he was constructing his globes. Probably the results of these expeditions warranted CoroneUi in removing the mouth of the old Rio del Norto, the river that for so long flowed into the upper part of the Gulf of California, into the Gulf of Mexico. He makes mention of this in a short legend in which he says that the "Rio del Nort" empties into the Gulf of Mexico and not into the Sea of California, and he so shows it on his map. The river is called the "Nort" in its upper and the "Bravo" in its lower courses. The references to Monsieur de la Salle's journey through the Mississippi country in March, 1682, and the peculiar course of the Mississippi on this map indicate that this particular feature was taken from the map of Minet. It would be interesting to know whether it was as prominent on the globe of 1683 (420) as it is on this map; presumably it was not, as Mi net's manuscript map was apparendy not drawn until 1685. StiU, none of the legends on the map in this quarter are dated after 1682 in spite of the fact that the map professes to show discoveries up to 1688, so perhaps CoroneUi's globe was the source from which Minet drew. The Atlante Veneto was pubtished in Venice in 1691. A supplement was issued in 1695 or 1696 with an additional number of maps, and there is a copy in the Library of Congress of which the first volume is dated 1695 and the second 1697. CoroneUi's maps are distinguished by their fine engraving. He must have been exceedingly busy, for at the end of the first volume of his Atlante Veneto he inserted a list of the maps which he had pubtished up to the year 1691, a quite astounding number. In addition to these he adds that many others had been published in Paris with the cooperation of J. B. Nolin, the King's engraver. While Coronelli was in France he received much information from Jean Nicolas du Tralage, better known as Monsieur Tillemon, which he gratefuUy acknowledges in various places. January 4, 1687, the King of France extended a privilege to CoroneUi which he transferred to Nolin on January 8 of the following year. From that time on, Nolin published a great many of his maps. One of these was of Nou- ■veau Mexique (430), which was probably printed in 1689, the same year as Amerique Septentrionale (431). CoroneUi's prime meridian was drawn through the westernmost end of Ferro, but Paris is located some twenty-two degrees east of this. Mexico is in about 271° E, Cabo San Lucas apparently in about 257°, and Cabo Mendocino in about 231°. Mexico is, therefore, just about 109° W of London, much the same as on Nicolosi's Mexicum (384). CoroneUi's longitudinal width of CaUfornia is a tittle greater than that of Nicolosi. Tillemon died in 1696, leaving his fine collection of maps to the Ab- baye de St. Victor in Paris; they are now in the Bibliotheque Nationale. In 1693 Coronelli published his Epitome Cosmographica, containing much the same information as the Atlante Veneto. It contains a small spherical map of the New World of the same type as his America Settentrionale (434) but on a much smaller scale and with hardly any names on the 1 Cartography in the Latter Part of the Seventeenth Century 137 northwest coast. Besides the large globes made for Louis XIV, he made some smaller ones 3£ feet in diameter for the Accademia Cosmographica degli Argonauti in Venice, which he says in this book were of the same character as the large ones. In 1692 Coronelli went to England and made a globe which he dedicated to King William IV. In his book he inserts a reproduction of some globe gores dated 1693. These are of the same type as shown on his maps in the Atlante Veneto, indicating that he kept closely to one type. Another Italian, Jean Dominique Cassini, as he was known in France, was born in Perinaldo in 1625. In 1650 he was appointed to the chair of astronomy in Bologna, then the center of astronomical studies, where there was a meridian that had been measured in 1575 by P. Ignazio Danti. Cassini measured a new one in 1655. In 1665 he observed the movements of the satellites of Jupiter and prepared the tables (the ephemerides) which, as staled before, were published in 1668. He went to Paris early in 1669 for a few years only, but he finally remained there and became naturalized. He died in 1712. About 1695 while director of the observatory he drew on the floor a map of part of the world on a north polar projection. This was reduced and engraved by J. B. Nolin, who published it in 1696 (448). It is entitled Planisphere Terrrestre and the object of it was to lay down the longitudes of various places which had been determined by what was stated to be thirty-nine observations of eclipses of the satellites of Jupiter. There is a note in the margin saying that places where these observations had been made are marked with stars. The map is on such a small scale, however, that few of the stars are visible. None appears in any part of North America except possibly at Mexico and at Quebec. Several are shown in the East. The result, as far as North America was concerned, was to place Mexico in the longitude of about 276° E of his meridian, which ran through the center of Iceland and close to the east end of St. Michael in the Azores. The meridian is some twenty-two and one-half degrees west of Paris: consequently, Mexico is about 106J degrees west of Paris, or about 104J degrees west of London, allowing a difference of about two degrees between Paris and London as was usuaUy done at that time. This was still some five degrees too much, but it was a slight improvement over Riccioli's computations and the maps of Coronelli. The northwest coast is of the same type as that of Coronelli, except that the Terra de Yesso does not extend quite so far south. The most noted disciple of Cassini was the famous Guillaume Delisle. He said that he employed on his maps the results of Cassini, and there is but little doubt that this was true. f Chapter XVI THE NORTH PACIFIC IN THE SEVENTEENTH CENTURY Nothing happened in the North Pacific during all these years, so far as is now known, until 1643, when a Dutch expedition under the command of Marten Gerritsen Vries, in search of the fabled Rica de Oro and Rica de Plata, discovered two of the Kuril Islands. Vries named the one to the west "Staten Island" and the one to the east "Company Land." By this time it had come to be believed, on the authority of the Jesuits, that north of Japan was an island named "Jeso" (variously spelled Jesso and Jeco). The Jeso theory seems to have been first cartographicaUy exploited by Joao Teixeira in 1630, but Nicolas Sanson was the chief exponent of it. The vagaries of the subsequent geographers in dealing with this mythical land are rather remarkable; De Wit even made it part of America. In the main, however, it may be said that Jeso or Company Land came to fill the space on the maps previously occupied by the vast extension of the northwest coast on maps of the Plancius and Hondius types. This land, however, was now almost always separated from America in the manner shown on the Janssonius-Goos globe. In 1649 a Portuguese, Joao Teixeira, made a map (357) on which he wrote an inscription, in about 44° near a land east of Japan, that this land had been seen by Joao de Gama when on a voyage from China to America. The land was an archipelago, and the coast as shown extends east along the 46th parallel, very similarly to that shown on the maps of Vaz Dourado. Iezo is located northeast of Meaco. The map was published by Melcbisedec Thevenot in 1664 in Tome II of his Relations. In the same volume in the Huntington Library is a later state of the map in which the Straet de Vries has been introduced. Nothing can be more certain than that Gama never saw any land in this vicinity, for the very simple reason that there is none there to be seen. Besides, there is only the slightest probability that Gama ever reached a latitude of 44 while on a voyage from Macao to Acapulco. No account of his voyage has ever been found, if one ever existed. He was a Portuguese merchant living in Macao and in March, 1590, appeared at Acapulco with a cargo of his goods in a vessel under the command of Captain Lope de Palacios. The Spanish government ordered him to be arrested and sometime in the following year this was done and his papers seized. There is nothing in the documents in the Spanish archives in Seville to indicate that anything unusual occurred in the course of the voyage. Something may exist, however, in the Portuguese archives. In later years his route across the Pacific appeared on some of the maps, in a dotted line which f oUows the usual track of Spanish vessels at that time, although they did not go up to any such high latitudes. The legends appeared on many maps in the latter part of the century and the early part of the eighteenth century, having been adopted by Delisle. All these islands seem to have been part of the Kuril Archipelago a long way removed from America, and much farther north than usually located on the maps. The subject is an interesting one and has been treated at some length by Count Teleki and more recendy by Dr. F. A. Golder in his Russian Expansion on the Pacific, but it is not one pertinent to the subject of the present work. With the juggling of these various names the Strait of Anian was frequendy placed at the extreme west near Japan, all indicative that at bottom the geographers were trying to accommodate the latest discoveries to the old Plancius and Hondius type maps, which still looked, no doubt, as authentic as they had when first published. [138] The North Pacific in the Seventeenth Century 139" In the closing years of the century an Italian named Giovanni Francesco Gemelli Careri is supposed to have made a voyage from the Philippines to Acapulco. His account, the only printed one of such a voyage in the century, except that of Pedro Teixeira, is contained in the fifth part of his work, Book 3, Chapters 6 and 10. Dates are lacking but it appears that he sailed from Manila in early July, 1697. In early November the vessel reached the latitude of about 39° 20', where it turned SE. Early in December the famous senas were encountered and on the 14th land was discovered, supposed to be the island of Santa Catalina. The observation showed that the vessel was in 36° 04'. Careri speaks of passing the Cenizas on the 20th. Here the captain died. He then speaks of passing Cerros, and on Christmas Day they were in 23° 56', passing Cabo San Lucas the following day. On January 19 the vessel finally entered Acapulco. The vivid account of the hardships of the voyage written by Careri is well known and has been, quoted numberless times. Geographical information about the northwest coast to be obtained from it- is of no importance. No doubt the island discovered was one of the Santa Barbara Channel islands, but the latitude is so erroneous that we can almost doubt the validity of the narrative. Interlarded throughout the book are references to previous voyages, most of them in the sixteenth century, and in fact the general description of this voyage would indicate that it took place at the close of the sixteenth century. It seems incredible that as late as 1697 an observation for latitude could be two and one-half degrees in error, as it must have been if the island discovered was really Santa Catalina. Even if this was an island farther north the error was still one and one-half degrees, equally incredible. I am, therefore, forced to question the veracity of the narrative. It seems most likely that Careri was publishing a translation of some narrative of a returning voyage of a century earlier. Chapter XVII THE EIGHTEENTH CENTURY—GUILLAUME DELISLE AND HIS FOLLOWERS Guillaume Delisle, or De ITsle, as he usually wrote his name, was born in 1675 and studied astronomy under Cassini. His biographer asserts that it was on the latter's advice that he issued his world map, his globe, and his other maps about the end of 1699, although all are dated 1700. They all purport to be based on observations in the royal observatory, and no doubt such was the fact. The chief merit of Delisle's cartographical work was in diminishing the length of the Mediterranean and that of Asia, and changing the position of the island of Yeso and some others. On the Sanson maps in vogue at the time the east coast of China was placed in 180° E, although as early as 1630 Hondius had reduced it to as little as 165° E. Delisle was uncertain whether California was an island or a peninsula and decided that it was most prudent to cover that part of the globe with ornaments and to make California neither an island nor a part of the continent. His views on the subject are contained in a letter addressed to Cassini which must have been written about 1699 or 1700, but which was not published until much later. It is not clear to just which map Delisle referred in this letter unless it is his L'Amerique Septentripnale dated 1700 (459). On this the upper end of the Gulf of California is not closed although it ends in about 34£°. On his globe of the same year (460) the gulf is certainly closed at the upper end. There may, however, have been another globe made by him in 1699. The following is the evidence. In a suit which he brought against J. B. Nolin for plagiarism he asserted that he presented a manuscript globe to Monsieur Boucherat in 1699 and that Boucherat loaned it to Nolin, who had prompdy copied it, engraved it, and issued it in the year 1700. Delisle succeeded in getting an order from the Council in 1706 to seize the plates, break them, and burn all the examples of the map that could be found. Delisle's brother, Joseph Nicolas Delisle, declared in 1753 that there was a copy of the Nolin map in the library of-the King, but no one seems to have noted it in recent years. It may be, therefore, that Nolin's map of 1700 follows the globe of 1699. The question assumed some importance in later years because Delisle's younger brother and his son-in-law, Philippe Buacbe, both said that the famous Mer de l'Ouest first appeared on this manuscript globe of 1699. They even produced a sketch of it which they said had been made by GuiUaume in 1695 (569). I have discussed the question at some length in my Apocryphal Voyages to the Northwest Coast of America, with the conclusion that beyond the statements of the younger DeUsle and his brother-in-law no evidence is available that the older Delisle ever put the Sea of the West on his map. Recendy Mr. C. S. Hubbell, of Seattle, sent me a photostatic copy of a map issued by Nolin in 1720 (518) which does show a Sea of the West in very much the form in which Lahontan's lake appeared on Delisle's map of 1703 (474), and since then the original of this map issued by Nolin in 1708 has turned up (486). There is, of course, a possibility that this may have been taken from Nolin's Mappemonde of 1700 (465), but this is somewhat unlikely. Lahontan's book with his map (475) was not pubtished until 1703 and how anyone could ever have dreamed of the Sea of the West in that neighborhood before Lahontan's story became current is difficult to imagine. It may be, of course, that Lahontan had spread the news in France long before his book appeared in Holland. [140] The Eighteenth Century—Guillaume Delisle and His Followers PL XXVIII—Delisle type No. 1 (section of his map of 1700) No. 459 142 Cartography of the Northwest Coast of America The point is of interest because the Sea of the West from 1750 onward figured very prominendy in :the maps and writings of both the younger Delisle and Buache. Delisle's northwest coast line and nomenclature very much resemble those of Laet. Mendocino is in almost 43° N and there the coast line ends. Added to the names of Laet are a number taken from Dudley's map; in fact, it is a composite production, establishing for the coast a new nomenclature which had great vogue. The large Golfo Profondo of the Dudley map, where the Bahia de Sebastian Vizcaino now exists, also appears on Detisle's map but without the dotted line at the .eastern end. There is a legend attached to it that it had not been well explored but that the moderns believed it to be very long. Mexico is placed in 274° E and Cabo San Lucas in about ,263£°, very close to the actual difference in distance, and Mendocino is in about 236° E. Delisle's prime meridian passes through Ferro, and thus Mexico is located 106° west of Paris, no improvement whatever on Cassini's map; in fact, he probably used Cassini's figures. This type I call Delisle Type No. 1. After Nicolas de Frondat's voyage eastward across the Pacific in 1709 Delisle made a radical ■change, no doubt because of the information obtained from him. C. Mendocino was removed in 1714 (504) to about 251° E, about ninety degrees away from Asia on the same parallel. C. San Lucas was also moved to about 265° E, thus shortening the longitude of California to about 14°, nearly the actual difference. In 1722 he produced his last map of America (523). On this the northwest •coast is quite different from that on the map of 1700 (459) and I have consequehdy reproduced it as Delisle Type No. 2. Delisle's maps were copied extensively in Amsterdam and in Germany, sometimes the one of 1700 and in later years that of 1722. The principal competitors of Delisle at this time were Nolin, to whom reference has already leen made, and Nicolas de Fer. The letter's first map of the northwest coast that I have seen was published in 1700 (462). He continued to issue maps for some years. The famous L'Hydrographie Franqoise of J. N. Bellin was first issued in 1737, but most of his maps of American importance .appeared from 1741 or 1742 to 1766. Many of these are referred to later. GeneraUy speaking they are of Delisle Type No. 2. In the meantime Sanson's maps were still being continually republished, .usually in Amsterdam. 1 The Eighteenth Century—Guillaume Delisle and His Followers 143 PL XXIX—Delisle type No. 2 (section of his Carte SAmerique) No. 523 Chapter XVIII CALIFORNIA AS AN ISLAND DISAPPEARS Whether California was an island or not was a subject of debate both among geographers and among the laity during the latter part of the seventeenth century. I have already discussed the Briggs map (295) and those derived from it as the origin of the fable, at least in cartography. There was never any evidence that the Gulf of California extended up to 42° or 43° N Lat. and there connected with the Pacific, but there were some preexisting ideas that it extended as high as 37°. This we have seen shown on the map of Tramezini of 1554 (31) and again on Michael Lok's map of 1582 (131). On Lok's map the gulf almost reached the ocean to the north and the cutting of the short remaining distance, at least on paper, was a matter which required very litde further stretch of the imagination. There is little evidence that after Alarcon's day any Spanish explorer had seen the northern end of the gulf. Alarcon's description of the conditions at the mouth of the river was so meager that we can form very litde idea of what they were at that time. There is some indication that some of his party discovered the depression west of the Cocopa Mountains, which occasionally at times of very high water in the Colorado is filled by the overflow passing around the lower end of these mountains. The lake is now known as the Laguna Salada and the channel through which the water flows into it was evidendy discovered at that time. Alarcon may even have heard, indeed, of the Salton Sea, which may then have been filled with water. Certainly two mouths of the Colorado were discovered by him and it is even probable that Ulloa had previously discovered two. The presence of a body of water to the west of the main Colorado seems to have been suspected from that time forward, and it may be, of course, that this was considered to have been an extension of the guU to the north. The use of the words "Isla California" or "Islas Californias" has no historical connection with the later conception of the insularity of California. The expression simply was one which originated at the time of Cortes' expedition to California, when it was probably believed that what is now known to be the end of the peninsula was also an island. I do not consider it at all unlikely that the later conception of the insularity of California was a result of a legend or story which, so far as I know, was first told by Fr. Geronimo de Zarate Salmeron, a New Mexico missionary who, writing about 1627 or 1629, told a number of stories about the country. According to him, quoting Fr. Antonio de la Ascension, a pilot named N. de Morena or Morera had arrived at Sombrerete in New Galicia, where he told the Governor, Rodrigo Rio de la Losa, that he had been put ashore by Drake in the Strait of Anian or at the entrance to it and had wandered on foot during four years, and had passed an arm of the sea which separated New Mexico from a great western land. I have never seen any contemporary reference to the story by Rodrigo Rio de la Losa, but the man must have arrived in Sombrerete sometime about 1585. It is a curious fact that one of the Spanish sailors who was in Guatulco in April, 1579, when Drake was there, afterward asserted that he had recognized a man on board the Golden Hinde as a Spanish pilot named Morera. If we may suppose Zarate Salmeron's story to have been true, Morera must have wandered south until he [144] tuiaitii California as an Island Disappears 145 reached the Gulf of California and crossed over to the other side of it near the head. The connection of Fr. Antonio de la Ascension with this tale and his subsequent belief in what he called the Mediterranean Sea of California is interesting, to say the least. He deduced the idea that Morera must have crossed the sea far to the north, I judge, and this confirmed him in his belief that the gulf extended to the Strait of Anian. The first person to reach the mouth of the Colorado River or near it after Alarcon was Juan de Onate. Oiiate followed the river on the east side from its junction at Bill Williams Fork, and when he reached the body of water into which the river flowed he recognized it as the Gulf of California. He did not cross the river to the west side and saw no body of water to the west, but from the account of Fr. Francisco de Escobar, who accompanied the expedition, they gathered from the Indians that there was a body of water to the west of the Cocopa Mountains which they could see plainly opposite the mouth of the Colorado River. Onate, who had a copy of the narrative of Antonio de Espejo, was much interested in the lake of gold, the existence of which some sixty days' journey north or northwest of Zuni Espejo had heard of from the Indians. Any number of other fanciful tales were reported by Escobar, and by Geronimo Marques, who also accompanied Onate. Among these was one about an island ruled by a giantess which was supposed to be west of the mouth of the river. The island turned out to be nothing but the large island which had appeared on the maps at the mouth of the Rio Coromara in the first place, and later at the various mouths of the Colorado. The pearl-fishing enterprise began to attract attention in the early part of the seventeenth century and Juan de Iturbe made a voyage to Lower California in 1615 in search of them. Nicolas de Cardona, a nephew of the principal promoter of the enterprise, came out from Spain with Iturbe, but there is some question whether or not he accompanied Iturbe on this expedition. He wrote various accounts of it, however, and in his manuscript, in the Biblioteca Nacional, in Madrid, he asserts that he went as far north as the mouth of the Colorado River; but I have great doubts about this assertion. On the return to Mazadan one of the ships was sent to Navidad, but the vessel continued south and at Zacatula was captured by Joris van Speilbergen. Undoubtedly some account of the expedition was found on board, as well as, in all probability, some maps. It is probable that from one of these maps the vignette was made which appeared on the engraved title-page of the Latin edition of Herrera's Descripcion de las Indias Occidentals published by Michael Colin in Amsterdam in 1622 (291). This map is usually said to be the earliest to show California as an island. Although in one sense this is correct, the map is so small that the channel separating California from the mainland is represented merely by a fine line. It evidently was Cardona's idea, for we see it embodied in a map (319) attached to his manuscript previously mentioned. In this manuscript Cardona speaks of Fray Antonio de la Ascension and his opinion that California was an island and enters into a rather elaborate argument to prove that this was the fact—an argument which, I might say, does not prove the point, but quite the opposite. Soon after his return from the Vizcaino expedition Fr. Antonio began to advocate schemes for the settlement of the peninsula and the conversion of the natives. One of these was dated December 21, 1620, and another, 1628. The last one brought on an investigation in Mexico with respect to the best method of colonizing California and Fr. Antonio appeared as an authority on California and gave his testimony. It is apparent from all his writings and his testimony, as well as the testimony of others at the investigation, that Fr. Antonio was the chief supporter of the insularity of California. With his memorial of 1620 he sent a map which is not now to be found, but from his remarks it must have shown the gulf as extending to the north and connecting with a Strait of Anian. This lost map of 1620 or one like it I consider to have been the original from which the Briggs map (295) was taken. Whether or not all the Briggs map was taken from it is uncertain, 146 Cartography of the Northwest Coast of America as some of the peculiar features of Tatton's map are reproduced on it. One of the striking peculiarities about the Briggs map was the name Puerto de Sir Francisco Draco for the port under Point Reyes. Draco is not Spanish for Drake, which is Draque, and it appears to be a clumsy English attempt to turn Drake's name into Spanish. The Spaniards, so far as we know, had no very accurate knowledge of Drake's voyage along the northwest coast, and if they possessed any it is certain they would not have named any port after Drake. The real name of the place was the Puerto de San Francisco and it therefore seems obvious that the change was made in England, probably by Briggs himself through a desire to identify Drake with some point along that coast and because this port seemed to require the least change in name, besides being in the latitude of the bay where Drake was supposed to have stopped. Even whde the Briggs map, or derivatives thereof, was appearing in the atlases of the seven- tenth and eighteenth centuries, it was common to reprint maps from old plates showing California as a peninsula and it is not infrequent to find both in the same atlas. GraduaUy, however, the peninsula theory was abandoned and toward the year 1700 most of the maps of the world or of North America showed California as an island. By this time the Jesuits had penetrated into the northern part of what is now known as Sonora and had established numerous missions on the Yaqui and Sonora rivers. The grand impulse to their colonization enterprises in this quarter came from two great characters of the order, Eusebio Francisco Kino and Juan Maria Salvatierra. The first field chosen was California, and Kino took part in the Atondo expeditions. After the failure of these he was sent in 1687 to northern Sonora, where he founded the Mission Dolores, and this became his headquarters during his career of later exploration in the north. Salvatierra bent every effort to obtain assistance to colonize California and in this he finally succeeded. Kino was an Italian who had been educated in Ingolstadt. He came to Mexico in 1681 with a reputation as a mathematician and astronomer. He had been taught to believe that California was a peninsula, but when he reached Mexico he discovered that the current opinion there was that it was an island and to this view he became converted. He held to this idea until 1699 and then relinquished it with great reluctance. The principal reason for his change of belief was his discovery among the Indians on the Colorado River of some blue shells, probably abalone shells, similar to those which he had seen on the west coast of the peninsula. This formed the basis of bis assertion that there was a land passage to the Pacific and consequendy that California was not an island. He spent the next few years in trying to establish his contention and made several maps, some of which no doubt displayed his new belief. The first one to show his discoveries is a map of pure Briggs-Blaeu type issued by Nicolas de Fer in 1700 (462). It was evidently made at the end of 1699, after Kino had first reached the Colorado River. I am informed by Dr. H. E. Bolton that the map is a copy of one in the Jesuit College in Rome which bears an inscription that it was made by Kino and has the tide of the 1720 reissue. A sheet of notes is attached to the Fer, map which are almost identical with those in Kino's Various Voyages and Expeditions to California, which came down to about the end of 1694. The various missions and Indian towns are with few exceptions represented by numbers, and a table is printed in the upper right-hand corner of the map with the corresponding names. In 1720 this map was reissued, enlarged, with names on the map instead of numbers, as La Californie ou Nouvelle Caroline. Teatro de los Trabajos Apostolicos de la Compa. E. Jesus en la America Septe. . . . Par N. de Fer (517). In 1697 Kino sent to Rome another map, and it is usually stated that the map of North America by GuiUaume Delisle published in Paris in 1700 (459) was based on it. This must be a mistake, for the map shows very little or no trace of any of Kino's wanderings. It is more tikely that Delisle's map of Mexico and Florida issued in 1703 (474) was the one referred to as based on some map of Kino's. De lisle's map is so drawn as to leave it uncertain whether or not the Gulf of California extended far enough north to make California an island. 1 California as an Island Disappears 147 In 1705 Kino's map of the land passage to California (483), as he called it, was issued in the Lettres Edifiantes. It was probably drawn after his return from the expedition of November, 1701. The wide circulation which this map attained was sufficient to raise grave doubts of the insularity of California. Although Kino's reasoning that California was a peninsula and not an island is plausible, it is not entirely convincing. In order to establish the theory beyond all doubt it was necessary either to cross the land between the Colorado and the Pacific or else to follow either up or down the east coast of the peninsula between the mouth of the Colorado River and the settlements at the lower end. Kino tried to establish connection with Father Salvatierra at Loreto by sending letters to him by Indians from near the mouth of the river, but these never reached their destination and the Jesuits themselves never seemed to have been quite satisfied that the gulf did not extend farther north, west of the mountains which could be seen from the Colorado River. In 1721 P. Ugarte attempted to reach the Colorado by sailing up the east side of the peninsula, but failed. It was not until 1746 that P. Fernando Consag skirted the coast of the peninsula and reached the mouth of the river. Then all doubt disappeared. Nevertheless, after the publication of Kino's map of 1705 his idea was generally accepted by cartographers, and very few thereafter continued to delineate California as an island. GuiUaume Delisle was the principal factor in spreading Kino's discoveries and his ideas. In 1722 he put out a new Carte d'Amerique (523) which was the prototype of most of the maps of this section of the world made later in the century. The map contains some additions indicating that Delisle had seen a still later map made by Kino or else had had access to some of Kino's later letters. Fr. Ascension's Mediterranean Sea of California has disappeared. On the northwest coast only Vizcaino names are shown, with two or three exceptions which he took from his own map of 1700. Chapter XIX SPANISH MAPS OF THE EIGHTEENTH CENTURY A lthough the 1601 map of Herrera (226) could hardly be called illuminating, it seems to /A have served as sufficient notice to the world of Spanish discoveries on the northwest coast. * *" It was even sufficient in the eyes of the Spanish authorities, for in 1723 it was reproduced in Torquemada's Monorchia Indiana (525), and no better map was published in Spain until the latter part of the eighteenth century. The production of manuscript charts for navigators must, however, have proceeded apace. Spain's commerce was world-wide even if limited. A ship was sched' uled to leave the Philippines for Acapulco every year, and except for accidents or the occasional shortage of a vessel, actually did so. Charts had to be carried, and a few of these, or at least copies of them, have survived. It is plain that their general basis, so far as the northwest coast is concerned, must have been one made on the model of the Bolanos-Ascension derrotero of 1603. E. W. Dahlgren, in his work on the discovery of the Hawaiian Islands, says that he made a thorough search for such charts. The earliest he found was a copy of one used by Frondat on his voyage from the Philippines to Acapulco in 1709 (502), which, however, is an old Briggs type map of French origin. After 1716 another was drawn in Manila, principally of Sanson origin (509). In 1743 George Anson captured near the Philippines a Spanish galleon which was on its way to New Spain, and found on board a chart of the Pacific (558). A chart of 1770 by a Philippine pilot, Francisco Xavier Estorbo y GaUegas, was also located by Dahlgren in the Archives in Seville (622). These four maps were reproduced by him, the third from a copy published with an account of Anson's voyage. Dahlgren points out that this chart cannot be a faithful copy of the original, the width of the Pacific having been enlarged by some ten degrees, no doubt in order to agree with the width found by Anson himself. This change suggests, of course, that others may have been made, but it is hardly likely that any intentional alteration was made on the northwest coast. Since Dahlgren published his work, two other maps have been discovered, one drawn by Pedro Fraslin (609) and the other by Joseph Vasquez in 1773 (634). Fraslin is said to have died in 1766; naturally his map must antedate that event. Although the Vasquez map was not made until after the discoveries on the northwest coast in 1769, none of these is shown on it. It must, then, be a copy of a pre- 1769 map. The same can be said of the one in the Archives in Seville made in 1770 by, Estorbo y GaUegas. Several other Spanish charts are extant which do not show any names on the northwest coast of America. I append herewith a chart with a comparative list of the names taken from the maps just described, beginning with those in the Bolanos-Ascension derrotero, and omitting that of Frondat since it belongs to a different type. (See Chart 11.) A comparison of these names betrays a substantial identity in the charts. Occasionally they are misplaced and an especially bad example of this occurs on the Anson chart, where from the Ensenada de las Virgines, placed just south of San Diego, to Cabo Blanco, they are nearly reversed. The position of Cenizas on the various maps differs. On Anson's chart there are frequent errors in spelling and several names occur not found on the other charts, some of which can be readily accounted for. The Ensenada de Basos is referred to in the Bolanos derrotero as "an ensenada of [148] Spanish Maps of the Eighteenth Century 149 low land which I suspect has shoals in it", but the story of the fishermen in the Bahia Magdalena is not mentioned in that document. Where the maker of this chart obtained the name of Nuestra Sefiora de los Nubes (no doubt an error for Nieves) I do not know but perhaps it was Vizcaino's cabo of that name although that was farther north. There is a curious similarity between the two names Ensenada de Mucho Peyes and Humopega for what must have been the Ensenada de las Virgines. I suspect Humopega is simply an error for the other. The northwest Cabo Blanco shown on none of the charts except 634 seems to be the Cabo Santa Maria of Cabrillo, probably the present Cape Colnett, that of Vizcaino being considerably farther south. It is not certain, however, that the name was derived from this source; most of the old maps displayed an imaginary Cabo Blanco in this neighborhood and perhaps the name was taken from one of them. One of the peculiarities of all the maps except that of Vasquez is the location of what is called the "Punta de los Reyes" at some distance north of the Puerto de San Francisco. The only maps graduated for latitude are those of Fraslin and Estorbo. Fraslin's Mendocino is in 41° or a little less, Punta Concepcion in a little over 35£°, and Cedros in about 28J°. It is rather curious to note that the Sierra de Santa Lucia does not appear on any of them except Estorbo's. In the early days when returning Philippine galleons approached the coast in this neighborhood near enough to see it, these mountains are generally mentioned in the accounts. Their marked absence from the eighteenth century charts is a further evidence that at that period these galleons did not see this part of the coast of California. The Anson chart, having been published, was copied extensively on the theory that it had been taken from a genuine Spanish chart, which in general no doubt was the fact. On this the island now known as San Clemente is called "San Andres,*' a name given to it in the Palacios derrotero. It is by no means certain that this is not the name actually given the island by Vizcaino, especially as we see that the name "San Andres" given by Palacios to the present San Pedro was not used on any of these maps, "San Pedro" being substituted. The Bolanos derrotero, however, names the island "San Clemente" and as appears by the list this was the one in common use. The persistence of Cenizas as late as about 1769 as a large island where none now exists is rather peculiar. It had been located by the Vizcaino expedition in the neighborhood in which it is shown, and appears to have been a purely mythical island introduced into the cartography of the coast by Vizcaino in furtherance of a deliberate plan to ignore the discoveries of his predecessors. The island had been discovered by Cabrillo and named "San Agustin." Owing to the peculiar ashy appearance of the soil it was nicknamed "Cenizas" and was usually so referred to instead of under its proper name. Vizcaino renamed it "San Marcos" and we still see it under that name as late as 1773 on the Vasquez map. Just when this was changed to "San Martin," the present name, is uncertain. The only new name on any of the maps is "San Bernardo" on the Anson map for San Miguel Island in the Santa Barbara Channel. No such name is to be found in the Navegacion Especulativa of Gonzalez Cabrera Bueno published in 1734 in which the Bolanos-Ascension derrotero was copied. If the name was genuine it would seem that it must have been given after that year. I think, however, that it was an error of the engraver of the map for "Santa Barbara," as this does not appear on the chart and San Bernardo is found later only on maps copied from Anson's chart. Very little collateral evidence of the use of Spanish charts by the seventeenth or eighteenth century European cartographers can be obtained. The continued use of the Briggs map and those derived from it indicates that no fresh material was available to them. I Cartography of the Northwest Coast of America m Part of '"-ik*. California v% A Chart >f die 1 Pacific ocean from die E^uii to die Latitude of loctinl 30taNo. ty>*K g y •**** "ft1*?."" '?_<}" - .,- . - : - - i -—^ft*^i PL XXX—The Anson map of 1748 (from Walter's account of his voyage) No. 558 let issued in Mexico while the e about the existing state of the car stated that according to the modi Lucas to Mendocino is seventeer in Mexico, if the writer of the p Chapter XX SPANISH EXPLORATIONS ON THE PENINSULA In the year 1683 the Spanish government first attempted to settle the Peninsula of California. A very elaborate expedition was set on foot under the command of Isidro Atondo y Antillon, and two Jesuit fathers, Eusebio Kino and Matias Goni, accompanied him. Kino made a map of the lower part of the peninsula (422), the basis for which seems to have been a map he had borrowed from Carlos Sigiienza y Gongora. Nothing on the west coast is shown above the Puerto de Santa Maria Magdalena in 25°, into which flows a river of the same name. In about 24° 36' the Puerto del Marques is laid down, obviously the Puerto de Santa Marina of Vizcaino. The pamph-. pedition was still in California contains some interesting remarks tgraphy of the coast, especially of that on the gulf side. It is •n maps the length of the great island of California from San hundred leagues. This indicates a curious state of public opinion mphlet was expressing anything but his own views. No map known to the writer showing California as an island gives such an extravagant length to it. This -was the old idea of the lengtb of the coast of the Plancius and Hondius maps, but when the island theory appeared the length of the coast between the two points named was reduced to one-third the former estimate. In 1697 another effort was made to colonize the peninsula by the Jesuits themselves, and this was successful. The Jesuits do not seem to have issued any map of the peninsula, nor so far as I know was any made by any of the order before 1746, always excepting the Passage par terre a la California, Kino's map (483), to which reference is made in another chapter, and the Fer map of 1700 (462), also a Kino map. The first showed a little more of the west coast than Xino's map of 1683 (422), beginning, in fact, just above where his other map left off and extending almost to 28°. On this part of the coast we find a Rio de S. Tomas emptying into the Pacific at a P. du Nouvel An decouvert 1685. Just above 26° is a B. des Sables and above it an R. Chris- tophe, both taken from some French map of the Briggs type. Two large islands are shown just south of the Punta Balenes. The islands, of course, do not exist except much farther south. Just where the new port discovered in 1685 was located is not easy to determine. It appears to have been one of the bocas south of Punta San Juanico, probably the Laguna de San Gregorio. The Santo Tomas does not appear on later maps but in all probability it represents the Arroyo Purissima. Kino states that "in latitude 26° we crossed to the opposite coast from the Real de San Bruno with more than eighty horses, a journey of about sixty leagues." (Memoir of Pimeria Alta, Vol. I, page 214). On page 221 he says that they discovered on this journey the Rio de Santo Tomas. The permanent occupation of the peninsula by the Jesuits began in 1697 but proceeded slowly. In 1719 Father Clemente Guillen reached the Bahia Magdalena, and in 1731 Father Sigismundo Taraval embarked on a more ambitious expedition. Leaving the mission December 3, the day of San Francisco Xavier, he reached the great Bahia Sebastian Vizcaino, which he named "San Xavier." Following around the coast of this he reached the point opposite Natividad, passed over to this island, and then to Cedros. From the top of the hill on Cedros he saw the small,islands to the [152] Spanish Explorations on the Peninsula 153 west now known as the "Benitos," and is reported to have seen several other small ones in the bay to the east. Although he gives a perfect description of these islands he thought that he was in a latitude exceeding 30°, with the result that he confused subsequent cartographers. He said the Indians called Natividad "Afeguet," or "Bird Island" in English, and Cedros "Huamalgua," or the "House of Fogs." Apparently he named the entire group "Dolores," although on Alzate's map of 1768 (612) this name is only applied to the islands west of Cedros. Some subsequent expedition must have been made to this part of the coast, possibly even a prior one, because we find on Consag's map of 1746 (554), some names north of the 25th parallel which otherwise are unrecorded: C. de Silvestre, obviously in place of San Lazaro; Puerto and Bahia de San Andres, occupying the position of Bahia Ballenas; and a Puerto de Los Angeles, apparently the small bay under Punta Pequena, or possibly the Laguna San Gregorio under Punta San Juanico. The large lagoon at the east end of the Bahia Ballenas and even the sand island off the mouth of this are plainly shown, indicating a real discovery. Just west of this the map ends. In the same year Joseph Antonio de Villasefior y Sanchez published a map in Mexico (557). Unfortunately the west coast is not shown above 24° 20', and even on this part no names appear. In 1751 he drew another (581), which was engraved and printed in 1754 in Rome by the Jesuits to show the missions of that order. On this the west coast of the peninsula is shown a little higher but the only name on it is the Bahia Magdalena. In 1768 Joseph Antonio de Alzate y Ramirez drew a map (612) dedicated to the Academy of Sciences in Paris and published under its auspices, probably in 1770, inasmuch as it contains a note of the new calculations for longitude made in 1769 by the French astronomical expedition at San Jose at the end of the peninsula. Although Alzate was at this time one of the most learned men in Mexico, his map is certainly one of the poorest of the northwest coast ever published, whatever may be said of its value in other parts. In about the latitude of 31 there is a legend to the effect that this part had been based on the sole exploration made of it, that by Sebastian Vizcaino in 1602. It is obvious that Alzate used the narrative in Torquemada and his imagination, not having utilized any of the printed maps of the coast and certainly none of the manuscript charts of the North Pacific. The map extends to 42°, a little below which is the "Rio Descubierto por Mtin de Aguilar y Antonio Flores." Just below this is Cabo Blanco de S. Sebastian. A large bay just south of the cabo bears the inscription, "Puerto de la Conversion de S. Pablo." Into it runs a river called "Tizon" and here is an inscription that the river as well as the Puerto de la Conversion de S. Pablo was said to have been discovered by Juan de Onate. Now, Onate descended the Colorado and named its mouth the "Puerto de la Conversion de San Pablo." Cabo Mendocino is located in a little short of 40°, with the old Sierras Nevadas in a large bay to the east of it and opening to the north of it. Below, we have Vizcaino names except that the Cabo de la Galera appears in place of Punta Concepcion. The Isla de Paxaros does duty for San Clemente. Some discoveries made by Consag in an expedition to the west coast of the peninsula in 1751 are noted, almost certainly incorrectly. Consag does not seem to have gone any higher thatyear than 30°, but two years later he made another journey in which he reached the latitude of 31°. He visited some of the islands and gave them new names. The identification of these offers some difficulty owing to their improper location, and all finally disappeared from the maps. Alzate's map was the basis for another drawn by him in 1775 (639), with corrections in longitudes but without showing the discoveries of 1769-75. In about 43° he introduced an entrance to a Sea of the West said to have been discovered by Juan de Fuca, evidently from some Delisle-Buache map. Near the Puerto de los Santos is a legend (trans.): The farthest point in the journey of Father Wenceslao Link in 1766. Just before the close of the Jesuit period, further explorations were made by members of that order, probably as high as the Bahia de Todos Santos; but as all this coast had been discovered long before, nothing of importance could be added. Several of the expelled Jesuits afterward h. !54 Cartography of the Northwest Coast of America published books in Europe, or accounts of their experiences. The most notable of these were Jacob Baegert's Nachrichten of 1772 and Francisco Saverio Clavigero's Storia della California issued in Venice in 1789, after his death. Baegert reissued Consag's map of 1746 (588), of his explorations in the gulf from the Noticia de la California, and Clavigero made one of his own (716), mainly from that of Alzate. The principal work by the Jesuits during this period, however, the Noticia de la California, was issued in Madrid in 1757. The ostensible object was to publish a manuscript completed in 1739 by Father Miguel Venegas, a prominent Mexican Jesuit; but I think that the real one was to defend the Jesuits against some aspersions cast on them in several books which had recently been published. The work was entrusted to Andres Marcos Burriel, a learned Jesuit residing in Madrid, and he was the real author of the larger part of the book. It contains four maps and, what is more important, an explanation by Burriel in the Appendix of the construction of the map of California (587), and of the general map of North America and East Asia and of the sea between them (585). For the map of California and its gulf he tells us that he used one sent from Mexico made by some unnamed Jesuit, and for the gulf and its coasts that made by Consag in 1746 (554). For the outer coast he used the account of Vizcaino's expedition published by Torquemada and what he could find in the accounts of the missionaries who had explored the greater part of it by land. He admits that he had no great confidence in these and therefore added a copy of the map (586), which had been published with the account of Anson's voyage. This illustrates the scarcity in Madrid of authoritative Spanish charts of the North Pacific. For other parts he used the map of Kino (483) in the Lettres Edifiantes, having corrected, however, the errors in the latitudes of that map, which he thought had been made in copying the original to send to Europe. For the general map, which he says was similar to that of Buache, he made use for the coast of the same sources that he employed for the map of California as far as Cabo Blanco. For the eastern part of America he used the maps of Anville and some manuscript maps, and for Hudson's Bay that of Ellis (561), issued with the account of his voyage. For the North Pacific he states that he first used Bellin's map, and for the coast of Asia the accounts of the Russian voyages since 1725. He does not say which map of Bellin he used, but presumably it was one antedating 1756. The Asiatic part of this he said had been copied by Bellin from the map of Asia published in Nuremberg in 1749 by Juan Mathias Assio [Hasius]. He was able to correct this from a general map in a Russian atlas published in St. Petersburg in 1745 and from the general map published by Isaac Brouckner in Berlin in 1749 (564). He also states that he used some manuscript tables of latitudes and longitudes given him by Jorje Juan, in which San Lucas was put in 263° 50' and Mendocino in 249° 40' E, and that he added some data from Buache's map of 1752 with Fonte's alleged discoveries. Having finished this map in the spring of 1750, Burriel says that he learned from Paris of the memoir read by Delisle before the Academy of Sciences, on April 8 of that year, and procured a copy of it. He then discusses the alleged discoveries of Fonte and their appearance on this map, and prints a Spanish translation of Delisle's explanation of that map. It may not be amiss here to state that the map (585) inserted in the Noticia is obviously not the one described by him. This purports to have been made in Mexico by the Jesuits in 1754. In a copy of the book in the Collegio Romano in Rome there is, according to the catalogue by Castellani, a note by Burriel to the effect that in Appendix VII the fine map of the Mar del Sur has been changed to the one there printed without authority of the author, who did not supervise the publication, so it has many errors which in this copy he has endeavored to correct. I have not been able to inspect the map in the Collegio Romano, which could hardly help being something better than the ordinary one found in the book. The Noticia had a wide circulation, as no doubt it was intended to have. It was translated into English, Dutch, and French, Spanish Explorations on the Peninsula 15£ but for some reason only one map was inserted in any of them. One of the principal contributions made by Burriel to the cartography of the northwest coast lay in his new publication of Torquemada's account of the Vizcaino expedition. This enabled him to correct many of the errors of the Briggs maps which were then in common circulation. He also corrected some of the errors about Taraval's discoveries which subsequently appeared on Alzate's map. The work was used in the later period of Spanish exploration on the northwest coast and thus helped to perpetuate Vizcaino's nomenclature. The part of it written by Burriel displays great critical acumen, especially in the geographical parts,, his principal contribution. r Chapter XXI RUSSIAN DISCOVERIES The Russians, having reached the Pacific with their outposts, began a series of explorations in the course of which Vitus Bering sailed north from Kamchatka in 1728 and in August entered the Arctic Ocean through the strait which now bears his name. He returned to St. Petersburg in the spring of 1730 and made his first report. Curiously enough, the substance of that report was first printed in Father Jean Baptiste du Halde's Description geographique, historique, politique et physique de la Chine et de la Tartarie chinoise, published in Paris in 1735. Du Halde explained that Bering's map had been sent to the King of Poland as a present and that this monarch had turned it over to him. The map entitled Carte generate de la Tartarie Chinoise was drawn by D'Anville and dated 1732. In 1734 a Carte de I'Empire Russie was published in St. Petersburg by Jean Kyrilow, Secretary of the Senate, in two sheets. This map, described by Lenglet-Dufresnoy, Volume I, page 228, uncommon even in his time, portrayed the new discoveries. Subsequently, Bering's report and map were published in an English translation of Du Halde's work in London in 1736 and the map was -occasionally copied. It is plain, however, if we examine Bering's discoveries, that they amounted to very little. It was not even certain that America and Asia might not be joined at some point higher than he had reached, .and secondly, there was no certainty that the land he discovered opposite Asia was America at all. The distance across the strait was not great and the land to the east might have been a large island, far removed from America. It was necessary, therefore, to establish some connection, if possible, between Bering's discovery and land much farther south which might with some foundation be considered to le the continent of America. That these objections or criticisms were held at the time can be seen on the maps drawn by the French cartographers even some til m the ocean without any connection with the adjoining lam covered land in about 57° this was itself simply set down as nection with land to the north or south, although some cartogi dotted lines. Desirous of meeting these objections, Bering hii -of Russia in which he set forth some reasons why he thought two hundred and fifty miles east of Kamchatka. The Senate, a new expedition, a somewhat formidable affair. At this time Joseph Nicolas Delisle and his brother, Louis Delisle de la Croyere, were in the service of the Russian government in St. Petersburg as geographers and cartographers. In 1731 Nicolas drew a map to show for Bering's use what was then known of the relation of eastern Asia to America, and Bering carried this or a similar map. It is reproduced by Golder in his Bering's Voyages, Volume II, page 72, with explanatory notes. Louis, the younger brother, was assigned to the expedition to make astronomical and other scientific observations, and Georg Wilhelm Steller was appointed surgeon and naturalist. Several other scientists accompanied Bering but never left Kamchatka. It was not until June, 1741, that the expedition of two vessels set sail from Kamchatka. Bering was in command of the .St. Peter and was accompanied by Steller; Peter Chirikof, accompanied by Delisle, commanded the [156] . Bering's discoveries are placed ven after Chirikof in 1741 dis- stretch of coast without any con- ndicated a possible connection by esented a petition to the Empress is land between two hundred and g to his proposal, gave orders for Russian Discoveries 157 St. Paul. Shortly after leaving, the vessels became separated and in July Chirikof discovered the American coast in a latitude, according to him, of about 56° 15'. While at anchor in a none too safe position he sent a boat party ashore to look for a better one, but the party never returned. After waiting some time he sent a few men in his only other boat after the first party, and they never returned.. He was now in a difficult position, without boats and with fifteen men missing. He, therefore, concluded to return. He sailed northward and saw Mount St. Elias. Finding that the coast was turning westward he had to take the same direction. He finally passed around east of the Alaskan Peninsula, rounded the islands to the south, and reached home in October. The day he put into port Delisle died of scurvy. Bering pursued much the same course from near Mount St. Elias, which he discovered, but went far enough west to name a few islands and then followed the same course as his companion. He died, December 8, on Bering's Island, where he was wrecked in November. In the following summer Steller with the remnant of the party reached home. Some of the cartographical results of the expedition were apparently first embodied on a map in an atlas in Russian published by the Imperial Academy of Sciences in St. Petersburg in 1745, but the principal source from which western European cartographers took their information was from the ■ one published by Isaac Brouckner in Berlin in 1749 (564) and that issued by Delisle in 1752 (571). Brouckner's map shows no trace of the Russian expedition of 1741, but the coast of America is extended on it nearly as far north as 72°, where there is an inscription that the Russians came there in 1743. The first Russian map to achieve any general circulation was the Nouvelle carte des decouvertes faite par des vaissaux Russiens aux cotes inconnus de I'Amerique Septentrionale (591), issued by the Imperial Academy of Sciences in St. Petersburg in 1758. This is a much better map than that of Delisle, and I think it embodies some later information. It was copied by Thomas Jefferys in 1761 (597) and by Jacques Nicolas Bellin in his Carte reduite of 1766 (610). The chief result of this expedition was to establish the existence of a vast Alaskan peninsula. It is true that only the east side of this had been seen, but a western coast was made a certainty even though a long time passed before it was explored. As a matter of fact, the peninsula is rather narrow and ends in a string of islands which gradually diminish in size, ending in the Aleutian chain. On many maps of this period the peninsula is depicted as a huge affair; on some it almost reaches Asia. It was not until after Cook's voyage that its more limited extent was properly appreciated. It is not part of the scope of this work to enter into the subject of the later Russian explorations of Alaska, since that requires separate treatment. H. H. Bancroft gave a great deal of attention to it and the Russians themselves in later years published more or less information on the subject. The only purpose here is to connect the Russian discoveries with those of the Spaniards and English. To this end it may be stated that shortly after the return of the Bering party the Russian fur-hunters began to frequent the Aleutian Islands. Their expeditions reached farther and farther east until, in 1783, a permanent establishment was made on the southeast side of Kodiac Island in what is now known as Three Saints Bay. They also had a post on Unalaska Island and there Esteban Jose Martinez found them in 1788. In the few years between 1783 and 1788 the Russian outposts had spread as far as Cook's Inlet and Prince William Sound, although the one in the latter place was not occupied when Martinez reached it. By this time the fur-trading business had become consolidated in the hands of two companies better able to cope with the difficulties of the situation than individual traders and hunters. The Russian system was entirely different from that later adopted by English and American fur- hunters on the northwest coast. Instead of trading with the natives as these did for the skins which they had taken themselves, they hired the Indians to kill the seals and to trap the other fur-bearing animals. This necessitated permanent outposts and permanent settlements. In time their operations extended still farther to the east and the Russian-American Fur Company, the successor of the smaller companies, finally established its headquarters at Sitka. From this point the company operated a number of vessels, manned mostly by Aleutians, which scoured the coast in search of the fur seal. Chapter XXII THE DELISLE-BUACHE FANTASY IN the numbers for April and June, 1708, of the Monthly Miscellany, or Memoirs for the Curious a weird tale appeared which purported to be a letter from an Admiral Bartholomew de Fonte concerning his discoveries in the course of a voyage from Callao, Peru, to find out if there was any northwest passage between the Atlantic Ocean and the South and Tartarian seas. Although the author is generally stated to have been James Petiver, the editor of the magazine, the tale has more the appearance of having been written by Swift or Defoe. Fonte was supposed to have discovered a river which he called "Los Reyes" in 53° N Lat., and a vast archipelago which he named "St. Lazarus." Having advanced through various channels, he finally encountered a ship from Boston -commanded by a Captain Shapley. Obviously this vessel had reached that point from the Atlantic Ocean, and thus it would be natural to suppose that a passage did exist between the Atlantic and the Pacific. Nevertheless, at the end of the letter Fonte states that they found out that there was no passage into the South Sea—nothing that could be called the Northwest Passage. When we come to •examine the voyage we find that a good part of it was taken from William Dampier's New Voyage, first published in 1697, and from William Hack's maps. The first person who seems to have taken -any stock in the story was Arthur Dobbs, who became interested in the search for a northwest passage. In 1737 Captain Christopher Middleton explored Hudson's Bay for the Hudson's Bay Company, but without finding any exit from the bay to the west. Dobbs, dissatisfied with these results, took up the matter with the government, and in large part as a result of his insistence two small vessels were sent out in 1741, again under the command of Middleton. Middleton had no greater success on this voyage than on the first, and on his return Dobbs, in 1744, published his Account of the countries adjoining to Hudson's Bay, in which he denounced Middleton because he had not explored two or three inlets in the western part of Hudson's Bay, alleging that he was acting in the interests of the Hudson's Bay Company, which did not wish the passage to be found because the discovery would interfere with its monopoly. With the book, Dobbs issued a map which purports to have been made by Joseph La France and printed in the text a narrative of La France's adventures. None of the alleged discoveries •of Fonte are shown on this map, but Dobbs inserted an abstract of the Fonte letter in which he announced that he was a believer in it, although with some reservations, and even stated that the discoveries were probably not part of America. In 1745 a bill passed Parliament which authorized a payment of a reward of £20,000 to the discoverer of the Northwest Passage. As a result of this, and no doubt also because of the charges made by Dobbs, another expedition was sent out in 1746 by a new company to explore the inlets which Middleton had neglected to examine. Full accounts of this voyage were published in 1748 by Henry Ellis and by Theodore Swaine Drage, the clerk of the California, one of the ships, and each of them published a map. Ellis laid no great stress on Fonte's story but nevertheless apparently believed in it. His map (561), like that of Dobbs, has the Lahontan geography, though in somewhat different fashion. Drage, however, constructed a map which he called A Chart for the better understanding of De Fonts letter (562), made up from the alleged Fonte narrative. He thought the Archipelago of St. Lazarus was the Strait of Anian. In 1749 Dobbs issued & small pamphlet in which he identified Fonte's Lake Fonte with the sea said to have been found [158] The Delisle-Buache Fantasy 159 by Juan de Fuca, but in the following year news reached England that the hitherto unexplored inlets in Hudson's Bay had been found by the company's employees to be closed. In 1747 Joseph Nicolas Delisle returned to Paris from Russia, where he had been living for some years in the employ of the Academy of Sciences in St. Petersburg. He was acquainted with the recent Russian discoveries in Alaska, and on April 8, 1750, he read before the Royal Academy of Sciences in Paris a memoir in which he gave an abridged history of these discoveries and an account of Fonte's expedition. Just what the Russian discoveries had to do with the alleged discoveries of Fonte is something that I have never been able to fathom. He enlisted in his support Philippe Buache, his brother-in-law, and the manuscript map which was filed with Delisle's memoir was drawn by Buache. This map was printed in 1752 by Delisle with his Explication and is entitled: Carte des Nouvelles Decouvertes au Nord de la Mer du Sud (566). In November, 1752, the map was reissued with some changes as Carte generale des Decouvertes de I' Amiral de Fonte (571), and is usually found in Delisle's Nouvelles Cartes de Decouvertes de L'Amiral de Fonte dated 1753. A long dispute now began over the merit of the maps and the authenticity of the discoveries, lasting until the end of the century. In this controversy the Rio de Santa Inez of Vizcaino, generally known at that time as the Entree de Martin de Aguilar, cut a large figure. To the north of this there was still another one, known as the Entree de Juan de Fuca, now commemorated in the Strait of Fuca which separates the United States from Vancouver Island. Fuca was the author of another apocryphal tale about discoveries on the northwest coast and was said to have entered some strait there for a long distance inland. This tale had been printed by Samuel Purchas in 1625 in his Pilgrimes. Fuca's voyage was supposed to have taken place in 1592. All that we know about it is contained in some correspondence of Michael Lok and the account in Purchas. There is no evidence whatever that the Spaniards sent any expedition up the northwest coast in 1592 or in any other year after the Cabrillo expedition of 1542, until the Vizcaino expedition of 1602. Fuca, however, was no doubt a real individual. Sufficient contemporary evidence can be found in the Spanish archives to corroborate some of his story. Other parts of his tale were either misunderstood or misstated by Lok, who met him in Venice in 1596 and was anxious to secure some support for his own theories about the Northwest Passage. If we examine Lok's map of 1582 (131) in the Divers Voyages we see that the outlet of his strait into the Pacific occupies much the same position as that assigned to it in the Fuca narrative. Many people believe this story without taking the trouble to check the statements against the actualities. In his account of his interview with Fuca, Lok states that Fuca pointed out to him on one of Lok's own maps the course of his voyage until he came to a latitude of 47°, where he found a broad inlet between 47° and 48° through which he sailed for twenty days, and which became even broader and broader. He even alleged that he had reached the North Sea and thence returned to Acapulco. I have no doubt that Fuca was the Greek referred to as "George" in the account of the Cavendish expedition. He was captured in a small barque somewhere north of Valparaiso and was taken along by Cavendish, who must have put him ashore at Cabo San Lucas after capturing the Santa Ana on November 14, 1587. I think that in all probability he was the same man that Sir Francis Drake had cap. tared in December, 1577, in the Harbor of Valparaiso. In the account of that affair he was named "Juan" and was referred to also as a Greek. Fuca himself said he had been captured by Cavendish on the Santa Ana and that he had lost 60,000 pesos—a perfectly improbable story, as no one on the Santa Ana lost 60,000 pesos. In Valparaiso, however, Drake had robbed the Greek's vessel of a large amount of gold. Out of the Fuca story Delisle and Buache seem to have manufactured the Mer de l'Ouest, although both of them attempted to saddle the construction of it on GuiUaume Delisle and brought forward several documents to prove their case. No one had paid any attention to Fuca's story after it had been published until it became mixed up with the Fonte tale. We have already had occasion to 160 Cartography of the Northwest Coast of America examine maps of GuiUaume Delisle. Not one of his printed maps now extant shows the Mer de l'Ouest, not even the last one, which he produced in 1722. If he had any notion of such a sea as far back as 1695, as was alleged by his younger brother, Joseph Nicolas, he must have obtained it from Lahontan—not from his book, but from some information disseminated by him after his return to France. That this may have happened may be supported by an examination of the sketch map (569), where the entrance to the Mer de l'Ouest is between 44° and 45° and could not, therefore, have been Fuca's strait. This entrance, which later did duty as one of the outlets of the Mer de l'Ouest, has a legend attached to it on Delisle's Carte Generate that it was discovered by Martin Aguilar in 1603. This legend had even appeared on Guillaume Delisle's map of 1722, but between 45° and 46°. The only contemporary printed map which seems to correspond even remotely to the views of Guillaume Delisle, according to his brother, is one issued by Pierre Mortier (480). This is certainly a copy of a Delisle map, but the entrance to the Mer de l'Ouest is almost four degrees wide, and the sea itself extends east even beyond the meridian of Mexico. If Delisle took his notice of this Entree de Aguilar from Torquemada's account of the Vizcaino expedition, he made a grievous error, because Aguilar, who was a member of that expedition, discovered a river which he said was in about 43° and referred to it as a "swift-flowing river," so swift, in fact, that he could not ascend it. In order to bolster up their theory Delisle and Buache inserted in their pamphlets of 1753 Conjectures sur I'Existence d'une Mer dans la partie Occidental du Canada & du Mississippi containing an extract from Torquemada's book about the discovery by Aguilar. The younger Delisle allows us to infer that the Conjectures was written by his brother Guillaume in 1695. If Guillaume really wrote these Conjectures in that year it is the only use that I have found that anyone had made of Torquemada's book before it was reprinted in 1729 or 1730. North of the Mer de l'Ouest on Delisle's maps of 1750 and later will be found the imaginary Fonte geography and farther west his ideas about the Russian discoveries. Considering that he had been in Russia, the latter are singularly inaccurate. One would judge that he knew nothing about the movements of Captain Bering in the St. Peter in 1741. The great Alaska Peninsula which had been discovered by Bering is totally lacking. Under these circumstances it is not strange that as soon as the map appeared Delisle was attacked from all sides. The most destructive criticism was published in London by John Green in 1753. Green's remarks were issued to accompany A New Chart of North and South America (578), which was published in his behalf by Thomas Jefferys. Green stamped as fictitious or forgeries both the stories of Fuca and Fonte and made some caustic criticisms of Delisle. He charged him with having altered to 63° on the map of June 15, 1752, the latitude of the Rio de los Reyes of Fonte, from 53° as given in the text of that story. As Delisle in his next map, issued in September, reduced the latitude of the river to 53°, he tacitly acknowledged the correctness of Green's remarks. The most extensive attack on the theory, however, was written by Burriel, in Tomo III of the Noticia de la California published in Madrid in 1757. He included a Spanish translation of Fonte's letter. It was thus demonstrated that F»nte's tale was impossible and that Buache's map did not even correspond to it; yet many geographers accepted it, and many maps of the latter part of the eighteenth century will be found which display Fonte's alleged discoveries and the vast Sea of the West in the northern part of North America near the northwest coast. The vogue attained by the Delisle-Buache maps was principally attributable to the immense reputation enjoyed by Guillaume Delisle in the eighteenth century and to the increased interest in the search for the Northwest Passage. This search was suspended for some time after the voyage of 1746 but the subject remained a very live one. In spite of Green's criticism, the Delisle-Buache maps had a more friendly reception in England than in France. The principal French geographers of the day, especially Jacques Nicolas Bellin, whose hydro- graphical charts were in great demand and whose opinion carried great weight, refused to indorse the Fuca and Fonte stories. Although not a believer in either of them, he had put on his map of the world 162 Cartography of the Northwest Coast of America in 1755 (583) the Mer de l'Ouest with the Entree de Juan de Fuca in about 47* and that of Aguilar in about 44°. His skepticism, however, was displayed by a remark that "here the Mer de l'Ouest might be put." On his Carte de VAmerique Septentrionale (582) of the same year the Mer de l'Ouest is simply a name in the ocean with a legend that nothing is known of these parts. On his Carte reduite de VOcean Septentrionale of 1766 (610) the "Mer" has disappeared, but we still see on the coast the Entree de Martin Aguilar, that of Jean de Fuca in 47£°, and a Pretendue R. de los Reyes de L'Amiral de Fonte en 1640, familiar features of the Buache-Delisle maps. The amazing absurdities of both Buache and Delisle constitute a most interesting episode in the imaginary geography of the northwest coast of America. I have treated the subject exhaustively in my Apocryphal Voyages to the Northwest Coast of America, and believe that facts enough have been disclosed in that study to dispel forever the ideas still entertained by some people that the Fuca legend and that of Lorenzo Ferrer Maldonado, which did not appear until much later, although of earlier date than that of the other, had some basis in fact. There are, however, some curious coincidences for which there can be no explanation. The strait of Michael Lok, which became known in literature as the Strait of Juan de Fuca, actually occupied or covered at least the strait which is now known as "Juan de Fuca," named, of course, after the Greek pilot although the actual strait in no wise corresponds, except roughly in latitude, to Fuca's description of it. Another coincidence is the seeming identification of Maldonado's strait with the present Bering Strait. The Maldonado narrative is so confused that it would be impossible to state where he thought his strait was, but the description of it given by him is quite sufficient to prove that it could not have been Bering Strait, irrespective of the fact that the notion that anyone could have sailed across the Polar Ocean in 1588 from the Atlantic to the Pacific is too incredible to be believed. The Fonte narrative seems to have received some recognition because of the assertion in it about the archipelago which he discovered and the various inland passages, and the fact that these in a way correspond to those on the Atlantic side of the continent. A further coincidence may be mentioned in this connection, and that is that there is an archipelago in the neighborhood of 53° and that there are numerous passages leading inland for some distance. This archipelago and these passages were apparently first discovered by Captains Colnett, Dixon, and Duncan, in the latter part of the eighteenth century. Colnett was so impressed by the coincidence that he thought that he had discovered the passage by which Fonte had penetrated the continent. This was obviously Douglas Channel. He did not follow it to its end and consequently found nothing to alter his opinion. It was not until Jacinto Caamafio explored this channel in 1792, and in fact others in the neighborhood, that Colnett's theory was exploded. Vancouver made some search for the passage in the following year, and even examined others to the north and south of Douglas Channel, looking for Fonte's Rio de los Reyes, but naturally Chapter XXIII THE RESUMPTION OF SPANISH EXPLORATIONS The "Expedicion Sacra" The year 1769 was signalized by two important events in the history of the northwest coast, the occupation of Upper California, and the determination of the proper location of Cabo San Lucas. The latter was accomplished by a party of French scientists who, by permission of the Spanish government, made observations on the transit of Venus at San Jose, a small town not far from the cape. The result was to fix the longitude of San Jose at 267°, 52J' E of the meridian passing through the island of Ferro, in place of the one usually accepted at that time of 264° 40'. The effect, of course, was to move the location of the place 3° 12' farther east. Observations were also made at Vera Cruz and Mexico which resulted in placing both of those points 4° 5' and 2° 36J' respectively, farther east. From the observation at San Jose the longitude of Cabo San Lucas was corrected by an equivalent amount. As this cape was the starting point from which the longitudes of points farther north had been calculated by dead reckoning, the entire coast line was thus moved to the east by the amount of the correction. It was not until some time later that reliable observations for longitude were made at points farther north. These resulted, of course, in other corrections, since, generally speaking, the farther north the greater the error in longitude had been. At that time the longitudinal distance between San Jose and Mendocino on Spanish maps was about 18°, instead of a little more than 14°, the actual difference. The first Spanish map to show the changes is a Piano Geografico de la mayor parte de la America Septentrional Espahola (639) dated November 14, 1775, and purporting to have been drawn by Alzate. In a note on the map the author states that among the many observations which he had made to determine the longitude of Mexico he would take one made April 30, 1772, the first he had at hand. From this he deduced the difference between Paris and Mexico to be 6 hrs., 46 m., 8 s. in time, or 101° 32'. On the map, therefore, we find that Cabo de San Lucas has been moved 3° 45' east of its position on the map of 1768 (612) and the western point of California even a little more, the longitudinal width of California now being reduced to only about 14°. In other respects the map for this part is almost the same as that of 1768, but the names are somewhat better placed and the size of the islands has been reduced. There is a note to the effect that Velasquez de Leon, who accompanied the French astronomers, calculated the longitude of the Mission of San Jose to be 112° W of Paris instead of 112° 07J', as the French astronomers had made it. The decision to extend the line of settlements already formed on the peninsula farther north was one of those sudden developments which might almost be attributed to the caprice of a single individual, Jose de Galvez, the famous visitador. Galvez came to Mexico charged with the duty of reforming the financial establishment, having previously occupied an official position in Madrid of no great importance. In order that the project might be more effectively carried out he was entrusted by the government with almost unlimited powers. After having made a multitude of changes in the fiscal regulations he took advantage of his extraordinary powers to conduct unauthorized enterprises. [163] 164 Cartography of the Northwest Coast of America The first was to raise an army to drive the Apaches out of Sonora. These savages had been unsually active in that province for some time, and as mines were numerous there, some of them of great richness, the output of the precious metals had diminished appreciably, and, in consequence, the revenues of the Crown. Although this decision was reached early in 1766 the troops did not reach Sonora. until two years later. One year was enough to demonstrate that the grand expedition was a practical failure, and an effort was made to induce the Indians to surrender. In the meantime Galvez had been charged with the expulsion of the Jesuits from Mexico. In November, 1767, Gaspar de Portola landed on the Peninsula of California as the governor charged with carrying out the removal of the missionaries. This was effected in a short time and Portola took possession of the mission property. The deported Jesuits were replaced by Franciscans from the College of San Fernando in Mexico, and Fr. Junipero Serra was appointed President of the new missions. In July, 1768, Galvez himself went to the peninsula. There is no doubt that he was obsessed with the idea that the country was rich in minerals. For years the Jesuits had been charged with working the mines by means of native labor and secretly sending away large sums of money. It is true that some mining was being carried on at this time, but not by the Jesuits. The miners were private individuals', and it is certain that no great riches were being produced. The pearl fishery which had been conducted in a desultory way since the discovery of- the peninsula was rather flourishing at this particular time. Some good-sized pearls had recently been found. It did not take Galvez long to discover that the reported riches of the peninsula were imaginary. He made some efforts to stimulate mining, but all to no effect. In other words, the country was just as poor as the Jesuits had alwaya said it was. In view of the conditions in Sonora and on the peninsula Galvez may well have thought that some bold stroke was necessary to rehabilitate his credit. In August he proposed to Serra a line of missions to Monterey, and found him agreeable, although the College of San Fernando was opposed to the plan. It appears that Galvez' alleged motive was to prevent the Russians from taking possession of that part of the coast, and the resulting expedition was referred to, perhaps in derision, as the "Expedicion Sacra." As one of his enemies said (trans.), "Finally, although we concede that Monterey in a short time will become a flourishing colony, the coast of California will not on this account be better guarded from Muscovite attacks, as there are" other ports where they can establish themselves and cause the same damage as if they were owners of Monterey." Measures were now taken to hasten the preparations, Galvez himself attending personally to preparing and dispatching the expeditions by land and by sea. It is not my purpose to follow the vicissitudes of the two land expeditions, but some particulars will be noted. As for the expedition by sea, the San Carlos, under the command of Vicente Vila, sailed from La Paz on January 9, 1769. On board was Pedro Fages with twenty-five Catalonian volunteers, the engineer Miguel de Costanso, and the surgeon. The San Antonio, alias the Principe, under the command of Juan Perez with two Franciscans, departed on February 15. March 24, Fernando Rivera y Moncada set out by land with Fr. Juan Crespi and a few soldiers, and in May Portola, the governor, with Fr. Serra followed him. Although some of the Jesuits had almost reached what is now the border line between Mexico and the United States near the west coast, no one had been north of that border since the days of Vizcaino. All that was known about the country was embodied in the account of his voyage in the work of Torquemada. This had been reprinted by Father Burriel in 1757 in the Appendix to the work of Venegas. From this a knowledge of the ports of San Diego, Monterey, and San Francisco had been obtained, and it formed a kind of vade mecum of the explorers. In this work no mention occurs of the latitudes of San Diego, of Pt. Conception (in fact, the point is not mentioned at all), of Monterey or of San Francisco. In all probability the ideas about the location of these places were derived from the Navegacion Especulativa of Cabrera Bueno and the map published by Father The Resumption of Spanish Explorations 165 Burriel which was a copy of that found by Anson in the Covadonga. On this map we find San Diego in almost 34J°, Pt. Conception in almost 36°, and what is intended for Monterey Bay in about 37°. Whether the explorers carried a map—for example, like that of Vasquez or of Fraslin, hitherto described—is uncertain, but Vila at least had the Navegacion Especulativa. In this work San Diego is located in almost 34°, Pt. Conception in 35£°, Monterey in 37°, and Pt. Reyes, under which lay the Puerto de San Francisco, in 38|°. Both vessels, therefore, aimed to strike the coast in or about 34°. No sooner had both navigators reached the coast near the Santa Barbara Channel than they discovered the errors in the old locations. No detailed account of the voyage of the San Antonio is extant; there is only one short one in the Noticias of Fray Palou, from which we learn that the San Antonio reached one of the Santa Barbara Islands where water was taken. The two Franciscans on board went ashore, but on returning forgot their staff and left it at the Indian village. The next morning, however, a native brought it out in a canoe and they therefore named the island "Santa Cruz." There is nothing in the narrative to show that it was the present island of Santa Cruz except Fr. Palou's statement to that effect, but Miguel del Pino, the pilot on the vessel, wrote a derrotero in 1772 in which he described the Channel Islands, evidently from what he had seen on this voyage, although it is possible that he combined these results with those of the succeeding voyage to Monterey. Speaking of the Channel Islands, he says (trans.): "Seven leagues southeast of Pt. Conception is a low island, perhaps a little more than three leagues long, with two rocks on the west side close to it, and about four miles northwest of it a low small farallon named the Farallon de Lobos. To the east of the island there are two others, the one in the middle being more than four leagues long, and the one to the east the largest and the highest of all, trending west-northwest to east-southeast. At this island I was anchored in 1769 and named it 'Santa Cruz.' ... To the east of it there is a small island trending north-south. To the east of this two low points run out and there are small farallons, in the last of "which there is a hole or cavity extending from one side to the other. The island itself is two miles . from Santa Cruz and as there is a good and safe passage you can sail between them. . . . When two leagues due south of Pt. Conception you must sail ESE 05° SE and then you will touch Santa Cruz. Having sailed along the north side of this island, wljen you are due north of the channel between Santa Cruz and the island to the east of it steer east, because although there is a good way through this channel it is safer to pass between the island and the mainland on account of the current and the shelter afforded by the island." Shortly after this voyage the present Santa Rosa Island appears with the name "San Miguel," although no mention of naming it at this time occurs. San Miguel is celebrated on two days, September 29 and May 8, the day of the apparition. As both the ships were in the channel in 1769 only in April, the name could then hardly have been applied. It ■was probably named in the course of the second land expedition to Monterey. The San Carlos had a much more eventful voyage. Judging from Vila's log, which is still extant, he did not sail far enough west to get out of the region of the northwest winds, as he sighted Guadalupe February 14. February 17 he sighted the Mesas de Juan Gomez, or "Cypriana," as he says Vizcaino called them. March 1 he sighted a circular island which he located in about 30° 34' —obviously San Martin, which is in 30° 29'. March 4 he had to anchor south of a point in 29° 36' which he named "Punta Anclote" because he lost there a stream anchor. Judging from the description of the anchorage it must have been under Punta Escarpado or Bluff Point. March 20 he saw an island seven or eight leagues from land which he named "San Benito" in honor of that saint, whose day is March 21. For about a month he kept sailing around Guadalupe and Cedros, taking water on the latter island. April 25, however, he sighted in about 33° 15' an island, unnamed, which looked like a saddle-backed mountain. From here he passed about midway between Santa Catalina and Santa Cruz, noting that the latter was in a little less than 34°. He also noted a rocky 166 Cartography of the Northwest Coast of America island and two or three rocks to the east of it (the Anacapas). On the 26th at half-past six he was off San Pedro Bay. On the 29th at four o'clock in the afternoon he was a league off the point of San Diego, which he says was named "Vallado," and the following day he anchored in the port where the San Antonio had arrived on the 11th. Most of the results of these two voyages are shown on the map of Jorje Storace (617), who was a mate on the San Carlos. From his name I should judge that he was an Englishman, George Stracy, or certainly of English descent. He returned on the San Antonio, arriving at San Bias July 29, and submitted his map to the Viceroy with a letter dated September 12. He afterward embarked on the San Jose for San Diego, and the vessel was never heard from. In his map some changes, and therefore improvements, have been made. San Diego is reduced in latitude to a little less than 33 , corresponding changes being made in the location of the islands. Pt. Conception, shown curiously enough as the Punta de la Conversion, has been reduced to about 34° 40'. The channel island farthest west is named Santa Cruz, and San Benito is shown but not Punta Anclote. Storace lowered the locations of Monterey and San Francisco, sufficiently, no doubt, to allow for the errors he had discovered in the old locations farther south. Santa Barbara Island is in 33° 15', so it must have been finally decided that this was the one discovered in that latitude. No change was made in the longitude of Cabo San Lucas, so far as is observable; it is shown in about 262Jf E of Teneriffe. The rest of the names on his map are Vizcaino names as found in the Navegacidn Especulativa. Like many other early maps it has the Puerto de San Francisco north of Punta de Neither land party had yet reached San Diego when the ships arrived^ but on May 14 Rivera came in, and Portola followed on June 29. It was the intention of Galvez that the expedition should proceed to Monterey and he had instructed Vila to go on to Monterey with the San Carlos, leaving the San Antonio in San Diego. Vila, however, refused to proceed to Monterey; in fact, so many of the sailors had died or were sick with scurvy that there were scarcely enough to man one vessel, certainly not the crew needed for sailing up the coast. It was now decided to send the San Antonio back to San Bias July 9 for supplies and a new crew, a letter dated July 6. Portola and Costansd now proceeded land. One of the most astounding things connected wit travelers to recognize Monterey when they reached that tention that all the old latitudes from Pt. Conception so hence that they should have expected to find Monterey does not seem to reflect much credit on their intelligen reason was the absence of any of those wonderful natu Vizcaino and especially the failure to find any natives. finding Monterey farther on, or at least San Francisco. From the top of a hill on the Sai cisco peninsula Pt. Reyes was made out, under which lay the famous Puerto de San Francisco. From another mountain a view was had of the bay within and it seems that a scouting party had gone north as far as it could, blocked by the Golden Gate from passing on to the port for which they were searching. Although discoveries by land hardly come within the scope of this work it has been deemed advisable to include in the list of names those given by this one. Almost all the rivers flowing into the ocean and a number of the projecting points were named. Many still retain these names and a few of them can be found on the Carta reducida of Miguel Costanso (620). Costanso was an engineer, something of a mapmaker and with sufficient nautical knowledge to be able to make a fairly accurate observation for latitude. Fr. Crespi also made such observations, but his were not so correct. After the final occupation of Monterey, during which Costans6 made a plan of the Vi a sent a plan of San Diego (618) and ed with the missionaries to Monterey by h ti bis enter] failure of these ph ce. It co uld not have escaped their at- nth were at least half a degree too high; n t he old If titude of 37 instead of 36^° ce. It is intii nated in the narratives that the ral advantages which had been set out by Th e march was continued in the hope of XXXIII—Costansos Carta Reducida of 1771 No. 625 The Resumption of Spanish Explorations 167 port (619), he returned to Mexico and made a map which is dated October 30, 1770 (620). This contains, naturally, all the information which he had obtained about the coast from San Francisco south, to which was added that gained by Vila and by the last voyage of the San Antonio to Monterey. As this map, at least in its published form of the following year (625), continued to be the basis for California maps for some time to come, a description of it will be necessary. Proceeding from the north, we find Cabo Blanco at the top in 43° with a Rio de los Reyes just north of it, Cabo Mendocino in about 42° 10', Cabo Blanco de San Sebastian in about 41° 25', Punta de Barrancas in about 39° 50', Puerto de San Francisco in about 38°, Punta de los Reyes just below; then Punta de Almejas, Punta de Ano Nuevo, Puerto de Monterey in about 36° 35', Punta de Pinos, Rio del Carmelo, Punta del Estero, Sierra del Buchon, Rio de San Verardo, Punta de los Peder- nales, Punta de la Concepcion in 34° 33', Canal de Santa Barbara, and the following Channel Islands, in order: Farallon de Lobos, San Bernardo, San Miguel, Santa Cruz, Santa Barbara, Santa Catalina, San Clemente; [San Pedro omitted], Puerto de San Diego, Coronados, Bahia de Todos Santos, Isla de San Marcos, Isla de San Geronimo, Isla de Cenizas, Isla Redondo, Punta del Anclote, Isla de San Benito, Cerros, Navidad, Morro Hermoso, and, below, Vizcaino names. Mendocino is in about 245£° E, and San Lucas in about 262° E [meridian of Teneriffe]. A careful examination of the manuscript map fails to display any signs of what is now known as the Bay of San Francisco. The Farallons are shown, with a small indentation of the coast opposite to the east, but nothing appears which could have prevented the land party from reaching Pt. Reyes. When this map was printed in Madrid in the following year, however, it suffered some changes (625). We now find on it the Estero de San Francisco, the entrance to it, and the north and south arms of the bay, with the same' kind of bay under Pt. Reyes as shown on the manuscript map. No other change seems to have been made, more than the addition of two names not found on the manuscript map, Punta de la Conversion and B. de San Pedro, and the omission of Punta de Almejas. The islands of San Marcos and San Geronimo remain but the names have disappeared. These, in order to accord with the Vizcaino descriptions, were naturally located in latitudes much too high. In reality the Isla Redondo was the same as San Marcos, only placed in nearly its proper latitude. From this it is evident that no fresh examination of the coast had been made south of the Coronados beyond the accidental discoveries of Vila in 1769 in the San Carlos. Naturally, the most interesting addition to the map is that of the present San Francisco Bay, but it does not seem to embody any information that had not been in the possession of Costanso when he made the original. It is possible, of course, that the additions were made in Madrid when the map was engraved from information obtained from the written accounts of the expedition. The map is of extraordinary rarity and the reproduction made by Alexander Dalrymple in 1790 is extremely scarce. In the note on this map the sources are stated to be the recent voyages to San Diego and Monterey and some manuscript memoranda of the Jesuit missionaries for the coast of the peninsula. As a matter of fact, however, with the exceptions noted above, most of the names have been taken from the account of the Vizcaino expedition. Corrections were made in the latitudes of Monterey and most points farther south. Costanso laid down the discoveries on the peninsula of Vicente Vila in their proper places with Vizcaino's names still left, leading to some curious results. The San Antonio, which had reached San Bias in safety, was refitted and sent back to Monterey under Perez, Pino being the second-in-command. Perez was obliged to enter the Santa Barbara Channel for water, and, learning that the land expedition had returned, went to San Diego, arriving there March 23, 1770. He left San Diego April 16 and then, after sighting Pt. Reyes^ arrived in Monterey May 31, finding the land party there a second time. The San Antonio sailed with Portola and Costanso June 29 and reached San Bias August 1. In the following year she made another voyage to Monterey, reaching there May 21, sailing for San Diego June 7 and arriving there 168 Cartography of the Northwest Coast of America July 14. In 1772 she was again dispatched to Monterey, with the San Carlos. Neither vessel was able'to reach Monterey and both went to San Diego, but the San Antonio did finally proceed to Monterey. In 1773 no transports went to California. On the return of the San Antonio to San Bias, Pino compiled a derrotero between San Bias and Monterey. It is dated November 30, and since it is the only record of a voyage along the coast before 1774 after that of 1769, it is of some interest. Pino says that in sailing direct to Monterey you must endeavor to place yourself in the latitude of 37° 42' and then, following that parallel, you will sight Punta de los Reyes, which according to the most recent observations was in that latitude. He describes the Farallons and says he understands that there is a good port named San Francisco north of the point but that he has not seen it, nor has anyone else since the time of Vizcaino. Southeast one-quarter south, fifteen leagues from the Punta de los Reyes, there was a point in 37° called Ano Nuevo. He then gives the landmarks of Monterey, placing the Punta de Pinos in 36° 37'. The port itself is in 36° 36' and 15° 39' W of San Bias. Leaving Monterey and passing Pinos, he continues, you come in sight of the Sierra Santa Lucia and the little bay into which the Rio del Carmelo empties. South of that the coast runs along for some seven leagues of high land, and then he speaks of the peak [Mount Carmel] and of the Morro de la Trompa [obviously Pt. Sur]. A point in 34 50' inclosed a small ensenada without shelter, eight leagues from Punta de la Concepcion. Continuing, you come, he says, to the Punta de los Pedernales, from which three points to the northwest could be seen although they do not project very far. Punta de la Concepcion was in 34° 28' and from this point the coast runs E 1/4 SE for more than sixteen leagues, containing various towns of gentle natives, the most hardworking and civilized on the whole coast. His description of the Channel Islands has already been given. Some thirteen leagues after passing Santa Cruz Santa Catalina was reached, the north point of which is in 33° 33'. To the west of this was a small island, Santa Barbara, seven leagues distant in 33° 27' according to calculation. South, one-quarter southeast of Santa Catalina, some two leagues distant, was San Clemente. South of a rocky island east of Santa Cruz was a massive point named the Punta de la Conversion, from which the coast turns almost east and forms an ensenada which furnishes no shelter. Then the coast, bending to the ESE reaches a point with a bare hill of moderate height which from a distance looked like an island [Pt. Dume]. To the east of this is the Ensenada de San Pedro. The coast then runs on to the Loma Fajga which looks like the Loma of ' San Diego, whence the name. Five leagues south from the Puerto de San Diego were the Islas de San Martin. East of the Punta del Vallado [Pt. Loma] was Puerto San Diego, situated in 32° 42' and 12° W of San Bias. In describing the route from San Diego to San Bias Pino merely mentions that it passed by Guadalupe until the Sierra del Enfado was sighted. From the foregoing description it can be seen that little had been added to the knowledge of the geography of the coast since 1770. Nothing seems to be known of the details of the voyage of 1771, but there are some documents about that of 1772 explaining why the vessels did not reach Monterey. The name under which Pino refers to Pt. Sur, "Morro de la Trompa" [morro of the horn, because it looks like one], was not perpetuated; I have never seen it on a map. It might be thought that he was referring to the hill at Estero Bay now known as the "Morro," but his description does not admit of that supposition. His description of the Punta de la Conversion would be quite sufficient to identify it as the mountain ending at Pt. Mugu, even if we did not have abundant ividence to the same effect. It is uncertain whether his Loma Farza [Falsa] was La Jolla Land Expeditions July 14, 1769, Portola set out from San Diego with Costanso, Fages, Rivera, Fr. Juan Crespi, and a few soldiers in search of Monterey. They passed close to the coast to the present San Juan Capistrano and then turned inland, naming places as they went, and were not to see the ocean r Medanos Poin The Resumption of Spanish Explorations 169 again until they came to San Buenaventura. The scouts, however, kept them informed of its proximity. After camping on the present site of Los Angeles they turned up the San Fernando Valley, and finally reached the valley of the Santa Clara near Castaic and followed it down nearly to the sea. At the mouth of the Ventura River they found an Indian town which they named "Ascension de Nuestra Sefiora" because they reached it on August 15, the evening before that festival. Here Costanso made an observation, locating the town in 34° 13', and concluded that it was 106° to 107° W of Ferro. They followed much the route of the present road from Ventura to Santa Barbara and then passed by the present Goleta and along the coast almost to Pt. Conception. At Gaviota Costanso made another observation, of 34° 30', and assigned the same latitude to Pt. Conception. Before reaching this place they discovered the islands which Costanso named in order from west to east: San Bernardo, Santa Cruz, and Santa Barbara. A point in 34° 33', little less than four and one- half leagues from Pt. Conception, was named "Pedernales" because they picked up near it many flints (pedernales in Spanish). This was unquestionably the present Pt. Argiiello. About three leagues from it they reached a river, the present Santa Inez, which was named "Rio Grande de San Verardo." Continuing north, keeping away from the sand dunes and the coast, and passing two small lakes, they came opposite Pismo. As the mountains ahead looked a little formidable they passed up Price Canon into the San Luis Obispo country and through a Canada they called "Los Osos" to Morro Bay. Costanso describes the Morro. Near Cayucas, which Costanso located in 35° 27', the expedition again passed inland,' crossing a hill, first having noted a prominent point to the west, namely, Estero Point. Descending to the beach again, they reached another point terminating in the sea and finally a place where the mountain range was too high for them to pass. They made a terrible journey across the mountains, passing on the way a small copious stream which they named the "Rio de las Truchas" on account of the numerous trout found in it. The scouts went on ahead and finally located the great valley through which the Salinas River now runs. This was reached not far from King City and the camp was named "El Chocolate." From this camp they descended the river toward the ocean, and when they were near it the scouts were again sent out. They found Monterey Bay, terminating to the south in a point covered with pines. On the beach Costanso made an observation in 36° 44'. The scouts went out again and saw the present Carmel River and Carmel Bay. In spite of all this evidence and what they could see themselves, Portola was not satisfied that this was Monterey, so the officers voted unanimously to proceed. They followed the coast as near as possible, naming the Rio del Pajaro from a large stuffed bird they found among the Indians of the region, and soon they came upon the redwoods. They crossed and named the San Lorenzo River and on October 21 reached a place near Pt. Afio Nuevo where Costanso made an observation of 37° 03'. Finally the party reached the hill at Pt. San Pedro October 31 where they saw to the northwest a large bay, in which were seven white rocky islands. Here they estimated the latitude to be 37° and 33' or 35': the point which they saw at a distance was, they were certain, the Punta de los Reyes of Vizcaino, located by him in 38° 30'. It now dawned on them that the old latitudes were at least a half a degree too high, although that fact should have been obvious even at San Diego. Some soldiers who were out hunting climbed the hill from which they saw the southern extension of San Francisco Bay, and Costanso said that they now thought this was the estero of which Gonzalez Cabrera Bueno had written—which of course it was not. In the meantime the scouts who had been sent out came back full of joy because they understood from the natives that some vessel was in the neighborhood which all thought must be the San Jose. The party then advanced to the top of the hill to the east, where they saw the whole estuary stretching to the southeast. Nothing whatever is said in Costanso's account about the scouts' having reached the present Golden Gate, but it seems obvious that they did or else that Costanso when he made the addition of this entrance to the map in 1771 was exercising his imagination. The party now set out to return, convinced that they must 170 Cartography of the Northwest Coast of America have passed Monterey. The scouts were again sent out, perhaps to the east of the bay (there is a little uncertainty about this), but they did not see the northeast extension of San Francisco Bay. On their return another observation was made at what Costanso calls "Rincon de las Almejas" in the latitude of 37° 31', near Pt. San Pedro. Here Costans6 adds this sentence (trans.): "The southern shore and beach at the Puerto de San Francisco is about four marine miles to the north of this place. Its latitude, then, must be about 37° 35'." This clearly points to the fact that the scouts had reached the Golden Gate. They went to the place where they afterward founded the Mission of San Carlos de Monterey, even crossing over the hill to the site of the present Mission of Carmel or near it. Still they did not imagine that this was Monterey. An observation was taken at the camp in the bay and the latitude was found to be 36° 36'. An attempt to see if a passage south could be found near the coast was made, but Rivera, who went out with the scouts, returned in three days having assured himself that the mountain range was the Santa Lucia. He even noted the high mountain (Carmel) and the morro shaped like a trumpet which looked like a farallon, six leagues south of Punta de Pinos. Still they would not believe that they were in the Monterey Bay of Vizcaino. It was now December and the rainy season was on. I have little doubt myself that the party thoroughly understood that they were in Monterey, but the .country was so sparsely inhabited and so destitute of any possible food supply, and their own was so nearly exhausted, tha.t they concluded that a hasty return was the only thing to do. This was at once undertaken, therefore, and after spending ten or eleven days, namely, from November 28 to December 10, on the site of the present town of Monterey, they departed by the way by which they had come, and reached San Diego January 24, having varied the route somewhat by passing over the hill in the neighborhood of the present Camarillo to the San Fernando Valley. When they reached Santa Barbara Channel, Costanso made some observations on the islands, giving their bearings from the present Cojo Anchorage. To the list which he gave previously he now adds Falsa Vela, obviously the present large Anacapa Island, and informs us of the native names of the islands: San Bernardo, Thoa, Santa Cruz [that is, Santa Rosa], Lopolic, and Santa Barbara [that is, Santa Cruz], Anajup. Here he made a calculation of the variation of the compass and found it to be 08° 18'; he does not say whether northeast or northwest, but doubtless it was the former. When they reached Asuncion or Asumpta, Costanso again took the bearings of the islands and this time added to the False Vela, Las Mesitas, three in number, obviously the small Anacapa Islands, which do look like small tables. He called them "Islotes." In spite of the names which we find in the preceding narrative to designate the Channel Islands, we have already seen that Costanso on his map has given us others, namely, San Miguel as the middle island and Santa Cruz as the eastern one, and that to the east of the latter the large and small Anacapa Islands are shown but without names. He undoubtedly had found that he was mistaken about the location of Santa Barbara, and had learned from Perez that Santa Cruz was the most easterly of the three large islands. Where the name San Miguel came from is a puzzle. It might have been named on the return voyage, in 1770, of the San Antonio, on which Costanso was a passenger, but if so it was not named on either of the days on which that saint is commemorated. I think, however, it is most likely that Costanso named it when he made the map in Mexico. As we have seen, Pino did not seem to know it under that name even in 1772. We cannot fail to recall that Miguel was the Christian name of Costanso as well as of Pino. The route of this expedition has been traced several times; indeed there can be but little doubt about it. There are only a few places where there might be a difference of opinion. Dr. Bolton in his translation of Paloii's Noticias has been the last to discuss the subject, in his usual adequate The Resumption of Spanish Explorations 171 manner. The journey through the Santa Lucia Mountains is the most difficult to follow. The appearance on later maps of the Rio de las Truchas flowing into the Pacific lends a certain amount of obscurity to the narrative. This, which must have been the Big Sur, is farther north than the track of the expedition, so far as we can make out, yet the name was given by the party when apparently they were near the Nascimiento, a stream which flows south. In 1771 the San Antonio brought up orders to Fages to explore the port of San Francisco and to found a mission there. He therefore set out from Monterey with Fr. Crespi and some soldiers March 20, 1772, and reached the lower end of the bay on the 24th. Fages followed around the east side as far as the present Berkeley and then continued up the northeast arm and finally reached the San Joaquin, probably near Antioch. He did not retrace his steps but crossed the mountains to San Ramon Valley and then back again to near his former camp at the lower end of the bay. Fr. Crespi perhaps made a map of this expedition (628) which we know today in a copy made in Mexico by Fr. Rafael Verger, the guardian of the San Fernando College, although Verger states that he made it from the journal and observations of Fr. Crespi. It is a little crude, being nothing much more than a bird's-eye view of the country from the Contra Costa side of San Francisco Bay. It has, however, the merit of being the first map of the bay, although as we have seen previously a good representation of it appears on Costanso's printed map of 1771 (625). November 23, 1773, Rivera, who had succeeded Fages as governor, set out with another party, accompanied by Palou. They proceeded to the foot of the bay and then turned up the west side. Crossing over to the ocean from near San Bruno, they followed along the beach until they reached the hill at the entrance of the Golden Gate. A cross was set up at the top and the party then returned. No further land explorations were made on this part of the coast until the winter of 1775 and 1776, when the Anza expedition reached California. The object of this expedition was to found a presidio at San Francisco. On account of various delays Anza did not start from Monterey until March 23, 1776. He was accompanied by Fr. Pedro Font, who made a map of the journey (655). Bruno de Hezeta had instructions to go to San Francisco in the previous September on his return from the north in the Santiago but was unable to do so. When he reached Monterey he concluded to go by land and set out September 14 with Palou and Fr. Campa Cos. They reached the mouth of the Golden Gate and found the cross on the top of the hill and a letter from one of Ayala's party. Ayala, however, had already left, so they returned to Monterey. Chapter XXIV THE PEREZ EXPEDITION OF 1774 In the year 1772 the Spanish Minister to Russia, the Conde de Lacey, became very much alarmed at the movements of the Russians on the northwest coast. He wrote several letters home on the subject and in May, 1773, sent a printed Russian map. The Madrid government wrote to the Viceroy in New Spain, sending copies of some of the letters and advising him to be on the lookout, and on April 11, 1773, issued orders to him for an exploring expedition to the north. August 24, 1773, the government ordered six naval officers to proceed to Mexico and place themselves under the orders of the Viceroy, and directed him to employ them in these explorations. At this time the Viceroy was Antonio Bucareli y Ursua, a man of great activity and capacity. He did not wait for the officers to arrive but proceeded to fit out a vessel, which had just been built in San Bias, and named the Santiago or Nueva Galicia, appointing Juan Josef Perez Hernandez to -command her. Perez, a Mallorcan, was at this time a first pilot and brevet ensign and had been -employed on the Manila-Acapulco route and in the 1769 expedition to California. As second-in- command the Viceroy appointed Est6ban Jose Martinez, a second pilot, of whose previous career little seems to be known. Martinez afterward alleged that he was a nephew of Antonio Flores, who became Viceroy in 1787. The Santiago sailed from San Bias January 25, 1774, and by February 28 had reached the latitude of 32° 48' and longitude of 17° 41' W of San Bias. Perez had the supplies for the California establishments near Monterey and also carried Fr. Junipero Serra, the President of the missions. On March 6 land was sighted, but instead of being near Monterey Perez was at the entrance of the Santa Barbara Channel. He therefore had to proceed to San Diego. According to his diary he sailed between the Farallon de Lobos and Santa Rosa, as he styled the most westerly island, and then along Santa Margarita (his name for the present Santa Rosa) and Santa Cruz, naming the large Anacapa Island "Santo Tomas." March 13 the Santiago anchored in San Diego. From here she proceeded to Monterey, reaching that port May 9. Here, as the Santiago had no chaplain, Serra appointed Fr. Juan Crespi and Fr. Tomas de la Pena Saravia to serve in that capacity. June 11 a final start was made for the north. July 18 land was discovered in 53° 53' and 14° 40' W of Monterey, which, according to Perez' calculations, was 16° 20' W of San Bias. On the following day a cliff-like point was seen and named "Santa Margarita." No observation could be made, but a few days later the latitude was observed to be 55°. Eight leagues to the north another point could be seen, which was named "Santa Magdalena." About seven leagues to the west of this was an island which Perez named "Santa Cristina" [not Santa Catarina as given by Crespi], now known as Forrester Island. He was off the points guarding the famous Dixon Entrance between Graham Island of the Queen Charlotte group and the Prince of Wales Islands. His latitude was much too high, even the middle of the entrance is hardly in as much as 54£°, but his description leaves no possible doubt that this was his exact location. When he was near the present Cape North some Indians came out, with n a little trading was done. [172] The Perez Expedition of 1774 173" Among the instructions issued to Perez at the time of his departure were two which embodied" the entire purpose of the expedition: to proceed as far north as 60°, and take possession of the country wherever possible. According to his own account he was off this entrance four days without being able to enter it or to land. Declaring that the northwest wind was too severe to enable him to sail farther north, he turned south. He located Punta Santa Margarita finally in 54° 40' and calculated the lower end of the Queen Charlotte group to be in 53° 08'. This point, now known as. Cape St. James, is in about 51° 50'; his error was even greater than the one he made at the north end of the group. July 24 he again sighted the snow-covered mountains on the island, which because of their height he named after San Cristobal, a saint renowned for his tallness. Proceeding toward" the south, by July 28 he was off the passage between Vancouver Island and Moresby Island. August 6, while in 48° 50', he saw the coast, estimating it to be fifteen leagues to the north, and on the 8th he anchored with a kedge at three o'clock in the afternoon in twenty-five fathoms of water a league from shore in a roadstead shaped like a C. He estimated the latitude to be 49° 30', named the anchorage "San Lorenzo," and a point which he said was six leagues to the northwest "Santa Clara." Another, two leagues to the south, he named "San Esteban," after that saint, whose octavario occurs August 10, the day of San Lorenzo. Fr. Crespi asserted that it was named in honor of Esteban Martinez, and in a sense that may have been true. Fifteen canoes of Indians came out and some of them had some things made out of copper. A little trading was done. Preparations were made to land the next day, but in the morning the Spaniards waited too long and, the west wind coming up, Perez did" not stop even to retrieve his anchor but cut the cable and made sail. A great controversy has raged over whether or not this anchorage was at Nootka Sound on Vancouver Island. The latitude assigned is almost correct for the sound, but in view of the errors in the observations farther north a strong presumption exists that in reality the Santiago was much- farther south. Martinez, however, always maintained that the ship had anchored outside of Nootka Sound and it is possible that the observation of 49° 30' might have been made by him and not by- Perez; in later years Martinez certainly demonstrated that he could make very accurate observations. If the vessel was anchored at the entrance to Nootka Sound the Punta de San Esteban was the one now known as Esteban and Punta de Santa Clara, Cape Cook [formerly Woody Point]. The- name "Santa Clara" was also applied to the range of mountains on the island. Proceeding south they saw on the 11th a high snow-covered mountain which Perez named" "Sierra Nevada de Santa Rosalia," the present Mount Olympus. He estimated it to lie in 48° 07'. On the 15th he lost sight of land in about what he thought was 44°, and none was seen again until the 22d. Here a cape appeared which in Perez' opinion was Mendocino. He estimated it to lie in 40°' 08'. A few days later the Farallons were sighted and on the 27th the Santiago anchored in Monterey- Here the two chaplains disembarked and Father Palou states in his Noticias that the diary of Fr. Pena was sent to Mexico overland a few days later. On October 9 the Santiago sailed from Monterey and reached San Bias November 3. On the whole, practically nothing was accomplished by this expedition except to determine that in the neighborhood of 55° of latitude the coast had not extended much farther to the west than at Mendocino. Perez never landed and did not reach within five degrees of the limit of his instructions. Two accounts of the voyage have been published, those of the chaplains. They first appeared' in 1891 in the Publications of the Historical Society of Southern California, with translations made- from copies in the Sutro Collection, which were copies of copies in the Archives of Seville. The original diaries of Perez and Martinez are in the Archivo General de la Nacion^Mex-ieo) Historical Section, Volume 61, and there is another, probably a copy of that of Perez, in the Lancaster-Jones Collection in the Museo Nacional. Crespi's journal was included by Palou in the Noticias, and in a-. 174 Cartography of the Northwest Coast of America translation of that work recently published Dr. Bolton notes the variation of the different texts but makes no reference to the differences between them and the accounts of Perez and Martinez. For one thing, these were a day early in their dates. Crespi's have been used in this account as being most probably the correct ones. None of the journals was accompanied by a map, and so far as is now known none was made; certainly Bodega could not find one when he made his map in 1791. Few of Perez' names have survived, only San Cristobal for the mountains and Pt. Esteban for the southern entrance of the roadstead in front of Nootka Sound. His own name has been perpetuated in a Juan Perez Sound, a name given by the Geological Survey of Canada to a body of water in Hecate Strait which Perez never saw. It may well be asked: How did Perez recognize Cabo Mendocino? So far as our knowledge goes no one had seen it since Cermeno and Vizcaino and, as we have found in discussing their voyages, neither the location nor the description of it by either coincides with those of the present Cape Mendocino. Perez says that he recognized it because it corresponded to the description given by Cabrera Bueno. In the Navegacidn especulativa of that author we find it described as follows (trans.): "A massive point of bare land with some white cliffs which rise from the sea; the point is in 4l£° and is called 'Cabo Mendocino.' From here the coast trends southeast to 39J°, the land of medium height, very much covered with forests and with some small bare hiUs close to the sea." In the first place, it may be noted that according to Cabrera Bueno Cabo Mendocino was in 4l£°, and although the latitudes given by him farther south are too high, none was so much in error as one and a half degrees. Perez had not seen the land located in even 41°, still less in 41 J°, and was too far from the coast when he fixed the location of it in about 40° to have had any very clear idea of the appearance of the country. It may be assumed without much question that what P6rez took for this cape was really the present Pt. Delgada in 40° 01'. This point also has a cliff facing the ocean and stands far enough out from the coast when seen from the south, as he saw it, to look like a real cape. All the way from this point north to Pt. Gorda high land lies just, inside the coast. We might think that he applied the name to the present Pt. Gorda if it were not for the fact that this point is in 40° 14i' and that in all probability his own position was not in 39° 46' where his observation showed him to be when he made his estimate, but farther south. Chapter XXV THE HEZETA EXPEDITION OF 1775 Departing from Spain June 13, 1774, the officers sent out by the government reached Mexico City October 25. Bruno de Hezeta, Fernando Quiros y Miranda, Miguel Manrique, all first lieutenants, and Juan de Ayala, Diego Choquet, and Juan Francisco de la Bodega y Quadra, second lieutenants, comprised the party. Ignacio Arteaga came a little later; he was also a second lieutenant, but was at once appointed to command the Department of San Bias. Another naval officer, Francisco Antonio Mourelle, was requisitioned by the Viceroy from a vessel in Vera Cruz on which he had arrived from the Caribbean. Two vessels were chosen for the expedition, the Santiago of the year previous and a small schooner named the Sonora. Hezeta was appointed to command the Santiago and was given Juan Perez as second and a pilot named Cristoval Revilla. Two Franciscans were also requisitioned from the College of San Fernando, Fr. Miguel de Campa Cos and Fr. Benito de la Sierra. A surgeon by the name of Jose Davila accompanied the ship. Juan de Ayala was appointed to command the Sonora, and Miguel Manrique the San Carlos, which was to transport the supplies to California and make a reconnaissance of the Bay of San Francisco. Mourelle was the pilot on the Sonora. The other officers were ordered to Tepic to await some other expedition. December 15 the party proceeded to Tepic from Mexico. Bodega at once went to San Bias and, thinking that the schooner should have another officer, volunteered to act under Ayala although they were of equal rank. Permission was accorded him and thus he became second-in- command of the little schooner which besides the officers only had a crew of fourteen. The little fleet sailed March 16, 1775. On the 19th the ships were still close together not far from port. At night Manrique, the captain of the San Carlos, evidently out of his mind, came to the schooner. He was taken to the Santiago and the next day sent back to port. Ayala was removed from the Sonora to take his place and thus Bodega became commander of the schooner. On May 21 the vessels had reached a latitude of 37° and an estimated longitude W of San Bias of about 27° 47'. It was thought that they were 167 leagues from land. Here Hezeta proposed a council to decide whether the Sonora should go on or proceed to Monterey. Bodega and Mourelle filed a written opinion objecting very strongly to the latter proposal. Hezeta accepted their judgment and the Sonora went on. By June 8 the two vessels had reached a latitude of 42° and a longitude of 20° W of San Bias, having sighted land the day before. The currents carried them to the south and on the 9th the observations showed 41° 25'. At six o'clock in the afternoon the schooner was close to land looking for a place to anchor. On the 10th the two vessels entered port. On the following day possession was taken and as it happened to be the day of the Santissima Trinidad that name was given to the port. On the 16th the latitude was determined to be 41° 07' and the longitude was estimated at 19° 04' W. The actual latitude of the bay is 41° 03', indicating an error in excess in Hezeta's observation of four minutes. This error, sometimes only three minutes, is quite constant in his subsequent observations. A small river near the port, no doubt the present Little River, was named "Rio de las Tortolas." Mourelle was of the opinion that the head was the Cabo Mendocino of Vizcaino, or at least, as he said, it ought to be. A point to the south was noted which was obviously [175] 176 Cartography of the Northwest Coast of America Table Bluff, for some time known as Punta Gorda. Bucareli in a letter to Galvez, December 27, 1775, states that Hezeta advised fortifying this port. June 19 the vessels set sail and in order to make northing had to stand off from the coast. Land was soon lost to sight and not seen again until July 11. The observed latitude that day was 48° 26'. A flat island was discovered, and while a search for an anchorage was in progress the currents kept carrying the vessels to the south. They were somewhat separated on the 14th and here a boat's crew of the schooner, which was several miles to the south, was massacred by the Indians. A careful examination of this part of the coast which I made in 1933 convinced me that the boat landed at the mouth of Moclips River. The latitude observed on the Santiago that day was 47° 29' and that of the anchorage was estimated to be 47° 24', which, allowing for four minutes excess in error, corresponds to that of Pt. Grenville. That same day Hezeta landed and took possession of the country, naming the place the "Rada de Bucareli." The point was named "Punta de los Martires" and the island in 47° 41' was subsequently named by Bodega "Dolores." After the massacre near there in 1787 of some of Captain Barkley's men it was named "Destruction Island" and is still so known. The vessels again stood off from the coast and August 1, when in the latitude of about 47°, became separated. Probably the cause of the separation was a disagreement between the officers; those on the Santiago had for several days been in favor of turning back, while Bodega and Mourelle insisted on endeavoring to reach the latitude of their instructions, namely 65°. Although of course they would not acknowledge that they had deserted the Santiago, this is probably what took place. Hezeta now made for the coast with the intention of following it south. With a little favorable wind he took a course more to the northeast and on August 10 saw the Santa Clara Mountains of Perez on Vancouver Island. At noon an observation showed the ship to be in 49° 17'. Hezeta did not attempt to land. By the 15th he was back near the place where the massacre had taken place. On the 17th at noon an observation showed the ship to be in 46° 11' and at five o'clock in the afternoon the mouth of the Columbia River was discovered. Hezeta said that he did not have enough men to explore it because so few on the vessel were well. The northern cape was named "San Roque" and the southern "Frondoso." The entrance was named the "Asuncion de Nuestra Sefiora" in honor of the celebration of this event August 15; but afterward it was usually referred to as "Entrada de Ezeta." On the 18th an observation at noon showed the latitude to be 45° 41'. To the east was seen a high range of hills which was named the "Sierra de Montefalcon." No doubt it was the high mountain formerly known as False Tillamook. For a long time it appeared on the maps as Cabo Falcon and this name was restored to it in 1853. Hezeta continued sailing south, sometimes in sight of land and sometimes in a fog. On the 24th an observation was taken in 41° 27' and on the 25th one in 40° 35'. Here the horizon cleared up and they saw what they thought was Cape Mendocino. On the 29th the Santiago anchored in Monterey. The Sonora after the separation sailed almost due north and by August 16 had reached a latitude of about 57 , land having been sighted the day before, a very high mountain which Bodega named "San Jacinto" [the present Mount Edgecumbe]. He calculated the position of the cape near it, which he called "Engano," to be 57° 02', only two minutes too high. A large ensenada to the east of this, the present entrance to Sitka Sound, he named "Susto." Just north of the cape, he found a small bay and in it a port where he anchored, both of which he named "Guadalupe." Sailing north on the following day, the 19th, he discovered a port and anchored in it. He went ashore with all his men and took possession, naming it "Remedios." He located it in 57° 20'. It is usually identified as Salisbury Sound, but as that place is in 57° 22', two minutes higher than the latitude estimated by Bodega,—just the reverse of his usual practice,—the identification seems very doubtful; in fact, Bodega's plan of it makes it certain that it was the present Sea Lion Bay, just south of the entrance to Salisbury Sound. He also took wood and water at this place. Departing PL XXXIV—The Carta Reducida of Juan Francisco de la Bodega y Quadra of 1775 No. 641 The Hezeta Expedition of 1775 177 on the 21st, he tried to reach a higher latitude. On the following day one of 57° 58' was observed. By two o'clock in the afternoon he probably reached 58°. Here a strong northwest wind came up which made it impossible to gain any more northing except by standing out to the west. Several of the crew being sick and the vessel being in no condition to withstand heavy seas and heavy weather, Bodega was forced to take a course for the south. Although on his maps the track of his vessel appears to be very close to land, very little description of the coast is given. A sharp lookout was kept for the Entrada de Fonte but Bodega did not even find the grand Archipelago de San Lazaro. On the 24th he doubled a cape in 55° 17' and entered a capacious sound. He sent Mourelle ashore, who took possession and raised a cross, naming it "Entrada de Bucareli." He; makes brief mention of seven volcanoes which illuminated the place and tempered the climate. Having taken on water and wood Bodega set sail August 25 and, finding an island six leagues to the south, named it "San Carlos." On the following day he saw at a distance of four or five leagues to the east a cape, which he named "San Agustin." From his description this could be nothing but the present Pt. Muzon although on his map he placed it too high, in 55°, more than his- usual error. He now was satisfied that he was off the entrance discovered by Perez the preceding year. Here he made another attempt to reach 60°, the wind having shifted to the southeast, but was only able to reach about 58° 30'. After encountering a severe storm which lasted several days he managed to obtain a sight of the coast again on September 11 in about 53° 54'. In latitude 49° he approached the coast and came within a mile of it but did not follow it, otherwise he would have- discovered the entrance to the Strait of Juan de Fuca. He must have crossed over before he reached, even Pt. Bonilla. September 21 he was in 46° 20' but was now obliged on account of sickness to' take a direct course for Monterey. September 24 he again approached land in 45° 27', intending to look for the famous river of Martin de Aguilar, and followed it to 42° 50', where he named a prominent cape "Diligencias." As he did not find the river he concluded that the instruments in the days of Vizcaino were very defective. The only place where it might be he said was between 42° and 42° 50'. October 3 he ran into an ensenada in 38° 18'. This port he named "Bodega" after himself. He only remained long enough to learn a little about the natives, and almost to lose his ship in a tide rip. The Sonora anchored in Monterey October 7. Six accounts of the expedition are extant. Those of Hezeta, Perez, Bodega, Mourelle, Fr. Campa Cos, and Fr. Sierra. The first four will be found in the Archivo General de la Nacion (Mexico), Historical Section, Volume 324; that of Campa Cos is in the same volume and .also in Volume 3 of the same section. Copies of most of them are to be found in the Archives in Seville. That of Fr. Sierra has only recently been discovered; a translation with some notes Ey the writer was published in the Quarterly of the California Historical Society for September, 1930. While in general the journals are almost the same, especially those of the two Franciscans, those of Bodega and Mourelle naturally cover in full the events after the separation of the ships. Subsequently the voyage was written up again by both Bodega and Mourelle and a general synopsis of all the diaries of all the officers was made by someone in Madrid. Three maps showing the results of the expedition were made, besides plans of the Rada de Bucareli, Puerto de los Remedios (644), Bucareli Sound (642), and Bodega (643), all of which except that of the Rada were appended to Bodega's journal. A plan of Puerto de Trinidad (647) and one of the Entrada de Ezeta (648) were made by Hezeta. One of the general maps was drawn by Bodega and Mourelle (641) and the other two by Hezeta (645, 646). These latter only reach as high as about 50°, but in neither are any but two small islands (maybe spots) shown above 48°. Bodega's map covers of course the entire coast from about 58° 20' to Monterey and he even added to it the Entrada de Ezeta which he himself had not seen. Some of Bodega's discoveries were also added to Hezeta's maps. The larger of -the Hezeta maps is the most correct and the fullest. 178 Cartography of the Northwest Coast of America The sole reliance of Bodega in the North Pacific was the Carte Reduite of Bellin issued in 1766 (610). As previously stated, this part of the map was copied from the Russian map of 1758 (591). In some respects, however, the map does not agree with the statements of Chirikof. When Chirikof sighted land, apparently just a little above the 56th parallel, he estimated that he was in 60° 57' 02" E of Avatcha. When about two degrees farther north, he estimated his longitude to be 58°. Bellin, following his Russian model, marked-his first landfall about 66J° E of Avatcha, the actual location being in about 65J°. It is plain, then, that the maker of the 1758 map did not use Chirikof's figures. The point at which Chirokof's track strikes the coast on BeUin's map is in about 139 W of Paris, or, to allow for the usual difference at that time of 02° 35', 136° 25' W of Greenwich. Supposing the latitude to have been between 56° 15' and 56° 35', the real longitude west of Greenwich is a little less than 135°, remarkably close to Bellin's estimate. Bodega and Mourelle both had a great deal {o say about this map because they considered it to be very erroneous. All Bodega's longitudes were calculated from the meridian of San Bias by dead reckoning. Unfortunately we do not know whether the longitude of San Bias which he used had been corrected to correspond with the observations made at San Jose in 1769, nor do we know with certainty what was the longitude for the same port assumed by Bellin in 1766. On BeUin's map the 1769 corrections had of course not yet been made, the particular map we are discussing does not reach even that far south, nor had San Bias been established. On Bellin's earlier maps Cabo San Lucas was located in 114' W of Paris, and allowing for five degrees' difference between that point and San Bias—the commonly accepted early figure, although somewhat too much—we may assume for purposes of comparison that he would have located San Bias in about 109°. We then have the following compi sons between his figures and those of Bodega for the longitudes west of San Bias: Bellin Bodega Actual Remedios 32° (about) Mendocino 23° Pt. Pinos 20° 35i° (corrected to 34° 12') 19 17° 20' 30° 35' 19* (W 16° 4C Bodega located Bucareli Sound in 33° 24' W of San Bias, which he corrected on his map to 32° 09', the actual figure being about 28° 15'. At Pt. Grenville he estimated the longitude to be 21° 19', corrected on the map to 20°. It is actually in about 19°. The greatest errors occurred at the points farthest north; even his corrected figures were almost four degrees in error. His complaints about the erroneous nature of the Bellin map were therefore entirely unjustified; his own errors were very much greater. Considering, however, that his estimate was based on dead reckoning (so far as we know), which he had carried for several months, the errors were not greater than might be expected. Farther south they decreased. When the Sonora reached the place where they had been on July 13, Mourelle tells us that they found their longitude 17 leagues out, that is, 51'. Evidently this was excess longitude and accounts for the corrections farther north later made on their map. It may be noted that his longitude for Mendocino west of San Bias is almost accurate. This was a pure coincidence. Mourelle's account, like all his journals, gives more geographical details than do those of the other navigators engaged in these explorations. His figures differ somewhat from those of Bodega and I conclude that they are the corrected ones which he employed on the map, as he says that the longitude of San Bias had been corrected to 106° 57' W of Paris. None of the maps of the expedition was published at the time, but the English publishers of the London Magazine for December, 1780, made up one from Mourelle's account (672), and Daines Barrington in his Miscellanies published in 1781 also made use of it in his map (674). These do not differ materially from that of Bodega and Mourelle except that they show the port where The Hezeta Expedition of 1775 179 Captain Cook repaired his ship (named "Cook's Harbor 1778" on Barrington's map). On both maps the port is placed in about 50°. Nova Albion of course was sandwiched in. The fact that Mourelle's names were used as early as December, 1780, is proof that his account had already reached London. In a relation of his services dated June 1, 1814, Mourelle asserts that a printed translation of his journal made by Barrington was carried by Captain Cook. This seems highly improbable. Certainly Cook did not carry an account which contained a map showing one of his discoveries of two years later. Such a printed account does exist, however, privately issued, but since it contains the same map (674) as the account printed in 1781 in the Miscellanies it could not very well have been printed much before December, 1780. Possibly Mourelle was simply mistaken about the printing of his account. My impression is that the Spanish government sent a copy of his journal to the British government in March, 1776, to apprise it confidentially of the extent of the Spanish discoveries on the northwest coast, in view of the general circulation of rumors regarding the forthcoming expedition of Captain Cook to that region. No reason could have existed, however, for printing a translation of it at that time, but if Cook had a manuscript copy this would account for some expressions in the account of his voyage which could hardly have been derived from the only notice of the 1775 voyage which had been published. Ayala's and Quiros' Explorations of San Francisco Bay We have already seen that the San Carlos was destined to visit San Francisco Bay, that is, the present San Francisco Bay, which up to that time had been generally known as the "Estero de San Francisco." Ayala, who had succeeded Manrique, entered the Golden Gate the night of August 1 and anchored near the present North Beach. He remained in the bay forty days, most of the time at anchor between the present Angel Island and the mainland to the west, while the boats explored the bay. No doubt he named the island in honor of Nuestra Sefiora de los Angeles on her day, August 2. Jose Canizares explored the northern arm of the bay while Juan Bautista Aguirre, the other pilot, explored the southern one. Ayala's map (640), made I believe by Canizares, is extant. The two points at the entrance to the Golden Gate were named respectively "Punta del Angel de la Guarda" (the southern) and "Punta de Santiago." Yerba Buena Island, otherwise Goat Island, was named "Alcatraces," and several of the points also received names. Ayala was back in Monterey September 22. In 1781 a small plan of the port purporting to have been made by Canizares was engraved and published in Mexico (678). It is by no means so good a map as the original. In the main the names on it are the same except that we find the new mission of San Francisco and the presidio, evidence that Canizares drew it after 1775; in fact it was copied from his 1776 map. In the following year the San Carlos under the command of Captain Fernando Quiros anchored in the bay, August 17. Canizares was his pilot. After the founding of the mission it was decided to make a general exploration of the upper bay both by sea and by land. Quiros set out with the longboat September 23. The land expedition, after reaching the south end of the bay, crossed the mountains to avoid making the long detour by the shore and missed the boat party, which reached the mouth of the Sacramento River and explored apparently no farther than the expedition of 1775 although the map rather contradicts this. The land party reached the San Joaquin, probably the west channel, ascended it for three days and then crossed to the north side. After a day's march to the east the party returned. The results are displayed on a map, Piano del Puerto de San Francisco (653), still preserved in the War Department in Madrid. There is no other inscription, but it must have been made by Canizares, who accompanied Quiros. The track of the land expedition is not shown and the inference from the map is that the boat ascended the San Joaquin to near the point where it turns south close to the end of Sherman Island. That they did ascend this river is clear from the notes about meeting fresh water at different points at low and high tides. A symbol, with the explanation in the attached schedule, marks what is said to be the end of the exploration in 180 Cartography of the Northwest Coast of America 1776 on account of obstacles presented by the tule marshes and the sweet water coming between them. The Sacramento is named "San Roque" but there is no name for the San Joaquin, which they probably conjectured was a slough from the San Roque. Palou's' Noticias (Bolton's ivas forwarded to the Viceroy The only account of this expedition which I have ever se< translation), Volume IV, Chapter XX. The map, according to by Quiros January 23, 1777. In 1779 Jose Camacho drew a Piano del Puerto de San Francisco (667) which was essentiaUy a copy of the 1776 map with the addition of the presidio and the mission. Camacho arrived in San Francisco September 21 on the Princesa on her return from the north. The map shows no signs of any further exploration at that time, but some improvements in outline of the shore of the peninsula appear to have been made and Camacho added a few names to features that had already been shown on the 1775 and 1776 maps, and shifted a few others to different positions. Chapter XXVI CARTOGRAPHICAL RESULTS ATTAINED BY 1779 The discoveries as far as Monterey made previous to 1775, together with those made above that point in that year, made it possible to construct a fairly complete sketch map of the coast as high as 58°. The ports of San Francisco, Bodega, Trinidad, Bucareli, and Remedios had been examined, and possession had been taken at four different places between San Francisco and the 58th parallel. The map produced by Bodega in 1779 (660) gives us a very fair picture of the coast, except that the trend to the northwest is much too pronounced north of the 49th parallel. The latitudes naturally are much more accurate. Where these were obtained by direct observation we find that they are only from one to four minutes too high. Some of those estimated show larger differences. Such differences were common at the time. Those of Cook are just as much in error and even Vancouver's were almost invariably from one to two minutes too high. On the coast of Lower California but little change had yet been made in the latitudes estimated by Vizcaino. Vila had located Cedros very correctly, and fairly so the Isla de San Martin, but he did not recognize the latter island. Some corrections were made at points just south of San Diego, after the extent of Vizcaino's errors had been more or less ascertained, but no survey of this coast appears to have been made until early in the following century. The cartography of this part of the coast was not brought up to date for a long time. The map made by Bodega and others in 1779 (660) in preparation for use during the 1779 campaign retains the names given up to 1775. An account of the construction of this map is given by Mourelle in an account of the expedition of 1779, and will be found below in the preliminary remarks on that expedition. Costanso seems to have constructed another map at the command of Bucareli, probably in 1777, certainly before the latter's death in 1779. I do not know that it now exists, but we have what is evidently a copy of it drawn by Manuel Agustin Mascaro in 1782 (681). Mascaro nowhere attributes the original to Costanso, but on a copy of Mascaro's map made a year or two later it is distinctly stated that it was based on such a map of Costanso. The 1782 Mascaro map has several additions of names given by the land expedition to Monterey in 1769 and by Ayala in San Francisco Bay. As it extends only to 42° few of the discoveries of the Hezeta expedition are shown: Los Monges, Las Monjas, Puerto de la Trinidad, Punta Delgada, and the Puerto del Capitan Bodega. Trinidad is incorrectly placed, being much too low. Mendocino is located in about 40° 10' and Punta Delgada in about 39° 20'. Farther south a curious error has been made in placing the Coronados south of Todos Santos. The Isla Redonda of Vila and the name San Benitos for the two islands northwest of Cerros have disappeared. With these exceptions the map is practically a copy of Cos- tanso's map of 1770 (625), but the whole coast has been moved east nearly four degrees to take up the corrections of 1769. The erroneous positions of Vizcaino just south of San Diego are retained as on Costanso's original map; in fact, no corrections were made in the cartography of the peninsula beyond those made by Vila in 1769. Cenizas is also a prominent feature of the map, and continued to be for some time to come. Mascaro took from Font's maps the routes of Anza and Garces of 1775 and 1776. [181] 182 Cartography of the Northwest Coast of America This map was copied at least twice after the Pueblo of Los Angeles was founded in 1781 and the Presidio of Santa Barbara in 1782, as both are shown on the copies. On both Mendocino was reduced in latitude to about 39° 50' and on the one which was probably made in 1783 (694) Punta Delgada was given its correct latitude in 39°. On the other which I have dated 1784 (702) although it may have been made later, or even in 1783, the Punta de Pedernales has been placed at some distance north of the Rio de San Verardo. On both of them the Ensenada de Ballenas is added on the Lower California coast. Mascaro's maps are quite remarkable productions. He was an engineer, much more familiar with the New Mexico region than with California. For this reason, no doubt, he adopted and revised the map of Costanso, which had probably been made in 1777 or even 1779. All his maps extend about as far east as the mouth of the Mississippi River, which is shown for some distance north of the mouth of the Missouri. An interesting map taken from that of Mascaro is a manuscript chart of the North Pacific (703) showing the routes of the ship Hercules in 1781 and 1784 between Manila and Acapulco. The maker adopted the results of the observations at San Jose in 1769 and moved the California coast 03° 47' farther eastward. He also gives us to understand that he himself verified the new figures. None of the routes on the map touches the coast north of Cedros and the map ends at Trinidad, the latitude of which is too low. A Spanish map of 1780 is spoken of, perhaps that of Lorenzo Martinez of 1780 (673), which had been prepared in the Philippines. Chapter XXVII THE VOYAGE OF JAMES COOK, 1776-1780 Just how much knowledge the British government had been able to secure regarding the expedition of Hezeta and Bodega is shrouded in some obscurity. It is probable that the departure of the expedition and the objects expected to be attained were known to it. The diaries kept by Bodega and Hezeta did not, in all probability, reach Madrid before February, 1776. Before this time James Cook had been commissioned to fit out a vessel for another voyage. He had brought back from Tahiti on his last expedition a young man named Omiah, and the return of this person furnished the ostensible excuse for sending Cook back to the Pacific. The government, however, undoubtedly had a much more important object in view, namely, a search for the Northwest Passage from the Pacific side. To add encouragement the reward of £20,000 for the discovery by merchant vessels, of a passage from the east by way of Hudson's Bay, previously authorized in 1745, was now extended to the discovery of one from the west and made available to men in the service of the government. This hypothetical passage had been steadily moved farther and farther north through the information which had been obtained by traders in the district west of Hudson's Bay. In 1769 a map drawn by Thomas Jefferys (616) was published in the American Traveller on which we find a dotted line drawn west from the north end of Repulse Bay at the north end of Hudson's Bay in about 65° N Lat. to its end in about 68° in the Northern Frozen Ocean, labeled "here is supposed to be the Northwest Passage." In the same year Samuel Hearne set out from Hudson's Bay by land to see if he could discover some reported copper mines or the Northwest Passage. Several years were employed in these expeditions and by 1772 he had proceeded so far as to demonstrate that no Northwest Passage was to be found below the 72d parallel. His journal was not published until much later, but no doubt the British government was fully cognizant of his discoveries. An inspection of the various maps which show the results of the Bering expeditions of 1728 and 1741 gave no promise whatever that the American coast extended above the 60th parallel except to the west of the huge hypothetical peninsula which extended south to connect with the string of Aleutian Islands. Cook evidently had copies of G. F. Miiller's book and that of Jacob von Stahlin of 1774. The map (636) of the latter does show America as extending north of 70° with the island Alaschka to the west, but in view of its total dissimilarity to the Russian map of 1758 as reprinted by Jefferys in 1761 (597) no confidence could be placed in it. The only sensible plan, therefore, would have been to order Cook to follow Bering's track of 1728 in the North Pacific, and this is exactly what Cook finally did. The diversion of the expedition, therefore, to the coasts of the present Oregon and Washington must have been animated by some different motive. In the so-called secret instructions issued to Cook on July 6, 1776, he was ordered to sail direct from Tahiti to the northwest coast in the neighborhood of 45° without stopping anywhere or attempting any new discoveries, and then to make progress up the coast, being strictly enjoined, however, not to spend any time in exploring inlets or rivers before he reached 65°. From all this, it appears that no expectation was' entertained of discovering anything south of 65° which would be of any benefit to the British nation. Just why he was directed to reach the coast at 45° is not [183] 184 Cartography of the Northwest Coast of America clear, but probably this was supposed to indicate the northern limit of "New Albion," to which the British kept up a kind of shadowy claim. In the course of Cook's narrative he admits that he had some knowledge of a Spanish expedition to the northwest coast in either 1774 or 1775. That such information had reached London before he left England July 12 is certain. In the July number "of the Annual Register for 1776, under date of May 29, the following article was printed: Several Spanish frigates having been sent from Acapulco to make discoveries and propagate the gospel among the Indians to the north of California; in the month of July, 1774, they navigated as high upon the coast as the latitude 58 degrees 20 minutes, six degrees above Cape Blanco. Having discovered several good ports, and navigable rivers, upon the west coast of this great continent they established in one of the largest ports a garrison and called the fort "Presidio of San Carlos"; and besides left a mission at every port where the inhabitants were to be found. The Indians they here met with are said to be a docile sort of people, agreeable in their countenances, honest in their traffic and neat in their dress, but at the same time idolatrous to the highest degree, having never before had any intercourse with Europeans. M. Bucarelli, viceroy of New Spain, has received His Catholic Majesty's thanks for these discoveries as they were made under his direction, and the several navy officers upon that service have been preferred. It is imagined that those new discoveries will be very advantageous, as the coast abounds with whales, as also a fish equal to the Newfoundland cod, known in Spain by the name of "bacalao." In this article we find a mixture of facts regarding the expedition of 1774, that of 1775, and even those of 1769 and 1770. Obviously it is simply a very brief extract from some very much longer article or communication. There is a somewhat better account in the Summary observations and facts. This small pamphlet is an attempt to prove the feasibility of a voyage around the north of Europe and Asia. I judge that it was written before Cook's departure and after Parliament had renewed the reward. At the end has been added in two pages: rt Account of Some Voyages made by order of the i Coast from California upward. Dated Madrid, 24 Mai / Spain, to discover the state of the West , 1776. lajesty's commands arising from the laud- t bounds of his extensive empire, especially rnia. where the inhabitants are still supposed >r a happy event, having in some measure 59 and 1770, one by land, the other by sea; id a Court of Presidency, with a missionary les: His Majesty in pursuance of the pious i Santiago, commanded by Don Juan Perez, lised people, well-looking, > i Catho 5Maj sty t. The spirited attempts made in compliance with his Catholic able intention of spreading the knowledge of the Gospel to the utmcj those directed to the remote parts of the Continent North of Calif immersed in the darkness of paganism; and the steady endeavours been attended with success, in two expeditions made in the years 1 the harbour of Monterey having been discovered in lalit. 36° 40', delegation, being established there, under the patronage of St. Cha design, ordered a second expedition thither in 1774, with the frigs who explored that coast up to 55° 49' latit. and landing there foi customed to wear clothes. The fortunate event of that voyage has i to Port Sanblas, in New Gallicia, some officers of the Navy, directe on the discovery as far as possible. In obedience to the injunction, were sent out. Don Bruno d'Aceta commanding the Santiago, and Senora, sailed from the harbour of Sanblas in the beginning of 1* in the St. Charles, set sail for Monterey. The first proceeded as fa the third went only to 37° 42'. Each of the commanders explored and the higher degree of latitude inspected the great ha the gulphs, bays, and rivers of those parts, which they found inhab -disposition. The good success of this enterprise is chiefly owing t Bucarelli, Viceroy of New Spain, and to the zeal he has always i ■execution of his Majesty's great designs. The favourable report th gent conduct of the commanders, officers, and pilots, through the c Majesty a fresh opportunity of bestowing favour upon merit and services: these navigators and mariners have been honoured severally with a degree of rank above the station in which they went out. This account should have reached London within a month, certainly before May 29, and may have contained much more information than was published either in the pamphlet or in the Annual Register. Even if the Summary did not appear before Cook departed, the government must have known all about it. Unfortunately Cook's narrative was edited after his death, and not published iintil 1784 when it became obvious that there was to be a rush of British traders to the coast after ■d th ence to extend tl at navij ation, and carry , a n ew expedition to ok plac and three ships Juan Francisco de la Bordega in the 775, at the same time that D n Juan d'Ayala, 50° latit. the se cond go t up to 58° and the intermediate coast, be ween the lower rbou r of St. Francis, and atte ntively examined nted by natives of a very m ild and sociable o th e wise direction of Don Antonio Maria show n for the honou r of the service and the is Viceroy has made of the s eady and intelli- e of the expeditic n, has g iven his Catholic The Voyage of James Cook, 1776-1780 185 the furs to which attention had been directed in such accounts of the expedition as had been published previously. There are several indications in Cook's narrative that he had other instructions which were never printed. In the printed ones he was instructed to take possession, with the consent of the natives, of such countries as he might discover that had not already been discovered or visited by some other European power. He did not take possession at Nootka Sound, nor in fact at any place before he reached the end of Cook's Inlet. This would in itself indicate that he was well aware of the discoveries of the Spaniards far north of Nootka Sound, a fact which we already have had reason to suspect from the appearance of the narrative just quoted. The Voyage February 9, 1776, Captain James Cook, already famous for two voyages around the world, was commissioned to command the Resolution. Several months were consumed in fitting her out and it -was not until June 15 that she set sail, anchoring at the Nore to wait for Cook who was still in London. He then proceeded to Plymouth, where he was evidently detained waiting for his instructions. These arrived by express on the 8th of July and he sailed on the 12th. This was not the first attempt on the part of the British government to have the northwest coast examined. On June 17, 1764, instructions had been issued to John Byron to proceed to New Albion and endeavor to fall in with the coast at 38° or 38£° and then search it to the northward to see if a navigable passage to the Atlantic could be found; a plan he never carried out. It was not until 1778 that Cook reached the northwest coast of America. Coming from the Sandwich Islands he sighted it March 7 when in a latitude which he stated to be 44° 31' and in a longitude of 235° 20' E of Greenwich. At the east was a table mountain. The weather was stormy and he had very little opportunity to examine the country. He named a cape at the north "Foul Weather" and estimated it to lie in latitude 44° 55' and longitude 235° 54'. On the 8th he gave the longitude as 235° 15'. On the 11th he saw another cape, which he named "Perpetua" after a saint ■whose day is March 7 because, he says, it was the table mountain he saw on that day. He placed it in latitude 44° 06' and longitude 235° 52'. Another south of it, which he estimated to be in 43° 30' and 235° 57', he named "Gregory" after the pope of that name whose day is March 12. He writes that he could see land ten or twelve leagues south of Cape Gregory in what he estimated to be 43° 10' and 235° 55', about the situation, he thought, of the Cabo Blanco discovered by Aguilar. From a footnote we discover that he had taken this from the Noticia of Venegas. Driven off the coast he did not see it again until March 22 when he was in 47° 05'. Sailing north he'found a cape in 48° 15' and 235° 03' which he named "Flattery" because, he says, it flattered them -with a hope that there was an opening between this and what appeared to be an island beyond. This -was the latitude of Juan de Fuca's strait and the strait was there as we know it today, but for some reason he failed to see it. Driven off the coast again by bad weather, he saw land on the 29th in latitude 49° 29' and longitude 232° 29'. This land he says was different from what he had seen before because it was full of high mountains covered with snow. He was off a bay which he named "Hope." The south point in 49° 15' and 233° 20' he named "Breakers," and the north point in about 50° and 232° "Woody Point." Close to Pt. Breakers there was an inlet which led to Nootka Sound. Cook entered it and remained there for some time. He first named it "King George's Sound," but later changed it to "Nootka" because he thought that was the native name of it. It must be confessed that Cook's description of the topographical features of this country is not very clear. The result is a certain degree of confusion on the map of his voyage which has not been lessened in any degree by. the controversy which later arose over whether or not Nootka Sound 186 Cartography of the Northwest Coast of America was the San Lorenzo of Perez. Cook noticed that the Indians showed no surprise at seeing ships or hearing the report of guns. There was quite enough iron and brass around to convince him that the Indians must have been carrying on rather extensive trading operations, although he was satisfied that the Spaniards had not been in the bay because the natives manifested great surprise when a musket ball was fired through one of their hide tunics, folded six times. Two silver spoons which appeared to be Spanish were bought from an Indian who came, Cook said, from the south in a canoe. The editor of Cook's journal, which was not published until 1784, states in a footnote that Cook's conjecture was confirmed in the Spanish journal printed by Barrington. Of course neither Hezeta nor Mourelle had ever been near Nootka Sound, so naturally the journal of the 1775 expedition did not have any bearing on the subject. At this point in the narrative Cook remarks that, before he left, some account of a Spanish expedition to these parts in 1774 or 1775 had reached By lunar observations Cook arrived at a latitude of 49° 36' 07" and a longitude of 233° 17' for the cove in which he set up his observatory. The variation of the compass was 17° 49'. Perez had stated that the latitude of San Lorenzo was 49° 30', close enough to warrant the assertion of the Spaniards that the places were the same. By this time Cook's chronometer showed his position to be nearly two and a half degrees farther east. On a sketch of Nootka Sound on page 279, Breakers Point is shown to the west of the entrance. The expedition departed from Nootka April 26, and May 1 sighted land when in 55° 20'. On the following day an inlet (probably Chatham Strait) was in sight, the north point of which he estimated to lie in 56°. Later a group of small islands in 56° 48' was passed and a round mountain, which he named "Mt. Edgecumbe." The point, the north entrance to a large bay, was also named "Edgecumbe" and estimated to lie in 57 03'. Six or seven leagues farther north he came to a Bay of Islands in 57° 20', obviously the present Salisbury Sound. In a footnote the editor says that this must be the Puerto de los Remedios of the Mourelle journal. On the following day he discovered a body of water which he named "Cross Sound," this being the day of the feast of the Holy Cross. The southeastern point, obviously the present Cape Bingham, he located in 57° 57' and 223° 21'. The latitude is about seven minutes too low, but the longitude is surprisingly close. A mountain which he named "Fairweather" was visible some five leagues inland. He located it in 58° 52' (actual 58° 55'). On the 4th a mountain was seen to the north which was thought to be Bering's Mount St. Elias. Later Cook estimated this to be in 60° 27' and 219° (very close to its actual location). On the 6th a bay was discovered in 59° 18' and 221°. As he thought this was the bay in which Bering had anchored he named it after him. This is not so easy to locate. Cook's latitudes are nearly accurate and there is no bay in that latitude unless Tiana Roads can be called a bay. In 59° and some minutes there is a very small bay, now called "Dry Bay," which Dr. Davidson thought was the place, and in 59° 3C there is the entrance to Yakutat Bay. On the whole it seems that the latter was the one he named "Bering Bay." Cook now found that the coast began to turn decidedly to the west. He was not very close to it, but on May 10 approached it near an island. The point opposite this he named "Cape Suckling" and the island "Kaye's Island," after the chaplain to the King. On the 12th he landed on the island and buried a bottle with a paper and two silver twopenny pieces which it seems that Kaye had given him for this purpose. He does not say that he took possession of the island, but no doubt the paper contained something to that effect if not in so many words. The southern point of the island he located in 59° 49' and 216° 58'. He noticed the bay to the north of Cape Suckling and named it "Comptroller Bay" and noted also the island north of Kayak Island now named Wing- ham. From here he passed over to the foot of an island which he named "Hinchinbrook" [that is, the cape at the southern end], and then sailed north into the sound which apparently he first named — The Voyage of James Cook, 1776-1780 187 "Sandwich Sound" and afterward "Prince William Sound." A chart of Cook's River in the N.W. part of America is here inserted in the text of the voyage. It extends from Cape Suckling to Cape Greville. Cook anchored on the 12th almost at the entrance to Port Etches, the "Santiago" of Arteaga, but passed on and spent a few days in Snug Corner Cove, near the entrance to the present Port Fidalgo. On the 18th he passed by the Green Islands to the west of Montague Island, both of which he named, and on the 21st reached a cape which he named "Elizabeth" because, he says, it was the birthday of the Princess Elizabeth. He located it in 59° 10' and 207° 45'. The weather obliged him to stand off to the south and on the 24th he was north of a point which he thought was the Cape St. Hermogones of Bering. He located it in 58° 15' and 207° 42'; and the present cape of that name is in this latitude. He finally discovered that it was on an island, undoubtedly Marmot Island. The following day he saw a point which he named "Banks," and estimated it to lie in 58° 41' and 207° 44'. It still bears the name he gave it although it is in a lower latitude. The Barren Islands he also named the same day and estimated them to lie in 59°, and a two-headed prominent mountain to the west he named "Cape Douglas" after Dr. Douglas, the Canon of Windsor. He located it in 58° 56' and 206° 10'. A conical mountain, whether an island or not he was not sure, was seen on the 26th and named "St. Augustine" after that saint, whose day is May 25. North of Cape Elizabeth was a point he named "Bede" after an English saint whose day is May 27. It does not occupy on his chart the place of the present Cape Bede. The present Shelikof Strait he thought to be a bay and named it "Smokey." Cook now sailed up what is variously referred to as "Cook's Inlet" or "Cook's River." On the 28th when in 59° 51' he named a point to the east "Anchor." By June 1 he had reached practically the end of the inlet and anchored near the entrance of what he called "Turnagain River." Here he landed at the point at the south entrance, which he named "Possession"—it is still so known—and here he did take possession. During a few days' stay the boats explored the upper arm to 61° 30'. Sailing south again on the 7th he reached a cape which he named "Whitsunday" because Whitsunday occurred in that year on that day, and he applied the name also to a bay to the west of it. These could hardly be anything but Cape Pillar on Afognak Island in 58° 08' and the bay to the west of it, Izhut, although Cook located the cape in 58° 15' and 207° 24'. On the following day he named a cape "Greville" [the present Chiniak] in 57° 33' and 207° 15' and on the 12th another, Barnabas, in 57° 13', after that saint whose day is June 11. To the south of this was the famous Two-Headed Point which he said looked like an island at first. On the 14th he named "Trinity Island" in 56° 36' because it was Trinity Sunday; at first he thought it was the Foggy Island of Bering. He also named "Cape Trinity." On the 16th in 56° 31' he named "Foggy Cape," a name now applied to the east end of Sutwik Island, which he now concluded was Bering's Foggy Island; and located an island in 56° 10' and 202° 45', no doubt one of the Semidi Islands. To the north of this at some distance was a point with three or four pinnacle rocks near it to which he gave the name "Pinnacle Point." It appears to have been the Cape Kumlik of the Russians. On the 19th he speaks about an island called "Kodiak" and the Schumagin Islands of Bering. The name Kodiak he obtained from some natives farther south. On the 20th he refers to a Rock Point some distance to the west estimated to lie in 55° and 198°. I do not see how it is possible to identify this, but it might have been Cape Pankof, although this is only in 54° 40', or Cape Tachilni in 54] 50'. Cook now encountered Sannak Island, which he named "Halibut"; the head he placed in 54° 27' and 197°. In this neighborhood a native came alongside and delivered a letter in Russian. A huge smoking volcano was seen to the west, no doubt Shishaldan on Unimak Island. A day or two afterward the vessels nearly ran on the north point of Unalaska Island, which Cook named "Providence" because he thought they had been saved by special intervention. June 28 the vessels passed through what is now known as Unalga Pass and anchored in a port at the north end of Unalaska Island. This Cook named "Samganooda" [the present Samganuda], which he located in 53° 55' 188 Cartography of the Northwest Coast of America and 193° 30'. Here he came into contact with the Russians but without seeing any; a native handed him another note in Russian. He called the island in front of the anchorage to the north "Oonella" [Unalga] and a larger one to the north "Acootan" [Akutan]. Still farther north he said was a much larger one with high mountains, "Oonemak" [Unimak], in 54° 30' and 192° 30'. From here Cook sailed north through the present Bering Strait and finally settled the question that the land on the east side really was America. October 3 he was back at his old anchorage on Unalaska Island. On the 14th the noted Russian, Ismailof, appeared at the camp and showed Cook some manuscript charts which Cook states were far better than the printed maps that he had with him. On one of these Chirikof's landfall was marked between 58° and 58J° N and 75°E of Okhotsk, equivalent to 218£° E of Greenwich. Bering's landfall was shown in 59J° and 207° E of Greenwich. From one of the charts Cook took the names of the islands west of Unalaska—"Amagta," "Amluc," "Atghka," "Oomanak." Ismailof told him that there was a shallow channel between Oonemak and Alaschka but he did not seem to know anything about what was beyond an island he called "Kodiak," which is marked on Cook's chart in the location of the present Nagai Island. Ismailof said that a letter would reach Petropaulowski in the following spring and St. Petersburg in the following winter. So Cook gave him one to forward to the Admiralty. October 26 the ships set sail and reached the Sandwich Islands at the end of December. February 14, 1779, Cook was killed by the natives and the command devolved on Captain Clerke. April 29 the party reached Petropaulowski and found that the letter given to Ismailof had already arrived. June 12 the journals were delivered to the Russians to be forwarded to London and the vessels sailed north again on another expedition to the Arctic Sea, On the return voyage the expedition called at Macao in China, reaching there December 1. Just before entering port all the journals or other papers con- ■cerning the voyage which had been kept by any of the officers or men were taken from them in accordance with the instructions from the Admiralty. Captain James King states in his narrative that he thought that all were given up. August 22, 1780, the ships anchored at Stromness and King went up to London with the dispatches. September 1 the vessels reached Falmouth. The first notice of the expedition reached London just before January 11, 1780, as on that •day a notice of the death of Captain Cook was published in the Gazette. This was printed in the London Magazine for January. Not a word is said in it about any discoveries on the northwest •coast. In the London Magazine for February there is an extract of a letter written by M. de Buschin from Berlin dated January 11, stating that he had received a letter from Pallas dated St. Petersburg December 21, 1779, with the information that the Court and the Senate had news from red Clerke's dispatches which had been deliv- ore mention of the northwest coast than that nd then discovered the strait between Asia and he letter which Cook delivered to Ismailof. The ials of the expedition must have reached ; appeared on the subject until July when an Kamchatka about the Cook expedition and had r •ered to the English envoy. The letter contains no mi Cook reached it in March and anchored at a bay ai America. It would appear to have been taken from tl letter of Buschin, however, renders it certain that tl the Admiralty shortly after January 11. Nothing mc article appeared in the London Magazine entitled: A Summary account of the still unfinished voyage, undertaken by order of government in His Majesty's ships the Resolution and Discovery. This contains nothing about the northwest coast except that Cook reached it in March in about 49°. Later a mention is made of a bay in 58° 28' which Cook had thought to be the one that Bering entered. Instead of some details regarding the northwest coast we find a long and fairly reliable extract of an account of the Spanish discoveries of 1775, obviously taken from Mourelle's journal. A small map (671) accompanies the article, on which Cook's route is shown as ending at the Sandwich Islands and containing Spanish names from Mourelle's account. Cook's own names far- .ther north are not shown. In December of the same year this account was reprinted with some changes The Voyage of James Cook, 1776-1780 189 and additions, the latter to bring it up to the return of the ships to England. A new map (672) was engraved which is an improvement on the one issued in July. This contains most of the Spanish names derived from Mourelle's journal and Spanish names farther south, and in about 50° the legend: "Here Capt. Cook repaired." The article and the map were supplied to subscribers free of charge to be inserted in place of the one published in July. Many did this and for this reason the July map is somewhat uncommon. It may be noted that even in the December number the only statement about the northwest coast is that he sighted it March 7 in 44° 307 and 233° 36', and on the 30th anchored in a sound in 49° 30' and 239° 26', where he took water and wood; April 27^ he sailed along the coast to the northward, and May 11 passed Cape St. Elias in 59 54' and 217°. No more mention occurs of Cook's proceedings on this part of the coast except that he anchored at some port unnamed and had detected numerous errors in the Russian charts. From the foregoing it is clear that the government desired to prevent any real information about the discoveries from becoming public, and it was not until 1784 that the account of the expedition appeared. This contained Cook's own account up to just before his death,, followed by that of Captain James King from then on. It was edited by Dr. John Douglas, the Bishop of Salisbury. Before this appeared, however, several anonymous publications were issued, one in London in 1781, with a map (675), generally supposed to have been written by John Led- yard, and another by Heinrich Zimmermann in Mannheim in the same year. Johann Reinhold For- ster published an account in German in the same year with a map (695), and William Ellis, the assistant surgeon, another in the following year. In 1783 John Ledyard published in Hartford, Connecticut, an account of the voyage which differs so much from the one of 1781 usually ascribed to him that any idea that the latter was his work may be abandoned. He reproduced, however, the map in the 1781 English account (691). As Judge Howay has recently proved, the 1781 book was written by John Rickman, although this is now denied because of the discovery of Rickman's manuscript account of the voyage. Among the numerous logs of the expedition in the British archives and other places is an account by James Burney which contains some sketches of King George's Sound, Sandwich Sound, and Cook's Inlet which have been reproduced by Judge Howay in his Zimmermann's Captain Cook. One is at once struck by the extraordinary peculiarity of having an account of the Spanish expedition of 1775 inserted in an account of Cook's expedition without mention of his own discoveries, in a publication in 1780 which must have emanated from the Admiralty. The precaution of taking away from the members of the expedition all their journals or notes before reaching Macao, and especially the fact that this was done under orders from the Admiralty, points clearly to the fact that the government intended to prevent any knowledge of the discoveries from leaking out until it suited its convenience to have them published. It has usually been asserted that this was done to prevent a garbled account of the expedition from being put out, but the fact that the government had all the necessary information nearly four years before it was published points to some other motive. As Cook took no pains to prevent the Russians from learning all that he had found out about the parts in which they were trading, the Spaniards must have been the people whom it was aimed to keep in ignorance. Without more knowledge of the subject than can be gained from the official pronouncements at different times it is difficult to imagine what was the reason for this secrecy. The bald fact that Cook had been on the northwest coast was well known early in 1780 and it does not seem that a publication of the details of his visit could have been very harmful to British interests. The possibility of opening up a fur trade between the coast and China, which became evident during the expedition, presents the only possible plausible reason. It is probable that if it had not been for the great prices obtained for the few otter skins which Cook carried to China no dispute would ever have arisen over the somewhat inhospitable country 190 Cartography of the Northwest Coast of America which he had named Nootka. A rush of British fur traders to this coast, however, followed his arrival in China and the return of his expedition to England, and this led not only to a very complete exploration of most of the coast but also to a conflict with the Spaniards, who objected to any making of settlements there by the British. This is not the place to discuss the merits of the controversy which ensued; but it is to be noted that while it was in progress the Spaniards sent out a number of expeditions to this part of the coast, a French expedition also appeared, and another official English expedition. The next in point of time after that of Cook was the Spanish expedition of 1779 under the command of Ignacio Arteaga in the Princesa. He was accompanied by Bodega, who was in command of the Favorita. Their discoveries in very large measure covered the ground previously explored by Cook above the 57th parallel. Of course, Arteaga had no knowledge of Cook's expedition, so his expedition made independent discoveries. The discoveries of Cook are shown on a large general chart (699) published in the atlas to the voyage. It was drawn by Lieutenant Henry Roberts and engraved by William Palmer. This map was reissued in 1794. The atlas also contains a Chart of the N. W. coast of America and the N. E. coast of Asia (696) engraved by Thomas Harmar. Another chart (700) prepared by Lieutenant Roberts was also issued in 1784 which differs somewhat from the other. It was published independently by William Faden. Sketches of the harbor of Samganooda (697), of Nootka Sound (698), and of Cook's River (701) are included in the text. Chapter XXVIII THE ARTEAGA EXPEDITION OF 1779 Promotion of all the officials and pilots who had taken part in the expedition of 1775 manifested the Spanish government's great pleasure at the results achieved. The Viceroy sent the diaries to Madrid, where they seem to have arrived some time in February, 1776. About March 23 news was received that the British government was about to send Captain James Cook to visit the South Sea. This was the fact; just such an expedition was being prepared. The Viceroy was immediately notified and ordered to look out for it. He was told that the real object was, no doubt, to find the Northwest Passage in order to gain the reward recently offered by Parliament. May 20, orders were sent to him to send another exploring party to the northwest coast under the same officers as in 1775. Numerous difficulties, however, soon arose; for one thing there was not a sufficient number of vessels to engage in any new explorations and at the same time to transport the supplies to Upper and Lower California. The harbor of San Bias was filling up with sand and it seemed probable that the department would have to be removed to some adjacent port. On July 27 the Viceroy wrote Galvez that if the discoveries were to be advanced the best location for a marine department would be at San Francisco or Trinidad. It was then decided to call a meeting of the different pilots and naval officials at San Bias to consider what had best be done. November 18 this was begun at Tepic. The following officers attended: Hezeta, Bodega, Quiros, Choquet, Arteaga, Canizares, Mourelle, Ayala, Francisco Alvarez Castro, Juan Bautista Aguirre, and Francisco Hijosa, the commissary at San Bias. The first question to be considered was what was to be done about transporting to Callao Jose de Areche, who had been appointed visitador of Peru. It was decided to send him on the Santiago. On the question of additional vessels the officers recommended that two ships be constructed in Peru which should be fitted for northern explorations and armed. The opportune arrival at Acapulco of a merchant ship from Peru obviated the necessity of sending Areche in the Santiago, and in consequence she was sent to California in the following spring under the command of Arteaga. December 7 the Viceroy ordered the suspension of the proposed northwest voyage. On the 24th of that month Galvez advised the Viceroy that his proceedings were approved and that orders had been sent to the Viceroy of Peru to expedite the construction of the vessels. January 9, 1777, the government at Madrid approved the dispositions of the Viceroy for a new voyage that year, not having yet received the information that it had been canceled. Bodega was finally sent to Peru to bring back a vessel, it having been decided to build one at San Bias. Late in 1778 he returned with the Favorita, which had been built at Guayaquil. During the winter, together with Mourelle and Canizares, Bodega made a study of all the available cartographical material, and Canizares constructed a map of the North Pacific with a conjectural coast line to serve as a guide during the forthcoming expedition (660). It was based on Bellin's map of 1766 (610) and Bodega's of 1775 (641). Besides those of Bodega, two sets of discoveries were depicted, one from the Russian map of 1758 (591) and the other from another Russian map (not specified, but Stahlin's). Farther south a coast line from Anson's map (559) was inserted. Unfortunately, all these lines were drawn in different-colored inks which cannot be distinguished on the photographs; the outer one, however, must be that of Bodega and Hezeta. [191] 192 Cartography of the Northwest Coast of America If; On Bellin's map dotted lines appear on two sections of the coast and on this Canizares map these places are left blank but the continent is shown at some distance to the east. There seems to be only about a degree's difference between the lines, somewhat less than that in the table. At Mendocino and Pt. Pinos Bodega's line is shown west of that of Bellin, contrary to what is shown in the table on page 178. I cannot account for this unless there was an error on the 1775 map. This 1779 map no doubt shows the corrections made by Mourelle during his voyage to San Diego in 1777. Mourelle had sailed as high as 34° and in his report of June 27 on his return stated that he had changed the position of Santa Catalina and San Clemente and had reduced the size of the first by seven leagues and that of the second by nine leagues. From San Diego to Morro Hermoso he said the coast ran eleven leagues more to the west, that is, between them, as he left both places in their previous positions. He also corrected the location of various intervening islands. South of Morro Hermoso other changes in the map were made, all of which are no doubt shown on his map of 1777 (659). He still calculated the difference in longitude between Cabo San Lucas and San Bias to be It was found by Bodega and his colleagues that Bering in 1741 had virtually followed the coast around from Mount St. Elias and that there was but little chance that they could proceed much higher than 60° unless they rounded the long string of islands shown on the Russian map of 1758 (591). It is probable that at this time a decision was reached not to attempt to explore the sea west of what appeared to be a huge peninsula extending so far south as to make the North Pacific to the east of it almost a half-circle. The delay had been unfortunate. Cook left England in July, 1776, and reached the northwest coast a year before the Spanish expedition. As finally organized, the expedition consisted of two vessels of about 300 tons burden each: the Nuestra Sefiora del Rosario, built at San Bias and commonly known as the Princesa, and the Nuestra Sehora del Remedios, the one built in Peru, commonly known as the Favorita. The former had a crew of ninety-eight and the latter of one hundred and seven man and both were well armed. The officers on the Princesa were: Ignacio Arteaga, commander, Fernando Quiros, second, Juan Garcia, surgeon, Fr. Juan Antonio Garcia Rioboo and Fr. Matias Santa Catalina Noriega, both Fernan- dinos, chaplains, and Jose Camacho and Juan Pantoja y Arriaga, first and second pilots; on the Favorita: Bodega, who had just been promoted to teniente de navio, commander, Mourelle, second, Mariano Nunez de Esquivel, surgeon, Cristoval Diaz, who had come from Peru in the vessel, chaplain, Canizares and Juan Bautista Aguirre, first and second pilots. Fr. Jose Nocedal was to have accompanied Diaz but he died just before the vessel sailed. Arteaga had instructions to proceed as high as 70°. The vessels set sail from San Bias February 11 and separated April 20 in a storm. The Favorita reached Bucareli May 3 at one o'clock in the morning and the Princesa ten hours later. They both anchored in a port close to the entrance which was afterward named "Santa Cruz" in honor of the discovery of the Holy Cross on that day, and here both vessels remained until June 15. On May 13 a grand celebration was held with a procession carrying a cross which was set up and Chaplain Diaz preached a sermon. Possession was not taken of the port because Bodega had already done so in 1775, but Arteaga remarked that Bodega had no chaplain with him to say mass. On the 18th two boats left on an exploring expedition under the command of Mourelle, who had with him three pilots, Camacho, Aguirre, and Pantoja. The boats crossed over to what is now known as Baker Island and began a reconnaissance at Cabo San Bartolome. It seems probable that Cabo San Felix at the southeast entrance to Bucareli Bay was named then, as May 18 is that saint's day. The port in which they anchored was named "San Antonio." From here they followed the eastern coast of Baker Island, naming "Puerto de la Asumpcion" May 19 and "Mayoral" May 20. Passing between two islands which they named "San Ignacio" and "Santa Rita," on the 21st they reached the Puerto de la Real Armada. They afterward passed through a channel which Mourelle named The Arteaga Expedition of 1779 193 "Portillo" between San Juan Bautista Island and Noyes Island into what is now known on United States charts as San Alberto Bay. Mourelle, however, named it "Esquivel," a name which can still be seen on Admiralty charts. They found numerous openings into the ocean, one of which they named "Bocas de Arriaga." Another, at the far north, they named "Boca del Almirante," but Mourelle says they did not examine it because they did not have time and it did not look important. May 24 Mourelle turned south and passed through a channel he named "San Cristoval" between Prince of Wales and San Fernando islands, anchoring for the night in what he called the "Cafio de la Cruz." The large bay to the east of San Fernando Island he named "San Alberto." On the 26th he continued exploring the east side of San Fernando Island, passing the Punta de rierbo and on the following day anchoring in a cove to the west of the southern point, which he aamed "Punta de la Amargura." On the 30th, after examining the north side of San Juan Bautista Island, he passed over to Prince of Wales Island and entered a small bay which he named "Puerto Bayeal," where he remained until May 31. June 1 the party explored the Carlos de Trocadero, the Isla de Madre de Dios, and the Puerto de Caldera. June 2 they, examined the Isla de San Juan and on the following day reconnoitered the Puerto de Estrella and anchored at the mouth of the Puerto Refugio. On the 4th the Puerto de los Dolores was reached at four o'clock in the afternoon. Passing the Punta de la Arboleda, Mourelle crossed over to the Puerto Mayoral and spent some time in investigating the Isla San Ignacio. On the 12th the party reached Santa Cruz with their map. The chart of the entire bay was now completed, Canizares having made one of Santa Cruz. Not much attention was paid to geographical details in the accounts of this reconnaissance. The extract just briefed is from the journal of Mourelle, as that is the fullest. It was suspected that the Puerto de Refugio, the passage between the two islands now known as Suemez and Prince of Wales, had an outlet to the south. This was later discovered to be the fact; it is now shown on the charts as Ulloa Channel and connects the bay with Meares Passage. A similar suspicion existed about the channel between what was once known as "Malaspina Island" and the Prince of Wales Island, named by Mourelle the "Canos de Trocadero," but that is a closed channel. Of all the very numerous names appearing on the charts the few that I have given are the only ones found in the narratives, and as only two or three were named on known saints' days we are at a loss to know why the others were given. From the time spent in the bay and the thorough examination made it seems possible that it was expected that the government would order it to be colonized. While Mourelle was away Arteaga had difficulties with the Indians. They became more and more troublesome and June 11 it was discovered that they had taken down the cross. By the following day forty-six canoes full of Indians were in sight. On the 15th the vessels crossed the bay and entered the Puerto de San Antonio, where on account of contrary winds they were obliged to remain until July 1, when sail was made. Mourelle locates Cabo San Bartolome in 55° 10' and 139° 13' W of Paris, but some of the others located Bucareli in 55° 18'. July 9 land covered with snow was discovered to the north a long distance away and soon lost to sight. On the 15th their position was estimated to be 59° 02' and 147° 46' W of Paris. They were now looking for the Cabo de St. Elias of Bering and on the 16th they saw a very high peak which they thought was Mount St. Elias. On the following day they were three leagues from what they supposed to be Cabo St. Elias in 60° and 43° W of San Bias. The accounts of what happened in this neighborhood are very ambiguous and confusing. Their Cabo St. Elias was the one now known as Cape Suckling and the island opposite this, which was named the "Isla del Carmen" because it was discovered on her day, July 16, was Kayak. Names will be found on the maps for the mouths of the Copper River and some points north of Cape Suckling but there is nothing in the accounts to indicate that any examination was made of the ensenada that was said to have been 194 Cartography of the Northwest Coast of America seen to the north. Bodega afterward alleged that he saw signs of some large river emptying there, and something must have been seen because the names appear on contemporary maps. They then passed south of Kayak Island and here something was seen in the sea to the south about which some differences of opinion arose. Canizares stated that on the 15th a shoal was sighted a half-league around, twelve leagues from the coast in 59° 02' and 40° 34' W of San Bias, which was named "Pamplona." Arteaga thought it was only white wood floating on the sea. Mour6lle refers to it as seen on the 17th. There was certainly no reef there; at least, none has been found since. Arteaga was quite of the opinion that they had not seen Cabo St. Elias, but that this was farther west. Having crossed the mouth of Prince William Sound, which is referred to in the accounts as "the large ensenada," the ships entered what is now known as Port Etches on the west side of Hincbinbrook Island. Arteaga named it "Santiago" because they were celebrating a novena to that saint when they reached it, July 21. They remained here until the 28th while the launch under the command of Canizares with Pantoja was sent north to reconnoiter. Canizares came back and said they were on an island, that looking north they could see from the end of it a cape, which he named "Cabo Frio," and that there was no possible passage, as the whole ensenada was surrounded by high mountains. On the 23d possession was taken of the port and a plan of it was made by Camacho (665). Mourelle located it in 60° 13' and 155* 52' W of Paris. The island was named "Santa Maria Magdalena" after that saint, whose day is July 22. July 28 the vessels set sail on a course west and south. At nine o'clock on August 1 they anchored near the end of a small island, which Arteaga named "San Aniceto," the one on which Cape Elizabeth is located. On the following day Quir6s, Bodega, and Mourelle with quite a party went across to what they thought to be a bay in the mainland a few miles from their anchorage and took possession, naming the place "Regla." The bay was at the end of the Kenai Peninsula. The position was observed as 59° 087 N and 155° 52' W of Paris. In Mourelle's opinion Cape Elizabeth was the cape on Bellin's chart to the southwest of the Cabo de San Hermogones. On August 3 it was clear and the snow-covered mountains and the volcanoes to the northwest could be seen. August 7 the return was undertaken and the islands which appear on Camacho's map (668) were seen, undoubtedly at some distance. It is therefore not easy to identify them. The one shown farthest south is a large Isla de Camacho in 58° 15'. Some thirty miles west of this there are four more, labeled "Islas de Canizares," and to the north two others. Isla de Camacho has been identified by Baker as Marmot Island, a small island just east of Afognak. Afognak is a much larger island than Marmot, so it is probable that the Isla Camacho represents Afognak. Those farther west are also parts of Afognak which might have seemed to be islands on account of the numerous openings on the coast. The fact is, of course, that none of the party was ever near enough to them to do more than make a sketch of the high points. September 3 the vessels became separated when they were in the vicinity of Trinidad Bay, California. Land was soon discovered and finally, after sighting Mendocino in 40° 07' on the 4th, according to Malaspina, both vessels went to San Francisco, the Favorita arriving on the 14th and the Princesa on the 25th. October 20, both ships set sail and reached San Bias November 21. The discoveries made by the expedition were of no particular importance, especially as Captain Cook had gone over almost the same ground from Mount St. Elias west in the previous year, although to be sure the results of his voyage were not then known. As usual, scurvy made sad havoc among the crew; at least this was given as the principal cause of the decision to return. While in Santiago, Arteaga had called a council of the officers to decide on his future course. All the officers were satisfied that a high range of mountains extended around what is now known as Prince William Sound and barred the possibility of their reaching 70° according to their instructions. It was almost the first of August and the stormy season would probably be upon them if they remained much longer in that part of the Pacific. The principal result of the expedition, of course, was the The Arteaga Expedition of 1779 195 extended knowledge obtained of Bucareli Sound. This turned out, however, to be of but little future value, for when it was later decided to occupy some part of the northwest coast Nootka Sound was chosen instead. The expedition remained long enough in Santiago and at Isla San Aniceto to make some very correct observations for latitude. The place where possession was taken at the former was calculated to lie in 60° 14', whereas the actual is 60° 17'. At the anchorage near the present Cape Elizabeth the latitude was stated to be 59° 08', the actual being 59° 09'. When we come to longitude, however, we find some very wide differences. There is nothing to show that anything was carried but dead reckoning from the time the ships had left San Bias. No observations are spoken of, as they almost certainly would have been if they had been made. Furthermore, the statements by different officers do not agree. The official longitudes are west of San Bias, but Mourelle in his diary uses the meridian of Paris. At that time San Bias was supposed to be 107° 06' W of that meridian. This was not quite correct, as it was based on an estimated difference of five degrees between that place and Cabo San Lucas. The observations of 1769 were made at San Jose and too large a difference was estimated between that point and Cabo San Lucas, and hence the latter point was not so far west of San Bias as five degrees. At Santiago Arteaga estimated the longitude west of San Bias to be 45° 20', the actual being 41° 17', or an error of 04° 03'. At Regla the longitude is stated in the chart of this place to be 49° 11', or an error of 02° 30'. Mourelle, however^ estimated it to lie in 48° 40'. As they were five days in sailing from Santiago to Regla there is no likelihood that they could have estimated the difference even by dead reckoning to be as little as 04° instead of the actual of 05° 18'. Some corrections, therefore, must have been made at Regla, probably to agree with some map in their possession. This seems probable because they were convinced that they were in the neighborhood of the San Hermogones of Bering. On the Russian map this is located in latitude 58° 48'. Cook the year before had, located Cape Elizabeth, practically the same place as the Regla of Arteaga, in 59° 10' and 152° 15' W of Greenwich or about 154° 35' W of Paris. According to Mourelle, it was 155° 52' W of Paris, a difference between them of 01° 17', which is not so bad considering that Arteaga had been carrying dead reckoning between February 11 and August 2, whereas Cook not only made numerous lunar observations but also had one of the new chronometers. The actual longitude is 151° 03' W of Greenwich, so Cook was himself in error 01° 12'; thus both he and Mourelle overestimated the longitude. The original diaries of Arteaga, Bodega, Quiros, Camacho, Pantoja, Canizares, and Aguirre are in the Archivo General de la Nacion (Mexico), Historical Section, Volumes 63 and 64. That of Mourelle is in the W. A. Clark, Jr., Library in Los Angeles; a small extract of it is also to be found in the Archives in Mexico, Californias Section, Volume 8, together with a map of Bucareli and a general map of the discoveries between 58° and 61° (670). None of these has ever been printed, either in the original Spanish or in translation. Even Navarrete in his various writings on the subject of northwest exploration made only the most cursory allusion to the expedition. Fr. Rioboo kept a diary which still exists in Mexico. What seems to be an extract from it is to be found in a commonplace book which now belongs to the University of Santa Clara, Fr. Rioboo in later years having been stationed at the Santa Clara Mission. A translation of this made by the Reverend Walter Thornton, S.J., afterward Rector of the University, was published in the Catholic Revieiv for July, 1918. Geographical detail is conspicuously lacking in it, but it contains some interesting information, especially about the natives. Allusions to the voyage are common in the later reports of the Viceroy and in Malaspina's account. Carlos Maria Bustamante, in a Suplemento a la Historia of Padre Andres Cavo, Volume III, page 35, gives an account of the act of possession taken at Regla. Certified copies of the various acts of possession were sent to Spain, the originals still existing in the Archivo General de Indias, Cor. Virreyes, Volume 125. Certified copies of the diaries of Canizares, Aguirre, Arteaga, Quiros, Camacho, Pantoja, and Bodega were also sent to Cartography of the Northwest Coast of America Spain. They are to be found in the Archivo General, Est. Aud. Mex., 18, Docs. 13-19 inclusive, and copies of all these can be found in the Bancroft Library. The maps made during the expedition are much more illuminating than the narratives. The principal one is that made by Camacho (668) of the discoveries between Mount St. Elias and the point farthest west reached by the expedition. The southern end of the Kenai Peninsula is shown as broken up into islands, very few of which exist. The present Cape Elizabeth is on an island and it was close to this that Arteaga was anchored. On Camacho's map this island is styled "San Aniceto" and the ensenada north of it "Regla." The mountains of Cape Douglas are named "San Pedro y San Pablo," but could only have been seen at some distance. The high peak on an island, the "St. Augustine" of Cook, was named "Pan de Azucar." The southernmost discovery was the Isla de Camacho, shown in 58° 15'. I have already expressed the opinion that this was Afognak. Some thirty miles to the west of it another island is shown, named "Isla de Canizares," with two others to the north of it. The Isla de Brenes seems without much doubt to represent the present Shuyak Island and Lobo possibly the small one north of Shuyak. Besides the map of Camacho (668), a Carta reducida (669) exists, probably made by Juan Pantoja. As Camacho's map of the discoveries north of 59° is somewhat detailed this map omits many of his names. Between the Bocas de Quadra and the Isla de Lobos not a single one is found except those of the mountains to the west; the volcano Iliamna appearing as "Miranda" on the Camacho map is here named "Quiros." The islands named "Camacho," "Brenes," and "Canizares" are all shown, however. Comparing the map of the coast from 59° south with the Bodega map of 1775 (641), we find that the Isla de Algives and the Cabo de San Agustin have disappeared; meanwhile Cabo San Feliz and the Entrada de Perez have been added. Cabo Toledo with two islands off it is moved down to 42° 07' and a Cabo Blanco appears in 42° in place of Cabo S. Sebastian. Many of Camacho's names in the neighborhood of Kayak Island are also omitted, but the Isla de Santa Inez is shown. The map was engraved and printed almost without change by Tomas Mauricio Lopez in 1796 (834) together with that of Camacho. Plans of the ports of Regla (666), Santiago (665), and Bucareli were also made. Of the last we have four contemporary charts of which three are designated as A-C. A (661) appears to have been drawn by Canizares and agrees closely with Mourelle's journal. C (663), I think, was drawn by Pantoja, who also no doubt drew the one (664) attached to his journal. B (662) is merely a copy of A drawn by a different hand. The one I have designated as D (719) was published by Alexander Dal- rymple in 1789. It is almost an exact copy of A and seems to have been derived from a map obtained in some roundabout way from Mourelle. In the atlas to the La Perouse voyage is another plan much like D, no doubt copied from the same original. The place names are more correctly given, however, than on D. When the expedition reached San Francisco on its return early in September, advantage was taken of the delay to explore again the Bay of San Francisco. Camacho took the southern extension of the bay. The accounts are most meager but Camacho's map survives in the Library of Congress (667). It does not extend to the lower end of the bay and just reaches the western end of San Pablo Bay. What it does show is a considerable improvement over the 1776 map. Whether Canizares made any explorations is uncertain, but it is probable that he did not, as Bodega in referring to his services after his return speaks of only two explorations by him of San Francisco Bay, which must have been those of 1775 and 1776. In 1781, however, a map by Canizares of San Francisco Bay was engraved by Manuel Villavicencio, but it does not appear to have been published. It is probably a copy of (653). In 1788 another small map by Canizares was engraved by Villavicencio but apparently never published. This may be called a personal map such as might have been intended to accompany a book by Canizares on his experiences, as it shows tracks of his expedition by land to San Diego in 1769 and then on to Monterey and San Francisco Bay. 1 Chapter XXIX THE EXPLORATION OF THE SANTA BARBARA CHANNEL COAST Very few journals of the voyages of the supply ships to California in the decade from 1780 to 1790 are extant, but we have a record of an examination of the Santa Barbara coast in the year 1782. The commander, Esteban Jose Martinez, carried instructions to search for the new establishment of Santa Barbara, the precise situation of which was unknown because it had only been founded April 21. He commanded the Princesa and the other vessel, the Favorita, was commanded by Juan Agustin de Echeverria with Jose de Tobar as pilot. Two journals of this expedition are extant, one written by Martinez himself, and the other by Juan Pantoja y Arriaga, his pilot. The vessels left San Bias March 6 and sighted Pt. Reyes May 13. They then entered San Francisco Bay where they remained some time, employed chiefly in delivering the supplies for the mission and presidio. June 19 the commander issued an order for the Favorita to proceed to Monterey. The Favorita anchored outside between the southwest Farallon and the mainland, but on account of some damage suffered from stormy WSW winds returned to port on the 23d, having left her anchors marked by buoys. June 28 both vessels made sail but they did not reach Monterey until July 6. After unloading the supplies they left Monterey July 24 and on the 29th were off the Punta de Pedernales, which Pantoja states was black and cut off at the sea, rather high, and with some streaks which looked like organ pipes. There was no hill in the immediate vicinity but there were some rocks off the point, some under water and others above. It was distant from Pt. Conception twelve and a half miles. On the same day they passed Punta de la Concepcion and at a quarter past five in the afternoon the Princesa anchored in nine fathoms and some canoes with Indians came alongside. The next morning boats went ashore to get water in the center of the cove where there was a stream of good water; there was another close to some Indian settlements. An observation of the sun at twelve o'clock showed the vessels to be in 34° 30', according to Martinez. Pantoja calculated Pt. Conception to be in 34° 34' and 15° 32J' W of San Bias. The cove, Cojo Anchorage, was named "Ensenada de Purissima Concepcion." Just north of the Rio de Bernaldo [the Santa Inez], Pantoja has put on his map a Punta de Santa Marta [Pt. Purissima], obviously named on her day, July 29, when they passed it. In the morning of July 31 the vessels set sail with a sea breeze and by midday had made nine and one-half miles. Numerous Indians were noticed along the coast and out in canoes fishing. August 1 they came to in the small bay off the site of the present city of Santa Barbara and on the 2d anchored near a flagstaff on the beach. So far, Pantoja says, they had not seen the islands. The outer point of the bay Martinez named "San Ignacio" and the inner one "Martinez," and the bay itself "Principe Don Carlos." To the east of this Pantoja says no point could be seen, only hills which approached the sea making off from the mountains. Nevertheless on his map a Punta de Nuestra Sefiora de Los Angeles is shown a few miles to the east, probably the present Sand Point. All along to the west were settlements which had water near by in small arroyos which did not reach the sea. Seven leagues east of Pt. Conception on the top of a cliff was a very large settlement. Pantoja speaks about passing the Islas de Mescaltitan at a distance of a league and seeing a great opening from the sea which seemed to have a large bay in the center. Around it were various settlements containing [197] I Cartography of the Northwest Coast of America s Indians and the largest forest that had been seen along the coast. Pantoja describes the country around the presidio and states that from this point when the horizon was clear the last of the three islands which form the Canal of Santa Barbara could be seen, which he believed to be Santa Cruz, because, he said, there was much difference in the maps, some calling the most westernmost island "Santa Cruz" and others the most easternmost. On August 13 the Laguna and Islas de Mescal- titan were examined and a plan was made by Pantoja (686). This must then have been a good-sized lagoon with two small islands in it and numerous Indians in five settlements on its banks. The island to the north was the largest. On the 16th sail was made, the cargo having been discharged and water and ballast taken on. On the following morning the small Anacapa Islands Were seen and the smaller one to the east which Martinez refers to as "Santo Tomas" was located by him in 33° 49' and 14° 25' W of San Bias. At noon of the 18th Martinez located Santa Barbara Island in 33° 45' and 14° 08' W of San Bias. At noon of the 19th he located Santa Catalina in 33° 25' and 13° 32' W of San Bias. On the 20th he speaks of seeing the Loma del Violin. On the 21st both vessels anchored in San Diego. Here some of the crew were put to work on the church at the mission, which was finished—almost. On the 10th of September Pantoja set out with the longboat to examine the Bahia de Todos Santos but was prevented from doing so by the heavy kelp beds. On his return he surveyed the Puerto de San Diego. October 6, anchors were raised, and the vessels departed the next day for San Bias; but the Princesa anchored and awaited the Favorita, which did not get clear of the port until the 8th. Martinez and Pantoja gave names to several points along the coast between Pt. Conception and Santa Barbara although Martinez in his journal states distinctly that most of them were not points at all, but only seemed so at a distance. In reality they were spurs of the mountain which ended close to shore, but, he is careful to say, before reaching it. The new names which he gave have all disappeared, only the old ones are now retained, and even not some of those; for example, San Miguel Island appears on the map as the "Isla de San Berraldo," Santa Rosa as "San Miguel," and the Anacapa Islands as "Santo Tomas." The only places which retain their names are Pt. Conception, Santa Cruz, Santa Barbara, Santa Catalina, and San Clemente islands, San Diego, and the Coronados. The names of some Indian settlements are found on several of the maps, namely the Rancheri a de las Choyas in San Diego Bay, Yoctu near the presidio of Santa Barbara, and Soto about where Summer- land is now situated. The remains of this last village were found some years ago. The diaries of both Martinez and Pantoja, together with Pantoja's maps, are to be found in the Archivo General de la Nacion (Mexico), Californias Section, Vol. 35. A resum6 of both diaries by the writer appeared in the Quarterly of the Historical Society of Southern California for December, 1935. Attached to the Pantoja journal are a small map of the coast from Punta de Santa Marta to the Ensenada del Principe (682), a chart of the Ensenada del Principe (685), another of the Ensenada de la Purissima Concepcion (684), one of the Laguna de Mescaltitan (686), and one of the Bahia de San Diego (687). There is now no map attached to the Martinez journal, but in the Library of Congress there is one map and two small charts on a single sheet (686), one of the Ensenada de la Purissima Concepcion and the other of the Laguna Mescaltitan to the Ensenada del Principe. These are almost the same as the corresponding charts attached to the Pantoja journal, and the handwriting is very similar to his. The other map on the sheet, which is of great interest, is entitled "Pequena Carta que contiene desde la Pa de Sta Marta hasta la del Sur de la Baia de Todos Santos." It not only shows the coast, but also all the islands except San Nicolas. There is a peculiar error in it in the interchange of the Rio Temblores and the Rio San Gabriel. Chapter XXX THE VOYAGE OF M. DE LA PfiROUSE IN the year 1785 the French government put in motion an expedition of a scientific nature to circumnavigate the world. Two ships were chosen, the Boussole and the Astrolabe, and the command was conferred on Jean Francois Galaup de la Perouse, a distinguished naval officer of some forty-four years of age. La Perouse was provided with a corps of distinguished scientists and an elaborate set of instructions, prepared for him by the minister of marine, the Comte de Fleurieu. Besides clearing up some doubtful geographical points one of the objects of his yoyage was to visit the northwest coast of America, where, after stopping at Monterey, he was instructed to take possession of some point north of the Puerto de Bucareli, that being considered the most northern point of Spanish territory. He was also to examine particularly the fur trade and to find out whether the Hudson's Bay Company had opened any trade with the natives on the west coast. From there he was to proceed to the west, visit the Aleutian Islands and Kamchatka, and then proceed to Macao or Manila, following the coast. Whether the only object of his visit to the northwest coast was to inspect the fur trade and take possession of some suitable port or whether there was some other purpose is not made manifest by the instructions, but it appears from the remarks of La Perouse while on that coast that he was also to look for some passage to the Atlantic. In the notes to the instructions will be found a summary of the Spanish expedition of 1775. The hope was expressed that he might find the Entree de Martin de Aguilar. The French apparently were not cognizant of the expedition of 1779 nor even of that of 1774 although it was suspected from remarks made by members of the expedition of 1775 that some exploration might have been made to the northwest coast before that year. La Perouse was also provided with charts of the third Cook expedition, which had been printed the preceding year, and various works on the Russian discoveries, and no doubt a copy of Mourelle's printed journal of the 1775 expedition. The vessels set sail from Brest August 1, 1785. The northwest coast was sighted June 23, 1786, and on the 26th the ships came to anchor off a bay in an estimated position 59° 43' and 142° 40' W of Paris. The entrance was reconnoitered by one of his officers named "Monti" after whom it was named. It was the entrance to Yakutat Bay, but for some reason Monti failed to find the port where Dixon in the following year found an anchorage and named it "Mulgrave." The conspicuous mountain of St. Elias was an object of attention, and its height was measured by a sextant. On the 29th what appeared to be a large river was examined by some of the officers. It was thought to be Cook's Bering's Bay because it was in almost the same latitude as that in which the bay had been placed by him, namely, 59° 20'. It was, therefore, given the name "Behring's River," as no bay could be seen. July 2 La Perouse anchored in a port which was finally determined by numerous observations to lie in latitude 58 37' and longitude 139° 50'. It was named "Port des Frangais" [the present Lituya Bay], and here he took possession. He was very confident that no other navigator had ever seen this port because, he says, it was thirty-three leagues north of the Puerto de los Remedios, the highest point reached by the Spanish navigators. While he was here some of the ships' boats were wrecked and twenty-one sailors were lost. A long chapter in the account of the voyage is given over to the inhabitants and a number of the plates in the atlas pertain to the same subject. On account of the delay here La Perouse felt compelled to hasten his journey and proceeded, about August 1, directly to Monterey with as few stops on [199] 200 Cartography of the Northwest Coast of America the coast as possible. He translated some of Cook's names into French—for example "Fairweather" into "Beautems"—but left most of the Spanish names unchanged. The latter he obtained from the map (674) in Barrington's Miscellanies. In passing south he honored Captain Chirikof by bestowing his name on a cape, the present Cape Ommaney, and Lisle de la Croyere by giving his to the islands now known as "Hazy Islands." As he was sailing at some little distance from the coast he was only occasionally able to estimate the positions of the places he named. In the neighborhood of Nootka, where he did not stop, he transferred Cook's names to his map. September 2 he was off a cape in 45° 55' and 126° 47' W which appears on his map as "Rond," the "Redondo" of the Spaniards. September 5 he was in about 42° 58' off Cape Blanco and named the rocks nearby "Necker." From here south he saw very little of the coast on account of the constant fog, and on September 14 anchored in Monterey, where he found two Spanish ships, the Favorita and the Princesa, under the command of Esteban Jose Martinez. A long description of Monterey ensues which has been frequently quoted. He sailed on the 24th. The ships never reached home. After complying with their mission they anchored January 24, 1788, in Botany Bay, Australia, on their return. La Perouse wrote some letters in early February and left these with the English commander together with the journals since leaving Kamchatka. He had taken the precaution before leaving the latter place to send M. de Lesseps to St. Petersburg with his journal up to that point and the various observations that had been made. In his last letter from Botany Bay La Perouse stated that he expected to sail for the He de France February 15. After departing from Botany Bay he was never heard from again. In 1826 the remains of the vessels were found on an island to the north of the New Hebrides. In 1791 a decree was issued by the French government to publish the documents sent back by La Perouse, but it was not until 1797 that they finally appeared in four quarto volumes and an atlas, edited by Baron Milet-Mureau. The atlas is made up of views, representations "of plants, and maps, the latter having been prepared under the care of M. Buache. Among the maps of interest to us is No. 1, the map of the world with the route of the voyage to Botany Bay (837); No. 3, the Mer du Sud (838); No. 15, the coast of America and Asia from California to Macao (839); No. 16, a general map of part of the northwest coast of America (840); the same coast divided into three sections, on three sheets, Nos. 17 (841), 29 (844), 31 (845), which contain all the information about it that is found on the more general maps. Besides these there are plans of the following ports: Port des Francais, No. 19 (842); Port de Bucarelli, a Spanish map showing the survey made by the expedition of 1779, No. 26 (843); Bay of San Francisco, No. 33 (846); Bay of Monterey, No. 34 (847); and Port of San Diego, No. -35 (848). The plan of Bucareli is almost the same as that published by Dalrymple in 1789 (719); nevertheless it was not copied from it, for the errors of the Dalrymple map have been corrected. They both probably were copied from the same original. The plan of San Francisco Bay is a copy of Camacho's map of 1779 (667), and that of the Bay of Monterey appears to have been drawn by some of the officers of La Perouse. The plan of San Diego is a copy of the Spanish chart of 1782 (687) now in the Library of Congress but with names added to the points and showing the fort built on Pt. Loma. The Appendixes to Volume 1 comprise a translation of the journal of Francisco Antonio Mourelle of his voyage from Manila to San Bias in 1781 and an extract from his account of the voyage of 1779 to the northwest coast which La P6rouse obtained in Manila. He also obtained here the plan of Bucareli Bay. La Perouse indulged in a long dissertation about his discoveries in which he drew a distinction between what he called the islands and America. In this he stated his belief that Admiral Fonte never existed. He asserted that Behring's River and the Port des Francais were in America, but denied that Mourelle had ever seen America, saying that all his discoveries were islands. On the whole, his expedition added little to the knowledge of the coast; in fact, nothing of importance. The northern part had been explored by Captains Cook and Dixon and by the Spaniards, and most of it from the Strait of The Voyage of M. De La Perouse 201 Fuca south by the Spanish expeditions of 1774 and 1775. The long delay in publishing the observations and the maps of the voyage was fatal to any chance they might have had of receiving recognition. Besides, there are numerous interpolations in the narrative referring to events occurring after 1787-8. The observations taken by La Perouse were fairly accurate and the maps were well drawn, but unfortunately in the following year, 1798, the account of George Vancouver's voyage around the world appeared. In this work not only was a series of charts of Vancouver's own discoveries presented, but also many of the Spanish discoveries were added, together with much information obtained by Vancouver from the early English fur traders, who by this time had combed the whole coast in their eager pursuit of sea-otter skins. The principal cartographical contribution of the La Perouse expedition was the determination by lunar observations and by a chronometer which he considered to be accurate of the longitude of several places on the coast; Port des Francais [Limya Bay], Isla San Carlos [Forrester Island], Cap Hector [Cape St. James], and Monterey. For these places he obtained the following results: PLACE LA PEROUSE ACTUAL Lat. Long. Lat. Long. Port des Frangais San Carlos Cap Hector Monterey 58' 37' 54° 48' 51° 57' 36° 38' 137° 30' 133° 59' 131° 17' 121° 43' 58° 38' 54° 48' 51° 53' 36° 36' 137° 37' 133° 32' 131° 02' 121° 52' All these longitudes have been reduced to the meridian of Greenwich, from his, which were based on the meridian of Paris, by deducting two degrees, twenty minutes. The longitude and latitude on the maps which were produced in 1797 do not all agree with the statements in the journal of La Perouse, showing the effect of later influence. He informs us in his journal that while he was in Monterey he obtained a Spanish map of the Pacific such as was used on the Acapulco galleons, and remarked that it was very much the same as that published by Anson. We note, however, on the general map published in the atlas to his work that some corrections have been made to that map, if he used it as a basis, because we find Cabo San Lucas in 112° W of Paris, a position only possible on maps made after 1769. La Perouse was so impressed with the large opening south of his Cap Hector that he took a few days to examine it and sailed up Queen Charlotte Sound nearly to Laredo Sound. August 30 he was in about 48° 37' of latitude, nearly off the entrance to the Strait of Juan de Fuca and but a few miles away from it, but on account of the fog he missed seeing it. The names given by La Perouse to various places will be found in the Geographical List, although but two of them, Port Necker, a small bay on the west side of Baranof Island, Alaska, and the Kerouard Islands are the only ones still existing on the maps. Part of the maps in the volume were drawn by Blondelas, but that of the coast of America was drawn by M. Bernizet. The league used was twenty to the degree. Much interesting miscellaneous geographical information is given in the course of the work. For example, it is stated that in 1769 Monterey was located in 36° 40' and later by Bodega in 36° 44'; that the meridian of Ferro is nearly 17° 35' W of Greenwich; and that the difference in longitude between Paris and London had lately been ascertained to be 02° 2C 15" instead of 02° W. La Perouse, in Volume 2, page 329, makes the interesting statement that in 1786 six vessels had gone to the northwest coast, two each from Bombay, Bengal, and Madras, and that onlv the last two had come back, with a small quantity of skins. He locates Macao (p. 332) in 111° 197 E of Paris. He was in Manila from February 23 to April 10, 1787, and says he left Mourelle in that port. He excuses himself for not sending Mourelle's journal of the 1779 campaign in full because, he savs. there was nothing new in it. He notes in Volume IV, page 221, that in 1779 the Spaniards were constantly fearful of attack by the Russians. Chapter XXXI THE MARTINEZ EXPEDITION OF 1788 The government in Madrid professed to be satisfied with the results achieved by the expedition of 1779—so satisfied, in fact, that an order was issued May 10, 1780, not to send out any more. A more potent reason, no doubt, was the war with England into which Spain had been plunged while the expedition was away. All the money and naval talent which could be found were urgently required. Quiros and Bodega were both ordered to proceed to Havana, Hezeta was sent to the Philippines and, shortly after, Mourelle also. Gradually the other officers were dispatched on different missions and the functions of the department of San Bias became greatly curtailed, the available vessels being used simply to transport the supplies to Upper and Lower California. The arrival of La Perouse in Concepcion de Chile in February, 1786, put a different aspect on affairs. On a general map carried by him appeared four Russian establishments in Alaska, one even in Nootka, or so the Spanish official in Concepcion thought, and it now became the object of the Spanish government to look into this matter. Besides, the account of Cook's voyage had been published and the attention of the Spaniards was directed to his meeting with the Russians at Unalaska. Orders were issued from Madrid January 25, 1787, and again July 24, to dispatch two ships for this purpose with the best pilots in San Bias. Not a single naval officer of the first rank could be found in the establishment, then in charge of Jose Camacho. The first orders were for Camacho to command the Concepcion and Mourelle the Favorita and instructions were issued to them for the voyage, which was to begin in January, 1788. Mourelle was in Manila and Camacho, November 14, advised the Viceroy that if he did not return in time he would appoint Esteban Jose Martinez, who had now become a brevet ensign. November 28 Camacho advised the Viceroy that he was too sick to go and December 18 the Viceroy appointed Martinez in his place and a pilot, Gonzalo Lopez de Haro, in place of Mourelle who was still absent. The Princesa, a frigate, and a packetboat, the San Carlos, nicknamed the Filipino because she had been built in the Philippines, were fitted out. Martinez commanded the frigate and Lopez de Haro the packetboat. March 8, 1788, the vessels set sail carrying a set of instructions which had been issued to Camacho. The Princesa carried a pilot, Antonio Palacios, two second pilots, Antonio Serantes and Esteban Mondofia, and a surgeon, Diego Muiioz. Lopez de Haro on the San Carlos also had two pilots, Juan Martinez y Zayas and Jose Maria Narvaez, and a pilotin, Jose Verdia. Jose Lopez de Nava and Jos6 Maria Diaz were chaplains of the Princesa and Nicolas Loera of the San Carlos. Mondofia understood a little Russian. May 16 land was sighted and on the following day the ships found themselves close to Montague Island, Alaska. By reason of contrary winds they were not able to enter the channel to Prince William Sound and spent nearly ten days in tacking. On May 19 two flat islands about ten leagues southeast of Montague Island were discovered. They were named "Hijosa" [Middleton Island] and were estimated to lie in 59° 32'. May 23 they were off the south point of Montague Island. On the 25th twelve canoes came out from the islands. They now managed to sail up the entrance to Prince William Sound, which lies west of Montague Island. They were closely following Cook's map and employing Cook's names, although there are several intimations in the narrative that they had a Spanish map, presumably Camacho's of the 1779 expedition. The present La Touche and Elrington islands were [202] The Martinez Expedition 203 named "San Antonio." On the 26th the Islas Vertis were sighted, the "Green Islands" of Cook, and on the 28th the ships entered an ensenada which was estimated to lie in 60° 08' and 42° 32' W of San Bias. Serantes was sent on board the San Carlos as a prisoner and Lopez de Haro sent back his second pilot, Martinez y Zayas, to take his place. They now began to take on wood and water and on June 1 took possession. The chaplain, Father Diaz, said mass and a cross was planted on which was marked "Carolus Tertius Hispaniarium et Indiarium Rex." On the top were the initials "LN.R.I." and on the arms "Aiio de 1788." The place was named "Puerto de Flores" after the Viceroy of New Spain. On the 6th a launch was sent north under Mondofia to reconnoiter, but nothing is said about what was accomplished more than that he reached 60° 44', where he could plainly see the shores of the continent. On the 10th the pilot Narvaez was sent to reconnoiter the island. He sailed past the Isla Vertis and around the north side of the island to where he saw what he correctly thought was the Puerto de Santiago of the 1779 expedition. Returning the following day, he found a large unfinished house in a bay on the largest one of ten small islands, about five leagues from the northwest point of the island. That night he reached the ship. On the 12th the launch was sent to the Isla Vertis to cut grass and wild celery. In the meantime a council had been held on the Princesa on the 7th in which it was decided to abandon any attempt to proceed farther north on account of the contrary winds and to go to Trinidad Bay, California. The winds now, however, became contrary for sailing south and it was not until the 16th that the vessels were able to make sail. By ten o'clock in the evening of June 23 they had managed to make sufficient progress to the west to be able to see the Volcan de Miranda [Iliamna], and on the following day the vessels became separated. Lopez de Haro here refers several times to a Cabo de Rada which was south of Cabo Elizabeth. It must have been the Pt. Banks of Cook, although Martinez in his diary uses the name as synonymous with Cape Douglas. On the 27th, in the morning, Lopez de Haro sighted land to the west, a wall of rock between two points, the Cabo de dos Puntos [that is, the "Two-Headed Point" of Cook], and on the following morning he was four and a half leagues from the cape. Twelve canoes filled with Indians came out from a bay to the north of it and gave him two documents, one in Russian and one in English, dated respectively 1784 and 1787. He gradually approached the cape because the Indians told him there was an establishment in the bay between the points. July 1, or perhaps June 30, the longboat went ashore and brought back four Russians, one of whom was the commandant named Del Haro [Delarof], who said he was a Greek and had been born in Constantinople. Just how they communicated with each other, as Mondofia was on the Princesa, is not stated, but probably it was by signs. This Russian told Lopez de Haro that he had been there since November 12, 1787, and that the others had come in the early part of 1784. He also said that men and supplies to occupy Nootka were expected next year in two ships, Lopez de Haro having shown him this place on the map and tried to find out what he knew about it. He also drew on the latter's map the strait west of Kodiak, that is, Shelikof Strait, the Spaniards having thought up to this time that Kodiak was the mainland. He afterward gave Lopez de Haro a map of the coast from Cabo Elizabeth to Trinidad and marked on it the different Russian establishments. At his place there were sixty Russians, and hauled up on shore two galliots of about eighty tons burden each. West of Cabo Elizabeth there was another with forty Russians; at Cabo de Rada, one with thirty-seven; at Cook's Inlet on the mainland in 58° 18', one with forty; at the end of Cook's Inlet, one with seventy with a galliot; on the mainland in 55° 15' and 198' [148 ?] 27' W of Greenwich, one with fifty-five and a galliot; and at Unalaska, one with a hundred and twenty and two galliots. He also said there was a house on the west side of Montague Island and another in 61° with forty Russians and a galliot which ranged the coast as far as Nootka for furs. Lopez de Haro described the establishment, which was the one afterward known as "Three Saints Bay," and exchanged presents with Delarof. Here he heard that a vessel was anchored at Trinidad which he naturally concluded was the Princesa. Martinez had reached the Trinity Islands of Cook, or "Trinidad" as he calls them, June 27 and here he found a Russian. June 30 he took possession and named the Island "San Juan Crisostimo." 1 Cartography of the Northwest Coast of America He afterward sent the boat to the cape, where a cross was set up and the cape named "Floridablanca." He located it in 56° 44'. July 3 Lopez de Haro arrived and on the 5th both vessels set sail. On the 6th an island was sighted which was thought to be the Foggy Island of Cook. An observation at noon gave the latitude as 55° 44' and they calculated that the island lay in 55° 28' and 52° 15' W of San Bias. It was probably Chirikof Island and was named by Martinez "Infante." Lopez de Haro states that there were two islands together about ten to twelve leagues long with some barren' peaks. They appear on Bodega's chart as the "Islas de los Pilotos." On July 9 there is a reference in Lopez de Haro's log to Cook's islands "para reconocer"; Martinez states that this day he saw the Shumagin Islands of Cook and counted thirty-three and he says that he named them "Islas de los Pilotos." He then describes Cabo Canizares in 56° 06'. On the 10th the observation showed them to be in 54° 17', twenty-three leagues east of the south end of Rodiac, which perhaps was Cook's "Islas para reconocer." On the 11th, about midday, according to Lopez de Haro, the ships were still nineteen and a half leagues east of Rodiac [or Kodiak, as Serantes has it], and Cabo de Alvides bore north five degrees west, distant fourteen leagues. On the 12th they anchored six leagues from the island which was estimated to lie in 54° 03' and 56° 5& W of San Bias. Lopez de Haro says that there was a small flat island at the south end. It was obviously Sannak, Cook's "Halibut Island." It seems to have been Rodiac but was named "Zayas 6 Plies" by Martinez and thus it appears on Bodega's map. Further reference was made to the Cabo de Alvides, which was somewhere to the north of them but cannot be located. On the 15th they set sail and at noon were in an estimated latitude of 54° 07' and 57° 13' W, distant from Cabo de Providencia on Unalaska about thirty-nine and a half leagues. At sunrise on the 16th a high sharp mountain was seen which looked like a volcano. Martinez named it "Fernandez," which he said was bis own second surname. This mountain Lopez de Haro states was in the middle of a large island west-northwest of Punta Rotk [Rocks of Cook], almost certainly Cape Pan- kof. Another not so high was at the eastern part of the island. This island was obviously Unimak. It was named "San Gonzalo." On the 18th the ships were stated to be southeast of Acutan in latitude 54° 08' and longitude 59° 33' W. That day Unalaska was sighted and on the following day Lopez de Haro was five leagues from Cabo Providencia [Biorka] which bore south 50 W, the ships in the meantime having again become separated. Martinez, who had remained at anchor till the 15th, then sailed southwest, coasting along what he called the Lazcano Islands till July 21, when he, after pro- ■ceeding through Unalga Pass, which he named "Camacho," to the bay on the northwest side of the island to which he gave the name "Princesa de Asturias," took possession in 54° of the north point of ' Unalaska by burying a bottle. Unimak Island he says he named "Don Jose de Flores." July 29 he went ashore. The San Carlos was sailing around in the channel north of Unalaska until the 28th. On the 29th a boat came to her with news from Martinez that he was anchored in a port, but the San Carlos did not get through the passage until August 1 nor up to the anchorage which was in the bay on the northwest side of Unalaska Island until August 4. Here the vessels took on water and wood and I Martinez took possession August 5 on a small island. A decision was reached to return to New Spain. Sail was made on the 18th, but they did not succeed in getting clear of the islands until August 27 on account of southeast and south-southeast winds. They finally had to sail through the passage between Akutan and Unimak Island which Martinez named "Zapata," the name "Acutan" being assigned to the two islands Acutan and Akun, which were supposed to be a single island. The San Carlos, having become separated from the Princesa, reached San Bias October 22, and the latter arrived on December 5, having stopped at Monterey September 17. Inserted in his log, Lopez de Haro gives a description of the coast south from Cabo Greville [Chiniak], which he says was an island. According to this it is clear that the island he calls "Rodiac" was Sannak, because he speaks of the bank off it which is the one now known as "Sannak" or "Davidson Bank." A long account occurs of what happened at Unalaska where they again encountered the Russians. Martinez records that Potap Zaikof, the governor at Unalaska, referred to by Martinez as "Cusmich," told him that in 1789 a galliot would take possession of Nootka to forestall the English PZ. XXXV—The Lopez de Haro Carta Reducida of 1788 No. 711 The MartInez Expedition . 205 in the fur trade. Potap also knew about Meares's visit to Nootka in 1786 and gave Martinez the names of his officers. The Russians told him that there was a channel between the Isla San Gonzalo, and the Peninsula of Alaska but that there was only a depth of about one and a half to two fathoms of water in it. Lopez de Haro complained about having been obliged to use Cook's map, evidently one in a French edition of that voyage, because he was unable to get a Spanish one. Cabo San Lucas according to Cook's map, he says, was in 102° 20' W of Paris and 04° 45' W of San Bias. To these longitudes he arranged his map. The expedition would have obtained better results but for constant trouble between the commanders. Lopez de Haro several times complains in his diary of what he conceived to be efforts on. the part of Martinez to lose him and after he reached San Bias he wrote to the Viceroy, October 28,. complaining of the treatment accorded him. The pilots also made a similar representation. Potap gave Martinez three maps which covered the Aleutian Islands and Alaska as far north as 59° 50.', and Martinez delivered them with his journal. Very few points are mentioned in the narratives where observations for latitude were made,, although the logs give the positions every day whether observed or estimated. Most of the places to. which latitudes are ascribed in the narratives were seen at some distance; it was only where Martinez took possession that we have an opportunity to compare the positions he assigned to these places, with the actual ones. His latitudes are only two or three minutes in error, usually too low. When we come to the longitudes, however, we find, as we might expect, much greater errors, at least two degrees too great. Martinez asserted that the Spanish maps had the whole coast placed three and one-half" degrees too far west. Diaries of the expedition exist, kept by several of the officers if-not by all. In the Biblioteca. Nacional, Mexico, there is a book made up of copies of the accounts of the voyage, including diaries, by Serantes and Palacios, with the maps of the voyage. In the Archives in Seville (90-3-18) there is. an original and a copy of Martinez diary and another of Mondofia's. The original diary of Lopez de- Haro is in the Huntington Library, San Marino, and that of Narvaez in the W. A. Clark, Jr., Library of Los Angeles. These two are typical Spanish logs, but that of Lopez de Haro contains a large- amount of information besides the usual log entries. There is still extant in the Observatorio in. Tacubaya, Mexico, a large map of the expedition entitled Carta reducida (711). The map is arranged, according to the meridian of Paris, and San Bias is stated to be 107° 05' W of that place, quite a contradiction to what Lopez de Haro had said in his journal. It, therefore, may not have been made by- him. In addition to this there are also in the Observatorio three separate maps (712-14) which, together, cover much the same territory, but were drawn by some other member of the expedition or- copied later from the other, I cannot say which. For the Alaska part they are substantially the same as^ the large map. The data on the maps were no doubt transcribed by Bodega to his map of 1791 (772). On this- the number of names taken from the text or maps of Cook's voyage, frequently in a French or corrupted form, is particularly noticeable. The fact is that the commanders were in a large measure guided by Cook's maps. A peculiarity of Bodega's map is the appearance west of Unalaska of a number of the eastern Aleutian group extending over some eight degrees of longitude. It is certain, of course, that the expedition saw none of these except possibly the one adjacent to Unalaska. Nevertheless, all but two have Spanish names. The only possible inference is that Martinez obtained these- from two Russian maps which he brought back and that either he or Bodega put Spanish names on them. The identification of the various places named, even with the assistance of Bodega's map, is. not always very easy. It has not been possible to identify satisfactorily even the anchorage at Unalaska Island. The obvious thing for Martinez to do was to anchor in the same port as that in which Cook had. anchored on the north end of the island, but it seems that he anchored in Unalaska Bay, on the northwest side, as it is probable that the Russians had a settlement in some part of it. Dutch Harbor is - at the bottom of this bay and this probably is on or near the site of the old Russian establishments Chapter XXXII FUR-TRADING ENTERPRISES SO far as we know at present, the first expedition to the northwest coast after furs was conducted by one James Hanna, who departed from China, probably Macao, and reached Nootka in August, 1785. Hanna's Journal is in the Provincial Library in Victoria, but'unfortunately all that part which relates to his stay on the coast is missing; he probably never wrote it. He left Nootka in September and arrived in Macao in December, having secured a small cargo of good skins which were disposed of to good advantage. Most of our knowledge of his expedition is derived from the narratives of subsequent fur traders. Some uncertainty exists about the discoveries made in this year. It does not appear, however, that he sailed any farther north than the end of Vancouver Island, if indeed he sailed that far. Hanna is said to have left Macao again in May, 1786, reached Nootka in August, and remained there a few weeks. As he could have obtained but few skins at Nootka he is said to have gone to St. Patrick's Bay in September and then proceeded to Queen Charlotte Sound, leaving the coast October 1 and arriving at Macao February 8, 1787. He is stated to have named "St. Patrick's Bay," "Lance's Island," "Fitzhugh Sound," "Sea Otter Harbor," "Virgin Island," "Peril Hock," and perhaps the Sea Otter group. The next expedition to reach the coast after 1785 was that of James Strange. Strange left Bombay December 8, 1785, with two ships, the Captain Cook, under Captain Henry Laurie, and the Experiment, under Captain Guise. The coast was sighted June 24, 1786, but the vessels were not able to anchor in Friendly Harbor until July 8. The Journal of Strange was published by the Madras Government in 1929 with a plan of the coast by S. Wedgbrough (706). He remained at Nootka for some time cultivating friendly relations with the natives and when he departed he left with them John Mackay, the surgeon of the Experiment. Some little exploration was done in the sound. Having obtained all the skins he could, he left July 28 and sailed up along the island. He named Scott Islands and a small bay near the end of Vancouver Island "Oxenford" and here he took possession for His Britannic Majesty. As near as can be made out from Strange's narrative he proceeded in the longboat up Goletas Channel nearly to the end and, seeing a large sound opposite, named it after Queen Charlotte. He thought he could see Fonte's Strait in front of it. Here, however, before returning he again took possession. The entrance between Queen Charlotte Islands and Vancouver Island he seems to have named "Mansfield's Bay" although there may be some doubt about this as this bay may have been nearer to the mainland. Strange then proceeded to Prince William Sound, which he reached August 29, and anchored in the Snug Corner Cove of Cook. September 5 a vessel appeared, the Sea Otter from Bengal, under the command of Captain Tipping but she disappeared the next day. Strange thought she was destined for Cook's River, and for this reason he did not go there but soon took a •course for home. The observations made on these two vessels were unusually accurate, the officers apparently having been very competent observers. The Sea Otter, which Strange met in Prince William Sound, had left Bombay in March together with the Nootka under the command of Captain John Meares. Meares himself left Malacca May 29 and also went to Prince William Sound. What became of Tipping and his ship seems to be unknown but apparently neither vessel reached Nootka, Meares wintering in Prince William Sound. [206] Fur-Trading Enterprises 207 The most pretentious expedition up to this time was that of Captains Nathaniel Portlock and George Dixon, who had two ships, the King George and the Queen Charlotte. They were fitted out by a company called King George's Sound Company and had licenses from both the South Sea Company and the East India Company. Leaving England in August, 1785, the vessels proceeded to the Sandwich Islands, and departing in March, 1786, proceeded to Prince William Sound (or Cook's Inlet). From July to September they were hunting for furs in Alaska without much success. In the latter month they were off Nootka but did not enter and went to the Sandwich Islands to winter. Leaving there in March, 1787, they came up to Prince William Sound again and found John Meares with his vessel, the Nootka, frozen in. They soon parted company, Portlock remaining in Alaska and Dixon trading on the coast southward, stopping in Yakutat Bay in a port he named "Mulgrave" and making many discoveries or at least he thought so. Dixon is credited on the Arrowsmith map of 1790 (744) with the discovery of the Queen Charlotte group; certainly he was in Cloak Bay at the north end in that year. He did not enter Nootka, as in August he met Captains Charles Duncan and James Colnett near that port and learning from them that there was no chance for successful trade he went to the Sandwich Islands. He returned to London in September, 1788, and in 1789 published his book with a chart of the northwest coast (732) and three sketches (733-35). Portlock also published in 1789 an account of his voyage with another chart of the northwest coast (738) and five plans (739-43). Duncan and Colnett, in command of the Princess Royal and the Prince of Wales, respectively, owned by the same company which had sent out Portlock and Dixon, left England in September, 1786, and arrived at Nootka in July, 1787. Captain Colnett's journal of this expedition has recently turned up in England, and in time it will probably be printed. Meantime little is known of the movements of the ships in 1787. The track of the vessels is laid down on Arrowsmith's map of 1790 (744). According to this it appears that they left Nootka and proceeded to Hecate Strait. They did not circumnavigate the Queen Charlotte group as is sometimes stated. In the neighborhood of Nepean Sound there is a large legend on the map, "Princess Royal Islands discovered by Captain Duncan 1787." Several names are found in this neighborhood: Earl of Chatham Islands, Banks Island, Port Stephens, Nepean Sound, Gibson's Island, Sir Charles Middleton's Sound, Calvert's Island, and Bishop and Clerk's Islands. Apparently one or both of the vessels skirted the mainland coast after having sailed along the east side of the Queen Charlotte group. No great amount of time could have been spent on the trading trip, because on the map we find near the Tropic of Cancer the date December 27, 1787, attached to a dotted line labeled "Captain Duncan coming south." We know that Duncan passed the. winter in the Sandwich Islands. In the spring he returned to the northwest coast again in the Princess Royal while the Prince of Wales under Colnett made for Prince William Sound. Duncan spent some time in Nootka putting in a new rudder. On the 10th of May he departed and again returned to Hecate Strait, where he sailed about until perhaps the 1st of August, when he turned south again and stood for Nootka. Off this port he met Captain John Meares in the Felice. As Colnett had not yet reached Nootka, Duncan stood to the south along the coast and anchored at the south side of the entrance to the Strait of Juan de Fuca August 15. He drew a sketch of the entrance to the strait (746) and departed for the Sandwich Islands on the 17th. He gives a very succinct account of the summer campaign in his letter to George Dixon published in Dixon's Further Remarks, 1791. He returned to London in August, 1789, by way of China. From Arrowsmith's map (744) it appears that the discoveries usually credited to Captain Duncan as of 1788 were actually made in 1787. In Duncan's letter some places are referred to which are not shown on Arrowsmith's map; it might be a fair presumption that some of these were named in 1788 and not in 1787. Little is known of Colnett's movements in either year beyond an occasional mention of him here and there by other fur traders and what can be learned from the note which he inserted in his book, A Voyage to the South Atlantic . . . London, 1798. Cartography of the Northwest Coast of A: PI. XXXVI—Arrowsmith's map of April 1,1790 (section) Nt Fur-Trading Enterprises 209 There is an interesting allusion to Arrowsmith's chart in Meares's Answer to Dixon's Remarks. He states that he had laid down the land at Nepean Sound 01° 30' to the east of Captain Duncan's location, having used the corrections of Captain William Douglas, who Meares asserts had fixed the positions in this neighborhood by numerous lunar observations. Douglas was the commander of the Iphigenia and had been in Hecate Strait in 1788. Captain George Vancouver, who evidently possessed copies of the logs of many of these vessels, is frequently our only authority for the original naming of many places in this vicinity, some of which he ascribes to Douglas. The most interesting expedition which took place in this period was that of Captain Charles William Barkley in the Imperial Eagle. She sailed from Ostend under the Austrian flag, November 23, 1786, and arrived in Nootka in June, 1787. Barkley is generally accredited with having discovered the Strait of Juan de Fuca and perhaps correctly so. His journal, or at least the one written by his wife, who accompanied him, which was in existence not so very long ago, seems to have disappeared. As near as can be made out from the accounts of people who saw it, it was not a contemporary journal but one written by Mrs. Barkley afterward. John Meares, however, who is supposed to have had possession of the original log of the ship, credits Barkley with the discovery and as he was not in the habit of giving undue credit to anybody we may take his word for it. Barkley was the first captain so far as we know who attempted to trade with the natives south of the strait. He had bad luck, however, several of his men being killed by the Indians at the mouth of the Hoh River or the Quillayute.. On September 30, 1787, the first two American ships departed from Boston for the northwest coast, the Columbia under the command of John Kendrick and the Lady Washington under the command of Robert Gray. The expedition was financed by Joseph Barrel, Samuel Brown, Charles Bul- finch, John Derby, Crowell Hatch, and John M. Pintard. Joseph Ingraham was the first mate of the Columbia and R. D. Coolidge of the Washington when the vessels reached the northwest coast, some changes having been made en route. Robert Haswell, who left us quite an account of the expedition, was originally the third mate of the Columbia, but he was transferred to the Washington as second mate. The vessels arrived at Nootka in September, 1788, and wintered there; in fact, the Columbia never moved from this place until she went to Clayoquot. March 16, 1789, the sloop Washington saUed on her first cruise to the south, but returned on. April 23. May 4, she made a trip to the Queen Cuarlotte Islands and had returned by July 13, the date when Gray wrote a letter. They then sailed together to Clayoquot Sound and July 30 the Columbia departed for China under the command of Gray with Joseph Ingraham as first mate and Robert Haswell as second mate. Later in the year the Washington also went to China, where she arrived January 26, 1790. The cartographical results of the expedition were due entirely to the movements of the Washington, which struck the northwest coast on August 2, 1788, in about latitude 41° 30' and then continued along close to shore to near Cape Flattery whence she crossed over to the Vancouver Island coast, visiting first Company's Bay, that is, Barkley Sound. She then moved up to Clayoquot Sound and thence to Nootka. On the first expedition of the following year the Washington made its famous expedition up_the Strait of Juan de Fuca. On the May expedition the Washington sailed north, and, passing Cape Scott, which was named "Cape Ingraham," stood up Hecate Strait to Derby Sound, which seems to have been Browning Entrance on the mainland side. She then stood out to Dixon Entrance, and Gray, discovering that the land to the west was an island, named it "Washington Island." An effort was made to sail a little farther north but the vessel could not get beyond 55° 43', having to take refuge in Distress Cove, which was probably Port Bazan. The vessel then turned south, stopped to trade with Cuneah in Cloak Bay, and then sailed down the west side of the Queen Charlotte Islands to the Houston-Stewart Channel, where the Indian chief Coya was met. The entrance was named "Barrel Sound." She then returned to Nootka. While she was sailing north from-Derby Sound, when Dixon Entrance was first seen it was thought to be the entrance of Admiral de Fonte. This name, however, appears on Ingraham's map (811) at what appears to be the entrance to Portland Canal, or possibly Revillagigedo Channel, possibly both. J 210 Cartography of the Northwest Coast of America We have seen that John Meares had made a voyage from India to the coast in 1786. The English merchants in India and Canton, China, now formed an association called the "Merchant Proprietors." John Henry Cox and Daniel Beale were the two best-known partners. Two ships, the Felice Adventurer and the Iphigenia Nubiana were fitted out and placed under the command of John Meares and William Douglas, respectively. In order to evade the restrictions of the East India Company and the South Sea Company, the ships were provided by the Governor of Macao with Portuguese papers, Portuguese flags, and Portuguese commanders, for use when the occasion demanded. The English captains in such cases were to appear as supercargoes. The vessels left China in January, 1788. The Felice carried some Chinese artisans and when she arrived at Nootka in May, Meares prepared to build a small tender for his ship and landed materials and men for that purpose. A small plot of land in the cove, but removed from the Indian town, was allotted to him by Maquina. A small house was built and construction was begun on the vessel to be named the Northwest America. Meares sailed south on a trading trip in June, visiting Clayoquot Sound, the entrance of the Strait of Juan de Fuca, Indian settlements on the coast of Washington and reached as far south as Tillamook Bay. In July he returned to Vancouver Island, stopping in Barkley Sound. From here he sent out Robert Duffin with the longboat to investigate trading possibilities to the eastward. Duffin entered the Strait of Juan de Fuca, perhaps as far as Port San Juan, and returned in a week. It was on this expedition that Meares afterward claimed that Duffin had taken possession of the strait for the King. Meares soon went to Nootka, where shortly after his arrival the Iphigenia came in. Douglas had gone first to Prince William Sound. He then sailed south and passing through Dixon Entrance which he renamed "Douglas" (or Meares did for him) proceeded through Hecate Strait to the end and thence to Nootka. About September 20 the Northwest America was launched and a few days later Meares in the Felice departed for China with a valuable cargo of furs. The Iphigenia and Northwest America sailed for the Sandwich Islands, after dismantling the little house which Meares had built. On the return of Meares to China a new deal was made. One of the Etches brothers, John, who had been active in the affairs of the London Company which had sent out Colnett and Duncan, was in Canton. The London Company had licenses from the East India Company and South Sea Company, but now only had a single vessel in the trade, the Princess Royal. A consolidation of the London Company with the "Merchant Proprietors" was effected, the Felice was sold and a new ship, the Argonaut, was purchased, Meares acting as manager in Canton, Cox having recently died. Colnett was appointed to command the Argonaut and Duncan retained command of the Princess Royal. With these two vessels and two others in the Sandwich Islands, all scheduled to meet in Nootka, the partners in Canton no doubt felt strong enough to take actual possession of the northwest coast. Their licenses gave them a practical monopoly of trade, at least as against other English adventurers. A permanent post to be called "Port Pitt" was to be erected and materials for building it and some seventy Chinamen to settle it were embarked on the Argonaut. Colnett had authority to erect his fort wherever he pleased. It would seem that Nootka was meant to be chosen, but Douglas, who came back from the Sandwich Islands in the Iphigenia in the spring of 1789, gave the name "Fort Pitt" in June to a place which he stated was in latitude 54° 58' and longitude 229° 43' E. It must have been somewhere near Revilla- gigedo Channel and appears on John Meares's chart (758a). It is therefore very possible that the real intention of Colnett was to build his fort somewhere in this neighborhood. The Iphigenia was still carrying Portuguese flags, as Douglas had apparently not yet heard of the change of status of the vessels, the Argonaut from China not having yet arrived. While in Nootka Martinez arrived in the Princesa and trouble began. John Meares in 1790 published his Voyages in which a general account will be found of the operations of the vessels under his control, and even numerous references to discoveries made by other fur-traders. Besides some interesting plans (760-66) published in the text the volume contains three large maps: (758), (758a), and (759).. When Meares's vessel was frozen in in Prince William Fur-Trading Enterprises 211 Sound in 1786 Captain Portlock had exacted from Meares a promise not to trade farther south on the coast as a condition of relieving his necessities. This may have seemed rather harsh but Portlock was justified because he was carrying a license from the South Sea Company. Meares did not have one and was, therefore, a trespasser. This seemed to have rankled in Meares's mind and in his book he refers to this incident and castigated Portlock for his action in the matter. This led to the publication by Dixon of his Remarks on the Voyages of John Meares, provoking an answer from Meares to which Dixon made some Further Remarks. These pamphlets were published in 1790 and 1791 and have recently been reprinted by Judge F. W. Howay. The controversy was a bitter one but we are thankful for it because of the information contained therein about the explorations on the northwest coast. The Columbia returned from China to Boston August 10, 1790, refitted, and left September 28, again under the command of Gray and with Robert Haswell as first mate. She reached the northwest coast June 4, 1791, anchoring in Clayoquot Sound in Cox's Harbor. On the 17th she sailed for the north, traded along the coast of Vancouver Island and returned again to the Strait of Juan de Fuca, and July 3 was off Tatoosh Island. On the 8th she again anchored in Barrel Sound but on the 17th sailed up through Hecate Strait. Here she found the Hope under the command of Ingraham. During the rest of the month she moved from one side of the strait to the other and by August 3 had reached as far as Clarence Strait, where a dreadful storm overtook her near the entrance of Behm Canal. Port Tempest, where she took refuge, is difficult to identify. On the 12th Caswell, the second mate, and two others were killed by Indians in a small cove which was later named "Massacre Cove." This also is almost impossible to identify. Murderer's Cape, in a note to an extract of Boit's log of the Columbia, is identified as Cape Chacon, but this does not agree with the location ascribed to it by Haswell. On the 16th the Hancock, commanded by Samuel Crowell, was encountered. Crowell had been in Hancock's River and had so named it. From here the Columbia returned down the east side of the island and again encountered the Hope. On the 29th Clayoquot was reached and here the Washington was found; she had returned from China under the command of John Kendrick. September 8 both vessels set sail for the strait but returned on the 18th to Clayoquot. Here the vessels wintered and the sloop Adventure, which had been brought out by the Columbia, knocked down, was set up. March 25, 1792, under the command of Haswell and with the fourth mate Waters and ten sailors, the Adventure set sail for the south. The Columbia also sailed about the same time and on the 28th spoke Vancouver's ships. May 1 and 2 the Columbia was off a place called Kenekoi- mitt, possibly the Queen Hithe of Meares. May 3 she was back at the strait, and on the 6th back south again, opposite Goliew, probably Quillayute. On the 7th what is now known as "Gray's Harbor" was entered and on the 11th, when the vessel left, the place was so named. On the 12th (Gray says 11th), the Columbia crossed the bar at the mouth of the Columbia. The river was named "Columbia's" by Gray. John Boit says that Gray took possession, or at least landed with that intention. While attempting to ascend the river the ship ran on a shoal and Gray concluded after examination that he had missed the channel, and so turned back down the river, and on the 20th left it. Sailing north on the 24th the Columbia was near Woody Point, off what Gray called "Columbia's Cove," and on the 28th the ship cast anchor in this cove. On the 30th he sailed and on the 5th entered Pintard's Sound, that is, Queen Charlotte Sound. The vessel continued along the north shore of Vancouver Island until the 12th and then sailed down the sound, bound for Columbia's Cove, where a rendezvous had been appointed with the Adventure. Quite near the rendezvous the Adventure was sighted on the 17th. Both vessels sailed again for the Queen Charlotte Islands on the 24th and on the 28th the Columbia struck a rock in 52° 17' near Loblip Sound, according to Haswell. (A note to his log states that this was Milbanke Sound.) On July 1 the vessels passed Cape St. James and turned north, passed the entrance to Barrel Sound, and here the Columbia lost the Adventure. The Columbia then returned to Columbia's Cove for 212 Cartography of the Northwest Coast of America repairs but finally went to Clayoquot and on the 24th entered Nootka, where she remained until August 23. August 24 she sailed for Barrel Sound and on the 30th met the Adventure off this sound and went to Port Montgomery, a small harbor to the north, named by Haswell for the General Montgomery who fell at Quebec in the Revolutionary War. September 13 the Columbia sailed for Nootka, and on the 21st was abreast the entrance. On the 22d she sailed for Neah Bay and anchored there on the 25th. On the 28th Gray sold the Adventure to Captain Bodega. On the 30th he crossed to Poverty Cove, so named by him in March, 1789. He then left the coast and, after going to China, arrived at Boston July 25, 1793. Captain Etienne Marchand in command of the ship Solide of Marseilles, fitted out by the house of Baux, departed from that port December 14, 1790, on a fur-trading expedition to the northwest coast. He sighted Cape Edgecumbe August 7, 1791, but did not succeed in entering Norfolk Sound until the 13th. He declared that the small bay north of Point of Shoals on Kruzof Island was the Bahia de Guadalupe of Bodega of 1775. He was in possession of Dixon's Voyage and found that his lunar observations for longitude agreed closely with those of Dixon. Trade was poor, so on the 21st he proceeded to Dixon's Cloak Bay. A boat party explored the passages between Lucy Island and North Island and Graham Island. Trade was also poor here, but he obtained a small number of skins. On the 28th he sent Captain Prosper Chanal in the longboat on a trading expedition to southern ports and followed in the ship. Chanal entered a small creek he named "Otard" and two small inlets which he named "Port Louis" and "Port Chanal," reconnoitered Hippa Island, and then boarded the ship. Marchand now decided to go to Barkley Sound, off which he arrived September 7. On the following day without entering the sound he decided to make for Macao, which he reached November 25 after touching at the Sandwich Islands. Here he met a positive prohibition against selling his furs and had to depart carrying them with him and reached Toulon August 14, 1792, by way of Cape of Good lonths. The actual sailing time was six- i financial results were disastrous. The results of the voyage were published in Paris in 1798. The text was in large part written up by Comte Claret Fleurieu from the notes of Captain Chanal and the surgeon, Roblet, and contains a vast amount of interesting information interspersed with philosophical reflections and extraneous matters of no present importance. The strictures by Comte Fleurieu in this book on the Spaniards' policy of abstaining from making public any accounts of their discoveries aroused the ire of Martin Fernandez de Navarrete, who took occasion in his Introduction to the Viage de las goletas Sutil y Mexicans to make a caustic reply; perhaps they were even the cause of his writing that famous resume of Spanish discovery on the northwest coast of America. Marchand and his second, Captain Chanal, were very particular and painstaking in making lunar observations and his longitude results are extremely close to accuracy. The atlas, not issued until 1800, contains a Carte hydrographique (849) of the known world between 60° S and 70° N latitude with the track of the ship, a copy of Meares's chart (part only), a copy of Delisle's map of 1752 (571); a Carte reduite (852), and two plans of bays on the northwest coast (850-1). In 1792 another French ship of large size, the Flavia, Captain Magon, was on the coast after furs, using liquor largely as a medium of trade. Little is known of her movements, but she no doubt spent some time at the Queen Charlotte Islands, as Haswell reports meeting her there August 3. She went to Kamchatka and returned to the coast in 1793. One of the most interesting accounts of an expedition to the northwest coast at this period is the journal of the Hope, an American brigantine under the command of Joseph Ingraham. Ingraham had been first mate on the Columbia on her first voyage. While at Nootka in 1789 he had written an account of the country for Martinez which in some respects is the most interesting one that I have read. The Hope left Boston December 17, 1790, and after visiting the Marquesas Islands stopped at the Hope, having circumnavigated the globe in exactly teen months, eight days, a remarkable achievement e rentyi n if th Fur-Trading Enterprises 213 Hawaiian Islands in May, 1791, and arrived on the coast at the end of June. His trade was conducted, in large part, in the vicinity of the Queen Charlotte group. In the autumn Ingraham sailed for China, but he came back to the coast again in the early part of July, 1792. The ground that he covered had been pretty well explored previously, so he was able to add little except some new names to places which had been previously named. The journal, which is in the Library of Congress, unfortunately has never been published, but I consulted a copy of it some years ago in the Provincial Archives in Victoria. Special features of the journal are two manuscript maps drawn by Ingraham, Chart of the west coast of America (809), and Quadra's Isles [that is, Vancouver Island] (810). A curious fact, not often mentioned, and for which there seems to be no adequate explanation, is the appearance of some of Ingraham's discoveries in the Geographical and Historical Dictionary of America and the West Indies. This work, published in London in 1812, was a translation by G. A. Thompson of Alce- do's Diccionario Geogrdfico-Historico de las Indias Occidentales 6 America, which had been published in Madrid in 1786. Thompson put in brackets a number of additions to Alcedo's notices. In describing Cummashawas Sound he mentions Ingraham's journal. Portlock's and Dixon's books and maps and John Meares's map were made use of by Aaron Arrowsmith in a general chart on Mercator's projection issued April 1, 1790 (744). Besides containing Cook's track and those of Chirikof and Bering it contains that of the Prince of Wales and Princess Royal, and that of Captain Duncan's voyage south in the latter vessel. The Princess Royal Islands are stated to have been discovered by Captain Duncan in 1787 and Queen Charlotte's Islands by Captain Dixon in the same year. Until Captain Colnett's journal is published some doubt must exist concerning whether the various discoveries attributed to Duncan north of Queen Charlotte Sound on the mainland side were made in 1787 or in 1788. The Arrowsmith map should be conclusive, but there is other evidence that some of the discoveries were made in 1788. From Trinidad south the Spanish names, with the exception of a few which have been translated, seem to have been taken from the printed map of Canizares of 1788 (715), with some exceptions. January 1, 1794, Arrowsmith published another map of the world on a globular projection (828). About the same time he issued a "Companion," that is, a text to exhibit the two projections. This map has some changes from the one of 1790 and some of the errors on that map have been corrected. St. Francisco appears in place of Sir Francis Drake, and on the peninsula some of the additions made by Vicente Vila in 1769 have been added. The lower end of the Columbia River appears with the village at the mouth, and the Strait of Juan de Fuca is laid down like that on one of Lopez de Haro's maps of 1790, but without any names. Evidently some information had leaked into London about the Spanish expedition of 1790, and possibly about Gray's exploration of the Columbia, although the somewhat greater length given to the river would indicate information obtained from Broughton. These two features are again found on another map of Arrowsmith's purporting to have been published January 1, 1795 (831). This is entitled: A Map exhibiting all the New Discoveries in the interior parts of North America. On the north side of the strait appears the name "Lullapee" and at the east end of Queen Charlotte Sound is a single name. Alexander Dalrymple, the hydrographer of the East India Company at the time, published a number of plans of ports made from sketches of different fur-traders, obtained for the most part through the intervention of John Henry Cox, an English merchant residing in Canton, who had a pecuniary interest in several of the expeditions, and especially in those undertaken under the auspices of John Meares. These plans will be found listed in the section of maps and require little or no comment. The earliest known are two by Captain James Hanna, drawn by him in 1786. Every fur-trader usually gave names to places which he reached or where he traded for furs without much or any regard to the fact that they had been previously named. Aside from those which were mentioned by Portlock, Dixon, and Meares, few of them ever reached the maps, only such as a rule as were adopted by Vancouver or had appeared on Arrowsmith's charts. Chapter XXXIII THE OCCUPATION OF NOOTKA IN 1789 A lthough the expedition OF 1788 to the waters of Alaska was productive of little benefit to /-\ the Spanish Crown it had some momentous consequences. It will have been noted in the ac- ^ count of the voyage that when Lopez de Haro visited Delarof at Three Saints Bay he obtained some information on the Russian establishments. By comparing statements of Delarof with what can be gleaned from the Russian histories one would say that he was guilty of gross exaggeration. His reference, however, to the two expected ships was correct. Joseph Billings, an Englishman, received an appointment from the Empress of Russia in 1785 to command an expedition to the northwest coast which was ostensibly, at least, a scientific expedition, but in all probability was intended to keep track of the movements of La Perouse. Great delay ensued and it was not until actually 1790 that Billings got under way for Alaska. The Russians in Alaska, however, had no doubt been notified of his coming. If Billings had any orders to occupy Nootka they must have been secret, and in view of tht? pseudo scientific nature of the enterprise we can be satisfied that he had no such intention. Indeed it is very possible that Delarof did not intend to convey such an intention to Lopez de Haro; perhaps even Lopez de Haro invented that part of the story. When Martinez arrived at Unalaska he found Potap Zaikof. What he claimed to have learned from Potap was very similar to what Lopez de Haro said he had heard from Delarof. Martinez had a Russian interpreter with him, Mondofia, but he was not able to communicate with Zaikof satisfactorily because Mondofia knew but little of the language. In Martinez' journal a story is also found about the Russians' intentions to occupy Nootka, and the day he arrived in San Bias, December 5, he wrote a letter to the Viceroy in which he said that Cusmich, as he called Potap Zaikof, had told him that he was expecting four frigates in the following year which were coming to make an establishment at Nootka, with the object of preventing trade and settlement in the country by the English, who pretended to have the first right by reason of Cook's discovery. Potap said he learned this from an Englishman, Grec, the captain of a vessel which had stopped at Unalaska in the year 1785 on its way from Nootka to Canton with a cargo of furs. Martinez wound up his letter by advising that Nootka should be occupied by a garrison the following year, thus gaining for Spain possession of the coast from Nootka to San Francisco. He offered to carry out the project himself. On receipt of the letter of Martinez the Viceroy, Flore commissioned him, December 23, to conduct the enterprise acting entirely without authority, and in writing to the hoi excuse. The government at Madrid sanctioned the enterpi ready departed. January 2, 1789, he received hf Nootka and of Pri ; Willia sd to follow his suggestion and he Viceroy was well aware that he was- government he pleaded urgency as his April 14, 1789, but Martinez had al- td was supplied with plans of i Sound copied from the account of Cook's voyage. The instructions contemplated the setting up of a formal establishment as a manifestation of Spanish sovereignty. Missionaries were to be sent later to convert the natives. In order to meet the Russian menace Martinez was instructed to advise them, if they came, of the close relations between The Occupation of Nootka in 1789 215 Spain and Russia, Russian ships being admitted to the Spanish ports in the Mediterranean. He was to point out to them the superior rights of the Spaniards for extending their settlements to the whole coast and to tell them about the forthcoming expedition of troops, colonists, and missionaries. To the English he was also to point out that the Spanish discoveries antedated those of Cook at Nootka, basing this on the story about Cook's purchase from the Indians of the two silver spoons stolen from Martinez in 1774. With the Americans, if any were encountered, he was authorized to take such measures as he could and as appeared proper to him, advising them and any other foreigners that Spanish settlements were being extended to beyond Prince William Sound, of which formal possession had been taken in 1779. Once the settlement had been made, one of the ships, the San Carlos, was to proceed north again as far as the Sound, and then the coast from Nootka to San Francisco was to be further explored. In spite of the statement of William Ray Manning in his Nootka Sound Controversy that there was not the slightest thought in the mind of the Viceroy of any interference with the English, but that the expedition was directed solely against the Russians, I conceive that exactly the reverse was the real object of the expedition, or at least one of equal importance. It could not have escaped the Viceroy's attention that there were numerous remarks in the account of Cook's voyage calculated to encourage fur-trading expeditions to that coast. The. casual remark dropped by Potap Zaikof about an English ship that stopped at Unalaska with a cargo of furs from Nootka must have been quite sufficient to convince him that the hints had not gone unheeded. The Spaniards were not particularly afraid of the Russians but they were desperately afraid of the English. As the instructions to Martinez pointed out, the Spaniards held the whip hand in any controversy with the Russians; they could simply withdraw the privileges which the Russians enjoyed in Spanish ports in the Mediterranean. The reference to American ships was born of quite an interesting story. These ships were the Columbia and the Lady Washington. May 29, 1788, the Columbia in distress entered one of the ports of Juan Fernandez Island. The governor did what he could for Captain Kendrick and allowed the vessel to proceed although he was fully aware of its destination. As soon as his superior, the Governor of Chile, heard about this he ordered him to come to the mainland and cashiered him on the grounds that he had violated a decree of 1692 which prohibited all foreign ships from navigating the South Sea. This decree was based, of course, on the old Spanish theory that the South Sea was a closed sea in which only the Spaniards had any rights. This theoretical position had been very rudely shaken a number of times in the preceding two centuries and it is doubtful if the Spanish government attached any particular importance to the assertion of the right at this time. To be sure, they pleaded it in the subsequent negotiations, but they always managed to produce more potent arguments. At any rate, we can well believe that they entertained no illusions about the reception which such a claim would meet from other nations. To make their position more secure they had begun as early as 1774 to take possession of as much of the territory as was possible. In 1779 we find that they had extended the taking of such acts of possession as far west as the present Cape Elizabeth and even in 1788, the year previous, had rather unblushingly taken possession of what was obviously Russian territory. All these proceedings indicated plainly enough that they placed very little reliance on the time-worn right of possession of the Pacific which had been granted to them by Alexander VI. Notwithstanding the bad feeling between Martinez and Lopez de Haro and the dissatisfaction of some of the pilots, forcibly expressed in letters to Viceroy Flores about the actions of Martinez in the expedition of 1788, they were again appointed by him to command the same vessels for the occupation of Nootka. He simply urged the two commanders to proceed more in harmony than they had. before. Probably the reason for this was the continued lack of suitable commanders. Camacho was Cartography of the Northwest Coast o too old and Mourelle did not return from the Philippines two pilots, Josef Tobar y Tamariz and Esteban Mondofia the chaplain until January 4, 1790. The Princesa had and a pilot's apprentice, Juan Carrasco; s Maria Narvaez, ciscans from the s president, and t the San Carlos. prescribing 3 Jose Lopez de Nava. On the San Carlos was Second Pilot Jos apprentice, Jose Verdia; the chaplain was Jose Maria Diaz. Four Frai College of San Fernando accompanied the expedition: Severo Patero, who acted t Francisco Miguel Sanchez on the Princesa, and Jose Espi and Lorenzo Sosies c The instructions given to Martinez December 23, 1788, are principally taken up » carefully the methods he was to pursue if he should encounter any Russian, English, or American ships. It is clear from these instructions that the Viceroy did not intend to form a permanent establishment, although the inclusion of four missionaries would seem to argue a different purpose. In Article 8 the following is set forth (trans.): "With whatever method possible you must pretend that you are engaged in settling yourself in a formal establishment, proceeding at once to the cutting of wood and the building of a large hut." Later Flores refers to this as a "humble hut." One of the objects of the expedition was to examine the coast between 50° and 55°, and Martinez was instructed to dispatch the San Carlos under the command of Lopez de Haro to make an exact description of the coast and take formal possession of the country. Lopez de Haro, or someone else, was also to be sent to explore the Puerto de Bucareli again, so as to clear up the doubts left by the expedition of 1779 concerning the possible existence of openings to the sea through the different inlets between the islands toward the northwest which had been seen by that expedition. He was also to proceed as far as the entrance of Prince William Sound, which he was also ordered to examine most scrupulously. Nootka was to be the point of rendezvous for all the vessels engaged in work on that part of the coast. The instructions were received on December 29 and the vessels set sail February 17 of the following year, 1789. The voyage north was of little interest. Scurvy developed and some of the men died because the vessels were badly equipped and the food none too good nor too plentiful. May 2 land was sighted and at noon the latitude was calculated to be 50° 26', variation of the compass 17£° NE. They were above Nootka and had to sail south. On the afternoon of the 3d a sloop was sighted which turned out to be the Washington under the" command of Robert Gray. Gray told Martinez that the Columbia was in the Puerto de Nuca, as well as a packetboat fro Portuguese. Martinez finally reached the port and anchored at eh May 5. According to him the latitude was 49° 36' and he asserted th« astronomical calculations of Cook. In his journal Martinez gives us a full account of his trouble with the English fur-traders. For some reason he paid little attention to the Americans, although John Kendrick was fully as insolent as the English. The seizure of Colnett and the Argonaut in all probability grew out of a drunken quarrel. The mere fact that Colnett tried to drown himself a few days after he was taken prisoner would indicate that he was drunk at least then, and as for Martinez, we have the assertions of Antonio Serantes in a formal letter of protest to the Viceroy after his return from the 1788 expedition, that he had been grossly insulted, knocked down, and sat on by Martinez in a fit of drunken rage and had then been transferred as a prisoner to the San Carlos. The fact that Martinez afterward killed an Indian chief in another fit of rage suggests that he may have been drunk on that occasion also. Although the Martinez diary contains much inforn its publication in English, I shall confine myself to a were small enough. The San Carlos never went on the about all that Martinez did was to send a small sloop, i Macao, whose captai en o'clock in the morning of the longitude agreed with the lof . ■uld\ the Strait of Juan de Fuca. She had c warrant (graphical results of the expedition. These intemplated expedition to the north and s Northwest America, to the entrance of into the port under the command of Robert Funtei The Occupation of Nootka in 1789 217 Martinez had seized her, alleging that she was abandoned. This little vessel, having been reconditioned, was baptized the Santa Gertrudis la Magna on June 19, and Narvaez was appointed to command her. June 24 Martinez took possession of what he called the "Puerto de San Lorenzo," and set up the customary cross and fired the usual salutes. Numerous foreign sailors witnessed the ceremony. June 21 the Santa Gertrudis set out and Martinez borrowed R. D. Coolidge, one of the mates of the Columbia, to act as pilot for Narvaez, as he was familiar with Clayoquot Sound and perhaps with the coast even farther east. Narvaez came back on July 5. He had entered Clayoquot Sound, which he named "Narvaez," and Barkley Sound, which he named "Haro," had named the Punta de Bonilla, and I think had probably gone as far as Port San Juan. In reality he had discovered nothing; all this coast was already familiar to the English fur-traders, and there is no doubt that the information obtained from them by Martinez had induced him to send Narvaez to verify the stories that he had heard about the Strait of Juan de Fuca, which had been discovered two years before by Captain Barkley of the Imperial Eagle. The report of Narvaez seems to be embodied in Martinez' journal under date of July 5. Martinez took occasion to add to this some particularly fantastic remarks about the extension of the Strait of Juan de Fuca to the south or southeast, knowledge he had possibly obtained from the natives. Colnett, however, had been in Queen Charlotte Sound on a previous voyage and had perhaps entered Johnstone Strait. He seems to have heard while there that this connected with the main Strait of Juan de Fuca. Some evidence of this is available in an interesting communication to the Viceroy by Lopez de Haro, August 18, 1789. He detailed a conversation with one of Colnett's pilots who showed him a map on which, from information obtained from other fur-traders, the northeast arm was shown as extending for a long distance, and told him that it continued to as high as 55°. From Lopez de Haro's brief description of this map it would appear that some fur-traders had sailed up the strait far enough to see the "fronton," as he calls it, at the east end, but I think the pilot's statements about the arms of the strait had been obtained from the Indians. This reminds us of the Meares map of 1790 (759) with the alleged track of the Washington around Vancouver Island. Joseph Ingraham, the mate on the Columbia, denied in his Journal of the Hope that the Washington or the Columbia had previously circumnavigated Vancouver Island. Robert Gray in the Washington had sailed up the strait some distance, perhaps thirty miles. The Argonaut was sent to San Bias under the command of Jose Tobar. The Princess Royal, which Martinez had also seized, left July 27 under the command of Narvaez together with the San Carlos, and on the day after the Aranzazu arrived from San Bias. Her commander, Canizares, brought an order from the Viceroy, which according to Martinez was dated February 25, to return to the department at the beginning of the next winter. It may be noted in this connection that Martinez himself had set sail from San Bias less than two weeks before these new instructions were given. An office copy of the new instructions exists in the archives in Mexico. The following is a translation, omitting the preliminaries: 1. On the arrival at Nootka of the two vessels of your expedition you will immediately dispatch the Filipino [San Carlos] to execute without delay the explorations ordered by Articles 18 and 19 of the above-cited instructions but without passing beyond the Puerto de Bucareli. To that point and no farther must the detailed examination be conducted. 2. The time required for these movements and for that of the pretended establishment of Nootka will without doubt require up to next winter and as it is not to be expected that in that season of the year either the Russians or other vessels of foreign powers would attempt any enterprise in those seas you must then consider your mission concluded. 3. As to carry out these plans you do not need any other supply of food than the quantity of supplies which will last eight or nine months, and as you took with you the greater part of such provisions, the packetboat Aranzazu carries only what may be lacking to enable you to comply with your orders and to return without delay to the Puerto de San Bias. 218 Cartography of the Northwest Coast of America There is nothing whatever in the correspondence of Flores with his successor, the Conde de Re- villagigedo, or of the Conde with Bodega to indicate that the Conde or Bodega had any knowledge of these late instructions. When Martinez unexpectedly appeared in San Bias, active preparations were being made to send vessels to Nootka with supplies for the garrison and with orders to replace Martinez in the command. Martinez, I presume, availed himself of the orders from Flores to justify his conduct, but he does not seem to have been very successful. It is true that he returned to Nootka in the following year, but in a decidedly supernumerary capacity, stripped of all authority. This seems to me to have been an occurrence of a kind frequently met with. Private instructions are sent out which the recipient can use in case of necessity, but concerning which, if they are not used, no one is the wiser. The existence of the copy of the instructions in the archives would in itself indicate, of course, that there was nothing irregular in the proceeding, but the copy may not have been there when the new Viceroy was preparing his expedition to Nootka in full expectation of finding Martinez in possession of the place. The fact is that the abandonment of Nootka by Martinez was a tactical error of the greatest gravity. If he had any right to seize the English ships, which it may be conceded that he did have under his first instructions, he could only have based the propriety and justice of the proceeding on the fact that he was in possession of Nootka as a representative of the Spanish monarch. To abandon the place therefore tended to cast grave doubt on the legality of the procedure and, besides, exposed the Spanish government to the unwelcome possibility that the port might be seized and fortified by another English expedition. In affairs of this sort possession is nine-tenths of the law. Fortunately, however, when Francisco Eliza arrived at Nootka in the following year the port was still unoccupied. The seizures gave rise to what is now known as the Nootka Sound controversy between Great Britain and Spain, which has been so ably handled by William Ray Manning in his monograph on the subject. Besides the journal of Martinez and a voluminous correspondence by him from Nootka we have a somewhat more unbiased statement of the conditions at Nootka in an Informe which Tobar made to the Viceroy on September 18, 1789, after his arrival at San Bias in the Argonaut. It seems that the Viceroy was anxious to learn just what had occurred and sent an express order to Tobar to make a report about it. The Informe exists in the Archivo General de la Nacion (Mexico), Historia 65, Folios 144-155. It was printed in 1794 with some additions in the Tres Cartas of Fr. Luis Sales published in Valencia in that year. Although Narvaez made no map, so far as we know, it is probable that his discoveries are included in the Carta que comprehende los interiores y beril de la Costa . . . of the following year (779). The sole cartographical document remaining from this expedition is a chart of Nootka made by one of Martinez' pilots (797). Martinez' diary exists in the Archivo de Indias, Seville, and a contemporary copy is in the Huntington Library. Chapter XXXIV THE SPANISH CAMPAIGN OF 1790 When the Conde de Revillagigedo came to Mexico he brought with him from Spain- seven naval officials and four surgeons for service on the northwest coast. The senior naval, officer was Juan Francisco Bodega y Quadra, who, as we have previously seen, had been on the coast some years before. The other officers whom we can identify were Manuel Quimper, Salvador Fidalgo, Ramon Saavedra, Francisco Eliza, Jacinto Caamafio, and Salvador Melendez; Valdes. It is not possible to identify the surgeons. Bodega must have performed some meritorious. service while absent from America, because he was now a capitan de navio and had received the Cross of Santiago. He came back with a direct appointment from the Crown as commandant of the department of San Bias. When Revillagigedo took over the government from Flores, October 17, he no doubt consulted with Bodega concerning the proper steps to be taken. The first official communication on the subject that I have seen was a letter addressed by him to Bodega of December 8. The- immediate object of this letter was to urge the maintenance of the new establishment of Nootka, and to make this effective he gave orders to dispatch in the month of January the Concepcion, the- Argonaut, and the Princesa Real, as the Princess Royal was now called. A company of the Volunteers of Catalonia was to be sent from Guadalajara to accompany the expedition, which Bodega was instructed to place under the command of the senior naval official. The latter was to relieve Martinez, and send him back to San Bias. The Viceroy further stated that the vessels were to perfect the- knowledge of the coast and islands then laid down confusedly, or such as they might discover between the Puerto de San Lorenzo and the one named Principe Guillermo. The commandant at Nootka was also to investigate the Strait of Juan de Fuca. No sooner had Bodega received the Viceroy's. letter than Martinez appeared with the Princesa, the Santa Saturnina (which it seems was the Santa Gertrudis, cut in two and lengthened), and an American schooner, the Fair American, which he had seized just as he was leaving Nootka. The San Carlos had previously arrived. Bodega therefore- changed the program somewhat and decided to send the San Carlos, instead of the Argonaut, and appointed Francisco Eliza, a teniente de navio, as commander. Bodega had a scheme of his own, which was to take out himself a second expedition in March to the Sandwich Islands, proceed from there to- Bucareli Sound, inspect the coast from that place south, stop in Nootka with supplies for the establishment, and then go on to California and fortify, the establishments there. The lack of artillery,, however, prevented him from carrying out this plan. The return of Martinez had obviously completely changed the situation. Eliza now received a set of secret instructions dated January 28, 1790, directing him to reach Nootka as soon as possible and to establish a fortification in that place. As soon as this should be completed he was to take up- the question of discovery. Martinez accompanied the expedition in some supernumerary capacity. Fidalgo commanded the San Carlos and Quimper the Princesa Real, while Eliza himself commanded! the Concepcion. They set sail from San Bias February 3, 1790. [219] J 220 Cartography of the Northwest Coast of America Fidalgo's Expedition of 1790 At the time of the discussions in Mexico, in the winter of 1789-90, about the advisability of reoc- cupying Nootka, it was also considered expedient to explore the Strait of Juan de Fuca and send another expedition to Alaska to see what the Russians were doing. The San Carlos was selected for the latter task and placed under the command of Fidalgo. His second-in-command was Salvador Melendez, and he had a chaplain named Jos6 Alejandro Lopez de Nava, a clerigo, and two pilots, Antonio Serantes and Est6ban Mondofia. Mondofia understood Russian, which accounts for his being taken along. Fidalgo, who had set sail from San Bias February 3, reached Nootka April 4. April 29 he received his instructions from the commandant of that place, Francisco Eliza, and on May 4 he left. May 23 he sighted the east point of Prince William Sound, or Principe San Carlos, as he called it. He first anchored in an ensenada on the northwest side of Hinchinbrook Island, and then, passing north of that island, anchored on the 26th in Orca Bay, near the mainland. When he took possession, June 3, he named this bay "Cordova" in honor of Luis de Cordoba, the capitan general of the navy. Here he remained until June 9, sending out the longboat on exploring expeditions. One of these passed between Hinchinbrook and Hawkins islands and emerged into the open sea, taking note of the numerous sand banks in that vicinity, and probably giving the name "Canizares" to the present Whitshed Point. Another seems to have explored the east end of Orca Bay, whether Sheen Bay or Simpson's Bay is not easy to determine. Here Fidalgo again took possession June 8, naming it "Ensenada de Menendez." He then moved over to the next port to the north and anchored there on the 9th. On the following day he went ashore and took possession in what is now known as "Port Gravina," which he estimated to be in 60° 40', and 36° 53' W of San Bias. The south point he named "San Federico." June 15 the longboat departed for the north and discovered the present Port Valdes. Fidalgo Volcano in 61° 48' was named and the party observed the glacier in Columbia Bay, in front of Glacier Island, breaking off and falling into the water. They named the bay "Revilla Gigedo" and the island "Conde." The point of observation, the east end of Glacier Island, was located in 60° 54'. On the return the longboat passed east of Bligh Island and named either Boulder Bay or the present Port Fidalgo "Mazarredo." I think it likely this name was afterward changed to Fidalgo to honor him. June 21 he set sail from Gravina and, passing west of Montague Island, reached on July 2 Cape Elizabeth, which he thought was an island and named "San Antonio." Here he heard there was a Russian establishment just to the north in Cook's Inlet. This he visited July 4 and learned from the Russians that there was a good port, the present Port Graham, close by, but that the entrance was narrow and required great care in entering it. The following day he managed to get the vessel into this port and remained there until August 8, cleaning the ship and making repairs. July 13 he sent the longboat with Mondofia to look over the channel north of Cape Elizabeth Island. When he came hack on the 17th he reported a good harbor, the present Port Chatham. Fidalgo named it "Valdes," and gave the same name to Cape Elizabeth, although he stated that it was already known under that name. July 15 he took possession and named the place "Puerto de Revilla Gigedo." On the 19th he sent the longboat to the north with Mondofia to visit another Russian establishment, probably situated about where the present Kenai is found, as there was a Russian establishment there in later years. On the 26th Mondofia came back with a Russian from the post, which Mondofia said was in 60 30'. On the way he noticed Kachemak Bay and either named it or the point at the entrance ""Quadra." He also seems to have gone a little farther north than Kenai, for we find the name "Martinez" on Bodega's map of 1791 (772) for East Foreland, which must have been derived from some account of his expedition. The Russian told him that there was a Russian war vessel on the coast. This was the Russian expedition under the command of Joseph BiUings. BiUings heard about the presence of the Spaniards in Cook's Inlet and came up from Three Saints Bay to try to see them, but was driven off from the entrance to Cook's Inlet by a storm. He sent a letter in English to The Spanish Campaign of 1790 221 Fidalgo, which reached him on the 24th and which nobody on board the vessel understood. The Russian establishment which Fidalgo described and which he visited himself was in a small bay just west of Port Graham, I think undoubtedly in the same place as the post afterward known as "Alex- androvsk." August 8 he departed from Port Graham and on the 15th anchored off Dos Cavesas, the two- headed point of Cook, or at least what he thought was that point. From the description it seems, however, that in all probability it was Black Point, at the south end of Sitkalidak Island. Delarof was still in command of the post at Three Saints Bay and Fidalgo interviewed him through his interpreter and obtained some information that was interesting but of no value to him. On the 17th he set sail with the intention of reconnoitering the coast from Bucareli Bay to the south, since he had orders to that effect. The season was advanced and, according to his story, he was unable to reach Bucareli Bay or even Nootka, so he clapped on full sail and reached Monterey September 15. After taking on some fresh supplies there, he departed early in the morning of October 25 and finally reached San Bias November 13. On his arrival he wrote a letter to the Viceroy with a short account of his expedition and followed this soon afterward with his log. Wherever he took possession he set up a cross with the inscription "Carolus IV Hispan. Rex A. N. 1790." Probably he added his own name to all of them; certainly he did to one, for in 1794 James Johnstone, one of Captain George Vancouver's men, found in a cove which he said was northward and eastward of Port Etches, a wooden cross with the foregoing inscription with "Pr. Don Salvador Fidalgo" added. No doubt this was the one which Fidalgo erected in Orca Bay. Where Fidalgo took observations for latitude on land they were usually accurate, but he did not leave us very many. Those at sea of course are practically impossible to check. In 1794 Vancouver explored Prince William Sound very thoroughly and, having either Fidalgo's map or a general map on which his explorations had been laid down, retained some of his names: Valdes, Gravina, and Cordova. A Puerto Fidalgo, the present Port Fidalgo, will also be found on Vancouver's map, a clear proof that he had taken this name also from a Spanish map. His party overlooked the Ensenada de Revilla Gigedo. Fidalgo's observations for longitude were all made at sea, so far as can be ascertained from his journal, but no doubt the plans of the ports now lost gave their estimated longitudes. When seven or eight miles east of Cape Hinchinbrook, however, he gives the longitude as 41° 37' 12". With an addition of about eight minutes, his longitude of the cape would have been about 41° 45' W of San Bias. The actual difference is about 41° 13', so unless he used some previously established longitude for that point he kept very good dead reckoning. When he arrived off the California coast on his return and was able to locate himself he asserted that his dead reckoning was only a few minutes off. Fidalgo's account of his voyage, together with his letter, is in the Archivo General de la Nacion (Mexico), Historia, Volume 68. Probably it once had a map with it, but it has none now. There are copies of his letter in the archives in Seville and in the British Museum. The acts of possession are in the archives in Seville (Est. Aud. Guad. I, Doc. 12), but the plans of those ports seem to have disappeared. Navarrete wrote a short resume of the voyage—too short, in fact, to be of any value—in his Introduction to the Viage de las Goletas, 1802. The Quimper Expedition The intention was to deliver the Princesa Real to Colnett at Nootka, but when Eliza reached Nootka Colnett was not there, nor did he arrive until January, 1791. Thus an excellent opportunity was afforded to make a separate examination of the Strait of Juan de Fuca with the Princesa Real. The sloop was careened, a few repairs were made, and May 31 Quimper set out with forty-one men on board, all told, among whom were nine soldiers. When the vessel left San Bias, Esteban Mondofia had 222 Cartography of the Northwest Coast of America . ieen the first pilot, and a pilot's apprentice named Juan Carrasco had officiated as second pilot. Mondofia had been sent to Alaska with Fidalgo because he understood Russian and Eliza therefore transferred Lopez de Haro from his own vessel, the Concepcion, to the sloop. As only two months were allotted Quimper in which to make the examination and as he spent entirely too much time in Clayoquot Sound, his visit to the interior of the strait was a rather hurried one. Taking the north :shore and examining the coast carefully as he went along, he finally reached Sooke Inlet, where he look possession June 23, naming it after the Conde de Revillagigedo. Rounding Bentinck Island, he reached the Royal Roads and took possession there June 30, naming it after the Minister of Marine, Antonio Valdes. He then crossed over to the south side of the strait and on July 8 took possession of a bay now known as New Dungeness, naming it "Puerto Quimper." While there he sent out Carrasco on a reconnoitering expedition. Carrasco sailed up the present Rosario Strait, which he named "Boca de Fidalgo." He took notice of the present Admiralty Inlet and named it "Ensenada de Caamafio," but did not explore it. He also discovered Port Discovery, which he named "Bodega y •Quadra." July 18 Quimper departed from New Dungeness and crossed the strait to the north side. On the following day the second pilot on a search for fresh water discovered what is now known as Esquimault Harbor and the following day Quimper named it "Cordova." On the 21st he crossed over to the south side of the strait again and that night anchored in front of Elwha River in the present Freshwater Bay. He now had a head wind and made slow headway to the west, but on July 24 he succeeded in anchoring in Neah Bay. Here he took possession on August 1, and remained until the 3d. Believing that he would not be able to reach Nootka on account of the strong northwest wind, he set his course for Monterey, and from there to San Bias, which he reached. November 13. A translation of Quimper's diary was published in the writer's Spanish Explorations in the Strait of Juan de Fuca, together with reproductions of the Piano del Estrecho and of the plans of the following ports: Revilla Gigedo (751), Quimper (754), Bodega y Quadra (756), Cordova (757), and Nunez Gaona (753). There also exist charts of the Puerto de San Juan (755) and the Puerto de Cayuela (752). Two general maps were made by Lopez de Haro—a Carta reducida (750), and a Piano del Estrecho de Fuca (749). On both of these Mount Baker appears and, much farther south, part of the Cascade Range in the neighborhood of Mount Rainier. These mountains have names on only one of the maps (750); they are called the Gran Montana de Carmelo and the Sierras Nevadas de San Antonio, respectively. Curiously enough, no mention of them occurs in the narrative, though Quimper speaks of the snow-clad Olympics. Although the strait between Vancouver Island and the San Juan Archipelago was seen, no examination of it was made. Quimper named it "Lopez de Haro" and it still bears part of that name, being known as Haro Strait Quimper's diary is in the Archivo General, Mexico, Historical Section, Volume 68, and the maps in the Archivo de Indias, Seville. 1 stv.ovi ien\o<inmi,o»»s>oa-v\^^.v Chapter XXXV THE ELIZA EXPEDITION OF 1791 A fter the return of Fidalgo and Quimper to San Bias it was decided to make another AA examination of the coast. As it was necessary to send some supplies to Nootka, the San Carlos was dispatched February 4, 1791, under the command of Ensign Ramon Saavedra. Saavedra carried a letter of instructions to Eliza, dated February 4, instructing him to prepare one of his vessels without loss of time to continue the explorations. The principal object was to examine Bucareli Sound, the Strait of Fonte, the Entrada de Hezeta [that is, the mouth of the Columbia River], the bays on the south side of Vancouver Island, and the Strait of Juan de Fuca. Eliza was instructed to take with him a schooner and to send some vessel to San Bias with the details and the plans as soon as he returned. March 12 the news of the Convention about Nootka Sound between the Spanish and British governments having* reached Mexico, a supplementary letter of instructions was sent to Eliza by the frigate Aranzazu. In an accompanying letter Bodega advised Eliza that the Viceroy desired to have him especially examine the entrance between 54° and 55° and the Rio de Martin de Aguilar, in order further to enrich the general plan of the coast. Bodega, however, added that the exploration of the latter should be undertaken by the San Carlos on her return. With this letter Bodega inclosed a general plan of the coast (772) which he had just made to give to Alejandro Malaspina, who was then proceeding to, Alaska. The San Carlos arrived at Nootka March 26, and found that Eliza had sent the Princesa back to. California and only had with him the Concepcion and the schooner Santa Saturnina. April 5, Narvaez was sent in the Santa Saturnina by the arm of the sea behind Nootka to the Bahia Buena Esperanza to investigate some report about English vessels which the natives said they had seen off the bay. As the Concepcion was a much larger vessel and better armed than the San Carlos, Eliza, left her in the port and on May 4 set sail with the San Carlos and Santa Saturnina to carry out the explorations which he had been ordered to make. Juan Pantoja y Arriaga was his first pilot, Verdia the second pilot; the schooner was commanded by Narvaez, who also had a pilot with him, Juan Carrasco. Juan Teron was the surgeon and Jose Joaquin Villaverde the chaplain, both on the San Carlos. Eliza's orders had been to strike land near Mount St. Elias and then follow the coast to the south, but as soon as the vessels reached the open sea the usual northwest wind was encountered, and after struggling against it for three days Eliza decided that the season was too far advanced to begin an exploration so far north as 60° and therefore proceeded to Clayoquot Sound. An extensive exploration of this sound was made, the results of which we find embodied on the Piano del Archipielago de Clayucuat (797), probably made by Pantoja and Narvaez. Pantoja examined what was called the Bocas de Saavedra, that is, the entrance between Vargas and Flores islands, and a continuation of it, Sydney Inlet. Narvaez explored the northern part of the sound. On the 21st the schooner was sent to examine what was known as the Puerto de Carrasco, that is, the present Barkley Sound, and on the following day the San Carlos sailed on up the strait and on the 29th anchored in the present [223] 224 Cartography of the Northwest Coast of America Esquimault Harbor. It was now the business of Eliza to examine the Canal de Lopez de Haro. The longboat having some difficulties with the Indians on the first attempt, Eliza decided to await the arrival of Narvaez, who did not come until June 11. A plan (795) of the sound he had examined was made, peculiar in not having any names attached to its various inlets or prominent points. The schooner having been provided with some ammunition for her six cannon, and the longboat having been armed, they set out on June 14 under the command of Pantoja. The vessels sailed up the present Haro Strait, then crossed over to the northeast end of the San Juan group, and possibly attempted to sail south through Rosario Channel. Pantoja returned along the north side of the San Juan group, divining that it was an archipelago. His report did not encourage Eliza to proceed into the Gulf of Georgia, so on June 28 the vessels all made sail and on the following day reached the Puerto de Quadra, the present Port Discovery. The most important discoveries of the expedition were now made in a reconnaissance by the schooner and the longboat, under the command of Narvaez. Narvaez passed up Rosario Strait, examined the various bays on the continental side, and then went up to a little short of the north end of Texada Island, He then crossed over to the other side of the Gulf of Georgia and followed the Vancouver Island side south, exploring various passages, including the present Nanaimo. On the 21st he returned, and reported that the day he had departed he had noted a rather large entrance in the Ensenada de Caamafio, that is, the present Admiralty Inlet. As it was only seven or eight miles from Port Discovery he decided to leave it for examination until his return, but when he came back he was in too much of a hurry to do so, because he was short of food. Eliza was too anxious to get away to look at it himself, or even to send someone, though it was so close at hand. On July 26 sail was made and on August 2 the port now known as Port Angeles was discovered and so named. On the 7th Neah Bay was entered and the two vessels remained at anchor here until the 11th. Carrasco had been put in charge of the schooner, since Eliza needed Narvaez to help him make the map. While beating up the coast against a heavy northwest wind, the San Carlos lost sight of the schooner but succeeded in reaching Nootka on the 29th. Carrasco, however, who thought he had little chance to reach Nootka, proceeded to Monterey, where he arrived September 15. He finally reached San Bias November 9, and there he presented a short account of his experiences. On October 10 Eliza wrote to the Viceroy and sent by the San Carlos his journal of ■ the expedition and the maps which had been made. The packetboat reached San Bias September 21. Pantoja also wrote an account of the expedition which he sent to a friend in Peru. Both will be found in translations in my Spanish Explorations in the Strait of Juan de Fuca. Pantoja's was accompanied by an interesting map, the Pequena Carta (796), but the principal map was the Carta que comprehende los interiores y veril de la casta desde los 48° de la latitud N. hasta los 50° (779), which shows a number of anchors where the vessels were anchored at various times. A plan of the Puerto de Nuestra Sehora de los Angeles is found as an inset on this map, as well as others of Puerto Clayocuat, the Bahia de Buena Esperanza, the Puerto de Nuca, and San Rafael. In the following year, in January, Lopez de Haro, who had not accompanied the expedition drew up a Piano reducido que comprehende parte de la costa setentrional de California desde 47 grados de latitud norte hasta los 50 (813). This is in many respects the most valuable map made, for the reason that we are able to trace by it quite accurately the course of the Narvaez reconnaissance by means of the dotted lines which are inserted at various places. The result of the explorations of this year was to obtain fairly reliable information about the east end of the strait, the Rosario and Haro straits, the Gulf of Georgia as far north as Texada Island, and the coast of Vancouver Island from a point about south of Hornby and Denman islands. Numerous channels were discovered on the British Columbia mainland coast but none of them was examined, so far as is now known. Unfortunately the journal that must have been kept by Narvaez cannot be found. Eliza's (an extract) is in the Archivo General, Mexico, Historical Section, Vol. 69. Pantoja's copy is in the Bancroft Library. Chapter XXXVI THE MALASPINA EXPEDITION Following the conclusion of peace with England in 1783, the Spanish government set on foot an extensive series of explorations by land and sea with the object of improving their maps, especially their hydrographic maps. The first work undertaken was in Spain and on the adjacent African coast. This was entrusted to Don Vicente Tofifio, a naval officer of scientific attainments. The result was the publication in 1787 of the Atlas maritimo de Espaha. The work of exploration was gradually extended southwardly along the coast of Africa, two divisions of brigan- tines were dispatched to the Caribbean and Gulf of Mexico with the same object, and a careful examination was made of the Strait of Magellan. The government then decided that it was necessary to improve the general map of the west coasts of North and South America. September 10, 1788, Alejandro Malaspina and Jose Bustamante y Guerra, both commanders in the royal navy, presented to the Minister of Marine, Antonio Valdes, a proposal for a scientific voyage around the world with two corvettes. The plan was an elaborate one and contemplated scientific exploration, the proper determination of the latitudes and longitudes of parts of the coasts of North and South America, the Sandwich Islands, and the Philippines, a visit to Botany Bay, Australia, the Society Islands, and New Zealand, and finally, after rounding New Holland, a return to Cadiz by way of the Cape of Good Hope. Moreover, an investigation of the political state of America relative to that of Spain and other nations was to be made which would include not only the collection of curiosities, plants, and so forth, but also of statistics of the productions of the various countries. The government, was requested to furnish two botanists or naturalists and two artists. The plan was approved without delay by Valdes and the King; so quickly, in fact, that there can be little doubt that the suggestion had emanated from Valdes himself, or even possibly from the King. Two new corvettes of about equal size were constructed, of almost three hundred tons each, and armed sufficiently for the purpose contemplated. Elaborate preparations were made to look after the comfort and health of the crew during such a long voyage as was proposed and a plentiful supply of reserve equipment was provided. Malaspina was given a practically free hand in selecting the personnel, which finally comprised a number of officials of outstanding merit, chosen for the most, part on account of their scientific attainments. The best instruments which could be obtained in Paris- and London were bought, including several new chronometers. The use of marine clocks for determining longitude was somewhat new; the method was known in the sixteenth century, but it was not until the last part of the eighteenth century that a few men succeeded in turning out chronometers which were reliable or at least approximately so. Malaspina had the archives investigated to find diaries of voyages of discovery and maps, which would be useful to him, but he says himself that only one map was found; consequently when he arrived in Lima he began writing to the Viceroy in Mexico to collect manuscripts, books, and maps. Most of those he requested could have been of no- possible use to him except in carrying out some scheme more grandiose than the one he had originally proposed. Strangely enough, the government seems to have taken some interest in the political objects whicli he had in view. Malaspina was an Italian and had no first-hand information,. [225] Cartography of the Northwest Coast of America and very little second-hand, about the social, industrial, or political situation in the Spanish colonies. He was imbued with the doctrines of Rousseau, which had recently become extremely popular in Europe, and wanted to reform everything and everybody. It is doubtful if the government was aware of his ideas, but, in any event, to turn him loose in such closed possessions as the Spanish colonies was to invite disaster. It may be said, however, that in the course of his voyage Malaspina seems to have acted in a very circumspect manner, reserving his comments, frequently of a very revolutionary character, until his return, when he expected to startle the world in book form. Busta- mante was a man of different type, but he had very little to say either in the preparation or in the conduct of the enterprise. The vessels sailed from Cadiz July 30, 1789, Malaspina in command of the Descubierta and Bustamante of the Atrevida. Cayetano Vald6s was the second-in-command of the Descubierta and the other officials were Manuel Novales, Fernando Quintano, Francisco Javier Viana, Juan Vernaci, and Secondino Salamanca. The pilotines were Jose Sanchez and Joaquin Hurtado, the chaplain, Jose de Mesa, and the surgeon, Francisco Flores Moreno. The scientific element consisted of teniente- coronel Antonio Pineda, naturalist, and Felipe Bauza, the mapmaker; the painter was Jose del Pozo. On the Atrevida the second-in-command was Antonio Tova Arredondo and the other officers were Dionisio Alcala Gali ano, Juan Gutierrez de la Concha, Jos6 Robredo, Arcadio Pineda, a brother of Colonel Antonio Pineda, and Martin de Olavide; the chaplain was Francisco de Paula Anino, and the surgeon Pedro Maria Gonzalez. Besides two pilotines, Jeronimo Delgado and Juan Inciarte, there was a first pilot, Juan Maqueda. Science was represented by Luis Nee, a botanist, and Jose Guio, a dissector and botanical painter. Tadeo Haenke, an eminent German botanist and naturalist, was invited to accompany the expedition, but arrived at Cadiz just after it set sail. He followed it, however, to Buenos Ayres, and crossed the continent to Chile, where he finally joined it. At Acapulco Tomas de Suria, a painter, joined the expedition. Nothing more is heard of Pozo, but he left it at Lima, and Guio was left sick at Acapulco. Suria was a sketcher, a member of the Academy of Mexico, in which country he had lived thirteen years. The complement of men on each vessel, including the officers, was one hundred and two. February 1, 1791, Bustamante reached Acapulco in the Atrevida. February 26 he sailed for San Bias and reached there March 30 with the intention of proceeding to the northwest coast alone as soon as Jose Espinosa and Ciriaco Zevallos should reach Acapulco, or with a small schooner for which he had asked and which Bodega proposed to construct in San Bias. Before he could depart, however, news of Malaspina's belated arrival in Acapulco March 27 reached him. April 5 the orders from the Court to Malaspina to investigate Maldonado's strait reached Bustamante. These he sent back to Mexico immediately. On April 13, having taken on supplies, he sailed for Acapulco to join his commander. He arrived on April 20 and preparations were at once made for the vessels to set sail. The communication from Madrid which Bustamante had sent back to Mexico had reached Malaspina about April 13. The instructions to Malaspina directing him to examine the northwest coast at 60° to see if he could find a passage to the Atlantic were brought about by a curious circumstance. One Lorenzo Ferrer Maldonado presented to the King of Spain in 1609 an account of an alleged voyage of 1588 in the course of which he discovered a passage north of America to the Pacific. At the time, no attention was paid to it, but several copies were in circulation and one of these fell into the hands of Philippe Buache, the younger. He read a memorial on the subject before the Academy of Sciences in Paris, November 13, 1790, in which he announced his belief in its truthfulness. In the same year the document was printed in Spain by the Duque de Almod6var in Tomo IV of his Historia politico de los establecimientos ultramarines de las naciones Europeas. This, "combined with Buache's memorial, aroused the curiosity of the Court in Madrid and it was then decided to have Malaspina look The Malaspina Expedition 227 into the statements made by Maldonado. An analysis of the document was made by me some years ago and the results were published in an article entitled "Apocryphal voyages to the northwest coast of America." The two ships sailed from Acapulco May 1, 1791, and sighted land June 23, in latitude 56° 17' not far south of the Cabo Engano of Bodega. Malaspina named the south point of the Ensenada de Susto "Serena," on account of the serenity of the day. On the 24th he was north of the Cabo de Engano or Cape Edgecumbe and at midday was in latitude 57° 59'. He did not stop to examine the ■coast but decided to continue to Port Mulgrave. His map, however, shows several names along this part of the coast which in all probability were given by him. On the 26th he was in 59° and did not And the island at the entrance to Bering's Bay. On the 27th the ships passed Pt. Carrew and entered Yakutat Bay and in the evening anchored in Port Mulgrave. A point at the entrance he apparently named "Muiioz." Here he remained several days, taking on water and wood, and on July 1 the bay was examined with the boats. At the end Malaspina found an opening which from a distance appeared somewhat similar to what might be expected of an entrance to Maldonado's passage, but this turned out to be a mistake, so he named it "Ferrer Maldonado" and the small bay near its entrance "Desengano." An island at the entrance of the bay he named "Haenke" in honor of his naturalist, Tadeo Haenke. Several names appear ort Malaspina's chart in the bay of which no explanation is .given, but no doubt he wrote a separate description of the bay which would be more illuminating. July 2, Malaspina speaks of having taken possession of the bay, but does not mention any ceremony. In the afternoon the ships set sail to follow the coast to the west, but on account of unfavorable winds Malaspina was never able to approach it very closely until he was near Cape Suckling. His .chart shows the following names to the west: P. Barrientos at the west entrance to Yakutat Bay, P. .Novates, P. del Indio, Ensenada de Estremadura, C. S. Elias, Punta Negra, Punta del Isla, Punta Arboleda, and Cabo Chupador, Malaspina's Spanish for "Suckling." July 9 he was within two and a half leagues of this. At this time he thought Kayak to be an island and so refers to it, but when he returned sometime later he said that it was connected with the mainland by a narrow peninsula covered with trees. Although Arteaga had named this island "Carmen" and Malaspina had Arteaga's map he insisted on calling it "Kaye Island," Cook's name for it, and on his chart it appears as Peninsula de Kaye. From here he sailed over to Hinchinbrook Island, which appears on his map as "Magdalena. He named the south point "Arcadio." Some small rocks to the west of it, he says, were .called by the Spanish navigators "Negrillos," no doubt the present Seal Rocks. Although Malaspina says he wished to enter Prince William Sound, he sailed around outside .and never even approached Montague Island by less than a few miles. He found to the south of Hinchinbrook Island a flat island which he named "Isla Rasa," afterward located by Galiano and Valdes in 59° 26'. This he thought was Hijosa, so named in 1789, and he was right. It is now ' known as Middleton Island. On the 16th he was back again west of Kayak Island and says that they were deceived about the existence of an inlet near the Punta Sarmiento. The point opposite this to the east was named "Nodales" and the flat land inside the "Valle de Ruerga." The south end of Kayak Island he named "Espanol" and the small bay east of Cape Suckling, "Burgos," this being "between the peninsula and Cape Suckling itself. He did.not enter Controller Bay but left the name <on the chart. On the 21st at noon he was in 59° 49' and then began a return to the eastward. The point at the west end of the Ensenada de Estremadura he named "Olavide," or perhaps it already lad that name. On the 27th Malaspina gave up his search for the strait of Maldonado and started south along the coast with the intention, as he says, of entering some of the ports, especially the one now known as Chatham Strait. By calculation he estimated the southwest point of Montague Island lo be in 59° 47', the latitude of Cabo Espanol to be 59° 5Cf. Somewhere near Mount St. Elias he speaks of a Punta Verde, which does not appear on the chart. The Punta de Indio, no doubt so named 228 Cartography of the Northwest Coast of America because an Indian came out alone in a canoe in this neighborhood, is located at the east end of the Ensenada de Estremadura. Mount Fairweather, or "Buen Tiempo," as he called it, was estimated to be in 59°, by calculation, and 131° 33' west of Cadiz. Cabo San Bartolome was located in 55° 57'. The ships entered Nootka August 12 and found the Concepcion anchored there. An examination of what is now known as Esperanza Inlet was made by Espinosa and Cevallos in the boats, and a plan of it was drawn up. August 28 he set sail from Nootka and on September 4 was six or seven leagues off the coast in latitude 43° 50'. On September 6 he was in sight of Mendocino, which he says he considered to be the highest point reached by Vizcaino, notwithstanding the fact that the fragata, the Tres Reyes, might have gone farther north. In the account of this voyage as published by Navarrete the statement occurs (quoting from Malaspina) that he applied the name "Mendocino" to the northern extremity of the headland which on modern maps was called Punta Gorda and named the southern extremity "Vizcaino." This statement does not appear in his narrative published by Novo y Colson in Madrid in 1884, nor does Malaspina's map so show it, but the name "Vizcaino" would appear to be attached to what is now Pt. Gorda, and "Punta Gorda" occupies the place of the present Cape False Mendocino. September 12 the ships entered Monterey Bay and anchored on the morning of the 13th. On the 25th the vessels sailed, passed Cabo San Lucas October 6, and on the 10th anchored at San Bias. In 1849 in Tomo XV of the ColecciSn de Documentos Ineditos para la Historia de Espaha appeared an Examen Histdrico-Critico de los Viajes y descubrimientos Apdcrifos del Capitan Lorenzo Ferrer Maldonado, de Juan de Fuca y del Almirante Bartolome de Fonte. This interesting memoir had been begun by Martin Fernandez de Navarrete and was concluded after his death by his son Eustaquio. In it will be found what purports to be the account of the voyage of Malaspina written by himself. In 1884 Pedro de Novo y Colson published the Viaje Politico-Cientifico Alrededor del Mundo por las Corvetas Descubierta y Atrevida. In this volume an account of this expedition is also contained, somewhat different from the other. They appear to have been written by different persons. Unfortunately, Novo y Colson only published with the book a modern map, on much too small a scale to be of any value. The numerous maps and charts made by the officials of the expedition have never yet been published. Dr. George Davidson had a copy of some map showing the whole coast, no doubt drawn by Bauza. Malaspina saw very little of this coast and his map must have been made up almost entirely from preexisting charts. Dr. Davidson in his Glaciers of Alaska, published by the Geographical Society of the Pacific in June, 1904, in discussing Malaspina's voyage considers that the Punta Verde of Malaspina was the Cape Riou of Vancouver, who was on the same coast three years later. The chief result of Malaspina's expedition was his reconnaissance of Yakutat Bay. Davidson believed that the Russians had first been in the bay, the entrance to which had been discovered by La Perouse June 27, 1786, and named "Baie de Monti." The following year, on May 23, Captain George Dixon entered the bay, which he named "Admiralty," and anchored in a port in the southeast part which he named "Mulgrave." It cannot be said that Malaspina achieved any great success. He was apparently unable to enter Prince William Sound although he says he tried to do so twice, and evidently, not being a believer in Maldonado's narrative, was quite satisfied when he did not find the opening of his strait at the end of Yakutat Bay. He sailed around in a somewhat aimless manner after leaving that bay and apparently relied on the results of Fidalgo's expedition of the year previous to prove that the opening of the strait was not north of Hinchinbrook Island. A great mass of material relating to this voyage remains unpublished, including a number of sketches and plans. Dr. Karpinski found two manuscript maps in the Deposito Hydrografico (785, The Malaspina Expedition 229 786), obviously made by someone connected with the expedition, probably Felipe Bauza. They evidently form with another a complete map of the coast from Cabo San Lucas to 62°. The part showing the coast between the Strait of Juan de Fuca and 57° seems to be missing. Plans of Puerto Desengafio and Puerto de Mulgrave were engraved and printed in the atlas to the Viage de las goletas Sutil y Mexicana. Several names found on these plans are not mentioned in the narrative of the voyage. Malaspina also had a plan made of the Puerto de Nootka and another of the Bahia de Buena Esper- anza. The artist with the expedition drew a number of sketches, a few of which were published in the atlas above mentioned. Four others have been printed in the Publicaciones del Museo Naval. One of these, a Vista del Bahia Desengafio, is a beautiful sketch and was no doubt drawn by Tomas de Suria as were probably all the others. Recently, Suria's journal turned up; but unfortunately it only reaches Nootka, and after a few pages relating to this place breaks off, uncompleted. I recently made a translation of it with a few notes and this was printed in the Pacific Historical Review for September, 1936. In 1809 Jose Espinosa y Tello in his Memoria sobre observaciones astronomicas, printed in Madrid, gives a short account of the voyage in Tomo I. He accompanied the expedition and in the Appendix gives the observations made at a few points on the northwest coast from which the latitudes and longitudes were deduced. All the longitudes are west of Cadiz and the difference in time between Cadiz and Greenwich was stated by him to be 25' 5" in time, very close to the actual difference of 6 and Yl\ minutes in longitude between them. To arrive at the basis of Greenwich longitude it would, therefore, be necessary to add that much to his calculations. He also made a comparison with the results of the observations made at San Jose in 1769, which according to him would show San Lucas to be in 103° 37' 03" W of Cadiz, or approximately 109° 54' W of Greenwich. Although Malaspina reached San Bias before the end of October his results do not seem to have been made use of by Bodega in his famous map of 1792 (800), unless he made some corrections to allow for Malaspina's astronomical observations. None of Malaspina's names was retained, and most of them never appeared again. This was the last Spanish exploration on the far northern coast of Alaska, and I append herewith (Table 3) the list of latitudes and longitudes published by Espinosa on page 157 of his Memoria, as I think it very likely that they were generally adopted on the map published by the Spanish government in 1795, and in the atlas of the Viage de las goletas Sutil y Mexicana. The longitudes are adjusted to Greenwich meridian by adding 06° 17', the difference between Cadiz and Greenwich, to those given by Espinosa (seconds omitted). This list may be considered as embodying the final results of the Spanish hydrographic surveys on the northwest coast. It is not unlikely that Espinosa may have been influenced by Vancouver's results in some of his findings, just as Vancouver adopted some of those reached by Spanish explorers, where he had no opportunity to make observations himself. Cartography of the Northwest Coast of America TABLE 3 Latitudes and Longitudes by Espinosa (Longitudes Adjusted to Greenwich Meridian) Place Lat. Long. Place Lat. Long. Cabo Corrientes 20° 25 J' 105° 39' Isla Tutusi 48° 22 124° 33' San Bias Friendly Cove 49° 354/ 126° 36' San Lucas 22° 52£' 109° 54' Cabo Woody [Cook] 50° 08 2/3' 128' 01' Punta San Lazaro 24° 47' 112° 22' Santa Cristina San Martin 32° 25' 117° 20' [Forrester Island] 54° 48' 133° 34' Pt. Loma 32° 39J' 118° 19' Cabo Engano 57° 01J' 135' 49' San Nicolas (west point) 33° 16J' 119° 37' Puerto Remedios Juan Rodriguez Cabr illo 34' 120° 32' (north point) 57° 244/ 135° 53' [San Miguel] (west point) Puerto de los Franceces 58' 36' 137° 25' Monterey 36 36' 121° 52' Cabo Buen Tiempo 58° 50 2/3' 138° 55' Pt. Aiio Nuevo 37° 09' 122° 24' Puerto Mulgrave 59° 34£' 139° 41' Pt. Reyes 38° 122° 57' Mount St. Elias 60' 17 2/3' 140° 50' Cabo Mendocino 40° 29^ 124° 30' Kayes (south point) 59° 5C 144° 38' Cabo San Sebastian 41° 46' 124° 22' Hijosa 59° 24£' 146° 22' Cabo Diligencias 42° 51' 124° 36' Cabo Hinchinbrook 60* 12J' 146° 3^ Cabo Gregory 43° 26' 124" 32' Chapter XXXVII THE CAMPAIGN OF 1792 The Galiano-Vaides Expedition EJG before the Viceroy heard whether Eliza had carried out his orders to explore the strait in the summer of 1791, he planned another expedition, which was to be placed under the command of Francisco Antonio Mourelle. The Viceroy was greatly impressed by Mourelle's previous services and on September 9 wrote him a very flattering letter, and at the same time delivered to him a confidential instruction to proceed first to the Strait of Juan de Fuca and make an examination of it, and then to explore the coast from the strait to Monterey, then proceed to Alaska, and then sail south along the coast. Mourelle was expected to accomplish this task in one year, and was to be provided with a schooner newly constructed in San Bias, named the Mexicana. The expedition was ready to depart December 1. Almost unlimited authority was delegated to Mourelle. He was relieved from control of any other person whatever except the Viceroy himself. The main object was not, perhaps, to see whether the Strait of Juan de Fuca ended in Baffin Bay or Hudson's Bay, as Martinez had supposed, but to prepare for the removal of the establishment at Nootka to the south coast of the strait. The envoy of Great Britain and Captain Bodega, whom the Viceroy now appointed to represent the King of Spain, were to meet in Nootka in 1792, to put the terms of the Convention into effect. The Viceroy wished to propose a permanent boundary between the possessions of the two powers through the middle of the Strait of Juan de Fuca and as a preliminary he wished Mourelle to ascertain which place oh the south coast of the strait was best adapted for a permanent Spanish establishment. To display this plan a map was drawn (814) with a boundary line as suggested by the Viceroy. Whether Bodega ever presented this plan to Vancouver cannot be determined from any of the correspondence so far examined of either of these men. When December 1 arrived and the Mexicana was ready to sail, Mourelle was sick. The results of Eliza's expedition in the summer had also then become known. Malaspina, who had returned to Acapulco, now came forward with a useful suggestion; he offered to lend two of his best officers, Dionisio Alcala Galiano and Cayetano Valdes, and supply them with some of his instruments, including chronometers. He recommended that besides the Mexicana another schooner almost like it, the Sutil, should also be sent. The Viceroy agreed to this proposal, and the project to examine the west coast was abandoned, in fact, all the original project except the examination of the continental shore at the east end of the Strait of Juan de Fuca. Galiano had been left in Mexico during Malaspina's expedition to the northwest to work up the scientific observations which had been accumulated, but Valdes, who must have been related in some way to Antonio Valdes y Bazan, Minister of Marine in Spain, had gone on the expedition. Juan Vernaci was appointed the second officer of the Mexicana and Secundino Salamanca of the Sutil. Jose Cordero, an artist in Mexico, went on the Mexicana. It was not until May 13 that the vessels anchored in Nootka, and not until June 5 that they finally left that port. They sailed along the coast and reached Neah Bay on the following day. There Salvador Fidalgo, who had set up a temporary establishment, was found, in the Princesa. A short stay only J 232 Cartography of the Northwest Coast of America was made and then the vessels proceeded up the strait to Cordova, that is, Esquimault Bay. After another short stay there the vessels sailed for the southwest point of Lopez Island, where an observation was made on the first satellite of Jupiter. From this the longitude of Nootka was calculated to be 120° 26' W of Cadiz, that is, 126° 43' W of Greenwich. Here actual exploration began. The schooners proceeded up Rosario Strait to Bellingham Bay, and a few days later to Boundary Bay. While they were passing from one to the other, lights were seen on some vessels inside of Birch Bay. After they left Boundary Bay a longboat was met early in the morning with Lieutenant W. R. Broughton on board. He informed Galiano that the two vessels he had seen were the Discovery and the Chatham under the command of Captain George Vancouver. A few days later they met Vancouver himself, who was returning from a boat exploration north of Burrard Inlet. An arrangement was now made by which the two expeditions should work together, or at least, to put it in more precise language, should work side by side. It was not a joint combination in any sense of the word. Each party insisted on examining the various inlets on its own account and would not accept the results of the other party. The reason undoubtedly was that each commander had specific instructions to examine the coast and neither felt at liberty to act independently, although it must be said in all fairness that the Viceroy had suggested to Galiano a joint exploration of these waters when English vessels should reach the coast. The vessels, however, continued together until July 13, the exploring work being done by the longboats. One of Vancouver's parties got through the passages and discovered Queen Charlotte Strait. This party came back and reported that the passage was too dangerous. Vancouver, therefore, proposed to seek another one. This turned out to be the famous Discovery Passage, which, with Johnstone Strait, offered a much easier way to go around the island. Galiano refused to join Vancouver in taking this course, and insisted on continuing to examine the British Columbia mainland coast. The various explorations now made by boat by Galiano's party can in general only be traced by the names and an occasional anchor on the maps. It may fairly be inferred that the schooners passed through Calm Channel, up Bute Inlet, and around the north end of Stuart Island, and back into Cor- dero Channel through the Arran Rapids. From there they continued on by Cordero Channel and finally reached Harvey Bay on Craycroft Island. Vemaci made a seven days' boat trip up Knight Inlet and around Gilford Island, and after his return the vessels went on and anchored near an Indian settlement, of which the chief was known as Majoa. Instead of passing out into the main Queen Charlotte Strait, Galiano now kept close to the Vancouver Island side making stops in Hardy Bay and Shushartie Bay, and finally the Sutil discovered Bull Harbor on Hope Island. September 1 the vessels reached Nootka. r had reached Nootka August 27, and the correspondence between Bodega and Vancouver now began. This correspondence, and personal interviews between the two men, continued for some time, to no result. By the middle of the month it was plain that agreement was hopeless, and Bodega arranged to continue occupation at Nootka and abandon the establishment at Neah Bay. Before Vancouver left he gave Bodega a copy of his map and told him he had named the island ^Quadra and Vancouver." In return Bodega sent Vancouver two maps, but it is now quite impossible to be certain which they were. Bodega himself set sail on the 21st and outside met Captain Gray with the Columbia and the sloop Adventure which he had brought from the north to sell to Bodega. Together they sailed to Neah Bay and on the 24th Bodega bought the sloop and named it "Orcasi- tas." He sent Fidalgo in the Princesa back to Nootka to relieve Caamafio and then took a course for Monterey. With this, all Spanish vessels on the coast had departed, with the exception of the Princesa, which was now left in Nootka under Fidalgo to sustain the Spanish possession of that port. This expedition did not receive proper recognition because it coincided with that of Vancouver. An account of it written by some one on the Mexicana, probably Valdes, was edited by Jose de Espinosa and published in 1802 as the Viage de las Goletas Sutil y Mexicana. The part relating to the voyage described herein was translated by G. F. Barwick in 1911 and used in my Spanish The Campaign of 1792 233 Explorations in the Strait of Juan de Fuca in 1933 with corrections and emendations. An Extracto del Diario of Galiano and Valdes is extant in the Archivo General de la Nacion (Mexico), Pro- vincias Internas Section, Volume 134. A translation of this also appeared in my Spanish Explorations. The geographical results obtained by this expedition were recorded on a map which the Spanish officers presented to the Viceroy with their journals (816). I do not know whether it is still in existence, but what is obviously a copy of it was made in Mexico, in 1793 in all probability, and is now to be found in somewhat incomplete form in the Library of Congress. That the original or one like it reached Madrid is further obvious from the fact that it was later engraved. Although this bears the date 1795 it was not printed until later (832). Additions were made to the 1793 map, some in the territory explored by Galiano and Valdes, and others in that explored in 1791 by Malaspina on the west coast of Vancouver Island. Prominent features of both maps are the discoveries made by Van- eouver after he reached Queen Charlotte Sound, no doubt derived from a map which Vancouver gave to the Spanish authorities after he reached Nootka, just as he had given Galiano a map of his discoveries in the southern part of the strait made before they met. Galiano's map only extends south to Texada Island, that being practically where his discoveries began. In 1795 another map was prepared in Madrid on a smaller scale (833). This contains all the knowledge which the Spaniards then had of the geography of the coast between 47° and 51° N Lat., including in outline what had been obtained from Vancouver, that is, not only Queen Charlotte Sound but also the Puget Sound country. Quite a few of Galiano's names are omitted from this map on account of its smaller scale, but we find on it, curiously enough, somewhat detailed plans of Howe Sound and Jervis Inlet, neither of which was explored by him. These must have been taken from the maps given him by Vancouver, although the names for them, Carmelo and Mazarredo, are those given by Narvaez in 1791. The Voyage of Jacinto Caamafio At the time of leaving Nootka for China in the spring of 1791, James Colnett allowed Francisco de Eliza to copy his map of the coast. This copy, now in the Museo Naval, Madrid (780), shows the coast from 49° to 58° and contains two insets, the Puerto de San Jaime in 52° 08' and Puerto Brooks in 50° 11'. Colnett, in the Introduction to his Voyage to the South Atlantic Ocean published in 1798, speaks briefly about his previous voyages. He says he searched the coast from 36 to 60 and "surveyed several bays, harbors, and creeks, and discovered many considerable inlets, particularly between 50° and 53° N which were supposed to communicate with Hudson's Bay." Colnett had been in ■Queen Charlotte Sound and Nepean Sound in the latter part of 1787. From a partial description of his map given later by Jacinto Caamafio we learn that Colnett thought he had discovered the strait of Bartholomew de Fonte in the neighborhood of 53°, although Colnett makes no reference to that fact in his Introduction just quoted. The map, however, when it reached Mexico seems to have awakened the Spaniards to the fact that they had not explored the mainland coast north of Vancouver Island to at least as far as 55°. They had some knowledge of that part of the coast derived from the fur-traders, but it obviously required attention on their part. The Strait of Fonte might be there, as Colnett said; it was, therefore, decided to examine this piece of coast. Malaspina had come back at the end of 1791 with very positive convictions that the strait of Maldonado did not exist, and it therefore but remained to make certain about the other two possible connections with the Atlantic. The campaign of 1792, therefore, was directed to this end. For this purpose the Viceroy, having appointed Galiano and Valdes to examine the Strait of Juan de Fuca, sent Jacinto Caamafio in the frigate Aranzazu to examine the coast in the neighborhood of 53°. This vessel was notorious for her bad and slow sailing and although not of any great size drew fourteen and one-half feet of water and was, therefore, too large for the work of exploring inlets on the coast. All the other better vessels were, however, in service and Caamafio had to be content with her. His first pilot was Juan Pantoja y Arriaga and his Cartography of the Northwest Coast of America second Juan Martinez y Zayas, both with some experience on the coast. Pantoja had taken part in many of the voyages since 1779 and Martinez since 1788. Jose Maria Maldonado, a surgeon and botanist, accompanied him as botanist, and Luis Paba acted as surgeon. No muster roll of the ship has been found and Caamafio mentions by name only his pilots and Maldonado. He had, however, a chaplain, probably Agustin de la Pefia. March 20, 1792, Caamafio set sail from San Bias and May 14 anchored at Nootka where he reported to Bodega the commandant. June 13 he left Nootka, entered Bahia Bucareli at midnight of June 24, and anchored in Puerto San Antonio the following morning. From here he dispatched his two pilots in the longboat on the 28th to examine the canals. They returned on July 8 after having made an examination of all except that of Ulloa. On the 11th he set sail but on account of contrary winds came back to Bahia Bucareli on the 14th. Three days later he set sail again and, having passed Punta San Felix, found, on July 18, a small port in 54° 50' and 29° 30' W of San Bias which he named "Baylio Bazan," still called Bazan. This was examined by the longboat. At the entrance is an island which he named "Valdes." Passing the cape at the south end of Prince of Wales Island, he named it "Mufioz Goosens." July 20 he crossed Dixon Entrance and anchored a league distant from the Isla Langara [that is, North Island] in a port which he named "Florida Blanca." A thorough examination and a plan of the port were made; he located it in 54' 20' and 29' 33' W of San Bias. This port was identified incorrectly by Bancroft as Cloak Bay. Lucy Island near by he named "Navarro." July 23 Caamafio sailed back across Dixon Entrance and anchored two leagues from Cabo Mufioz in a bay which he named "Cordova," a name which it still bears. The port northeast of Cabo Mufioz, perhaps the entrance to Kaigani Strait, was named "Nuestra Sefiora de los Dolores." In the afternoon he reached the entrance of a channel which he called "Nuestra Sefiora del Carmen," the present Clarence Strait. The small port near the entrance he named "Chacon," and he gave the point the same name, which it still continues to bear. Caamafio states that the channel was between Punta Evia and Cabo Caamafio, but he did not sail up the strait far enough to be able to make a good map of their location. On the following day on account of contrary winds he crossed the strait and proceeded southeast to perhaps the south end of Melville Island and then back over the strait to Graham Island, passing on the morning of the 25th Rose Point, which he named "Invisible" because it was scarcely visible on account of the bad weather and was so flat. On the north coast of Graham Island he named two ports, "Estrada'* and "Mazarredo," the present Masset Harbor and Virago Sound. On the 26th, with a change of wind to the northwest, Caamafio sailed back through the passage to the east and on the morning of the 27th was near the place where he had been anchored on the 25th. The following day he speaks of being in an archipelago of the 11,000 Virgines islands in what is now known as Brown Passage [west of Chatham Sound, not to the south]. Sailing south on the 29th in the afternoon, he discovered the Canal de Principe between the islands Calamidad [Banks] and Enriquez [McCauley and Pitt], which he says was the entrance to the Strait of Fonte, according to Captain Colnett's statement, and which he was particularly ordered to examine. On the 30th he entered this passage and at ten o'clock was in the Bay of Gorostiza [Nepean Sound] and at noon was within a mile of Punta del Engafio. From there he sent a pilot in the longboat on the 31st to look for a port which on the map of Colnett he says was named "Bala." The pilot returned and informed him that there was no such port; there was only an ensenada with innumerable islands, reefs, and hidden rocks. In the afternoon he set out in search of the Punta de Mala Indiada and at four o'clock entered a narrow passage, that is, Otter Channel, between Pitt Island and the one named "Compania," and at eight o'clock at night anchored in a place he named "San Roque," alias "Mai Fondo." August 1, Caamafio took possession of this port. After mass was said on board, the act of pos- ion was buried on the beach and the customary ceremonies were performed. The next day the The Campaign of 1792 23S second pilot set out to examine the neighborhood. Near by there was a port which he named "Gaston." On the 6th the pilot came back with his plan and with the information that the northeast branch [Douglas Channel] was the principal one. He had sailed through it for eighteen leagues and said that it was- only about a mile and a half wide and seemed to continue even still farther, but was of no importance because the tide rose and fell in it regularly. This was not in Caamafio's opinion the Strait of Fonte, so he called it "Boca de Mofiino." From the 7th to the 9th he was engaged in examining the anchorage San Roque in the bay of San Jose, in the middle of which was an island which he named "San Miguel," locating it in 53° 24', 25° 40' W of San Bias. The channel to the northwest of the anchorage leading to Grenville Channel he named "Maldonado." He also made a plan of the Puerto de Gaston [at the entrance to Union Pass]. He remained in San Roque until the 23d, but on leaving had to- anchor almost at once on account of the southeast wind, which lasted until midday of the 26th. On the 30th the wind changed to the southwest and at five o'clock he set sail on a southeast course to enter the Canal de Laredo. This was not, apparently, the channel still so called, for the chart of Caamafio indicates that it was Squally Channel. The wind changing to the west, he was not able to get out through the channel now known as Caamafio, and, therefore, entered the narrow one between Aris- tizabal Island and the coast, that is, Laredo Channel, although he could not see the outlet. He anchored near the island during the night and in the morning passed the south point which he named "Santa. Gertrudis," and then followed the coast south-southeast. After some ten miles he left off and took a south course, because, he says, from the Punta Wentuysen the coast took a turn to the east. In the morning of September 1, he discovered and named the "Islas de San Joaquin" [Scott: Islands] and passed three or four miles outside of them. On the 2d he saw the entrance to Puerto Brooks and at two o'clock was within two or three miles of the Farallones at Punta Boiset. On the- 7th he entered Nootka. October 2 he sailed and reached Monterey on the 22d. Vancouver obtained a copy of Caamafio's chart and thus a few of Caamafio's names were perpetuated in their Spanish forms. It is not unlikely that he also had a copy of Caamafio's narrative. In. Bancroft's Northwest Coast, Volume I, page 259, is a sketch of these discoveries taken from the map- in the 1802 atlas to the Viage of the Sutil and Mexicana. On the opposite page is a partial identification of the names, generally correct. Some of the names on this sketch, however, were not taken from Caamafio's chart; they must have been added to the 1802 map when it was made. Caamafio was more interested in the natives, if we may judge from his narrative, than in the geographical features of the country. He gives up several pages at a time to discussing them and their customs. At the end of his narrative he appended a short disquisition on the Strait of Fonte. If it: existed, he said, it must be the one between the Queen Charlotte group and the mainland, the present Hecate Strait, and he duly marked this on his map as the Estrecho del Almirante Fonte. Certainly none of the inlets in the neighborhood of 53°, he said, could connect with Hudson's Bay. The original account of the voyage in the Archivo General de la Nacion (Mexico), Historical Section, Volume 71, contains two maps, one a large chart of his discoveries (801) and the other a. small one of Bahia Bucareli (804) taken from one of the 1779 maps. ■ Without his large chart it would be impossible to follow his course, but fortunately the track of the Aranzazu is marked down on this with her position every day when sailing. With this it has been possible to locate accurately most of the points named by him. As he frequently sailed at some distance from the coast it is not always possible to identify with complete satisfaction some of the inlets, or bocas, as he calls them. Evidently much of what he thought was mainland was nothing but islands along the coast. In the Library of Congress there are plans of the following ports drawn by Caamafio, or possibly by one of his pilots: Gaston (807), Dolores (805), San Jaime (808), Floridablanca (806), Bazan (802), and the Entrada de Bucareli (803). The last contains the discoveries of Caamafio in the Canal de Ulloa, which are not shown on the other maps of Bucareli previously described, and there are some changes in other parts, of the bay. Chapter XXXVIII THE ELIZA-MARTINEZ Y ZAYAS EXPEDITION OF 1793 The entirely negative results obtained in all the attempts up to the end of 1792 to find any passage, navigable or otherwise, between the Pacific and the waters of the Atlantic should have been sufficient to put an end to further Spanish explorations on the northwest coast. There were, Tiowever, other reasons for continuing these, the principal one being to form a satisfactory hydro- ;-graphic chart of the region. Bodega as commandant at San Bias was in charge of die work and while in Monterey in October and November, 1792, he completed his second large map (800). This embodied the discoveries of Malaspina and his corrected estimated locations, but did not show those of Galiano and Valdes, although of course he was in a way familiar with the general results obtained both by them and by Vancouver in the same year. He formed a plan to continue the explorations and his map shows where he thought these should be made. They may be summarized as follows: (1) Canal de Flores, between Kodiak and the Alaska Peninsula; (2) the coast between Bering's Bay and Puerto de los Remedios; (3) the interior of Bahia Bucareli and from there by way of the Canal de Fonte to Punta Boiset; (4) the coast from the Strait of Juan de Fuca to San Francisco. The Viceroy thought that work enough had been done in the far north for all practical purposes; Bucareli is no longer heard of, having in fact been examined by Caamafio the preceding summer, but No. 4 engaged bis attention. Instructions had been issued at various times to attend to this piece of business, but the commanders on their way south always managed to find some excuse for not fulfilling their orders. Even Alonso de Torres, in command of the Santa Gertrudis, who had been in Nootka as part of the 1792 expedition, had failed to do" more than look at the coast at two or three "places on his way south. It is apparent from the instructions now issued for a thorough examination •of this coast that there was another reason. April 29, 1792, Robert Gray, in command of the Columbia, met Vancouver. He told him that for nine days he had lain off the bar of what was undoubtedly a river in 46° 197 unable to cross it. Gray turned south again and on May 11 entered the river, which he named the "Columbia," and ascended it for some distance, until his ship ran on the shoals in one of its shallow channels. He thought it must have had its source in some place far distant and Haswell records that Gray thought it navigable for about one hundred miles. Gray met Bodega September 20 outside of Nootka and no doubt related his discovery to him. The day following, he entered Nootka and gave Vancouver a chart of the river so far as he had explored it. October 13 Vancouver departed from Nootka and on the way south dispatched Broughton with the Chatham to examine the river. Broughton ascended it in boats about one hundred miles and took possession, rather unblushingly, for his king. He reached San Francisco near the end of November and in January was taken by the Activa to San Bias, whence he proceeded to England via Mexico and Vera Cruz with Vancouver's dispatches and a request for fresh instructions. Broughton pretended to believe that Gray had not discovered the Columbia but merely the estuary at the mouth. Anyone who has been at the mouth of the river will readily realize that this attitude was purely official and lacked any solid foundation. [236] The Eliza-Marti'nez y Zayas Expedition of 1793 23T In some way Broughton's exploration of the Columbia seems to have aroused a suspicion in the- mind of the Viceroy that the river might have its source in some region which required investigation. This will be apparent from the instructions issued to Francisco de Eliza, who was now appointed to- conduct an examination of the coast from the Strait of Fuca to San Francisco. The Activa was placed under his command and the Mexicana, of the prevous year's campaign, was sent along under the command of Juan Martinez y Zayas. Jose Tobar was the first pilot of the Activa and Juan Kendrick, the son of John Kendrick, who had turned Catholic and enlisted in the Spanish service in 1789, was the second pilot. Jose Maldonado was the surgeon and Agustin de la Pefia the chaplain. The drawing up of instructions and the campaign for the year provoked some differences of opinion. After the four naval officers of the Mexicana and Sutil had reached Mexico, and after Bodega had arrived in San Bias on February 1, 1793, the Viceroy presented to them a series of questions. The main one was whether a new set of explorations should be undertaken northward along- the mainland from the point reached by the Sutil and Mexicana in the previous year. Galiano was the- only officer to advise a new voyage, and he said that large ships were necessary as schooners were too> small. The other officers' opinions were in the negative. The principal objection they brought forward was that Captain Vancouver intended to carry his survey north that year from 52J°, and that the- talents of his officers, their methods and resources, warranted the belief that they would accomplish this task with skill. The Spaniards, they advised, could secure no particular advantage in that region, from any enterprise they might undertake and which could only result in the expenditure of great sums of money. This very positive opposition to the Viceroy's project caused him to abandon it, and" instructions were issued to Bodega on March 17, 1793, for the officer—whoever he might be—to- whom Bodega should see fit to entrust the expedition. A change was made in the original plans at Bodega's suggestion by reversing the route to be followed; in other words, exploration was to be from- north to the south instead of from south to the north and was to embrace only the coast between the- Strait of Juan de Fuca and San Francisco. The Viceroy also stated that if the Mexicana was to go, Bodega should impress upon Martinez y Zayas, if he were to command her, the importance of a survey of the Columbia River. The instructions of March 17 were no doubt somewhat altered to correspond with the changes made on Bodega's advice, but No. 8 of the original instructions must have been communicated to Eliza and Martinez y Zayas. This requires some consideration and I therefore- present it in translation. One of the most interesting points on the coast is the Rio Columbia in 46° 12' of latitude. This demands, a long and minute examination. After the brigantine has anchored inside in the most convenient place, the sloop will go on, with appropriate instructions, as far as the circumstances may allow, towing the longboat of the- brigantine. When she anchors she will dispatch the longboat in the best shape possible to stem and cut the currents, manned by a chosen crew, and provided with all the food she can carry and with arms and ammunition to- continue the survey. It would be advisable for two pilots to go in her carrying two compasses for taking bearings. They should follow the river until they reach its source, but taking note of the state of their provisions in- order to calculate the proper time to return so as to reach the sloop and receive food and continue their survey in case this has not been concluded with the first reserve of food. The making of the chart can be done by estimated bearings and distances in view of the fact that the current will not permit distances traveled to be measured" by the log. According to the correspondence the emphasis laid on the survey of this river was due to the- Viceroy's intention to found a settlement there, if necessary, to maintain Spanish rights on the coast south of the strait should the sources of the river be found in or close to New Mexico. A northern extension of the California establishments was now contemplated which was to begin at Bodega, the idea, being to protect those already established. The two ships departed from San Bias on April 30 but only the small schooner succeeded in> reaching the strait. Eliza came back with the story that he had been prevented by the winds and a. lack of water from reaching any latitude higher than about 44°. Sailing south he stopped at Trinidad J 238 Cartography of The Northwest Coast of America Bay and Bodega Bay and made a rather superficial examination of the coast between Martinez y Zayas Was more successful. On July 24 he sighted Vancouver Island and on the 26th reached Neah Bay. Here he was to have met Eliza, but not finding him he thought it preferable to go to Gray's Harbor with the hope of finding him there as that was the second rendezvous appointed. As he had no confidence in the natives in Neah Bay he went over to Puerto de San Juan on the north coast and there took water and ballast and cleaned the ship. July 30 the voyage south was begun and very satisfactory results were obtained. Some examination was made of Gray's Harbor, and on the 10th of August Baker Bay at the mouth of the Columbia River was reached. The following day, Martinez y Zayas started up the river and when he had gone about fourteen miles he ran aground as Gray had done. He did not realize, I suppose, that there was another channel with plenty of water in it, although he says he hunted for another but could not find one. He was afraid to divide his force, which only amounted to some twenty men all told, by sending the ship's boat up the river, and besides, he said the boat was too smaU to stem the current when loaded with an anchor. On the following day, the 12th, he left the river and continued south. One of the particular objects that he was to look for was a port in 43° 40' named Sidenham [Sigman by the Spaniards], where Captain Baker's Jenny had been In 1792. In this latitude Martinez y Zayas could find no port and concluded that Baker's latitude was erroneous. On the 4th of September he reached Puerto de la Bodega and immediately fired a cannon to ascertain if the officer charged with founding an establishment in this place was in the lagoon. As there was no response he went on and entered Tomales Bay, of which he made a plan. He then steered for San Francisco, which he reached September 17. Eliza was in Monterey. Mention has been made of the plan to colonize Bodega Bay in the summer of this year, and such an effort was actually made by Juan Bautista Matute in the Sutil, although the Aranzazu, under the command of Salvador Melendez Valdes, carried the garrison and the artisans who were to construct the buildings. Matute, who went first, reached Bodega sometime early in July, and the Aranzazu arrived July 16, but she drew too much water to enter the port and, therefore, on the 24th went to San Francisco and deposited there the garrison and artisans, Matute being certain that no timber suitable for building could be obtained near the anchorage. Matute soon abandoned the place and also went to San Francisco. The journals of Eliza and Martinez y Zayas are in the Archivo General de la Nacion (Mexico), Historical Section, Volume 71, but lack maps. These are now in the Library of Congress and comprise a Carta esferica (818) and plan of Puerto Grek [Gray] (821), of the Entrada de Hezeta [Columbia River] (820), Puerto de la Bodega (819), and of Monterey and San Diego (822-3). Together with these plans is one of Trinidad Bay, probably attributable to Eliza. The letter of Matute and the diary of Felipe Goycoechea who were concerned in the attempt to colonize Bodega Bay are in Volume 70 of the same series. In the Quarterly of the California Historical Society for December, 1931, under the title "The Last Spanish Exploration of the Northwest Coast," is printed my translation of the journals of Martinez y Zayas and Eliza with a reproduction of the Carta esferica of Martinez y Zayas and his plan of Puerto de la Bodega. ' n Chapter XXXIX THE VANCOUVER EXPEDITIONS The Campaign of 1792 When Vancouver left the coast in 1794 he brought to a close a period of exploration which had lasted almost twenty years. It is true that fur-trading continued and there were plenty of vessels on the coast after he left it, but as they had strictly commercial objects in view any geographical information their voyages might have afforded was purely incidental and no longer even aroused any interest either in the Admiralty in London or, so far as we know, in Massachusetts or in New York. It is, therefore, fitting that this work should be closed with some account of his celebrated expedition. It appears that as early as 1789 the British Government had decided on this expedition. Captain Henry Roberts, one of Cook's subordinate officers was to command it. George Vancouver, who had also been with Cook on both his second and third expeditions, was appointed as second. The sloop Discovery, then on the stocks, was purchased and on January 1, 1790, Roberts was appointed to command her. By the end of April she was ready for sea. In March, however, a different scheme had presented itself; it was then proposed to send the expedition to form a settlement on the northwest coast. This decision was no doubt due to the information which had been communicated to the British cabinet in London by the Spanish ambassador concerning the difficulties that had arisen at Nootka and the seizure of Colnett's vessels. The ships, the Discovery and the Gorgon, were to leave London and a frigate was to be ordered from the East Indies to a rendezvous at the Hawaiian Islands. Just why this plan was not carried out is a mystery. October 28, 1790, a treaty was signed between Spain and Great Britain under the terms of which Great Britain was to receive at Nootka a restitution of the territories which the Spaniards had seized in 1789. Vancouver was chosen in December to perform this duty and the Chatham, an armed tender for the Discovery, was ordered to be equipped for the voyage. March 8, 1791, Vancouver's instructions were issued to him. Besides the task of carrying the Nootka treaty into effect he was directed to examine the northwest coast of America from 30° to 60° in order to facilitate intercourse by water communication with the opposite, side of the continent. He was to proceed first to the Sandwich Islands and then to the northwest coast, which it was expected he would reach in February or March, 1792. He was to examine all European settlements found, their extent and date of founding, and was not to touch at any port on the coast south of 30° unless it should be absolutely necessary. He was instructed to look into the supposed Strait of Juan de Fuca and especially the story about the Washington's having circumnavigated Vancouver Island as related by John Meares. He was also ordered to exchange geographical information with the commanders of Spanish vessels he might meet. When the Daedalus, a store ship, was sent out later, some additional instructions to Vancouver, dated August 20, 1791, were given to Lieutenant Hergest, mostly details about the transfer to be made at Nootka. It develops from the instructions that Dundas had sent a sketch of the coast from Nootka down to 47° 30'. Vancouver was supplied with two chronometers, one made by Kendall, which had been used by [239] 240 Cartography of the Northwest Coast of America Cook, and the other by Arnold. Another was sent out by the Daedalus. These were to be used in conjunction with observations by the lunar method. The two vessels sailed April 1, 1791, and first proceeded by way of the Cape of Good Hope to New Zealand and then to Tahiti, where some three weeks were spent. Then they proceeded to the Hawaiian Islands, where another short stay was made. Finally, on April 17,1792, the northwest coast was sighted in about 39° 27' and 235° 41' E of Greenwich, as determined by a number of lunar observations. The chronometer showed them to be 41' farther west. To the north what Vancouver thought was Cape Mendocino was seen. This he said consisted of two high promontories about ten miles apart; the southern one he estimated to lie in 40° 19' and longitude 235° 53'. April 22 the vessels were off Rocky Point in 41° 08' and longitude 236° 05' and on the 23d Pt. St. George in 41° 46£' and the Dragon Rocks were named. A small bay just north of this was named "St. George's Bay." April 24, Cape Orford in 42° 52' and 235° 35' was passed and named. Vancouver now began to speculate upon whether or not this was the Cabo Blanco of Aguilar. April 25 some high land to the south was seen, calculated to lie in 43° 23'. This also was thought to be Cabo Blanco. It corresponded very well to Cape Gregory, but as Cook had given the latitude of this cape as 43 30' there was some uncertainty about it. Here Vancouver remarked on the similarity in appearance of the white beach to snow. April 26 the Cape Perpetua of Cook in 44° \2f and Cape Foulweather in 44° 49' were passed. At sunset Cape Lookout in 45° 32', longitude 236° 11', the southernmost limit of Meares's discoveries, was reached. April 27 Vancouver was off Cape Disappointment in 46° 19', 236° 06', but he did not realize that he was off the mouth of a great river although he noticed that the water in the sea was now of river color. On the 28th he passed Destruction Island and named Pt. Grenville in 47° 22', 235* 58J'. On the 29th the Columbia, under the command of Robert Gray, was spoken. Gray told him that he had found a river in 46° 10', but could not get over the bar on account of the breakers. He also denied Meares's story and said he had sailed only fifty miles up the Strait of Fuca. Two weeks later Gray succeeded in entering the Columbia River, which he named after his own vessel. On the 29th Vancouver saw the mountain which had been named "Olympus" by Meares, and the same day entered the Strait of Juan de Fuca. Captain Gray had told him that the south point was in 48° 24' and Vancouver estimated it to be in 48 23£'. The vessels now proceeded along the south shore and on the 30th New Dungeness Spit was seen and named and Mount Baker as well, in honor of Lieutenant Joseph Baker, who first observed it. The following day, the vessels continued along the south shore and finally reached the Puerto de Bodega y Quadra, and here they anchored May 2. Vancouver named it "Port Discovery" and the island in front of it "Protection Island." On the 7th a boat party left to explore the country to the eastward, and the inlet which was named "Admiralty Inlet" was soon discovered. Exploration was now carried on by boats. Port Townshend was visited and named and a sketch of it was drawn by J. Sykes. On the 7th Mount Rainier was discovered, and was named on the following day. Vancouver himself explored Hood's Canal and nearly reached the end of it in 47° 21'. Most of the work was done on the west side until the boats finally returned to Port Discovery on the 14th. On the 18th both vessels departed from this delightful spot and the Discovery entered Admiralty Inlet, anchoring at Village Point on the 19th, while the Chatham went north to investigate what was afterward found to be the San Juan Archipelago. Several more expeditions were made with the Discovery's boats, one of which reached the end of what Vancouver named "Puget's Sound," after Lieutenant Peter Puget. What was supposed to be the south end of the sound was estimated to be in 47° 03' and 237° 18'. On the 27th and 29th the boat parties rejoined the Discovery and found that the Chatham had arrived on the 25th and had sailed on the 28th for the purpose of entering the first opening to be found on the mainland to the east. The Discovery set sail on the 30th and anchored near the Chatham. June 4, the King's birthday, Vancouver landed in Possession Sound and took possession of the country on the south ill? The Vancouver Expeditions 241 point of what is now known as Tulalip Bay. He named the country down to 45° "New Georgia" and the interior sea the "Gulf of Georgia." In the meantime, Port Gardner and Port Susan were examined. The various longitudes were deduced from observations at Port Discovery, which Vancouver estimated to lie in longitude 237° 22' 19", and in latitude 48° 2' 30". Both of the chronometers were running fast, and continuous corrections had to be made whenever they reached a point where a satisfactory astronomical observation could be made. The result of the boat expeditions was a very complete reconnaissance survey of Puget Sound. Several of the names given by Vancouver do not appear on his chart. Joseph Whidbey, who had been exploring Deception Pass, and in fact had circumnavigated the island which was named "Whidbey" after him, returned on June 10. Orders were now issued to pay no attention to openings on the northwest side, and the vessels passed up through Rosario Channel, anchoring in Strawberry Bay on Cypress Island June 8, and then proceeded on the 11th to Birch Bay. Here an observatory was set up on shore and the position was determined to be 48° 53J' and 237° 33'. The boats were also dispatched again on exploring expeditions. Captain Vancouver himself, leaving on the 12th, went as far north as Jervis Inlet having named Pt. Roberts on the 12th, Pt. Grey and Pt. Atkinson on the 13th, Burrard's Inlet on the 14th, and Pt. Gower, the entrance to Howe Sound, . Anvil Island and Passage Island on the 14th and 15th. Jervis Channel was examined on the 20th and located in 49° 42' and 236° 17'. The point at the north entrance was called "Scotch Fir Point." On . the 23d Captain Vancouver returned, having met the Spanish vessels commanded by Galiano and Valdes the day before, and breakfasted with Galiano. While he was away, Lieutenant W. R. Broughton had discovered these vessels and paid them a visit. He ascertained that there had been a Spanish expedition at that place a year before, and Vancouver, who obtained the same information, was much disgusted' at the news. Whidbey, in the meantime, had examined Bellingham Bay and its approaches. According to Vancouver and Menzies, Galiano, who spoke a little English, and Valdes proposed to join forces to facilitate the examination and, according to Menzies, Galiano again came on board the Discovery on the 26fh to repeat the proposal. However, on the 24th the two little squad- rons had joined and were proceeding north through Malaspina Channel, which appears on Vancouver's chart as the "Canal de Nuestra Sefiora del Rosario," Eliza's name for it. Vancouver gave the name "Upwood" to the southern point of Texada Island [on his map it appears as Feveda], and "Pt. Marshall" to the northern point. Harwood's Island and Savary's Island were named in passing on the 25th. Vancouver here makes a note that Valdes, who spoke the Indian language, said that the Indians had asserted that there was a passage through to the sea by the way they were going. On the 26th the vessels reached what is now known as Kinghorn Island, but a better anchorage was found in 234° 52£' E Long., farther west in Lewis Channel. The whole region was named by Vancouver "Desolation Sound." Here some observations were made jointly by Galiano and Vancouver, with the result that their latitudes agreed closely but Galiano's longitudes were more westerly, according to his chronometer. Pt. Sarah and Pt. Mary were named after Vancouver's sisters at this time, and Johnstone started off on the 26th to examine the channels on the mainland side. He returned on July 2, and on July 3 again set out and pursued very much the same course as was afterward followed by the Sutil and Mexicana, finally reaching what he called "Alleviation Island." On his return he took another course, coming by Johnstone Strait part of the way and then by Cordero Channel. He arrived on the 12th of July and said that he had reached the sea, but declared that the channels through which he had passed were too narrow for Vancouver's ships. Vancouver now determined to separate from the Spanish vessels, since the two Spanish commanders insisted that they had to stick to the mainland coast. Galiano gave him a copy of his survey and Vancouver reciprocated with a map as high as 50° 03', evidently the end of Johnstone's examination. Johnstone had given his opinion that there was a passage to the south or west which connected 242 Cartography of the Northwest Coast of America with Johnstone Strait, and Vancouver determined to test out the suggestion. On the 13th, therefore, he departed from Desolation Sound and, passing a point he named "Mudge," soon discovered what is known today as Discovery Passage. Proceeding through this and Johnstone Strait, it did not take him long to reach Queen Charlotte Sound. Some examination was made of the eastern shore where Port Neville was named and finally Vancouver reached the Indian village on Nimpkish River which he called "Cheslakees," after its chief. The anchorage was in 232° 57' but the chronometers showed it to be in 233° 14'; consequently the longitudes previously reported by Vancouver for some time had been erroneous. Vancouver states that after his return to Nootka these were corrected according to the determined error of the chronometers when he reached that place. While he was here Broughton went on an exploring expedition through Call's Canal and then through Knight's Canal into Tribune Channel. He reached a bluff which he called Deep Sea Bluff and located it in 50° 52' and 232° 29'. The archipelago which he saw to the west was named by Vancouver "Broughton's Archipelago"; really it was mostly Broughton Island. As Vancouver's business was to examine the mainland coast he now sailed over from Vancouver Island to Broughton's Archipelago and then started north. He passed through Fife Passage and Sutlej Channel and then out through Wells Passage into Queen Charlotte Strait, naming Mount Stephens August 1. Smith's Inlet was examined and then the vessels sailed up Fitzhugh Channel and anchored in Safety Cove on the east side of Calvert Island, whence Rivers Inlet and Burke Channel were examined, north Bentinck Arm, and the coast as far as the point where south Bentinck Arm takes off. This point was named "Menzies," and was located in 52° 18' and 232' 55'. It is probable that the boat party did not return by Dean Channel, for this was the beginning of their work in the following year. About this time Vancouver met Captain Shepherd in the brig Venus, who told him that his store-ship the Daedalus had reached Nootka and that Captain Bodega was there also waiting for him. On August 18, therefore, Vancouver decided that in* view of this information and the somewhat advanced season he would make for Nootka. He left Safety Cove on the 19th and reached there on the 28th. After the usual courtesies between Bodega and Vancouver the negotiations over the carrying out of the Nootka Sound Treaty were begun. It is needless here to enter on the discussions which took place between them; they were unable to agree, and finally Bodega departed, leaving Vancouver at Nootka. While Vancouver was here his observatory was set up on shore and the latitude was determined to be 49° 34' 20" and the longitude, 233° 3l£', fourteen minutes farther east than the position assigned to it by Cook. October 13, the vessels got clear of the sound and pursued a leisurely course to the south. On the 16th they were off Flattery Rocks and on the 19th off the Columbia River. Vancouver attempted to enter the river, but the breakers were too heavy. On the 20th a snow-clad mountain was seen which was named "St. Helens" after the British ambassador at Madrid. The Chatham, which had managed to cross the bar, was left to examine the river. On the 29th Vancouver was off Cape Orford and on November 6 off Mendocino. November 10 he was off a point which he said was Punta Barro de Arena [Pt. Arena] in 38° 56', on the 12th he was off Bodega, and on the 14th off Pt. Reyes, estimated to be in 38°. On the evening of this day the Discovery anchored in the harbor of San Francisco. Here Vancouver remained ten days, being afforded every possible facility by the commander of the presidio, Hermenegildo Sal. Most of the time was spent in entertainment, while of course the necessary provision of supplies for the Discovery was carried on. On the 22d the Chatham arrived. Broughton reported his examination of the Columbia River, of which a long minute description is given, all to prove that he had really discovered the river. Vancouver made a horseback visit to Santa Clara and thus gained some slight knowledge of the interior of the country, and was so pleased by his kind reception that on his return he distributed to the missions and the presidio a number of useful articles together with a quantity of spirits. He could not induce the commandant or the missionaries to accept any money for the supplies which they had furnished. Vancouver had some idea The Vancouver Expeditions 243 of doing some exploring in the bay, but though no objections were offered he nevertheless was satisfied with the perusal of Mr. Dalrymple's plan, which he had with him and which he thought was a very exact representation. The observatory was not erected, but sufficient observations were made to determine the position of San Francisco as in 37° 48£' of latitude and 237° 52£' of longitude [that is, 122° 7J' W of Greenwich]. On the 25th the vessels departed for Monterey and on the following afternoon anchored in the harbor. The Daedalus had arrived on the 22d, having examined Gray's Harbor on the way south on October 19 and 20. Bodega was still here and consequently the friendly relations between him and Vancouver were renewed. The Aranzazu under Caamafio was also in port, having returned from the expedition north of 52°. The observatory was now set up and the.latitude was calculated to be 36° 36' 20" and the longitude 238° 25' 45", ten and a half minutes different from the record of Kendall's chronometer. Vancouver made some comparisons between the longitudes calculated by him and those by Malaspina. By comparing these with the actual longitudes we find that Malaspina's were fifteen and a half minutes too far west, and that Vancouver's were nineteen and a half minutes too far east. By January 6 the charts, letters, and other documents were ready, and the Discovery sailed on the 14th, but the Chatham did not get away until the following day. The Activa with Bodega, and with Broughton who was to go to England with the letters and charts, sailed at the same time. The vessels parted company on the 20th and Vancouver pursued his route to the Hawaiian Islands. The Campaign of 1793 Vancouver left the Hawaiian Islands March 30, 1793, and sighted Cape Mendocino April 26. May 2 he visited Port Trinidad and calculated the latitude to be 41° 03'. As he had previously located Rocky Point in 41° 13' and this was only five miles north of Trinidad, he corrected the latitude of Rocky Point to 41° 08'. Leaving a few days later, he sighted the Punta de Ferron May 18. The latitude of this he says was about the same as that given by the Spaniards but their longitude was five minutes farther east. He mentions the Isla de Ferron, Pt. San Rafael, and Pt. Breakers. May 20 he reached Nootka and found that the Chatham had arrived April 15 and left two days before. On May 23 the Discovery left Nootka and on the 25fh reached Cape Scott. Cape Caution in 51° 12' was now named. It was located in 232° 09' E Long. Vancouver said that while he was in Queen Charlotte Sound he found errors in the locations which he had adopted in his 1792 visit and that he did not wish to be held answerable for those up to Deep Water Bluff and Smith's Inlet. The vessels now passed up Fitzhugh Sound to Restoration Bay in Burke Channel. There they anchored on the 26th and found the Chatham. Vancouver himself left on the 30th and, proceeding down the channel ascended Fisher's Channel to Dean Channel, naming in passing Port Young, on the west side of King Island. From there he passed into Dean Channel and around the north end of King Island through Labouchere Channel back to Burke Channel, thus establishing the fact that he had circumnavigated an island, which he now named "King" after Captain James King of the Cook expedition. He now returned up Labouchere Channel and ascended Dean Channel to the north end, naming it after the Dean of Raphoe in Ireland. He then descended the channel and was much impressed by the falls which he saw in Cascade Canal. Continuing down Fisher's Channel, he turned up Johnstone's Channel and investigated Roscoe Inlet June 6. As near as can be judged from his narrative he then descended Bullock Channel and returned to Fisher's Channel either by Gunboat Passage or by one farther south. He reached the ships in Restoration Bay on the 8th. Meanwhile Johnstone had examined the extremities of Burke Channel. On the 9th Johnstone was ordered to examine the arm leading to the north-northwest which Vancouver had passed on the 7th. This was apparently Seaforth Channel. June 10 the vessels departed from Restoration Cove where the observatory had been set up and the longitude had been fixed in 232° 12' 18" and the latitude at 52° 01'. On the 17th Johnstone was UM r 244 Cartography of the Northwest Coast of America met in a latitude stated to be 52° 20J' and longitude 231° 58J'. As the longitudes are incorrect it is impossible to locate this anchorage. Johnstone had been up Mussel Inlet, where one of his sailors died from eating mussels. He was buried in what is now known as "Carter Bay," named for him, and then Johnstone returned south by Finlayson Channel. On the 18th Johnstone was again sent out, to examine what is now known as "Tolmie Channel," and in the meantime the vessels were towed around the point on their way to the ocean. They soon reached the entrance to Milbanke Sound and then ascended Finlayson Channel. How they got out of this is not stated in the text, but Whidbey investigated Gardner's Channel and then Devastation Channel, descending Douglas Channel and demonstrating that the intervening land was an island, which Vancouver then named "Hawkesbury." Strangely enough, Douglas Channel was not named at this time. Whidbey now ascended Grenville Channel and at the end of it found a small island which he called "Raspberry Island." He then ascended Skeena River for some distance but apparently did not recognize it as a river. Vancouver named it "Port Essington." He then returned through Grenville Channel to the place where the vessels were now anchored on the northwest side of Gil Island in Lewis Pass. Vancouver named the place Fisherman's Cove and said it was located in 53-° 18^' and 230° 53'. July 14 the vessels sailed from Fisherman's Cove and proceeded through Principe Channel. The island on the right between this and Grenville Channel was named "Pitt's Archipelago." On July 18 they passed out of the channel into Browning Entrance. Here Bonilla Island was seen to the south. They now passed up outside and on the 20th entered Chatham Sound through Brown Passage, which Vancouver named in honor of Captain William Brown, whom he met there with the Butterworth, the Prince Lee Boo, and the Jackal. Brown gave Vancouver some valuable information. The north end of Stephens Island was located in 54° 18' and the island to the north was named "Dundas." The vessels now proceeded up Chatham Sound to Portland Inlet. Both vessels ascended the channel along the east bank to an inlet, which was called "Observatory," and on the 23d they anchored in Salmon Cove in this inlet. On the following day Vancouver set out in a boat, returned to Portland Canal proper, and ascended it to its end. On the 30th and 31st he descended the branch of the channel west of Pearse Island and August 1 came to Fox Point, at the east point of Revillagigedo Channel. This latter was now ascended, the Bocas de Quadra were examined, and Vancouver then passed into Behm Canal, which he followed up to Burroughs Bay, near the end, and then around and back to Pt. Caamafio and Pt. Higgins, the north point, and Pt. Vallenar, the south entrances to the north branch." August 16 Vancouver returned to Salmon Cove by way of the west side of Gravina Island, having traveled seven hundred miles. On the following day sail was made and on the 22d the ships from Pt. Caamafio in a port which was had had some trouble with the Indians a rider Whidbey to ascend Behm Canal and to look for the ocean. Whidbey returned in He had passed up Clarence Strait, turn- anchored in the west branch of Behm Canal, some ten i named "Stewart," opposite Traitor's Cove, where Var few days before. On the 23d two boat parties left, one the other under Johnstone, who sailed past Cape Caaman a few days but Johnstone did not return until September ing up Ernest Sound, explored Bradford Canal to the end and then passed through Blake Channel and Eastern Passage into the north end of Stikine Strait. He ascended Stikine River as far as Rothsay Point. From here he crossed over to Blaquiere Point and returned to Port Protection by Sumner Strait, exploring Duncan's Canal on the way. He had not actually discovered a passage to the ocean but had found much evidence that one existed. September 5 the vessels sailed from Port Stewart and, passing Cape Caamafio, turned up Clarence Strait and on the 8th reached a small port under Pt. Baker on the northwest end of the Prince of Wales Island. The port was named "Protection" and although Vancouver complained that his chronometer was very irregular he made out the longitude to be 226° 35', some 10' too far east, and the latitude 56 20'. Johnstone now set out to explore the shore from Pt. Mitchell at the east end The Vancouver Expeditions 245 of Sumner Strait to the west. On the 11th he returned, having gone as far as Pt. Barrie, named after his companion, and ended just west of it at Conclusion Island. On the 20th Whidbey, who had gone out on the 10th, returned. He had first gone to Conclusion Island, and on the 11th reached Port Beauclerc in Sumner Strait. He continued down the strait to its end, examining Affleck's Canal at the south end of Kuiu Island, and then returned to Port Protection. After the return of Whidbey, Vancouver indulged in a general naming. What is now known as Clarence Strait he called "Duke of Clarence's Strait," the Prince of Wales Archipelago he thought consisted of various islands although he was not sure of it. He called the country from Port Stani- forth north "New Hannover," and his New Cornwall embraced the territory between Gardner's Canal and Pt. Rothsay. Cape Decision he named because he thought that the question about the stories of Fuca, Fonte, and the like, had now been decided to be false. On the 21st the vessels left Port Protection and followed the route of Whidbey south, passed Cape Decision, and sailed along the west side of the Prince of Wales Islands. On the 23d they were off Pt. North and the island which Caamafio had named Langara. Passing down the west side of the Queen Charlotte Islands, he passed Cape St. James on the 26th and on October 5 reached Nootka, where he found Ramon Saavedra in command and no news. Observations on the chronometers were now made, by which the rating was established and corrections were made back to Port Stewart. On October 8 sail was made from Nootka. On the way south the Chatham was detached to visit Bodega Bay. This action seems to me to have been a serious blunder. As we have seen in the preceding chapter, the Spaniards had the intention of making a settlement in Bodega and had made an effort to accomplish this in the course of the preceding summer. The party from the Chatham even found the cross that Matute probably had set up on Bodega Head. In the meantime the Discovery had anchored in San Francisco Harbor, where much to his surprise Vancouver met an entirely different reception from that of the year before. However, he managed to purchase some sheep and cattle and the missionaries sent him some green vegetables. On November 1 after six days at sea the Discovery came to anchor in Monterey Harbor, where the Chatham was found. The governor, Jose Joaquin de Arrillaga, came on board to pay his respects to Captain Vancouver. Here the same restrictions were encountered as in San Francisco. It was impossible for Vancouver to obtain anything with which to refit the vessels. On the 6th of November, therefore, the vessels departed and followed the coast to the south. On the 9th the Punta de Pedernales was passed, which, according to Menzies, was in N Lat. 34° 40'. They soon entered Santa Barbara Channel and on the 10th reached Santa Barbara. For some reason the commandant, Felipe de Goycoechea, allowed the officers to go ashore, and to roam around the country. Fr. Vicente de Santa Maria, one of the missionaries of San Buenaventura, came up to Santa Barbara with a fine present of vegetables and fruits. On the 18th sail was made with Fr. Vicente aboard. He was landed at his mission on the 20th and an additional supply of food was obtained. From here Vancouver proceeded to San Diego where he remained some time although he had been requested by the governor not to go there. On December 7th he left San Diego and now began to note quite serious differences in the latitudes from those marked on the Spanish charts. He says that Bodega had told him that the chart south of Monterey which he gave him was a true copy of one that was regarded as the best, but that he did not know the authority for it; consequently he had warned Vancouver against incorrectness. So it was that he now began to give English names to places which already had Spanish names. For instance, on the 10th, when off Todos Santos, he named the point "Grajero" and located it in 31° 43'. He said that on Bodega's chart it was in 32° 17', and on the printed charts in 32° 25'. On the 12th he named "Cape Colnett" after Captain Colnett of the British navy and thought it strange that the Spanish chart did not show it, since it was a remarkable feature, being divided, as it was, by a horizontal division into two strata. His location was 30° 57'. He said that SA Cartography of the Northwest Coast of America it had a small bay under it, but that this did not look very good. December 13 he named "Pt. ZufHga'* after the commandant at San Diego. His location was 30° 30J' and he refers to the island of Cenisas opposite to it. Islas San Marcos he could not find, and if the island he saw was Cenisas it was, he said, not nearly so large as reported and the latitude on Bodega's chart was forty minutes too high. It thus appears that he had a printed chart, apparently Costans6's chart of 1771 (625), as well as a manuscript one, but it is impossible for me to identify either positively, although it is probable that Bodega's chart was the one dated 1792. Eight miles south of Pt. Zufiiga was a low point, with seven hills inside, five large and two small ones, which he named "Pt. Five Hummocks." The bay inside he thought was the Bahia de San Francisco, which was located on Bodega's chart in 31° 06' and on the printed one in 31° 22'. This last point was plainly San Quintin and the bay was not that of San Francisco. He either had a very misleading chart or else he had become confused on account of the error about Cenisas. Here Vancouver left the coast and proceeded again to the Sandwich Islands. At this point he made some observations about the Spanish settlements. He had heard that the Spaniards had made a settlement in Bodega in the course of the summer, and had named the opening "Port Juan Francisco." He had procured a copy of the plan of the port. He alleged that New Albion extended! south to 30° and evidently, in view of his remarks about New Georgia, considered it to extend north to 45°. While he was in the islands Vancouver ran up the British flag and took possession of Owhy- hee and had a copper plate set up with an inscription setting forth that the king in council with the principal chiefs had unanimously ceded the island to His Britannic Majesty. The failure of Great Britain to confirm the cession is a little difficult to comprehend, but probably the British government had enough troubles elsewhere to occupy its attention. The Campaign of 1794 March 15th, the Discovery and the Chatham left the Hawaiian Islands, but they soon became separated. The object Vancouver had in view was to explore Cook's Inlet thoroughly and then proceed eastward to connect the surveys with those of the year previous. April 3 an island was discovered which was thought to be Foggy Island; Vancouver renamed it "Tscherikow." It must be remembered that Vancouver had been with Cook on his third voyage and was consequently more or less familiar with this coast. He noted, however, much variation from the locations assigned to various capes and points by Cook. St. Hermogones was on an island [Marmot], the southern end of which he calculated was in 58° 10J'. The Discovery passed between Barren Islands and Cape Elizabeth and up Cook's Inlet, noting Cape Douglas, St. Augustine Island, and a volcano on the way. Whidbey examined Turnagain River and discovered the end of it. The result was that Vancouver changed the name from Cook's River to Cook's Inlet. The northernmost latitude reached had been 61° 29/; the longitude was 211° 17' E or 148' 43' W. Russians were thick all through this country; they had an establishment [Kenai] eight miles southeast of East Foreland, and another near North Foreland. The latter Vancouver visited. On May 7 the Chatham appeared, Puget having met Baranof and George Purtof. He had anchored in Port Chatham and incidentally had landed on St. Augustine Island. May 7 the two ships sailed south. On the 12th they were off Cape Bede and heard of another Russian establishment in Port Graham just to the north of it. On the 15th they passed Cape Elizabeth and proceeded toward Prince William Sound, intending to stop at Port Andrews in Blying Sound, where the Russians had a shipyard and" were constructing at this time a vessel under the direction of four or five Englishmen, one of whom, named Shields, wrote an interesting letter to Puget which he afterward received in Port Mulgrave. Portlock had been along this coast and had named "Port Andrews," "Pt. Gore," and "Port Dick." There is a view of Port Dick in the text. Portlock's Chiswell Island and his Pies Island were also noted. On the 21st the south point of Montague Island was sighted and on the 25th the vessels The Vancouver Expeditions 247 anchored in Port Chalmers on the northwest side, and here the Discovery remained until June 17. Prince William Sound was examined by two boat expeditions. One, under the command of Whidbey, examined the west coast of Montague Island, passed around Elrington Point, up between Bain- bridge Island and the mainland into Icy Bay, through Passage Canal to the west, where he saw that he was only twelve miles from the eastern end of Turnagain Arm, and finally into Port Wells. At Packenham Point Whidbey heard the ice falling into the water from the glaciers. He continued eastward and noted the Puerto de Revillagigedo of Fidalgo, but I think he mistook the location of this, taking it to be the inlet farther west. He then examined the Puerto de Valdes and on the 11th started to return and reached Bligh Island where Johnstone had been directed to begin his explorations. Johnstone had worked south from Bligh Island, examined Port Fidalgo, which Vancouver said he named after Fidalgo, Snug Harbor Cove, and Puerto Gravina, one of Fidalgo's names. He then passed between Hawkins and Hinchinbrook islands to Pt. Whitshed, but owing to unfavorable weather had to return. At Port Etches Johnstone met a Russian who showed him a Russian chart which extended as far east as Cross Sound. It was made in about 1789 or 1790 and showed Kodiak and Afognak as separated by a bay which Vancouver says was Cook's Whitsunday Bay. Shelikof Strait was also laid down on the chart and this information Vancouver tells us he incorporated on his own; chart. All of it he truly said differed very much from what appeared on Meares's chart. Port Chalmers was located in latitude 60° 16', but the longitude was not given except by the chronometers, which showed a variation between 213° 21' 20" and 213° 30' 20". On the 12th the Chatham left for Port Mulgrave. On the 17th the Discovery set sail, struck on a rock outside, but floated at high tide. On the 19th Vancouver was in Port Etches. He now mentions a flat island to the south of this which he says had been seen by Cook but was not mentioned in Cook's text. He also at this point makes some remarks on the difference between his and Cook's observations in the sound. On the 26th the south point of Kaye's Island [Kayak] was named "Cape Hamond." He now noted that the differences between his observations and those of Cook for longitude were decreasing as he continued east. At Cape Elizabeth this had amounted to one degree eight minutes, at Cape Hinchinbrook fifty-four minutes, and at Cape Hamond forty-eight minutes. No close examination of the coast was made from here to the east, but on June 28 Vancouver describes a low wooded point with a small island to the west of it which he called "Pt. Riou." What point this was has since been the subject of much contention. It seems to be generally believed that it was Icy Cape. July 1 the Discovery passed Pt. Manby and entered Admiralty Bay, so named by Dixon, but renamed "Behring's Bay" by Vancouver because he considered this was the bay in which Bering had anchored. He was off Port Mulgrave but could not enter the port and drifted to Cape Phipps. The Chatham, however, had entered Port Mulgrave June 29, where George Purtof was found with 900 Indians. Puget had sailed up the west side of Kayak Island beyond Wingham Island from where he sent a midshipman to see if he could find the channel between this and Cape Suckling. A narrow channel was found, but most of the time was spent in examining the shoals in what is now known as Controller Bay. Puget desisted from his design and returned around the west side of Kayak Island and on June 26 was off Cape Manby. He now examined Yakutat Bay and found the end of it, which he called "Digges Sound," closed by ice. Proceeding south, Vancouver met the Jackal under Brown on July 3 and heard from him of the death of Louis XVI. On the 5th, Mount St. Elias and Mount Fairweather were both in sight. He was looking for the Bering's Bay of Cook but found nothing that looked like it. On the 7th Cape- Spencer was passed and named and on the 10th Vancouver anchored in a port he named "Althorp" on the south side of Cross Sound and there he remained until the 28th, while the channels were examined by boat expeditions. Whidbey went up the sound and through Icy Strait to Lynn Canal, which he ascended to its head. Returning, he turned down Chatham Strait to where he could see the Cartography of the Northwest Coast of America ocean. He then returned up the strait and back to Icy Strait toward Althorp. This bay was located in latitude 58° 12' and longitude 223° 55'. Vancouver now decided to proceed south outside, and as he passed along he named "Cape Bingham," "Cape Cross," "Cape Edward," just north of which he thought was Portlock Harbor, and "Pt. Amelia." Cape Edgecumbe he located in 57° 02', one mile south of Cook's location and in 224° 25£', eighteen and a half miles east of Cook's. Norfolk Sound, named by Dixon and now called Sitka Sound, was not examined. The previous examination of Chatham Strait, Icy Strait, and Cross Sound had demonstrated that all this country was an island, or islands. Vancouver then named "Pt. Woodhouse" and on July 31 passed Cape Ommaney, which had been named by Colnett. He located it in 56° 10' and 225° 37£'. He then sailed up the strait a few miles and anchored in a port which he afterward called "Conclusion." From here two boat parties were sent out. Whidbey passed up Chatham Strait into Frederick Arm and up Seymour Canal, and then to Pt. Retreat. From here he retraced his steps through Stephens Passage instead of Seymour Canal, and examined all the inlets on the east side, most of which he named. About the 13th he arrived at Cape Fanshaw in 57° 11' in Frederick Sound and then continued through this southeast past Pt. Vandeput to the end and then returned. Brown afterward assured Vancouver that there was a narrow stream passable in boats which would have taken Whidbey to the position where Johnstone had been on August 28,1793, that is, through what is now known as Dry Strait to Blaquiere Point. Whidbey on his return met Johnstone near Pt. Vandeput on the Duke of York's birthday, and took possession, naming the country to Cross Sound "New Cornwall" August 16. Some names were now given by Vancouver: "Prince Frederick Sound" and "New Norfolk," which comprised the territory between New Cornwall and Cross Sound. Johnstone had explored the east side of Chatham Strait and rounding the north end of the island had examined Port Camden and finally Keku Strait. He now turned north into Frederick Sound, where he met Whidbey. Together they returned to Port Conclusion. This place was located by Vancouver in 56° 14' 55" and 225° 37J'. The longitude is about twenty minutes too far east. At Port Conclusion, as the name signifies, Vancouver's explorations of the northwest coast ended. He now had simply to return to Nootka and see if there was any news for him. So on the 22d of August sail was made. On the 25th, when he was off Cape Ommaney, a sailor named Isaac Wooden fell overboard and was drowned, so Vancouver named the rock off the point after him. As he descended the coast he noted the Hazy Islands and Cape San Bartolome, which he says was at the entrance of Puerto del Baylio Bucareli. "Cape Addington" he named after the Speaker of the House of Commons, then "Wolf Rock," and soon afterward Forrester Island, named by Dixon, was passed. September 1, Scott's Islands were sighted and on the following day the vessels entered Nootka. Saavedra was still there and the Princesa under Fidalgo had arrived the day before bringing Jose Manuel Alava, the new commandant. Alava had no credentials and said that they were to be forwarded to him. Both Vancouver's vessels were in bad condition and the opportunity was taken to repair them. On the 11th the Aranzazu sailed for San Bias, and Vancouver, Alava, and a party visited the canals and the Indian villages. On the 29th the Jenny came in under Capt. John Adamson and on October 5 the Jackal arrived. No news having been received by Vancouver he sailed on October 15, having noted that the observations at Nootka gave the same results as those obtained in 1792. November 3 he was off Mendocino, which he estimated to lie in 40° 42' and 235° 3(f. On the 6th he reached Monterey. Here he met the new governor, Diego de Borica, and Borica told him that he had information that someone would be sent out from London to conclude the negotiations with Alava. Some observations at Monterey showed 238 25' 45", but the chronometers differed. Feeling it useless to remain longer, Vancouver decided to return to England and on December 2 set sail. On the voyage south he passed Cedros on the 9th and referred to Natividad, St. Benito, and the Morro Hermoso. At San Lucas a special The Vancouver Expeditions 249 effort was made to obtain the position and it was determined to lie in 22° 52', but Vancouver said that according to Costanso's published chart of 1770 the latitude was 23° 03' 42", and the longitude 250° 17£'. This reference to the printed chart of Costanso enables us to identify for the first time the printed chart to which he had referred on numerous occasions. On the 12th of September, 1795, Vancouver sighted the western coast of Ireland and the next day anchored in the Shannon. Vancouver was a sick man; indeed it is a marvel how he had managed to conduct some of the boat expeditions along the northwest coast. He died in May, 1798, and was buried on the 18th of that month, in Petersham, Richmond. He was only forty years of age. The publication of the results of his voyage engrossed Vancouver's last remaining years of life. The journals of the various officers were all supposed to have been surrendered. At any rate, no surreptitious publication took place before the main work was issued. When Vancouver died, five volumes were completed and ready for the press and he had made a start upon the final volume. This was completed by his brother John with the help of Peter Puget. From this it appears that the octavo edition was perhaps the first to be issued, but the quarto edition with the atlas is the most desirable. As nearly as we can judge, Vancouver wrote the account of the voyage himself, no doubt from his own log. Possibly he used the logs of some of the other officers but we cannot be sure of it. The atlas contains seven special detailed charts covering his explorations (853-9) and one general map (860) which takes in the whole territory. In the text there are frequent references to the naming of places after individuals, relatives, or personal friends, naval officers, or distinguished statesmen. Whether or not these appeared in the original log of the voyage it is impossible to say. Captain Wal- bran in his book on the place names of British Columbia has advanced the suggestion that some of these were given after the return to England, and as an indication that this was so he cites two places that were named after individuals with titles which they did not acquire until after 1794. Though of course Captain Walbran may have been right, we have no certain means of knowing it as there is another possible solution; Vancouver may have given the names at first without the titles and when he came to write the book after his return he may have inserted them. The most interesting account of the expedition in many respects was the one written by Archibald Menzies, the surgeon and naturalist, which of course is not a log. A copy of the manuscript is in the Provincial Archives in British Columbia, and three sections of it have been printed, the first, the part relating to the voyage through British Columbia, in the British Columbia Archives, Memoir No. 5, 1923; the second, the part relating to the visits to California in the Quarterly of the California Historical Society for January, 1924; and that relating to the visits to the Hawaiian Islands by the Hawaiian Historical Society. Vancouver took great pains to secure accurate observations for latitude and longitude and it has been generally assumed that his results were approximately correct. So far as latitude is concerned, observations by the time he was conducting his operations had reached a comparative degree of accuracy. Little improvement could be made until geodetic surveys were undertaken. A comparison of the results obtained by the Spanish navigators in 1775 showed that their latitudes were usually not more than two or three minutes in error and frequently even less. Longitudes, however, were much more difficult to determine. The three means in use were lunar observations, immersions of the satellites of Jupiter, and the chronometer. Captain Cook carried a chronometer with him and Vancouver had his as well as another one. Whenever an opportunity came to check them up against astronomical observations, they were found to be too fast or too slow. We have already seen that Cook's longitudes were considerably in error. So far as I know, the first chronometers to be used by the Spaniards were those brought out by Malaspina; up to that time I have seen no reference to astronomical observations to determine longitude in any account of their explorations. Before Cook's time this had been determined by the old method of courses and distances run, and after Cook's maps became available 250 Cartography of the Northwest Coast of America the Spaniards seem to have employed them as a standard for longitude. Malaspina used scientific methods and achieved comparatively accurate results. I append herewith a table showing the longitudes of the same places at which astronomical observations were made by La Perouse, Malaspina, and Vancouver, reduced to longitudes W of Greenwich, compared with the actual. La Perouse Nootka Monterey 121° 43' Malaspina 126° 36' 122° 03' 45" Vancouver 126° 28V 121° 34' 15" Actual 126° 37' 20" 121° 53' 30" At the end of 1835 the Sulphur and the Starling were commissioned to proceed to the Pacific to conduct a survey from Valparaiso to 60° 30' N. In the hydrographic instructions issued to Captain Beechey (afterward replaced by Commander Edward Belcher) it is stated that in the district visited by Captain Vancouver "there will be an excellent opportunity of verifying the longitudes of two or three of Vancouver's principal points which differ materially from those which Sefior Quadra and the Spaniards have assigned to them and on which, therefore, depend the whole form of that coast." It is also stated, in another paragraph, that "it is not the intention of the Admiralty that the commander should do more than rectify the general longitudes in Vancouver's chart as his were probably quite adequate to any interest that is felt at present about that archipelago." When Belcher finally reached the northwest coast at Port Etches he states that Vancouver was in error [in the longitude] nearly to the amount which he had ascribed to Cook. He also stated that all the transit bearings and other observations plainly indicated that the chart was in error in the neighborhood of Cape Suckling. Belcher was just as unable to locate Captain Vancouver's Pt. Riou as Davidson was, many years later. He entered Port Mulgrave and made some astronomical observations which unfortunately he does not cite in his text, and his map is on such a small scale that a small'error in measurement might be a very large one in minutes. In July, 1849, in approaching Kodiak and the Sandwich Islands, Belcher again states that Vancouver was considerably in error, as he discovered land obviously before he should have. In the course of a letter addressed by Vancouver to Philip Stephens from the Hawaiian Islands, dated February 8, 1794, and printed in Godwin's life of Vancouver, page 254, he says in reference to a chart which he is inclosing, that the Spaniards are but indifferent geographers. There was, no doubt, some truth in this remark, just how much I am unable to say. Vancouver was not, however, acquainted with the history of the explorations on that coast and often was viewing results which had been obtained some two hundred years before. By comparing the account of the northwest coast in the Navegacidn especulativa of Gonzalez Cabrera Bueno, printed in 1734, with the Bolafios derrotero of 1603 we find little change in the latitudes assigned to various places on the coast. A few corrections had been made south of Pt. Conception, showing that some captain of a returning galleon must have made a better observation than had Vizcaino's officers. No exploration of the coast was again made until 1769 and none north of Monterey until 1774. All the Spanish expeditions from then until the time of Malaspina were carried on by small vessels inadequately manned and without proper instruments, and possibly by pilots who were not able to make lunar observations for longitude. Certainly we have evidence in the narratives themselves that as late as 1779 longitude was estimated by dead reckoning. Malaspina had a capable astronomer with him, Espinosa y Tello, and it seems probable that some of the other naval officers whom Bodega had brought out from Spain in 1789 had also had good technical training. Galiano's observation on the satellites of Jupiter made on Lopez Island in 1792 was quite as accurate as those made by Vancouver. Those made later while he was in company with Vancouver cannot be taken as a criterion, because he may have been influenced by the latter, or vice versa, but according to him his observations agreed very well with those of Vancouver. That the Spanish explorations were not better plotted was not so much due, I think, to lack of ability as to lack of the proper means to secure accurate results. 1* Conclusion I I "he extensive explorations made on the northwest coast from 1774 onward under orders from, the Spanish government were not entirely brought about by fear of the Russians or later of the- English. It is true that one of the objects sought was that of making good the right of possession to which the Spaniards had held an indeterminate claim ever since their discoveries in the sixteenth century. A theoretical or paper claim was all that was necessary for centuries. The country was too remote from Europe to awaken any interest, and it was not until the Russians began to move eastward from the Aleutian Islands that the attention of the Spaniards was called to the far northern-, country. Later the expedition of Captain James Cook disclosed a new interest among the European, nations, an interest which was further made plain by the subsequent one of La Perouse. The determining factor in the final outcome, however, was the very obvious intention of the English government, through the intervention of their fur-traders to set up settlements on the coast. Even Portlock carried' from England in 1785 the materials for erecting a post. A further evidence of this was the revival in England of the claim to sovereignty over part of the country, based on an act of possession taken by- Sir Francis Drake in 1579. New Albion now began to be looked upon in England as part of the British possessions. The boundaries of it, to be sure, were very indefinite, but as Drake was supposed to- have taken possession at some place either in 38° or 38J° of N Lat., roughly the latitude of San Francisco Bay, some claim was set up in England to the territory north of that bay, probably extending as- high as 48°, supposed at that time to mark the northern limits of Drake's discoveries. While the Viceroy Revillagigedo's plan for dividing the northern coast with the English was in. the making, Bodega wrote him that he had seen a map published in London June 20, 1790, on which the dividing line between the Spanish and British possessions was drawn just north of San Francisco. He had obtained the map from one of the pilots of the Santa Gertrudis, who in turn had obtained it: while on the voyage from Callao to Acapulco from an English whaler in the Bay of Payta, Peru. I have not been able to locate this map but it must have been one of Alexander Dalrymple's, evidently prepared for some special purpose. It may also be noted in this connection that Vancouver began his explorations just south of the 40th parallel of latitude, and that when he took possession int Puget Sound on June 4, 1792, he claimed the coast as far south as 39° 20'; even his maps show- English territory beginning at about that point. This claim was of course entirely unacceptable to the: Spanish officials. In their opinion Spanish rights extended indefinitely to the north, and they could. produce acts of possession taken up almost to the 60th parallel by 1775 to sustain their position. I do not think that at the present time anyone attaches any weight to the British claim to the possession of New Albion, and the Spaniards could certainly not be blamed for refusing to recognize it. On the- contrary, of course, previous to 1775 the Spanish claims north of the actual Spanish possessions in Upper California were inchoate to say the least. Vancouver, however, had attempted to parcel out the = whole country under a set of British names in spite of the fact that he was well aware that the acts of possession taken by the Spaniards antedated his and were just as valid. We even notice that some- of the fur-traders attempted to set up"some sort of British jurisdiction on paper and that some of them even went so far as to take possession in different parts of the country. The Nootka Sound Convention of course invalidated all such acts of possession and resulted in the practical delimitation of [251] Cartography of the Northwest Coast of America territory although this was not officially declared in the treaty. South of the Strait of Juan de Fuca the territory was considered subject to the Spanish government and north of the strait the coast was thrown open for settlement by either party. The sovereignty of that part of the country might be said to have been left in abeyance. We have seen in discussing the various instructions issued to the Spanish captains to guide them during their voyages to the north that in some of the explorations undertaken search was to be made for the various apocryphal passages between the Pacific and the Atlantic; especially were the campaigns of 1790, 1791, and 1792 directed to that end. Running through the years, however, we find a continual insistence on the thorough examination of the coast for the purpose of formulating a general map of the Spanish possessions which should be as up-to-date as possible. The Spanish government was carrying on a series of explorations for this purpose in various parts of South America and a hydrographic map of Spain itself had been completed and published in 1789. Particularly was this one of the objects of the Malaspina expedition, and Bodega in 1791 had prepared a map for his use. The results of the Malaspina expedition were first embodied in the general map of Bodega of 1792 (800), and this fine map was the best that had been produced up to the time it was completed in October of that year. Unfortunately it did not contain the discoveries of Galiano and Valdes of the preceding summer. These were finally to appear on the maps of 1795. In 1797 the Deposito Hydrografico was established in Madrid and the two maps of the northwest coast which had been drawn up in 1795 were soon published. Navarrete, in a long note in his Introduction to the Viage of the Sutil and Mexicana says that on April 8 and November 9, 1798, he had sent to Count Fleurieu in Paris two maps, which he says had been published as the first proofs •of that useful establishment. The intention had been to forestall the publication of Vancouver's maps, but these maps finally appeared at nearly the same time as his. They were afterward included in the Atlas maritimo Espanol. When the account of the voyage of the Sutil and Mexicana was finally published in 1802 a new map of the entire northwest coast of America was engraved in three sections (861) which also included some of the discoveries of Martinez y Zayas in 1793. This map of course covered the territory included in the two maps of 1795, but naturally on a smaller scale. It is by this map that the Spanish discoveries became known, those dated 1795 having escaped attention for some reason now unknown. Don Isidoro de Antillon published in 1803 an analysis of the principles on which his map of North America was based. The map is entitled La America Septentrional desde su extremo Norte hasta 10° latitud and is dated 1802 (862). A large part of the pamphlet is devoted to the sources for the northeast coast of America, and for the interior of the continent. For the latter he relied on Arrowsmith's maps. He had published the year before an explanation of that part of his map showing the northwest coast together with a general map of the Pacific dated 1801. This was based on Malaspina's results and those of Vancouver in the vast archipelago while to the south he relied on the La Perouse maps. He believed that Malaspina's observations were more accurate than those of Vancouver and this we now know to have been the fact. South of the Strait of Juan de Fuca his map of 1803 is generally the same as the 1802 map (861), but north of the strait many names were taken from the expeditions of Vancouver, and a few from that of La Perouse. He even frequently employed Vancouver's names instead of those given to the same places by Galiano and Valdes. One naturally wonders why such a map should have been issued in the same year as Navarrete's map in the Atlas to the Viage of the Sutil and Mexicana. No discoveries could possibly have taken place in the interval between drawing the maps nor could any new information have been made available. The Navarrete map was almost purely Spanish with the exception of such parts as had been copied from Vancouver's •charts and those of La Perouse which covered regions which had not been explored by the Spaniards. Conclusion 253'- The general impression today, one harped on by many writers, is that the English discoveries of Vancouver were published four years before those of the Spaniards. This, however, as we have just seen, is a misapprehension. What did happen was that the text of the Vancouver expedition enjoyed a very extended circulation before the Spanish account of that of Galiano and Valdes was published in 1802. Furthermore, the latter had a very limited one. The principal reason, however, why the nomenclature and geography of Vancouver came to occupy the field was that his maps were extensively copied by the famous English cartographer, Aaron Arrowsmith, and later by the English Admiralty. The French to a considerable extent adopted the Spanish maps as a basis and thus we find in the- early part of the following century one set of maps of English origin of Vancouver type, and another of French origin of Spanish type. Nevertheless by 1815 we find Brue using Vancouver's results although Humboldt on his map of 1811 had followed Spanish maps. At this period the shipping of Great Britain covered the world and naturally English vessels carried English charts. The use of French maps became more and more limited and finally the knowledge of the discoveries of Galiano and Valdes, and even of the earlier ones of Malaspina, Fidalgo, Martinez, and others faded, from sight. I think the Spaniards did the best they could to preserve for themselves an honorable- position in the history of discovery of the northwest coast, but circumstances over which they had little control combined to deprive them of anything more than a very nominal share in it. The only reason why the record of their discoveries did not fade entirely from the maps was that Vancouver,, who had been liberally supplied by the Spaniards with information about their discoveries, embodied in his own maps many of the names given by them to places which he had not himself seen. This is most noticeable on that part of the British Columbia coast which had been explored by Jacinto Caamafio in 1792 and that part of Alaska explored by Salvador Fidalgo in 1790. Vancouver also retained the Spanish names south of San Diego, and many of those on the coast farther north, which he obtained from the map of Bodega of 1792 (800). On the whole, he acted very generously and only in a few cases did he change the Spanish names to those which he had given himself where there was no question of the identity of the place. As was natural under the circumstances, he adopted many of those given by Captain James Cook, a proceeding which the Spaniards themselves had adopted before he arrived on the coast. Occasion has been taken at various times in the preceding pages to compare the results for latitude and longitude obtained by different navigators on the coast. Little agreement will be found between them beyond an approximate one for latitude. All the observations for longitude were inaccurate and the maps so remained in that respect for many years. Even today some parts of this coast have not been thoroughly explored, but in general it may be stated that by 1800 the locations of most of the important places were ascertained accurately enough for all the practical purposes of the day. Alexander von Humboldt came to Mexico from South America in March, 1803, and remained, in the country about a year. The Viceroy placed at his disposition a mass of manuscript material bearing on the geography and statistics of the country, and Humboldt also had at his command several important manuscript maps, of which he gives a list in his Introduction Geographique to his Essai politique sur le royaume de la Nouvelle Espagne. He also made use of a few maps which had been printed in Mexico and Spain. In his explanation of his Carte de la Nouvelle Espagne Humboldt discusses the differences in longitude ascribed to various places by Malaspina, Vancouver, Galiano, and'. Captain James Colnett. All his longitudes are west of Paris and consequently 02° 20' farther west than, those measured from the Greenwich meridian. For Monterey he found that La Perouse had calculated the longitude to be 123° 34' by lunar distances and 124° 03' by his chronometer. Malaspina's. figures were 124° 23' 45" and Vancouver's 123° 54' 30". Humboldt first adopted Malaspina's figures, but later by using those given by Espinosa y Tello in his Memoria he changed the longitude to 124° 12' 23", that is, 121° 52' 23" W of Greenwich. Malaspina's figure was only about four miles out; Humboldt's, only one. •254 Cartography of the Northwest Coast of America For the northern part of the northwest coast Humboldt availed himself of the map (861) published in 1802 in the atlas to the Viage of the Sutil and Mexicana and of the figures given in the Appendix to the Viage of Jose Espinosa y Tello published in 1806. Humboldt's Introduction contains a long list of places with their latitudes, and their longitudes west of Paris. With few exceptions those •on the west coast are based on the observations of Malaspina, but in some places Vancouver's are used. The longitude of Nootka is put down as 128° 55' 15" or 126° 35' 15" W of Greenwich. The actual location is about 126° 37'. On the whole Humboldt was right in considering that the results obtained by Malaspina were superior to those of other navigators. Humboldt's original map was drawn in Mexico in 1803-4, but before the publication in 1811 some corrections were made in it, to some degree brought about by new lunar tables by Burg which had just appeared in Europe. Humboldt intimates in several places that the erroneous results obtained prior to 1800 were to a very considerable extent due to the use of somewhat inaccurate tables. In Humboldt's work we have the last word for a long time on the geography of the northwest •coast. He had the opportunity of consulting the Compendio Histdrico de las navegaciones written in 1799 by Lieutenant Casasola, besides of course the resume of Spanish explorations in the Introduction to the Viage of the Sutil and Mexicana, and, as I stated previously, numerous individual journals. Costanso was still living and Humboldt had the opportunity to make his acquaintance. He also speaks -very highly of the work of Mascaro. One of the maps which he used had been drawn, he said, by ■Costanso and Mascaro under orders of the Viceroy, Bucareli. Apparently Mascaro was responsible for the eastern portion of it and Costanso for the western. These Costanso-Mascaro maps were standard until 1792 when Bodega's map was made. This of course embodied in part features from the Costanso maps. It remained for Navarrete to publish in 1802 the final Spanish map of the coast, and this became the new standard. Together with the charts of Vancouver and the maps of Arrowsmith derived from them they were to remain in use with but little change until 1850. INDEX Index is they will be found Acapulco, founding, 14; position, 12. Activa, placed under Eliza, 237; takes Broughton and Bodega to San Bias, 236, 243. Adams, Clement. Reissues Cabot's map, Adamson, John. Captain of the Jenny, 248. Admiralty (English), maps based on Agnese, Battista. Accepts Verri type, 7; Activities, 18, 23; Maps, 21, reproductions, plates V; basis for, 10, 14,18,21; Names, 23, 28; copied by Mar 59; possible errors 50 ; Type, 47, 52. , Jua Jj 191; f San Francisco Bay, 179; Pilot of the Favorita, 192, diary, 195. Alarcon, Hernando de. Description of Colorado River, 144; Expedition of, Chapter HI; account of, by Gomara, 43; Names, 24; on Lopo Homem m *' Dour on Vaz 30, 40. Alarcon River (Colorado River), on Tatton's map (219), 85; on Teixeira map, 121. Alava, Jose Manuel. Arrives at Nootka without credentials, 248. Alba, Duque de. Martines atlas of, 59. Alba, Duquesa de. Martines atlas of, 61. Albo, Francisco. Erroneous calcula- Alraan'der VI, Bull of, 215. Alifonca, with variations, a Vaz Dourado name, 64. Allardt, Hugo. His Hoeius map, 106. Almagia, Roberto. On the map of 1569, 53, on Zaltieri's map, 55. Almodovar, Duque de. Historia Politico, Colim :astro, Francisco. Attends council at Tepic, 191. Alzate y Ramirez, Joseph Antonio de. Map of 1768, 153; of 1775, 153, 163. Amazons, 15. raphi. J Societ ,109. rrowsmith, Aaro i. Maps: of 1790, 207, 213; of 1794 ar d 1795, 213; used by Ahtillon, 252; Uses Vancouve a type, 253. rteaga, Ignacio Appointed to com- ned by Gastaldi, 53; maps: 28, 111; on Best's map, 80; n Martines' maps, 59; on Sanson's tap, 132; on Tatton's map (219), of Vizcaino expedition, 111, 112 opinion of Vizcaino's objects, 113 edkio*s^84' n0t!°e °f Span!Sh CX' Corrects Bolanos derrotero, 112; on, George. Chart captured by, 148, ames on, Chart 11, copied by Bur- el, 154, used by California explorers, Maps,' 114; On colonizing California, and map 55, perhaps corrected by La Perouse, Praise of Monterey, 113; Relacion breve of 1620, 114; ntrional, 252. Repeats Morera story to Zarate Sal meron, 144. of his names, 15, 34, 55; on Homem 1774; 173; the Hezeta expedition, 177; Aguirre and Arteaga, 195; Martinez and Pantoja, 198; Fidalgo, 221; Quimper, 222; Eliza of 1791, 224; Galiano and Valdes, 232; Caamafio, 235; Eliza and Martinez of 1793, 238. Archivo de Indias, Seville. Documents in: Ulloa's account, 20; Niza,43; Vizcaino expedition, 112; Martinez-Mon- doffa diaries, 205; Martinez 1789 diary, 218; Fidalgo's acts of possession, 221. Areche, Jose de. 191. rellan 85; n Alon s, 86; i de. Discoverje! Russien, of 1745, embodies ci raphical results of Bering expei i, 157; used by Burriel, 154. lo y Antillon, Isidro. Expeditl »,Juan :, 191; ; Mexi ..._.. Js San Carlos, 175; exploration in San Francisco Bay, 179. iyer Collection, Chicago. Atlases it 50; Portuguese atlas in, 63; Porn, nap, 65; Place names on 1 nap atlas, , 4, 52. it of, ai jr French or English, 41; Cabo de Gato a trance of, 128. Baegert, Jacob. Nachrichten of 1772, Baker, James. Captain of the Jenny, Baker, Joseph. Lieutenant on the Discovery, Ml Baker named for, 240. Baker, Mt., discovered by Quimper, 222; named by Vancouver, 240. Balsas, Rio, Cortes builds ships at mouth of, 2; perhaps named "R. del Oro", 5; gold discovered on, 13. Bancroft, Hubert Howe. Works of, 13, 157, 234. sroft Library. Arteaga expedition [natives, 196, Pantoja account, 224. inof, Alexander. Met by Puget, Fuca, 209, 217. Miscellanies, prints int of 1775 expedition, 178, 18b; map in, 178, 200. Barwick, G. F. Translator, 233. Bassett, Thomas. Publisher, 133. Bauza, Felipe. Mapmaker on the Descubierta, 226; his maps, 228-29. Bayerische Staats-Bibliothck [Royal Library]. Vaz Dourado atlas, 60, date of, 61; Dudley atlas, 122. Beale, Daniel. One of the Merchant Proprietors, 210. Becerra, Diego. Killed in a mutiny, 15. Belcher, Edward. Voyage in the Sulphur, 250. Belen, a Ulloa name on the peninsula, 32, 55. Belga globe gores, 9. Bellin, J. N. Carte reduite of 1766,157. 162; comparison with Bodega's results, 178; used for the 1779 map, 191; VHydrographie Franco!se, 142; Map, used by Burriel, 154; Maps of 1755, 162. Benitos (Los), discovered by Taraval, 153; named by Vila, 165. Bering, Vitas. Expeditions, of 1728,155, 183; of 1741, 156, 157, 183. Bering's Bay, search for by Vancouver, 156; visited by Cook, 188. Bermes, Pedro de. Ulloa's pi Berry, William. Atlas, 133. Bertelli, Fernando. Publisher, 108; of 1617, 108, 110; of 1622, Maps! of 1605, 106, 108, 109; of 1606 on Mercator projection, 109; Appendices of 1630, 1631, 110; Relations with Hondius, 103, 106; buys plates from, 110, 125. agrave, John. Copies Molyneux globe, scribes Plancius' map, 97. Bodega Bay, discovered by Bod plan of, 177; attempt to colo map of, 238, 245, 246. Maps of: 1775,177,178,196; of 181, helps construct 191, 192 1791, 204, 205, 220, 252; erroi 246; of 1792, 236, 252, 254; Bolton, Dr. H. E. Describes re Portola expedition, 170; Information from, about Kim Bordone, Benedetto. Map of 1528, 11. Borneo, 35, 39. Botero, Giovanni. His Relations, 126. Bracamonte et Guzman, Casparo de. Map dedicated to, 128. Briggs, Henry. His treatise and map, 114; list of names on map, Chart 8, probably from Fr. Ascension's map, 145. Briggs type. Adopted by, Hondius and Jansson, 125, Vingboons, 126, Sanson, 130, Heylin, Hollar, and Pitt, 133, life of, 122; modified ly Blae . 128; [s-Blaeu type. Adopted by San >, 132, 133, by Nicolas de Fer, ih Columbia Archives, Memoir ce atlas, 128; Fidalgo's letter, sr, Isaac Map used by Burriel, hows no knowledge of Russian tion of 1741, 157. in, W. R. Commander of Chat- net by Galiano. 232, 241 ; <-s Columbia River, and presto England, 236, 243; ■14. 248: metby Vancouver, 247. it'. A. H. Map of 1815, uses Vancou- r, Theodore de.' Maps: of 1599, 87; f 1596. 99, 100. ache, Philippe. 140, 142. iche de la Neuville, Philippe. Pre- Biblioteca Nazionale, in, 29. Biblioteca Reale, Turi Corneille. Co-publisl . Suplemento 195. e. Command- Itrevida, 225, 226. n, William Brown, John. Instn Albion, 185. .ctions to proceed to no, Jacinto. ry about Font. Explodes Colnett's s's Rio de los Reyes, s, 235; :, 234-35, i of a His Isla Langa._, _.., Reaches Nootka, 232, Monterey, 243; To be relieved at Nootka, 232, and look for the Strait of Fonte, 233. Cabeza de Vaca, Alvar Nunez de. 20. Cabot, Sebastian. Maps: of 1544, longitude of Mexico City on, 11, 79, probably based on the Padron General, 14, 24, names on, 24, 26, adopted by Lopo Homem, 34; traces of another, 79. Cabrera Bueno, Joseph Gonzalez. Prints Especulativa, 112, 149, 250, used by Califc Vila, Cabrillo 41-42, Cabrillo, Juan Rod , 42, 81, 111, on Andre map, 46, possibly on Diego i, on 'the Hondius globe, chivo General, 195; Maps: of San Francisco Bay, 180, 196, copied by La Perouse, 200; of the Arteaga expedition and plan of Santiago, 194, 196. Pilot of the Princesa, 192; To command Concepcion, but too sick logo, 202; too old, 215. Camargo, Alonso de. 19. Camozio, Gio. Fran. Publisher, 28, map of 1569, 47. Campa Cos, Fr. Miguel de. Chaplain of Santiago, 175, his account, in Archivo General, 177. Canaries, position for Ptolemy meridian, Canizares, Jose. Attends council at Caraci, Giuseppe. Reproduces Venice map,- 57, one of Spanish origin, 84; views on the Forlani map, 57, 58. Cardona, Nicolas de. Account of Iturbe's expedition, map, 145. co, Juan. Pilot's apprentice on the .cesa in 1789, 216, again in 1790, ; on the San Carlos in 1791, 223; Chadenat, Ch. Forme worth atlas, 57. Chanal, Captain Pros 1794, reaches Alasl MuIl Chaves, Geronimo. Author of maps, 7i Cherino, Peralmindez. 40. Cheslakees, an Indian village on th Nimpkish River, named by Vancouve Chiametla, 15. China, Coast of, limit of discoveries, 24 distance from America, 67. Se Liampo. Chirikof, Peter. Expedition with Berini 156; discoveries of, 157, 188, on Be lin's map, 178; name honored by L Perouse, 200. Chiswell, Richard. Publisher, 133. Choquet, Diego. Reaches Mexico, 175 attends council at Tepic, 191. Chronometers, first used, by Cook in the h Pacific, 195,249; by Malaspin: 225, 2 . Vancoi n of the Discovery, 1 Briggs type, 114; Briggs-Blaeu type, adopted by Sansi 128, 129; Fr. Ascension's theory, 114, chief si 12, 73; as "Califormia" on maps: Gutierrez, 1562, Ortelius 1564, 55; Dee, 1580, 82: Ortelius, Chart 5; Hondius 1608, 109. California, Gulf of, Niza's story about, :, 18, 144, Cabot's, 24; it on Vatican 283, 38. la or Islas, 19,144. Casasola, Lieut. Compendia Historico, Humboldt uses, 254. Cassini, Jean Dominique. Issues tables, 134; account of, 137. Castellon, Juan de. Ulloa's pilot, 21. Castillo, Don 30; e VHI, i Map of, 23, Plat, of, 32, 35, 36, list oi ni shows Alarcon names, ( Cavendish, Sir Thomas. Ca Ana, 81, and Juan the Pretty's account, 84; from, by Molyneux, 84; Captain, Prince of IF ales, 207; Captain, Argonaut, with authority to build Fort Pitt, 210, seized by Martinez, 216, 239; Longitudes discussed by Humboldt, Ma of tl I, 233; js Cape Omi Newly discovered journal, 207,213; Haro, 217; Voyage to South Atlantic, 207, 233. Colom, A. Map publisher, 125. Colorado River, described by Alarcon, 30, 144; Efforts to reach, 147; Known as the "Coromara", 6; Mouth of, 23, 32, 94, Ofiate reaches, 145; Position changed, 82; Spanish Explorations Menzies' diary, 249. plored, by Gray 236 240, by Brough- ton, 236; Mouth discovere d by Hezeta, 176, his plan of, 177; On Arrowsmith' s, 213; To be examined •m 237. ompany Land. 138. ompostela, 20. •ds o Nootka under Eliza, 219, left a No tka, 223. Remarks about N za,' 2( C.arU rufia, Conde de.' 71. sma, P., 55. stanso, Miguel de. Ontl "ana Reducida c f 177 rors in, 246, 24< 2.54 181; ilet by Humboldt 254. is type No. 2,142,147; nowledge of Kino's oper spreads Kino's ideas, 147 1st of names (459), Chan at of 1 669, desc •iptic SpinS p of 1545 flagship, 7. 226 . Map it, 10. of 1541, Vaz Doi r's, 70, on I, po rado Pla Chapl in of the Fav oromara (luver/, hrst appearance and source of, 5: copied by Tatton as "Comara", 85; D Chart 9°use of vfzclino's^na" Island at mouth of, 145; On Plancius' map, 6, 108; on Hon- Daolia, R., identification of, 5. BlMuWmenco, lloT0*' Davidson, George. Reproduces p Hondius map, 110, Dudley's oronado, Francisco Vasquez de. Expe script map, 122; Alaska id dition of, Chapter IH; returns, 41; tions, 186; Glaciers of Alaska account of by Gomara, 43, 44; Davila, Jose. Surgeon of the S Letters from and stories about the 175. Turk, 44; Dee, John. Mathematical Pre Legend off the coast concerning, 52. Euclid. 77; General and Rare nap, 18, on Homem's •tes, Hernando. Begi ind his troubles, 13; Establishes ship tivities, 15; Expedition to C, 1580, 81. arof, Eus Wte. "termed b7 'da. 226. Isle, Guilla ume orrows fro 122, 142; m L Domi lirallv Bay Forrester isiana, vto; < hwest coast, 207; her Remarks, 207, 211; Urtb, 209; ■ige, with maps, 207, 213. , Arthur. Takes up the Fon :um, Baptista. Engrai . Map -.97. of the Pa cific 92. Doncker, Hendrick. Zee-Atlas, 125. Don Gaspar, Vizcaino's name for Bahia de San Francisco, 113. Douglas Channel, B. C, explored, by Caamafio's pilot, 235; Whidbey examines, 244. Douglas, Dr. John. Editor of Cook's Third Voyage, 187,189. Douglas, William. Captain, Iphigenia Nubians, 209, 210. Dovallo, Gonzalo. Instructions to. 40. Drage, Theodore Swaine. 158. cipall Navigations, of 1589, 87; Captures charts, 81, and Juan the Greek, 159; Cartographical indications of, on Molyneux map, 86, 87; Famous Voyage, basis Dudley's account, 122; Legends about, 80, 82, 87, on French Drake map, 88, on Farrer's map, 133; his pilot, 144; Port on northwest coast, 122, changed to St. Francisco, 213; Portrait of, 87; Route of, on Molyneux globe, 83, 87, on Silver Medal and Hondius Broadside, 87, 104. Drake's Bay, discovered by Cermeno, 92. Dudley, Robert. Arcano del Mare, basis for his maps, 81, 122; Delisle borrows from, 122, 142; Ric- s, 133, 134; s, 121; !, 122; Maps: in Munich, 122; Mar del Zur, 125; Uses Vizcaino's names, 113, 119, list of, Chart 9. Duffin, Robert. To the Strait of Juan de Fuca, 210. Du Halde, P. Jean Baptiste. 156. Duncan, Charles. Captain, Princess Royal, track, plan of strait, and letter to George Dixon, 207, 213. Dundas, Henry. Gives sketch of the coast to Vancouver, 239. Duran, Juanoto. 11. 135; of the satellites of Jupiter, 137. Eden, Richard. Decades, 44, 77, 79. Edwards, Francis, London. Their manu- for Mt. Elias, but returns to Strait of Juan de Fuca in command of San Carlos, 223, explorations there, Espinosa y Tello, Jose. Joins Malaspina, 226,250, surveys Esperanza Inlet, 228; Memoria, 229, list of latitudes and longitudes in, 230, longitude of Mon- Espiritu Santo, Isla, 16. Estorbo y Gallegos, Francisco Xavier Chart of 1770, 148. Etches, Joh shows Coromara River, 6, 8S Fischer, Father Joseph. 109. Flavia, captain, Magon, 212. i, Comte Claret. Edi chand's Voyage, a Spanish policy, '. "xpedicion Sacra, 164, et. seq. tinez, 214, 216; correspondence wi Experiment, part of Strange's expedi Conde de Revillagigedo, 218. tion, 206. Flores Moreno, Francisco. Surgeon the Descubierta, 1"2Jb. Florida, extension of, 2, 7. "aden, William. 190. Font, Fr. Pedro. Map of Anza expei "ages, Pedro. On the San Carlos, 164; tion, 171, copied by Mascaro, 181. accompanies Portola, 168, explores Fonte, Bartholomew de. Alleged disco San Francisco Bay, 171. eries, 158, Vancouver thought fals <?air American, reaches San Bias, 219. 245; entrance of, 209; to be exar "alse Mendocino, mentioned by Dudley, ined, 223; alleged discovery by Cc 135; the modem one, 228. nett, 233, 234. "arrer, Virginia. A Mapp oj Virginia, Forlani, Paolo de. Cartographer, 28; 133. Map of 1574, 47, 57, 77, place nam "avorita, built at Guayaquil, 191; on, Chart 4, description of, 57, co Felice Adven 207, 210. Fer, Nicolas iso, Martin "'lero, Jua . 43. 221, 252; Viajes Apocrilo: 96, 132,228; F Magellan, 38, 69, ivarrete, Eustaquio. i, 228. irrete, Martin. Ex- and Introduction, to 12, 13, 16, 195, 212, mentions map, 92, e, 252, 254. z de Oviedo, des, 11; Historia by Caraci and Wagner, 57, 58. Forster, Johann Reinhold. 189. Fort Pitt, to be erected by Colnett, 210. Fortun, C. de, first on Herrera's map, 93, on Hondius' 1606 map, 108. Freire, Juan. 61. French Drake map, 88. French Explorations, 43, n on Spanish maps, 253. ■ trade, by the Russians, 3, 157, 203, iy the English, 215; Cook directs at- ention to, 185, 189, 215; La Perouse nstructed to examine, 199. English Maps of Spanish Origin, Chapter VIII. Errera, Carlos. 50. dition, on Hakluy nelli maps, 136; : gold, 145. algo, Salvador. Comes from Spaii n 1789, 219; lommands San Carlos on Alaska ex Malaspina uses results, 228; Names adopted by Vancouver, 221, 247, but finally fade from sight, To Nootka in the Pri at Neah Bay :esa, 232, agair Gali, Francisco. His voyage, 85, 86, 87, 91: dies, 91. Galiano, Dionisio Alcala. On the Atre- vida, 226; 1792, expedition of, 231-33, observations, 232, 241, 250, suggestion to for joint exploration with Vancouver, 232, maps by, 233; Discoveries on maps of 1795, 252, but finally fade from si Lor ts,241; 1 by Humboldt, New voyage advised, 237. Galileo, Galilei. 134. Galvano, Antonio. Tratado, 43, st, about Pero Fidalgo and Villah 62, publication of and influenw Vaz Dourado maps, 63. . Account of, 163-4, with and by, 191. i^ama, joao da. Alleged voyage, Gamas, Golfo de las, 53. Garcia, Juan. Surgeon of the Princesa, 192. Garcia de Cespedes, Andres. Map in his Regimiento, 94, statement by, 134. Garcia Rioboo, Fr. Juan Antonio. Chaplain of the Princesa, 192, his account of the expedition and translation of, 195. Adopts Agne Carta Marina of 1548, 28, 57; Creates type No. 1, 26, 28 ( VH), errors of, 28, G6mara's 43, 45, 46. Dudley, 122. Gemelli Careri, Gio Guio, Jose. Artist on the Atrevida, 226. Gutierrez, Diego. Map of 1562, shows C. Califonnia, 36, 55; theories about his name, 58. Gutierrez, Sancho. Reproduces Cabot's map in MS, 24. Gutierrez de la Concha, Juan. On the Atrevida, 226. Hack, William. Buccaneers' Atlas, Description of the Navigable part the World, 132; his maps part b Hakluyt, Richard. Divers Voyages, 7, Editor! De Orbe Novo, map in, 82, 83, 87. 103: Employs Andre Homem, 33, 83; Famous Voyage of Drake, 122; Principall Navigations of 1589, 87, Ortelius map id, 71, 103; of 1600. Hanna, James. ( 206, maps, 21; •1 Crowell, 211. ■r. Map belong- 90, Highest point reached by, Bodega, 177, Bolanos, 41, Cabrillo, 41, 111, Cermeno, 97, Ulloa, 20, Vancouver, 246, Vizcaino, 111, 228. Hijosa, Francisco. Commissary at San Bias, 191. Hispanic Soc -, New York. Agne i, 14, Martines atlas, 58, Hon iroduced by, 109. Society of Southern Hollar, W. Map engraved by, 133. Homem, Andre. Working for Hakluyt, 33, 83; map of 1559, 4649, names, 47, section of, Plate DC; map not known, 50; resemblance to Tatton's ins of his atlases, 33; laps: of 1558, 24, names on, 26; 1568, 35, 36, 49, 50: of 1573, 50. tern, Lopo. Map of 1554, 33, has larcon names. 34, list of, 36, ori- n of. 47, influence of, 65. lem family, 33. Hondius, Henri. 110; Atlases, 125; Maps: of 162 English edit Sells plates to Jodo in 1589, 87, 103, of Hon- • idside, 87, 104, possibly of a Plancius globe, 100, Goos type, description of, 116, adopted by Hondius. 125, 129, by Speed, 126, by Seller, 133. modified by Blaeu, 128. Goos, Pieter. His atlases, 126. Gorgon, first ordered to accompany the Discovery, 239. Goycoechea, Felipe. Diary of his jour- Log of the Columbia, 209; Surgeon of the Opinion about Columbia Rh Hawaiian Historical Society, p er, 2S an. Prints Es part of Menzies' diary, 249. Hearne, Samuel His expedition , 183 of (287), 94, Heawood, Edward. Remarks o n De of (292), 114, Polar map, 80. 8, of Speed's Hecate Strait, 235. Hercules, route of, 182. ', Roberl Captain, Lady Washing- Captai, Columbia, 211, discov Columbia River, 211, 213, 236, 2 gives Vancouver chart of, 236; Sells the Adventure, 212, 232. Grec, Captain (unidentified). Stops Unalaska, 214. Green, John. Attacks Delisle, 160. Grijalva, Hernando de. 15. Histori 93. l Cabrillo Hexham, Heylin, Peter. Cosmographie, 133. Hezeta, Bruno de. Attends council at Tepic, 191; Examines the Golden Gate, 171; Expedition of 1775, 175 et seq., ac- , 177, i Mad , 183, ann, Karl W. 106 captain, Joseph Ingraham, 211 ;e of, 212, 213. , Judge F. W. Zimmermann'i urn Cook, 189, DixonMeare. mboldt, i of n is differ- jrs, 253; introduction geographique, with list of maps, 253, contains list of latitudes and longitudes of places, 254; Maps: of 1811, follows Spanish map, and Carte de la Nouvelle Espagne, of, 253; Uses lo-Mas, 1 Espim » fig. naps, 1802 rected before publication ii untington Library, San Marino . Gisol- fo atlas, 29, HM 32, 39, Mar Atlas, 29, Der las, 59, Vaz Dourado atlas, 61 , Freire Lopez de Vela 3, Hon- dius globe, 104, Lopez de Har of 1788, 205, Martinez' diary of 1789, reaches the se 1793, examine urtado, Joaquin. Pilot, Desc ubierta, Tolmie CI 226. Strait to Po urtado de Mendoza, Diego de Expe- PL Mitchel dition of 1532, 15, 16. 45; 226. , Jua t of the revida. rchipelago, 53, on Plancius i, 97, 98. _ Vthanasium. West ■ Indische Spieghel, 114, map in, Plate XXII. Ingraham, Joseph. First mate, Columbia, 209; Account of Nootka, 212; Master of the Chat- s, Prince William Sound, Whidbey, 248 ;f 221. an de Fuca, Enb Discovered by Barkley, 209, 217; Entrance examined by Duffin, 210, by Martinez, 217; Explored by Galiano and Valdes, 231- 33; Gray sails up, 217; Spanish territory, south of, 252; To be investigated, 219, 223, by Mou- and Plate XIX. i, Chapter XXX, objec 199, 251, 199, imparl cion, 202, c rt on Spanish chart of 1802, and by itillon, 252; .terminations for longitude, 201, compared with Malaspina and Vancouver, 250, 253; Iphigenia Nubiana, captain, William Douglas, 209, 210. ' lof, G. G. Contact with Cook, I, one of Brown's vessels, 244, met by Vancouver, 247, arrives at Nootka, 248. Jaillot, Hubert. Issues Sanson's maps. "31, 132. ssonius, Jean. Map Publisher, 94, 03, 110, of (264), 100, of (314), i, 125. i type, based ! Hon- Kaerius, Peter. Issues Plancius globes, 100, map of 1608, 109, engraves Hall's map, 126. Karpinski, Dr. Louis C. His photographs, 61, 228. Kenai Peninsula, 194, 220. Kendrick, John. Captain, Columbia, 209, 237, at Nootka, 216. Kendrick, Juan. Second pilot of the Activa, 1793, 237. King, James. Succeeds Captain Clerke. ned for, 243. ptain, Nathaniel Porl by Plancius, 9' Latitude, differer Errors in, 181, Of Trinidad, 243. Latronum, I * sition of, Laurie, Hen (the Ladrones), pore Cook, Lea, Philip. Map of America, 133. Leconfield, Lord. Sale of books, 78. Ledyard, John. 189. Legends: about wild sheep, 75, 104, on Blaeu globe of 1602, 106, Dudley's about horses, 122. Lelewel, Joachim. 33. Japan, deli on Moty and Lisboa's, 63, Sgro. Carte of 1758, 157, publishes Gre; t Nootka, 248. occupy California, 152, theii F 1754, 153, expulsion of and itions of, 164. Kohl, Dr. J. G. Mistake a Dour , 61, maps, 122. Kretschmer, Konrad. Views on tht Bologna map, 50, on the atlas in th. Museo Civico Correr, 59. Kunstmann, Friedrich. 60,63. Kuril Islands, discovered by Vries, 138 Kyrilow, Jean. 156. Russia, 172. Ladrones, position of, 5, 35, 47, on th. Homem 1559 map, 49. Lady Washington, captain. Robert Gray mate, R. D. Coolidge, Off'Nootka, 216; Returns from China, Track of on the Mearei of, i, 1630, 121; m a, 213, Caamaf i of: the Mar- 12, 193, Ingra- 5, the 1793 ex- 67, on Teixeira's chart, 96, Ricci location of, 135. Link, P. Wenceslao. Journey in 1 153. Linschoten, J. H. van. Ortelius ma his Itinerario, 71, Plancius : 85', 86. Linton, Anthony. Newes, on reissu Plancius Planisphere, 99, on Hon ;, Michael. Map in Dive s Mourelle's ac- Macao, Unamun nes of Cook'e 188, 189. ex- Mackay, John. Magellan, Ferdi 153; Errors in, by Cook, 195, by L< rouse, 201, hy Martinez, 205; Observations by: Cook at Nootki 186, 216, Fidalgo, 221; Galiani 232, 241, 250; Malaspina, 229, « Monterey, 243 and 253, at Nootki 250 and 254; Marchi ' Bay, t t Discovery, Bird 1 Kinghorn Island, 241, a j, 243, 248, 253; i t 243, at Port Pre >ort Chalmers, 24' of ( On Maps of: Brij Burriel, 154, CoroneUi, 136, Delisle, 142, Dudley, 122, G Cespedes, 94, Goos, 116, Her Hondius globe, America, and 104, 108, 109 respectively, I Martines, 59, Mercator, 70, IV globe, 84 and map, 86. Orte Plancius 1590, 97 and plai , Tatton, By Vizcah , 121; inscription about his death, 3! ellan, Strait of, located too far Magon. Captain of the Flav Maiollo, Vesconte de. His m. Malaspina, Alejandro. Dis him to occupy, 214, 216, 217, abandons and proceeds to San Bias, 218, 219, diary, in Hunt Lib., 216; exico City, 11; draws Vizcaino larts, 119. tinez, Lorenzo. Map of 1780, 182. tinez y Zayas, Juan. In 1788, pilot i the San Carlos, 202; transferred Archivo G neral a d mn ps in T,i- A38; iVnve included o n the Via* of 1802, 252. De Orb e No, 82. caro, Manu slAgusti n. Ms p of 1782, 116; I h Cortes, 15, 16, 20; with 40. Bernardino de. Letter of, rchibald. Surgeon, Discov t for . explor; lished ii i, 241, Mercator, Gerard. Maps: of 1538, 7, 15, 69; of 1541, 69, 70; Carta Marina, Chapter VI, 70; M( Projection, 69, 100, used by: Blaeu on 1606 map, 109; Guerard, 126, Hondius, 104, Jansz 1610 map, 109. iercator, Rumold. Map of 1587, 87, 97. Mercator type, created, 70; used by: Bertius, 126, Hogenberg, 74, Hon- dius, 104, Jode, 75, Martines, 59, Sgrooten, 76. Merchant Proprietors. Formed in Cannon, 210. measured by Danti, 137. Meridi i (Prin ), Fern CoronelU, 136, Delisle, 142; longitude Palma, used by Riccioli, 134; Ptolemy's, 11, 12, 43, 59, 74; St. Michael, on maps of: Blaeu of 1605, 109, Cassini near, 137, Hondius of 1611, 109, Mercator, 70, 104, 105; Terceira, on Hondius globe, 104; Toledo, used by Spaniards, 11, but not shown on their maps, 12, except on Dee's Fernandez map, 81, and Hakluyt's 1587 map, 82. " , Jose de. Chaplain, Descubierta, 226. i 1792, 231; in 1793, 237- Morisot, Claude. 127. Mortier, Pierre. 160. Moullart-Sanson, Pierre Mourelle, Francisco Ai bly used by Cook, 179, names from it, 189; 1776, attends Council at Tej 1777, voyage to San Diego, i Describes construction of 1779 map, 181, 191, 192; 1781, Journal of voyage from Manila to San Bias, and La Perouse's Position of, 5, 10, 11, 'l2,' 70, in Ra Mulgrave, Port, discovered by Dixo musio, 43, estimated by Riccioli. 228; Malaspina reaches and tak 134; on maps of: Alzate, 163, Blaeu possession of, 227; Chatham at, 24 of 1605, 109, Cassini, 137, Coro visited by Belcher, 250. nelli, 136, Delisle, 142, Hakluyt of Muller, Frederick and Co. 9. 1587, 82, Hondius globe, 106, Nico Miiller, Gerhard Friedrich. Voyage losi, 135, Plancius, 97, Sgrooten, 183. 76. Mufioz, Diego. Surgeon, Princesa, 2( Michel, P [San Miguel]. 18. Middleton, Christopher. 158. Minister, Sebastian. Author of notes Polyhistor, 9, map of 1540, 70. Milet-Mureau, L. A. 200. Museo Civico Correr, Venice. Contai Minet, manuscript map, 136. Agnese's atlas, 14, map like Harm Moluccas, dispute about, 10, location worth's, 57, Oliva atlas, 59. of, 34, Saavedra's expedition to, 13, Museo Naval, Madrid, Publicacione Nepean Sound, examined, by Colnett, 233, by Caamafio, 234. Nevadas, Sierras. Location of, 45, 46, New' Cornwall, named by Vancouver, 245, 248. New Georgia, named by Vancouver, New Guinea, extent of, 55, islands off, 70. New Hannover, named by Vancouver, 245. New Mexico, 82. New Norfolk, 248. Nicolosi, Gio. BatL DelV Hercole, 135. Niebaum, Gustav. Owner of Hondius map, 110. Niza, Marcos de. Expedition, 16, 20, Relacion, 16, 18, 44, names, 18, 19. Nocedal, Fr. Jose. Death of, 192. Nolin, J. B. Engraver CoroneUi's maps, 136; Maps: of 1708 and 1720, 140; Plagiarized Delisle's map and his competitor, 140, 142. Noort, Olivier v. de. Route of, 106. Nootka, captain, John Meares, 206. Nootka Sound, advice of Martinez regarding, 214, instructions to him to Dispute over whether or not discovered by Perez, 173; Entered by Cook, 185, named, 190; Gray reaches, 236; Hanna at, 206; Longitude of by, Cook, 186, Galiano, 232, Malaspina, 250, 254; Malaspina's plan of, 229; Occupied by Spaniards, 195, 216; Nootka Sound Controversy. Manning's views of, 215; caused by seizures at Nootka, 218, 239. Nootka Sound Convention, commis- t, 231; Molyneux, Emery. Globe of 1592, 83, 103, based on a Spanish map, 84. Molyneux map of 1600, 86. Mondofia, Esteban. In 1788, pilot on the Princesa, 202, reconnoiters, 203, acts as interpreter, 204, 214, journal in Archives in Seville, 205; 1789, on the Princesa, 216; 1790, with Fidalgo to Alaska, 220, having been transferred from the Princesa Real, 222. Montanus, Arnold. De Nieuwe . . . Weereld, 133. 1769, : r Har f, 250, 253; i reaches, 166, Latitude corrected, 167; Projected settlement at, 113, 114; Vizcaino's and Fr. Ascension's opinions of, 111, 113. Monterey, Conde de. On Strait of Anian, 111; instructions to Vizcaino, 112; .opinions on Manila-Acapulco navigation, 113, 114. Narvaez, Jose Maria. In 1788, pil. the San Carlos, 202, reconnt Montague Island, 203, his joum the W. A. Clark Jr. Library, 20! 1789, pilot of the San Carlos, proceeds to the Strait of Jua Fuca, and his report, 217, his 1791, c s Royal 1 n Bias, 217; National Bibliothek, Vienna. Agnese atlas in, 14; Gutierrez' map, 24; H, mem's atlas, 33. Navegacion Especulativa, of Cabrei Bueno, 164, 165, 166, 174. Navidad, Alvarado reaches, 40; Bolafios returns to, and Cabrill leaves, 41; Legas, s Phili) i Goos's type, 116, Nico Northeast America, on maps of: Andre and Lopo Homem, 49, Diego Homem, 50, Oliva, 39, Ortelius of 1564, 53, : in, 77; i for discovery of, 183, 191. e la California, edited by Bur- 4; carried by Portola, 164, by Noti § i Nueva California, by Palou. Accounts in: voyage of the San Antonio, 165, Crespfs voyage of the Santiago, 173, Quiros' exploration of San Francisco Bay, 180. Noticias de la Provincia de Califomias en tres cartas, by Fray Luis Sales, 218. Nouvelle Carte, Russian 1758 map, 157. reprinted by Jefferys, 183, used by Bodega, 191, 192. Nova [Nouvelle] Albion, Byron's in- ver, 246, 251; On maps of: Barrington, 179, French Drake map, 88, Guerard, 126, Hakluyt of 1587, 82, 86, Hondius, Amer- 1 " 'i, 87, and globe. Paba, Luis. 234. Pacific, width of, 70. Pacific Historical Review, translation of Suria's journal, o Mai. Pino, Miguel del. / in the Archivo de I Aud. de Guadalaxa 8, extracts from, 1 Pitt, Moses. Atlas, 1 rrotero of 1772, lias, Seville, Est. , Legajo 1, Doc. icio Liria, Madrid. Atlas in, 60. icios, Antonio. Pilot on the Prin :sa in 1788, 202, his diary in the iblioteca Nacional, Mexico, 205. icios, Geronimo Martin. Cosmog- d his fate, 112; 119, 1 i, Chan : de. Can Maps of: 1590, 97, list Chart 6; 1592, 86, 97, lisl Chart 6; 1594, 99, list Chart 6; 1607, 100; globes, 100; y Hondius, 100, 1 104, Plancius (248), 100, San son, Pantoja y Arriaga, Juan. In 1779, pilot Polo, Marco. Stories, 1, 5, 10, basis for 132. Princesa, 192, map of the ex- Strait of Anian, 53. Novates, Manuel. On the Descubi on, 196; Polyhistor, 9, 58. See Solinus. 226. 1782. Portlock, Nathaniel. Captain of the Novo y Colson, Pedro de. Viaje pol King George, 207, trouble with cienHfico, 228 1791, pilot of the San Carlos, and Meares, 211, his book and maps, 207, Nunez de Balboa, Vasco. 1. 213, his discoveries, 246; carries ma Nunez de Esquivel, Mariano. On the anc map. in the Bancroft Library, terials for a settlement, 251. Favorita, 192. Portola, Gaspar de. Governor of Cali Nuoua Albion, Porto di, Dudley's 1792, pilot of Caamafio, 233. fornia, 164, reaches San Diego, 166; 121, 122. ciia. Cap. on the Andre Ho- Expedition to Monterey, 166, 168-71. fails to recognize, 170, route of. Nuttall. Zelia. New Light on Dr map of 1559, 49, Gilbert's pro- 88. discovery by way of, 77. 168-69, described by Bolton, and Parama itiel, 49. returns to San Diego, 170. Parama itium, on the Homem 1568 map. Portuguese, alleged discoveries, 9, their 50. calculations of the distance to the Patera. Fr. Severe. President of the East, 10. Ogilby, John. America, 133. naries at Nootka, 216. Portuguese maps, peculiarities of, 34, Olavide, Martin de. On the Aire ida. Paula fiino, Francisco de. Chaplain 35, 81, 96, 97, 98, 99, usually end 226. of the at Cedros. 47, in the Ayer collection Olivas family. Maps of: 37, 39. Pederna les, Punta, origin and identi- and Huntington Library, 63. Olives, Bartolomeo. Map of 1561: 28, firatio n. 169. location, 182, 245, de- Portuguese System, 135. 37. script! on, 197. Possession taken by: Arteaga, of Puer Omitlan, on the Rio Trinidad, 15. Pefia, A eustin de la. Chaplain of the to de Santiago, 194, of Regla, 194, Onate, Juan de. Expedition, 116, re es the mouth of the Colorado R 145, 153. am in 1792, 234, of the Activa, 195, 215; Bodega, 176. 177, of Bu ver'. 237. Pefia S ravia, Fr. Tomas de la. Chap- careli Bay, 192; Caamafio, of Nepean Sound, 234; Cook, 185, at Kaye's Is Iain o n the Santiago, 172, account of land (?), 186; Cortes, 15; Drake, Orcasitas, new name for the Advent the vt yage. translated in Publications 251; Fidalgo, 220; fur traders, 251; 232. of th Historical Society of Southern Hezeta, 176; Malaspina, of Port Mul Orozco y Berra, Manuel. 11. Ortelius, Abraham. Atlases, 71; Califo Pefialos , Diego de. Information given grave, 227: Martinez, of Puerto de Flores, 203, 215, of Nootka, 217; Maps of: 1564, 9, 47, 77, 103] origi and description of. 53, 5, 58, sec tion of, Plate XI pli Chart 4, copied by M nines, 5? 76 1570, reduced from Me cator, b comes the Mercator , 70, 103; 1579, Hispania Nova, 15, 71; 1587, 97, first introdu Cabo Men docino, and Califon ia ninsula, 71; 1589, 71, 103; 1589, Maris Pacifici, 73, initiates new lin geography, 99, tren of coast, 111 copied by Hondius , 8" , 103, b Plancius, 97. Ortiz de Retes, Ifiigo. Dis New Guinea, 70. Ouest, Mer de I', Conjee sur r ei Ulence, 160; manufe e of, 15 160; on maps of: Bell 2, Mortie 160. Overton, John. With Lea p of Amei ica, 133, another 134. by, 136. Perez Hernandez, Juan Josef. Commander San Antonio, 164, reaches Monterey and departs, 167; 1774, voyage and log of Santiago, 172- 74, in Archivo General de la Na- cion. 173, few of his names have survived, 174; 1775, with Hezeta expedition, 175, account in Archivo General, 177. Petatlan, (Rio), one of Niza's names. , Jan , 158. author : of Wales, captain, James Col- Philippines, occupation of, 90; on maps ofi Hakluyt of 1587, 82, Ortelius, 73, Plancius, 98, Schoner globe, 5, Sgrooten, not on, 76, Vaz Dourado, 65, 70. Pineda, -Antonio. Naturalist Descubierta, 226. Pineda, Arcadio. On the Aire rince Willian i Sound, discovered by Cook and d San Carlos o hart of, 187; possession Spaniards in 1779, and rdered to examine, 215. 1782, Martin 1786, in Mor 1788, 202, c ga's vessel, 192; es£ flagship, 197; terey, 200; uncil on board, 203; i to San Bias, 219; 1792, at Neah Bay, 2 ., Gio. BatL NavigaUo a Real, formerly Princess Royal, ootka under Quimper and ex- s Strait of Juan de Fuca, 219. s Royal, captain, Charles Dun- othe •s, 16, 20, 23. >tolem 10; with and y, C. Erroneou naps, 9; Italian Gastaldi maps later, 28, 29. ed 26 alcula , 28; 1 1548| of 1561, >uget, Pug Yak Peter. Lieutena t Sound named foi from Shields, 5 tat Bay, 247; ass iint of voyage, 249 HL D ,240; editing 'ulnfo named after Pe Cabo, 15. er Puget, 240. Hondius maps, 126, Fuca story, 15S Purissima, Arroyo, 152. Purtof, George. Met by Puget, 246, a again in Port Mulgrave, 247. Quadra and Vancouver Island, nam by Vancouver, 232. Queen Charlotte, captain, George Dix. Quimper, Manuel. Comes from Spain, 219; commands Princesa Real, 220, explorations in the Strait, 221, 222, diary; published in Spanish Explorations with reproductions of maps, 222. iros, Pedro F caches coast Islands, 121, 126; «, 94. irnando Bernardo. , 192, diai 195. of, n of the myth, 45; On maps of: Dee, 78; Forlani, 28; Gilbert, 77; Hakluyt of 1587, 82; Heylin, 133; Lok, 80; Mercator, 45, 70; Molyneux globe, 84;* Nicolosi, Mexicum, 135; Plancius, 98; Ramusio, 46; Sanson, 132; Tatton (219), as a river, 85; Teixeira, 121; larch for, 135. Race, Cape, 70, 76, 82, 83,100,102,106. Rada, Fr. Martin de. Map, 92. Rainier, ML, possibly discovered by Quimper, 222, and named by Vancouver, 240. Remedios, probably a Cortes nam Remedios, Puerto de los, highest point reached by Bodega, 176, 199, plan of, Revillagigedo, Conde 251; s, 237. Rey Coromedo, 131. Reyes, PL, passed by Cabrillo, by Cermefio, 92, by Vizcaino, 11Z. Reyes (Los), Rio, a river supposed to have been discovered by Fonti 162; position changed by Delisl "Tap of 1529, 14, type, 61. and Rica de Plata, ima y islands, 85, on Sanchez chai iought by Vries, 138. diana, Biblioteca, Florence. A s in. 29. li, Gio. BatL His book, 134. an, John. Log of the Cook e Riezo, Joan, 39. I Olivi Atlas of 1580, ande (New Mexico), discc 30, course of, 116: on Nicolosi': 135, and CoroneUi's, 136. Rio Grande of Jalisco, possibly reached by Cortes' men, 13, named "Espiritu Santo" by Guzman, 15. Rios Coronel, Hernando de los. 1 111. , PL, c. oberts, Henry. M p of Cook northwest expedit on, 239. obredo, Jose. On odriguez Cabrillo, fuan. See C odriguez Cermefic ' SebaStkr Rossi, Giuseppe di. Issi maps, 131. Rouffaer, Dr. G. P. On th tugaise of Harrisse, 98. Royal Geographical Soci< Ruiz de Villegas, Pedro. Remarks Ruscelli, Giro'lamo. Translator of Ptolemy, 28, map in his edition, 65. Russians in Alaska. Contact with by: Cook, 188, Fidalgo, 220, 221, Mar- Enterprises there, 'l57; Information about, by La Perouse, to Santiago, 13, 14, to the Moluccas, 13. Saavedra y Giraldes, Ramon. In 1789, 1791, i Noo '.os, 223; 1793, in command at Nootka, 245; 1794, 248. Sacramento River, discovered, 179. Saints' names, on Plancius' maps, 98, 99, 108, on Hondius' globe, 108. St. Elias, ML, discovered by both Bering and Chirikof, 157, 192; seen by Cook, 186; sighted by Vancouver, 247. St. Helens, Mount, named by Vancouver, 242. SL Lazarus, Archipelago, one of Fonte alleged with a 158; i, 162. St. Paul, Bering's vessel, 156. St. Peter, Chirikofs vessel, 156. Sal, Hermenegildo. Commander of the San Francisco Presidio, 242. Salagua, Manzanillo Bay or in it, 13. Salamanca, Secundino. On the Descubierta, 226, second on the Sutil in 1792, 231. Sales, Fr. Luis. See Noticias de la Pro- vincia de Califomias . . . Saltonstall, W. 126. " "u Colonizes Cali- fon ! 146. San Agustin, loss of in Drake's Bay, 92, 111. San Andres, Ancon de, the mouth of the Colorado River, 23, misplaced, H San Antonio, sails from La Paz, 164, discovers Santa Cruz, 165, arrives at San Diego and departs for San Bias, 166, leaves San Bias, 167. San Bernardo, on Anson's map, 149. San Bias, position of, as basis for explorations, 12, 178, on Lopez de Haro's map, 205. San Carlos, sails from La Paz, 164; Vila's log of, 165; visits San Francisco Bay, 179. San Carlos (El Filipino), on the 1788 expedition, 202; 1789, to Nootka, 216; 1790, returns to San Bias, and again proceeds to Nootka under Fidalgo, • 219; expedition to Alaska, 220-21; 1791, dispatched to Nootka, and taken to the Strait- of Juan de Fuca by Eliza, 223. San Diego, Cabrillo's San Miguel 111; San Carlos and San Antonio 166; Vancouver at, 245. S. Felipe, the mountains south if La Paz, 16. S. Francesco, El nuovo Regno di, 16. San Francisco Bay, discovered, 166; England claims boundary near 251; First exploration of, 179, later 196; Maps of, 179, 180. 196, on Cost! 167; Martinez in, in 1782, 197; Vancouver in, 242, 243, 245. San Francisco, La Bahia de, r amed and described by Cermeno, 92; changed to Don Gaspar, 113; learch for, 166. San Gabriel. Ladrillero's ship, 41 San Gregorio, Laguna de. 152. San Joaquin River, discovered, 179. San Jose, determination of Ion ltude of, 153, 163. San Lorenzo, Perez' anchorage in 173, 186. San Lucas, Arellano's vessel, 90. Bias, 192; First on Mercator map, 70; Location of, 12, 73. 74; on Ho globe, 104: on Blaeu's 1605 109; by Malaspina, 229; by Van- ia, on Hondius globe, 108. Seven Cities, Cortes' claims Barbara, Martinez visits in 1782, Niza's alleged discovery of, Vancouver in 1793, 245. ture of Martines' maps, 59. Barbara Channel islands, de- Sgrooten, Christian. 76. ed by Pino, 165, by Costanso, Sharp, Bartholomew. 132. 170; on Storace's map, 166; na- Shields. Letter to Puget, 246. names of, 170. Shepherd, Henry. Captain Catalina Noriega, Fr. Matia. Venus, 242. plain of the Princesa, 192. Sierakowski. Reputed owner Cruz, Alonso de. Map of 1542, mem atlas, 33. Is of, 18, position of Mexico Sierra, Fr. Benito de la. CI on, 11: Islario General, 19. the Santiago, 175, his ace Cruz Island, discovery of, 165. lished, 177. H? sent Ma 3; Ulln 30, lo, named 8 Alvarado llasS o. Owi edro Possible SrFi Socfedi Haeu, 128; explanation of, 146. tad de Geografia, Mexico City. At- 205; 1790, accomi Alaska, 220. ierra, Fr. Junipero. ) Theate ,134; , Jori i 1605, 94. , 114, 145. i Santo', the "E^nri man, 55. ii, Jacob von. Map of, 183, used Bodega, 191. i Island, discovered by Vries, 138. Ace Letter 1 Influence of, 109; "Turk". His storie Maps of: 1600, 84, 90, 116, names on, 85; manuscript map (219), 85, 94; names on, 85; map dated 1616 Ugarte, P. Juan. 1 (218), 84, 86, 103. Ulloa, Francisco de Taraval, Sigismundo. Expedition of, 20, 21, discoverie 152-3; errors corrected by Burriel, by Gomara, 43; 155. Maps of: 21; hi Teixeira, Domingos. His map, 66. 36, 64, 81, on Teixeira, Joao. Maps of: 1630, 96, 121, 85. list of names, Chart 9, from Vizcaino Ulloa, Lope de. expedition, 113; 1649, 138. coast, 94. Teixeira, Pedro. Return voyage from Ulpius Globe, shov Philippines, 94, 139. Unamuno, Pedro Teleki, Graf Paul. On the Homem at 73, 91. las, 33, on the North Pacific, 138. Urdaneta, Fr. An Temistitan, for Mexico City, 9. and about, 78; Tepic, naval council at, 191. Pedro, and his Teron, Juan. Surgeon on the San Car los in 1791, 223. Tetutepe [Tututepec], 5. Vacapa, 16. Thevenot, Melchisedec. Relations, 138. Valdes, Cayetano. Index 269 San Pedro), 55. Vancouver, John. Completes Vancou- Vancouver Island, not circumnavigated by Gray, 217. Varnhagen, F. A. 60. ion of, 19, Vasquez, Joseph. Chart by, 148, list i, account of names, Chart 11. Vatican. Agnese's atlases in, 14; Oliva .8, 32, 35, atlas (?), No. 283, names on, 35, 37, ap (217), 38. Vaughan, Robert. Engraver, 126. n 1792 on the Mexicana t, 157, 214, Fidalgo at, 221. Vancouver, George. Appointed to c< :, on Mercator's map, 70, re- mand a northwest expedition, i 5d to the interior, 82, on Plancius Commissioner to carry out the Noo 3, 98. Convention, and instructions to, 2 on, Sieur. See Tralage. Correspondence with Bodega, 2, g. Captain of the Sea Otter, letter to Stephens, on Span geographers, 250; (Colorado River), on Tatton's Gives maps to Spanish author! , (219), 85, on Teixeira's, 121. and officers, 233; ilaced on Alzate's, 153. Life of, by George Godwin, 250; . Vicente. 225. Observations in general, 249, 5 s, Jose de. In 1782, pi- discussed by Humboldt, 253; Velas juez de Leon, Joaqu in de 163. Velho, Barto omeu. Map of: es on, 37, peculia 57. 33, j Are Vene for as, Alejo de. Difer s, 19. 5as, P. Miguel. Noli lia, 154. iadt $ de la Co Venu. , captain, Shepherd ver, 242. met by Va Vera Pedro de. Map of 132. ag a, Jose on the in, 216 In 1788, i San Carlos, 1791, secon ilot's 202; 1 pile appr in 17 t of S : of the Favorit 89, pilot of the Princesa, 216; tan Argonaut to San Bias, 217; Infort e of Disc itm eac, one of Niza'. names 16. teanch, Gastaldi name, 26, on or emada, Fr., Juan de. Monarchic ana. editions of: 615, not seen 4 unless by Guillaume Delisle, 160 ains account of t wd tion, 116; 1723, Herrera mai oduced in, 148, reprinted by Bur iel 155, 164. Bernardo de la. Discoveries of Spanish chart of 1802, 252; 237. 1792, off the mouth of the Columbit River, and, takes possession in Pos with him, 241; leaves Desolation Sound and reaches Queen Charlotte Strait, 242; reaches Nootka, 232, and sets up observatory there, 242: attempts to enter Columbia River, 242; his stay in San Francisco, 242-3; 793, probable movements, 237; reaches and leaves Nootka, 243, re- Torre do Tombo, Lisbon. Vaz Dour- turns to and leaves, 245; long ex- ado's atlas in, 60, 61. peditions, 243, 244; reaches San • Torres, Alonso de. Captain of the Francisco, and meets different re- TovrA^dondfr'Antonio. Second on n^'exploret'cook Inlet, and visits Villaverde, JosS Joaquin Chaplain the Atrevida, 226. Russians, 246; adopts some of *e San Carlos in 1791, 223. Tralage, Jean Nicolas du. Gives Coro- Fidalgo's and Cook's names, 221, Vingboons, Johannes. Map of Calif Verrazano Hieronyn o da. Map of 1529, Verrazano Mare de 7, 28, 78, 80. type, Pla e III, origin of, 7; adopted by, Agnese, 7, Dee, 78, Lok, Viage de Sutil y Mexicana, 229; In , 13, 16, 195, 212, 221, 252, 254; Atlas contains map publishe ^'bec ir years after Van- Dmes standard, 254. Viana, Fr rier. On the Descu- bierta, 226. ne of Ca: rillo's vessels, 41. Vignaud, Henri. A rticle on the Strait n, 57. Vila, Vice ate. Captain of die San Car los, 1ft 165, sends plan of San Die go, 166. n, 24, 34, 35, 40, rs, 65; alleged dis- )ourado's map, 62. Villamanr que, Ma ques de. Opposes voyages of explor ation, 91. Villasenor y Sanch de. Ma 3 of 1746 153. Tramezini, Michael. His map, 18, 79, 247; some general i 80. concludes exploratio Tremistitan, for Mexico City, 5. northwest coast ant Trinidad, Ulloa's ship, 20. Nootka, 248; visits Trinidad Bay, discovered, 175, plan of, leaves Nootka, and ar 177; Hezeta advises fortifying, 176. terey, 248; returns to Trinidad Head, probably Cabo Mendo- dies, 248, 249. .ia, 126. k of, 103, 153, observi I, 113, < , 250; map, 121, on Costanso map, 167, in Navegacion of Cabrera Bueno, 166; record, 111, Torquemada publishes account of, 116, 154. Volunteers of Catalonia, Company of, to Nootka, 219. Voorbeijtel-Cannenburg, Dr. W. 75. Vopell, Caspar. Peculiar Gulf of Cali fornia, 18. • " , Johan Engrat Spanish Southwest, quoted, 18, : Spanish Voyages, opinion of taldi's ideas, 57; quoted, 92, 11 Walbran, John T. British Colun Coast Names, 249. Waldseemiiller, Martin. Originates terly, Boit's log, 211. Wauwermans, H. E. 76. Wedgbrough, S. Plan, 206. Whidbey, Joseph. Master of the Wright, Edward. Moxon's edition of Certaine Errors in Navigation, 88, 133; possible author Edwards' map, 88; projection of, 100. orelle journal, 195; Nar Voyages, c ited, 20 on of the Ha Coast," 198; de Suri m-, IS Drake's Ar Id. quoted 71, 84 87 88; and Valdes', Exti a Sound, and Lynn Wiede r, Dr. F. C, On Plan ius an s, 97-10( Vingboo Quo ed, 109 Rep ram, 123 Blae i's Nova p of Spa Totius The ry abo It he Sch Willes, 2*1 sons, 90 f Eden Wit, I rederick 129, han de. Engrav of Jeso a, Ut Wolfe g Castle . H Woode n, Isaac Fell overboard, 24 World (The) F.nc Con by Vaughan 126. Wrigh , Benjai ingrave of: ( 83, 217), & , (2 18), 86. Zacatula, 5, founded, 13. Zaikof, Potap. Met by Martinez in 1788, 204, 214, gives him maps, 205. Zaltieri, Bolognino. Map of 1566, 39, 47, 77, list of names, Chart 4, description of, 55, reproduction of, Plate XII, 56; forms Gastaldi type No. 2, 58; basis of Martines maps, 59. rano, Nicolas. An Alarcon pilot, 30. s Salmt Cook's voyage, 189. Zipangri, for Japan, 9. Zipangu, 86. lot, 144. is Malaspina, 226; Inlet, 228. Account of
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Original Format: University of British Columbia. Library. Rare Books and Special Collections. GA401 .W3 1937
Northwest Coast of North America
North America--Maps
Early maps
The cartography of the northwest coast of America to the year 1800. In two volumes. Vol. I
Text